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Volume 7 • Number 15 • June 2016
ISSN 1729-9039
Liwa
Journal of the National Archives
Editor-In-Chief
Dr. Abdulla El Reyes
Director General of the National Archives
Deputy Editor-In-Chief
Majid Sultan Al Mehairi
Managing Editor
Dr. L. Usra Soffan
Editorial Board
Dr. Jayanti Maitra
Farhan Al Marzooqi
Saeed Al Suwaidi
Gregory Keith Iverson, Ph.D.
Advisory Board
H.E. Zaki Anwar Nusseibeh
Adviser in the Ministry of Presidential Affairs, Deputy
Chairman of Abu Dhabi Authority for Culture and
Heritage (ADACH) and Board Member of National
Archives
Prof. Mustafa Aqil al- Khatib
Professor of Modern History-Qatar University
Dr. John E. Peterson
Historian and Political Analyst
Dr. Muhammad Sa’ad al- Muqaddam
Editorial Secretary
Nouf Salem Al Junaibi
Assistant Professor of Modern History
Sultan Qaboos University
Design & Layout
Printing Unit
Assistant Professor of Anthropology
UAE University
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National Archives, 2016 ©
Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates
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Printed in the National Archives Printing Press
Liwa
Journal of the National Archives
Volume 7 • Number 15 • June 2016
Contents
Henna: an ethnographic approach.
Michele C Ziolkowski & Abdulla S al-Sharqi
Archaeologist and Researcher
A Historical Overview of the Rise and Development of the Hospitality
Industry in the States of the Trucial Coast (1932-1971
Aisha Saeed Al Qaydi
Researcher
3
19
The UNESCO Memory of the World Program
David Fricker
Vice-Chairman, UNESCO Memory of the World International Advisory
Committee, President, International Council on Archives, Director-General,
National Archives of Australia
37
Henna: an ethnographic approach.
“It is with the greenish powder of the dried leaves of the henna, that the women procure for
themselves a decoration so whimsical.” Sonnini 1799, writing about Egyptian customs1.
Introduction:
This paper is based on a series of interviews with M al-Kindi and F. al-Sharqi,
Fujairah, United Arab Emirates2. Here we offer a summary of the interviews which
we present with reference to earlier ethnographic accounts, an insight into one of
the most noticeable and decorative traditional elements3. Fancy henna designs on
the hands and feet of women in Western Asia are a common sight (Fig.1)4. Today,
in Southeastern Arabia, the designs are often applied in numerous small salons
dotted around the United Arab Emirates and the Sultanate of Oman (Fig.2). It is
also common for female relatives and close friends to apply henna to each other in
their homes. Henna is usually applied during festive occasions, weddings5, or the
two ‘eid celebrations6. These are the Muslim religious celebrations of ‘Eid al-Fitr and
‘Eid al-Adha7. However, the henna patterns common today are quite different to the
traditional designs of the past.
Fig.1
Fig.2
3
Henna:
Henna is a dye procured from the leaves of the henna, Lawsonia inermis tree (Fig.3)8.
Henna is a member of the loosestrife family (Lythraceae) and is native to Arabia,
Egypt, Morocco, Mauritania, Mali, Senegal, Sudan, Iran, Pakistan, Madagascar, and
Australia9. It is naturalised in northwestern India, Nepal, and tropical America10.
Henna trees are shrubby, straggly, and grow to a height of 3 to 5 metres11. The stems
are woody, intricately branched, and sometimes contain spiny tips12. The leaves are
elliptical to lance-shaped, measuring 0.5-1.3 x 1.5-4.5cm, and virtually without
stalks (Fig.4)13. Henna flowers have a rather overpowering scent, and the seedpods
are pea-size round balls that contain many seeds inside (Fig.5)14. In the United Arab
Emirates, henna trees are common in the Hajar mountain oases and urban areas15. In
the Sultanate of Oman, henna trees are commonly seen in and around village farms,
either planted deliberately or having germinated with the incidental help of nearby
irrigation16.
Fig.3
Fig.5
Fig.4
4
Henna: an ethnographic approach
Ethnographic Information17:
During the last century, it was common for the people of Fujairah to grow henna trees
in their courtyard gardens or their farms18. Up till the present day, some inhabitants
living in the mountain regions of Fujairah still grow henna trees on their farms. In
the past, Henna leaves were picked from the trees when required. This harvesting of
henna leaves was usually before a wedding or an ‘eid celebration. Leaves of the henna
tree were collected while green and then dried in the open air. They were traditionally
dried in a purpose-built area called ynur in Arabic. Various plants were dried on the
ynur, including corn and sorghum. At al-Hayl village in the southern mountains of
Fujairah19, the ynur was a cleared, levelled space, cut into the side of the mountain,
with walls built up on all sides using locally sourced rocks (Figs. 6,7 & 8). The base
of the ynur contained a packed earthen surface (Fig.9).
Fig.7
Fig.6
Fig.9
Fig.8
After drying the henna leaves in the sun they were then roughly crushed on the ynur.
The women stomping on the leaves with their feet accomplished this process. The
crushed leaves were then collected and ground to a fine powder using a mortar and
pestle. This powder was then sieved using a cotton shaylah (headscarf ) placed over
5
a large open bowl (ceramic or aluminium). The remaining powder was collected,
pounded again with a mortar and pestle, and sieved. This process was repeated until
all the powder was sieved. A paste was then made from the henna powder when
required20. Water was boiled with a dried lime (loomi) and added to the powder while
hot21. Once the required consistency was achieved, the bowl containing the henna
would be covered and left to rest22. Henna was often prepared by the women in the
afternoon and then applied to the skin in the evening before retiring for sleep23.
It is said that henna prepared in this traditional way lasts one to two weeks on the skin.
Depending on the henna design used, it was either applied using hands, a matchstick
or a tree thorn (mishwak). Women either applied the henna themselves or were helped
by a relative or close friend. Two henna designs common in Fujairah were called
ghamsah (Fig.10) and gassah (Fig.11). The ghamsah design covers the entire foot and
hand, including the ankle and wrist. The gassah design covers the underside of the
feet and hands, including the toes and fingers. If the ghamsah design were applied,
a shaylah would be wrapped around both feet whilst sleeping, and occasionally the
hands24. This was done to reduce the risk of staining the bed sheets with henna. The
henna designs shown in figure 3 were also common in Fujairah. These designs are
called ruwayib and betaan (Fig.12)25.
Fig.11
Fig.12
Fig.10
6
All women use henna regardless of age and/or marital status26. The hands and feet
of small children (boys and girls) are also covered with henna. In the past, it was
common for men to use henna over their hands and feet. They would apply the
ghamsah design usually for an ‘eid. As times changed in the Emirates, men started to
apply henna to the soles of their feet and/or the palms of their hands. Now, it is less
common than before but there are still men who will have henna applied to their feet
and/or hands (Fig.13) for a wedding27, or an ‘eid28.
Fig.13
7
According to the people of the Emirates: “Henna is healthy for the eye and for
the head”29. That is, henna applied to the soles of the feet was used to insulate the
body from the heat of the ground. In turn, this insulation would help against heat
exhaustion by providing a barrier from the elements. Heat exhaustion often causes
soreness of the eyes and headaches30. Therefore, the henna is said to be beneficial for
both ailments. Henna was also applied directly to the head if a person was suffering
from similar symptoms. In this case, fresh, green henna leaves were pounded with a
mortar and pestle, placed on a person’s head, and covered with a scarf31.
Two weeks after a baby was born, henna would be applied to the hands and feet using
the ghamsah design. Before a baby was forty days old a second application of henna to
the hands and feet was made32. During this second application of henna, a black paste
made from sabr (Aloe Vera)33 (Fig.14) was placed on the skin, followed by a layer of
henna. This process was carried out so that when the child was older and used henna,
the henna would appear darker on the skin. Another use of henna with babies occurs
before the child is eighteen months old during the time they are teething. To avoid
the dental pain that often accompanies a child’s first set of teeth a mixture of henna
and mulberry tree (gen., Morus) leaves was used. The leaves were collected fresh and
green, pounded using a mortar and pestle, and then applied to the top of the head
and behind the ears34. This poultice was then covered with a headscarf and left for
two days35.
Fig.14
8
Conclusion:
This paper has only touched on some of the traditional uses of henna. It has, however,
illuminated a small portion of the rich cultural heritage within Southeastern Arabia.
This legacy is reflected in strong cultural traditions that have survived throughout
the years of rapid growth and change which has taken place in this part of the world.
Traditions such as these formed the basis of UAE society and are still relevant to the
contemporary setting. The local knowledge concerning customs, craftwork, medicine,
history, folklore etc are a vast and intriguing field of study. The importance of earlier
ethnographic accounts collected from various regions in Asia, and archaeological
evidence from ancient Egypt, has also provided a detailed account of the varied uses
of the henna plant.
Acknowledgements:
The majority of information for this article is based on interviews with M al-Kindi
and F al-Sharqi, Fujairah. We would like to thank both interviewees for their time,
patience and information. Thanks to Fatmah al-Mesmari for help with clarifying
ethnographic comments. All translations and transliterations were carried out by
Abdullah Suhail al-Sharqi. Lloyd Weeks, Christophe Tourenq, Carol Hyland and
Christina Ziolkowski read through earlier drafts of this paper, and we are grateful for
their comments. All photographs were taken by MC Ziolkowski. Figure drawings
10-12 (after Kanafani 1983: fig. 45), were refined by graphic designer Carol Hyland.
9
LIST OF FIGURES:
Fig. 1: Contemporary henna design.
Fig. 2: Henna salon in Fujairah Emirate.
Fig. 3: Henna trees on a farm in Wadi al-Hayl, Fujairah.
Fig. 4: Henna leaves.
Fig. 5: Henna flowers.
Fig. 6: Ynur 1, Wadi al-Hayl, Fujairah.
Fig. 7: Ynur 2, Wadi al-Hayl, Fujairah.
Fig. 8: General view: Ynur 1 & Ynur 2, Wadi al-Hayl, Fujairah.
Fig. 9: Ynur, ground surface.
Fig. 10: Ghamsah design (after Kanafani 1983: Fig. 45).
Fig. 11: Ghassah design (after Kanafani 1983: Fig. 45).
Fig. 12: Ruwayib design (left and centre) (after Kanafani 1983: Fig. 45), betaan
design (right).
Fig. 13: Ghamsah design on the hand of a man.
Fig. 14: Sabr.
10
List of Arabic words as spelt in the paper:
Henna
‘Eid al-Fitr
‘Eid al-adha
ynur
shaylah
loomi
ghamsah
gassah
ruwayib
betaan
sabr
sidr
kurkum
helba
mishwak
11
Endnotes :
1. C.S. Sonnini, Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt: undertaken by order of the old government of
France. Translated by H Hunter, (John Stockdale: Piccadilly, London, 1799), Vol.I, p. 265.
2. These interviews took place during November 2003.
3. Ethnography is the study of living cultures. See: C. Renfrew & P. Bahn, Archaeology:
Theories, Methods and Practice, (Thames & Hudson Ltd: London, 1991), p.9; N. David & C. Kramer, Ethnoarchaeology in Action, (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge,
2001), p. 2. It may be undertaken informally, involve systematic study of a single domain
of material culture, or involve the study in depth of significant parts of a living culture.
See: N. David & C. Kramer, Ethnoarchaeology in Action, p. 9. It has been described as a
branch of cultural and social anthropology. See: R.F. Murphy, Cultural and Social Anthropology: An Overture, (Prentice-Hall, Inc.: New Jersey, 1986), p. 6; C. Renfrew & P.
Bahn, Archaeology, p. 9.
4. According to Field, “The custom of dyeing the hands of men and women with henna
is common throughout Southwestern Asia and adjacent territories.” Field’s study, Bodymarking in Southwestern Asia, reviews a number of historical and classical references to
the use of henna as decoration on the hands and feet (and hair) of men and women from
Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Tripoli, Nigeria, Sahara, Sudan, Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Jordan, Arabia, Turkey, Mesopotamia (Iraq), Persia (Iran), Afghanistan, India, China and
Europe. According to Field, Europe seems to have started using henna around 1890
when, it was taken up in Paris by Madame Patti and others, mostly in the form of shampoo. H. Field, Body-Marking in Southwestern Asia, (The Peabody Museum, Papers of the
Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology: Harvard University, 1958), Vol XLV,
No. 1, Cambridge, MA, pp. 95-107.
Field’s comment on his visit to Jordan in November of 1927: “in the tents of Mohammed
Abu Tayi of the Huwaitat (Howeitat) at Al Jafar east of Maan and with his cousin, Ibn
Jazi, I saw several Beduin women whose hands were stained with henna”. See: H. Field,
Body-Marking in Southwestern Asia, p. 101.
Accounts of men dying their beards with henna are also common throughout Arabia: See:
A.S. Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab Emirates: The anthropology of food
and personal adornment among Arabian women, (American University of Beirut: Beirut,
1983), p. 57; N. Richardson & M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage of Oman, Volumes One &
Two, (Motivate Publishing: Dubai, 2003), Vol I, p. 255; R.W. Lebling & D. Pepperdine,
Natural Remedies of Arabia, (Stacey International: London, 2006), p. 80; G.S. Colin,
2009. “Ḥinna,” in C.E. Bosworth, E. Van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs eds., Encyclopaedia
of Islam, (Second Edition) Volume III, (Brill: Leiden, 2009), p. 461, column 1.
Sonnini comments on the use of henna in ancient Egypt: “It would appear that the custom of dying the nails was known to the ancient Egyptians, for those of mummies are,
most commonly, of a reddish hue.” See: C.S. Sonnini, Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt,
12
pp. 265-6. Field also comments on the use of henna in ancient Egypt: “Henna has been
used in Egypt for several thousand years, if, as several authorities assert, the dark stain on
the hands and nails of ancient Egyptian mummies can be attributed to this dye.” See: H.
Field, Body-Marking in Southwestern Asia, p.99. Recent scientific studies of ancient Egyptian mummies confirm Field’s and Sonnini’s earlier assertions regarding henna. Henna
was used on the fingernails, toenails and hair of both the living and the mummies. See:
A.C. Aufderheide, The Scientific Study of Mummies, (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 2003), p. 256. In Dynasty 21 it was employed as a dye for the outer shroud on
male mummies (Dynasty 21=1064-940BC). See: A.C. Aufderheide, The Scientific Study
of Mummies, pp. 256 & 242.
Henna was also found in early excavations in Iraq. One excavated grave produced a small,
marble dish with two compartments. Adhering to the walls of one compartment was a
thick black coating of kohl; on the walls of the other were traces of reddish henna. See:
H. Field, Body-Marking in Southwestern Asia, p. 102; after: E.J. Banks, Bismya, or the lost
city of Adab, (G.P. Putnam’s Sons: New York, 1912), p. 311.
Lebling and Pepperdine refer to the biblical reference for henna in Solomon’s Song of
Songs, where King Solomon compared his love to henna. See R.W. Lebling & D. Pepperdine, Natural Remedies of Arabia, p.80. “My lover is to me a cluster of henna blossoms
from the vineyards of En Gedi.” See: Holy Bible: New International version, (International Bible Society: Colorado Springs, 1984), p. 471.
5. “For [Omani] women, ceremonial events are a time for wearing the finest embroidered
costumes and jewellery, and for the use of henna, kohl, incense and indigo.” See: N. Richardson & M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage of Oman, Volume One, p. 31. Henna decorations
are used on the hands and feet of women for marriage, ‘eid celebrations and other special
occasions. See N. Richardson & M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage of Oman, Volume One, p.
54. “Traditionally the application of henna was a social occasion, with women familymembers and friends gathering to paint the henna on to the bride’s feet and hands.” See:
M. Morris & P. Shelton, Oman Adorned: A Portrait in Silver, (Apex Publishing: Muscat
& London, 1997), p. 140.
Unni Wikan’s anthropological study of women in Oman, primarily Sohar, reveals a personal account of a bride having henna applied prior to her wedding party. According to
Wikan: “On the wedding day, I came to Mariam’s home around 10am. She was lying
outstretched on her back inside a barasti hut while her cousin Latifa decorated her with
hennah-a red, propitious colour. This was the sixth time in four days that the bride was
thus decorated.” “Surrounding her were a number of little girls, similarly outstretched.
Incense burned. Latifa was busily painting the hands and feet of the bride and the small
girls with patterns of flowers, trees, rings, and stars, according to their individual preferences.” See: U. Wikan, Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman, (University of Chicago
Press: Chicago, 1991), pp. 217-218. Wikan’s study was undertaken during August 1974
and December 1975 to January 1976. See: U. Wikan, Behind the Veil in Arabia, p. 3.
In Arabia a bride might be entertained by her guests with songs and dances, while she is
13
having her henna applied. Her friends also feed her sweetmeats and hot sweet tea. See:
R.W. Lebling & D. Pepperdine, Natural Remedies of Arabia, p. 80.
The ‘henna night’/ lailat al-hinna, which proceeds a traditional marriage in Muscat (Sultanate of Oman) consists of the following: “The bride sits, as if enthroned, in a small
booth-like chamber (hijlah) which is lavishly decorated with jewellery, flowers, mirrors,
and silken draperies, with only her hands and feet extending beyond the veiling. The
female relatives and friends of the bride gather round, laughing and telling stories as a
means of distraction and entertainment while she remains immobile, sequestered within
the booth for the duration of the lengthy beautification process.” See: N. Richardson &
M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage of Oman, Volume One, p. 255.
Malcolm’s description of marriage ceremonies among Persian tribes in 1815 is as follows:
“They also observe the usage of staining the hands with red dye (called hennah) the day before that of the marriage.” See: Col., Sir John., Malcolm, The history of Persia from the most
early period to the present time, 2 Volumes, (John Murray: London, 1815), Vol., II, p. 607.
“Omani women are skilled in the making of cosmetic mixtures for the beautification of
hair and skin, using ingredients available in the local souqs as well as material found in
the natural environment. Shampoos and hair dressings are made from the leaves of sidr
(Ziziphus spina-christi), henna and yas, while saffron, sandalwood, indigo and aloe are
used to create facial make-up.” See: N. Richardson & M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage of
Oman, Volume One, p. 254. “Yas” is a fragrant myrtle shrub (Myrtus communis) having
small aromatic leaves, which are used in herbal and cosmetic mixtures. See: N. Richardson & M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage of Oman, Volume Two, p. 541.
6. According to Richardson and Dorr, the manes and tails of white horses and donkeys are
dyed bright orange with henna, for ‘eid celebrations and other festive occasions in Oman.
See: N. Richardson & M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage of Oman, Volume One, p. 255. In
Eastern Saudi Arabia (al-Qatif and al-Hasa), henna is applied decoratively to white donkeys. Henna from India is commonly used in Eastern Saudi Arabia however; henna from
Medina is also sold in local markets and is specially esteemed. See: J.P. Mandaville, Flora
of Eastern Saudi Arabia, (Keagan Paul International: London, 1990), p. 195.
“It is also not uncommon to see a fine horse with its forelock, mane, tail or feet dyed with
henna; or perhaps a fine sheep destined for sacrifice.” See: G.S. Colin, “Ḥinna,” p. 461.
For a detailed discussion of henna used to decorate white horses, see: H. Field, BodyMarking in Southwestern Asia, p. 110. With regard to the use of henna, the true aim of the
dyeing is probably less to embellish than to protect against the evil eye: there is considerable evidence that prophylactic powers are attributed to the colour red. See: G.S. Colin,
“Ḥinna,” p. 461. According to Kanafani, henna is a sign of purification in the United
Arab Emirates, and is used in rites of passage, especially wedding and circumcision, as a
“good omen.” See: A.S. Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab Emirates, p. 57.
Field has also noted that henna dye was used as a magical protection against the evil eye.
See: H. Field, Body-Marking in Southwestern Asia, p. 111. Haas, Christof and Freihofer
have also commented on the use of henna as a protection from evil: “In the past, henna
14
was superstitiously considered to be a protection against evil. Thus, it makes sense that
the henna patterns were placed in the middle of the palm, which is automatically shown
in self-defense.” See: R. Haas, K.D. Christof & F. Freihofer, Mythos Henna, (Al Bayan
Press: Dubai, 2000), p.47.
7. Eid al-Fitr is the Muslim religious festival, which celebrates the end of the holy month of
Ramadan (the month of fasting). ‘Eid al-Adha or the “greater ‘eid” represents the celebration and animal sacrifices to mark the end of the pilgrimage or hajj. See: I.M. Lapidus,
A History of Islamic Societies, (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1988), p. 223.
8. See: A.S. Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab Emirates, p. 53. The henna
trees shown in Figure 3 were photographed at a farm in Wadi al-Hayl, Fujairah, UAE.
9. N.P. Weinberg, Henna: from head to toe, (Storey Books: Pownal Vermont, 1999), pp. 2-3.
10. N.P. Weinberg, Henna: from head to toe, p. 3.
11. M. Jongbloed, The Comprehensive Guide to the Wildflowers of the United Arab Emirates, (ERWDA: Abu Dhabi, 2003), p. 441. According to Mandaville, henna trees grow to a maximum height of about 7 metres. See: J.P. Mandaville, Flora of Eastern Saudi Arabia, p. 195.
12. M. Jongbloed, The Comprehensive Guide to the Wildflowers, p. 441.
13. M. Jongbloed, The Comprehensive Guide to the Wildflowers, p. 441. For a detailed botanical description of henna see: F.M. Karim & N.M. Fawzi, N.M. Flora of the United Arab
Emirates, Volume 1, (UAE University Publications: Abu Dhabi, 2007), pp. 369-371; J.P.
Mandaville, Flora of Eastern Saudi Arabia, pp. 195-196.
14. C. Winbow, The Native Plants of Oman: An Introduction, (The Environment Society of
Oman: Muscat, 2008), p. 109.
In the Sultanate of Oman henna flowers are placed in clothes drawers to deter insects.
See: C. Winbow, The Native Plants of Oman, p. 109. Henna flowers were used to create
scented oil in the ‘Near East.’ See: G.S. Colin, “Ḥinna,” p. 461.
15. M. Jongbloed, The Comprehensive Guide to the Wildflowers, p. 441.
16. C. Winbow, The Native Plants of Oman, p. 109. Henna bushes display tremendous
toughness against drought once they are established. See: C. Winbow, The Native Plants
of Oman, p. 109.
17. Pers comm. M. al-Kindi & F. al-Sharqi 2003.
18. According to Field, the henna grown throughout Arabia has; “For many years formed an
important product for export…” See: H. Field, Body-Marking in Southwestern Asia, p. 101.
19. There were originally three ynur present at the village of al-Hayl. Sorghum (Sorghum
15
vulgare or bicolor) was also dried on the ynur. The settlement at al-Hayl reached its peak
in the mid-twentieth century and was abandoned in the 1970s. For more information on
the village of Wadi al-Hayl, see: M.C Ziolkowski & A.S. al-Sharqi, “Bayt Sheikh Abdulla
bin Hamdan al-Sharqi, al-Hayl, Fujairah, U.A.E.,” Tribulus 16/2 (2006): pp. 3-16.
20. In Dhofar, the southern region of Oman, Dhofari women collected henna leaves, chewed
them and applied the resulting paste then and there, which produced a very bright red
dye. “Alternatively, they stored the paste in a little pot or leather pouch, or took the leaves
home to dry them for later use.” See: M. Morris & P. Shelton, Oman Adorned, p. 334.
21. Henna recipes vary, as different families might add tea water, coffee, hibiscus, limejuice
or other ingredients to adjust colour, shade and quality. See: R.W. Lebling & D. Pepperdine, Natural Remedies of Arabia, p. 80. According to Kanafani, approximately half a
cup of henna is required to make enough paste to dye the hands and feet of one person.
“To begin one dried lime is boiled in water. Once the water has boiled and become red
from cooking the dried lime, it is poured on the henna and the compound is kneaded to
make a paste which is neither fluid nor thick.” See: A.S. Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in
the United Arab Emirates, p. 55.
22. A similar account was noted by: A.S. Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab
Emirates, p. 55.
23. A similar account was noted by: A.S. Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab
Emirates, p. 55.
24. According to Sonnini’s accounts from Egypt: once the henna paste has been rubbed on
the body parts “which they mean to colour”: “they are wrapped up in linen, and at the
end of two or three hours the orange hue is strongly impressed on them.” See: C.S. Sonnini, Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, p. 265.
The practice of wrapping the hands and feet with linen is also noted in: A.S. Kanafani,
Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab Emirates, p. 56.
Ethnographic accounts from the West Coast of the U.A.E. reflect the use of a cloth
known as gmaat (Pers comm. National Archives 2016).
25. Ruwayib specifically refers to henna designs on the fingers, while betaan refers to triangle
shapes applied on the palm of the hands (Pers comm. National Archives 2016).
26. Ethnographic accounts from the West Coast of the U.A.E. contrast with those in Fujairah. According to sources on the West Coast, only married women are allowed to choose
between ghamsah and gassah; while unmarried women are only allowed to apply the
ghamsah type (pers comm. National Archives 2016).
27. The authors were present at a local wedding in the city of Fujairah (U.A.E) in February
2003, during which, the wedding festivities included the wedding party moving from the
father of the groom’s house to the aunt’s house in order to obtain henna. This was done
16
by a mass movement of wedding guests, hired musicians and dancers, walking around
the block of houses in the middle of the road. Once the henna was obtained from the
aunt’s house, it was placed in a basket and carried on the head of one of the male relatives.
Upon returning to the groom’s father’s home, the henna was then applied to the groom’s
hands and feet in the ghamsah design, thus forming a major component of the wedding
proceedings.
28. Similar information contained within this paragraph was also noted by: A.S. Kanafani,
Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab Emirates, pp. 56-57.
29. A.S. Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab Emirates, p. 57.
The same comment regarding the use of henna was reiterated during our interview with
M al-Kindi. See also: R. Haas, K.D. Christof & F. Freihofer, Mythos Henna, p. 23. Ghamsah design was also used in the past by pearl divers and fishermen in the Gulf, to protect
the skin, which was aggravated by the salty seawater, from chaffing and drying. See: A.S.
Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in the United Arab Emirates, p. 57; R. Haas, K.D. Christof
& F. Freihofer, Mythos Henna, p. 43.
“In medicine, the astringent properties of the leaves were used, in a decoction, for treating burns, thrush and swelling accompanied by inflammation. Applied as poultices to the
palms of the hands and the soles of the feet, they closed the pores and reduced perspiration.” See: G.S. Colin, “Ḥinna,” p. 461.
Note: a reference to the use of henna in Nigeria recorded by Tremearne in 1914 and published in Field 1958, states: “The women at Salla even stain their hair (with henna), this
being ‘to protect them against the heat of the sun, which will make them ill otherwise.’
” See: A.J.N. Tremearne, The Ban of the Bori: Demons and Demon Dancing in West and
North Africa, (Frank Cass & Co.: London, 1914), p. 118; H. Field, Body-Marking in
Southwestern Asia, pp. 98-99.
A reference to the use of henna in Afghanistan recorded by Felix Howland, and preserved
in a letter to H Field, dated April 12, 1936, is as follows: “The tradition in Iran and Iraq
that the Prophet (Mohammed) himself had reddish hair, or used henna, is unknown in
this country. Medically henna is claimed to prevent headache. I remember one student
coming to class with a fiery head of hair because he said he had been suffering from
headache and that was the best cure. It is also a specific against dandruff, falling hair, skin
infections, excess perspiration, wind-burn, chapping, and serves to toughen the skin.”
See: H. Field, Body-Marking in Southwestern Asia, p. 106.
In Susan Hillyard’s personal memoir of life in Abu Dhabi (U.A.E.) between the years
1954 and 1958 she recounts a similar use of henna for the hands. Sheikha Shamsah of
Abu Dhabi noted that henna placed on the palms of the hands and fingers during the
summer months prevented them from sweating. Sheikh Shamsah in conversation with
Susan Hillyard: “It prevents them (the hands) from sweating. You must have discovered
how difficult it is to hold a needle while sewing.” See: S. Hillyard, Before the Oil: A personal memoir of Abu Dhabi 1954-1958, (Ashridge Press: Derbyshire, 2002), p. 47.
17
In Oman, henna has been used as a mouthwash and medicament for headaches, and as a
poultice for burns, rashes and other skin irritations. “A soothing ointment made from its
leaves may be rubbed into aching joints or limbs, or on the forehead.” See: N. Richardson
& M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage of Oman, Volume One, p. 255.
Lebling and Pepperdine outline and describe a vast number of medicinal uses for henna
consisting of the treatment for burns, chicken pox, colds and fevers, cuts, foot pain, hair
loss, headache, infections, and measles. See: R.W. Lebling & D. Pepperdine, Natural
Remedies of Arabia, p. 81.
In the Sultanate of Oman, henna further serves as a dye for leather articles and cotton
cloth, and for the man’s walking stick. See: N. Richardson & M. Dorr, The Craft Heritage
of Oman, Volume One, p. 255.
30. Comparable information was noted by: A.S. Kanafani, Aesthetics and Ritual in the United
Arab Emirates, p. 57.
31. A different herbal mixture was used if a child was suffering from a cold and/or breathing difficulties. Sidr (Ziziphus spina-christi) leaves, powdered kurkum (turmeric/Curcuma
longa), helba (fenugreek/Trigonella foenumgraecum), and a small onion were combined.
These ingredients were pounded using a mortar and pestle, heated slightly, applied to the
top of the head, and covered with a scarf: Pers comm.. M. al- Kindi 2003.
32. Eickelman’s 1980 ethnographic study in the oasis of al-Hamra (located on the western
edge of the Jebel al-Akhdar region of inner Oman), reveals a detailed account of this
practice: “Forty days after birth, there is a ceremony called the ‘changing of clothes and
bedding,’ during which the child is formally washed in the presence of women from the
family cluster. If the child is a boy, money is placed on his chest, his hands and feet are
hennaed, and women ‘make a great deal of noise’ so that he will grow up strong. For a girl,
the ceremony is less elaborate. Women do not ‘make noise,’ and no money is placed on
her chest by relatives, but her hands and feet are hennaed.” See: C. Eickelman, C. Women
and Community in Oman, (New York University Press: New York, 1984), pp. 186-187.
33. Sabr=Aloe Vera. Aloe vera was usually attained from the Sultanate of Oman. Stalks were
cut in sections, the liquid removed, and then dried in the sun. These dried fragments were
then ground up and mixed with water to form a paste, which was then applied directly
to the skin. Small pieces of the dried aloe vera were also boiled with water and consumed
as a drink. This was used as a cure for stomach ailments: Pers comm. M. al-Kindi 2003.
34. Fresh, bruised henna leaves were also used in India for medicinal purposes. “The fresh
leaves beaten up into a paste with vinegar, and applied as a poultice to the soles of the feet,
was the common mode of application…” This was used for an affliction termed “Burning
of the feet.” See: H. Field, Body-Marking in Southwestern Asia, p. 109.
35. Henna was also used on the hands and feet of people attending celebrations to mark a
boy’s circumcision. These celebrations often occurred one to two months after a group of
boys had been circumcised: Pers comm. M. al-Kindi 2003.
18
A Historical Overview of the Rise and
Development of the Hospitality Industry
in the Trucial States (1932-1971)
Introduction
Hotel construction has always been associated with tourist sites. However, in the
region of the Emirates (the erstwhile Trucial States), economic development in the
second half of the 20th century resulted in an influx of visitors, official delegations,
businessmen and oil company personnel. Dubai, for example, was transformed into
a commercial hub in 1903 when its Ruler, Sheikh Maktoum Bin Hasher,1 issued a
decree cancelling export customs duties and reducing import duties to less than 0.4
percent. The Emirate thus began to regularly host larger commercial steamers which
greatly augmented its income, and together with the then prosperous pearl industry,2
made Dubai an attractive destination for traders.
The second quarter of the 20th century witnessed dependence by some of the Emirates
of the Trucial Coast on oil and air concessions3. In the Emirate of Abu Dhabi, oil was
discovered in 1958, and the first shipment of crude oil was exported in June 1962
from Das Island.4 This triggered high hopes of finding oil in the other Emirates of
the Trucial Coast, whose population depended on pearl diving, fishing and some
handicrafts.
The prospect of economic developments resulted in a significant rise in the number of
people visiting the region, and the need to establish hotels for their accommodation.
This paper charts the rise of the hospitality industry in the region during the 19321971 era. It is divided into three parts: Hotels in Sharjah; Hotels in Dubai; Hotels in
Abu Dhabi and the remaining Trucial Coast Emirates. This division is based on the
time-line from construction of the first hotel in the region in 1932, the Station Rest
House in Sharjah, to 1971, which marked the rise of the United Arab Emirates.
Sharjah Hotels
On July 22, 1932, Sheikh Sultan Bin Saqr Al-Qasimi (1924-1951), Ruler of Sharjah,5
concluded an agreement with the British authorities for the establishment of an air
station in his Emirate. The agreement provided inter alia for the establishment of a
19
rest house for passengers and staff of the company in accordance with master plans
to be prepared by the company itself under the supervision of an engineer working
for British authorities. The rest house and all its fixtures were to be owned by the
Ruler, and the company had the right to accommodate its staff therein. However,
neither the company staff nor passengers had the right to enter the Emirate of Sharjah
without permission from the Ruler. The rental fee of the Rest House was 300 rupees
monthly.6
As per the said agreement, the Ruler of Sharjah procured the materials necessary for
the building of the Rest House (such as rocks, cement, etc.). The Political Resident in
the Gulf later sent 10,000 rupees to the Native Agent, Mr. Issa Abdullatif Al-Serkal,7
as a contribution to the building of the Rest House. The sum was to be paid to the
Ruler in instalments. On July 19 of the same year, British authorities dispatched
Captain Kenneth Mackay from Baghdad to Sharjah to set forth a master plan for
the establishment of the Rest House.8 In spite of the difficulties (such as lack of
building materials and financial resources) work went on. October 5, 1932 witnessed
the arrival of the first plane at Sharjah airfield. It came from Gwadar9 and was
stopping over in Sharjah on route to Bahrain. Passengers were accommodated in tents
equipped with conveniences available at that time.10 On April 27, 1933, passengers
used the Rest House for the first time. Electricity was intermittently supplied in the
beginning, but fresh water for drinking, cooking and washing was regular. Water
supplies were carried in tin vessels from wells and aflaj (underground water channels)
some 3 kilometres away to the Rest House on donkey back.11
The Rest House was a one-storey building, in the shape of a rectangular tower
overlooking a central open court. It consisted of a series of rooms which ran around
the inside of four external walls, all of which were shaded by verandahs.12 All the
rooms had fans and small windows13 in addition to square-shaped watch towers.14
The doors were made of iron.15
The Rest House, which was only 40 meters away from the airfield,16 was occupied
by visitors frequenting the area in general, and Dubai in particular, due to its rising
economic prominence. Julian Walker,17 who visited Sharjah in 1953, said there were
no restaurants or hotels and the dilapidated Political Residency had no room to host
him, his assistant and the administrative official. Consequently, they all stayed at the
Airfield Rest House.18
Another traveller who visited Sharjah and the Trucial States in the late 1950s and
early 1960s, Abdul Qader Zaloum,19 said that the only hotel on the Coast was that
which existed at the airfield inside the citadel that housed offices of the Gulf Air
Company as well as rooms of the Rest House and the restaurant.20
Salim Zabbal, an Egyptian traveler,21 said, “We had no choice but to stay at the Sharjah
20
Historical Overview of the Rise and Development of the Hospitality Industry
Airfield Rest House, the only hotel in all the Emirates of the Trucial Coast where it
was possible to be served a good meal and to sleep in an air-conditioned room…
Therefore, we used to shuttle between Sharjah and Dubai where we worked”.22 Thus,
the Airfield Rest House became the sole refuge for visitors coming to the region, and
especially those whose destination was Dubai, which is very close to Sharjah.
Hotel Sheba
(Source: Dr. Sultan Al-Qasimi Centre for Gulf studies)
Among the other hotels established in Sharjah was the Sabaa’ (Sheba) Hotel, which
was constructed in the late 1960s. It had a spacious lobby and consisted of 50 rooms,
all supplied with electricity. A stay in a double room, inclusive of all three meals, cost
ten pounds sterling per night. Diplomats and ministers frequented this hotel and
used it as a meeting place.23
Dubai Hotels
With the accession of Sheikh Rashid Bin Said Al-Maktoum (1958-1990),24 the
Emirate of Dubai began to undergo rapid economic development, accompanied
by the creation of badly needed establishments and utilities, including hotels,
to accommodate the many visitors and delegations coming to the region. Kamal
Hamza,25 former Director of Dubai Municipality, reported that when engineers from
an oil company had come to Dubai in 1957 to prospect for oil in the Emirate, they
were rented three rooms by the Ruler. Due to limited space, three or four persons
21
occupied each room. Nor were there any running water or sanitary arrangements.26
Electricity was supplied by a generator which worked only part of the time. The rent
was 30 rupees per night for each occupant.27 In the absence of proper hotels, these
rooms were called ‘a hotel.’ This led Sheikh Rashid Bin Said to give serious thought
to the development of basic infrastructure in the Emirate. He summoned engineers
and experts as well as investors to study the issue.28
In the meantime, rooms were rented out for guests of the government of Dubai,
while representatives of British authorities in the region used to personally host
visiting commercial delegations, due to the absence of hotels at that time. Harold
Walker, Assistant Political Agent29 in Dubai from 1958 to 1960, commented on
the absence of hotel services in Dubai saying: “As there were no suitable hotels for
accommodating European businessmen, I hosted for one week a representative of
the Austin Automotive Company who was seeking an agent for the company in the
region. However, he failed to achieve his goal”.30
The true beginning of the hotel industry in Dubai came in 1959,31 when the “Airlines
Hotel” was established.32 In the last quarter of the same year, the Ruler of Dubai
asked the Costain Company to make plans for a European-style hotel consisting of
five double-bed rooms and 10 single-bedrooms.33 When this was finally built in Bur
Dubai, it consisted of two stories with only eight rooms. It was lit by kerosene lamps,
and water was supplied through a special reservoir.34
Among the important events that took place at that hotel was its hosting of survivors
of the ship Dara,35 which sank in the Arabian Gulf on April 8, 1961; the Ruler of
Dubai, Sheikh Rashid, ordered their accommodation in the not-yet furnished hotel.36
Another traveller to the area, Mr. Salim Zabbal, referred to the Airlines Hotel during
his visit to Dubai stating, “It was the only hotel in Dubai and it was apparently owned
by an Indian. As we entered, it was too hot and stifling because the place was not
air-conditioned. Additionally, the scent of curry hung strongly inside and because
I dislike curry I immediately left and went to the Sharjah Airfield Rest House”.37
The hotel ventilation was not properly designed as the smell of food permeated
throughout, and many guests cut short their stay due to this reason.
As air traffic through Dubai intensified, the hotel was expanded38 and the number of
rooms increased significantly, reaching 35. Sheikh Rashid Bin Said, Ruler of Dubai,
frequently visited the hotel and enjoyed talking to the guests to elicit their opinions
regarding Dubai.39 It quickly became more than just a hotel for accommodating
guests; it became a place for holding various events, often attended by top local
officials and dignitaries for special ceremonies such as those organized by Dubai’s
expatriate communities.40 Moreover, the hotel hosted visiting delegations and other
visitors.41
22
Airlines Hotel.
Source : Pearls of Dubai, p.110
On May 15, 1961, Sheikh Rashid Bin Said, the Ruler of Dubai, issued a number
of local decrees for the Council of Dubai Municipality,42 including ones relating to
hotels. Those decrees stipulated inter alia that no building should be used as a hotel
without a valid license from the Municipality stating that express purpose. Moreover,
such licenses must specify the number of floors in the hotel at the time of license
issuance and the specifications of the foundation. Hotels should also be designed with
adequate exits for speedy evacuation. No guest should be turned away for whatever
period of time is requested and guest satisfaction should be monitored. It should also
be the responsibility of all the hotel managers to keep a register of all guests.43 These
decrees were issued as the government recognized the importance of setting standards
for the hotel sector in anticipation of an expected boom resulting from the rapid
economic development witnessed by the Emirate.
Also among Dubai’s first hotels was the Darwish Hotel. The economic report for
1962 indicated that The Darwish & Brothers Foundation of Doha was building
a hotel on land reclaimed at Deira opposite Dar Al-I’timad. The original master
plan provided for the establishment of a 28-room hotel, however, the revised plan
provided for one with a larger number of rooms.44 Work on the construction of the
Darwish Hotel started in the last quarter of the same year45 and the number of rooms
was raised to 34.46
23
As a result of the implementation of infrastructure projects in Dubai, the number
of hotels increased.47 A British report stated that by late 1962 there was a plan for
the establishment of a hotel near the airport48 with a swimming pool and two sport
courts. This was the Carlton Hotel located in Deira,49 which consisted of nine storeys
and 100 air-conditioned rooms.50
In addition to the hotels mentioned above, there were also Al-Waha and Al-Bustan
hotels, which were described by Zabbal as follows: “…At Al-Waha and Al Bustan
hotels there were two swimming pools used by both guests and local residents. The
rate was GBP 7.50 per person per night, to be reduced to GBP 5.00 only if no
meals were served. Both of these hotels were air-conditioned in winter as well as
in summer.” At that time, Zabbal added that Dubai had three first-class hotels:51
Carlton, Al-Bustan and Al-Waha.
A report on the Emirate of Dubai dated September 9, 1964, by the Political
Agent, A. James M. Craig, stated that, “while there were no hotels as per European
standards, there are two hotels appropriately furnished and three luxury ones are to
be commissioned soon”.52 However, this comparison was rather biased as Craig was
comparing Europe’s developed hotel industry with that of Dubai’s which was still
in the embryonic stage.
At the beginning, the objective of the hotel industry was simply to establish hotels
to accommodate visitors. With the passage of time and further developments, the
aim was to provide additional services and better facilities. It may be remarked with
a note of pride that today Dubai can boast of some of the best luxury hotels, many
of which are iconic edifices meeting not only the highest international standards but
also providing the ultimate in personal services to the most discriminating guests.
Prior to the discovery of oil in the Emirate, the hotel industry had to confront many
challenges in the early days. Salim Zabbal remarked: “owners and managers faced great
difficulties in the early months. To start with, the number of restaurant clients was often
less than the number of waiters serving them,53 leaving owners and managers with little
financial incentive to continue”. The situation was so dire that the Dubai Municipality
decided on January 1, 1966 to exempt owners of first-class hotels, namely the Carlton,
Al-Waha and Al-Bustan, from paying municipal fees at the end of the year.54
In 1967, Dubai Municipality endorsed a draft law on the collection of special fees in
return for services offered by the various government departments and other public
utilities, including hotels. The fees thus collected were to be deposited in the fund
established to aid Arab countries affected by Zionist aggressions.55 Upon endorsement
by the Emirate’s Ruler, the fees were to be collected. Thus, hotels were to add a 5 per
cent fee on bills issued to their guests and regular clients. The law applied to all hotels
irrespective of their rating.56
24
Carlton Hotel in 1966 (Source: Al-Arabi magazine)
An advertisement for Al-Waha Hotel (Source: Akhbar Dubai magazine, 1970)
It should be noted that by the late 1960’s, Dubai had more hotels than any other
Emirate. This was due to the fact that its population was growing more rapidly and
business was booming, expanding and diversifying. A 1964 British report stated
that, “In 1959 the population of Dubai was about 40,000; it is now almost certainly
over 60,000…” while not a single drop of crude oil was yet exported. However, the
Emirate was doing well due to diligence and favourable commercial conditions, as
Dubai is an excellent commercial hub managed by Sheikh Rashid himself.57
25
As Dubai was turning into a commercial hub, the number of hotels increased. In
1967, there was the first-class Grand Gulf Hotel.58 In 1968, the Ambassador Hotel,
considered the first notable hotel structure in Dubai, was inaugurated at Bur Dubai
and Sheikh Rashid selected an Indian resident, Mr. M. R. Lulla,59 as its manager. The
Sheikh became acquainted with Lulla at the Sharjah Airfield where he was working
and asked him to join the team at the Dubai Airport. Mr. Lulla was first appointed as
manager of the Airlines Hotel upon its inauguration.
The Ambassador Hotel consisted of 85 rooms and the Ruler of Dubai used the venue
for official lunch and dinner banquets until the 1980s.60 A 1968 report on the region
by the Political Resident, Julian L. Bullard, noted that among the master plans at
the office of the Ruler of Dubai is one for the establishment of the Dubai Hilton61.
In 1970, Dubai Municipality issued a license for the establishment of yet another
hotel.62 It should be noted that the district of Deira encompassed the most luxury
hotels with swimming pools and various other sports facilities.63
Dubai Municipality played an important role in the organization and control of the
hotel industry. Its medical labs conducted health checks for hotel staff to ensure that
they were healthy and free from all contagious diseases. Municipality inspectors also
regularly inspected food and beverage outlets to confirm abidance with health and
safety regulations.64
Hotels in Abu Dhabi and other Trucial States
Hanna Elias Khereish first visited the Emirate of Abu Dhabi in 1958, and is
acknowledged as the first person to obtain a license for the establishment of a hotel
in Abu Dhabi. His hotel was a structure consisting of four commercial shops on the
ground floor and four rooms on the first floor. It was constructed for the owner, Mr.
Khalifa Bin Hamad, in four months’ time, at a cost of 20,000 rupees. Instead of
serving as a hotel, however, the British Bank of the Middle East 65 rented the entire
building, paying its owner 40,000 rupees as rent for two years.66 Thus, the building
that was meant to be a hotel became an office building.
By the year 1960 there was another hotel in Abu Dhabi: The Restaurant and Hotel
Sobhan Allah, according to Mr. Zabbal. He described the hotel/restaurant and its
location thusly: “In Abu Dhabi people meet at two centers: in the north, where
the Ruler’s Palace is located, surrounded by people’s homes; and in the west, five
kilometers away from the Al-Bateen area, where Abu Dhabi’s only hotel stood. We
would often see palm fronds flying off its rooftop, and at the entrance, barrels of
petrol and paint were placed. On its signboard, decorated with two crossed flags, was
written: Restaurant and Hotel Sobhan Allah. Zabbal added that one night’s stay was
13 rupees, including breakfast.67 It should be noted that the hotel was very poorly
constructed of simple building materials available in the area. Consequently, guests
26
did not find it welcoming and were discouraged from staying overnight.
Thus, lack of proper accommodation was a major problem facing visitors and
businessmen in Abu Dhabi. This was confirmed by a 1962 British report on Abu
Dhabi.68 In the first quarter of 1962, 48 British businessmen and 29 from other
nationalities (mostly Arab) visited Abu Dhabi. In the last quarter of the same year,
32 British businessmen and 15 from other nationalities came.69 Undoubtedly, such
an influx of visitors benefited certain Abu Dhabi locals. Mohamed Al-Faheem, a
prominent Emirati businessman,70 stated that some people used to borrow money
in order to build rooms and smaller restaurants to rent out to meet the increasing
demand for accommodation and food. These may all be interpreted as a mark of
economic development, as well as a source for job opportunities that eventually
improved their standard of living.71
After oil was discovered in 1958, the first shipment of which was exported in 1962,
the Emirate of Abu Dhabi witnessed an influx of businessmen seeking opportunities.
However, only a few of them actually succeeded in negotiating any agreements with
Sheikh Shakhbut Bin Sultan, then Ruler of the Emirate.72 Most of those businessmen
were affiliated with British establishments. The only exception was a Lebanese
contracting company, Contracting and Trading, which won a concession for building
a number of structures.73
On April 27, 1961, Sheikh Shakhbut and Emil Al-Bustani, owner of the said
company, signed an agreement for the construction of a number of projects in Abu
Dhabi, including hotels. The 12-article agreement provided for the construction
of a modern hotel with no less than 20 rooms. According to the agreement, the
company was committed to expand the hotel or add annexes to it as per the Emirate’s
needs. The hotel was to be built on a suitable piece of land to be granted by the
Ruler. The company was to pay the Ruler in advance five English shillings (or the
equivalent thereof in local currency) for every square meter as the annual rent due.
The company was also committed to paying the Ruler 25 per cent of the net profits
of all its enterprises in the Emirate, including the hotel, which was to be owned by
the Ruler fifteen years after its establishment.74
A report on the Emirate of Abu Dhabi dated June 14, 1961, stated that Contracting
and Trading Company had initially failed to win the concession75 due to differences
with the Ruler over certain articles of the agreement, such as the company’s monopoly
of the hotel, and rental of the land. But thanks to the efforts of J. P. Tripp, the then
British Political Agent, it was possible to reach an agreement that met most of the
Sheikh’s demands. Following lengthy discussions with the Ruler, the agreement was
finally signed after introducing certain amendments.76
A 1962 British report on Abu Dhabi stated that Contracting and Trading was now in
27
a very strong position to exploit its status as the first contractor for the reconstruction
and development of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi. The company spent large amounts of
money to procure equipment and machines from Britain for that purpose,77 which is
probably why British authorities supported this Arab-owned company. Traditionally,
Britain supported solely British companies with regard to reconstruction and
development initiatives in the region.
The initial master plan of the hotel provided for 25 rooms and it was agreed that it
should be constructed as quickly as possible so that it could be officially launched
on August 15 or 16, 1962.78 Fortunately, it was ready on August 10th and received
its first guest on August 11th. A night’s stay was 100 rupees (bed and breakfast)
while lunch was served for 25 rupees and dinner for 30 rupees.79 The Ruler of Abu
Dhabi officially inaugurated the hotel on August 25th,80 accompanied by Mr. Emil
Al-Bustani, Chairman of Contracting and Trading. The hotel included 22 guest
rooms and 3 suites81 and was named Beach Hotel.82 The first and largest hotel in
Abu Dhabi,83 it was close to the location of the present day Sheraton Hotel.84 It had
electricity, but due to the high cost of meals and rooms, it was frequented mostly by
oil company representatives and other VIPs. Mohamed Al-Faheem confirmed that a
soft drink at the hotel cost 4 rupees, i.e., four times its market price. Therefore, local
people rarely patronised the hotel because of its inflated prices. Location was also a
deterrent as it was situated on the outskirts of the town, and getting there required a
car, another luxury beyond the means of most back then.85
Ali Hashem, a writer, who visited the Emirate of Abu Dhabi in 1967 and stayed at the
Beach Hotel, described it as a mediocre yet pleasant hotel consisting of two storeys. It
had a spacious, ornate dining hall, and a vast, tree- lined garden overlooking the sea.
The garden also had wooden huts for guests to stay in. However, the hotel still could
not accommodate all the delegations visiting Abu Dhabi,86 so the manager added
more beds in the rooms and also in the corridors. He even converted part of the
dining hall into sleeping quarters. Late arrivals had to sleep in the lobby. Whatever
the sleeping arrangement, all guests were charged at the same rate.87
The hotel received many businessmen who began to frequent Abu Dhabi once oil
production began88. Demand for rooms became so strong that reservations needed to
be made at least one month in advance to assure a bed.89
When Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al-Nahyan became Ruler of Abu Dhabi, there was
no hotel except Beach Hotel. A 1967 report on Abu Dhabi stated that there was but
one hotel and it was not suitable.90 This comment was most likely in with reference
to the size of the hotel as it could not absorb all the guests needing rooms. It was the
only hotel in the Emirate from 1962 to 1967 as no other hotels were built during that
period in spite of the significant influx of businessmen. Finally, in 1967, construction
of a new hotel was started in order to absorb the greater numbers of visitors.91 This
28
was the Al-Ain Palace Hotel located on the Abu Dhabi beachfront.92
Room rates at these two hotels were high, reaching 13 Bahraini dinars per night.
They were always fully occupied as contractors and businessmen rented the rooms
for months at a time in spite of their high rates and the fact that meal purchase was
obligatory. Additionally, dwellings were poorly constructed in Abu Dhabi at that
time, and guests often complained of the noise and/or music, which interrupted or
hindered their talks and negotiations.93
By 1968, it was expected that there would be more hotels to absorb the increasing
numbers of visitors. Abu Dhabi Municipality94 set forth a comprehensive program
for expanding its services and jurisdiction, including organizing and setting standards
for the hotel sector.95
A report on Abu Dhabi dated December 19, 1969, stated that a contract was signed
with a British company named Cementation Jersey Ltd. for the construction and
management of the Hilton Hotel. The contract value was GBP 3 million.96 One
of the first notorious guests in this hotel was an American who, together with an
accompanying delegation, reserved the Royal Suite and three other suites as well as
six rooms. They stayed for a full month and absconded without settling their bills.97
Badr Abdulmalek,98 a Bahraini writer, who stayed three years in Abu Dhabi, stated
that in the late 1960s there were two other hotels built: Zakher Hotel and Ba’albak
Hotel.99 Abu Dhabi government also decided to build two large hotels in Abu Dhabi
and Al-Ain, work on which was to start in 1970 and end in 1972.100
The other Emirates of the Trucial Coast were economically weak, with no oil
discoveries and limited populations. Nor did they witness the same economic boom
that was going on in the Emirates of Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Sharjah. Thus, there was
no pressing need for hotels. However, in the late 1960s, there were some projects for
the construction of hotels in these remote areas. A survey conducted by Zabbal in
Ras Al-Khaimah in 1968, noted that there was an air-conditioned modern hotel in
which Italian engineers stayed,101 and a 1969 report on the Trucial Coast stated that a
new hotel was being constructed in Ras Al-Khaimah. There was also a project in the
Emirate of Um Al-Quwain for building a hotel overlooking the sea.102
In the Emirate of Fujairah, the Ruler, Sheikh Hamad Bin Mohamed Al-Sharqi, signed
an agreement with Thanga Raja and Partners on June 19, 1969, for the establishment
of a first-class tourist hotel. The ten-article agreement stipulated that the Ruler of
Fujairah will receive 25 per cent of the net profit while 75 per cent will go to Thanga
Raja and Partners. The hotel was to be exempted from all taxes and governmental
fees.103
29
Conclusion
The above historical overview of the development of the hotel industry in the Trucial
States, indicates that the hospitality sector went through two phases. In the first phase,
the purpose of establishing hotels was to lodge visitors coming to the region as there
were no accommodations for them, except for the few rooms that were rented by local
government departments for that purpose. Those rooms were not purpose-built so
they were often unsuitable. Most times, the British Political Agency hosted their own
countrymen. In the second phase, some hotels were built for commercial purposes in
response to the economic development witnessed by the region. Local governments
then attached paramount importance to the creation of the infrastructures needed by
the population. This led to the influx of companies vying for investment opportunities
in the region, including in the hospitality industry, especially in light of the increasing
numbers of visitors.
The research confirms that it was not until the early 1960’s that some of the Emirates
of the Trucial Coast (Dubai, in particular, due to its growing economic importance)
experienced a need to increase the number of hotels. Although oil was discovered
earlier in Abu Dhabi, in 1958, the Emirate still had only one hotel (Beach Hotel)
until 1966. Here, the hospitality sector did not undergo remarkable growth until
Sheikh Zayed became Ruler of Abu Dhabi.
30
Endnotes :
1. Upon the death of Sheikh Rashid Bin Maktoum in 1894, his nephew Maktoum bin
Hasher was elected as Ruler of Dubai. The new Ruler developed Port Dubai and granted
facilities to world navigation lines. He died in 1906. See Hanzal, Faleh Al Mufassal fi
Tareekh Al Emarat Al-Arabiya Al Muttahida, Part II, Abu Dhabi, Darul Fikr Printing and
Publishing, 1983, pp. 707, 744.
2. Al-Sayegh, Fatma Al-Marahel Al-Tarikhiya Li Harakat Al-Tataowor fi Emarat Dubai,
1902-1971, Mejallet Dirasat Al-Khaleej wa Al-Jazira Al-Arabiya Magazine, Kuwait
University, vol 24, No. 95, 1999, pp. 75, 80.
3. Records of the Emirates 1820-1960, vol.9, edited by Penelope Tuson (London, Archive
Editions 1990) pp. 38-39.
4. Records of the Emirates 1820-1960, op. cit., vol. 11, p. 635.
5. Born in 1885, Sheikh Sultan Bin Saqr Al Qasimi, became Ruler of Sharjah in 1924. He
played a leading cultural role in the Emirates of the Trucial Coast. He founded the Qasimiya
Library, one of the earliest in Sharjah. He also encouraged female education. Died in 1951.
See Mohamed, Abdulhadi, Aqwa Khamseen Shakhsiya fi Al-emarat, Cairo Markaz Al-Raya
Wal ‘laam, 2011, pp. 321-322.
6. Abdulla, Mohamed Morsi, Tareekh Al-Emarat Al-Arabiya Al Muttahida, Mokhtarat Min
Aham Al-Wathaeq Al Britaniya (1797-1965), London, London Center for Arab Studies,
vol 1, 1997, pp. 499, 500.
7. Abdullatif Al-Serkal, the Native Agent, died. The British authorities found no better
candidate for the post than his son Issa who occupied the position from 1919 to 1935.
He was well aware of local affair on the Trucial Coast Emirates and had assisted his father
in certain missions. See El-Sayegh, Fatma, Al Wakeel Al-Mahally Wa Dawrehi fi Son’ AlQarar Al Britani fi Al-Sahel Al Motasaleh (1823- 1949) is Role in British , Mejallet Derasat
Al-Khaleej wa Al-Jazira Al-Arabiya, Kuwait University, vol 18., No. 69, 1993, p. 101.
8. Al-Qasimi, Sultan Bin Mohamed, Mahatet Al-Sharqa Al-Jawiyya Bain Al-Sharq wal
Gharb, Sharjah, Qasimi Publications, 2009, pp. 65, 66.
9. Located at the extreme south-west of Pakistan; it is the coastal part of Baluchistan
Province which is close to the Iranian border. It is the main port between Bandar
Abbas and Karachi. See Al Zedgali, Hoda Bint Abdulrahman Bin Jum’a 2009, Gwadar
Taht Al-Seyada Al-Omaniya (1913-1958), an unpublished MA thesis, Faculty of Arts
& Humanities and Social Sciences, Department of History And Islamic Civilization,
University of Sharjah, p. 16.
10. Al-Qasimi, Sultan Bin Mohamed, Mahatet Al-Sharqa Al-Jawiyya, op. cit., pp. 71-73.
11. Price, Nicolas Stanley, Imperial Airways and the Sharjah Airfield (1932-1939), Liwa
Magazine, National Center for Documentation and Research, vol. 3, No. 6, December
2012, p. 28. (see www.na.ae/liwa/issues/liwaO6A.pdf )
31
12. Ibid.
Krusell, Petra, Letters from the Arabian Gulf, Sharjah, Department of Culture1313
.and Information, 2012, pp. 23, 37
14. Price, Nicolas Stanley, Imperial Airways and the Sharjah Airfield (1932-1939), Liwa
Magazine, National Center for Documentation and Research, vol. 3, No. 6, December
2011, p. 28. (see www.ncde.ae/liwa/issues/liwaO6A.pdf )
15. Holden, David, Farewell to Arabia, London, Faber & Faber, 1966, p. 191.
16. Krusell, Petra, Letters from the Arabian Gulf, op. cit. p. 37.
17. He took over as Assistant Political Agent at the British Political Agency in Sharjah. He
was later posted to the Sultanate of Oman and returned to the Trucial Coast in 1971
to assume the position of British Political Agent in Dubai. After the rise of the UAE he
became the first British Consul. See Memoirs of the Emirates, Abu Dhabi, National Center
for Documentation and Research, 2012, p. 393.
18. Ibid. p. 48.
19. Abdul Qader Zaloum lived in the region in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and recorded
his impressions and observations regarding the Trucial Coast in a book which took him
three years to write under the title of Oman wal Emarat Al-Sab’. See Al-Fares Mohamed
Al-Fares Rahalla wa Seyasyoun Zaro Al-Emarat wa Al-Khaleej Qabl Al Naft, Abu Dhabi,
National Informati9on Council, 2012, p. 256.
20. Zaloum, Abdul Qader, Oman wal Emarat Al-Sab’: A Geographic-demographic Study,
Beirut, Dar Maktabat Al-Hayat, 1963, p. 88.
21. A Cairo-born Egyptian journalist whose career started in Egypt in 1939. He visited the
Trucial Coast and made 13 surveys of the region (1960-1974). See Al-Der’ei, Mouza,
Owais Ali E’raf Watanak Auha Al-Arabi, Abu Dhabi, Salim Zabbal’s survey, and Al-Arabi
interview with the late Sheikh Shakhbut bin Sultan, Ruler of Abu Dhabi (1928-1966),
Part I, Abu Dhabi Heritage Magazine, Emirates Heritage Club, No. 125, pp. 25-36.
22. Al Emarat min 1960 to 1974: Konto Shahedan, Abu Dhabi, Cultural Foundation
Publications 2001, p. 97.
23. Zabbal Salim, Al-Sharjah: Sourah min Sowar Sl-Hayat al-Jadidah fi Waheda min Emarat
Al-Ittihad Al-Waleed fi Al-Khaleej Al-Arabi, Al-Arabi Magazine Kuwait, Ministry of
Information, No. 151, November 1971, p. 110.
24. Sheikh Rashid was born in 1912. He was among the first pupils who attended AlAhmadiya School. He accompanied his father everywhere he went and used to converse
with people. He became Ruler upon his father’s death in 1958 and until 1990. (See Jalal,
Ibrahim, Omaraa wa Othamaa Al-Emarat, Cairo, Al Nafiza Library, 2012, pp. 165-173.
25. He acted as Director of the Dubai Municipality as of 1961. See Hussein, Abdul Ghaffar,
Hamza, Kamal, Morshed, Baladiyat Dubai (1961-1963), 1963, p. 14.
32
26. Hamza, Kamal, Rashid: Sourah ‘an Qorb, Dubai, 2007, p. 141.
27. Wilson, Graeme, Rashid Bin Said Al-Maktoum: The Founding Father, Media Prima,
1999, p. 119.
29. He acted as assistant to the British Political Agent in Dubai 1958-1960. See Memoirs of
the Emirates, op. cit., p. 394.
30. Memoirs of the Emirates, op. cit., p. 91.
32. Pearls of Dubai: Indo-Arab Relations 1900-1958, Dubai, Quality Printing Services L.L.C.,
2008, p. 112.
33. Political Diaries of the Arab World, 1904-1965, Editor Robert L. Jarman (UK Archive
Editions, 1998) vol. 22, p. 298.
35. This was among the famous ships in the Arabian Gulf and was used in travelling between
Gulf states and Karachi/Bombay/ In 1961, while it was off Um Al-Quwain, an explosion
occurred within it resulting in the burning thereof. Many of its 689 passengers and
132-man crew died and the rest were rescued. See Graeme Wilson, Rashid Bin Said AlMaktoum: The Founding Father, Media Prima, 1999, pp. 126-127.
36. Rashid, Ali Mohamed, Dara Titanic Al-Khaleej: Al-Rihla Al-Akhira, Ras Al-Khaimah
Center of Studies and Documentation, 2010, p. 130.
37. Zabbal, Salim, Al Emarat min 1960 to 1074: Konto Shahedan, Abu Dhabi, Cultural
Foundation Publications 2001, p. 97.
38. Wilson Graeme, Rashid Bin Said Al-Maktoum: The Founding Father, Media Prima,
1999, p. 119.
40. Akhbar Dubai, Dubai, Baladiyat Dubai, vol. One , No. 15, 14/8/1965, p. 1.
41. Akhbar Dubai, Dubai, Baladiyat Dubai, vol. One , No. 23 15/12/1965, p. 1.
42. Dubai Municipality Council was founded in 1957 (See Said Zahlan, Rosemarie, The
Making of the Modern Gulf States: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and
Oman, London, Unwin Hyman Ltd., 1989, p. 113.
43. FO 371/168950, NO.68-69, Dubai Municipality Local Orders, 12 April 1961.
44. Abdulla, Tareekh Al-Emarat Al-Arabiya Al-Muttahida, Selections , vol.3, p. 398.
45. Political Diaries of the Arab World, op. cit., vol. 23 p. 689.
33
46. Annual Records of the Gulf, 1962, Edited by A. Burdett (England: Archive Editions, 1993)
vol 6 , p. 381.
47. Zabbal, Salim, Al Emarat min 1960 to 1974: op. cit., pp. 127-128.
48. Political Diaries of the Arab World, op. cit., vol. 23, p. 689.
49. Akhbar Dubai, Dubai, Baladiyat Dubai, No. 52, 15/7/1967, p. 1.
50. Akhbar Dubai, Dubai, Baladiyat Dubai, vol. One , No. 9, 1/5/1965, p. 1.
52. FO 371/17471/NO. 28 Extract from an account of economic development in Dubai for
the years 1959 to 1963, 20 September 1964.
53. Zabbal, Salim, Al Emarat min 1960 to 1974: op. cit., pp. 127.
54. Akhbar Dubai, Dubai, Baladiyat Dubai, No. 25, Vol. 2, 15/2/1966, p. 5.
The In Support of Palestine Committee affiliated with the Municipality decided5555
to send donations to Arab countries affected by the 1967 Zionist aggression. See Akhbar
.Dubai, Dubai, Baladiyat Dubai, No. 51, Vol. 3, 21/6/1967, p. 1
.Ibid, p. 25656
57. Records of the Emirates 1966-1971, edited by Anita L. Burdett, (London: Archives
Editions. 2002), vol. 3, p. 18.
58. Al-Nabulsi, Mohamed Lebada, Emarat Al-Khaleej Al-Arabi Al-Motasaleh, Kuwait, (no
publisher), 1967, p. 23.
59. Lulla arrived in Dubai on 19/10/1954 and worked for the Petroleum Company Ltd.
And later became manager of the Ambassador Hotel, a position that made him shuttle
between the Emirates of the Trucial Coast. See Pearls of Dubai, op. cit., p. 108.
.Hamza, Kamal, Rashid: Sourah ‘an Qorb, Dubai, 2007, pp. 141, 1426060
61. Records of the Emirates 1966-1971, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 16-18.
62. Akhbar Dubai, Dubai, Baladiyat Dubai, vol. 5, No. 6 22/6/1970, p. 9.
63. Fenelon, K.G. Abu Dhabi and Oman Coast in Development (translated into Arabic by
Mohamed Ameen Abdulla, 1969, p. 104.
64. Akhbar Dubai, Dubai, Baladiyat Dubai, vol. 5 , No. 11 10/8/1970, p. 1.
65. Sheikh Shakhbut, Ruler of Abu Dhabi signed an agreement with the British Bank of
the Middle East in 1958 enabling the latter to open a branch in the Emirate. (See AlQaidi, Aisha, Al-Khadamat Al-Masrafiya fi Emarat Al-Sahel Al-Motasaleh: 1945-1971),
Abu Dhabi, Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2012, p. 51.
34
66. Al-Zahli, Ibrahim, Abu Dhabi, Zekrayat Min Al-Madi, UAE, Darul Ketab, 2014, p. 124.
68. Records of the Emirates 1961-1965, edited by Anita L.P. Burdett (Slough: Archive Editions
1997), vol. 2, p. 402.
69. Annual Records of the Gulf, op. cit. vol. 6 , pp. 392, 403.
70. Born in Al-Ain in 1948, he spent his childhood in the palace of Sheikh Zayed Bin Sultan
Al-Nahyan who was then Ruler Representative in Al-Ain (1946- 1966). He witnessed
several important developments in the region prior to the rise of the UAE. A prominent
businessman, he is the chairman of Al- Faheem Group (See Al-Faheem, Mohamed Abdul
Jalil, Min Al Mahall Ila Al-Ghena, Qissat Abu Dhabi, London, London Center for Arab
Studies, 1996, pp. 10-12.
71. Ibid, pp. 64, 65.
72. Sheikh Shakhbut succeeded Sheikh Saqr Bin Zayed as Ruler of Abu Dhabi in 1928
amid political instability and economic decline. However, in 1939, conditions began to
improve as Sheikh Shakhbut granted an oil concession to Petroleum Development Co.,
thus securing a new source of income for the Emirate which he ruled until 1966. (See
Maitra, Jayanti; Haji Afra, Qasr Al-Hosn, History of the Rulers of Abu Dhabi: 1793-1966,
Abu Dhabi, Center for Documentation and Research, third edition, 2004, pp. 228-230.
73. Abdulla, Tareekh Al-Emarat Al-Arabiya Al-Muttahida, Selections , vol.2, pp. 445, 446.
74. Arab Gulf Cities, edited by Richard Trench (England: Archive Editions: 1994), vol. 1,
pp. 231-232.
75. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 234.
76. Annual Records of the Gulf, op. cit, vol 6 , pp. 19-20.
77. Ibid, p. 401.
78. Ibid, p. 396.
79. Political Diaries of the Arab World, op. cit. vol. 23, p. 637.
80. Al-Faheem, Mohamed Abdul Jalil, Min Al Mahall Ila Al-Ghena, Qissat Abu Dhabi, op.
cit., p. 83.
81. Annual Records of the Gulf, op. cit, vol 6 , p. 402.
.Records of the Emirates 1961-1965, op. cit., vol 2, p. 4028282
cit., p. 83.
84. Records of the Emirates 1961-1965, op. cit., vol 1, p. 245.
35
cit., p. 83.
86. Hashem, Ali, Al-Khaleej Al-Arabi: Rihlat Omr, London, Riyad Al-Reys for Books and
Publishing, 1991, p. 17.
cit., p. 128.
88. Al-Fares Mohamed Fares, Zayed Fi Al-Wathaeq Al-Britaniya, p. 72.
89. Herhra Seif Nasser, Qissat Al Omr Ma’ Kahrbaa Abu Dhabi, Exclusive Interviews, Abu
Dhabi Distribution Company (on the Internet) dated 16/10/2015 : http:/www.addc.ae/
interviews/ar5.html.
90. Records of the Emirates 1961-1971, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 337.
91. Ibid.
92. Al-Zahli, Ibrahim, Abu Dhabi, Zekrayat Min Al-Madi, UAE, op. cit., p. 109.
93. Zabbal Salim, Abu Dhabi, Al-Arabi Magazine Kuwait, Ministry of Information, No. 121,
December 1968, pp. 71, 72.
94. The Abu Dhabi Municipality was founded in 1961. See Records of the Emirates 19611965, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 343
95. Al-Nabulsi, Mohamed Lebada, First Accession Anniversary, Kuwait, 1968, p. 28.
96. Records of the Emirates 1966-1971, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 11-12.
97. Hashem, Ali, Al-Khaleej Al-Arabi: Rihlat Omr, op. cit. , p. 35.
98. He came from Bahrain to Abu Dhabi in 1968 and stayed there until late 1971. See
Abdulmalek Badr, Abu Dhabi, Thakerat Medina, an autobiography (1968-1970, Sharjah,
Union of Emirates Writers and Men of Letters, 2001, pp. 16, 25.
.Ibid, p.199999
100.Fenelon, K.G. Abu Dhabi and Oman Coast, p. 82.
101.Zabbal, Salim, Al-Hayat Tatafattah Min Jadid fi Arbaa Emarat ‘Ala Sahel Oman, Al Arabi
Magazine, Kuwait, Ministry of Guidance and News, No. 117, August 1968, p. 83.
102.Records of the Emirates 1961-1965, op. cit., vol 4, pp. 24-25.
103.Records of the Emirates 1961-1965, op. cit., vol 4, pp. 51, 515.
36
The UNESCO Memory of the World
Program
David Fricker
The faintest ink outlasts the most powerful memory.
Chinese proverb Memory fades. This human frailty has become more pronounced
in our modern society, entranced by instantaneous social media and inundated by
information overload of TV news, tweets and cute photos. As individuals we forget.
Society must not. All of our experience, all of our knowledge comes from the past.
All of our decisions are about the future. Every challenge we face has a past with
a context leading to the present, a context we need to understand as we seek to
shape our future. In my many visits to the United Arab Emirates I have been deeply
moved by the enduring wisdom of H.H. Sheikh Zayed and his clear conviction that
“A nation without a past is a nation without a present or future”. Inspired by this
insight, the National Archives of the UAE has summarized its mission in a simple yet
powerful phrase: ”The Memory of the Nation”.
A year ago, the Director-General of the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) appointed Dr. Abdulla El Reyes, Director
General of the National Archives of the UAE and me as a members of her 14 member
International Advisory Committee. At its biennial meeting which Dr. Abdulla
hosted in Abu Dhabi in October, 2015, he was elected Chairman of this group of
global experts in documentary heritage. The discussions were lively and engaging as
we considered the key archival function of appraising the cultural values of historic
documents but now challenging each of us to take a global perspective in identifying
the most significant.
UNESCO has established a series of programs designed to build public awareness
of and support for the careful preservation of key aspects of humanity’s heritage.
World Heritage sites are some of the best known and are designated following lengthy
evaluation by international experts dealing with monuments and buildings. They are
sources of national pride and become major tourist attractions. In recent years, both
underwater heritage sites and living traditions, known as ‘intangible heritage’, have
been recognized with international designation by UNESCO.
The Memory of the World Program focuses on the documents preserved largely in
libraries and archives. Documents, of course, take many forms, from papyrus and
37
David Fricker
paper manuscripts to rare books, musical compositions, film, photographs, sound
recordings and we have already begun consideration of electronic records in their
many forms. Every two years, UNESCO invites countries to nominate their most
important, universally significant documents to be inscribed on the Memory of
the World Register. The intent is to draw attention to the vital importance of this
often fragile evidence of the work and thinking of those who have gone before; to
encourage the use of such unique records in education and research, and to ensure
their preservation.
UNESCO began the Memory of the World Programme in 1992. The impetus for
this initiative and the priorities for its first years dealt with documentary heritage
at risk, the preservation of the originals together with exploration of the potential
of emerging digitization technologies to help preserve and expand access to such
materials. MoW commissioned the International Federation of Library Associations
and Institutions (IFLA) and the International Council on Archives (ICA) to undertake
a major survey, involving more than 6,000 institutions. Their report, entitled “Lost
Memory – Libraries and Archives Destroyed in the Twentieth Century,”* makes
depressing reading. It remains a powerful and eloquent assertion that the threats to
our collective memory are very real and continuing.
From the start, MoW pursued an ambitious agenda, initiating a series of pilot
digitization projects on an international level and broadening its scope to include
audio visual and broadcast records. The Register was initiated in 1995 followed
by adoption of the Statutes for the International Advisory Committee in 1996 and
the first inscriptions in 1997. The Memory of the World committee organized
four international Memory of the World Conferences (France 1992, Mexico
2000, Australia 2008 and Poland 2011) and played an active role in several major
UNESCO policy initiatives dealing with digital heritage (2003, 2011 and 2012),
the declaration on archives (2011), the UNESCO/UBC (University of British
Columbia) Vancouver Declaration (2012) and the recently adopted UNESCO
Recommendation concerning preservation of and access to documentary heritage
(2015). This normative instrument, adopted unanimously by the General Conference
of UNESCO, calls on all governments to make both legislative and financial provision
for the preservation of their documentary heritage and recognizes the importance of
international collaboration in advancing the scientific preservation techniques for
fragile media, especially now of digital media.
Memory of the World regional committees have been formed in 3 major regions,
with 54 national committees. In the past few years, international discussion on the
*
By Hans van der Hoeven, and Joan van Albada. UNESCO, 1996.
38
Memory of the World Program and most of the Committee’s efforts have focused
on the International Register. The full Register is online and several years ago, a
richly illustrated book told the stories of the inscriptions up to 2012. Some effort
has been made to digitize the many pages included in these inscriptions but as this
depends on institutional budgets, progress has been sporadic. More remains to be
done to develop funding for this process, with an initial focus on the documents
most at risk.
Over the past two decades, 348 documents or collections have been found worthy
of inscription in the international register. These range from a massive collection
of Hittite cuneiform clay tablets (2nd millennium BCE), 30 manuscripts of the
Sanskrit Rigveda that are 3000 years old, and the largest surviving collection of palm
leaf manuscripts of the Saiva Siddhanta, through to the Bayeux Tapestry picturing
the Norman invasion of England in 1066 and England’s Magna Carta (1215 CE).
Inscribed documents include Ireland’s greatest treasure, the Book of Kells (800 CE);
early printing blocks from Korea (13th Century); Tamil medical manuscripts; 161
documents of codices from Mexico documenting native cultures before the arrival
of the Spanish; maps and globes; the handwritten compositions of Chopin, Brahms,
and J. S. Bach; business records, films and now four decades of the digital images of
the Earth’s surface as recorded by the Landsat Program since 1972. Browsing the
Register online is an engaging voyage of discovery around the world and across the
centuries. Enjoy it for yourself at: http://goo.gl/mV7reE.
But the Memory of the World Register is incomplete and uneven in its representation.
I am disappointed to note, for example, how few inscriptions deal with the influential
contribution of the Arab countries to world history. Of the 348 inscriptions to date,
48% are from Europe and only 2.5% or 9 inscriptions are from Arab countries. The
earliest Kufic inscription (644CE), on a rock located near al-Ula in Saudi Arabia, and
the Holy Koran Mushaf of Othman (Medina, 651CE); 400 deeds of the princes and
sultans in Egypt spanning 500 years together with manuscripts of the well-known
authors, Ibn Sina (known as Avicenna in Europe) (ca 1000 CE) and Ibn Khaldun
(1300s CE). To encourage more proposals, the Memory of the World Program
has recently conducted workshops dealing with the nomination process in Oman,
Lebanon and Morocco. I hope that this work will enrich the International Register
and make the world more aware of the Arab contributions to world culture, science
and knowledge.
The Memory of the World Program has supported research and publications
on the digitization of fragile documents. This rapidly evolving technology has
revolutionized access to these rare sources. While libraries and archives have always
welcomed researchers, the preservation of documents sometimes required the use of
white cotton gloves and the most rigorous security measures. Digitization relieves
39
David Fricker
the documents from repeated handling while making them accessible 24/7 by
anyone globally with access to the internet. Rare books, parchment volumes and
unique manuscripts and records have moved from being the least accessible heritage
resource to the most accessible. And indexing and modern cataloguing have revealed
documents once known to only a few specialists. Scholars and students, genealogists
and local historians, and those with inquiring minds can increasingly examine the
sources of our history worldwide. In a globalized society, with peoples migrating far
from their former homeland, the records of their family and of their heritage need to
remain available to them and their children.
While the digital revolution has made documentary heritage more widely available,
it also represents an immense challenge in preservation. As we have all discovered,
both hardware and software become obsolete and emails, reports and photographs
on floppy discs, and earlier versions of popular software can no longer be opened.
Recognizing this, the Memory of the World Program with UNESCO and the
international professional associations for librarians (IFLA) and archivists (ICA)
have embarked on an initiative to find sustainable solutions to safeguard our
increasingly digital documentary heritage. This requires close collaboration among
all stakeholders, including governments, the Information and Communication
Technology (ICT) industry and memory institutions. Called “PERSIST” (Platform
to Enhance the Sustainability of the Information Society Transglobally), this initiative
uses the convening power of UNESCO to bring together stakeholders on a global
level. It aims to foster a high-level policy dialogue amongst all concerned. There is
much work to be done in promulgating guidelines for content selection that would
make the challenges manageable, in developing and putting on a firm foundation
the software technology platforms that would enable access to legacy documents,
and in establishing policy guidelines that would provide institutional and national
frameworks where they are most needed for the preservation of digital documentary
heritage. The work is being advanced by three working groups that bring together
experts to focus on Content, Technology and Policy. An experts’ meeting was held
in Abu Dhabi in March 2016 to develop a two-year plan for PERSIST. We received
briefings on current international developments in digital preservation – including
from our host, the National Archives of the UAE which has joined other major
national archives in assuming responsibility for preserving the ever changing web
sites of their governments.
Both the UN and UNESCO have adopted a series of ambitious goals entitled, “Transforming
Our World: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.” An active Memory
of the World program can help inform and support these goals. The discussions
around the inscriptions of documents, especially those documenting contested issues
in the turbulent history of the 20th Century have vividly demonstrated the continuing
power of the record. Archivists and librarians have an essential contribution to
40
UNESCO Memory of the World Program. Opening Session of the PERSIST Experts’ Meeting.
Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. 14 March, 2016
Left to right: Ms. Andrée van Es , President, Netherlands National Commission for UNESCO,
Mr. Frank La Rue, Assistant Director General, Communication & Information Sector, UNESCO,
Dr. Abdulla M. El Reyes, Director General, National Archives of the UAE & Chairman, Memory
of the World Program Committee, Mr. David Fricker, Director-General, National Archives of
Australia & President, International Council on Archives, Ms. Iskra Panevska, Senior Programme
Specialist, Memory of the World Program, UNESCO
make in a modern information-rich technology-enabled mobile society. Evidencebased governance relies on effective record keeping systems and requires authoritative
information on trends over time. All institutions and especially governments must
base their planning on an informed understanding of the experience and capabilities
of their societies over time, with a robust and comprehensive analysis of social
strengths and weaknesses as they seek sustainable solutions to continuing issues.
Demographic trends and educational requirements can be studied through the expert
study of Big Data. Going forward intelligently, we need to know ourselves. Justice
systems, property ownership and the rule of law depend on documentary evidence.
And climate change can only be demonstrated, understood and assessed through
scientific data maintained over decades. Memory is a key element in planning any
realistic sustainable development.
Archives, as custodians of the documentary evidence, maintain our memory. In
these records, the concerns, the thinking and the achievements of generations
past come alive, connecting minds through time. The letters and diaries,
41
David Fricker
extensive official files, maps, photographs and broadcast recordings that are
preserved in our archives enable us to read the words and hear the voices, see
the images, understand the decisions and learn from the experience of those
who have gone before. This is the foundation of every society. It is the basis
of knowledge and wisdom. Our challenge is to learn from and build on this
legacy. This is the goal of UNESCO’s Memory of the World Program.
42

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