Volume 0012 Number 105 - JScholarship

JOHNS HOPKINS
UNIVERSITY CIRCULARS
Published with the approbation of the Board of Trustees
VOL.
XII.—No.
BALTIMORE, MAY, 1893.
105.]
[PRICE,
10
CENTS.
CHARITIES AND THEIR ADMINISTRATION.
ABSTRACT OF A COURSE OF LECTURES BY A. G. WARNER, PH. D.
The lectures to graduate studeuts on Social Science during the current
year were opened with an introductory course by President GILMAN.
He briefly characterized some of the fundamental and special works of sociology and showed its relation to history, politics, economics, education, sanitation, penology, and other distinct fields of social inquiry. The relations
of university men to the State and to society were discussed, together with
various practical topics pertaining to political ethics, public morality, social
reform, and organized charity.
These introductory lectures were followed by courses by Dr. A. G. Warner
and Dr. E. R. L. Gould.
A course of ten lectures on “Charities and their Administration’~ was
delivered during December an(l January by A. G. WARNER, Ph. D., Superintendent of Charities for the District of Columbia, and Professor-Elect of
Economics in the Leland Stanford Jr. University. During and following
the course, a company of those especially interested in the sub~ject visited
many of the charitable and penal institutions of the city and vicinity, under
the guidance of Mr. F. D. Morrison, Superintendent of the Maryland School
for the Blind, who represented the Baltimore Charity Organization Society,
and Mr. D. 1. Green, who was chosen chairman of the class.
The substance of Dr. Warner’s lectureswill eventually be incorporated in a
work entitled “American Charities, a Study in Philanthropy and Economics,” but it is thought best to print at once for the use of those interested in the
subject the list of references and a brief synopsisof the lectures themselves.
The references as given by Dr. Warner have been extended by Mr.
D. I. Green, through the addition of dates and places of publication and
the completion of titles. They are presented here not as a bibliography of
charities but as a reader’s guide uhich has already proved useful to students of
social science.
Perhaps the best bibliography for the American student of charity,
though by no means complete, is that found in the appendix of the last
Baltimore Directory of Charities. The Directory may be obtained from
the Charity Ornanization Society of Baltimore for fifty cents. The Library
Catalogue of the London Charity Organization Society, now appearing in
Charity Organization Review, will constitute a more complete bibliography.
List of Works Suggested by the Lecturerfor Reference in connection
with this course.
(a) BsaLIooRAPHIcAL Huans:
Adams, H. B. Notes on the Literature of Charities. Johns Hopkins University Studies,
fifth series, No. 8. 1887.
Commons, John R. Popolar Bibliography of Sociology. The Christiaa Social Union,
Madison, Wis. 1891.
Catalogue of the Library ofthe State Charities Aid Association. New York City. 1886.
Directory of Charities of Balti,nore, Appendix E. Charity Organization Society, Baltimore. 1892.
Catalogue of Library ofthe london Charity Organization Society. This Is being printed
in sections as a supplement to the Charity Organization Review, beginning with
January, 1893. London.
(b) PEaconscAas:
The Charities Review. Published monthly from November to June. Charity Organization Society of New York City. $1.00.
Lend a Hand. Edited by Rev. E. E. Hale. Monthly. Boston. $2.00.
State Charities Record. Published hi-monthly. The Slate Charities Aid Association of
New York. Discontinued, June, 1892.
Charity Organization Review. Published monthly. The Charity Organization Society of
London. 6 d. each.
The Monthly Register. The Philadelphia Society for Organizing Charity. 50 ets.
Die Arbeiter-Kolonie. Monthly. Gadderbanm, Germany. 50 ets.
(c) EuaonzAse:
Nicholls, George. History of the Poor Laws. London. 4 vols. 1854—1857.
Chalmers, Thomas. Christian and Economic Polity of Large Towns. Glasgow, 1853.
Fowle, T. W. The Poor Law. London, 1881.
Fawcett, Henry. Pauperism; Its Causes and Remedies. London, 1871.
Hodder, Edwin. Life and Work of the Earl of Shaftesbury. London and New York, 1886.
Booth, Charles. Labor and Life of the People. 3 Vols. London. 1889, 1891, 1892.
Schiinberg’s Handbuch der Politisehen Oekonomie, third edition, article, “Armenwesen, by E. lining. Tilbingen, 1891.
Conrad’s Handworterbnch der Staatswissenschaften, articles, “Armenwesen,’ by Dr.
Aschrott and others; and “Arbeiter-Kolonien, by J. Berthold. Jena, 1890.
Emmioghaus, A. Poor Relief in Different Parts of Europe. Translation. London, 1873.
Bdhmert, Victor. Armenwesen in 77 Deutachen Stadten. Dresden, 1886.
(d) AMEEOcAN:
Annual Reports of the National Conference ofCharities and Correction, 19 vols. Boston.
Reports of State Boards of Charities.
Report on the Defective, Dependent and Delinquent Classes. Tenth Ceases of the United
States. Vol. XXL
Aochrott, P. F. Poverty and Its Relief in the United States of America. Translated
for the Baltimore Charity Organization Society. Baltimore, 1890.
Gihuan, D. C. Our Relations to Our Other Neighbors. Baltimore, 1891.
Warner, Dr. Amos G. Charities: The Relation of the State, the City, and the Individual
to Modern Philanthropic Work. 12 pages. Supplement to Johns Hopkins Univ.
Studies. Baltimore, 1889.
Riis, Jacob A. How the Other Half Lives. New York, 1889.
Crooker, Joseph H. Problems in American Society. Boston, 1889.
Ely, Richard T. Philanthropy. Reprinted by the Jialiinsore Charity Organization Society,
1887.
In studying pauperism, we study one branch of the science of social
pathology; in studying charities and their administration we are concerned
with one branch of social therapeutics. Pauperism is natural and inevitable only in the same sense that bodily disease is natural and inevitable.
Both are, evils to be treated by scientific methods and to be assailed in their
causes. Parenthetically it may he said that the tendency to use the term
social science or sociology as meaning simply what is here called social
pathology and therapeutics is a pernicious one. There is no good name for
the branch of social science which relates to the care of social weaklings.
In the present course little will be said about gratuitous charity-made
pauperism. The evils resulting from unwise giving are to be mentioned
only incidentally. It is desired to dwell on what needs doing rather than
on what should not be done, to consider especially those great and various
groups of individuals whose destitution is undoubted, and to outline the
wisest methods of helping them.
74
JOHNS HOPKINS
LECTURE No. 1.
PAUPERISM AS A PHASE OF NATURAL SELECTION.
(a) ON NATURAL SELECTION IN ITS APPLICATION TO MAN;
Huxley, Thomas H. The Struggle for Existence. The Nineteenth Century, Feb., 1888.
On the Natural Inequalities of Men. ibid, Jan., 1890.
Wallace, A. R. Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection. Leaden, 1871.
Ritchis, D. G. Darwinism and Politics. Leaden, 1889.
Bagehot, Walter. Physics and Politics, chapter on the “Uses of Conflict.” 1872.
Darwin, Charles. Origin of Species, 1859; and the Descent of Man, 1871.
Spencer, Herbert. Principles of Biology, 1864; and Principles of Sociology, 1874 ci seq.
Maithus, Rev. Thomas Robert. The Principle of Population. Leaden, 1798, 1803, etc.,
New Yard, 1890.
(b) ON THE CAUSES OF PAUPERISM:
Booth, Charles. Pauperism and the Endowment of Old Age, chapter VII, and the tables
there cited. Lessden and New Yard, 1892.
Bflbmert, (see above) pp. 114-116.
Reports ofthe Charity Organization Societies ofBoston,Buffalo, New York, Baltimore,etc.
Warner, A. G. Notes on the Statistical Determination of the Causes of Poverty. Publications ef the Am. Statiltical Alleciatien, New Series, Vol. I, Ne. 5. Boston, 1889.
Crooker. Problems in American Society. Belten, 1889, p. 146.
“The Unfit” is an ambiguous term (see Huxley and iRitchie). In a marrow sense it means simply unfitness to cope with circumstances at a given
time and a given place; in a broader sense it means unfitness from the
standpoint of race improvement and it is a common bnt mischievous error
to assnme that those who are unfit in one sense of the term are also nufit
in the other. Natnral selection as a means of race improvement is always
efficient, but Sometimes enormonsly slow and wasteful. A man would be
unfit in the sense of failing to cope with circumstances who should not be
able to resist an attack of small pox, or who findinu himself thrown into
deep water should be unable to swim. Vaccination and life preservers are
used to prevent such persons from becoming victims of temporary misfortune
e~ weakness; and this is a proper modification of natural selection, because
the persons who are not by nature fitted to cope with the special circumstances of the time and place may be eminently fit froas the standpoint of
race improvement. The purpose of philanthrophy should be first, to preserve those who are fit from the standpoint of race improvement from being
crushed by unfortunate local or temporary conditions, and second to enable
those who are unfit from the standpoint of race improvement to become
extinct with the least possible suffering.
In trying to determine what constitutes the unfitness of tIme individuals
composing the pauper class, a system of case counting is frequently resorted
to. A tabular exhibit of the result reached by German, English and
American investigators shows that the most constant factor is sickness;
next in importance in chronic pauperism is weakness of old age, and in
incipient pauperism, the weakness of extreme youth. An attempt to
classify the cases of pauperism according as the causes indicate misfortune
or indicate misconduct has for its leading result the conclusion that very
little dependence can be placed upon such a classification. Tile study of a
concrete mass of pauperism tends to confirm Duudale’s conclusions that
“Hereditary pauperism rests chiefly upon diseRse in some form, tends to
terminate in extinction, and may be called the sociological aspect of plsysical degeneration.”
LECTURE No. 2.
SOME OF THE SOCIAL CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF
INDIVIDUAL DEGENERATION.
Billings, John S. On Vital and Medical Statistics. Reprinted from The Medical Ilecard.
New Yard, 1889.
Eleventh Census, Bulletin 100.
Kiirflsi, Joseph. Sterblichkeit der Stadt Buds-pest in den Jabren 1876—1881 und deren
Ursachen, Mittheilungen Ober individual Morlalitiits-heobachtungen, and other
works. Budapest, Hssugary.
Reports of the New Jersey Bureau of Labor for 1889, 1890 and 1891, chapters upon the
“Health and Trade-Life of Workmen.”
Twiss, Travem’e. Tests of a Thriving Population. Landun, 1815.
Porter, Dwight. A Sanitary Inspection of Certain Tenement-House Districts of Boston. 1589.
Chapin, H. D. Preventable Causes of Poverty. The Feram. Jane, 1889.
Humphreys, Noel A. Class-Mortality Statistics. Jaurnal ef Reyal Statistical Sec•iety.
June, 1887.
Neweholme, Arthur. Elements of Vital Statistics. Landau, 1889.
Grimshaw, T. W. Reports as Registrar General of Ireland, 1885 et seq.
Influences which often tend to lower the industrial and social status of
the individual that are commonly treated in works on economics, are the
[No.
105.
variations in the purchasing power of money, changes in industry, undue
power of class over class, specialized industries, and the work of women
and children. For present purposes we do not take up these topics which
are treated elsewhere, but will content ourselves with certain statistical
investiaations as to occupational-mortality and morbidity.
By computations based on a table given by K6r6si we find that out of
1000 merchants (Knufleute) who are in the business at the age of 25 there
will be alivc at the age of 60, 587.7; of the same number of tailors, 420.6;
of shoemakers, 376.2; of servants, 290.2; of day laborers, 2534. The high
mortality of the laboring classes carries with it an implication of a relative
large amount of sickness. Taking an average of two years of sickness to
each death—which is the proportion commonly assumed by statisticans—
we find that merchants would have 32.5 years of health in which to provide
for one year of sickness, tailors 21.3, shoemakers 18.7, servants 15.5, and
day laborers only 13 years. This, ho~vever, does not indicate fully the
burden imposed upon time lower classes by a high death rate. In order to
give a more adequate id a of this burden we mnust turn to statistics of classmortality, and morbidity, since only here do we obtain a view of sickness
and health in the population of all ages. Taking the population of Dublin,
as statistically described by Dr. Grimshaw, it is found that among persons
of the independent and professional classes tisere is an average of 24.5 years
of health for persons over fifteen years of age in which provision may be
made for omse year of sickness in the whole population of the same class;
while for the poorest class there are only 8.8 years of effective health in
which to provide for one of sickness.
In the first lecture we reached the conclusion that disease is an important
cause of poverty. We now reach the conclusion that poverty is an important cause of diseace. Yet it is not without advantage that we travel all
the way around this circle, and reach no gemmeral conclusion more novel
than that already announced in Proverbs, “The destruction of the poor is
their poverty.” It enables us to realize anew the interaction of social
forces, and the manner in which that which they have is taken away from
those which have not.
LECTURE No. 3.
PERSONAL CAUSES OF DEGENERATION.
Weisusaun, A. F. L. Heredity and Kindred Biological Problems.
Trauslation, Oxford,
1889.
Ward, Lester F. The Tmansmission of Csmlture. The Person, May 1891; amsd Neo-Darwinism and Neo-Lamarkism. Panophiet.
lVashimsgton, 1891.
Galton, Francis. Heredimary Gessimme. Lendems, 1869.
1)ugdale, H. L. The Jukes. New Ford, 1877, 1884,
MeCulluch, 0. C. The Tribe of Ishmael. indianapolis, 1888.
Ely, H. T. l’auperismo in the United States. North Amnericasm Review, April, 1891.
Sirahan, S. A. K. Marriage and Disease. New York, 1892.
Booth, Charles. Paemporisns and Endowment of Old Age. 1892.
Drumomond, Henry. Natural Law in the Spiritual World, chapters on Senmi-Parasltism,
and Parasitism. New Food, 1887.
Tenth Anummal Report of the New York State Board of Charities. 1877.
Royce, S. Deterioration and Race Education. New Ford, 1877.
As to heredity it must be said that it is now an open question among
scientists whether or not acquired chsaracteristics are transmitted by inheritance. If not., we are more in the dark as to the cause of variation in the
human and other species than was for a time supposed; and much bearing
oms our present subject that has been written by Spencer, Maudsley, Bage-
hot and Dugdale is out of date. For instance, Mr. Dugdale’s tentative
conclusion that “heredity ilself is an organized result of invariable environment” would hsave to be given up. If Weismaun’s contention is correct
thsose interested in race-improvement will have to pay more attention than
might othserwise hiave been tisought necessary to the principles of selection.
Galton has investigated the influence of iseredity in producing unusually
able men; Dugdale, McCnlloih, Mrs. Lowell, and Charles Booth have
investigated its influence in producing paupers, crimimsale and prostitutes.
Among secondary causes of degeneration pertaining to persons the following are of leading importance:
(1). Sexual licentiousness. All careful observers agree that perversion of
sexual instincts is one of the chief causes ‘of individual degeneration. It
results in specific disease, general under-vitalization and incapacity. (2).
Intemperance. Its degenerative influence is greatest in classes considerably
above the pauper class (Booth, pp. 39—41). Its influence hias not been
studied with the scientific care it merits.
(3). Laziness and under-vitahi-
aation merges into various forms of specific disease and into idiocy.
MAY,
UNIVERSITY CIiWULARS.
1893.]
It often appears in the children of the licentions and intemperate. (4). Parasitism, or the habit of dependence. Is at once an evidence and a source of
degeneration. Is closely analogons to parasitism among plants and animals.
(See Drnmmond, above). It may be indefinitely developed by nnwise
philanthropy.
We need not for the present inquire whetber the secondary canses result
from the influence of the individual’s “free ch6ice,” from hereditary or
from environment. There is said to be a tendency among defectives to intermarry, and so eventually to hasten extinction. (See Strahan).
LECTURE No. 4.
THE ALMSHOUSE AND ITS INMATES.
75
number ofin-door poor, and conversely when the supply ofout-door reliefhas
summarily been cut oW the number of out-door poor has diminished, or
remained stationary. Several proposals for the endowment of old age have
recently been made in England. Canon Blackley, Joseph Chamberlain and
Charles Booth have severally made proposals upon which a large number
of variations have been suggested by others. It is not certain that pensions
are a cure for pauperism, as our own experience indicates.
The almshouse must continue to be the basis of public poor relief. It is
therefore the duty of those interested in the welfare of the poor to know
that tile almshouse in the community in which they live is well and
humanely managed; that it is a proper place for those who ought to go
there; and that those that should not, especially the children and certain
classes of tile insane, are elsewhere provided for.
(a) ON ALsesseousEs:
Booth, Charles. Pauperism and Endowment ofOld Age, 1892, especially pp. 33 and 117.
Eleventh Census, Bulletin 90.
Report of a Conference on Charities held in Baltimore, April, 1887. Especially F. B.
Sanhorn on “Work in Almehouses,” and A. G. Warner on “The Charities of
Baltimore.”
Reports of State Boards of Charities, especially New York, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin.
Reports of the National Conferences of Charities and Correction. Especially papers hy
Messrs. Giles and Sanhorn, 1884; Byers, liii and Mrs. Lowell, 1879.
Pamphlets issued hy the Wisconsin State Board of Charities on the Construction and
Management ofAlmshouses.
(b) Ose Our-Dooa RELIEF:
Reports of the National Conference, 1879, pp. 200 if; 1881, pp. 144—134; sympesiusn, 1891.
Faruam, H. W. Report on the Advisahility of Estahlishing a Workhouse, etc. New
Haven, 1887.
Lee, Joseph. A Study in Out-Door Relief. Slate Charities Record. April, 1892.
Report of Committee on Out-Door Alms of the Town of Hartford, Conn., 1891.
(c) ON OLn ACE PENSIONS:
Booth. Pauperism. (See ahove).
Spender, J. A. The State and Pensions in Old Age. Lendon, 1892.
Chamherlain, Joseph. Old Age Pensions. The Natienal Review. Feb., 1892.
Loch, C. S. Old Age Pensions and Pauperism. London, 1892.
The almshouse is tile fundamental institution in American poor relief.
The abjectly destitute not otherwise provided for are sent here (inmates of
almshouses in the United States 1890—73,045, ratio of population 1 to 857;
1880, inmates of almshouses, 66,203, ratio to population 1 to 758—Census
Bulletin No. 90).
Formerly almost the entire care of the poor was left to the local political
units. Under such circumstances all classes of dependents were jumbled
together in the almshouse. Now, specialization is so far advanced that the
state usually cares for the blind, the deaf and dumb, and in many cases for
the insane and the feeble minded, and children are usually provided for by
special agencies. This leaves for the almshouse at the present time the old,
the infirm, the decrepit and chronic invalids and paupers. The stigma
attaching to the acceptance of almshouse relief seems to come not so much
from the fact that it is supported by the public as from the fact that a great
majority of its inmates are thoroughly degenerate physically and morally.
(See Hartford Report).
The almshouse is usually managed either by the county, city or township.
Its character depends first upon the man employed as its superintendent,
and second on the supervision. It is an institution that people willingly
forget and reluctantly visit. It should be on a farm but near a town, so
that visitors may easily reach it. Besides this, State supervision is indispensable and adequate control is desirable. (See Illinois Report, 1890—
page 104).
To prevent excessive almshouse population tile following deterrent jufinences have been used at various times and places: (a) Inhuman and unallowable: dirt, hunger, cold, cruelty, vermin, and the promiscuous mingling
of the evil and the good. (b) Beneficent:. Rigid discipline, work for all
capable of doing anything, cleanliness, and thorough investigation of applicants.
The evils to be guarded against otiler than those indicated above: (a)
Lax rules regarding admission and departure (Booth and Mrs. Lowell);
(b) Lack of proper classification (as to sex, age, character, etc.); (c) Presence of insane and feeble minded without adequate provision for them; (ci)
Presence of children; (e) Excessive cost; (f) Undue attractiveness.
Attempts have been made to provide in other ways for those commonly
sent to the almshouse; the first of these is out-door relief. Strangely
enough, the effect of giving such relief has usually been to increase the
LECTURE I~o. 5.
THE SICK, THE INSANE, AND THE FEEBLE-MINDED.
(a) ON CHAOUTIEs FOE THE SICK:
Rentoul, R. R. Reform of our Voluntary Medical Charities, Paris, 1891.
Reports of the National Conferences of Charities and Correction. Pspers on Medical
Charities: 1883, pp. 428 if.; 1875, pp. 32 if.; 1877, pp. 31—46; on Hospitals: 1890, pp.
155—177; 1891, pp. 32 if.; on Training Schools for Nurses, 1890, pp. 110—147.
Hampton, Miss I. A. District Nursing. Report of the Charity Organization Society of
Baltimore for 1891, and The Charities Review for February, 1892.
Ilampton, Miss I. A. Nursing: Its Principles and Practice. Philadelphia, 1893.
Hunter, Mrs. Hospital Nursing. Fog. Illustrated Magazine fos March, 1591.
(b) ON THE CAine OF THE INsANE:
Reports of the National Conference. Especially 1882, p. 97, and 1888, pp. 25—93 and 384.
Finley, J. H. American Reform in the Care of the Insane. Review of Reviews, Jane, 1891.
Hammerton, C. R. Modern Treatment of the Insane.
Chautassquan, Dec., 1891.
te) ON THE CAEE OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED:
Reports on the National Conference: 1884, pp. 246—263; 1883, pp. 158—178; 1886 pp. 288—
302; 1887, pp. 250—260; especially 1888, pp. 99—113 and 393; 1890, pp. 224 if.
Institution Bulletin, and Annual Reports ofthe Pennsylvania Training School for Feehie
Minded Children, especially the Circular of Information for 1888. West Chester,Pa.
In these three departments of charity work the problem is to provide the
best possible curative treatment for those that are curable, and to furnish
kind custodial care for the incurable. It is especially necessary that adult
females incurably insane or feeble-minded should have custodial careduring
their entire lives.
LECTURE No. 6.
THE UNEMPLOYED AND THE HOMELESS POOR
Reports of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor. 1879, and especially 1887.
Reports of the Ohio Bureau of Labor. 1890 and 1891.
Warner, A. G. Some Experiments on Behalf of the Unemployed. Reprinted from The
Quarterly Journal of Economies for Oct., 1890. Boston.
Die Arbeiter-Kolonie. Monthly Magazine. Gadderbaum, Germany.
Peabody, F. G. German Labor Colonies. Forum, February, 1892.
Report of IndianaState Conference of Charities. 1891.
Willink, H. G. Dutch Home Lahor Colonies. London, 1889.
Reports of the Philadelphia Society for Organizing Charity.
Booth, Win. In Darkest England and the Way Out. London and New York, 1890.
Huxley, Thos. H. Social Diseases and Worse Remedies. Londen, 1891.
Loch, C. S., Bosanquet, B, and Dwyer, C. P. Criticisms on “General” Booth’s Scheme,
London, 1891.
The Homeless Poor of London. Report of the London Charity Organization Society.
June, 1891.
Rihton-Turner, C. J. Himwory of Vagrants and Vagrancy. London, 1889.
The problem of the unemployed is very largely the problem of the inefficient. The evil must be assailed in its causes, as very little can be done
for the inefficient adult.
There are three distinct ways of dealing with the homeless poor: First,
aid them or force them to move on,—tllis simply results in a shifting of
burdens; is very expensive and inefficient if it is tIle only method adopted.
Second, punishment,—a severe law passed in Connecticut worked well for
a time, but is now a dead letter. Third, give indiscriminately what they
ask,~2.~this promotes vagabondage and consequent misery. As a matter of
fact each case must be treated individually, some silould be aided to move
on, some should be punished and some should be given what they ask.
The station house system of free lodgings suits the tramp and degrades and
repels the merely unfortunate. Vermin, bad air, dirt and crowding are
luxuries to the tramp; cleanliness and work are the things he cannot stand.
JOHNS HOPKINS
76
What is needed is a lodging house with clean beds, good ventilation, a
shower bath, a steam chest or fumigating room for devitalizing clothing,
and a wood yard or stone heap where the work test may be applied.
LECTURE No. 7.
DEPENDENT CHILDREN.
Brace, Charles Loring. The Dangerous Classes ofNew York. New York, 1872.
Wines, E. C. State of Prisons and Child Saving Institutions in the Civilized World.
Cambridge, Mass, 1880.
Review ofReviews for January, 1892. Including “The Child Problem in Cities,” by J. H.
Finley, and “Two Champions of the Children” (Elbridge Gerry and Benjamin
Waugh), by the editors.
Rils, Jacob A. Children of the Poor. New Yes-k, 1892.
Reports of the National Conference of Charities and Correction. Especially 1880, pp.
166-174; liii, pp. 271—308; 1884, pp. 115—207 and 354if.; 1888,pp. 215—235 and 279 if.;
1889, pp. 1-9.
The Charities Review for March, 1893. Several articles concerning dependent children.
Reports of the Children’s Aid Society, New York.
The work for children is tise most hopeful branch of charitable endeavor.
Institutional care results in a very high death rate for infants, and among
older children ics a failure to develop properly and fully; there is a lack of
preparation for ordinary life, the children acquire hobits of dependence and
lack inventiveness, vitality and energy. “Placing out,’ if done with care,
gives the child an opportunity for healthful development, and readily
makes of him an independent member of the community. The placing out
system is perhaps worse than the institutional system unless it is administered with “an adequate supply of eternal vigilance.”
[No. 105.
hear of the growth of the city population through the coming to the city
of farmer boys who make the successful business men of a succeeding generation, and it is maintained that the city must receive this infusion of new
blood or it could not continue to exist. But there is another drift towards
the cities of the incapable and the destitute. Those who must depend upon
others are apt to fare hardly in the isolation of the rural districts. There
is what has been called an element of rural hard-heartedness, which drives
the destitute to the cities. Some four or five cities in the United States now
have such a large number of charitable organizations at work within their
limits that is found necessary to publish a directory of charities. In New
York the additions and changes are so numerous that an annual edition of
this is published. As an indication of what we are comm,, to, it is perhaps
well to compare these small volumes with the Register and Digest of the
London charities, a large octavo ofnearly 1000 pages.
To study the table of contents of a directory of charities, or the systematic
account of the institutions as given in the body of the book, might leave on
the mind the false impression that there was something systematic about
their arrangement and that they had come into existence according to a
prearranged plan. Such is not the case; their various lines of work intersect and overlap each other, and one gets a more correct idea of the heterogeneous mass of charitable agencies by reading an alphabetical list of them.
LECTURE No. 10.
RECENT EXPERIENCES IN THE ORGANIZATION OF
CHARITIES.
LECTURE No. 8.
(a) CHARITY ORnAsezzAvbou:
PHILANTHROPIC FINANCIERING.
Gurteen, S. H. A Hanc~-book ofCharity Organization. Buffalo, 1882.
Loch, C. S. Charity Organization. Loado,s, 1890.
Crooker, J. H. Problems in American Society, 1889, pp. 101—115.
Lowell, Josephine S. Public Relief and Private Charity. Ne,v York, 1884.
Reports of the National Conference of Charities and Correction since 1879.
Reports and publications of the American Charity Organization Societies, especiallythose
of Boston, New York, Buffalo, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New Haven, Indianapolis,
and Cincinnati.
Hill, Miss Octavia. Various pamphlets and review articles.
Fields, Mrs. J. T. Howto Help the Poor. Boston, 1884.
Paine, Robert Treat, Jr. Work of Volunteer Visitors. Bostoa, 1880.
Charities Register and Digest. Introduction, 3d edition. London, 1890.
Wines, F. H. Tbe Law of Organic Life: Its Application in Public and Private Charity.
An address delivered before the Charity Organization Society of Baltimore, Dec.
1891. Sprisegfteld, ill., 1891.
Reports of the National Conference of Charities and Correction. 1888, paper by Seth
Low on Municipal Charities; the reports on state boards of charities in every
volume; 1889, paper by Mrs. Lowell.
First Report ofthe Superintendent of Charities of the District ofColumbia, 1891.
Johnson, Alex. Some Incidentals of Quasi-Public Charity. Charidies Review,Feb., 1892.
Hobbouse, Arthur. The Dead Hand. Londoa, 1880.
Fitch, J. G. Endowments. Printed in the Proceedings of the College Association.
Philadelphia, 1888.
English Blue Books. Returns of the Commissioners of Inquiry into Charities.
Passing with nothing more than mention the well-known distinctions
between public and private charities, we find, under the head of to-day’s
lecture, two subjects of pressing and practical importance. The first is
that of endowments. The proper regulation of bequests to charitable
institutions is of even more importance in this country than in England,
because of the Dartmouth College decision, yet but little attention has been
paid to it. We practically give a man who possesses wealth the power of
controlling its disposition indefinitely. The experience of European countries admonishes us that this is a distinctly dangerous power to confer.
All States should provide for the systematic “visitation” of endowed
charities, and give to some public body the power to control their administration. Regulation of holdings in ruortmain is more indispensable in
institutions for giving material relief than in educational institutions.
The latter deal with the intelligent and often with the influential classes,
and must, at any rate, compete with one another for students. Institutions
affording material relief deal especially with the defenceless classes, and
the eleffient of competition is absent.
The second subject of importance is that of public subsidies to private
charities. To grant such subsidies is usually at first a cheap method of
providing for certain classes of the poor, but eventually results in the multiplication of institutions, in excessive expense, and undesirable entanglements with sectsand cliques. It is only allowable when some public official
passes upon the indigency of the beneficiaries, and payment is then made
to the private institution on the principle of specific payment for specific
work. The experience of New York with charities for children, and of
Pennsylvania and the District of Columbia with medical charities is especially instructive.
LECTURE No. 9.
THE CHARITIES OF AMERICAN CITIES.
Reference should he made to the Directories of Charities of the leading cities, and especially to the Directory ofthe Charities of Boston; Directory of the Charities of New
York; Directory ofthe Charities of Baltimore; and the Indianapolis “Charity Year
Book.” For comparison see the “Charities Register and Digest’~ of London.
The charitable systems of cities are of especial importance because the
inefficient and the destitute drift to the centres of population. We often
(b) STATE BOAEDs OF CHARsTiKs:
Reports of the National Conference of Charities and Correction, all volumes.
Reports of the hoards of the several states.
Public charities are usually co-ordinated by a State board, and the larger
citiea also have municipal boards of supervision or control. State boards of
charities are of two general kinds, first, those having executive power, such
as Rhode Island, Wisconsin and Kansas. In these cases the members
usually receive a salary. Secondly, boards having powers of supervision
and report only, with an unsalaried muembership and a salaried secretary
who is an expert. The State board should have powers of visitation and
report regarding county and city institutions as well as State institutions,
and it is better when they can be given powers of visitation over all
charitable institutions in the commonwealth, whether such institutions
receive public money or not.
Supplementary to the work of the State boards are the State charities aid
associations as found in New York and New Jersey. These are supported
by private contributions and are made up of volunteer workers with possibly a paid Secretary. The law gives the right of visitation over all public
charitable institutions. They are intended to supplement the work of
investigation as performed by public officials, and to improve in every
possible way the administration of public charities.
The work of co-ordinatin
0 all charitable agencies of the cities and towns
so as to avoid the overlapping of relief, the perpetration of fraud, and to
secure the greatest possible efficiency of the allied agencies, is the work of
what is known as a charity organization society. A charity organization
society is primarily an animated directory of all the charities of the city
in which it exists. It undertakes to secure the harmonious co-operation of
all the persons interested in aiding the poor, to see that prompt and fitting
relief is found for all cases of genuine distress of whatever kind, so to visit
and investigate each applicant for relief so as to secure accurate knowledge
of his needs, to register by cases all relief given and all facts learned re-
77
UNIVERSITY CIRCULA RS.
MAY, 1893.]
garding applicants for relief, to apply correctional influence to all able and
unwilling to work, to provide the poor with friends other than almsgivers,
and to undertake the collection and diffusion of knowledge upon all subjects
connected with the administration of charity.
CoNcLusIoN.
Among the hopeful tendencies in modern philanthropic work, may be
mentioned the emphasis that is being put upon preventive work, especially
in the matter of securing more healthful conditions for the poor, the
protection of the young, and the encouragement of charities having the
educational element strongly developed. Not as much attention as could
be wished has been paid to the matter of enabling the distinctly unfit to
become painlessly extinct.
In speaking to a company of graduate students, most of whom look forward to professorial careers, it is desirable to indicate the use of courses in
social pathology. The matter will receive perhaps its first systematic treat-
THE PHILOSOPHY
ment in the work of section 7, ofthe International Congress of Charities,
Correction and Philanthropy, which will be held in Chicago, next June.
From the time that Chalmers delivered his lectures on political economy,
and especially on pauperism at the University of Glasgow, and re-enforced
them by the practical work of abolishing public out-door relief in his
own parish, to the time of Toynbee, and to the present when fully a
half-dozen American colleges or universities give systematic instruction
in this branch, more or less has been done in this line. Aside from the
practical outcome of such instruction and its influence on benevolent
work, there is a distinct value in approaching the labor problem, for
instance, from the standpoint of the incapable, or the subject of public
administration from the point of departure of those institutions where
abuses are most frequent.
The specialist must, however, be careful not to mistake his particular
study for the whole subject. Social pathology is not social science but only
a branch of it.
OF EDUCATION.
ABSTRACT OF A COURSE OF LECTURES BY
A course of five lectures on the Philosophy of Education was given to
those members of the University who are engaged in teaching or who
expect to become teachers, by William T. Harris, LL. D., Commissioner of
Education, January 7—14, 1893. An abstract of the principal topics discussed is here given.
The following list of books is suggested as useful for reference in connection with the course:
1. Rosenkranz: Paedagogik ala System (English Translation, D. Appleton & Ge., New
York). Third part, treating of the substantial conteuts of the national education—Its
sacred books, and the idea that the nation stands for in the history of the world. (Lecture 1.)
2. Karl Schmidt: Geschichte der Psedagogik; gives a much fuller statement of the
details of the culture systems ofthe several nations. (Lecture 1.)
3. R. H. Quick; Educational Reformers. (Lectures 2, 8, 4, and 5.)
4. Peotalozzi; Lienhard und Gertrud. (English Translation, Boston.) (Lecture 5.)
5. Herhart; Lehrhuch zur Psychologie. (English translation, New York). (Lecture 5.)
6. Rousseau; Emile. (Lecture 4.)
7. Herbert Spencer; Essay on Education. (Lecture 5.)
LEcTURE 1.—January
7th, 1893.
THE LITERATURE OF EDUCATION.
The first and most important of all educational literature is that showing
he ideals of a people—the literature on which they are brought up—generally the sacred books which reveal what the people regard as divine;
consequently what is the highest ideal to be realized. China, for example,
has Confucius and Mencius, showing the family as the type of the social
whole. These writings furnish the contents of the mind of the Chinese—
minute observances of etiquette; how to behave towards one’s elders and
superiors in rank; towards one’s inferiors or juniors; towards one’s equals.
Chinese schools are almost exclusively devoted to fillin~ the memory of the
pupil with the ethical maxims of these sacred books, so that the mind shall
be full of family etiquette. The aim of Chinese education was to teach the
young how to behave; that of the Persians, how to ride, shoot, and speak
the truth—a faculty not much thought of by the Hindus. The Persian
differs from the Buddhist in that the latter wishes to get rid of the world,
while the former attempts to conquer the real. The Phoenicians, again, furnish a contrast to Chinese education. Their object was to wean the child
from the family; whereas the Chinese endeavor to educate the young so
that they will become submerged in the family. The Phoenicians aimed
to create a love of adventure. Their children were educated in myths. The
stories in Homer’s “Odyssey” must have been derived from the tales of
the Phoenician sailors, which were calculated to engender a hunger and
thirst for adventure, so that the young Phoenician would gladly get on
board ship and go to the ends of the world in the interests of trade. The
Greeks were imbued with the new world-principle of a spiritual and beautiful individuality. They thought more of the games which they practised
in th. evenings on the village green than of the tasks by which they earned
W. T.
HARRIS,
LL. D.
their bread. They learned history and geography from the second book of
Homer’s “Iliad.” They thought not of commercial education, like the
Phoenicians, but of that heroic individual who furnished a beautiful ideal.
Later on, Greek education became more scientific and more reflective. The
Roman concentrated his whole mind on the will. He went beyond the
circle of his city, and studied to cause even foreigners to live under the
same laws with himself. Freedom meant more to him than to any of the
Asiatic nations. It meant the power of the individual to hold, alienate, and
devise property. This was an enormous step upward in educational progress. Hitherto, property could only be held by the family. Contract is
the supreme idea of the Roman. He even carries it into his religion. Thus
he prays to one of his deities to help him in some extremity or to give bim
Isis desire, and he promises, in turn, to build the god a temple. The Roman
wants to conquer all peoples and to make them free under the law. But
the greatest educational lesson is derived from the Hebrew people. They
teach the personality of the Divine apart from Nature. This Divine Person creates Nature in order that He shall have something to recognize
Him. The Divine Being does not efface man simply, but is the embodiment
of goodness and righteousness—the righteousness that breathes the spirit of
loving kindness, holding his creatures responsible only in so far as they know
the right, and returning their deeds upon them. Art education ranked
first in the Greek mind, for he worshipped the beautiful. Then came
science and philosophy. From the Greeks we get these elements of our
educational curriculum. From theRomans we get the principle of organization. Whether or not a person is educated reflectingly into civilization,
he finds himself in the great network of usa~es that go to make sip civilization. Education is meant to give one an insight into the genesis of these
things, so that he can detect an element of each in the threads ofhis civilization. Ninety-nine out of a hundred people in every civilized nation are
automata, careful to walk in the prescribed pathos, careful to follow prescribed
custom. This is the result of substantial education, which, scientifically
defined, is the subsumption ofthe individual under his species. The other
educational principle is the emancipation from this subsumption. This is
subordinate, and yet, in our time, we lay more stress upon it than the other.
Look at the French Revolution. What a prodigious emancipation that
was. It was predicted by Rousseau; but those who read him only superficially, without first studying his genesis, will find that their minds are
poisoned by his doctrine of the supremacy of nature. Comenius taught
the emancipation of the individual from the printed page. Spencer says
that the modern school system is all wrong, and has a tendency to get away
from science and cause students to waste time over the dead languages.
Emancipation has now become the important side of the educational question. But the student of advanced education must first avail himself of the
wisdom of the race, and learn how not to be limited by it. He cannot progress unless he is a free man, for he must not be so much subsumed that he
cannot investigate scientifically, and with safety to himself, all problein~
that present themselves.
78
JOHNS IIOPKINS
LECTURE
11.—Saturday, January 14th, 1893.
PROBLEMS PECULIAR TO AMERICAN EDUCATION.
There are two kinds of education. The first may be called substantial education—the education by means of the memory; the education which gives
to the individual methods and habits and the fundamentals of knowledge.
It is this education which the child begins to receive from its birth. This
sort of education is education by authority—that is, the individual accepts
the authority of the teacher for the truth of what he is told, and does not
question it or seek to obtain insight into the reason for its being so. It
is this education by authority—the education of the past—that the
modern or second kind of education seeks to supersede. This second kind
may be called individual or scientific education; it is the education of insight
as opposed to that of authority. When this kind of education is acquired,
it frees the individual from the authority of the other. Under the system
of education by authority when told, for instance, that the sum of three
angles ofa triangle are equal to two right angles, this will be blindly believed only as long as authority sanctions this belief; but when an insight
into the reason for this geometrical truth is obtained, no change ofauthority
is able to make the individual doubt. But there is this danger in the system
of education by insight, if begun too early, that the individual tends to
become so self-conceited with what he considers knowledge gotten by his
own personal thought and research, that he drifts toward empty agnosticism
with the casting overboard of all authority. It is, therefore, necessary that
this excessive conceit ofself which this modern scientific method ofeducation
fosters, be lessened by building on the safe foundations of what has been
described as the education of authority. The problems of the reform movement centre, therefore, on the proper method of replacing this authoritative
or passive method of education by education through self-activity.
There is another problem—that of the method of study. Germany
advises us to teach by oral methods, by giving pieces of information and
insight orally by word of mouth. But the American educators have blundered upon what may be defended as the correct method, namely, the textbook method. It was merely the outcome of an unconscious trend. The
method is of course liable to very serious abuse, but the good points greatly
outweigh the bad. It has the advantage of making one independent of his
teacher; you can take your book wherever you please. You cannot do that
with the great lecturer, neither can you question him as you can the book,
nor can you select the time for hearing the great teacher talk as you can for
reading the book. And it is true that nearly all the great teachers have
embodied their ideas in books. The greatest danger of text-book education
is verbatim, parrot-like recitation; but even then from the poorest text-book
a great deal of knowledge can be gleaned. Then there is the alertness which
in any large class will necessarily be engendered by an intelligent understanding and criticism of the results arrived at by different pupils in discussing a certain piece of work given in his own words. And then there is the
advantage to be found in the fact that with the text-book the child can be
busy by itself. Lastly, there is the problem of discipline. Thereshould be
very little corporal punishment; the milder forms of restraint should be
used. The child that is brought up accustomed to the rod loses his selfrespect, and may become the man who must have police surveillance.
Silence, punctuality, regularity and industry are fundamental parts of a
“substantial education” as much asthe critical study of mathematics, liter
ature, science and history is a part of the “education of insight.” These
two kinds of education, that of authority and that of self-activity, should be
made complementary.
LECTURE
OPPOSITION
111.—January 21st, 1893.
BETWEEN PESTALOZZI AND HERBART AS
EDUCATIONAL LEADERS.
Pestalozzi laid great stress on sense-perception as the fotmndation of all
school education. Herbart lays stress on the elaboration ofsense-perception
or rather upon the mental reaction against the impressions made on our
senses. Thought goes back of the object to understand and explain its
origin, how it became to be what it is, what purpose it is to serve. Thought
sees objects in the perspective of their history. It studies causes and purposes. Thus thought is not as the disciples of Pestalozzi hold, a continued
and elevated sort of sense-perception, but rather a. reaction against it. It
is a discovery of the subordinate place held by objects in the world; they
riNo. 105.
are seen to be mere steps in a process of manifestation—tIme manifestation
of causal energies. A new perception is received into the mind by adjusting it to our previous knowledge; we explain it in terms of the old; we
classify it, identify it; reconcile what is strange and unfamiliar in it with
previous experience; we interpret the object and comprehend it; we translate the unknown into the known. This process of adjusting, explaining,
classifying, identifying, reconciling, interpreting and translating, is called
apperception. We must not only perceive, but we must apperceive; not
only see and hear, but digest or assimilate what we hear and see. Herbart’s
“apperception”is far nmore important for education tlman Pestalozzi’s “perception.” At first the memory was the chief faculty cultivated in education; then Pestalozzi refornmed it by mnaking the culture of sense-perception
the chief aim; now with Herbart tIme chief aim would be apperception or
time mental digestion of wlmat is received by perception or memory. Illustrations of time power of apperception to strengthen perception: Cuvier
could reconstruct the entire skeleton from a single bone; Agassiz the entire
fish from one of its scales; Wiuckelman the entire statue from a fragment
of time face; Lyell could see its Imistory in a pebble; Asa Gray the history
of a tree by a glance. Apperception adds to the perceived object its process
of becoming. Noir6 lmas illustrated apperception by showing the two series
of ideas called up by tIme perception of a piece of bread. First the regr~ssive series—dough, flour, rye; and the processes—baking, kneading, grinding, tlmreshing, harvestin,,, plantin,,, &c. Each one of these has collateral
series, as for example, planting has plowing, plow, oxen, yoke, furrow,
Imarrowing, sowin,, seeds, covering it, etc. The second series is progressive
—bread suggests its uses and functions; food, eating, digesting, organic
tissue, life, nourishing strengtlm, supply of Imeat, bodily labor, &c. The
course of study in sclmools must be arranged so as to prepare the mind for
quick apperception of what is studied. The Pestalozzian makes form, number, and language the elements of all knowledge. He unfortunately omits
causal ideas, whiclm are the chief factors of apperception; we build our
series on causalty. Accidental association satisfies only the simple-minded
and empty-Imeaded.
LECTURE
I V—January 28th, 1893.
ROUSSEAU AND THE RETURN TO NATURE.
REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST.
Time time of Lommis XIV: the nobles attracted to Court and to a life of
gayety, neglecting timeir estates and wasting tIme fruits of toil in riotous
livin,,; tIme laborers deprived of the advantage of the directive power of the
nobility fail in power of production. The French Revolution is the result.
Rousseau its proplmet; he proclaims a return to nature. “Nature,” a word
of ambiguous meaning; human nature versus physical nature; human
history the revelation of man’s nature; it is realized in institutions and not
by man as an isolated individual. Nature in time and space is under the
dominion of necessity, everything constrained to be wlmat it is by outside
forces. Human nature is an ideal, and wlmen realized it has the form of
freedoum and self-determination, eaclm man a law unto lmimself and each one
engaged in helping every otlmer one, for by this eacim one helps himself.
Rotmsseau appealed to nature in everything. What we call civilization was
to Imima a mere artificial form. His plea was to be natural, come back to the
point where nature leaves you. Rousseau came from Switzerland to France,
and at an opportune time for him; for there was a great ferment of ideas
at this epocim. He was struggling along in Paris, barely securing a liveliImood, wlmen there came the offer from the Academy of Dijon of a prize for
an essay on time progress of the arts and sciences, whether it Imas tended
towards the purification of morals and manners. Time negative side suggested itself more forcibly to Imim, as he was better fitted for it by his mode
of living and morals, and by his literary style, and he found himself at once
a “censor of civilization.” This essay was soon followed (1752) by one
on tIme origin of the inequality amon,, men. The great tension produced by
the artificiality of tIme civilization of the Court life of the time had caused
men to become anxious to get back to a simplicity of living, and Chateaubriammd painted the charms of tIme forest life of the Indians. In this reaction
the nmeaning of civilization is ignored. Man emancipates himself froam
drudgery and compels nature by the forces of his intellect to feed and clothe
lmim. The “Social Contract” followed (1762) this with an attack on the
authority of the State; and in the same year Imis L~nmiie undermined the
School and the Clmurclm; and so line attacked all the social institutions one
MAY,
1893.]
UNIVERSITY CIBOULARS.
after another—the family, civil society, the Church and State. He proposed to sweep all away by summoning them beforethe bar of his individual
judgment and condemning all. In the opening paragraph of his IJrnile he
declares that everything which comes from nature is good, while everything
degenerates in the hands of man. The antithesis of civilization is savagery, and Voltaire wittily exposed the fallacy of Rousseau’s teaching in
his letter accepting the book. He said—” never has anyone employed so
much genius to make us into beasts. When one reads your book he is
seized at once with a desire to go down on all fours.” External authority
is a perennial necessity for man in his immaturity. An appeal to nature
is always a piece of jugglery withwords. In mere nature we have matter
and force. Everything inorganic is made by some external influence. But
organic nature is the opposite of inorganic. The plant has the power of
assimilation, and the animal the further powers of locomotion and feeling,
or ability to select or choose its surroundings. In man this is still further
increased by recollection and memory, by which the mind makes over its
impressions. To do his duty properly he must look to higher things, and
in ethical ideas the human becomes transcendental. The moral man acts
as though the sole being in the world is humanity. No natural instinct is
admitted as having validity against the moral law. If we adopt the doctrines of material nature and yield to our feelings and impulses, we remain
animals. But if we ta.ke nature in the sense of our ideal, divine possibility,
and realize it by education, we attain to human nature properly so-called,
which is not something given us without effort, but only the product of
culture.
LEcTURE V.—February 4th, 1893.
HERBERT SPENCER AND WHAT KNOWLEDGE
MOST WORTH.
IS OF
In Herbert Spencer, the return to nature means the study of natural
science, and this becomes the great thing. But natural science is only the
instrument with which we conquer nature. Everybody becomes filled with
the idea of progress by it, for we see that nature as it is, existing in time
and space, is conquered by inventions and made to serve man. There was
never a more unscientific book made than Spencer’s essay on education; for
while he praises science, he does not apply it to a study of education as it
is and has been. To do this he ought to study the genesis of the course of
study and explain its functions. The unscientific person takes things as
they are, and cares not for their origin. To study things from a scientific
standpoint means to take an inventory of them—to find the process in which
they are being produced; to connect them with other thin~,s; to see things
in their causal process. He does not understand the system of education as
it exists, because he does not know the educational value of its branches.
The education he proposes for us is for the purpose of complete living; but
what is Spencer’s definition of this complete living? Spencer does not take
education as the genesis of man’s spiritual life, but merely as something
useful for showing how to care for the body and perform the lower social
functions as the tool of life, the instrument by which life is preserved. Now
suppose the definition of complete living to be, to elevate each individual
so that he can take advantage of the life and experience of his race. Then
he would find complete living to involve the initiation into the civilizations
of the past that furnish the elements out of which our own civilization is
formed. Spencer thinks that the first business of the child is to know
physiology; the next is the selection of a vocation or trade, which leads to
training for citizenship; and last of all he puts relaxation and amusement,
in which he includes literature and art. Now, Aristotle characterized man
as the symbol-making animal. Human nature has to be expressed by symbols. The poets of a people first paint the ideal, which makes civilization
possible. Literature furnishes the most essential branch of education, so far
as its function is to help the child into civilization. Man sits in the theatre
of the world (as Plato tells us) and sees the shadows of men and events
thrown on the curtain before him. Behind him and out of his sight is the
Great Leader, who is making these shadows. From them he draws his
ideals, but ideals are potentialities, not realities. Self-activity, the freedom
of the soul, is made possible by the institutions of society, the family,
civil society, State and Church. We must not confound the mere school
with these other great institutions of civilization. In the family are learned
the mother tongue, habits, and nurture. Civil society teaches him his vocation; the State, his duties as citizen; and the Church shows him his place
in the divine plan of the universe. Spencer calls education the subject
79
which involves all other subjects, and the one in which they should all
culminate. But some one has better said that school education is the giving
to man the possession of the instrumentalities of intelligence. By his school
education he does not attain all education, but he gets the tools of thought
by which to master the wisdom of the race. There are, then, three epochs
of school education—elementary, secondary and higher. The first or elementary stage is the opening of the five windows of the soul. (1) Arithmetic is the foundation of our knowledge of nature, by which we measure
and count all things inorganic. When its first principles are mastered the
child begins to want to combine the organic with the inor,.,anic, and then
we come to another window (2), that of elementary geography. The distribution of animal and plant life is learned, and the child begins to peep
into the organization of things, the growth of plants, and the formation of
the continents and the earth. Thirdly, he learns to read and write, and gets
a glimpse into literature. The original colloquial vocabulary learned at
home, variously estimated at from 300 or 400 to 3,000 or 4,000 words, deals
only with commonplace things. But the school takes this colloquial vocabulary as a key and opens up the great reservoir of literature in books, initiating him into a hi~her class of words, expressive of fine shades of feeling and
thought. Thus, to his own vocabulary are added those of great writers, who
have seen nature from a different point of view,and presented their thoughts
in gems of literary style. Literature lifts up the pupil into the realms
of human nature and discloses the motives which govern the actions of
men. Yet Spencer puts this last in his course of study. After learning all
science has to give, after learning one’s trade and the care of his body, he
would then, if there is leisure, permit literature and art. But literature is
the greatest educator we have. It has made possible newspapers and periodicals and books, with pictures of human life and of the motives governing
our actions. The fourth window of the soul is grammar, wherein we have
a.glimpse of the logical structure of the intellect as revealed in language.
The fifth window is history (that of his own country), wherein he sees
revealed the aspirations of his countrymen, his own nature, written out in
colossal letters; and these five studies should make the elementary education of the student. The secondary education takes up human learning and
continues it along the same lines, namely: 1, inorganic nature; 2, organic
nature; 3, literature (the heart); 4, grammar and logic (the intellect);
and 5, history (the will). Algebra deals with general numbers, while Arithmetic has definite numbers to operate with. Geometry and physics continue inorganic nature, while natural history continues the study already
commenced in geography. Then come Greek and Latin, and here is opened
up a great field of study into the embryology of our civilization. In the
dead languages we have the three great threads running through the history of human progress. The Greek, with its literature and aesthetic art
and its philosophy, showing the higher forms of human freedom in contrast
with the Egyptian, which showed only the struggle for freedom and never
the man separated from the animal and the inorganic world. The Roman,
wit.h the continual gaze upon the will of man, seeks the true forms of contracts and treaties and corporations, whereby one man may combine with
another, and it essays the conquering of men and reducing them to obedience to civil law, not only external conquest but internal conquest as well.
The Hebrew thread is the religious one, which we recognize in the celebration of worship one day each week and in the various holy days. We
acknowledge this the most essential thread of our civilization. So, with
the secondary education we begin to get the embryology of our forms of
life. The higher or collegiate education is the comparative step of education. Each branch is studied in the light of all the others. Natural science
and sociology are investigated; logic and mental philosophy; ethics and
rhetoric; as well as the philosophy of history and of literature, and the
comparative sciences, which furnish the light for the whole method of
higher education. The first, or elementary education, then, is but superficial, a mere inventory; the secondary insists on some reflection on what
has been learned; and the third, or higher education, is the unity and
comparison of all that has been learned, so that each is explained by the
whole. Give the child possession of the embryology of civilization, and
his insight into the evolution of civilization is insured. Educators have
adopted the course of study as it exists, led by an unconscious or blind
impulse. Herbert Spencer should have investigated and discovered its
purpose, which is a far deeper one than he has thought out when he advocates its overthrow for the sake of knowledge that leads to direct selfpreservation.
80
JOHNS HOPKINS
[No. 105.
NOTES IN HISTORY AND POLITICS.
JNCLIJDING ABSTRACTS OF PAPERS BY MEMBERS OF THE SEMINARY OF HISTORY AND POLITICS, REPORTS OF RECENT LECTURES, ETC.,
EDITED BY PROFESSOR HERBERT B. ADAMS, DIRECTOR OF TILE SEMINARY.
Popular Uprisings in the 14th, 15th, and 16th Centuries, By GEORGE KELEUN.
[Abstractof a thesis on the English Rising In 1450 (Strassburg, 1892), and ofa course of
ten lectures on the above subjectto graduate students atthe JohnsHopkins University.]
The period of transition from medi~val to modern times was marked by
a series of popular outbreaks. Most of these have not received the attention they merit as factors in history, on account of. their wide extension
through middle and western Europe, and of their influence on social conditions. To American students their analogy to modern revolutions is
of special interest. The solution of medinval agrarian and labor troubles
may aid us to clear up our own.
The risings in England are peculiarly instructive; they were more
numerous than elsewhere, more successful, and of greater influence on society. Dr. Kriehn’s thesis treats one of these movements, heretofore known
as Cade’s rebellion. The first two chapters are devoted to a much needed
critical examination of the various authorities. Gregory’s Chronicle, the
principal source, is proved to have been written by an unknown London
citizen, not by William Gregory, mayor of London, two years later, and
therefore not deserving the confidence hitherto accorded it. The unpublished MS. Cotton. Vitellius is utilized and shown to be based on a lost London chronicle of great value, from which the chroniclers Fabyan and Caxton
drew their accounts. In like manner the remaining chroniclers are examined. Four bills of the Captain of Kent, whose authorship is as nearly
determined as the sources admit, a patent roll containing a list of more than
2200 pardoned rebels, and one of the Paston Letters are among the docisments tested. Modern writers on Cade’s rebellion are also reviewed.
Aftera chapter on thecondition ofthecountry and peoplein 1450, the causes
of the public discontent are treated. Among these were over-taxation, resulting from the French wars and the alienation of the royal possessions, general
misgovernment and corruption, the loss of France, the consequent damage to
the wool trade, and the attempted enforcement of the statute of laborers.
The rebellion broke out in the latter part of May, and the rebels advanced
directly on London. They encamped at Blackheath in the immediate vicinity, but adroitly retired on the advance of the royal forces. A body of the
latter, following them in hot pursuit, was cut to pieces at Sevenoaks on June
18th, whereupon the king’s army disbanded. After recruiting in Sussex the
Kentishmen returned to London, which they forcibly entered on July 3d, in
spite of the opposition of the city council. The day following they beheaded
the unpopular lord treasurer of England and the hated sheriff, Crowmer.
The council, aided by the garrison of the tower of London, strove to prohibit their entrance by occupying London bridge, where a bloody though
undecided fight took place in the night of July 5th. The next morning
members of the royal council (the king had fled to a place of safety) accepted
the bills ofthe rebels, and the latter, on condition of a general pardon, agreed
to go home. Their captain was killed soon afterwards. We know nothing
about his previous life or character, except that he had had some military
experience, if we may judge from the excellent order maintained among
his men. During the rebellion he was called John Mortymer, a cousin to
the Duke of York, and after his death, Jack Cade.
The rising in 1450 was a national movement, not a local Kentish outbreak. The south of England was in arms, especially Dorset and Wiltshire,
where the people put to death the oppressive bishop of Salisbury. The
east was also turbulent; the commons of Essex were at London by appointment to meet Cade, and in the centre and west disturbances likewise took
place. The north alone remained quiet.
The rebellion was not an outbreak of ‘the filth and scum of Kent,’ but
an organized, well-conducted assembling of almost the whole people. Not
only the lower, but the middle and upper classes took part. It was not a
social but mainly a political movement—an armed attempt of an independent yeomanry to overthrow an unpopular ministry, and to place the Duke
of York, an aspirant to the throne, at the helm of state. It cannot be
decided whether the duke incited the movement. The appendix of Dr.
Kriehn’s thesis is devoted to correcting the accepted chronology of the
rising, which is evidently false throughout.
The first of the lectures on the popular risings treated the history and
condition of the English people from earliest times down to the 14th century. Society in the times of Caesar and Tacitus was first portrayed, and
the institutions in the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries were briefly described. It was shown how the servile classes were recruited from above
and below, and through what agencies the Anglo-Saxon freeman became
the medinval serf. By the tenth century nearly all the population was
unfree, bound to the soil of a manor, an estate belonging to a lord, against
whom it was without legal rights. A description of the manorial system
was given, together with the land and its common cultivation, the mode of
life of the peasantry, the rights and onerous duties of the various classes
of serfs. The Norman conquest wrought no change in the condition of the
lower classes, but simply placed a foreign superstructure on the English substructure. What finally freed the serfwas the transition of society from husbandry to the money basis. His labor services were transformed into rents.
The second lecture was on the great peasant revolt in 1381. In 1315-46
a great famine occurred, which materially decreased the population. In
1349 the black death swept away one-third of the people. Wages became
very high, whereupon parliament passed the famous statute of laborers,
compelling the workmen under severe penalties to work for the same wages
as before the plague. Against this statute labor organizations, or trades
unions, were formed. Poor priests of socialistic tendencies aided to spread
the discontent, and the attempted collection of an unjust poll-tax brou
0ht
about the first outbreaks in May, 1381.
After a critical examination of the historical sources of the movement
and of the modern authorities, Dr. Kriehn described the outbreaks in their
chronological order: first, that of Essex, then the Kentish movement, the
most violent of all. A mighty throng (contemporary writers say 80,000
rebels) entered Canterbury in triumph, burnt the archbishop’s palace, and
rushed on to London. Invain did the king seek to quiet them from a bargein
the Thames. From all sides the rebels were closing in on the capital. To the
north lay the insurgents of Essex, the villains of St. Albans and the men of
Hertfordshire. To the south were the Kentishmen, to whom the laborers
and poorer artisans of London threw open the gates. They marched through
the city in triumph, and burned the houses of their principal enemies.
The insurgents of the north were met at Mile End by the boy-king,
Richard II, who promised to gratify all their demands, and gave them
charters of freedom, upon which they returned home. The men of Kent
under their leader, Wat Tyler, stormed the tower of London and put to
death the archbishop of Canterbury and some other unpopula.r ministers.
The king was compelled to negotiate with the rebels, but in a conference
held at Smithfield his attendants contrived to murder the leader, and his
own remarkable presence of mind and promises succeeded in turning
away the furious multitude. The peasant, Wat Tyler, was a man of no
mean ability; he had a plan of governing England which was an anticipation of Cromwell’s.
The movement spread throughout England. In the eastern counties, the
great manufacturing districts of the day, it was particularly violent. John,
the “litser” (dyer), a Norfolk leader, made the nobles follow him as servants. The interesting outbreak of St. Edmundsbury in Suffolk was described, as well as that of St. Albans, with the death of its hero-leader,
Grindecobbe. Even in York and Lancashire the people were up. The
reaction was far bloodier than the rebellion; promises and charters were
savagely disregarded.
The character of the movement was social. It was the first great conflict
between labor and capital. Villains and yeoman arose against their landlords; laborers and artisans, against the rich civic aristocrats. The cause
of the uprising is not to be sought in the misery of the people, but in their
good condition, which made them independent enough to forcibly resist a
reaction which the landlords were attempting to bring about, namely—the
reintroduction of labor services instead of rent. The revolt was planned
and organized by the labor associations and the poor priests. Wiclif the
reformer, was unfavorably disposed to the movement, but it gave the death
blow to English serfdom.
The next lectures treated the popular uprisings in the fifteenth century, which was the golden age of labor. Wages were high, but the neces-
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UNIVERSITY
saries of life were cheap. The peasants had mostly become yeomen, rentpayin~ tenant-farmers. The first movement noticed was an attempted
outbreak of the Lollards, adherents of the doctrines of Wiclif. The troops
of Henry V occupied St. Giles’ fields, the insurgents’ rendezvous near London, and dispersed them as they arrived. The movement was religious
and socialistic in character, the Lollards being mainly handicraftsmen and
small tradespeople.
The rising in 1450 was described, also the peasant insurrection in 1469.
This time the scene shifts to the north of England. A general uprising
against the tax collectors occurred in Northumberland, and 15,000 rebels
under Robin of Redesdale marched on York. Defeated by the kingmaker
Warwick’s brother, they soon recovered, and marched southward under
Sir John Conyors. King Edward VI hurried northward and summoned
aid from his brother Clarence and Warwick, who did not come, but sought
instead to stir up the men of Kent. The royal forces coming from Wales
were completely routed at Edgecote. Their leader, the Earl of Devon, and
all the unpopular advisers the insurgents could procure, among them the
queen’s father and brother, were behended. The king was forced to surrender.
The causes of the revolt were almost the same in 1469 as in 1450. We
hear of excessive taxes, of the alienation of the royal domains, and of a new
evil, the debasement of the coinage, which raised prices while wages were
slower to rise. The movement was successful in its attempt to get rid of
the king’s hated advisers. The implication of Warwick and Clarence cannot be doubted.
The flfth lecture described the last great peasant insurrection in England
—ihe risino in 1549. Towards the end of the 15th century the yeomanry
began to decline. The cultivation ofgrain was superseded by sheep-farming,
which paid the landlord much better, because it required less labor, and
wool always commanded good prices. Common pastures were fenced in and
tenants mercilessly evicted. The laud was filled with vagrants, and parliament sought in vain to protect the yeoman. At the same time the debasement of the currency under Henry VIII raised prices, whereas wages were
slower to rise. The reformation had brought a lot of merciless landgrabb~rs in place of the monks, who were often easy landlords.
True, the Duke of Somerset, the Protestant protector, favored the peasantry. In May, 1549, he sent a commission to enforce the laws and to reach
the high criminals. This encouraged the peasants to rise in revolt. In Cornwall and Devon the rising was religions and social. Along with the restoration of Henry ViII’s Latin ritual we find it demanded that no gentleman
should have more than one servant. The insurgents wasted their strength
in besieging Exeter, and were finally beaten through the aid of foreign
mercenaries, after a desperate and gallant resistance. In Norfolk, under a
leader named Jack Ket, they long held a camp and tribunal on Mousehold
hill, and twice took Norfolk, but were finally routed, again through foreigners—German Lanzknechts. Their complaint was not against religion, but
against illegal enclosures of land and evictions. The malcontents were
radically Protestant, and inclined towards Anabaptism.
The sixth and seventh lectures described the French peasant outbi-eak
in 1358—the Jacquerie, so-called from Jacques Bonhomme, a derisive
epithet applied to the French peasant on account of his simplicity. Among
the sources noted by Dr. Kriehn were the chronicles of Sir Jean Froissart,
who is unreliable, and those of St. Denis, by Pierre d’Orgemont. Among
modern histories are Luce’s Histoire do la Jacqu6rie, which places too much
confidence in Froissart, and iBonnem5re’s Histoire des Paysans.
The condition of early Gallic society and the effects of the Roman and
Frankish conquests were described, as were also the duties of the French
peasant in medinval times. He was much worse off than his English contemporary. The condition of France in the 14th century was noted. For
years English invaders and French defenders had been ravaging the land.
After the battle of Poitiers the soldiers of the Prince of Wales became bandits, who mercilessly pillaged the country. The peasants were commanded
to defend themselves by the dauphin, who was then acting as regent of
France. Their condition was desperate. Repeated debasements of the
currency had done much to ruin them.
In a quarrel with Paris the dauphin ordered all the castles in the country
to be rebuilt and fortified, in order to prevent the introduction of provisions
into the city. The peasants in North and Middle France arose in revolt,
lurning all castles and sometimes even killing the inmates. The most
011WULA RS.
81
important outbreak occurred in the country about Beauvais, where they
were organized under a captain named Guillaume Cale, a man of military
ability, who kept good order among them. About Paris all castles were
destroyed by the trainbands of the city.
The Jacquerie was suppressed by a union of all aristocratic elements—
English, French and Charles the Bad, king of Navarre, who was a pretendaut to the French throne. By blackest treachery Charles, in a conference, seized and ~murdered Cale, the peasant leader, and at the same time
attacked the insurgents on all sides. Etienne Marcel, leader of the Parisians, and a reformer in advance of his time, was afterwards slain in that
city. Everywhere the reaction was far bloodier than the revolt.
The whole movement was mainly a peasant rebellion, although a few
nobles and several of the cities were involved. It has heretofore been
regarded as a result of the people’s despair, its object being revenge; but
Dr. Kriehn maintained that it presents the features of a resistance to reaction, to a relap~e into ancient oppressions, which must have followed the
strengtherdng of the nobles’ castles. The black dea.th in 1349 and the wars
with England must at least have made labor scarce. It is interesting to
note the resemblance of the revolution of l359 with that of 1789, both in
radical character and in the alliance of Paris with the popular upi-ising.
The eighth lecture treated the German peasant wars before the Reformation. The Ditmarschen, a little people of peasants in North Germany,
gained independence in 1227, despite nobles and clergy. The Stedinger,
who lived near Bremen and against whom the pope stirred up a crusade,
gained a glorious victory over the superior forces of the king of Denmark
and otlser princes in 1499, although they lost independence about a century later. The government of the Stedinger was a perfect representative
republic; a council of forty-eight, chosen by the people, was the executive;
the people itself the legislative body. It was the dykes and mam-shes that
lone preserved freedom in the north; in the south it was the mountains.
The heroical struggles of the peasants of Un, Schwyz and Nidwalden were
then noted, and the successful rising of the people of Appeuzell in 1400,
together with a number of unsuccessful risings and conspiracies in Germany.
The Reformation, begun by Iluss in Bohemia, soon turned socialistic.
Radical sects were formed, especially among the lower classes. It was
principally this element which under Ziska defied the world,
The two final lectures were devoted to the German peasant wars of
1524—5. After a discussion of the effects of the Reformation on the people, and of the doctrines of their preachers, notably Thomas Mfinzer, some
attention was devoted to the condition of the lower classes in the 15th
century. Their dues and labor services were noted, and also the discontent at the reactionary state of affairs.
The first of these Ger~ an outbreaks occurred in the Black Forest.
Upper Suabia followed with a great peaceful assembly, but was soon
forced to be more radical. In the Odenwald and in Frauconia the movement promised success, but the peasants wasted their strength in the siege
of a fortress near Wiirzbnrg. Throughout South and Middle Germany the
movement raged. It xvas very powerful in Alsace, Baden, the Black Forest,
along the Rhine, and especially in Wfirtemberg.
The only force available against them was the army of the Snabian coilfederacy, nuder the able general Truebsess, who cajoled with promises
the Upper Suabians, defeated the Wfirtemberger, and fell upon the levies
from the Odenwald and Franconia before they had time to unite. In
Alsace the French Duke of Lorraine made a bloody end of the struggle.
Almost all Austria was up. The archduke was forced to make notable concessions to the Tyrolese.
The outbreak of 1524—5 was perhaps the greatest of all popular movements during the transition period, both on account of territorial extent,
and the high aims of its leaders. Not all the demands of the Snabian
peasants have yet been realized. Many of the reforms of Wendel Hipler
in the constitution which the peasants proposed, were not attained even in
1870, to say nothing of the plans of Gaismayr, the gallant Tyrolese leader.
Among the results of the peasant insurrection may be noted that one
thousand castles and monasteries went up in flames. Part of the nobility
and clergy never recovered from their losses.
In conclusion the lecturer compared the condition of the laborer in
medimeval and modern times, giving a short historical notice of the changes
in his estate.
JOHNS HOPKINS
82
Visits to the Public Institutions of Maryland.
I. GREEN.
By
DAVID
The visitation of charitable and correctional institutions by Johns Hopkins students is no new thing. Recognizing the importance of connecting
theory with existing conditions, our instructors in social pathology have
frequently led companies of their students in excursions to the principal
local institutions which are caring for the dependent and delinquent classes.
As mor~ than the usual space bas been allotted to social science in the
schedule of lectures for the current year, it is but natural that more than
the usual interest has been taken by the graduate students of economics and
sociology in these social science excursions.
At the close of President Gilman’s introductory course, about twenty-five
students enrolled their names and organized for the tours of inspection. In
order to mnke the expeditions as profitable as possible, application was
made to the Charity Organization Society for advice and assistance.
Mr. F. D. Mo nrso~r, one of the managers of the Charity Organization
Society, and the Principal of the Maryland School for the Blind, kindly
consented to assist the enterprise. Mr. Morrison carried on the preliminary
correspondence with the institutions selected for visitation, accompanied
the students in many of the excursions, and gave them the benefit of his
thorough knowledge of both the institutions and the problems with which
they are contending.
Soint iJicoy’s Industrial Si~hool.
The first excursion left the Historical Library at ten o’clock, December 3,
with the Saint Mary’s Industrial School for Boys, and the House of Refuge
as the objective points. Three miles by street car and one mile on foot
brought us to the massive stone buildings of the Industrial School on the
southwestern limits of the city. The resident physician and the superintendent of the institution devoted themselves to showin
0 ns about and
answering our numerous questions.
The Industrial School is a reformatory supported by the State and city
and managed by the Xaverian Brothers. There were three hundred and
ninety-two inmates, mostly incorriaible or wayward boys committed by the
magistrates of Baltimore and the counties of Maryland. The boys are
evidently well man%ed. The elements of an English education are taught,
military drill and manual training have been recently introduced, and all
are required to devote several hours of the day to productive labor. Thrifty
management is shown by the fact that nearly $9,000 was obtained last year
from the sale of products.
The House of Refage.
The House of Refuge was found to be an imposing building situated but
a few minutes walk to the north from the Industrial School. Its scope and
methods are much like the latter institution, though more subject to ~oveminent control, as a majority of the managers are appointed by the city
and State. Careful attention is given to education, military drill, and manual training, and all the indostries are conducted with a view to education
rather than to profit.
It was nearly three o’clock before we had finished the study of the various
elements of the reformatory work, and we were well prepared to appreciate
Superintendent Kirkwood’s invitation to partake of a generous lunch which
had been prepared for us. We feel greatly indebted to the superintendents
of all the institutions which we have visited, but on no other occasion has
the vote of thanks been so hearty as after lunch at the House of Refuge.
The Maryland Penitentiary and the Baltimore Gity Jail.
One week later a company of about thirty students were shown throu0h
the Maryland Penitentiary and the Baltimore City Jail. The former is
the only prison for long-term offenders in the State, and the latter is the
only jail in the city. Both are organized under the system of contract
labor. The proficiency of the jail labor is greatly impaired by the fact that
the inmates are not detained long enough to be taught a trade. They are
usually good for nothing when they come, and are in the same condition
when turned out upon society a few weeks later. Contract labor is not
generally approved by penologists, but in the Maryland Penitentiary we
find that system in its best form. The warden retains the supervision of the
prisoners while at work, and the industries are diversified to meet the
capacity of different inmates. Good nourishing food is given without stint,
but so carefully is the institution managed that it actually returns a profit
[No. 105.
to the State beyond all the expenses of its maintenance. The prisoners
usually save money by overtime work, and, best of all, very few are discharged without a handicraft which will readily yield an honest living.
The Maryland School for the Blind.
On the 21st of December, the Maryland School for the Blind, on East
North Avenue, was visited, and the institution was found to be one of
unusual interest. The ninety-five pupils are braded as in an ordinary school,
and the more advanced are taught geometry, physics, psychology, and political economy. We were all surprised to see the extent to which the disadvantages of blindness are overcome. The pupils are given careful industrial
training, and about sixty per-cent. of them become self-supporting.
The Baltinsore City Alcoshouse.
The City Almshouse and Asylum for the Insane afforded an ample study
on January 7th. It is situated about four miles to the east from the University, and was reached by the Sparrow’s Point Railway. The physical
wants of the fifteen hundred inmates were well provided for, and the condition of the buildings and farm indicated good management. The farm
furnishes employment during the summer, but unfortunately there is little
work provided in the winter. Consequently at this time we found “Congress Hall” and the “Senate Chamber,” as the loafing rooms are called,
occupied by representatives from every part of the country. The lobby
was also full, though the corruption fund consisted of thoughts instead of
money.
On the evenings of the 13th and 20th of January the Central Police Station was visited. From fifty to sixty men were found lying in a writhing
mass upon the floor of the lodging room. In another apartment were hundreds of loaves of bread, and corresponding quantities of other provisions
and clothing awaiting the daily distribution to the poor.
The Johns Hopkins Hospital.
The bright morning of January 21 made the walk to the Johns Hopkins Hospital an agreeable exercise. There we saw with admiration the
neat and sunny wards, the perfect system of ventilation and heating, the
immense boilers and water filters, and the many devices and equipments
which make this, perhaps, the leading hospital of the country. Our admiration was mingled with other feelings as we gazed at a motley lot of
growths and realized that only a thin glass separated us from living organisms labelled, as translated by the guide, diphtheria, typhus, small-pox, and
the like. But even the deathly power that is known to reside in the minute
cholera bacilli did not repel the students of social science in their desire to
see this new factor in social improvement—the force which is doing more
than anything else toward inducing cities to keep themselves, respectably
clean.
Asylums for Orphans and for the Aged.
On the 28th of January several institutions were visited: The Johns
Hopkins Orphan Asylum, where twenty-six little coloredchildren are being
trained for useful lives; the Shelter for Aged Colored Persons, where as
many aged women have a home of comfort for the remainder of their years;
the Home of the Friendless, where one hundred and fifty white children
are supported; the St. Frances Orphan Asylum and Academy for colored
girls, where the systematic order and the air of refinement showed that the
colored sisters in charge were not lacking in culture nor in good judgment;
and finally the Samuel Ready Asylum for Female Orphans, in which we
found every reason for agreeing with the National Bureau of Education in
calling it the “ideal orphans’ home.”
This was a day of entertainments. Beginning with “Ta-ra-ra ra-boomde-ay” at the Johns Hopkins Colored Orphan Asylum, the songs, dances,
piano solos, recitations, and calisthenics apparently beguiled the Hopkins
men from every thought of the departin~ lunch hour, for it was nearly four
o’clock when we left the Samuel Ready Asylum to take a look at the famous
Columbus monument upon the grounds, and separate for our respective
homes.
Upon the 4th of February the St. Elizabeth Home for Colored Children
was the first institution to be visited. A dozen little foundlings were in their
cradles, and as many larger infants were living in another apartment.
On the opposite side of St. Paul street we found the Electric Sewing
Machine Rooms, where twenty-five or thirty indigent women were being
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1893.]
taught to sew and given a chance to support themselves by their work.
Many who would otherwise be helpless are thus rendered self-supporting,
and the institution also furnishes the Charity Organization Society with a
work test for women.
The Friendly Inn, on South Sharp street, was the next institution to
receive the peripatetic class. Here great numbers of homeless men are
given lodgings for fifteen cents or for sawing ten sticks of wood. Meals,
free baths, and opportunity for washing clothing are provided. The institution is managed in a missionary spirit, and religious as well as economic
forces are utilized for uplifting the rather destitute class of men who resort
to the Inn. No one seemed to disagree with Secretary Eastman when he
stated that a man is much better prepared to receive the gospel after he has
paid for his supper by sawing wood than when he expects his supper as a
re~vard for attending the relieious services.
The day’s excursion was closed with a visit to the Nursery and Child~s
Hospital on Schroeder street. This institution has three departments: an
infant asylum, a hospital for sick children, and a dispensary for children.
All departments are free to those unable to pay. Only a minority of the
foundlings which are brought in when very young survive their early hardships; but the neat appearance and happy faces of the older infants show
that they are well cared for.
Maryland Hospital for the Insane.
The last excursion of the season was to the Maryland Hospital for the
Insane on the 11th of February. We took the Catonsville train soon after
two o’clock, and a ride of twenty minutes brought us to the gate of the
hospital grounds. This is the only strictly charitable institution which is
under the control of the State of Maryland, though it receives its main
support from the counties and Baltimore City through a fee of $150 per
year for each public patient. The superior appointments of the institution
seem to justify the general opinion that the insane should be cared for by
the State rather than by the local government.s. The four hundred and
forty-four inmates are classified and distributed in eighteen wards. Careful
attendance takes the place of physical restraint, and employment is given
to divert the mind from its wayward course. Respecting the special experiences of the day, the strange sights and sounds which met us at every
turn I will not speak here except to say that many of the impressions
received will not, and some can not, be forgotten.
Thus closed a series of excursions which have given many hours of pleasant
recreation, many new views of the social problem, and many reasons for
faith in social progress.
On the Theory of Distribution. By
JOHN
B.
CLARK.
(Abstract of a course of lectures before the students in History and Politics, Oct.-Noy.,
1892.)
It was the object of the course to demonstrate the working of the forces
that apportion the income of society among various claimants. To most
men the gaining of a personal income presents itself as a process in distribution. A mass does not keep the things that he himself produces, but
secures for Isis own use a share of the things that others produce. The
amount of the income appears to vary according to the terms that the
recipient is able to make with those with whom he deals. That some law
governs those terms is generally believed; but an accepted theory of distribution is lacking.
The course tried to make it clear that the law that is sought connects
distribution with production. It causes the share of the social income that
one recipient would receive, if conditions were quite normal, to correspond
with the amount that he has contributed toward the creation of that income.
Under natural law a man consumes things that other people make; but he
gets and uses the value, or abstract quantum of wealth, that he himself brings
into existence. “To each his product “As the rule, under free exchange
xnd perfect competition.
In studying the mechanism by which this effect is secured, it is necessary,
first, to ascertain, not what income accrues to particular men, but what
attaches to the performing of certain functions. A man may perform
several: he may be a laborer, a capitalist and an employer of laborer and
capital. A purely economic theory of distribution accounts for the gains
secured by working, by furnishing capital or by employing men and capital.
83
A further and more distinctly sociological study accounts for the merging
of various functions in the same men, and gives a resulting social distribution of wealth. The two studies together account for the size of the incomes
of different persons and of different social classes.
In practical life static forces and dynamic ones are in action together.
There are influences at work that would continue to produce their effects if
society were reduced to a stationary state. Other influences depend on
progress; these act wlsen the economic world is in a transitional condition,
leaving belsind it one position of static equilibrium and advancin,, toward
another. In life the dynamic influences succeed each other perpetually,
and the stationary condition is never reached; but the static forces operate
throughout the progressive movement. Isolating these forces and separately
examiniu~ them affords one key to success in a study of distribution.
The division of gains that takes place between employer and employed
in one industry is to be kept in its true relation to the general distribution
of the income of society as a whole. The non-competing groups and subgroups that constitute an industrial society have been studied, and thereby
the sources of the wages and interest earned in different employments have
been determined.
The law that fixes the amount of wages and that of interest, in the whole
social field, has been revealed by the use of a formula that is commonly
applied in deterruinin, tlse rent of land. The central principle of the theory
is that of so-called ‘ diminishing returns.” In its broader and more scientific
use the principle causes labor to become less productive per unit when more
of it is applied in connection with a fixed amount of capital; and it causes
capital to yield less per unit when an increasing quantity of it is used in
connection with a limited amount of labor.
The character and effects of the chief dynamic influences were examined,
and some of the conditions of the future well-being of society as a whole and
of different social classes were determined.
Recent Aspects of Institutional Study. By
M. ANDREWS.
CHARLES
(Abstract of a paper read before tbe Historical Seminary, December 2, 1892, and published in tbe Yale Review, February, 1893.)
Historical science demands the application of certain methods, botla for
the increase of available material and for the interpretation of that which
is meagre and obscure. Four usethods were discussed in this paper.
(1). The construction through comparative study of a hypothetical plan
into which all direct evidence shall fit, based on probability and paralleled
by tendencies of growtla among other peoples. This is the much used and
abused comparative method. Of this there are two phases, only different
as the usaterial to which they apply is different. The first phase, not looked
on with favor by some writers, is the comparison of the phenomena ofdiverse
primitive societies and the building tlcereon a generalization, which becomes
a worlcing hypothesis in the history of a given people. The method, ii
governed by rigorous rules and canons, is useful, though the results gained
must be hypothetical. Writers have hitherto tried to prove too much.
Recent work Isas shown marked improvement. Scholars are limiting the
subjects for comparison, are not drawing inferences from hasty analogies
between unrelated systems and are not wasting their efforts on any theory
of borrowing. In the latter case the feeling is gainin~ ground that peoples
have borrowed from each other only incidents and details, that rarely has
a system, or even a fundamental principle of a system, been borrowed. The
second phase is the comparison ofthe historically known institutions of one
country with those equally well-known of another. The value of such
comparison no one denies, and already is it leading to excellent results.
This may equally well apply to the comparison of local history also. By
bringing local institutions out of their narrow boundaries thais method will do
much to reawaken a new interest in local history and will give to it more
breadth and value. On the whole the comparative method is a very material agent in furthering the growth of a truer historical spirit by extending
the narrow lines upon xvhich historical work has been and is still done.
(2). The understanding, before entering upon any plan of construction,
as fully and rationally as the state of direct evidence will allow, tlae spirit
of the age under examination, that we may be in~fuhl touch with the
general nature of its institutions, that we may live for the time being in
its life and may possess an instinctive sense of what is true and probable
84
JOHNS HOPKINS
without exact proof. This demands of the student three things: historical
imagination, which cats appreciate the ideas, beliefs and habits of mind
of a bygone generation; a working knowledge of the universal and of the
relation of the particular to it; and a conscience for thoroughness and
exactness in the study of the period or subject selected. Under this head
three forms of criticism can be applied to past and present work. First,
material has too often been treated apart from its context, with too close
adherence to the logic of the letter. Second, evidence, chronologically
scattered, has been brought together to complete an historicalpicture without
regard to differences of time or place. Third, the life of the past has been
often treated from the standpoint of the intelligent citizen of the present
time. Many writers have failed to appreciate the breat gulf fixed between
the habits and ideas of a primitive community and an era like our own.
Such have apparently forgotten tlsa.t primitive life, medi~ val life, even
relatively modern life present numberless peculiarities of mental scenery,
and need to be examined by a mind open, sympathetic, and impartial in
judgment.
(3). The method of working backward from the known, where we stand
on the sure foundation of a strictly historical investigation to t.he relatively
nnknoxvn, where the illumination must be of necessity by reflection. This
method is of recent application to historical investigation. The first use
of it was made about a decade ago, and it is likely to come into occasional
service hereafter, especially in connection with sul~jects, evidence for which
is apparently wanting or difficult to interpret. Its advantages are evident.
It will serve as a useful check to results gained from the often overstrained
theory of a gradual process; for it is often valuable that the investigator
lose that subtle force which comes from too firm a belief in a law of
progress. Further, it will throw much light upon texts and terms at
present obscure or wrongly interpreted, and will bring a sense of reality
into early life which is greatly needed. But there are alco dangers. Chief
of these is the tendency to distort perspective and to exaggerate the cataclysmatic in history. Of almost equal importance is tbe danger that, owing
to the careful analysis of the strictly historical material, prepossessions may
be created, which it will be difficult to throw off as the investigator moves
back over the lines of the earlier and less positive evidence. The method
has, however, hardly as yet been sufficiently tested to decide how far these
advantages and disadvantages are real or hypothetical.
(4). The method of discovering in later known social and economic life
traces of earlier characteristics and activities, on the principle that a nation
never outlives its youth, that the habits and customs of primitive times
continue to be a part of the life of the simpler portion of the community long
after the main body has advanced far along the lines of a higher civilization.
Broadly speaking, this method calls upon all the ancillary sciences for aid
and at the same time seeks to equalize and fairly distribute the importance
of each. Philology, craniology, archuology, and folk-lore are each doing
something for history. The exact value of each cannot easily be determined.
The importance of the first two has been exaggerated; the third is tending
to supplant the first in historical favor, a.nd the fourth, through the exertions
of the Eaglists folk-lorists, is coming into prominence, and is slowly taking
on a scientific form. As a scientific method it is based upon the statement
that the existence of survivals, which can be shown to be related to the
customs of a savage or a barbaric people, is prima facie evidence of the
existence of a similar race where the custom has been found. At present
the subjectis in rather a chaotic condition, but the outlook seems hopeful.
Ambassadors to the United States; proposed in I778.~
By HERBERT FRIEDENWALD.
[A communication to the Historical Seminary.]
The recent action of Congress in adding a clause to the diplomatic and
consular bill empowering the President to raise the rank ofa minister abroad
to that of ambassador, whenever a foreign country indicates its williagne s
to send an envoy of the highest rank to this country, serves to call to mind
the measures adopted by the Continental Congress, when the first treaty of
alliance with~France was consummated. The treaty was signed in Paris on
* The reports of committees referred to in this paper are to be four~l in No. 23 and No.
25,Vol. I, of the Papersof the Continental Congress in the Department of State.
[No. 105.
the sixth day of February, 1778. It reached this country about three months
later and M. Gdrard, the French envoy, followed soon thereafter.
Congress was to receive him officially, but the exact form and ceremonial
necessary to be shown a person of his dignity appear to have been resolved
upon only after considerable debate. It was suggested that a committee be
selected to whom the matter might be turned over for consideration and report. The suggestion was adopted, and Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams
and Gonverneur Morris were isosen as its members. This was on July 14.
On the 16th, in accordance with the usage of the time, M. G~rard delivered
to Congress a copy of the speech he intended to deliver when received in
public audience; and the same day th& committee on the manner of M.
Gdrard’s reception brought in its report. It was given the most serious consideration upon that and the next two days. Upon the 20th so much as
related to ambassadors and residents was postponed, while the necessary
courtesies to be shown a minister plenipotentiary were partially agreed upon.
It was not, however, until August 6, three weeks after the matter was first
brought to the attention of Congress, that an exact determination of the
important question was reached. The minutest detail of the going forth and
the coming in was looked after, and althon~h the final plan was slightly
more elaborate than the original report, it differed from it in no essential
point. That portion concerning ambassadors seems never to have been
brought up for consideration after its postponement on the 20th of July.
The foreign nations that looked favorably upon the rising republic sent only
ministers or envoys, and there was, in consequence, no occasion offered for
the more elaborate formalities with which it had been determined an ambassador should be received.
The report begins by dividing uiinisters into three classes: ambassadors,
ministers plenipotentiary or envoys, and residents. Each of these was to be
received with a degree ofrespect in keeping with his rank. For ambassadors
the following was regarded as proper: “When he shall arrive within any
of the United States he shall receive from any Battery, Fort or Castle the
same salute or oilier Honors which are pad to the Flag of the Prince or
State which he shall represent. Also at all Places where there are Guardsr
Sentries or the like, he shall receive the same military honor and respect
which are paid to a General officer in the service of the United States of
the highest rank. When he shall arrive at the Place in which the Congress
shall be, he shall wait upon the President and deliver his Credentials or
copies thereof, Three Members of Congress shall then be deputed to wait
upon him and inform him when and where he shall receive Audience of the
Congress. A.t the time he is to receive his Audience the three Members
shall again wait upon him in a Coach belonging to the States, and the
Person first named of the three shall return with the Ambassador and his
Secretary in the Coach, giving to the Ambassador the right Hand and
placing himself on his left with the Secretary on the front Seat, and the
other two Members shall return in a Chariot. When the Ambassador is
arrived at the Door of the Congress Chamber, the Member who presents
him shall announce him to the President and they shall bow to each other.
The President shall then announce him to the whole House, who shall bow
to him and he to them. He and the President shall then again bow to each
other and be seated, after which the Members shall sit down. The President shall be seated in a Chair raised upon a Stage two feet above the Ground
and the Ambassador in a Chair directly opposite to him and raised eighteen
inches. The Ambassador shall thensitting in his Chair speak to the President and receive an answer, after which the Ambassador, the President and
the whole House shall rise and the Ambassador shall retire in the manner
in which he was introduced, not bowing or being bowed unto. The same
Persons shall wait on hUm upon his Return who went to bring him to the
House. His title shall be Excellency.”
This is far from being the only instance when Congress adopted rules
of an exceedingly ceremonious nature. Reports upon precedence and the
ranking of the Secretary, the members of Congress, the Commander-in-Chief
of the army and the representatives of foreign powers at the “Court of the
United States,” as is the expression upon one occasion, are by no means few
in number. They date, for the most part, after the conclusion of peace with
Great Britain; hut in March, 1781, Duane, Matthews and Burke, who had
been selected to draw up a set ofrules for the government of the house, reported a paragraph whiichs provided that “the habit of a member of Congress
in future shall be a plain purple gown with open sleeves plaited at the bend
of the arm. And that no Member be allowed to sit in Congress without such
habit.” Although reported in March, they were not adopted until the fol-
MAY,
1893.]
UNIVERSITY (‘11WULAI?S.
lowing May, and as this paragraph is found stricken out, it is to be presumed
that the better judgment of the other members prevailed and no “habits”
were donned by the able body that gave us the Declaration, the articles
of Confederation and the Ordinance of 1787.
A North Carolina Abbey. By J. S.
BASSETT.
[Abstract of a paper read before the Historical Seminary, December 16, 1892, and printed
in “The Magazine of American History,” February, 1893.]
Gaston County, North Carolina, is historically one ofthe most non-Catholic spots in America. Here, near the little station of Belmont, a colony of
Benedictine monks from St. Vincent’s Abbey in Pennsylvania, settled in
1876 on a farm of five hundred acres and began the routine work of St.
Mary’s College. For nine years they struggled, but with poor success, the
number of students varying from .sjxteen to twenty. In 1885 Arch-Abbot
Wimmer, of St. Vincent’s, applied to Rome to have St. Mary’s erected into
an independent abbey. He succeeded, and the new foundation was called
Mary Help. ‘With some difficulty fourteen volunteers were induced to take
the new work in hand. This little band selected Rev. Leo Haid, of St.
Vincent’s, for Abbot, and promptly began their work. The choice was a
fortunate one. Under Abbot Haid’s management the institution has developed from a languishing college into a thriving abbey. In 1888 Abbot
Haid was made Bishop of Messene and Vicar Apostolic of North Carolina,
but he did not relinquish his abbatial position, thus associating Mary Help
with the head of Catholicism in the State. The membership of the abbey
has grown from fourteen in 1885 to sixty-eight in 1892, and the number of
students at the college has increased to over a hundred. Brick buildings
with a ground floor of 11,940 square feet and three stories high have been
added to the two modest structures erected before the days of the abbey,
and a handsome gothic church of ample size is just being finished. Outhouses on improved plans have been constructed. The farm has been
improved, blooded stock introduced, a large orchard and vineyard grown,
and 214 acres of land have been added to the original farm. Besides, ~‘tary
Help has become a mother abbey. It has founded, and now conducts, a
high school in Richmond, Va., and a military college in Florida; and it
has sole jurisdiction over the Catholics in nine counties in the State. Land
in the vicinity of the abbey has increased in value from $10 an acre in
1886 to $30 an acre in 1892.
The cause of this rapid progress is found in the organization of the labor
forces of the abbey and in the life of the monks themselves. Monasticism
combines authority with communism. An intelligent head, with almost
absolute authority,directs abody ofperfectly obedient workers, whileat times
he is found working by the side of the others. The life of the monks is
according to rules which have been worked out in the most careful manner.
Their health, their intellect, their frame of mind, and their bodily wants
were all carefully provided for by St. Benedict fourteen centuries ago. Production is thus maximized by intelligent, contented, and physically.strong
labor; while consumption is minimized by simple and moderate needs. The
difference is saved. It is this large saving that accounts for the rapid accumulation of wealth.
English Institutions and the American Indian. By
J. A. JAMES.
[The Uaicersily Circular for February, 1892, contains an account of Trading Houses
which forms one part of a study of English Institutions and the American Indian.
Indian Slavery, the specific subject of the following abstract, constitutes another chapter
in this stndy.]
The Indian was considered by the English Colonists an integral part of
the slave system. The Neuro formed the chief factor. Indian slavery was
confined almost wholly to the right of disposing of prisoners captured in war.
As early as -1635 the position of Massachusetts on the subject of slavery
was set forth in the Body of Liberties. Article ninety-one declares: “There
shall never be any bond slaverie, villinage or captivitie amon
0st us unles
it be lawful captives taken in just warres, and such strangers as willingly
selle themselves or are sold to us.” Down to the year 1680 we find evidence
of the disposing of Indian captives. They were distributed among the
various towns, were sold and shipped to the Bermudas, and were exchanged
for Negroes. Captives gained their freedom, at times, by purchase or by
the performance of a certain term of service.
86
New York colonial documents give but few instances of Indian slavery
in that colony. Indians were sent to the Bermudas and to Holland. As
late as 1749 Governor Clinton made provision against the keeping of young
Indians as “pledges.” The traders had refused to surrender these children
to their parents, and from being held as pawns, they finally became slaves.
Indian slavery existed in Connecticut. The General Court in 1676
ordered that all Indians who surrendered themselves within a stated time
should not be sold “out of the country for slaves.” They were to be granted
their freedom after ten years of faithful service. A law of the year 1715,
prohibiting the importation of Tuscaroras, forbade also all introduction, of
Indian slaves into the colony.
No evidence appears of the actual enslavement of the Indian in Virginia
until the year 1657. In this year there was an act passed to prohibit the
stealing of Indian children by Indians who had been hired by the English.
All stolen children were to be returned to their tribes within ten days.
Five hundred pounds of tobacco were to be paid to the informer by the
offending party.
In 1660, on complaint of damages, the plaintiff was given the right, providinn satisfaction was not made, to sell as many Indians “out the country”
as the Court might prescribe. An act of 1670 provided that any “servant”
imported into the colony by shipping was to be a slave for life. If those
that came by land were young, they were to serve until they attained the
age of thirty, and were then free. The term servant was later made applicable, contrary to the original intent, to Negroes. The act was repealed
in 1682. By a decision of the Supreme Court of Virginia in 1808, it was
held that no native “American Indian” could, under any circumstances, be
made a slave.
From these typical instances it may be observed that Indian slavery was
not wide-spread in the colonies. It early gave way to Negro slavery, which
was found to be more profitable.
The Evolution of a World’s Fair. By T. N.
CARVER.
[Abstract of a paper read before the Historical Seminary.]
The historic germ from which the world’s fair of to-day has developed
is the primitive market, or fair, on the neutral ground between two village
communities. In less archaic times markets and fairs grew up around
temples and shrines, where peace and neutrality were secured. The fair,
was differentiated from the market when religious festivals came to afford
special advantages for barter among the people thus gathered together.
The market has survived to the present with few essential changes, but
the fair has developed into something quite different from its original
form.
At first simply a religious festival, the fair next took on a commercial
character. This was finally superseded by special features, determined by
the character of the people. The Grecian games serve to illustrate the line
of development which the fair followed among a people with character and
habits of thought different from our own.
Commercial fairs seem to accompany a certain stage of development in
every race, but the great commercial fairs of mediceval Europe are the
prototype of the modern fair. Before the growth of a distinct and settled
mercantile class, when roads were bad, and travel, except in large companies, was dangerous on account ofhighwaymen and robber barons, fairs
were indispensable to the common folk who wished to trade.
The fairs of Western Europe began to decline early in the 18th century.
They had been most numerous in England, Flanders, Champagne, and the
South of France. Stourbridge in England, and Beaucaire in France, were
the largest, the annual sales of each amounting to $30,000,000.
The great Easter fair of Leipsic is still famous as a book fair. Russia
has not yet passed out of the stage in which fairs are of great commercial
importance. The great fair of Nijni Novgorod covers seven or eight square
miles of land, has ten miles of wharfage on the river-front, is visited by a
million people, and has commercial transactions amounting to $150,000,000
annually.
The decay of the commercial importance of the fairs of Western Europe
gave rise to a demand for something to take their place as exhibitions. The
display of products from so many sources had come to furnish one of the
chief attractions to the visitor. Competitive exhibitions arose to supply this
86
JOHNS HOPKINS
want. The first industrial exposition undertaken by national authorities
was held in the Louvre in 1798. The list of articles exhibited filled a
pami~hlet of only twenty-four pages. State and county fairs have become
regular institutions in our southern and western states.
The great expansion during the last fifty years in all branches of industry
and commerce has enlarged the industrial exposition into the true world’s
fair. The first was the London Crystal Palace of 1851. Paris followed in
1855. Since then London, Vienna and Philadelphia have each had one
world’s fair and Paris three. Chicago will have the ninth in the series.
The Negro in the District of Columbia. By EDWARD
INGLE.
[The abstract of a monograph presented to the Historical Seminary on January 20,
1593, and published as a double number for March and April, of the Studies in History
and Politics.1
Mr. Ingle’s monograph is a study of the Negro at the federal capital
during the generation since the war, and offers statements and statistics
illustrative of the progress of the race in some directions and its retrogression in others. What is believed by the author to be an important
element in the life of the Negro at the Capital is the fact that there were
tried, as it were, experiments in dealing with the race which subsequently
were extended to the whole country. Emancipation, which preceded the
war measure of January, 1863, by nearly nine months, was accompanied by
compensation for owners of slaves, nearly $1,000,000 having been expended
for that purpose. Provision for public schools for Negroes in the District
antedated the efforts of the Freedmen’s Bureau in that direction. The
ballot was given to the newly emancipated in 1867, and in 1869 the word
“white” ceased to limit the right to hold office or to serve as juror.
For brevity, clearness and convenience the subject is treated topically,
one chapter dealing with the condition of the race at the close of the war,
one with education, one with the question of equality, social, civil and
political, and one with the experiment of unlimited male suffrage which
ended in no suffrage and a debt of millions in 1874, and the concluding
chapter treats of the condition of the Negro in the District at the present
time, his aspirations, his attainments, his drawbacks, and his failings. From
the statistical tables which are embodied in the monograph it is seen that
in 1860 the District contained 60,764 whites and 14,316 Negroes, and in
1892 the population was 173,610 whites and 84,821 Negroes. In 1861 of the
$54,000,000 assessed valuation about $650,000 represented property owned
by Negroes, while of the 153,307,541 assessed valuation in 1890, Negroes
owned at least $8,000,000. In thirty years their churches have increased
in number from a dozen to nearly ninety and in value much more. From
one public school in 1864 with a handful of pupils the system has developed
under a Negro superintendent until now it includes 283 teachers and 13,041
pupils having privileges similar to those enjoyed by pupils in the white
schools. However encouraging the situation as shown by the provision for
religious and educational life, a contrast is presented in the statistics relating
to immorality and crime. During the past thirteen years, while the white
and Negro populations have increased in the same proportions, the Negroes
constituting one third of the total, the figures show that education and religion have apparently not bettered the moral condition of the Negroes as
a mass. From 1879 to 1891 the number of le~itimate white births had increased from 2068 to 2440, and the illegitimate white births from 49 to 73~
on the other hand a decrease in the number of legitimate Negro births from
1400 in 1879 to 1371 in 1891 wa.s accompanied by an increase in the illegitimate births from 299 to 460 during the same period. In 1877 the number
of arrests of Negroes was 5460 or 42 per cent. of the whole, in 1892 it was
14,251 or 53 per cent, of the whole, showing an increase of 161 per cent. of
arrests while the Negro population had increased 64 per cent.
The monograph calls attention to the wonderful spirit of industry and
ambition of many of the free Negroes before the war, and to the permanence
of distinctions among them born of changes by the war and modified by the
philanthropic and political movements in their behalf subsequently, and
draws the conclusion that the great drawbacks to the advance of the Negroes
as a mass at the Capitol are politics, and a lack of race pride and unity.
[No. 105.
The Logical Content of the Terms Labor and Capital. By FRANK I. HERRIOTT.
[Communicatedto the Economic Conference.]
What do the economic terms labor and capital include? Regarding
economic activity from a subjective or purely psychological point of view
we find the one motive to be the satisfaction of wants, the sustentation and
furtherance of life itself. The satisfaction of wants, however, necessitates
effort on man’s part (exclusion is here made ofnature’s free gifts and the
pleasurable exercise of one’s powers), the sacrifice of ease or comfort or even
the endurance of pain before one can obtain the goods wherewith to supply
his wants with the means of satisfaction. The recognition or consciousness,
or perception of this feeling of effort, or inconvenience, or pain undergone,
is designated Labor. As here defined, labor is restricted neither to the
exercise of one’s hands or feet or the muscles of the body, nor to the exercise
of one’s mental faculties. It is simply and solely the consciousness of the
exertion, whether positive or negative, experienced in acquiring an economic good.
The one central idea common to all English definitions of Capital, from
Adam Smith’s down to Marshall’s, is instrumentality, viz.: the means
or instruments by the aid of which man gains his livelihood—the satisfaction of his wants. Capital is “instrumental wealth,” says Professor J. B.
Clark; or, as he says in another place, “it is wealth in mediate utilization.”
The classical definitions of Capital make it consist of food, clothing, tools,
machinery, shelter or buildings, (and later definitions include land), all
possible forms ofwealth set apart for purposes offurther production. Wealth
is defined as goods or things which satisfy wants. “It is,” says Professor
Clark, “objective to the user, material, useful, and appropriable.” All
classical economists, including President Walker and Professor Clark, exclude personal abilities and qualities from the wealth concept and, dfortiori,
from capital. Capital they say is objective wealth, exterior to one’s person,
used in production. Adam Smith and Marshall, however, venture to include personal and immaterial goods in wealth and tentatively in the definition of capital.
If capital consists solely of objective goods, exterior to the user, is there
not a large gap between the mere consciousness of gain or effort which we
have called laborand the ordinary concept capital? If capital is instrumental
wealth assisting our labor in supplying the goods which satisfy our wants,—
the satisfaction itself being simply the consciousness ofa certain mental and
physical condition—do not the ordinary definitions exclude a great deal from
the concept capital which is left entirely unaccounted for in our economic
theory?
Suppose that in front of my house t.here is a tall mound of earth covered
with ugly briers, shrubs and stones, which obstructs my view. I desire it
removed. Here is a want to be satisfied. I proceed to carry off the stones
with my bare hands. My hands soon become sore and I put on a pair of
gloves. I work faster and accomplish more. This soon becomes tiresome
and I want to get more done. I obtain a shovel and shovel off the stones
and dirt. At the same time I purchase an axe and grub out the shrubs and
bushes instead of trying to pull them out by hand. But all this is slow
work. I employ more men, with shovels and axes, or I get a large steam
shovel, with derrick and crane and accomplish fifty times as much as I did
alone. All these aids for increasing the efficiency of my labor from the
gloves to the steam shovel we denominate capital.
But why begin with my gloves? Why are not my hands, arms, feet and
legs capital? I might have kicked the stones off the premises. My feet
help me move about so as to accomplish the removal of the mound and
satisfy my want. Or suppose my right arm to have been cut off and in its
place a wooden one with an iron hook in the end. By the aid of the hook I
drag off the stones or pull up shrubs. Are not my arms and hands instrumental wealth as truly as the axe and spade? Again I spend years and
thousands of dollars in getting an education and in training my faculties,
in making my abilities better instruments for gaining me a better livelihood. I “sink capital” on my mental soil just as the farmer does on his
farm, and is not the result in both cases, more capital, better instruments
for gaining a speedier and more complete satisfaction ofone’s wants?
In a word is not everything, including our mental powers and physical
orga.ns as well as objective goods capital? Is not that capital which the
will or determining faculty makes use of in gaining satisfaction for our
wants and desires? If this analysis be correct, then anything and every-
MAY,
18~3.]
UNIVERSITY CYIRCULARS.
thing, whether of nature or of manufacture, whether man or machine,
whether our personal, physical or mental powers, which go to make or bring
about in us the consciousness of satisfaction of our wants, must enter into
the content of the concept capital.
Mill’s Fourth Fundamental Proposition Concerning
Capital. By J. H. HOLLANBER.
[Abstractof a paper read before the Economic Conference, April 7, 1893.]
The dictum, “a demand for commodities is not a demand for labor,”
literally understood, expresses an obvious truism. In its implied sense,
the proposition may be restated as, “an increased effective demand for
commodities will not result in the increased employment of labor, or a rise
in the wages of those already employed.” The practical importance of
Mill’s exposition is vitiated by the fundamental assumption tbat no capital
is available for the extension of industry, whereas an unemployed “loan
fund” is a characteristic feature of the modern industrial world, and again
by the express reservation of the effects of more efficient organization or
better utilization of employed capital, which represent the normal not the
exceptional operation of an increased demand for commodities. The doctrine itself rests upon the premise, that wages are advanced out of capital—
a remnant of the wage fund theory, which recent analysis has proven as
untenable, as did earlier criticism the cruder parts of the theory.
Additional labor, Mill reasons, can be employed only if additional capital
is at hand to maintain the laborer during the period of production. A mere
effective demand provides no capital, hence it does not really constitute a
demand for labor. Exception is here to be taken to t.he rigid quantative
relation implied, between the labor force employed and the amount of
capital necessary as a subsistence fund. The employment of additional
labor is not conditional upon a correspondin~, addition to a subsistence fund.
An increased demand for commodities, present or anticipated, will always
result in an increased labor force, wages being paid not only according to,
but out of product. The presence of “exchanging stocks” adds to the convenience of the laborer in offering a wide range of equivalent commodities,
but their effect, as Professor Clark has shown, is supplementary not conditional.
Mill’s demonstration is supplemented by two classic illustrations which
virtually constitute a corollary to the main proposition, and which may be
summarized in the statement: “In the expenditure of a fixed income, any
change from the purchase of services to the purchase of commodities results
in the discharge of labor, and conversely.” The purchase of commodities,
Mill assumes, involves the co-ordination of labor and subsistence capital;
that of services, the direct employment of labor. The question of productive or unproductive consumption does not enter into consideration.
The same assumption ofa quantative relation between the capital required
as a subsistence fund, and the labor employed, is here to be noted, in
reality, additions to the commodity-producing labor force do not necessitate
the withdrawal of subsistence capital from some other part of the industrial
field, and a local discharge of capital. Whenever more commodities are
demanded, additional labor will be employed and will be paid out of product. A changed demand from services to commodities will simply convert
service-producers into commodity-producers. Under certain conditions,
which Mill seems to have less prominently in mind, an increase in the
amount of instrumental capital may be necessary. The strain will however
tend to distribute itself over the entire industrial field, and gradual
extension and readjustment will prevent any actual displacement of labor.
Conversely, a lessened demand for commodities will be met by a gradual
contraction of the industry affected. No capital will be released in consequence of the need of a smaller subsistence fund, and unemployed commodity-producing labor will be merely set to work producing services.
Instrumental capital, if released, will be absorbed by expanding industries,
in the manner described above.
It is interesting to notice that the advantages, which accrue to labor,
upon Mill’s assumption of an actual release of capital due to a diminished
subsistence fund, follow not from a greater demand for labor but from a
less demand for capital. The corollary seems merely an indirect form of
stating that the less capital employed in the satisfaction of wants, the more
favorably is labor situated with respect to the larger residue.
87
The “Natural Rights” of Street Beggars. By FRANK
I.
HERRIOTT.
[Abstract ofpaper read before the Social Science Conference,April 21, 1593.]
The police coasmissioners of a large eastern city when asked why tlsey
did not exclude blind and cripple beggars, pencil and notion venders, and
like semi-vagrants from the streets, replied, that they had no legal power
or moral riglst to do so; that tlsese usifortunates had a natural right to get
their liviub in any lawful manner they chsose. The street beggar likewise
invariably replies that his business is legitimate, and that he has a right
to get his bread as Ise pleases. These opinions are wide-spread among
American citizens with respect to tlse riglsts of street beggars.
The doctrine of natural and abstract ri
0hts as commonly understood has
descended to us from the writings of Locke, Rousseau and Blackstone.
Since the time of Bentham, however, our leading publicists have generally
regarded it as an exploded fallacy. Riglsts mean the opportunity of exercising and acquiring the means of satisfying one’s faculties. This necessitates
a limitation of the scope of each man’s activities. The state and laws exist,
therefore, for the purpose equalizing conditions of opportunity, and affording protection and maintaining justice. These should be their sole purposes.
Whenever the actions and mode of life of any class of individuals become
hostile to the highest interests of society, viz: of all individuals, from that
moment wlsatever “natural” or “abstract” rights they may have possessed
to live and do as they pleased become void. Society in its corporate
capacity grantsto the individual the only rights which the modern civilized
man may be said to possess; and in the practical life of society the words
“natural ri~,hts “ have no meaning.
Titus the question to be asked in thse treatment of street beggars is not—
are we violating their “natural rights”? but, does the presence of these
beggars on the streets constitute a menace to society? Do they threaten
the moral stability and elsaracter ofour Isard-strugghing poor by encouraging
them to give up their daily toil and live by begging? And again, do we not
also encourage beggary by thus freely allowing street beggars to gain an
un(heserved and sometimes a ~,oodliving off the public withsout pain or effort?
Do we not also permit the propagation of degraded and often vicious classes?
If these things are so, and investigation proves them to be so, shall we
stand by and watch and wait for the slow weeding out of these dependent
and vicious classes by tise process of natural selection, and by private effort
and discrimination a0ainst them? Or sIsall we sooner and more completely
eliminate thsese classes by calling in the aid of the municipal authorities?
Expediency must decide.
The Place of Abstinence in the Theory of Interest.
By T. N. CARVER.
[Abstract of a paper read before the Economic Conference, March 24, 1893.]
The principal writers on interest may be divided into two general classes.
1. Those who hold that interest is payment for abstinence. 2. Those who
hold that it is paid because capital is productive. The arguments of both
classes are so plausible that we shall do well to see if tlsere is any real contradiction between them.
Nothing is more fundamental in Economics than that both cost and utility
are necessary to the existence of value in an object. That which distinguishes capital from the common fund of wealth is thse fact that it is seved
for the purpose of assisting in furtlser production. Capital, therefore, as a
distinct concept, is produced by saving. Goods fall into the category of
capital by having their consumption deferred in order that they may assist
in the production of more goods. The cost of producing capital is whatever
sacrifice is involved in the act of saving. On the other hand its distinctive
utility is it.s ability to produce a surplus. In short, the cost of capital is
the sacrifice of saving it, and its utility is its productivity. Interest is the
price which measures both. Were there no cost connected with the saving
of capital, it would increase until it became as cheap as air. Were it not
productive, it would become as cheap as any other useless thing.
All capital is not equally productive. Under static conditions, each
increment of auxiliary capital which is added to the existing fund is less
productive than those which preceded it. The last, or marginal increment
has the lowest productivity, but in a free and open market the productivity
88
JOHNS IIOPXINS
of this increment fixes the rate of interest throughout the community.* If
a sufficient number of increments are placed on the market, marginal productivity will be rednced to zero, and interest will disappear. This brings
us to the difficulty of the attempt to account for interest without the factor
of abstinence. What is it that keeps capital from increasing in such quantities as to eliminate interest? Were there no sacrifice connected with
saving to balance the advantage accruing from the receipt of interest, capital would he saved and increase indefinitely, and be offered on the market
even at the lowest conceivable rate of interest.
But not all saving involves sacrifice. There would be considerable saved
were there no interest or other advantage derived from the employment of
capital. Men will save that which, if consumed now, would afibrd only
a small degree of satisfaction, in order to apply it to the satisfaction of
a more pressing want in the future. It is upon this principle that men
lay by for a rainy day or for old age. Were enough saved in this way to
supply the demand for capital, i. e. to bring its marginal productivity down
to zero, interest would not be offered, nor successfully demanded unless as
payment for risk. If more than this is demanded, it begins to cost a sacrifice to save it. The more is saved, the greater becomes the marginal sacrifice.
Saving will stop, under static conditions, at the point where the marginal
productivity is just balanced by the marginal sacrifice of saving. Both
marginal sacrifice and marginal productivity are measured by the rate of
interest. In short, the abstinence and productivity theories of interest are
to be harmonized in much the same way as the cost and utility theories
of value.
The History and Theory of Money. By SIDNEY SHERWOOD.
[A brief summary ofa volume by Dr. Sherwood under the above title,published by the
J. B. Lippincott Co., Philadelphia, 1893.]
During the Spring of 1892, Dr. Sherwood, then a member of the faculty
of the University of Pennsylvania, delivered a course of twelve lectures on
the History and Theory of Money under the auspices of a committee of
bankers in Philadelphia. Mr. William H. Rhawn, President of the American Bankers’ Association, was chairman of this committee and he has now
brought out these lectures in hook form. The volume is an octavo of 413
pages and contains, besides Dr. Sherwood’s lectures, several addresses made
on the opening night by Provost Pepper, William L. Trenholm, ex-Comptroller of the Currency, Edward S. Lacey, then Comptroller of the Currency,
and others.
The motive which led to the delivery of the lectures is stated in Mr.
IRhawn’s introduction to have been “A belief that the officers, clerks, and
others interested in the banks and financial institutions of Philadelphia
would receive much benefit from the popular university extension movement.” The lectures were delivered on the university extension plan and
were followed by general discussion. Both lectures and discussions, as printed,
are substantially a reprint of the stenographer’s notes. To quote Mr.
Rhawn again “The book gives a fair idea of university extension, so far as
the treatment of one subject in a sinble course of lectures by one lecturer
may illustrate it.”
The lecturer explicitly disavowed any attempt to discuss the practical details of banking, orto uphold as a partisan any special monetary system. On
the contrary, his evident purpose was to confine himself to the economic
aspects of the subject and, in the words of his preface, “to give a clear
statement of essential facts and theories and to present with strict impartiality the disputed points of doctrine.”
He devotes the book “to the cause of education,—the more scholarly
education of practical men and the more practical education of scholars.”
An appendix contains the syllabus used in delivering the lectures with a
bibliography and outline of reading. The topics covered by the lectures
cover a wide range and indicat& the author’s aim to have been a comprehensive and general exposition of the order and relation of the significant
steps in the gradual development of the modern monetary and credit
institutions.
See J. B. Clark, “Capital and its Earnings.”
Some Notes on von Thunen. By H. L.
[No. 105.
MOORE.
[From a paper read before the Economic Conference, March 10, 1893.]
Johann Heinrich v. Thfinen was descended from a noble Frisian family.
He was born June 24, 1783, upon his father’s estate, Kanarienhausen, in
Jeverland, and received his first training at the high school at Jever.
Later, he studied agriculture under Thaer at Celle, and spent the two
semesters of 1803—1804 at Giittingen.
In consequence of his betrothal to a lady of Mecklenburg, he left Jeverlaud, and in 1810, he purchased his Tellow estate in Mecklenburg, where
he remained, pursuing his favorite studies agriculture and political economy
until his death, September 22, 1850.
Von Thilnen’s chief work is “Der Isolirte Staat.” The scope of the first
part of this work, well indicated by its title: “Untersuehungen iiber den Emflues, den die Getreidepreise, der Reiehthum des Bodens und die Abgaben auf den
Ackem’bau cusiiben,” is more concisely pointed out by the statement of Rodbertus that it teaches “the law of the relative worth of each system of
husbandry.” This part of the work first published in 1826, was translated
&nto the French by LaverriSre in 1851.
The second part of Der Isolirte Staat, which is by far the more important,
is entitled “Der naturgemdsse Arbeitslohn und dessea Verhdltniss zu Zinsfuss
und mr Landrente.” It was published for the first time in 1850, and was
translated into the French in 1857 by Mathieu Wolkoff under the title:
“Le Salaire Naturel.”
This work, i. e. Der naturgemiisse Arbeitslohn, like every other great
work in economics, was the outg~rowth of the spirit of the age in which it
was written. The great labor agitations which originated in France about
the time of the French Revolution did not reach Germany with all their
force until shortly before the Revolution of 1848. Von Thiinen was among
the first to take up the discussion. He profoundly feared a dangerous conflict between the middle class and the proletariat, and went to work to avert,
if possible, what he believed to be an impending calamity. After almost
twenty-five years of labor, he completed his work, arriving at what he supposed to be a solution of the question.
The primary object of his work is to ascertain the natural wage. As,
however, in complex modern society so many forces operate to obscure the
proposed problem, von Thilnen makes an ideal state the groundwork of his
investigation. This state, isolated from the rest of the world by means of
a wilderness capable of cultivation, is a plain of uniform fertility. Its only
city, in which are concentrated all of its non-agricultural industries, is
located at its centre. Neither railroads nor navigable waters are found in
this ideal state. Its population is constant, and individual differences in
the character of the laborers are not considered.
With these conditions placed upon the isolated state, von Thilnen obtains
by means of very complex mathematical reasoning the formula for the
natural wage, viz.: }/‘ap, where a represents the means of subsistence of
the laborer, and p the product of his labor when he uses a definite amount
of capital. Since a: I/’ap:: ~/ap :p, he expresses the result of his work as
follows: “The natural wage is the mean proportional between the means of
subsistence of the laborer, and the product of his labor.” Von Thiinen
thought so much of this formula that he directed that it should be placed
upon his tombstone.
A criticism of the formula cannot be given here, but the result to which it
led must be noted. In the formula, a, the means of subsistence, is supposed
to be constant for all men. Therefore as p, the product, increases, the
natural wage must increase, since the natural wage is equal to ~/‘ap. In
other words, according to von Thilnen, the natural wage demands that
as the product increases, the wage must increase also. Convinced of the
correctness of his work, he followed up his belief by instituting in 1847 a
system of profit-sharing on his Tellow estate. This was the first instance
that was made known of agricultural profit-sharing in Germany.
One peculiar feature of the system founded by von Thilnen was that the
share of the laborer was not paid him in cash, but was credited to his
account. On the sum credited to each laborer, von Thilnen allowed 4k per
cent. interest, which was paid out in cash at Christmas. When the laborer
was sixty years of age, he was permitted to draw the capital sum. If, however, he died before attaining that age, the sum went to his widow.
Although the heirs of von Thilnen had full power to abolish the system
which he established, they continued it with no important change. In a
MAY,
1893.]
89
UNIVEBSITY CIRCULARS.
letter dated November 22, 1881, Herr A. von Thilnen, the grandson of the
economist, wrote Mr. Sedley Taylor the following: “The results of the
participatory arrangement here are very gratifying.”
Von Thilnen’s work was a masterly attempt to solve the great social
question of his day, and in view of the fact that it was published before the
works of iRodbertus, Marx, and Lassalle, it may reasonably be asked, “Why
has von Thilnen received so little attention?” The answer is found in the
extremely abstract mathematical character of his work. Pythagoras himself could not have attached more importance to mathematics. Von Thilnen
confesses that in his work he is unable to make progress unless he has a
mathematically secure foundation.
However, those whoundismayed by themultiplicity offigures and formulas
have studied the book would doubtless join Prof. Roscher in saying: “Sollte
unsere Wissenschaft jemals sinken, so geh6ren die Werke von Thilnen’s zu
denjenigen, an denen sie die M6glichkeit hat, sich wieder aufzurichten.”
The Theory of Final Utility Applied to Money.
Lucius S. MERRIAM.
By
[Abstract of a paper read before tbe Economic Conference, December 22, 1892. Published in the Annals of tbe American Academy of Political and Social Science, January,
1893.]
The article consists in a rigid application of the final utility theory of
value to the questions of money and loan.
The point ofview of economics has so shifted that values are now looked
on as quantities rather than relations between quantities, i. e., rather than
exchange ratios: value is considered synonymous with final utility.
The possibility of a sum total of value and of a rise or fall in this sum
total as well as of a rise or fall in the values of specific things follows as a
consequence. The question arises, is there a unit by which values and
total value may be measured and value movements followed? Special
reference is made to an attempt by Professor John B. Clark in the Yale
Review for November, 1892, to reach such a unit. Professor Clark finds it
in the final utility ofconsumption or, preferably, the final disutility of production to society. This ultimate unit of value, however, is for the present
at least intangible and impracticable. But, assuming its materialization
and its application to the actual measurement of value, “the prime function
of money is to represent value and to reflect accurately its every movement.
It would do this of course through the medium of price,” prices and total
price corresponding, through proper government regulation of the money
supply, with values and total value.
The money which should thus mirror value would be the perfect money,
it would be the true “ideal” money; for it would be founded on the conception of value as quantity, whereas the ideal money of the older writers
was founded on the conception of value as relation.
The conception of value as relation has also vitiated economic doctrine
on the standard of deferred payments. The justice of returning value for
value in loan transactions is commonly accepted without question. But the
return of equal values is erroneously assumed to be the return of equal
quantities of goods. If the purchasing power of the dollar is constant its
value is held to be constant. Now equal quantities of goods are invariable
in their value nowhere but in a static society: dynamic influences on the
side either of consumption or of production are continually changing their
final utility, their value. So that the standard of deferred payments which
would ensure the requital of commodity for commodity, whether through
the maintenance of prices at the same level or through the establishment
of the multiple unit, would not ensure the requital of value for value and
is therefore rejected. But the use of the perfect money as the standard of
deferred payments would ensure the requital of value for value. “It would
do this because a dollar would stand for the same value one year as another.”
Final utility equalling final disutility, the restoration of equal amounts
of value, or final utility, is also the restoration of equal amounts of final
disutility. But in a progressive society final disutility comes to be made up
less and less of the direct sacrifice of labor and more and more of the indirect sacrifice which is entailed by the confinement of work and the consequent forcible abstention from the perfect consumption of what is already
produced and of free goods. ~o that, if regard be had for this fact, the
debtor under our perfect money as the standard of deferred payments
“would return a less quantity of effective disutility than he had borrowed.”
Value is social, not individual. It is social value that the creditor lends
and it is social value that the debtor repays. No matter what a man’s
opportunities as a producer are he must bring his product to the social
standard for valuation. “The burden,” of debt-paying, “is seen to bear
particularly heavy on the ill-favored producer.” And thus there is “an
added reason why society should strive to obviate the inequalities of opportunity”in production.
Final Social Utility and the Standard of Deferred
Payments. By DAVID I. GREEN.
[Abstract of a paper read before the Economic Conference, January 27, 1893.]
The recent development of economic theory has led to a general recognition of the subjective nature of value and of the principle of final utility
as the determinant of value. The value of each unit of one’s income is indicated by the importance or utility of the final unit of the income, and in
terms of this final utility one estimates the values of all the commodities
which he buys or possesses, and one’s purchases naturally extend ineach
direction until the final utility of each class of purchases is reduced to
equality with the final utility or value of the purchasing money. That is
to say, in the individual economy all final utilities tend to equality.
It is obvious that this final utility of money and commodities will vary
with different individuals according to the amount of their wants and wealth.
This fact was noticed by Jevons,* and Wieser t has developed it in respect
to market prices, but this consideration is given new importance when the
attempt is ‘made to apply the final utility theory to social value and the
establishment of a just standard of deferred payments. If society, like an
individual, should use its total income unit by unit in supplying first its
most urgent wants and then those of less urgency in order, it is evident that
the last units of income would have a utility which would represent the
importance or value of all the units ofthe income. Then the idea of value
based upon final utility to society would have a definite subjective meaning,
and the value of the unit could be compared fi-om decade to decade.
But the problem is not so simple. Society does not satisfy the wants of
her members in the order of their urgency, but is always partial to those
members who can give most in return for her favors. Final utility from
the subjective standpoint does not tend toward equality between individuals
of different economic standing, and while this is true the expression “final
utility to society” can have no definite meaning.
Value is essentially subjective in its nature. It represents importance for
human satisfaction, and subjective satisfactions or sacrifices must be its ultimate measure. But the subjectivevalue of a dollar to society under the present
social order is not a definite quantity, for it varies from man to man according to his economic condition. To represent the subjective value of a dollar
to society in general, therefore, we can do no more than take an average of
its value to the individuals of whom society is composed, and the conclusion
seems necessary that in a society whose members are progressing unequally
there can be no ideallyjust standard of deferred payments, for the unit that
would be just in respect to one class would result in hardship to the class
whose income had increased less or whose wants had increased more.
European Social Legislation. By E. R. L.
GOULD.
[Abstract ofa course of lecturesto the graduate students in history and Politics, 1893.]
Dr. E. R. Gould’s course has been confined to the most important features
of European Social Legislation during the last fifteen years. Under this
head, factory re,,ulation and inspection, woman, child and Sunday labor,
the intervention of the body politic in the contract of labor, hours of work
and payment of wages, social insurance, voluntary and public relief, improved conditions of living, notably in respect to housing, and the public
control of the liquor traffic have received specific treatment. While the
principal object has been to acquaint students with the facts, the causes
leadin~, up to the enactments, the resulting consequences and a criticism of
the principles involved have received due attention. Side by side with the
topics mentioned, a thorough analysis of labor movements and aspirations in
eight of the principal European countries has been given. Dr. Gould intends
to publish later a syllabus ofhis course of lectures on Social Legislation.
Theory of Political Economy, p. 140, 3d edition.
j Der Nattirliche Werth, 2 abschnitt.
*
90
JOHNS HOPKINS
[No. 105.
PROCEEDINGS OF SOCIETIES.
Scientific Association.
Marc/s 22.—One hundred and ninth regular meeting. Professor Franklin in the chair.
Papers read:
Reminiscences of a Scientific Expedition to the Sandwich Islands, by E. DARWIN
PRESTON.
Theory of Lightning Rods, by W. J. A. BLIss.
April 26.—One hundred and tenth regular meeting. Professor Franklin in the chair.
The Origin of the Vertebrates, hy W. K. BRooKs.
The Formation of Cypress-knees, hy J. P. Loxsy.
Philological Association.
March 17.—One hundred and twenty-fifth regular meeting. Professor Gildersiseve in
the chair.
Fifty-three members present.
Papers read:
Goethe’s “Faust” and Kiluger’s “Anti-Faust.,” by H. Woon.
On a Group ofVedic Wordsending in -gva and -gym, by M. BLOOMFIELD.
April 21.—One hundred and twenty-sixth regular meeting. Professor Gildersleeve in
the chair. Thirty-eight mesubers present.
Papers read:
On Word-Order in Anglo-Saxon Prose, by C. A. SMITH.
Messianic Psalms, by D. G. STEVENS.
Note on the Protevangelium, Gen. III, 15, by PAUL HAUPT.
Historical and Political Science Association.
Meetissgs March 17 and April 14.
Representation and Suffrage in Massachusetts, by G. H. HAYNES.
Early History ofMethodism in Maryland, by E. L. WATSON.
Mary III, Titular Queen of England, by C. W. BUMP.
Xathematical Seminary.
March 8,15, 22, 29,April 12, 19, 26.
Theory of Numbers, continued, by J. H. TunoR.
On a Function Analogous to the 0 Function, by T. CRAIG.
Stainville’s Series, by C. R. DUVALL.
Certain Polar Transformations of Plane Curves, by C. M. BEST.
Integration of Rational Functions, by W. H. MALTBIE.
The Primitive nth Roots of Unity, by W. W. LANDIS.
Continued Fractions, by C. E. CONSTOcK.
BRIEF
Physical Seminary.
Theory ofLightning Rods, by W. J. A. BLISS.
Physical Aspect of Dissociation, by F. A. WOLFF.
Chemical Mechanics, by F. A. WOLFF.
Lockyer’s Meteoretic Hypothesis, by F. F. ALMY.
Maxwell’s “Displacement” Theory, by J. S. AMES.
Astronomical Seminary.
Papers read at meetings from November to April:
The Bolometer, by C. L. PooR.
The Planet Mars, by S. V. HOFFMAN.
The Figure of the Earth, by B. M. ROSZEL.
Stellar Photography, by F. H. CLUTE.
Symmes’ Theory,by S. V. HOFFIIAN.
Tycho Brahe and Kepler, by R. WATTS.
The Haliometer, by B. S. ANNIS.
Copernicus, by A. N. EBAUGH.
Astronomical Instruments B. C. 100, by L. XV. REID.
Laplace, by F. H. CLUTE.
The Age ofthe Earth, by B. hi. ROSEEL.
Michelson’s Interference Method, by H. A. BUMSTEAD.
Baltimore Xa~uralists’ Fielct Glscb.
March 14.
Formation of Tetraspores of Dasya elegans, by B. W. BARTON.
Habits of Termites, by H. McE. KNOWER.
Localities of Amphioxus, by A. BIBBINS.
April 15.
Presence of Melanophycese in Hampton Roads, by J. P. LOTSY.
Varieties of Pinus taeda, by J. H. BRUMIIEL.
The Bermudas, by J. C. HEMMETER.
ANNOUNCEMENTS.
The NEW CRITICAL EDITION OF THE HEBREW TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT, prepared by scholars of Europe and America, under the editorial
direction of Professor Paul Haupt, will be issued in America by The Johns
Hopkins Press.
The first part of the edition xvill be the Book of Job with Notes, by Professor C. Siegfried, of the University of Jena. There Will be an English
translation of the Notes by Professor IR. E. Brilunow, of Heidelberg.
This part will consist of fifty-two pages—twenty-seven of these being the
Hebrew text printed in three colors—red, green and blue, illustrating the
composite structure of the book. Twenty-one pages Will contain critical
notes giving the reasons for the emendations introduced into the text.
There Will also be a concordance showing the correspondence between the
traditional order and the new arrangement adopted. The poetic portions
of the Hebrew text are arranged in lines in double columns. The text has
been left unpointed except in ambiguous cases.
Subscriptions will be received for the whole work or for the separate
parts as issued.
The Johns Hopkins Press of Baltimore will be the sole American
agents for the work, and orders and correspondence should be addressed
to it.
A prospectus of the edition will be sent on application.
The NEW YORK ALUMNI of the Johns Hopkins University organized an
association April 7th, and, at an informal meeting and dinner held April
21, the following officers were elected: President, ‘A/alter H. Page (Fellow,
1876—78); Vice-Presidents, Cary T. Jiutchinson (Ph. D., 1889), Woodrow
Wilson (Ph. D., 1886), Albert Shaw (Ph. D., 1884); Secretory, Benjamin
Tuska (A. B., 1887); Treasurer, Morris P. Stevens (Special Student, 1884—
86); Chronicler, Fulton McMahon (Graduate Student, 1884—85).
Professor E. E. BARNARD, of the Lick Observatory, made an address
before the University Scientific Association on April 12, on the subject of
“Astronomical Photographs.”
Mr. DAVID F. SCHLOSS, of London, special agent of the English department of labor, spoke to the students of Social Science, April 7, on “Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration.”
A preliminary exhibit of the articles to be sent to the CHICAGO Ex~oSITION by the Johns Hopkins University was made in Levering Hall,
Monday, March 27.
A few copies of the ADDRESS OF BISHOP BROOKS to the students of the
Johns Hopkins University, October 13, 1892, have been printed. The price
Isas been fixed at twenty-five cents a copy, or five copies for one dollar.
Professor TYRRELL’S lectures on the Percy Turnbull Memorial foundation were delivered March 16—24.
Professor H. NEWELL MARTIN, on account of severe and prolonged illness, resigned, April 17, the professorship of Biology in this University,
held by him since 1876.
OBITUARY.
MR. JOHN PAUL BACHMANN, a student of this University, died at his.
home in Baltimore April 22. Mr. Bachmann matriculated October 1,1891,
in the classical group, and pursued his studies with success until the latter
part of January, 1893, when failing health compelled him to give up his
work.
MR. LOUIS ALLEN POLLENS, of Hanover, N. H., died in Leipsic, Germany, March 19, 1893, after a few days’ illness. Mr. Pollens graduated at
Dartmouth College as a Bachelor of Arts in 1891, and entered the Johns
Hopkins University in October, 1892. After a stay of six weeks in Baltimore, he went abroad to continue his studies in Germany.
MR. DAVID BERTRAM POPE, of Baltimore, died in Pittsburgh January
19, 1893. Mr. Pope was an undergraduate student of this University from
1889 to 1892. His studies were mainly in Chemistry and Biology.
MAY,
91
UNIVERSITY CI1?CULAI?S.
189g.]
THE JOHNS HOPKINS
PRESS.
RECENT EXTRA VOLUMES OF THE STUDIES IN HISTORY AND POLITICS.
THE OLD ENGLISH MANOR.
By CHARLES M. ANDREWS, Ph. D.
Bryn Mawr College.
303
pp. 8vo. Cloth.
Price, $1.50.
This work is an attempt to reconstruct the village and manorial organization and life in England at the beginning of the eleventh century. The
study is based largely on the well-known documents Reciitudines Singularum
Personarune and Gerefa, the latter of which has never before been used for
historical purposes. In addition all Anglo-Saxon literature has been put
under contribution, that the study might be as complete as possible. Such
reconstruction has more than a merely antiquarian interest, for it relates to
an important period of English economic history. It shows the complete
isolation of local life, the preiminence of agriculture, and the secondary
importance of craft and artisan work. It brings Anglo-Saxon farming
methods into line with post-Norman and shows the tenacity of the old life
and custom, crude and uneconomical as it was, uninfluenced to any great
extent by the Norman Conquest. In the introduction the writer discusses
the origin of the manor, suggesting points of view somewhat different from
those ordinarily received by the Germanic school, but supporting, in opposition to Mr. Seebohm, the freedom of the village community.
CHAPTER I.
Lands of the Manor. Anglo-Saxon land law. Character of Manor lands.
Description of Manor, size, number, units of measurement, boundaries and perambolations, internal arrangement. Houses, tOn, open fields,enclosures, meadows,
wastes and incidents of agricultural system.
CHAPTER II. THE LORD AND THE TENANTRY. Status. The lord and his duties, gerdfa,
hydel and brylta, tenantry, various classes, identity of geneatas.
‘Getseit-rebt.’
Exposition of the rights, duties and outfits ofthe gebfiras and cotactias.
CHAPTER IlL. LANDLESS: FOLLOWERS AND SLAvRS. The importance of tise ownership
of land; ‘Heor~fast and ‘folgere. Origin of slavery. Legal history and position
of slave. Practices and superstitions. Manumission. Classes, ‘cane, theow,
‘wite-theow, condition, rights and privileges.
CHAPTER iv. THR SPEcIAL WORKERS. Manor mainly an isolated agricultural unit.
Special laborers; sower, hee-ceori, swine-herd, ox-herd, sheep-herd, cow-herd,
goat-herd. Haward, wood-ward and dairy woman. Discussion of position and
services of each. Handicraftsmen subordinate.
CHAPTER V. THE YEARLT ROUTINE OP WORE. Slow change in agricultural method.
Anglo-Saxon year and months.
Schedule of labors for winter, sprinE, sttmmer
and autumn, Indoor winter work, ploughing, fallowing, shearing, weeding, mowing, reaping, general repairing and cleaning.
CHAPTER VI. (a) THE FAme AND HOUSE UTENSILS. Utensils used in agricolture,
harvesting and timber work, its house for general esse, for spinning and weaving.
(b) REcREATION. The Manor and Church feasts, dinners and perquisites, influence
of Church. General concinsion.
America: Its Geographical History, 1492-1892.
By WALTER B. SCAIFE, Ph. D.
176 pp. 8vo.
Cloth. Price, $1.50.
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The body of this work consists of six lectures delivered to graduate stu.
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give an idea of the evolution of the geography of America, with especial
reference to our own country. Commencing with the discovery of Guanahani, by Columbus, the first lecture carries the reader by an examination
of ancient maps, together with enough of the history of discovery for the
sake of clearness, to the time when the Europeans possessed a fair knowledge
of the outlines of the Atlantic coast of the new world. The second lecture
does the same with the Pacific coast; while the third undertakes to elucidate the growth of knowledge of the interior and polar regions in the con-
ciousness of Europe. Attention is then called to the origin and historical
uses of three ofthe most important geographical names ofthe New World,
namely, America, Canada, and Brazil. In treating of the name America,
tile writer shows how its use spread gradually until it became general; but
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least, be acquainted with the ingenious theories of Messrs. Marcon and de
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name. A succinct history of tue development of our national border-lines
follows, and an account of the history of the border-lines of tile thirteen
original States is also given. The last lecture is on the geographical work
ofour National Government, wherein the history of the various surveys of
our national domain is treated.
Sjtecial attention is called to the supplensent, entitled Was the Rio del
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answer to tise query is, No. lie undertakes to prove the correctness of his
conclusion by evidence adduced from the writings of the early Spaniards,
beginning with the letters of Cortes; and also fr3m the writings of the early
French explorers, and from a large number of early maps of the most varied
origin, as well as from geological considerations. As the point involved
pertains not only to the mere matter of name but also to the fact of the first
discovery of the greatest of rivers, the subject is worthy of more careful
consideration than has been heretofore accorded it.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY
OF THE CONSTITUTION.
A STUDY SHOWING THE PLAY OF PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL FACTORS
IN THE CREATION
OF INSTITUTIONAL LAW.
By MORRIS M. COHN,
Attorney-at-Law.
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The aim of the author has been to show with somewhat less detail than
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The illustrations of the subject have been taken principally from the
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to the author appropriate, other sources were utilized.
Extract from Preface.
“The authors object has been to make apparent, in outline, how true it
is that our Federal Constitution, though unique and entitled to great admiration and obedience, though conceived and formulated in deference to
experience and actual growth, is, like other, unwritten, Constitutions, amenable to the undercurrent of national growth. The author’s object has also
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CHAPTER I. Law and Sovereignty.
CHAPTER II. Physical and Social Factors of Law.
CHAPTER III. The Evidences of Physical and Social Factors in Law.
CHAPTER IV. The Evidences of Physical and Social Factors In Constitutional Law.
CHAPTER V. The Evidences of Physical and Social Growth in the Constitution of the
United States.
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PAGE.
PAGE.
CHARITIES AND THEIR ADMINISTRATION.
By A. G. WARNER, 73-77
THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION. By W. T. HARRIS,
77—79
NOTES IN HISTORY AND POLITICS
Popular Uprisings in the 14th, 15th, and 16th Centuries. By
G. KRIEHN,
80
Visits to the Public Institutions of Maryland. By D.I. GREEN,
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On the Theory of Distribution. By J. B. CLARK,
83
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83
Ambassadors to the United States: Proposed in 1778. By H.
FRIEDENWALD,
84
A North Carolina Abbey. By J. S. BASSETT, 85
English Institutions and the American Indian. By J. A. JAMES, 85
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Mill’s Fourth Fundamental Proposition Concerning Capital. By
J. H. HOLLAEDER,
87
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The Logical Content of the Terms Labor and Capital.
HERRIOTT,
By F. I.
86
The Place of Abstinence in the Theory of Interest. By T. N.
CARVER
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Some Notes on von Thiinen. By H. L. MOORE, Theory of Final Utility Applied to Money. By L. S. MERRIAM,
Final Social Utility and the Standard of Deferred Payments. By
D. I. GREEN,
European Social Legislation. By E. R. L. GOULD,
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