Lviv: A Multicultural History through the Centuries
Transcription
Lviv: A Multicultural History through the Centuries
The President and Fellows of Harvard College Lviv: A Multicultural History through the Centuries Author(s): YAROSLAV HRYTSAK Source: Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 24, LVIV: A CITY IN THE CROSSCURRENTS OF CULTURE (2000), pp. 47-73 Published by: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41036810 . Accessed: 15/09/2014 06:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute and The President and Fellows of Harvard College are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Harvard Ukrainian Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions theCenturies Lviv: A Multicultural Historythrough YAROSLAV HRYTSAK The history ofLviv maybe toldin manydifferent ways,andindeedhistorians distincthistoricalaccountsof the city have written of assortednationalities nationalperspectives.1 Thus,we haveUkrainian, accordingto theirrespective of Lviv' s and Jewish versions Polish,Soviet, past.2Non-SovietUkrainian historians have focusedon thecityas thecapitalof theGalician-Volhynian national inthethirteenth andfourteenth on theUkrainian centuries, principality as seventeenth centuries andinthenineteenth revivalsinthesixteenthcentury, in Western National established well as on theshort-lived Ukrainian Republic have devotedmostattention to the city's 1918.3 TheirSoviet counterparts bloom"undercommunist rule(1944-1991).4Polish alleged"periodofgreatest historians ofthecitypainttheimageofLvivas semper fidelis,onealwaysloyal to a Polishstatefrom1340 to 1772 and againfrom1919 to 1939.5In Jewish the designationof Lviv as the "motherof Israel" may be historiography, encountered.6 each of theseversionsof urban No matterhow detailedand well written, to a selectsor highlights history onlythosefactsandeventsthatbestconform the same events,such histories nationalparadigm.7Even whenpresenting differ Thus,the"national"accountsvaryin radicallyin theirinterpretations. theirdatingofthecity'sorigins,8 theintroduction ofMagdeburglaw,9andthe in Lviv.10 oftheuniversity foundation some of themorerecenthistoriesof thecityhave triedto Nevertheless, have increased crossnationalboundaries, and,in fact,such "transgressions" It seemslikelythata newmulticultural sincethefallofcommunism.11 history of Lviv mayemergefromthesebordercrossingsand supersedetheprevious definednarratives. However,at presenteventhegeneraloutlinesof nationally are sucha synthetic approach unclear,forfartoo muchresearchremainsto be done.12Thus,thisessay pursuesonlythe moremodestaim of compilinga urbanhistory basedin largeparton recently multicultural publishedresearch. discoveriespresented in thatresearchpertainsto One of themoststriking thecitywas thought theearliesthistoryof Lviv. Traditionally, to have been foundedby the Galician princeDanylo Romanovych (1202-1264) several intheGalician-Volhynian mention Chronicle(whichdates yearsbeforeitsfirst to 1256 or, accordingto anotherinterpretation, 1259) and was namedafter 13 Danylo's son Lev (1228-1300). Some historiansdoubtedthis story,and believedthatthecitywas foundedseveraldecadesearlier,sometime attheturn HarvardUkrainian StudiesXXIV (1/4)2000: 47-73 This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 48 HRYTSAK of the thirteenth century.However,in 1992 archeologicalexcavationsreand thatthecity'ssitehad been vealed thatLviv has a mucholderhistory, since the end of the fifthcentury. This would make inhabited continuously Lviv one of theoldestsettlements in East CentralEurope.14Similarsettlements,such as thelargestknownone northof Lviv at Zymnoin Volhynia, neverevolvedintourbancenters, whileotherswhichdid,suchas neighboring Chelm or became capitalsof earlymedieval (Kholm), Volodymyr, Halych, statesonlyto fall intodecline.In contrast, the settlement thatevolvedinto Lviv continued to grow. A combination of factorscontributed to thissteadygrowth.Firstand foremostamongthemwas thecity'sadvantageous locationon thedividebetween theBalticand Black Sea basins.In medievaltimesthetraderouteconnecting thoseseas passed throughLviv, whichdevelopedas a markettownwhere merchants stoppedto sell goods fromtheNear East and fromtheBalticand a Catalonianmap of theworld NorthSeas. Alreadyin thefourteenth century come to thiscity,arriving fromtheeast displayedLviv and read:"Merchants andleavingvia theGerman[Baltic]sea toFlanders."15 Situatedalongtheeastwesttraderoute,whichFerdinand Braudeldescribedas "an essentialhingeon Lviv flourished. whichtheEuropeancomplexturned,"16 was boundto emergeon thecrossThus,somekindof a largersettlement sectionofthenorth-south andwest-easttraderoutes.The identity ofthistrade center'searliestinhabitants remainsunclear."Croats"or "WhiteCroats"had in whichitlies betweenthefifth andthetenthcenturies. inhabited theterritory One schoolofthought considerstheseas a nomadicIrano-Alanictribethatwas Slavs. Accordingto anotherinterpretation, graduallyabsorbedby sedentary formed a unified Slavic communitythatlater evolved into eastern they laterUkrainian)and western(Polish)branches.Polishand Ukrai(Ruthenian, therewas a clear-cut ethnicborder nianhistorians disputetheissueofwhether and debate the matterof betweentheirancestorsin the two communities becausethereis Neitherside,however,maybe correct, regionalboundaries.17 no specialreasonto believethatat thattimeethnicand culturalborderscoinsometime betweentheyears950 and cidedwithpoliticalones.Mostprobably, of Galicia became an easternfrontierland of the Great 970 the territory Moraviankingdom.Whatis morecertain,however,is thatin 981 thearea of Lviv layon thewestern borderlands ofKyivanRus'.18 was broken in 1199,whenGalicia becamethe This "borderlands" pattern whichat theheightof itspower core of theGalician-Volhynian principality, of state.This came aboutbecause the former the Rus' controlled capital Kyiv, in themiddleof the of theMongol invasionsof the KyivanRus' territories and northward which a mass westward thirteenth provoked migration century, intoGalicia.The refugeesfromtheinvadingMongolsprovidedan economic of thearea. At thistime,Lviv was and politicalstimulusforthedevelopment foundedin directresponseto theMongolcaptureand destruction of theold Galiciancapitalof Halych.Most likely,Lviv was firstestablishedas a new This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 49 and thengranteda specificjuridicalurban quarterof a previoussettlement status.19 Circa 1270thecitybecamethecapitaloftheGalician-Volhynian principalityandremainedso untilthatstate'sdemiseinthe1340s.Thus,almostfromits centerofa bothas an administrative functioned thesettlement verybeginnings of whichextendedinto stateand a tradecenter,thecommercialconnections of documents Asia Minor,theVolga region,Crimea,andMoldova.Armenian blessed and "the most in as Lviv this describe thefourteenth period century protectedby God" and "the most dignifiedmotherof cities [metropolia], ofcitiesthatbelong blessedcapitalprotected byGod, andthegloriousmother Rutheniancities" to Christiankings."20On the"List of nearestand farthest thecityborethesobricentury, compiledby thesecondhalfof thefourteenth quet"GreatLviv."21 fromthe character Thereis no doubtthatthistrading cityhad a multiethnic as, mostprobably, Ruthenians, DanyloandLev wereOrthodox verybeginning. of thecity'spopulation.On theotherhand,theprincipality werethemajority contactswiththeCatholicworldthrough hadintensive dynasticintermarriages andAustrian withPolish,Hungarian, royalhouses,earlyGermancolonization, and special relationswithRome. Beside Catholicsand Orthodox,various fundamental Easternpeoples residedin thecity.The royalchartergranting ofLviv ethnic a clue to the in the 1356 to composition provides city privileges at thattime.It mentions, Tatars,Jews,and,rather amongothers,Armenians, "Saracens,"22whomhistorianshave variouslyidentifiedas enigmatically, Karaim,Turks,Arabs,orevenGenoese.23 AfterthelastGalicianprincedied withoutan heirin 1324 and a sixteenyear periodof interimrule,Polish, Hungarian,and Lithuaniankings and in theyears1340-1387. The princescontendedforthecityand principality PolishkingCasimirIII laid siegetothecitywithhisPolishandGermantroops and capturedit in 1340. In 1356 Casimirintroduced (or, as some historians intothecityaccordingto a municipalgovernment would say,reintroduced) thepremisesoftheMagdeburglaw.24The cityexpandedanditscentershifted rule to the southwest.In 1380, duringtheperiodof joint Polish-Hungarian a law that Poi I Louis Ludwik)implemented (Hun.Lajos, (1370-1387),King fortified which commercial certain the rights("prawoskladu") granted city that Lviv's positionas an important tradingcenter,becausethelaw stipulated fourteen for there to were the all merchants obliged stop passingthrough city daysand offertheirgoodsforsale.25ThisprivilegeenrichedLviv merchants, whocouldnowvirtually monopolizethetradecomingfromtheOrientintothe Polishkingdom.Lviv was finallyannexedby Poland in 1387 and later(ca. 1435) became the capital of the "Ruthenianvoivodeship"(Województwo Ruskie). UnderPolishrule(1387-1772) thecityalso servedas a military stronghold untilit was sacked fortress" of an "unconquerable thatenjoyedthereputation Thisperiodofthe oftheeighteenth century. bySwedishtroopsatthebeginning This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 50 HRYTSAK city'shistorywas markedby a sequenceof calamities,includingepidemics, foreign sieges,riots,andfires.The woodenbuildingsofthecityweredestroyed in a conflagration in 1527;thereafter, thecitywas rebuiltin stone. as a safe and tradehavenLviv Nevertheless, comparatively administrative attracted a diversepopulation.Fromrecordswe knowthattheapproximately one thirdof thecity'sresidents who weregrantedcitizenship rightsfromthe fifteenth tothefirst halfoftheseventeenth were merchants andartisans century in eastwest commerce.26 About 40 of the directly engaged percent immigrants came to thecityfromPolishand Germanlands.27Polishkingsalso promoted the settlement of Germansand Jewsin Lviv. Armenians, Scots,Romanians The ("Wallachians"),Hungarians,Greeks,and Czechs also settledthere.28 flowof immigration intothecitycame mainlyfromthewestvia thecitiesof Cracow and Przemysl(Peremyshl),and fromLviv newcomersfannedout further totheeast.Areaswhichwereon theperiphery, of especiallytothenorth thecontinental traderoute,wereforcedto use morelocal humanresourcesfor theireconomies.29 About20-25 percentofLviv's population derivedfromthe local (ethnically ofthePolishcrown.30 Ruthenian) voivodeships This mixedurbanpopulationgenerallyincreasedthroughout medievaland livedin Lvivduringthe earlymoderntimes.Two to threethousandinhabitants existenceoftheGalician-Volhynian The population roseto about principality. 5,500 by thebeginningof thefifteenth centuryand to 8,000 by end of that The mostdramaticincreasein populationcoincidedwithan increase century. in tradeat theendofthefourteenth andduringthefirsthalfoftheseventeenth centuries. The city'spopulation morethandoubledfromapproximately 12,000 between1572and 1591to 29,000between1592 and 1620.Nonetheless, comwith other in Lviv more western cities that repared Europeduring period, mainedonlya middle-size Its followed a of city.31 development generalpattern in Easternand CentralEurope,wherecitieshad smallerpopulaurbanization tionsthantheircounterparts further west.32 Whatdistinguished Lviv fromothercitieswas thestarkly multiethnic characterofitspopulation. the second of the sixteenth the ethnic By quarter century compositionof its populationwas dividedas follows:Poles (38 percent), Ruthenians (24 percent),Germans(8 percent),Jews(8 percent),and Armenians(7 percent).No othercityintheRzeczpospolita Com(Polish-Lithuanian in or all of could claim five ethnic monwealth, 1569-1772), perhaps Europe, over 5 percent of thepopulation.33 In its religious groupseach comprising the exhibited a similar ArmeCatholics,Orthodox, composition city diversity. nian Christians,and Jews lived in Lviv. The GermanmerchantMartin a seventeenth-century chronicler of thecity,vividlydescribesthis Grüneweg, diversity: In thiscity,as in Venice,itbecamequiteusualto meetpeopleat themarket fromall countriesof the worldin theirdress:Magyarsin theirmagerkas, Cossacksin theirkuchmas, Muscovitesin whitehats,Turksin whiteturbans. This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 51 andSpaniards wear whileGermans, Allofthemareinlongclothes, Italians, own Eachofthem, whatever short clothes. language they speak,willfindtheir thesea.Still, milesawayfrom here.Thecityis morethana hundred language as sailors, dressed whenyousee... crowdsofCretans, Turks, Italians, you thecitygate.34 wouldberight behind thata seaport havea feeling lentLviv a greatculturaldiversity. The mixof nationalities However,one has to keep in mindthatmedievalnotionsof "culture"and "nation"differed significantlyfrom a modern understandingof these terms. Medieval The citywas bothan interhad an explicitsocial dimension. multiculturalism - nobiliary, of medieval culture the three a for and layers mediary meltingpot in terms ofmaterial was different not Each of them and only burgher, peasant. and in of but also terms values,consciousness, lifestyles.35 culture, of Polishkingsover The old Ruthenian nobilityreactedto thesuzerainty This a specific to Polish culture. Ruthenian landsby assimilating engendered Poles by and typeof genteRutheninationePoloni (Rutheniansby origin "nationof a multiethnic withethnicPolishnoblesformed nation),whotogether gentry"(szlachta).The szlachta,thoughPolishin culture,was initiallyconbased It was a community ceivedas a politicalandnotan ethniccommunity.36 Polishor on a shared"Sarmatian" mythof commonOrientalorigins.Whether as ancesandScythians thenoblesclaimedthe"RoyalSarmatians" Ruthenian, tors,who,in turn,were said to descenddirectlyfromtheBiblical Adam.37 thesenobleswiththeirlandedestatesdominated Untiltheeighteenth century, Their"Sarmatian" noreconomically.38 neither however, influences, politically as is evidentin thewritings madea deep impacton thecultureoftheburgher, of poetssuchas SebastianKlonowicz(SebastianusFabianusAcernus,15451602) and JanTurobiñski(Ioannes TurobinesRuthenus,1511-1575), who wrotein oraboutLviv.39 The distinctrural culture surroundingLviv provided a facet of its For centuriesLviv remainedan islandin a huge multicultural composition. of thosegaininga ruralsea of peasants,whocomprisedonlya smallminority centuries and sixteenth the fifteenth in the status (ca. 15-20 cityduring legal the of In all however, percentage peasantsresidingin the probability, percent). if those livingthereillegally.40 one counted have been would higher city lower social stratain thecity,but the local these peasantsoccupied Generally, and an Orthodoxpresencein Lviv. influxsustaineda Ruthenian theirconstant "Therewere not thatmanyRuthenians[in Lviv]; still,therewas too much is how the Polish historianWladyslawLoziñskiironically Ruthenianness," thissituation.41 summarized and dominated controlledthemunicipaladministration Catholicburghers thepoliticalandculturallandscapeofthecity,fortheyweretheonlyresidents underMagdeburglaw. In themedieval accordedthefullrightsof citizenship and early modernperiod,Catholicsmade up about 50 percentof Lviv's population.Perhapsno othercityof theRzeczpospolitahad sucha dispropor- This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 52 HRYTSAK tionaterepresentation of Catholicsin comparisonwiththeirnumbersin the countryside.42 The ethniccomposition of thisdominant Catholiccommunity changedsigover the centuries. Lviv's first chronicler,Józef Bartolemej nificantly Zimorowicz(1597-1677),dividedthepost-"Ruthenian" ofthecityinto history two periods:"Leopolis Germanica"(GermanLviv) and "Leopolis Polonica" Untilthisdate German (Polish Lviv), proposing1550 as the watershed.43 influencewas predominant. The majority of theburghers wereGerman,and Germanwas the only languageof administration. a Still, lack of religious, later barriers on, language (withthe spreadof officialLatin juridical,and, insteadof Germanand Polish as thelinguafranca)facilitated intermarriage withintheCatholiccommunity andled to a gradualassimilation ofGermansto Polishculture.44 WhiletheCatholiccommunity becameincreasingly polonized,theOrthodox Greeks,Wallachians,Serbs, and Moldovans assimilatedto the local Ruthenianculture.In contrast, the Armeniansremainedethnicallyhomogtheirdistinctiveness theirseparateChristiandeenous,maintaining through nomination. in themselves, fortheywere Still,theywerea diversecommunity dividedbylanguageandbyorigins.A largergroupofArmenians hadcometo Lviv fromCrimeaand spoketheKipchak(Tatar)language;a smallergroup had emigratedfromWallachiaand knewonlyArmenian.In the contextof medievalsociety,theArmenians composedtheurbanmiddleclass,andbythe end of thesixteenth the number of Armenianmerchants exceededthe century number ofPolishandRuthenian in thecity.45 merchants Yet theArmenians, liketheRuthenians, wereconsideredsecond-classcitizens(incolae).Suchdiscrimination non-Catholic Christians was a local against uncommon in a Polish state known for its tolerance. In peculiarity religious othercitiessuchas theneighboring non-Catholic Christians Przemysl, enjoyed equal rightswithCatholics.However,thisperiodof religioustolerancein the wouldcometoan endinthelatesixteenth Atthattime, Rzeczpospolita century. a revolutionary Protestantism and therestorative CatholicCounter-Reformationchallengedthe Orthodoxand ArmenianChurches.Compromising with Churchhierarchies founded Rome,a partofthelocal OrthodoxandArmenian the Uniate (latercalled GreekCatholic)Church(1596) and the Armenian CatholicChurch(1635), whichrecognizedthe authority of the pope while their rites.46 This the to a more intensive Polishassimipreserving opened way lationof the two groups.Because of theirsmallernumbersthe Armenians assimilated morequickly.47 On thethreshold of moderntimes,Catholicismseemedto have won the battleforhegemony withinthecity.Yet laterOrthodox culturalrevivalswould the of this situation. The end of the sixteenth andthebeginning expose fragility of theseventeenth centuriessaw theestablishment of an Orthodoxconfrater- theDormition - in Lviv,withitsown schooland printing Brotherhood nity house.Lvivbecamea majorintellectual centerforOrthodox Ruthenians(later This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 53 Ukrainiansand Belarusians)in theRzeczpospolita.Somewhatparadoxically, of theOrthodoxresurgence theefficiency dependedon culturalborrowings fromtheirrivals. The confraternity methods, adoptedJesuitinstructional Catholicscholarship, and belles-lettres.48 GiventhisOrthodoxrevival,it is IvanFedorov,whofled perhapsnocoincidencethattheMuscovitebookprinter hisbackwardhomelandwheretheprinter's craftwas considereda "blackart," foundshelterundertheauspicesof theLviv confraternity in 1572,wherehis skillsprovideda weaponto counterCatholicpropaganda.Afteranothercenturyof bitterrivalrybetweentheCatholicand OrthodoxChurchestheresistanceof thelatterwas finallybroken,and theUniateChurchconsolidatedits positionin Lviv andGalicia. thatchallengedthe Jewscomposedanotherlargeunassimilated community in thecity.Besides thePoles, theyweretheonlyother Catholicdomination groupin the citywhose populationincreasedsteadily.By the end of the in Lviv. bothRuthenians andArmenians sixteenth Jewsoutnumbered century, ancientculturaltraditions, As a diasporagroupwithdistinct, theyweresegregatedsociallyandexcludedfromthepolity.In thissensetheJews,whocame fromboththeEast andtheWest,wereverysimilarto theArmenians. Though theJewsdid notenjoyburgher rightsin Lviv, thekinggrantedthemspecial of theroyal As his subjects,theystoodunderthedirectjurisdiction privileges. Lviv of elders. The Jews of and a council Jewish engagedin trade, governor but theJewishpopuand other financial activities; handicrafts, moneylending, lationalso compriseda largegroupof laborers,who had no specificoccupatheeconomicactivitiesof theJews,Lviv's restricted tion.Thoughregulations thecity.AtbesttheChristians oftencomplainedthattheycontrolled Christians theJews;at worstJewsbecamevictimsof numerous tolerated pogromsinstithe Christians.49 gatedby Lviv had becomea majorcenterof century, By theend of the sixteenth and Armenian cultures,the influencesof which Jewish, Polish,Ruthenian, in all of Easternand CentralEuropebybooksprinted werespreadthroughout urban thecityand by thosewho had studiedin its schools.This flourishing culturecame to an end by the middleof the seventeenth centuryas Lviv's of the this decline: a reorientation factors led to declined. Several prosperity toward overseas trade from continental commerce whole European routes, of the secondhalfof the seventeenth centuryand the catastrophes military and an increasein the influenceof the Polish beginningof the eighteenth, nobility. Miserableconditions by the prevailedin Lviv at thetimeof itsannexation of Austrian officials and travelin 1772. The first accounts Austrian monarchy ofthestreets andthat theextremely ersvisiting thecityreported poorcondition in When the either ruins or uninhabited. houses were Habsburgemperor many coachbecametrappedin mudin a JosephII firstvisitedLviv andhissix-horse hadto thissenta clearmessagethatsomething centralbutimpassablestreet,50 thecity'sconditions. be donein termsofimproving This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 54 HRYTSAK Lviv became the capital of Galicia - the largest of the Austrian - whichincludedthe formerRuthenianand Belz voivodeships crownlands withtheiroverwhelming Ruthenian thecrownland was populations. Officially, calledtheKingdomof Galicia and Lodomeria,a namethatharkedbackto the medievalGalician-Volhynian (RegnumGaliciae et Lodomeriae). principality Yet if the name evoked a past era, the Austrianadministration aimed to modernizetheregionand thenew crownlandcapital.Lviv had lostits tradias a tradecentertoBrody,whichstoodclose totheAustriantionalimportance and tothecityofPrzemysl. Russianborder, itsroleas themaineasternfortress werepulleddown Thus,between1777 and 1825,all of Lviv's fortifications andboulevardstooktheirplace.Thoughsucha pattern ofurbanreconstruction in theexpandedempire,in Lviv it was a hallmark of Habsburgadministration tookplacemuchearliereventhaninVienna( 1857) orinPrague( 1870).51Only afterthebuildingofrailwayconnections betweenViennaandRussianseaports inthe1860swas thecityable toreemerge as an important center.These trading led to an increasein thecity'spopulation:from29,500in 1776 developments to 212,000in 1913.52 ComparedwithotherEuropeancities in the nineteenth century,Lviv's was impressive butnotextraordinary. Lviv did notbelongto the development listofthe"topforty" Europeancities,butwas certainly amongthe"topforty" citiesin theeast-central of the continent.53 Other cities in theregionhad part much more dramatic the end of thecentury;54 experienced development by however,Lviv stoodapartdue to a specificeconomicconjuncture. Exceptfor theestablishment oflocal oil production, industrialization leftAustrian Galicia untouched. It remained of one the and most largely poorest populatedagriculturalregionsin all of Europe.This backwardness became apparentin two industrial exhibitions held in Lviv, in 1877 and in 1894.55Still,thelack of industrialization offeredadvantages.The citywas sparedtheexcessivepressureson urbanservicesand resourcesthatwerecommonto othercitiesthat of maximumuse of experienced large-scalemigration. Judging by thecriteria infrastructure for the needs of life and the city everyday supportof urban the turn of the Lviv had become a modern culture, by century cityand one of thefewmoderncitieswithintheterritories oftheformer Rzeczpospolita.56 Lviv oweditsspectacular to itsroleas thecapitalofGalicia.57After growth the1860s,whenGalicia gainedautonomy, thecenterof administrative power shifted fromViennatoLviv.Thisresultedin a concentration ofadministrative, in thecity,one whichdistineconomic,educational,and culturalinstitutions it from the other Galician Cracow, guished major city.58 Throughitsstatusas a crownlandcapital,Lviv garneredlargestateinvestments, and theréintroductionof self-government in 1870 allowed the municipality to channelthose investments intothedevelopment ofurbaninfrastructure. Austrian rulethusintroduced a peculiarkindofmodernization, the whereby main agentof changewas not industry or privatecapital,but the state.59 ofthenineteenth officialscomAlreadyat thebeginning century, government This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 55 prisedone of the largestsocial groupsin the city.60This "modernization Lviv in itsownway,makingdeep inroads bureaucratization" affected through a typeof nationalismthrough intoGalician societyand even engendering II is sometimes evencreditedforcreatbureaucratic practice.EmperorJoseph his enlightin the nations themselves the HabsburgEmpirethrough ing very In thespecificmultiethnic milieuof Galicia,one nationalism enedreforms.61 another.The firstbureaucrats, mostlyGermansor inspiredand reinforced of the Czechsfromthecorelands empire,chargedPolishnobility germanized forthedrasticdeclineoftheregionandconsidered witha directresponsibility beastsintohumanbeings."62Initially, ittheirmission"toreeducateSarmatian and theHabsburgbureaucrats occupiedmostpositionsinthelocal government, In 1825,Germanwas as governor. until1849no nativeGalicianwas appointed and also insteadof Latinas theofficiallanguageof administration introduced at Lviv University. as thelanguageof instruction By the 1830s,fora German travelerLviv had a totallyGermanappearance,and lookedlike Magdeburg, stemmednotonlyfrom Its "Germanness" or Frankfurt-am-Main. Nuremberg, theMagdeburgplanningof theold city,butfroma feelingof beingprotected froman emphasison order,and lastbutnotleast,from by a just government, the"Germanic"coffee-houses.63 fromthePolishelite.By ofthecityprovokedresistance The germanization culturehad dividedinto the urban themiddleof thenineteenth century, high and the of Schiller" the twoantagonistic "partyofMickiewicz." camps, "party called the The centerof the Polish activitieswas a culturalinstitution of theAustriangovernOssolineum,foundedin 1815 in Lviv by permission thathad ment.Polishculturalactivismwas onlypartofa growingnationalism a clear political aim in the restorationof the Rzeczpospolitawithinits former("historical")borders.At times of Habsburg weakness- during Napoleon's offensivein 1809 and therevolutionof 1848- Polish nationalists attemptedto wrestcontrolof the city. Their failurefinallyforced themto compromisewiththeHabsburgs.For itspart,theAustriangovernmentwas forcedto come to termswiththePolish elite in the 1860s, after being weakenedby a series of militarydefeatsand by tensionsand strife withinthemultinational empire.Withthegrantingof autonomyto Galicia the in the 1860s, polonizationof thecrownlandbecamethesine qua nonof coexistence.64 Austrian-Polish further As in thelate medievalera,by thelast quarterof thenineteenth century German"Lemberg"had becomePolish"Lwow" again.The Polishacculturationof AustrianGermanofficialscouldbestbe illustrated bythefactthatthe last mayorappointedby Vienna,Franz Kröbl,asked to be buriedwearing Polish kontusz(i.e., "Sarmatian")dress.65Less hamperedby politicalconthespecialroleofa "national thePolishelitesaw Galicia as fulfilling straints, as a corefora rebornPolish which would serve the Piedmont," i.e., territory state.Lviv was to serveas a centerof nationalrevivalforall the areas of itselfon of thecitymanifested Poland.This Polishunderstanding partitioned This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 56 HRYTSAK to of Poles in thelocal administration different levels,fromthepredominance ofstreets afterpersonages, therenaming events,andplacesin Polishhistory. of the citywas a directresultof Polish political The "re-polonization" dominanceduringthe periodof autonomy.However,otherfactorswere at andrevoluhad ratherstrongdemocratic work.Firstof all, Polishnationalism non-Poles. The for it which made veryappealing many tionaryconnotations, in theareasofeducation, Poles dominated better educatedandmorenumerous and in a citythathad an impoverished and representation culturalproduction, one. and a small Jewish elite tinyRuthenian ofHabsburgruleinLviv,theimperialgovernYet fromtheverybeginning mentcarriedoutpoliciesthatputan endto themostextremereligious,ethnic, and social discriminationtoward Rutheniansand Jews in the former and Jewsreciprocated BothRuthenians loyalty by expressing Rzeczpospolita. to theHabsburgrulers.In thecase of theJews,access to educationled to a oftheirelites.From1815to 1840,Lvivbecameone ofthemost germanization thatclaimed,among centersofHaskalah(theJewishEnlightenment) important of otherthings,thatJewswere a partof the Germannation.Introduction A new Galician autonomyled to a new crisis in the Jewishcommunity. insistedthatGalicianJews of "progressive" Jewishintellectuals generation rose in Polish sentiments becomemembersof thePolishnation.Antisemitic to assimilateto Polishculture.By theturnof the societyas Jewsattempted hadbegunto lose theirmoredemoPolishnationalstrivings twentieth century, anddevolveintoa xenophobicnationalism. craticimplications Rejectedbythe turnedto Zionismand theconPoles,someof theyoungJewishintellectuals Jewishnation.By theend of thenineteenth century cept of an independent ofZionistorganizations.66 Lviv hadbecomeone ofthefirststrongholds culunderAustrianruleevincedshifting Not unliketheJews,Ruthenians The earlyphaseof theirnationalrevivalfrom turaland nationalorientations. 1810 to the1840stookitscue fromGermanand Polishexamples.Duringthe receivedsupportfromthecentral 1848 Revolutiontheirnationalaspirations saw in them the meansto counterPolishstrivings which Austrian government, for independence.From 1848 until the demise of the AustrianEmpire, Rutheniansstrove to divide Galicia into western(Polish) and eastern withLviv as thecapitalofthelatter.67 (Ruthenian) provinces, the Even thoughunitedin theirresentments againstPolish domination, In matter of their national orientations. was on the Ruthenian disunited camp theirethnicidenandprogressing theage of modernnationalism assimilation, Theywerelookingfora solutionthatwouldelevatetheir titywas threatened. withina largernation.Starting smallethnicgroupto thestatusof membership intoproelitewas fragmented from1848anduntilWorldWarI, theRuthenian orientations.68 andpro-Ukrainian Russian,pro-Polish, leadersofthe wonoutwhen,owingtorepression, The Ukrainian orientation in theRussianEmpiremovedthecenteroftheir Ukrainian nationalmovement Lviv andassignedtoGaliciatheroleof fromRussianKyivto Austrian activity This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 57 a "Ukrainian Piedmont." Ukrainian activitywas concentratedin the finanScientific Shevchenko Society,foundedinLviv in 1873withsubstantial in theRussianEmpire.The famousUkrainian cial assistancefromUkrainians fromKyiv headedthis historianand politicalleaderMykhailoHrushevsltyi this 1897 and 1913. between During periodintheGaliciancapital, organization themodernUkrainianliterary languagewas codifiedand a new nationalverLviv experiencedthe foundingof the first was elaborated. sion of history ofpoliticalindependence Ukrainian politicalpartiesandtheinitialpropagation and Lviv In thisperiod,Ruthenians forUkraine.69 finallybecameUkrainians, becameone of themostUkrainiancitiesin termsof bothpoliticalinfluences andcultural production. ruleinLviv fullyrevealedtheambiguouscharacThe lastyearsofAustrian terof theHabsburgheritagein thecity.On theone hand,each ethnicgroup in andliberalpracticesthatstillhada positiveinfluence inherited constitutional On theotherhand,thelegacywas marredby theirpoliticalorganizations.70 This acutenationaltensionsthatcarriedtheseeds of futureviolentconflicts. as the mostofthetwentieth secondtendency century, throughout predominated nationalconflictin Galicia led to ethniccleansings violentPolish-Ukrainian world wars.Thoughthepoliticalleadersfromthetwo both and after during rivalcampsdeservecreditforbanningthemostviolentformsof theirconflict of becomingwhatSarajevowas in fromLviv,71thatcityhad all thepotential theearly1990s. resultednot The large-scaleloss oflifein Lviv duringthetwentieth century over to assert their control butfromwarring fromethnicconflict powerstrying associated turmoil EastCentralEurope.Lvivenduredthepoliticalandmilitary From1914to 1991politicalcontrolofthe withtheworldwarsandtheireffects. of World a short times. For seven periodat theverybeginning citychanged War I (September1914 to June1915) Russiantroopsoccupiedthecityand At theend of WorldWar I, in November administration. installeda military the Lviv was 1918, proclaimed capital of the WesternUkrainianNational in January1919 withtheUkrainianNaunification which declared Republic, and unitedUkrainian tionalRepublicin Kyivto becomethefirstindependent had a rathersymbolicmeaning,forby themiddleof state.The proclamation inthe theUkrainians 1919thePoleshadtakencontrolofGaliciaafterdefeating as Lviv came to serve War.UnderthePolishinterwar Polish-Ukrainian regime After name its thecapitalof a voivodeship Lwowskie). (Województwo bearing thefallof Poland,theSovietsoccupiedLviv fromSeptember1939 untilJune 1941. The GermanNazi occupation,whenduringthe 1941-1944interim peas a separateDistrikt riodGalicia was includedin theGeneralgouvernement Lviv was relegatedto thestatusof a provincial Galizien,proveddevastating. the Distrikt while became Cracow bytheRed capital.Afterbeingretaken city, the the Soviet Union. was annexed in Galicia Throughout by again Army 1944, wholeSovietperiodas well as afterthebreak-upoftheUSSR, Lviv servedas centerof the Lviv Oblast,firstin the UkrainianSoviet the administrative This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 58 HRYTSAK SocialistRepublic(UkrainianSSR), and then,after1991,in an independent Ukraine. eventsof the twentieth Lviv continuedto Despite the turbulent century, in much as it had the nineteenth its grow century, doubling populationevery 40-50 years.Althoughtwocaesurasinterrupted thistrendowingto theworld the recovered 1921 the ofLvivhadexceeded wars, city quickly.By population thatof 1910 and by 1955 thatof 1943. In 1990 it reacheditshighestpointof 790,000,makingLviv thesixteenth largestcityin East CentralEurope.72Part of thecity'scontinuedgrowthin the firsthalfof thetwentieth centurydetheneighpendedon itsexpansionintoa "GreaterLviv,"whichincorporated boringvillages.This idea had alreadybeen suggestedduringthe Habsburg butwas onlyrealizedin 1930,whenthecitydoubleditsterritory from period,73 32.40 square kilometersto 66.68 square kilometers.74 The incorporation gainedthesupportof thePolishelite,whichworriedaboutthedeclinein the city'sprestigeduringtheinterwar periodand whosoughtto counterthistrend to revivetheformer by instituting specialprograms capitalstatusof thecity and its political,economic,and culturalimportancein a rebornPoland.75 Thoseplansfailedlargelydue to suchcontingent factorsas theGreatDepression of 1929-1933, althougha more specificreasoncan be foundin the of themostqualifiedPolishand Jewishprofessionals to othercities departure of Poland,wheretheyfoundbettercareeropportunities. A simultaneous emiofUkrainians tookplace,directed toPrague,Berlin,ortotheUkrainian gration ukrainianization of the 1920s offeredtheman SSR, wherethe short-lived to make full use of their The Ukrainians andJews opportunity qualifications.76 weredrivenaway by theextremely nationalistic of the new Polish policies whichfoundtheirmostsevereapplicationin theeasternprovinces.78 state,77 interwar statistics revealthattheassimilation of Jewsand GerNonetheless, mansinLviv progressed on a largerscale thaninCracow,notto mention Lodz orWarsaw.79 Suchpolonization oftenborea superficial character anddid notlead to any decreaseof nationaltensions.80 The social and culturaldisenfranchisement in thePolishstatehelpedspawnextreme experienced byJewsand Ukrainians movements influenced communist and nationalistideologies.81 political by The extremism of politicalgroupsin Lviv mirrored thegrowinginfluenceof communismand fascismthroughout Easternand CentralEurope.Both the Soviettroopsin 1939 and Nazi troopsin 1941 werethusmetenthusiastically by alienatedand radicalizedsegmentsof thelocal population.A partof the JewisheliteoptedforStalin,whilesomeUkrainiannationalists imaginedthe realization oftheirnationalaspirations Hitler.82 through The Nazi and Soviet regimes combined to destroythe historically multicultural character of thecity.From1772 to 1939 theethnicstructure of Lvivhadevolvedin a rather stabletripartite manneramongthedominant Poles of Jews(30-35 percent)and (from50 to 55 percent),and thetwo minorities Ukrainians The German Nazi invaders (15-20 percent). totallydecimatedthe This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 59 Jewishpopulation while (onlysome2-3 percentsurvivedthemassmurders),83 theSovietregimedeportedPoles and repopulated thecitywithpeople from otherpartsof the Soviet Union (Russians,Ukrainians,Jews,Belarusians, Moldovans,and others)and withUkrainianswho had been deportedfrom allottedto postwarPoland. The remainingUkrainiansand Poles territories wererepressedby theSovietregime;manyfledto WesternEuropeor North America.All told,Lviv lost about 80 percentof its prewarpopulation.84 transformed Lviv intoa predominantly East Slavic cityofUkraiResettlement of the niansand Russians.The Ukrainianssteadilyincreasedtheirproportion in 1989,whiletheRussian in 1955to 79.1 percent from44.2 percent population droppedfrom35 percentto 16 percentduringthesameperiod.By proportion No 1989 Jewsand Poles comprised1.6 percentand 1.2 percent, respectively. otherminority constituted morethan1 percent ofthepopulation.85 Withtherepopulation of thecity,theSovietregimelaunchedan ambitious Lviv intoan industrial center.Thisplanwas announcedin projectto transform thecity'srateofindustrial 1946and,ifone believestheSovietofficialreports, growthduringthe 1950s-1970ssurpassedthatof therestof Galicia, of the entireUkrainianSSR, and indeedof the Soviet Union as a whole.86This in bothurbanand a bold attempt to breakwithtraditional patterns represented As a resultofthesepolicies,Lvivbecamea leaderinthe regionaldevelopment. oftelevisions, technibuses,industrial machines,and sophisticated production As partof Sovieturbandevelopment cal devicesused mainlyin themilitary. withnew slab-styleapartment thecitywas surrounded blocksthatformeda "New Lviv" and thatwas meantto houseengineersand workersfromother Sovietcitiesand,mostof all, fromotherpartsof westernUkraine(about60 came fromsurrounding percentof the migrants regions,accordingto some industrialization so that However, estimates).87 outpacedurbandevelopment, therapidgrowthof new plantsand factories, forexample,broughtaboutan acuteshortage inthewatersupply.Thisforcedindustrialization failedtohavea economic on the one of the most Galicia remained impact region. general least and areas of Ukraine. overcrowded, productive, poorestpaid WithintheSovietUnion,Galicia bore thereputation of beingone of the leastsovietizedregions.Althoughthepre-1939political,civic,and religious institutions (includingtheGreekCatholicand ArmenianCatholicChurches) had been disbandedas centersof "bourgeois"and "nationalistic" influences in afterWorldWarII, anti-Soviet continued to the guerillas operate regionuntil theearly1950s.This had twooppositeresults.GalicianUkrainianswerenot considered reliabletoholdthehighestpositionswithinandoutside sufficiently of theregion,and so duringthehalfcentury of Sovietrulethelocal partyand administrative elitewerelargelyimported fromRussia or easternUkraine.88 On theotherhand,theSovietregimedidnotdareto fostera rapidrussification andsovietization ofthis"contaminated" tootherpartsofthe region.In contrast Polishstateannexedin 1939bytheUSSR, in western former Ukrainethebulk oflocal newspapers andmagazineswerepublishedin theindigenous language This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 60 HRYTSAK as opposed to Russian.While all othercities in the UkrainianSSR were andlanguage,LvivexhibbecomingmoreRussianin termsofbothpopulation in itedan oppositetendency. the Moreover, postwardecades Lviv becamea of an for all of Ukraine,a sortof "secret center intellectual ferment leading Ukrainiancapital."Lviv providedcadresand a leadershipforan anti-Soviet movement opposition duringthe1960sand 1970s,andplayeda crucialrolein at theendoftheGorbachevperiod.89 Ukrainian attaining independence Lviv Nonetheless, post-Soviet appearsnotto have gainedmuchin thefirst of muchas theinterwar Ukrainian years independence, cityseemedto have benefitedlittlefromthe reconstitution of the Polish state.90Accordingto a conservative estimate,by thebeginningof 1999 close to a thirdof all Lviv workershad losttheirjobs as thecity'smilitary production complexesclosed down. In the wordsof an Americanjournalist,"no Ukrainiancityis more And feware poorer."91 Since 1994,Lviv has Europeanor moredemocratic. so thattheonceprojectedgrowth to 1,000,000inhabitbeenlosingpopulation, antsby 201092now seemsfarfetched. Hopingto reversethisdecline,thecity councilhas beenreorienting thecityawayfromindustry and towardtourism. However,untilnow it has onlybeen able to achievethemodestsuccess of havingLviv declareda WorldCulturalHeritagecitybyUNESCO (1998). In reviewingthemulticultural of Lviv,one discernsa doublemeshistory sage. On theone hand,thestoryis one of a failedmulticultural experience. and cooperationamongcitizensfailedto crossthereligious, Civic solidarity social, ethnic or, later, national boundaries.93In medieval times the multicultural a mosaicinwhichdifferent ethnicgroupsmade pictureresembled mix and did not with each other. Different ethnic andreligious separatepieces in a the cases of the Armenians and common (as groupsmightspeak language theTatars)or have the samejuridicalstatus(theUkrainiansand theArmewererather rare.94 nians),buttheylivedin isolationandintermarriages Theseculturaldivisionsleftvisibletraceson theveryplanningof thecity. CatholicsoccupiedthecentralMarketSquare(Pol. Rynek/Ukr. Rynok),while in adjacentstreets the all othergroupslivedseparately Armenian, Jewish, (i.e., have More some of these borders been Serbian,orRuthenian Streets). recently but theyneverceased to erasedand othershave become moretransparent, andPolishregimesprovidedsome,iflimited, exist.The Austrian opportunities forthe civic activityof all nationalgroups,but mostof the moderncivic institutions and places forpublic exchange(includingLviv's famouscafe staffed and attendedaccordingto thenationalidentities of their were houses) civilsocietmembers.95 As a result,insteadofa singleone,severalcompeting ies developedalongnationallines.96 is a situation inwhich If,inthewordsofAndrzejWalicki,multiculturalism othercultures,97 thensucha situation a dominant culturedoes notsubordinate cultures was ratherrarein thehistoryof Lviv. A dialoguebetweendifferent often meant an assimilation of a subordinate a dominant culture, quite groupby whilesubordinate cultures remained alien to each other. a number Thus, largely This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 61 of Lviv-bornJewsbecameleadingPolishintellectuals, buttherewas littleif Ukrainian-Jewish cultural even an assimilation toa Moreover, any exchange.98 dominant cultureas a surrogate of encounters betweendifferent culturesbein an increasingly came problematic nationalizedworld.Throughcontinued of social and exclusion assimilatedpersonswereconfronted degrees political withtheir"alien"ethnicorigin.The fateoftheassimilated PolishJewsinLviv, whowererejectedby Polishnationalism in interwar Polandand destroyed by theNazis duringWorldWar II- notas Poles by theirchoice,butas Jewsby theirorigin"- mayserveas sad corroboration ofthisthesis. On theotherhand,themulticultural mix influenced each nationalgroup. The diverseethnic,religious,and social structure of the city's population - JosephRoth, broughtforthrenownedPolish,Jewish,and Germanwriters MartinBuber,StanislawLern who spenttheirformative JózefWittlin, years in Lviv.100An outstanding "nativeson" nurtured in thismilieuwas theUkrainianwriter andpoliticalactivistIvan Franko(1856-1916). A trilingual author who wrotein Ukrainian, and politicalworks Polish,and German,his literary drewon interchanges betweentheUkrainian, Polish,andJewishcultures.101 The questionremains:Whatis thelegacyof thismulticultural environment afterit ceased to exist?Its impacthad been apparentin manyof thecultural markers eachethnicgroupinthecity.The Yiddishlanguagespoken identifying byGalicianJewswas a GermandialectmixedwithHebrewelementsandlocal Slavic (PolishandUkrainian)borrowings. The Armenian statute of 1519comJewish, Islamic,andEasternRomanlaws as well prisedelementsofArmenian, as WesternPolishand Germanlegal codes.102Such hybridelementsdid not ofJewsandArmenians last,andthenumbers todayarenegligiblecomparedto thepast.However,in one case, thatof theUkrainianGreekCatholicChurch, ofthemixofculturesremains.Whileitsoriginalidea- a synthesis something - was neverfullyachieved,theChurchin of EasternandWesternChristianity its modernnationalizedUkrainianformdid manageto survivetheharshest Soviet repressions, Thus,perhaps therebyprovingits extremeviability.103 thereis a silverliningto thedarkcloudthestoryof Lviv castson theidea of in a singleplace andterritory. cultural heterogeneity GartonAshremindsus: However,as Timothy Ithasbeensomething closetoa ruleinthe1990sthatthegreater theethnic mixin a post-communist themorelikelyit has beento takea country, nationalist authoritarian thana liberal democratic one.Thosethat pathrather havedonebestarealsothosethatareethnically mosthomogenous: Poland, theCzechRepublic, of and,yes,Slovenia. . . The 1980srevival Hungary, theCentral idea involved a celebration of theregion'spre-war European ethnicand cultural or mélange:mixedcities,likePragueor Czernowitz wherepeoplehabitually three to four miBratislava, spoke languages; large Jewish andGerman avantla lettre. norities, ones;multiculturalism especially Yetitseemsthat oneofthepreconditions forbeingseenas partofthepolitical This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 62 HRYTSAK inthis nottobe Central Central European Europeinthe1990swasprecisely sense.104 earlier and culturally theethnically homogenouscityof by thosecriteria, Judging chancefora quickerrecovery Lvivhas a better than,say,themixedUkrainianRussian and highlysovietizedcities in easternUkraine.In the words of thetitleofhonorary whoin September1998was granted ZbigniewBrzezinski, Lviv citizen: itscultural connecLvivsymbolizes a European Forall ofUkraine, identity, Lvivplaysa major self-determination tionsandpolitical [...]In thisrespect, ... I am reforms successandUkrainian role,whileitis a leaderofUkrainian and free united of a willbe a worthy surethatUkraine Europe, Lviv partner willplaya specialroleinthisprocess.105 Lvivhas to Hereis theparadox:to fulfillitsmission,thelargelyunicultural its evoke,and come to termswith,its multicultural heritageand to construct new Ukrainianidentity writinga multicultural along thoselines.Therefore, itssuccessor becomesmorethanan academicexercise;to someextent, history of bothLviv and Ukraine, failuremighthavean impacton thepoliticalfuture ofthewholeCentralandEast Europeanregion. and,in a largercontext, This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 63 NOTES 1. For historiographical analyses of the literatureon Lviv, see Józef Skoczek,"Dotychczasowystan badan nad dziejami miastaLwowa," KwartalnikHistory czny 39 (1925): 336-350; Lucja Charewiczowa, i milosnictwo Lwowa (Lviv, 1938) [=Biblioteka Historiografia 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Lwowska, 37]; AndrzejJaneczek,"Studia nad pocz^tkamiLwowa. inRocznikLwowski1993-1994 Bilansosiogni^ci potrzebbadawczych," Isabel (Warsaw, 1994), pp. 7-36; Röskau-Rydel,"Stan badan nad w Lwowa latach 1772-1848,"in HenrykW. Zaliñski and dziejami Kazimierz Karolczak,eds., Lwow: Miasto, Spoleczeñstwo,Kultura. Studiaz dziejówLwowa, vol. 2. (Cracow, 1998), pp. 363-73; Helena Madurowicz-Urbañska,"Lwow- stolica Galicji. Stan badañ nad i cywilizacyjnym gospodarczym rozwojumiastadoby demograficznym, StudiaAustro-Polonica 5 (1997): 167-72. Richbiblioautonomicznej," istoriimista graphicdata can be foundin ludi S. Zaiats',Bibliohrafiia L'vova u dvokhvypuskakh(Lviv, 1948); E. M. Lazeba and T. O. Vorobiova,700 rokivm. L'vova: bibliohrafichnyi pokazhchyk literatury (Lviv, 1956); Paul RobertMagocsi, Galicia: A HistoricalSurveyand BibliographicGuide (Toronto,Buffalo,and London, 1985); Zdzislaw Budzyñski, Bibliografia dziejów Rusi Czerwonej (1340-1772) dzherelado istoriimisti sil (Rzeszów,1990); O. D. Kizlyk,Inshomovni (Lviv, 1995). literatury Ukraíny: pokazhchyk here: Owingtospacelimitations onlythemostrecentonesarementioned VladimirMelamed,Evrei vo L'vove: XH-pervaiapolovina XX veka. A. V. Sobytiia,obshchestvo,liudi (Lviv, 1994); V. V. Sekretariuk, Borzenko,and M. V. Bryket al., IstoriiaL'vova (Kyiv,1984); Iaroslav Isaievych,Feodosii Steblii,and MykolaLytvyn,eds., Lviv. Istorychni narysy(Lviv, 1996); Leszek Podhorodecki, Dzieje Lwowa (Warsaw, thatincludes 1993).Each oftheseworksprovidesa generalbibliography ofLviv. themostrecentworkson thehistory Mykola Holubets',L'viv (Lviv, 1935); Nash L'viv. Iuvileinyizbirnyk, 1252-1952(New York,1953). In thelastmajorSovietpublication on thehistory of Lviv,publishedin 1984, 60 percentof theentirevolumewas devotedto thecommunist a mere5 percent periodin thecity,eventhoughthatperiodrepresented ofthecity'shistory. See Sekretariuk et al., IstoriiaL'vova,pp. 226-97. Podhorodecki, Dzieje Lwowa,pp. 162-73. Majer Balaban,Zydzilwowscyna przelomieXVI i XVII wieku(Lviv, 1909),p. xx. Cf. the followingentries on Lviv: A[tanas] Figol, V[olodymyr] Kubijovych,and A[rkadii] Zhukovskyi,"Lviv," Encyclopedia of This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 64 8. HRYTSAK Ukraine,vol. 3 (Toronto,Buffalo,and London,1993),pp. 217-29, and 1971), pp. [E. Br.], "Lvov," EncyclopediaJudaica,vol. 2 (Jerusalem, 610-15. Ifthelattermentions Ukrainians mostlyina contextofrelentless on in Lviv, theformer does notprovideany information antisemitism Lviv in at all. anti-Jewish pogroms "Studia nadpocz^tkamiLwowa,"pp. 12-16. Janeczek, TetianaHoshko,"Z istoriiMagdeburzicoho pravau L'vovi(XIII-XVIII in L'viv. 45-60. st.)," Istorychni narysy, pp. 10. ViktorHiugoLein [VictorHugo Lane],"Datyna sluzhbinatsii:pol'sTcoukraïns'kadyskusiia kintsia XIX-pochatku XX st. navkolo daty u LVovi,"Ukraïnamoderna2-3 (1999): 122-31. zasnuvannia universytetu conference 11. Thistrendhas beenrepresented proceedings bythefollowing and individualarticles:PeterFäßler,ThomasHeld, and Dirk Sawitzki, eds., Lemberg,Lwow,Lviv. Eine Stadt im Schnittpunkt europäischer Kulturen(Cologne,1993); BohdanCherkes,Martyn[Martin]Kubelik, XIX-XXst. andElizabet[Elisabeth]Hofer,eds.,Arkhitektura Halychyny 24-27 travnia1994 r.} sympoziumu Vybranimaterialymizhnarodnoho 150-richchiuzasnuvanniaDerzhavnohouniversytetu prysviachenoho uL'vivs'kaPolitekhnika"(Lviv, 1996); Zaliñskiand Karolczak,eds., Lwów,voi. 2; MarianMudryi,ed., L'viv: misto,suspil'stvo,kul'tura. Zbirnyknaukovykhprats', vol. 3 (Lviv, 1999); Alois Woldan, " - Modell einerMultikulturellen Stadt,"in "/. Nezalezhnyi "Lemberg kul'turolohichnyi chasopys(Lviv) 13 (1998): 57-71. 9. to researchprojectson topicspertaining 12. Fora listof themostimportant the earliestperiod of Lviv, see Janeczek,"Studia nad pocz^tkami no one has triedtocompilesuch Lwowa,"pp. 27-28. To myknowledge, a listforlaterperiodsofthecity'shistory. 13. Leonid Makhnovets',trans.,LitopysRus'kyi.Za Ipats'kymspyskom (Kyiv, 1989), p. 417; AleksanderCzolowski, Historja Lwowa od zalozeniado roku1600 (Lviv, 1925),pp. 4-5. 14. VolodymyrPatehyrychand Vasyl' Ivanovs'kyi, "Seredn'ovichna in Halyts'ko-Volyns'ka arkheolohiiaL'vova: pidsumkyi perspektyvy," derzhava:peredumovy, istoriia,kul'tura,tradytsiï (Lviv, vynyknennia} 1993),pp.41-43. mistopidnazvoiuLViv,"in 15. As citedin IaroslavIsaievych,"Iak vynyklo eds.,L'viv.Istorychni narysy, p. 20. Isaievych,Steblii,andLytvyn, Worldin and theMediterranean 16. FernandBraudel,The Mediterranean theAge ofPhilipII, vol. 1 (New York,1972),p. 224. see IaroslavIsaievych,Ukraïnadavniai 17. For conflicting interpretations, nova.Narod,relihiia,kul'tura(Lviv, 1996),passim;MichalParczewski, This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 18. 65 siepolsko-ruskiej ksztaltowania PoczQtki rubiezyetnicznejw Karpatach. na odlam wschodnii zachodni U zródel rozpadu Slowiañszczyzny (Cracow,1991),passim. see Magocsi,Galicia,pp.46-50. ofthisdiscussion, Fora generaloverview 19. Isaievych,"Iak vynyklomistopid nazvoiu L'viv," p. 14; Mykola F. Kotliar,Formirovanieterritoriii vozniknovenie gorodov Galitsko163-64. IX-XIII vv. Rusi (Kyiv,1985),pp. Volynskoi ta virmensicoLViv u virmensTcykh "Davnii Iaroslav 20. Dashkevych, 1 v Ukraïna dzherelakh," mynulomu(1992): 7-13. kypchatsicykh mistopidnazvoiuLViv,"p. 22. 21. Isaievych,"Iak vynyklo 22. MyronKapral',ed., PryvileïmistaL'vova (XIV-XVIIIst.) (Lviv, 1998), pp. 27-28. 23. Iaroslav Dashkevych,"Rus' i Syriia: vzaiemozviazkyXIII-XIV st.," ZapyskyNTSh 228 (1994): 10; Janeczek,"Studia nad pocza_tkami Lwowa,"p. 27. 24. Seenn. 9, 21. 25. mistaL'vova(XIV-XVIIIst.), Fora textofthelaw,see Kapral',ed.,Pryvileï pp.44-45. 26. "Armenians andJewsin MedievalLvov. Their EleonoraNadel-Golobic, Role in OrientalTrade, 1400-1600," Cahiers du Monde russe et 1979: 352. soviétique20(3-4) July-December 27. L'vovaXV-pershoïpolovynyXVI st.,"in MyronKapral',"Demohrafiia eds.,L'viv.lstorychni narysy, p. 74. Isaievych,Steblii,andLytvyn, JerzyMotylewicz,"Spolecznoscmiejskaa grupynarodowosciowew w XV-XVIII w. Problemyprzemianw miastachczerwonoruskich inJerzy trwalosci ed.,Miastoi kultura wiçzispotecznych," Wyrozumski, ludowa w dziejachBialorusi,Litwyi Ukrainy(Cracow, 1996), p. 92; "Armenians andJewsin MedievalLvov,"p. 368. Nadel-Golobic, 28. 29. 30. 31. oblicza etnicznego JózefPólcwiartek, "Miejsce religjiw ksztaltowaniu obszarów miast Rzeczypospolitej poludniowo-wschodnich spolecznosci in Wyrozumski, w czasachnowozytnych," ed.,Miastoi kulturaludowa, p. 218. L'vova,"pp. 74-75. Kapral',"Demohrafiia In the fifteenth centuryCracow had 12,000 inhabitants,Wroclaw (Breslau)- 19,000,Gdansk (Danzig)- nearly20,000, while Cologne, andPraguearound50,000.The largestmedievalcitieswere Nuremberg, Venice, Milan, and Naples in Italy,each witha populationof over 100,000. This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HRYTSAK 66 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. Paul M. Hohenbergand LynnHollenLees, The Makingof UrbanEuMA, andLondon,1985),pp. 53, 109. rope,1000-1950(Cambridge, L'vova,"p. 72. Kapral',"Demohrafiia IaroslavIsaievych,"Al'tanaposeredraiu: L'viv u 1582-1602 it.," in eds.,L'viv.Istorychni narysy, p. 35. Isaievych,Steblii,andLytvyn, JózefBurszta,Kulturaludowa- kulturanarodowa.Szkice i rozprawy (Warsaw,1974),p. 35. As quotedin Pólswiartek, "Miejsce religji,"pp. 211-12. Andrzej Ziçba, "Gente Rutheni,natione Poloni. Z problematyki swiadomoscinarodowejw Galicji,"Polska ksztaltowania sic ukraiñskiej 2 (1995): Prace AkademiaUmiejetnosci. KomisjiWschodnioeuropejskiej 61-63. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. over AndrzejWalicki,PolandbetweenEast and West:TheControversies in PartitionedPoland (Cambridge, and Modernization Self-Definition MA, 1994),pp. 9-1 1 [=HarvardPapersin UkrainianStudies]. álusarek,"Szlachtamiejskaw Galicji.Studiumna przykladzie Krzysztof inZaliñskiandKarolczak,eds.,Lwow,vol. 2, p. 97. Lwowa i Obertyna," See Vasyl' V. Iaremenko,ed., Ukraïns'kapoeziia XVI stolittia(Kyiv, 1987),passim. L'vova,"pp. 74-75. Kapral',"Demohrafiia Iwowskiew XVI i XVII WladyslawLoziñski,Patricyati mieszczanstwo wieku(Lviv, 1892),p. 307. Pólswiartek, "Miejsce religji,"p. 222; ZbigniewBudzyñski,Ludnosc pogranicza polsko-ruskiegow drugiejpolowie XVIII wieku,vol. 1 1993),p. 329. (Przemysl-Rzeszów, 43. J. B. Zimorowicz,Opera quibus res gestae urbisLeopolis illustrantur (Lviv, 1899),p. 37. 42. 44. 45. 46. 47. JerzyMotylewicz,p. 96. In a strictsense, this culturewas neither Slavic norCatholic,especiallyin thesixteenth century, homogeneously Protestants becamea signifiwhen,withthecomingoftheReformation, cantelementin thelocal population. andJewsin MedievalLvov,"passim. "Armenians Nadel-Golobic, the BorysA. Gudziak,Crisisand Reform.TheKyivanMetropolitanate, and theGenesisof the Unionof Brest Patriarchateof Constantinople, MA, 1998). (Cambridge, IaroslavR. Dashkevych, sviazi v XVII veke. ed., Ukrainsko-armianskie Sbornikdokumentov (Kyiv,1969),p. 25-26. In theeighteenth-twentieth Armeniansin centuriestherewereonlyseveralhundredunassimilated Lviv. See Rudolf A. Mark, "Polnisches Bastion und ukrainisches This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 67 Piémont:Lemberg1772-1921," in Fäßler,Held, and Sawitzki,eds., Lemberg, Lwow, Lviv, p. 48; Grzegorz Siudut, "Pochodzenie wyznaniowo-narodowoscioweludnosci Malopolski Wschodniej i Lwowa wedle spisuludnosciz 1931 roku,"in Zaliñskiand Karolczak, eds.,Lwow,vol. 2, p. 275. Ihor Sevcenko,UkrainebetweenEast and West:Essays on Cultural (EdmontonandToronto,1996), Historyto theEarlyEighteenth Century 4. p. Isabel Röskau-Rydel, "Die Stadt der verwischtenGrenzen. Die GeschichteLembergsvon derGründung bis zur erstenTeilungPolens in and Sawitzki,eds.,Lemberg,Lwow,Lv/v,pp. (1772)," Fäßler,Held, 34-35; Melamed,Evreivo L'vove,pp. 90-92. See also theexpressionof inSebastianKlonowicz'spoem"Roksolania" antisemitic attitudes strong in Iaremko,ed., Ukraïns'ka poeziia XVIstolittia, p. 151. FranzKratter, Briefeüberden itzigenZustandvonGalizien.Ein Beitrag undMenschenkentnisse, vol. 2 (Leipzig,1786),p. 155. zurStatistik transformatsiï tsentral'noï mista MykolaBevz, "Urbanistychni chastyny LVovau XIX-XX st.,"in Cherkes, Kubelik,andHofer,eds.,Arkhitektura XIX-XXst., pp. 53, 69; OlgierdCzerner,"Przeksztalcenia Halychyny architektoniczne Lwowaw latach1772-1848,"ibid,p. 79. IgnacyDrexler,WielkiLwów/LegrandLéopol (Lviv, 1920),pp. 14-15. Hohenbergand Lees, The Making of Urban Europe, pp. 226-29; Magocsi,HistoricalAtlasofEast CentralEurope,p. 96. Withits populationof 196,000in 1910 and its 125 percentgrowthin 1870-1910,Lviv yieldedto Vienna(populationof 2,031,000and a 143 percentgrowth), Budapest(880,000 and 175 percent),Prague(640,000 and 154 percent),Warsaw(771,000 and 150 percent),Odesa (520,000 and 181 percent),Breslau[Wroclaw](512,000 and 114 percent),Lodz (352,000 and 803 percent),Kyiv (323,000 and 154 percent),Stettin [Szczecin] (236,000 and 191 percent),Vilnius(168,000 and 166 percent),Cracow(150,000and 200 percent),and Minsk(100,000 and 178 percent).See Magocsi,HistoricalAtlasofEast CentralEurope,p. 96. In thecase of Lviv, Magocsi has mistakenly giventhe 1880 numbersfor 1870andhas slightly the size of thepopulationin 1910. exaggerated Jan M. Malecki, "Lwow i Krakow- dwie stolice Gãiicji,"Roczniki i gospodarczych 50 (1989): 122-23. dziejówspolecznych KrzysztofPawlowski, "Miejsce Lwowa w rozwoju urbanistyki europejskiejprzetomuXIX i XX wieku,"in Cherkes,Kubelik,and XIX-XX st., pp. 125-30; idem, Hofer,eds., Arkhitektura Halychyny in Sztuka miasta," "Narodziny nowoczesnego drugiejpolowyXIX wieku (Warsaw,1973),pp. 57-58, 61-68. This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HRYTSAK 68 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. StanislawHoszowski,Ekonomiczny rozwójLwowaw latach1772-1914 107. (Lviv, 1935),p. JacekPurchla,MatecznikPolski. Pozaekonomiczneczynnikirozwoju Krakowaw okresieautonomiigalicyjskiej(Cracow,1992),p. 127. WaltraudHeindl, GehörsameRebellen. Bürokratieund Beamte in ta teoriï Österreich1780-1848(Vienna, 1990); idem,"Modernizatsiia 1 moderna modernizatsiï: HabsburzTcoï Ukraïna biurokratiï," pryklad 89-100. (1996): VadymAdadurov,"L'viv u napoleonivsicu epokhu,"in Mudryi,ed., Lviv: misto,suspil'stvo,kul'tura,p. 211; Hoszowski,Ekonomiczny rozwójLwowaw latach1772-1914,p. 16. Hugh L. Agnew, "Josephinismand the PatrioticIntelligentsiain Bohemia,"HarvardUkrainianStudies10 (3-4) 1986:577n3. Citedin Adadurov,"LVivu napoleonivsToi epokhu,"p. 212. 63. JohannG. Kohl, Reisen im Innerenvom Russland und Polen. Die Bukovina.Galizien.Mähren,vol. 3 (DresdenandLeipzig,1841),pp. 88, 103-105; MykhailoKril',"L'viv u opysakhinozemtsiv(kinets'XVIIIpershapolovynaXIX st.)," in Mudryi,ed., L'viv: misto,suspil'stvo, kul'tura, p. 300. 64. PiotrWandycz,"The Poles in theHabsburgMonarchy,"in AndreiS. and thePoliticsof Markovitsand FrankE. Sysyn,eds.,Nationbuilding Nationalism:Essays on AustrianGalicia (Cambridge,MA, 1989), pp. 68-93. 65. i obyczajowym Marian Tyrowicz,Wspomnieniao zyciu kulturalnym Lwowa1918-1939(Wroclaw,1991),p. 208. 66. For details,see Ezra Mendelson,"JewishAssimilationin Lviv: The Case of Wilhelm Feldman," in Markovits and Sysyn, eds., and the Politicsof Nationalism,pp. 94-110; Leila P. Nationbuilding Everett,"The Rise of JewishNationalPoliticsin Galicia, 1905-1907," ibid.,pp. 149-177; JerzyHolzer,"Vom Orientdie Fantasie,undin der im Lemberg LebenundAkkulturation BrustderSlawenFeuer:Jüdishes in Fäßler,Held, and Sawitzki,eds., des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts," Lwow,Lviv,pp. 75-91. Lemberg, 67. Jan Kozik, The UkrainianNational Movementin Galicia: 18151849 (Edmonton,1986), passim; John-PaulHimka, "Germanyand the National Awakeningin WesternUkrainebeforethe Revolution of 1848," in Hans-JoachimTorke and John-PaulHimka,eds. German-UkrainianRelations in Historical Perspective(Edmontonand Toronto, 1994),pp.29-44. This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 68. 69. 70. 71. 69 in Galician Rus': of Nationality John-PaulHimka,"The Construction Icarian Flightsin Almost All Directions,"in Ronald G. Suny and and Articulation MichaelD. Kennedy,eds., Intellectuals of theNation 109-154. (AnnArbor,1999),pp. Ivan L. Rudnytsky, Essays in Modem UkrainianHistory(Edmonton, and 329-46 375-87; Iaroslav [Yaroslav] Hrytsak,Narys 1987), pp. istorii Ukraïny.Formuvanniamodernoïukraïns'koïnatsiï XIX-XX stolittia(Kyiv,1996),pp. 73-82. RomanSzul, "Perspektywy regionalizmu galicyjskiegow Polsce na tie tendencji miçdzynarodowych," Jerzy Chlopiecki and Helena Madurowicz-Urbañska,eds., Galicja i jej dziedzictwo, vol. 2: i gospodarka(Rzeszów, 1995),pp. 86-88; MartinÂberg Spoleczeñstwo inTranandJanuszKorek,"Mosaic ofChange.Institutional Trajectories sitional Wroclaw and Lviv" (paper presentedat the conference Per"Institutionalising Democracy.Polandand Ukrainein Comparative spective,"University College of South Stockholm,13-16 November 1998). See Maciej Kozlowski,MiedzySanem a Zbruczem.Walkio Lwow i Galicje Wschodniq,1918-1919 (Cracow, 1990), pp. 134-53; Ryszard Torzecki,Polacy i Ukraiñcy.Sprawa ukrainskaw czasie II Wojny (Warsaw,1993),p. 270. Swiatowejna terenieII Rzeczypospolitej 72. Olena Stepaniv,SuchasnyiLviv (Lviv, 1992),pp. 78-79; Magocsi,HistoricalAtlasofEast CentralEurope,pp. 96, 169. 73. Drexler,WielkiLwów/LegrandLéopol,passim. 74. Grzegorz Hryciuk,"Zmiany demograficzneludnosci polskiej we Lwowie w latach1931-1944,"in StanislawCiesielski,ed., Wschodnie losyPolaków(Wroclaw,1997),p. 10. 75. For more details, see Andrzej Bonusiak, "Niedemokratyczna demokracja:Rzecz o Lwowie w latach 1918-1934," in Zaliñskiand themostambiKarolczak,eds.,Lwow,vol. 2, pp.215-34. Paradoxically, tiousplan to createa "GreaterLviv" was conceivedby the German of the increasein theterritory occupationregimethatordereda fourfold from That 66.68 kilometers to 260 kilometers. city square square target, of Lviv encomhowever,was neverreached,and in 1990 theterritory See IuriiKryvoruchko, passed 155 squarekilometers. HalynaPetryshyn, and Uliana Ivanochko,"Terytorial'nyi rozvytokL'vova kintsiaXVIIIXX stolit',"in BohdanCherkes,Martyn[Martin]Kubelik,and Elizabet ta terytorial'ne [Elisabeth]Hofer,eds., Mistobuduvannia planuvannia 144-52. 1999), (Kyiv, pp. Tyrowicz,Wspomnienia, pp. 34-35. 76. This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 70 77. 78. 79. 80. HRYTSAK "PolnischeStadtundukrainische For details,see Anna-HaljaHorbatsch, in Fäßler,Held, and Sawitzki,eds., NationaleGegensätze," Minderheit. Lwow,Lviv,pp.92-112. Lemberg, Nationhoodand theNational NationalismReframed: RogersBrubaker, in the New Question Europe(Cambridge,1997),pp. 84-103. ludnosci GrzegorzSiudut,"Pochodzeniewyznaniowo-narodowosciowe i "Zmiany MalopolskiWschodniej Lwowa,"pp. 275, 279-80; Hryciuk, ludnoscipolskiej,"p. 16. This was not the case with demograficzne whohad a higherlevelof nationalconsciousnessin thecity Ukrainians, thanelsewhere.Still,polonizationtooka heavytollamongthem,too. A Polishclandestinenewspaperclaimedin 1942 that"numerousLviv havedefiledtheir andSudhoffs, citizens[ofGermanorigins],Hoflingers traditions . . . Frombeneath kontusz[Sarmatiandress] [Polish]riflemen revealed a cunning there was thePolishculturalgildingofmanypersons Ukrainiancharacter."Quoted fromHryciuk,"Zmianydemograficzne ludnoscipolskiej,"p. 53nl76. 8 1. TheseweretheCommunist PartyofWesternUkraine,thatunitedleftist and the militantOrganizationof Ukrainianand Jewishintellectuals, Nationalists Ukrainian (foundedin 1929).Formoredetailsandliterature, see John-Paul Himka,"WesternUkrainebetweentheWars,"Canadian SlavonicPapers34(4) December1992:391-412. 82. Narysistorii'Ukraïny, passim. Hrytsak, in Ostgalizien Dieter Pohl, NationalsozialistischeJudenverfolgung 1941-1944. Organisation und Durchführungeines staatlichen 2d ed. (Munich,1997),p. 81. Massenverbrechens, 83. 84. 85. 86. inFäßler,Held,andSawitzki,eds.,Lemberg, Lwów,Lviv, "Einführung," p. 14. ViktorSusak,"Etnichnita sotsial'nizminyv naselenniLVova v 19391999.Magistersica pratsia"(M.A. diss.,IvanFrankoNationalUniversity ofLviv,2000),passim. i materialakh: U. Ia. IedlinsTcaet al., IstoriiaL'vova v dokumentakh et al., i materialiv dokumentiv (Kyiv,1985),p. 245; Sekretariuk Zbirnyk IstoriiaL'vova,pp. 273, 302-303. 87. Blau-Gelb.DerWandelvonsowjetischen unter Zlepko,"Aufbruch Dmytro inFäßler,Held,andSawitzki,eds.,Lemberg, zumukrainischen Lemberg," Lwów,Lviv,p. 182. 88. oblastei Ukraïny(Lviv, 1997), Ivan Terliuk,Rosiiany zakhidnykh passim. RomanSzporluk,"The SovietWest- or Far EasternEurope?"East European Politics and Societies 5(3) Fall 1991: 474-77; idem, "The 89. This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 90. 71 in Zvi StrangePoliticsof Lviv: An Essay in Searchof an Explanation," and theErosionof theUSSR Gitelman, ed., The PoliticsofNationality (London,1992),pp. 215-31; idem,"WestUkraineandWestBelorussia. HistoricalTradition,Social Communication, and LinguisticAssimilaSoviet Studies 1979: tion," 76-98; Iurii Zaitsev, 31(1) January rukh in L'viv. Istorychni narysy,pp. "Antyrezhymnyi (1956-1991)," 543-611; Liubomyr Senyk and Bohdan Iakymovych,"Forpost nezalezhnosti(L'viv u 1988-1996 rr.)," ibid., pp. 611-38; Zlepko, "Aufbruch unterBlau-Gelb,"p. 167-206. AndrzejBonusiak,"Niedemokratyczna p. 234. demokracja," 91. MichaelWines,"Struggling UkraineTeetersbetweenEast and West," TheNew YorkTimes26 February1999. 92. et al., "Terytorial'nyi LVova," p. 152. In 1991Kryvoruchko rozvytok decreasedfrom790,700to 775,500. 1997Lviv's population 93. Alois Woldan("Lemberg,"pp. 63-64) has suggestedthatin timesof calamitiestheidentity of a "small"motherland tookover"larger,official" identities to an episodefrom amongLviv citizens.He was referring theKhmeinytsTcyi refusedto siege of Lviv (1648), whentheburghers surrender localJewstoCossacksforpunishment. Evenifone acceptsthe of thisaccount(fora discussionsee Melamed,Evreivo L'vove, veracity pp. 88, 97), thewartimesolidarity amongcitizenscould nothave had a - sufficeit to say thatin 1664 Lviv becamethesceneof a lastingeffect largeanti-Jewish pogromled byCatholics(ibid.,pp. 90-91). L'vivs'kaRus' u pershiipolovyni See, forexample,Ivan Kryp'iakevych, i materialy XVI st.: doslidzhennia (Lviv, 1994),p. 11. 94. 95. 96. Walentyna Najdus, "Ksztaltowanie siç nowoczesnych wiçzów ludnosciukraiñskiej Galicji Wschodniejw spoleczno-organizacyjnych inZaliñskiandKarolczak,eds.,Lwow,vol. 2, pp. dobiekonstytucyjnej," 166-167;Tyrowicz,Wspomnienia, pp. 186-87,196-97,200-201. The persistence ofthistendency is attested The byrecentdevelopments. in anticommunist 1988-1991 was characterized an amazopposition by ing solidaritybetweenUkrainian,Polish, Jewish,and Russian civic did notendure,however,beyondthefall from groups.This solidarity Post-SovietLviv becamea siteof Ukrainianpowerof thecommunists. Polish and Ukrainian-Russian conflictsaroundhistoricaland cultural symbolsin thecity.In one case thisled to thetragicdeathof thelocal UkrainiancomposerIhor Bilozir,who in June2000 was killed in a skirmish overthematter of whereRussianpop songscouldbe sung(see AndrewJack,"EthnicRussiansFeel theHeat of UkraineNationalism," FinancialTimes19 July2000: 3). The chronology oftheseculturalwars This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 72 HRYTSAK maybe followedin thelocal newspaperPostupin 1998-2001 (see the website<http://postup.brama.com/>). 97. 98. Trzytradycje polskiegopatriotyzmu AndrzejWalicki,TrzyPatriotyzmy. i ichznaczeniewspólczesne(Warsaw,1991),pp. 43^44. of a Jewish A rareexceptionwas thecase of Ida Schpiegel,thedaughter of a the who married a son Greek Catholic rabbi, priestagainst willofthe twofamilies.Aftertheearlydeathof herhusband,she raisedall of her Her grandsonwas thefamous fivechildrenas Ukrainianintellectuals. UkrainianhistorianIvan Lysiak Rudnytsky.See my article,"Ivan Lysiak-Rudnyts'kyi (Narys intelektual'noïbiohrafiï),"Suchasnist' November1994:73-96. This point is made by Hryciuk,"Zmiany demograficzneludnosci polskiej,"p. 16. 100. Thistendency continued evenafterthecityhad lostitsold multicultural Russianculturaland character. It is represented by somecontemporary politicalfigureswho spenttheirformative yearsin Soviet Lviv. This Yavlinsky,the groupcomprisestheleaderoftheYablokopartyGrigory cinemacriticAndreiPlakhov,the violinistIuriiBashmet,the theater and the directorRomanViktiuk,thecinemaactorLeonid Iarmol'nyk, writerIgor Klekh.For a recentRussianperspectiveon thehistoryof Lviv, see Igor Klekh,Intsidents klassikom(Moscow, 1998); idem, "KartaGalitsii(Pis'maiz Iaseneva[22 December1998]),"in thefollowforthesubjectof Russiansin posting website:<http://www.russ.ru>; "Russkievo LVove. Bostonskii SovietLviv, see ValeriiSerdiuchenko, nezavisimiial'manakh Lebed [23 April2000],"in thefollowing website: <www.lebed.com>; Roman Lozyns'kyi,"Rosiiany u suchasnomu LVovi,"PostupJuly2001: 8. 99. 101. Yaroslav Hrytsak,"Ivan Frankoand the GalicianTriangle,"in Israel vol. 12 BartalandAntonyPolonsky, eds.,Polin.StudiesinPolishJewry, "Zum (Londonand Portland,1999), pp. 137-146 ; GustawWytrzens, Frankosindeutscher literarischen Schaffen Sprache,"in1.1.Lukinov,M. V. Bryk,H. D. Verves et al., eds., Ivan Franko i svitovakul'tura. IuNESKO (L'viv,11-15 veresnia Materialymizhnarodnoho sympoziumu 1986 r.) (Kyiv,1990),pp. 51-59. 102. Nadel-Golobic,"Armeniansand Jews in Medieval Lvov," p. 361; Pólswiartek, "Miejscereligji,"p. 224. 103. Thispointwas madebyChrisHann,"GalicianGreekCatholicsbetween at theconference "Galicia:A Region's East andWest"(paperpresented ofAarhus,Aarhus,Denmark, 26-28 May 1998).A University Identity?" surveyof 1994 revealedthat"Ukrainian"and "GreekCatholic"are in Lviv (see YaroslavHrytsak, identities amongthetwomostpreferred This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LVIV: A MULTICULTURAL HISTORY 73 "NationalIdentitiesin Post-SovietUkraine:The Case of Lviv and Donetsk,"HarvardUkrainianStudies22(1-4) 1998:263-281. 104. TimothyGartonAsh, "The Puzzle of CentralEurope,"The New York ReviewofBooks66(5) 18 March1999:22. " misTcoiu "PromovaperedL'vivsTcoiu 105. ZbigniewBrzezinski, radoiu,""/. kul'turolohichnyi chasopys14 (1999), pp. 9, 11. Nezalezhnyi This content downloaded from 118.208.217.134 on Mon, 15 Sep 2014 06:37:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions