Thaidene_Nene_State of Knowledge Report

Transcription

THAYDENE NENE
STATE OF KNOWLEDGE REPORT
Prepared for:
Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation
Box 28
Lutsel K’e, Northwest Territories
X0E 1A0
Prepared by:
SENES Consultants Limited
#25 Skywalk Mezzanine
4910-50th Avenue
Yellowknife, Northwest Territories
X1A 3S5
Ray Griffith
Independent Consultant
Toronto, Ontario
[email protected]
July 2006
Thaydene Nene State of Knowledge Report
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page No.
1.0
INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................................................1
1.1
Purpose.....................................................................................................................1
1.2
General Location......................................................................................................1
1.3
Akaitcho Land Claim Negotiations and Interim Land Withdrawals .......................3
2.0
CLIMATE AND PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT ...............................................................4
2.1
Climate.....................................................................................................................4
2.2
Air Quality ...............................................................................................................6
2.3
Geological Formations and Mineral Deposits & Showings ....................................8
2.4
Physiography..........................................................................................................10
2.5
Hydrology ..............................................................................................................12
2.6
Water Quantity & Quality and Sediment Quality..................................................14
2.7
Soil Development...................................................................................................15
2.8
Ice and Permafrost .................................................................................................17
2.9
References..............................................................................................................19
3.0
TERRESTRIAL ECOLOGY.............................................................................................22
3.1
Introduction............................................................................................................22
3.2
Mammals................................................................................................................23
3.2.1 The Department of Environment and Natural Resources Database ..........23
3.2.2 Major Species.............................................................................................29
3.2.2.1 Barren Ground Caribou..................................................................29
3.2.2.2 Moose.............................................................................................32
3.3
Birds.......................................................................................................................33
3.3.1 The Department of Environment and Natural Resources Database ..........33
3.3.2 Breeding Bird Survey ................................................................................34
3.3.3 Canadian Landbird Monitoring Initiative ..................................................34
3.3.4 Waterfowl ..................................................................................................43
3.3.4.1 Population Status ...........................................................................43
3.3.4.2 Harvesting ......................................................................................50
3.4
Amphibians and Reptiles .......................................................................................50
3.5
Plants......................................................................................................................51
3.6
References..............................................................................................................55
4.0
AQUATIC ECOLOGY .....................................................................................................66
4.1
Introduction............................................................................................................66
4.2
Monitoring and Research Activities ......................................................................66
4.3
Aquatic Nutrient Cycling and Primary Production................................................67
4.4
Aquatic Food Webs (Species, Relationships)........................................................68
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4.5
4.6
4.7
5.0
Identification and Discussion Of Stressors ............................................................72
4.5.1 Contaminants .............................................................................................72
4.5.2 Harvesting ..................................................................................................77
4.5.3 Habitat Disruption and Disturbance...........................................................77
4.5.4 Species Introductions .................................................................................78
4.5.5 Climate Change..........................................................................................78
Distribution and Abundance of Fish Species.........................................................80
4.6.1 Lake Trout..................................................................................................80
4.6.2 Lake Whitefish...........................................................................................81
4.6.3 Burbot (Loche)...........................................................................................81
4.6.4 Northern Pike .............................................................................................81
4.6.5 Walleye ......................................................................................................82
4.6.6 Arctic Grayling ..........................................................................................82
References..............................................................................................................83
HUMAN HISTORY ..........................................................................................................87
5.1
Introduction............................................................................................................87
5.1.1 Purpose of Work ........................................................................................87
5.1.2 Scope of the Work .....................................................................................87
5.1.3 Methodology ..............................................................................................88
5.1.4 Limitations .................................................................................................88
5.2
Prehistory ...............................................................................................................88
5.2.1 Archaeological Evidence ...........................................................................88
5.2.2 Geography at Time of Earliest Human Habitation ....................................89
5.2.3 The First Humans, the Northern Plano Tradition, 7000 - 6500 BP ...........90
5.2.4 The Shield Archaic Tradition, 6500 - 3500 BP .........................................91
5.2.5 The Pre-Dorset Intrusion, 3500 - 2600 BP ................................................92
5.2.6 The Taltheilei Traditions, 2600 - 200 BP ..................................................93
5.2.7 Taltheilei - Early Phase, 2600 - 1800 BP...................................................93
5.2.8 Taltheilei - Middle Phase, 1800 - 1300 BP................................................93
5.2.9 Taltheilei - Late Phase, 1300 - 200 BP ......................................................94
5.2.10 Archaeology of the Historical Period – 200 BP – Present.........................94
5.3
Dene Legends.........................................................................................................97
5.3.1 Creation Legends .......................................................................................97
5.3.2 The Woman of the Falls.............................................................................97
5.3.3 The Giant Beaver and Muskrat ..................................................................97
5.3.4 The Coppermine Woman...........................................................................97
5.4
The First Historical Records – 1700’s ...................................................................98
5.4.1 History of the First Contact - Thanadelthur...............................................98
5.4.2 The Dene Treeline Trade Route...............................................................100
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5.4.3
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
5.9
5.10
Matonabee and Samuel Hearne’s Remarkable Journey – 1770 to
1772..........................................................................................................102
5.4.4 Dene Life – Before European Contact and circa 1770 ............................109
The Coming of the Whitemen - 1800’s ...............................................................135
5.5.1 Akaitcho and the Dogrib Wars – 1780 to 1823 .......................................135
5.5.2 Trapping and Dog Teams 1800’s – 1850’s..............................................137
5.5.3 Priests and Steamboats 1850’s – 1890’s.................................................138
5.5.4 Travelers, Treaty and Government – 1890 - 1900...................................143
The Last Nomads – 1900 - 1960..........................................................................144
5.6.1 Signing Treaty in Fort Resolution - 1900 ................................................144
5.6.2 Police, Government and Mission School - 1900 .....................................145
5.6.3 Problems with the Treaty .........................................................................145
5.6.4 Hudson’s Bay Post Established at Snowdrift (Lutsel K’e) 1925.............147
5.6.5 White Trappers and Traders.....................................................................147
5.6.6 Thelon Game Sanctuary and RCMP – 1927............................................152
5.6.7 Stories from the Last Nomads..................................................................153
5.6.8 Happenings “Outside” and Great Slave Lake West – to 1950’s..............177
5.6.9 Around the Snowdrift Post – 1940’s – 1950’s.........................................178
The Beginnings of the Community of Lutsel K’e - 1960 ....................................179
5.7.1 Making A Living......................................................................................179
5.7.2 The Life Cycle of the Individual..............................................................185
5.7.3 Social Structure and Community Life .....................................................188
5.7.4 The Individual and the Culture ................................................................190
5.7.5 Religious Institutions and Concepts.........................................................191
From Snowdrift to Lutsel K’e 1970 - 1990 .......................................................192
5.8.1 Economy 1970/80 ....................................................................................193
5.8.2 Business Development Prior to 1990.......................................................194
5.8.3 Political Description before 1990 ............................................................194
5.8.4 Cultural Developments 1970-1990 ..........................................................195
The World Comes to Lutsel K’e 1990 - 2005......................................................195
5.9.1 Diamond Mines........................................................................................195
5.9.2 Communications and Transportation.......................................................195
Summary ..............................................................................................................195
6.0
NON-TRADITIONAL LAND USE AND INTERESTS ................................................198
6.1
Mineral Exploitation ............................................................................................198
6.2
Energy Exploitation .............................................................................................199
6.3
Residual Impacts of Land Use .............................................................................200
6.4
References............................................................................................................201
7.0
SOCIO-ECONOMICS AND COMMUNITY WELLNESS ...........................................202
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7.1
7.2
7.3
Introduction..........................................................................................................202
General Statistical Profile ....................................................................................202
Assessing Social, Economic, Cultural, and Community Wellness......................204
7.3.1 GNWT Social Indicators..........................................................................204
7.3.2 Lutsel K’e Community-Based Monitoring ..............................................205
7.4
References............................................................................................................213
APPENDIX 7-A...............................................................................................................214
8.0
INFORMATION AND RESEARCH NEEDS ................................................................234
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1.0
INTRODUCTION
1.1
PURPOSE
The Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation (LKDFN) has formally indicated that it will be seeking longterm protection for an area referred to as Thaydene Nene. The area includes two blocks of land:
i) a formerly proposed National Park within the East Arm of Great Slave Lake; and ii) a larger
parcel of land that essentially comprises the Thelon watershed, connecting the area of interest for
a National park with the Thelon Game Sanctuary. As part of the Akaitcho land claim negotiation
process, the LKDFN is seeking to protect this land with a core National Park and other land use
protection mechanisms. A key step in the advancement of protected areas in the NWT is the
definition of preliminary boundaries based on a variety of factors such as mineral potential,
ecological systems and historic use. To assist in the process, the LKDFN contracted SENES to
lead the preparation of a State of Knowledge (SOK) report for Thaydene Nene.
The fundamental purpose of the SOK report is to provide a single, consolidated and integrated
source of information about the natural and human environments of Thaydene Nene. The report
provides a review of the knowledge base of Thaydene Nene in the following subject areas:
•
•
•
•
•
1.2
Climate and Physical Environment (climate, air quality, geological formations,
mineral deposits, physiography, hydrology, water and sediment quality, ice and
permafrost);
Terrestrial Ecology (ecoregions, monitoring activities, nutrient cycling, food webs,
identification of stressors and species of interest);
Aquatic Ecology (nutrient cycling, food webs, identification of stressors and species
of interest);
Human History and Land Use; and,
Socio-economics and Community Wellness.
GENERAL LOCATION
The Thaydene Nene region occupies an area of about 60,000 square kilometres and straddles a
variety of natural features which, relative to its latitude of about 62oN, make the area
exceptionally rich and unique. As shown in Figure 1.2-1, it is located entirely within the NWT
and is just north of the community of Lutsel K’e. The region encompasses the eastern portion of
the East Arm of Great Slave Lake and Artillery Lake and its northeastern boundary matches the
southwestern border of the Thelon Game Sanctuary. Within its boundaries, it includes two major
drainage basins. To the west is the Mackenzie watershed of the Arctic basin, and to the east is
the Thelon watershed emptying into the Hudson Bay basin. In its western portion is the East
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Arm of Great Slave Lake, and to the east it shares a border with the Thelon Game Sanctuary.
The area also straddles the Boreal forest to the west (adjoining Great Slave Lake), the Taiga in its
center (with Artillery Lake), and the Tundra to the northeast (adjacent to the Thelon Game
Sanctuary). These are all important ecosystems.
FIGURE 1-1
Location of Thaydene Nene
Thaydene Nene area
East Arm of Great Slave Lake
Lutsel K’e
In a NW-SE direction and crossing Artillery Lake are two important line features; the tree line,
and the permafrost line. In the Thaydene Nene area from the East Arm of the Great Slave Lake
to about half way to Artillery Lake, rivers and lakes are located on continuous and discontinuous
permafrost. Important sub-watersheds are the Barnston River and Hoarfrost River (with
Walmsley Lake) on the North Shore of the East Arm, including parts of the Lockhart River to up
to Artillery Lake. Draining most of the area south of the East Arm is the Snowdrift River. The
rivers and lakes contained in the area have hydrological and limnological properties that are
different from those east of Artillery Lake, on permafrost terrains, such as Clinton-Colden,
Tyrrell and Whitefish lakes of the Thelon River watershed.
Located between Great Slave Lake and Hudson-James Bays, the area’s weather conditions are
influenced by these very large water bodies. These bring annual extremes in climate variation,
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ice-out, and freeze up. All of these regional characteristics combine to make Thaydene Nene a
significant area in terms of landscape features.
1.3
AKAITCHO LAND CLAIM NEGOTIATIONS AND INTERIM LAND WITHDRAWALS
Negotiations are ongoing between the governments of Canada and the NWT. The Akaitcho
Dene First Nations represent Dene from around Great Slave Lake, including the communities of
Deninu Kue (Fort Resolution); Lutsel K’e, Ndilo, and Dettah. A Framework Agreement with the
Government of Canada and the Government of the NWT was signed on July 25, 2000, one
hundred years after the making of treaty. An Interim Measures Agreement was signed in 2001.
Since that time negotiations have been directed toward an Agreement-in-Principle. Stemming
from these negotiations, and in response to issues related to difficulties in addressing land
dispositions on a case-by-case basis, the three parties to the process signed a Protocol on
November 21, 2005 to guide an associated process of Interim Land Withdrawals1.
Interim Land Withdrawals can provide reassurance and clarity in the short-term and help make
progress towards the longer-term certainty that will come with an agreement that covers land,
resources and governance. When lands are temporarily protected through an Interim Land
Withdrawal in the NWT, the governments of Canada and the NWT formally ensure that no
further land dispositions, such as land sales or leases, are permitted in the identified areas for a
specified period of time. This is an important step in negotiations because it allows the parties to
focus on reaching an overall agreement while having the assurance that lands remain available to
include in that agreement. The latest negotiation to undertake this process of interim land
withdrawal is the one involving the Akaitcho Dene First Nations.
1
NWT Plain Talk, Winter 2006, Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (http://nwt-tno.inacainc.gc.ca/pdf/pt/PT_winter2006_e.pdf)
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2.0
CLIMATE AND PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT
2.1
CLIMATE
Climate is driven mostly by solar heating (Lockwood, 1979; Smith, 1981) and the Arctic air
mass is the dominant feature of Arctic and sub-Arctic regions of North America. The Thaydene
Nene area lies within the sub-Arctic climate zone, and to a lesser extent the Boreal climate zone.
The climate of the region is dominated by the Arctic High Pressure Cell. This is centred north of
Alaska and its clockwise circulation generates a northerly air flow across the region (Mysak,
1993). During winter, the formation of ice cover stops much of the moisture exchange between
the ocean and atmosphere. Cold temperatures also reduce atmospheric humidity by lowering the
condensation point. During the summer, the air warms and can contain much more moisture.
More moisture also evaporates from the open waters of the Arctic Ocean and Beaufort Sea and is
carried south. This results in a summer precipitation peak. As the northern air mass is forced to
rise with the increasing height of land as it moves south from the Coronation Gulf, it cools and
condensation occurs. This causes a modest increase in precipitation (Sly et al. 2001).
There are no climate stations established within the Thaydene Nene area. There are, however,
regular weather readings taken at the airport in the community of Lutsel K’e. Unfortunately, the
data available from Environment Canada’s archive only date back to 2000. In general, Lutselk’e
receives an average of 16.7 cm of rainfall and 126.7 cm of snowfall per year. Mean annual
precipitation totals 29.3 cm. July mean high and low temperatures are 20.6°C and 11.7°C.
January mean high and low temperatures are -21.8°C and -30.2°C. Winds are generally
southeast and annually average 16 km/h. Tables 2-1 and 2-2 provide a summary of weather
observations for two dates representative of seasonal extremes; June 21 and December 21,
respectively.
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Table 2-1
Most recent weather data for Lutsel K’e for June 21 and averages and extremes for the
same date (2000-2005 range)
Year
Max Temp
°C
Min Temp
°C
Mean Temp
°C
Total Rain
mm
Total Snow
cm
Total Precip
mm
Snow on Grnd
cm
Dir of Max Gust
10's Deg
Spd of Max Gust
km/h
2005
16.0
6.5
11.3
0.0
0.0
0.0
0
2004
8.5
0.4
4.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
0
2003
16.2
6.0
11.1
0.0
0.0
0.0
0
2002
12.7
3.5
8.1
0.0
0.0
0.0
0
Highest Temperature (2000-2005)
19.3 °C
2001
Lowest Temperature (2000-2005)
0.4 °C
2004
Greatest Precipitation (2000-2005)
0.6 mm
2000
Greatest Rainfall (2000-2005)
Averages and Extremes for Lutsel K’e
Average Maximum Temperature
Average Minimum Temperature
Frequency of Precipitation
0.6 mm
2000
Greatest Snowfall (2000-2005)
0 cm
2000
Most Snow on the Ground (2001-2005)
0 cm
2001
Source: Environment Canada archive (http://www.climate.weatheroffice.ec.gc.ca/climateData/almanac_e.html)
Table 2-2
Most recent weather data for Lutsel K’e for December 21 and averages and extremes for
the same date (2000-2005 range)
Year
Max Temp
°C
Min Temp
°C
Mean Temp
°C
Total Rain
mm
Total Snow
cm
Total Precip
mm
Snow on Grnd
cm
Dir of Max Gust
10's Deg
Spd of Max Gust
km/h
2005
-16.0
-18.2
-17.1
0.0
0.0
0.0
18
2004
-35.7
-40.4
-38.1
0.0
0.0
0.0
24
2003
-10.1
-17.9
-14.0
0.0
2.5E
2.5
20
2002
-12.4
-21.2
-16.8
0.0
0.0
0.0
M
Highest Temperature (2000-2005)
-10.1 °C
2003
Lowest Temperature (2000-2005)
-40.4 °C
2004
Greatest Precipitation (2000-2005)
2.5 mm
2003
Greatest Rainfall (2000-2005)
0 mm
2000
Greatest Snowfall (2000-2005)
2.5 cm
2003
Most Snow on the Ground (2000-2005)
42 cm
2000
Averages and Extremes for Lutsel K’e
Average Maximum Temperature
Average Minimum Temperature
Frequency of Precipitation
Source: Environment Canada archive (http://www.climate.weatheroffice.ec.gc.ca/climateData/almanac_e.html)
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FIGURE 2-1
Glacial and postglacial features, ecoclimate and vegetation, and permafrost distributions
(Sly et al. 2001)
2.2
AIR QUALITY
Air quality in the NWT is monitored by the Environmental Protection Division (EPD) of the
Department of Environment and Natural Resources (ENR). ENR maintains and operates the
NWT Ambient Air Quality Monitoring Network, consisting of four monitoring stations located
in Yellowknife, Fort Liard, Norman Wells and Inuvik. Each station is capable of continuously
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sampling and analysing a variety of air pollutants and meteorological conditions. ENR also
monitors acid precipitation at Snare Rapids in cooperation with the Canadian Air and
Precipitation Monitoring Network (CAPMoN) and conducts seasonal particulate sampling at
Daring Lake (GNWT 2005). The locations of the various monitoring stations are shown in
Figure 2-2
FIGURE 2-2
Air Quality Monitoring Network for the NWT
Source: http://www.enr.gov.nt.ca/eps/pdf/NWTAirQualityReport.pdf
As seen in Figure 2-2, there are no monitoring stations within the Thaydene Nene area, therefore
there is no certainty about air quality within the region. However, the “2002/2003 Northwest
Territories Air Quality Report” (GNWT 2004) concludes that overall, the air quality in the NWT
continues to be good. Furthermore, the Preliminary State of Knowledge of Valued Components
for the NWT Cumulative Impact Monitoring Program and Audit (DIAND 2005) also notes that
air quality is generally considered to be pristine in the NWT with levels remaining within the
range of, or at, natural background levels. The report notes that near anthropogenic emission
sources such as communities and industrial developments, air pollutant levels can be elevated
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above background levels. Community emission sources include power generation, residential
and commercial heating, transportation and incineration of waste. Given that there is currently
very limited development activity in the Thaydene Nene, and that there is only one small
community (Lutsel K’e) nearby, there are no point sources for possible deleterious air emissions.
One potential seasonal source of air pollution over the region could come from forest fires.
Smoke from forest fires can greatly affect local and regional air quality (DIAND 2005). Forest
fires can cause high concentration levels of particulate matter and ground-level ozone and can
significantly impact visibility. Most exceedances of air quality standards in the NWT are linked
to forest fires.
2.3
GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS AND MINERAL DEPOSITS & SHOWINGS
Rocks of the Thaydene Nene area are very old, relative to the age of the Earth (about 4.5 billion
years). Interpretations gained from studies of the rocks, their age and distributions, have led to a
greater understanding of mineral occurrences and potential for resource development. These
include, associations of gold and base metals with volcanic rocks, rare earth minerals with some
granitic intrusions, and diamonds with kimberlites.
Geological provinces characterize regions of the bedrock that have different geological histories.
As shown in Figure 2-3, the Thaydene Nene area is made up for the most part of two geological
provinces; the Slave Province in the northern half and the Chruchill Province in the southern
half. The bedrock geology of the Slave Province within Thaydene Nene is dominated by
Archean intrusive rocks up to 4.5 billion years old. In the Chruchill Province the dominant
bedrock is sedimentary of paleoproterozic to mesoproterozoic age (2.5 to 1.5 billions years).
Mineralization in the area is mostly associated with major crustal deformations that occurred
during the oldest part of the Precambrian period (Archean, 2.5 to 4.0 Ga) and the later part of the
Precambrian (Proterozoic, less than 2.1 Ga). Understanding geological evolution of the region,
therefore, contributes significantly to the success of resource exploration. Archean mineral
occurrences include gold, base metal-silver, and rare earth elements (Brophy 1991; 1993;
DEMPR., 1995; Goff 1990; 1994; Igboji, 1996; Igboji et al.,1997; INAC., 1998; 1999a; 2000a;
Kusick & Goff, 1995; Padgham, 1990). Rare earth element-rich pegmatites were intruded at a
late stage and contain lithium minerals, ferromanganoan phosphates, niobium-tantalum and
beryllium minerals (Yellowknife basin, Mackay-Aylmer basin, and Torp Lake basin) (Brophy
1991; 1993; DEMPR., 1995; Goff 1990; 1994; Igboji, 1996; Igboji et al.,1997; INAC., 1998;
1999a; 2000a; Kusick & Goff, 1995).
Uranium mineralization is also present in the region and is the reason for increased exploration
interest over the past several years. Of particular note are locations along the southwestern
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portion of the Thelon Basin. This arcuate basin is comprised largely of sandstone with minor
conglomerate deposited in Paleohelikian time. It covers a broad portion of the western Churchill
Province. Thelon Basin lithologies, facies inter-relationships, age, and diagenesis are
comparable to those in the Athabasca Basin. Both basins were deposited upon a deeply
paleoweathered surface.2
Large areas of the central and northeastern Thelon Formation are underlain by continental felsic
volcanics and by coeval, flourite-bearing granites. Along the western and southern margin of the
Thelon Basin older granitoid gneisses and northeast-trending metasediment-dominated belts are
extensively represented in basement rocks. The granitization of supracrustal rocks and the
intrusion of syn- and post-tectonic granite intrusions during and after the Hudsonian orogeny
represent a major uranium metallogenetic episode.
It is widely accepted that the ultimate sources of uranium mineralization in the Athabasca Basin
are uraniferous Paleoproterozoic basement rocks beneath and to the east of the basin. Similarly
in the Thelon Basin region, extensive bodies of uraniferous basement rocks occur in the form of
the granitoid gneisses, and in the extensive anorogenic granites and continental volcanics lying
beneath and to the east of the present basin. The dominant paleocurrent direction within the
Thelon Basin is also from east to west. Large components of the lower portions of the Thelon
sandstones would have eroded from the uraniferous basement rocks and been deposited on
deeply weathered basement rocks. Evolving basinal diagenetic processes would have further
concentrated uranium mineralization along favourable basement structural/stratigraphic settings.
In addition to geological features, Figure 2-3 also indicates the locations of mineral showings in
the region. Most of the mineral activity in Thaydene Nene has not made it to the level of
“advanced exploration”, the majority being limited to reconnaissance and local examination.
The northwest portion, toward the Thelon Game Sanctuary, shows previous drilling activity. As
noted above, this is a result of renewed interest in uranium exploration.
2
UR Energy – Thelon Basin Project 2005. http://www.ur-energy.com/projects/canada/thelon_basin.htm
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FIGURE 2-3
Bedrock Geology and Mineral Showings in Thaydene Nene
2.4
PHYSIOGRAPHY
The Thaydene Nene area is characterized by mostly low to moderate relief and large areas of
exposed or thinly covered bedrock (Sly et al. 2001, BHP & Dia Met 1995). Elevations are
generally less than 300 m. Great Slave Lake drains into the Mackenzie River and has a lake
level elevation of about 156 metres have separate drainage. Both drain into the Mackenzie River
but the level of the two lakes (about 156 m) differs by less than 0.5 m. The Precambrian Shield is
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10
exposed along the east shore of both lakes. Elsewhere, generally flat-lying or gently dipping
sedimentary rocks of much younger age are present.
The Bear-Slave Upland conforms, mostly, to the remaining areas of the Bear and Slave
geological provinces (Bostock, 1970). Elevations rise to 300 m over a distance of 40 to 60 km
inland from the coast and to greater heights along the western boundary of Slave Province. Most
of the region is above 300 m, and elevations locally exceed 650 m around the northeast shore of
Contwoyto Lake.
Numerous lakes cover 10 to 30 percent, or more, of the surface in this area of moderate bedrock
relief. Rounded hills are formed by resistant bedrock such as granitoids and metamorphosed
sandstones. Lakes and rivers develop along jointing and fault lines, and over softer bedrock that
includes some volcanic material and kimberlites. Low ridges of exposed bedrock occur over
intrusive dykes that are often aligned in a northerly direction. Eskers of glacial sand and gravel
also occur as long ridges, and these trend more nearly northwest-southeast.
Glacial scour along the faulted and sheared southeast boundary of Slave Province has produced
dramatic erosional features in the area of the East Arm Hills of Great Slave Lake (Mondor,
1982). Although many of the southwest - northeast trending islands have strong relief, the
underwater features are even more pronounced and depths reach nearly 300 m in McLeod Bay
and more than 600 m in Christie Bay.
The Kazan Upland (Bostock, 1970) is generally similar in appearance to the Bear-Slave Upland
and has formed over Shield rocks of Rae Province. The Back Lowland (Bostock, 1970) is also
formed over Precambrian rocks of Rae Province but this region has significantly lower
elevations (less than 300 m). Postglacial marine inundation of the Back Lowland was more
extensive than over the Bear-Slave Uplands. It typically extends 130 to 150 km south from the
present coastline over a gently undulating surface.
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FIGURE 2-4
Surficial Geology in Thaydene Nene
2.5
HYDROLOGY
The Thaydene Nene area lies within the boundaries of five different hydrological regions
identified as: Yellowknife and Northeast Great Slave Lake; Upper Thelon; Taltson and
Southeast Great Slave Lake; Back and Queen Maud Gulf; and, Aylmer Lake and MacKay Lake
(WWF-Canada 2002). As shown in Figure 2-5, the Taltson / Southeast Great Slave Lake and
Upper Thelon regions occupy the majority of the area, with the upper portion of Thaydene Nene
lying within the Yellowknife / Northeast Great Slave Lake, Aylmer / MacKay Lakes, and Back /
Queen Maud Gulf regions.
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12
The Great Slave Lake watershed dominates the region, and includes the hydrologic regions of
Yellowknife and Northeast Great Slave Lake; Taltson and Southeast Great Slave Lake; and,
Aylmer Lake and MacKay Lake. Great Slave Lake is the fifth largest lake in North America
with a surface area of 28,568 square kilometres and a volume of about 2,088 cubic kilometres of
water. Great Slave Lake is also the deepest in North America with an average depth of about 73
meters and a maximum depth of 614 meters in the East Arm. Most of the water entering Great
Slave Lake is derived from areas to the south of the lake, in the Slave River drainage (with
headwaters in the Rocky Mountains). The most important drainage systems feeding Great Slave
Lake are the Slave, Taltson, Lockhart, and Hay rivers. With respect to Thaydene Nene, the
Lockhart River, with headwaters above Mackay Lake, is the most important source of water
entering the East Arm of Great Slave Lake.
The Great Slave Lake watershed straddles two distinct physiographic regions: the erosionresistant Precambrian Shield to the east; and the Interior Plains to the west. The Shield, on
which lies Thaydene Nene, features open, stunted taiga forest and hundreds of lakes, while the
Plains are characterized by a more dense boreal forest in a landscape that was sculpted and
smoothed by continental glaciers. As a result of geological and vegetative differences between
these areas, annual runoff is greater in the Shield than in the Interior Plains. The presence of
hundreds of small and large lakes in the Precambrian Shield produces more stable flow regimes
in its rivers than in rivers of the Interior Plains (MRBB, 2004).
The East Arm of Great Slave Lake is located in Thaydene Nene and, in this region, is dominated
by two main hydrologic features; McLeod Bay to the north and Christie Bay to the south.
McLeod Bay is fed mostly by streams which drain off of a distinctive geology within the region,
along its north shore, from the McKinlay River in the west through to the Akaitcho River,
Mountain River, Waldron River, Barnston River, Bedford Creek, Hoarfrost River, and Lockhart
River watersheds toward the east end of McLeod Bay. The Snowdrift River watershed is the
principal contributor to Christie Bay.
The drainage basin of the Thelon River encompasses some 142,400 square kilometres. The
Thelon River stretches nine hundred kilometres across northern Canada. Its source is Eyeberry
Lake in the Northwest Territories, and it flows east to Baker Lake in Nunavut. The Thelon
ultimately drains into Hudson Bay. From as far apart as 200 km east of Great Slave Lake and the
northern Saskatchewan border, waters of the Thelon collect to flow for 900 km across the NWT's
Mackenzie district, then through Nunavut into Baker Lake and Chesterfield Inlet. The Thelon
watershed is the largest unaltered drainage basin emptying into Hudson Bay (INAC 2006).
40006 - July 2006
13
FIGURE 2-5
Hydrologic Regions in Thaydene Nene
2.6
WATER QUANTITY & QUALITY AND SEDIMENT QUALITY
Several monitoring and research programs related to surface water and sediment quality, and
water quantity are ongoing in the NWT. Federal, territorial, and municipal agencies have
ongoing mandates to conduct research and monitor freshwater issues.3 The Water Resources
Division of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC), in cooperation with Environment
Canada and the territorial government, undertakes water quantity (or hydrometric) and water
quality monitoring. This monitoring may include measurements of surface water flow
3
INAC – Water Management in Nunavut and the NWT http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ps/nap/wat/watmannwt_e.html
40006 - July 2006
14
rates/events, rain and snow measurements or other meteorological phenomena. The NWT Water
Quantity Monitoring program includes 75 stations operated by the Water Survey of Canada, with
funding from Environment Canada, INAC, Northwest Territories Power Corporation, and the
Canadian Coast Guard. Monitoring began in 1938 but most stations were established in the
1960s and 1970s (INAC 2005). Water quantity data are important for understanding basic
hydrological conditions as well as for water level and flood forecasting, water balance studies,
road and pipeline design, temporal changes etc. Water quality monitoring is carried out in order
to address major development and water planning and management issues.
There is only one active water monitoring station within Thaydene Nene. It is located on the
Lockhart River at the southern (outflow) end of Artillery Lake and is dedicated to providing only
water quantity / hyrometric information. Data available from 2000 to 2005 indicate no abnormal
flow conditions for the site.
There is no active water or sediment quality monitoring ongoing in the Thaydene Nene region.
However, the Mackenzie River Basin Board’s State of the Aquatic Ecosystem Report (MRBB
2004) concluded that water quality in the major rivers of the Great Slave sub-basin is generally
good. In the region underlain by Precambrian Shield, river water concentrations of metals such
as copper, zinc and iron, as well as turbidity, seldom exceed water quality guidelines (MRBB
2004). This is mostly due to the fact that the region is sparsely populated and has little industry.
The same would apply for the portion of Thaydene Nene located within the Thelon sub-basin.
2.7
SOIL DEVELOPMENT
Soil development is influenced by the characteristics of source material, climate and hydrology.
Source materials in the Thaydene Nene area include bedrock, till (mostly silty sand with rock
fragments), and glaciolacustrine and marine clays (Acton, 1989a; 1989b). Granitic bedrock is
usually poor in nutrient elements and gives rise to more acidic conditions than basic rocks such
as basalt. Where tills contain materials from several different sources, they may give rise to less
acidic soils but these generally remain nutrient poor.
Glaciolacustrine sediments are usually rich in clay minerals that contain more nutrient elements
(exchangeable cations such as calcium, magnesium, potassium, and sodium). Soils that develop
within regions of permafrost are collectively termed Cryosolic (CSSC., 1978). Turbic Cryosols
(TCs) are strongly affected by the physical movements of the ground, caused by annual freezethaw cycles. Orthic TCs describe soils which frequently develop over well drained till or
hummocky till (Zoltai et al., 1980). They are characterized by a thin layer of granular material of
slowly decomposing rock fragments, just below the more organic-rich surface layer. Brunisol
TCs lack this thin granular layer but often show evidence of soil movement due to frost heave.
They form over less well drained till. Figure 2-6 shows the dominant soil types found in
40006 - July 2006
15
Thaydene Nene. Orthic TCs predominate, followed by Dystric Brunisolic soils and to a lesser
extent, in the northeastern corner, by Brunisolic TCs.
Rates of soil development relate to the physical and chemical breakdown of rock and mineral
particles and release of nutrient elements, and to the accumulation of decomposed organic
matter. Rates of soil development throughout the Thaydene Nene area are very slow, typically in
the order of a few millimetres per century (Sly et al. 2001). Soil development and nutrient
availability are significant factors that influence the distribution and growth of higher plants.
FIGURE 2-6
Dominant Soil Types in Thaydene Nene
40006 - July 2006
16
2.8
ICE AND PERMAFROST
Permafrost occurs in soil and rock that remains at or below freezing for a long period of time, for
at least two winters and the intervening summer. Most permafrost has existed for much longer.
Permafrost continues to develop when winter heat loss at the ground surface exceeds summer
heat gain. It can move downward to a depth at which heat loss in the frozen ground is balanced
by heat flow from the ground beneath. Where the mean annual ground surface temperature has
remained generally less than -5o C over periods of thousands of years, permafrost may be several
hundred metres thick (Brown, 1970; French, 1989; Harris, 1987).
As shown in Figure 2-7, all of Thaydene Nene lies within the permafrost zone. The area is
underlain by nearly equal portions of discontinuous and continuous permafrost. Continuous
permafrost exists north of a line extending generally southeast-northwest through Artillery Lake.
Permafrost extends to depths of as much as 90 m at Yellowknife (Sly et al. 2001).
FIGURE 2-7
SIMPLIFIED NRC CANADA PERMAFROST MAP MCR 4177
Source: Heginbottom et al 1995
40006 - July 2006
17
In the continuous permafrost zone thick and cold permafrost exists almost everywhere. Ground
temperatures generally increase from north to south and the northern limit of discontinuous
permafrost corresponds with a mean annual air temperature of about -6 to -8o C (Brown, 1970;
French, 1989). Within regions of discontinuous permafrost, there may be both large and small
areas without permafrost or lenses of unfrozen ground between layers of frozen ground.
The distribution of permafrost can be influenced by several factors (Brown, 1970; French, 1989;
Harris, 1987). Permafrost is often found beneath peatlands because of their insulating effect. It
is also found on north-facing slopes, or in areas where vegetation cover increases shade and
reduces the insulation effects of winter snow cover. Permafrost is usually absent beneath large
lakes and rivers, even within areas of otherwise continuous permafrost. Soil moisture in
permafrost exists in the form of ground ice that is often present in excess amounts (i. e. more
than the soil would normally contain when thawed). Melting of this ice, as a result of some form
of disturbance or climatic change, can lead to soil instabilities and thus to a concern for terrain
stability and infrastructure integrity. The quantity and distribution of ground ice depends largely
on soil texture, environmental conditions and glacial history (Burgess, 1988).
Massive ground ice can occur in association with both glaciolacustrine and glaciomarine
sediments (Dredge et al., 1999). It is a relict feature formed in late glacial or early postglacial
times. Massive ground ice, up to 10m thick occurs in hummocky tills, eskers and some outwash
deposits where it may directly overlie bedrock or be separated from it by a thin layer of sediment
(1 to 2m thick). Massive ground ice of freshwater origin has very low electrical conductivity and
low concentrations of most major ions (especially Al, Fe and Si). These characteristics suggest
that no significant enrichment has occurred by subsequent downward percolation of surface
water (Wolf, 1998). Massive ground ice has been reported in hummocky till from the
Contwoyto Lake and Lac de Gras areas just north of Thaydene Nene (Dredge et al., 1999; Wolf,
1998).
40006 - July 2006
18
2.9
REFERENCES
Acton, D. F. 1989a. Soil formation. In: Quaternary geology of Canada and Greenland, Fulton, R.
J., ed., 669-671. Geology of Canada, 1, GSC., Ottawa.
Acton, D. F. 1989b. Shield region (soils of Canada). In: Quaternary geology of Canada and
Greenland, Fulton, R. J., ed., 675. Geology of Canada, 1, GSC., Ottawa.
BHP Diamonds Inc. & DIA MET Minerals Ltd. 1995. NWT Diamonds Project environmental
impact statement: Summary of the environmental impact statement, Vancouver.
Bostock, H. S. 1970. Physiographic subdivisions of Canada. In Geology and economic minerals
of Canada, Douglas, R. J. W., ed., 9-30, Economic Geology Rept 1, GSC., Ottawa.
Brophy, J. A. 1991. Exploration overview 1991, Northwest Territories: Mining, exploration and
geological investigations. INAC, NWT Geol. Div., Yellowknife, 40p.
Brophy, J. A. 1993. Exploration overview 1992, Northwest Territories: Mining, exploration and
Brown, I. C., 1970. Groundwater geology. In: Geology and economic minerals of Canada
Douglas, R. J. W., ed., 765-791. Economic Geology Rept 1, GSC., Ottawa.
CSSC. 1978. The Canadian system of soil classification. CDA., Res. Br. Publ. 1646, Ottawa,
164p.
DEMPR. 1995b. Significant mineral deposits of the Northwest Territories. GNWT.,
Yellowknife.
Department of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (DIAND) 2005. A Preliminary State of
Knowledge of Valued Components for the NWT Cumulative Impact Monitoring Program (NWT
CIMP) and Audit. Final Draft.
Dredge, L. A., D. E. Kerr & S. A. Wolfe, 1999. Surficial materials and related ground ice
conditions, Slave Province, NWT., Canada. Can. J. Earth Sci. 36: 1227-12348.
French, H. M. 1989. Cold climate processes. In: Quaternary geology of Canada and Greenland,
Fulton, R. J., ed., 604-611. Geology of Canada, 1, GSC., Ottawa.
40006 - July 2006
19
Goff, S.P. 1990. Exploration overview 1990, Northwest Territories: Mining, exploration and
Goff, S. P. 1994. Exploration overview 1993, Northwest Territories: Mining exploration and
GNWT 2004. 2002/2003 Northwest Territories Air Quality Report.
GNWT 2005. Northwest Territories Air Quality Report 2005.
Harris, S. A. 1987. Effects of climatic change on northern permafrost. Northern Perspectives, 15:
7-9.
Igboji, I. E., Goff, S. P. & P. Beales, eds, 1997. Exploration overview 1996, Northwest
Territories: Mining, exploration and geological investigations. INAC, NWT Geol. Div.,
Yellowknife, 61p.
INAC. 1998. Exploration overview 1997, Northwest Territories. Mining, exploration and
geological investigations. Yellowknife, 22p.
INAC. 1999a. Exploration overview 1998, Northwest Territories. Mining, exploration and
INAC. 2000a. Exploration overview 1999, Northwest Territories. Mining, exploration and
INAC 2006. 2005 NWT Environmental Audit and Status of the Environment Report.
Yellowknife, 434p.
Kusick, R. & S. P. Goff, 1995. Exploration overview 1994, Northwest Territories: Mining,
exploration and geological investigations. IAND, NWT Geol. Map. Div., Yellowknife, 65p.
Lockwood, J. G. 1979. Causes of climate. Edward Arnold, London, 260p.
Mackenzie River Basin Board 2004. Mackenzie River Basin State of the Aquatic Ecosystem
Report 2003. Yellowknife, 213p.
Mondor, C. 1982. East Arm National Park Reserve, Northwest Territories – boundary
considerations and significance. CPS., Ottawa, 85p.
40006 - July 2006
20
Mysak, L. A. 1993. Climate variability and change with respect to hydroelectric development in
Northern Québec. Great Whale environ. assess., Background Paper 1, Montréal, 90p.
Padgham, W. A. 1990. The Slave Province an overview. In Mineral deposits of the Slave
Province, NWT (field trip 13), Padgham, W. A. & D. Atkinson, eds, 1-40. Internat. Assoc.
Genesis of Ore Deposits, Ottawa.
Sly, P.G., L. Little, R. Freeman and J. McCullum 2001. Updated State of Knowledge Report of
the West Kitikmeot and Slave Geological Province. Final Report May 30th.
Smith, D. G., ed. 1981a. The Cambridge encyclopedia of Earth sciences. Crown Publ. Inc., New
York, 496p.
Wolfe, S. A., 1998. Massive ice associated with glaciolacustrine delta sediments, Slave
geological province, N.W.T., Canada. Proc. Seventh Internat. Conf. on Permafrost, June 23-27,
1998, Yellowknife. Collect. Nordicana, 57, 1133-1139.
WWF-Canada, 2002. Northwest Territories Digital Atlas CD-ROM.
Zoltai, S. C., Karasiuk, D. J. & G. W. Scotter, 1980. A natural resource survey of the Bathurst
Inlet area, Northwest Teritories. PC, GC., Ottawa, 147p.
40006 - July 2006
21
3.0
TERRESTRIAL ECOLOGY
3.1
INTRODUCTION
This report reviews and summarises data on the presence and status of mammals, birds and other
terrestrial organisms living in the lands known as Thaydene Nene. Because there are no
published, comprehensive surveys of the species present and their current status, data will be
taken from several sources to provide general information on the species present in the area,
however all data will have to be confirmed by rigorous, land-based surveys to determine the
resident and migratory species and their status. This ground-truthing of information should be
conducted in conjunction with surveys of traditional knowledge to record the changes in the
presence and abundance of the species and their status, as reported by elders and active
harvesters of the Chipewyan Dene.
The objective of this report is to assemble the best available information from the scientific
literature and relevant gray literature (i.e. unpublished reports) to provide a baseline set of data
on what is known about the terrestrial systems around the eastern arm of Great Slave Lake.
Where possible, data derived from traditional knowledge is combined with data from western
science programs however a more rigorous incorporation of traditional knowledge is necessary.
Traditional knowledge is valuable in providing data on the current species, their distribution,
changes in the animal and plant community over the lifetime of the elders, and the presence of
new species. This information should be recorded in a consistent manner to give an estimate of
the changes that are occurring due to change in the environment and increasing development.
Several general reviews of the environment in the NWT have been completed over the last five
years. The State of Knowledge report from the West Kitikmeot study (Sly et al. 2001) provided
a general overview of the physical and climatic conditions of the Slave Geological Province,
including Great Slave Lake. Many of the reports conducted under the West Kitikmeot study
provide valuable information for specific aspects on the biology of barren-ground caribou and
other mammals, in addition to recording traditional knowledge. However the reports have not
been extensively reviewed or widely circulated and the quality of the information is unknown.
The NWT also conducted a state of the environment review in 2005 which summarised much of
the information for indicators of Valued Ecosystem Components such as caribou, moose and
landbirds.
The sources of information for this report are the scientific literature and information databases
maintained by federal and territorial governments and non-governmental organizations. These
databases reflect the current state of knowledge of agencies with ongoing research projects in
areas such as large mammal management (GNWT’s Department of Environment and Natural
40006 - July 2006
22
Resources), waterfowl population status (Canadian Wildlife Service) and status of birds in the
boreal forest (Bird Studies Canada). Because of the large number of species considered in these
databases and the lack of data from the eastern arm of Great Slave Lake, errors on the presence
or absence of individual species will occur. For example, some bird species have been reported
as being widely distributed in the Taiga Shield Ecozone, however their range may not extend to
the northern portions of the ecozone. Surveys within Thaydene Nene are needed to confirm the
actual species present. This particularly applies to the rare and sensitive species listed in this
report; their presence in Thaydene Nene is a possibility that needs to be confirmed through field
programs.
3.2
MAMMALS
There is probably more information available for mammals than any of the other major animal
groups in Thaydene Nene because of their use as food and their economic importance from
hunting and trapping. Large bodied mammals such as barren ground caribou, moose, muskoxen,
and grizzly bears and furbearing small mammals are the subject of considerable research and
monitoring in the NWT and elsewhere. Very little of that research directly relates to the lands
around Thaydene Nene. Small mammals are also significant because of the impact that changes
in their population size can have on predatory mammals and birds. Because of their cultural and
social benefits in Dene culture, there is a large amount of traditional knowledge within
communities about individual mammal species as well. Some of this information, such as the
traditional knowledge of caribou migration movements has been published by the Lutsel K’e
Environment Committee (Kendrick et al. 2005).
3.2.1
The Department of Environment and Natural Resources Database
There are no true inventories of terrestrial species of mammals that can provide an accurate
summary of the presence and status of mammals in Thaydene Nene. The Department of
Environment and Natural resources (ENR) has established a database for all species in the NWT
to help understand the distribution of wildlife populations and trends in the numbers of
individual
species
through
time
(RWED
2000;
Website:
www.nwtwildlife.com/monitoring/speciesmonitoring/default.htm). The ultimate goal of the
database is to help maintain biodiversity by ensuring that no species becomes extinct as a
consequence of human activity (RWED 2000). The first step in achieving this objective is to
inventory the status of all major species, the characteristics of their natural history and habitat
that may require protection and to evaluate the threats to the populations. Although ENR
estimates that the database only includes 1% of all the species of mammals, birds, reptiles,
amphibians and vascular and non-vascular plants in the NWT, the database provides an
assessment on the status of virtually 100% of the mammal species in the NWT. The database
40006 - July 2006
23
also identifies species that require more detailed assessments, or measures for additional
protection due to low numbers or threats to the population. The initiative is part of a national
program of constructing inventories of species status and threats in order to maintain biological
diversity, a cornerstone of ecosystem health and integrity.
The infobase is a general tool that provides a useful starting point in the development of lists of
species that could be present around the East Arm of Great Slave Lake. ENR is seeking to
improve its ability to assess some species by incorporating more local and traditional knowledge
through consultation with local experts, scientific reports and traditional knowledge. Factors
such as the density and distribution of the species within ecozones, the condition of the habitat
and the status of potential threats (e.g., disease, habitat loss, etc.) are used to evaluate the
condition of the species in the NWT. Each species is rated under specific categories to derive a
score that is then rated on a scale from “At Risk” to “Secure”, based on the scores for all the
categories (Table 1). Mammals cited under the category of “At Risk” or Sensitive” usually have
low population densities, are present in few ecozones or may have a low rate of reproduction and
cannot recover rapidly from population declines.
The database lists a total of 73 mammal species in the NWT, 51 of which are listed for Ecozone
6 (Table 1). The wood bison, which is listed as being present in the Taiga Shield Ecozone, is
unlikely to be present around the East Arm of Great Slave Lake but is included in Table 1 for
completeness. The mule deer and white-tailed deer are currently not listed as being present in
the Taiga Shield however as its range extends north, they are expected to move into the region.
The Taiga Shield is also one of the few areas where the range of moose and muskox are expected
to overlap. The coyote is also extending northward and is expected to become more frequent in
areas such as Thaydene Nene.
A summary of the species that are considered to be of enhanced concern are listed in Table 2,
with their status under the Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada
(COSEWIC). COSEWIC assesses the conservation status of species that may be at risk in
Canada and may provide plans to help the species to recover. Both the wolverine (B.C.
population) and the grizzly bear are listed as “Special Concern” through the COSEWIC process
because of loss of habitat and the loss of some populations. The fisher has been assessed as “At
Risk” in the NWT (RWED 2000), but is not of particular concern in Canada as a whole because
the southern populations are currently stable.
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24
Table 1
Common
Name
Summary of mammal species found in the Taiga Shield ecozone that may also be
present in Thaydene Nene lands. Species status is determined by the size of the
population, its distribution over the NWT, and the significance of potential threats
to the population (RWED 2000). The final column lists the number of ecozones
in the NWT in which the species is present.
Order
Family
Status in
NWT
Present in
Ecozones
Bos bison
athabascae
Martes
pennanti
Lutra
canadensis
Artiodactyla
Bovidae
At Risk
5, 6, 7, 8
Carnivora
Mustelidae
May Be At
Risk
5, 6, 7, 8
Carnivora
Mustelidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Grizzly Bear
Ursus arctos
Carnivora
Ursidae
Sensitive
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8
Little Brown
Bat (Myotis)
Northern Flying
Squirrel
Moose
Myotis
lucifugus
Glaucomys
sabrinus
Alces alces
Ovibos
moschatus
Rangifer
tarandus
groenlandicus
Chiroptera
Vespertilionidae
Sensitive
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Sciuridae
Sensitive
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Artiodactyla
Cervidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Artiodactyla
Bovidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 6
Artiodactyla
Cervidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
Wood Bison
Fisher
River Otter
Muskox
Barrenland
Caribou
Latin name
Wolverine
Gulo gulo
Carnivora
Mustelidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 8
Lynx
Lynx
canadensis
Martes
americana
Mustela
erminea
Mustela vison
Ursus
americanus
Carnivora
Felidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Carnivora
Mustelidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Carnivora
Mustelidae
Secure
Carnivora
Mustelidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 8
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Carnivora
Ursidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Marten
Ermine (Stoat)
Mink
Black Bear
Red Fox
Vulpes vulpes
Carnivora
Canidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 8
Striped Skunk
Carnivora
Mustelidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Least Weasel
Arctic Fox
Mephitis
mephitis
Mustela nivalis
Alopex lagopus
Carnivora
Carnivora
Mustelidae
Canidae
Secure
Secure
Gray Wolf
Canis lupus
Carnivora
Canidae
Secure
Masked Shrew
Sorex cinereus
Insectivora
Soricidae
Secure
Pigmy Shrew
Arctic Shrew
Sorex hoyi
Sorex arcticus
Insectivora
Insectivora
Soricidae
Soricidae
Secure
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 8
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
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25
Common
Name
Water Shrew
Snowshoe Hare
Arctic Hare
Beaver
Southern Redbacked Vole
Northern Redbacked Vole
Victoria
Collared
Lemming
Common
Porcupine
Brown
Lemming
Woodchuck
Meadow Vole
Muskrat
Deer Mouse
Arctic Ground
Squirrel
Red Squirrel
Least
Chipmunk
Tundra Vole
(previously
Root Vole)
Chestnutcheeked (Taiga)
Vole
Eastern Heather
Vole
Soricidae
Status in
NWT
Secure
Present in
Ecozones
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Lagomorpha
Leporidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Lagomorpha
Leporidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
Rodentia
Castoridae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
5, 6, 8
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
Dicrostonyx
kilangmiutak
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
2, 3, 5, 6
Erethizon
dorsatum
Lemmus
sibiricus
Marmota
monax
Microtus
pennsylvanicus
Ondatra
zibethicus
Peromyscus
maniculatus
Spermophilus
parryii
Tamiasciurus
hudsonicus
Eutamias
(Tamias)
minimus
Rodentia
Erethizontidate
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
Rodentia
Sciuridae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Sciuridae
Secure
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
Rodentia
Sciuridae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Sciuridae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Microtus
oeconomus
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6
Microtus
xanthognathus
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 8
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rodentia
Muridae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Carnivora
Felidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 7, 8
Chiroptera
Vespertilionidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Latin name
Order
Family
Sorex palustris
Lepus
americanus
Lepus arcticus
Castor
canadensis
Clethrionomys
gapperi
Clethrionomys
rutilus
Insectivora
Phenacomys
intermedius
(ungava)
Synaptomys
borealis
Northern Bog
Lemming
Mountain Lion
Felis concolor
(Cougar)(Puma)
Lasiurus
Hoary Bat
cinereus
40006 - July 2006
26
Common
Name
Meadow
Jumping Mouse
Peary Land
Collared
Lemming
Richardson's
Lemming
Coyote
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Order
Family
Status in
NWT
Present in
Ecozones
Zapus
hudsonius
Rodentia
Dipdidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 7, 8
Dicrostonyx
groenlandicus
Rodentia
Muridae
Undetermined
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
Dicrostonyx
richardsoni
Canis latrans
Rodentia
Muridae
Undetermined
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
Carnivora
Canidae
Undetermined
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Latin name
At Risk = species for which a detailed assessment has already been completed (e.g., by COSEWIC or
jurisdictional status reports) that determined the species to be at risk of extirpation or extinction (e.g.,
Endangered or Threatened by COSEWIC).
May Be At Risk = species that may be at risk of extinction or extirpation, and are therefore candidates for
detailed risk assessment. These species are ranked with the highest priority for a more detailed assessment
by COSEWIC or a jurisdiction.
Sensitive = species that are not at risk of extinction or extirpation but may require special attention or
protection to prevent them from becoming at risk. These species are ranked with a medium priority for further
consideration.
Secure = species which are not at risk or sensitive. These species have the lowest priority for further
consideration.
Undetermined = species for which insufficient information, knowledge, or data is available to reliably evaluate
their general status.
Not Assessed = species which have not been examined for this report. Due to time constraints, many species
have not been assessed for the 2000 report. This information provides a list of species that should be examined
for the 2005 report.
Exotic/Alien = species that have been introduced as a result of human activities. Changes in their status can be
monitored as their presence and abundance may affect the status of wild species native to NWT.
Vagrant/Accidental = species occurring infrequently and unpredictably in NWT, i.e., outside their usual range.
These species may be in the NWT due to unusual weather occurrences, an accident during migration, or
unusual breeding behaviour by a small number of individuals. If a species appears in the NWT with increasing
predictability and more frequently, it may eventually be given a different rank. Changes in Vagrant species
may be a good indicator of general ecosystem or climatic changes.
40006 - July 2006
27
Lutra
canadensis
River
otter
40006 - July 2006
Little
Brown
Bat
(Myotis)
Northern
Flying
Squirrel
Ursos
arctos
Grizzly
bear
None
None
Myotis
lucifugus
Glaucomys
sabrinus
None
28
Sensitive
Sensitive
Sensitive
Sensitive
Secure
Special
Concern
Gulo gulo
Wolverine
Special
Concern
May be at
Risk
None
Martes
pennanti
Fisher
NWT
Status
COSEWIC
Status
Scientific
name
This species lives in northern boreal coniferous forest, and probably occurs in ecozones 4,
5, 6, 7, and 8. Population is probably very small. Because of the species need for poplar or
aspen for nesting, logging may have a significant impact on numbers.
The population size of the fisher is uncertain, and is largely based on the harvest of 30-50
individuals per year. The species is distributed in four southern NWT ecozones covering
9% of the NWT. The NWT status is due to the unknown, and probably small, population
size and unknown threats. The current population has probably declined from historic
levels.
NWT population probably in the thousands (about 3000 animals), with distribution over
98% of the NWT, in all ecozones. Population is stable of increasing. Wolverine
productivity is tied to caribou and wolf populations and may decline with smaller caribou
herds. Increasing development will lead to removal of problem animals. Species has low
reproductive rate and requires vast secure areas to maintain viable populations.
NWT population estimated at a total of 4800 bears, with 3950 ≥ 2 y. Species is distributed
over 87% of the NWT (7 ecozones). Population appears to be stable, or possibly increasing.
Threats include over-hunting and defence kills and increasing development. Species has
low reproduction rate of 0.5 to 0.233 /y.
Population size is based on harvest data which was about 100 per year during the 70s and
80s. The species is distributed over about 75% of the NWT (ecozones 3 to 8), which is
lower than historic levels. “Sensitive” designation due primarily to small population.
Threats are expected to be over-trapping of local populations, pollution and disease.
Population size is predicted to be “very small” (no numerical value given). The species is
probably distributed over <10% of the NWT. The “sensitive rating is due to the very small
population and because it is at the northern limit of distribution.
Summary of Status (RWED 2000)
Summary of the characteristics of mammals with special status in the NWT that might occur in Thaydene Nene.
Comments in the summary of Status column are summarised from the individual species assessment reports by ENR.
The status is based on the population size, its distribution over the NWT, the rate of reproduction and the extent of
threats.
Species
Table 2
Information is also provided in Table 2 from the NWT species reports for the reasons behind the
assessment of enhanced protection status. The lack of information and uncertainty about the
local populations of species such as the fisher and river otter add to the general vagueness of the
assessment about the current population size and health and its changes through time. The
population estimates are based largely on the harvest of a relatively few number of individuals
per year.
3.2.2
Major Species
3.2.2.1 Barren Ground Caribou
The 2005 State of Knowledge Report for the NWT provided a detailed assessment of the status
of caribou herds in the NWT. Two barren-grounds caribou herds, the Bathurst and the Beverly,
overwinter in the area of the eastern arm of Great Slave Lake. The most recent survey estimates
the size of the herds at 186,000 (2003) for the Bathurst and 286,000 (1994) for the Beverly herd.
Bathurst Herd
Considerable research is available on the general biology of the barren-ground caribou, much of
it derived from research on the Bathurst herd. Banfield (1954) reported the general distribution
of several NWT herds and recorded some of the basic information about the environmental
conditions in relation to the distribution of the individual herds. Kelsall (1968) also described
the general life history of NWT caribou and documented the decline of caribou during the 1950s
which caused considerable hardship among the aboriginal population. Kelsall analysed the
numbers of caribou present in the mid-1960 and concluded that the decline in the herds was
probably due to natural losses from the population (5%/year), hunting and crippling loss due to
wounding. A review of data on the Bathurst herd by Urquhart (1981) stated that the herd was
officially recognized as “The Bathurst Herd” in 1969 as the herd that calves near Bathurst Inlet.
The winter range of the herd extends from an area north of Great Slave Lake to almost the
Saskatchewan border.
Scientists use several measurements of a herd to determine their current condition and to
establish harvest rates that can be sustained. These indicators include the population size,
male:female sex ratios, cow:calf ratios, recruitment into the population by calves, body condition
and disease and the rate of harvest. Each of these indicators provides some measurement of the
health of the herd that can be related directly to its rate of recovery, and are based on
relationships between the size and condition of the herd and the rate at which claves are entering
the population to sustain or exceed the rate of mortality.
40006 - July 2006
29
The census of the Bathurst herd in 2003 placed the total number at 186,000 (Figure 1),
considerably lower than the level of 472,000 in 1986 and 349,000 in the mid-1990s (Gunn et al.
2004). The herd contained 109,983 females >1 year old, giving a total of 80,756 breeding
females. Studies conducted in 2001 – 2004 showed that late winter calf survival and the
calf:cow ratios had declined by almost half since the late 1980s when the herd was at its
maximum (Gunn et al. 2005).
The quality of habitat and the environmental conditions at critical times of the year are also
major factors in the success of the claves entering the herd. For example, severe weather
conditions during calving can significantly reduce the number of surviving calves. Increased
insect harassment during the summers can reduce the condition of the females to the extent that
calves are born in poor condition. In general, the longer the period of growth during summer and
the calving season, the better the condition of the calves entering the following winter. Snow
depth in February and April can impact calving by reducing the condition of females in late
winter and during spring migration. A number of environmental measurements for the Bathurst
herd are summarised in Table 3, as summarised by the CircumArctic Rangifer Monitoring &
Assessment Network (CARMA4).
Beverly Herd
The range of the Beverly herd extends from north of Great Slave Lake to Dubawnt Lake in the
east, and extends through northern Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba. The calving grounds
cover 38,000 square kilometres around the lower Thelon River and Beverly and Aberdeen lakes
(BQCMB 20025). The wintering grounds of the Beverly herd range to the north of Great Slave
Lake and hence overlap with the Bathurst herd, which is the dominant herd in lands adjacent to
Thaydene Nene.
The Beverly herd has not been counted since 1994, at which time it was 286,000 individuals, the
maximum level reported since the census began in 1971. The target optimum population size
stated by the Beverly-Qamanirjuaq Caribou Management Board (BQCMB) is 300,000 animals,
with a crisis level of 150,000 (BQCMB 2002). The number of caribou harvested in the Beverly
and Qamanirjuaq herds was estimated to be 18,500 animals in 2001 (BQCMB 2002).
Environmental conditions which describe the conditions of the range of the Beverly herd are
similar to those for the Bathurst herd (Table 3). It is important that snow depth and other critical
variables are routinely monitored through time to determine changes in the presence of climate
4
5
http://www.rangifer.net/carma/
www.arctic-caribou.com
40006 - July 2006
30
500
Bathurst
400
Total Herd Size (x 1000)
300
200
100
0
1970
300
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
Beverly
250
200
150
100
50
0
1970
1975
Year
Figure 1
6
Number of caribou in the Bathurst and Beverly herds from 1970 to the present
(Source: CARMA6 2006).
CARMA (Circumarctic Rangifer Monitoring & Assessment Network). 2006. (http://www.rangifer.net/carma/)
40006 - July 2006
31
Table 3
Key environmental measurements that are used to describe the major factors that
help to determine suitability of habitat for calving. Data are from CARMA
(2006).
Bathurst
186,400
2003
Beverly
286,000
1994
Aerial
-
37.60 cm
50.50 cm
Snow on grounds:
April
5.80 cm
1.20 cm
Growing degree days
at peak of calving
34
26
Growing degree days
at peak of calving plus
10
94
76
Population Size
Last Census Date
Calving Survey
Method
Snow on ground:
February
June precipitation
28.00 mm
21.40 mm
July temperature
11.50 oC
11.40 oC
Extreme Values
Min. – 22.0 cm for the Ahiak herd in Nunavut
Max.- 78.7 cm for the Porcupine herd
Min. – 1.20 cm with the Beverly herd
Max.- 66.0 cm for the Central Arctic herd in
Alaska
Minimum - 8 with Teshekpuk herd in Alaska
Maximum - 146 with George River herd in n.
Québec.
Min. - 8.70 mm – Alaskan herds
Max. – 52.3 mm – George River herd in n.
Québec.
Min. – 4.7 - Alaskan herds.
Max - 11.5 for the Bathurst herd.
change. Population measurement, such as population size, calf-cow ratios and calf recruitment
are identified by the co-management board as being top priorities in their 2005-2012
management plan (BQCMB 2005), however no data are available for the herd and there is no
active research to collect the information1.
3.2.2.2
Moose
The moose population totals from 30,000 to 40,000 in the NWT and extends eastward into the
tundra beyond the east arm of Great Slave Lake (RWED 2000). ENR estimated a density of 5 to
15 moose per 100 km2 over the NWT, although the density is at the lower levels towards the
treeline. Threats to the population include disease and overhunting near communities.
40006 - July 2006
32
A WKSS study of moose distribution in the Taiga Shield portion of the North Slave reported a
total of 8 bulls, 16 cows and 9 calves, plus 35 moose that were not part of the transects. This
gave a density of 2.75 moose /100 km2, lower than the ENR estimates (WKSS 2004). The
calf:cow ratio of 64:100 was much higher than the level of 16:100 observed in the Taiga Plain
region to the west of the north arm of Great Slave Lake. This type of information is needed for
the moose population in other areas of the NWT, including Thaydene Nene.
3.3
BIRDS
Bird species are a significant part of the terrestrial system and many species provide traditional
food for the Dene, however there are few studies available for determining the numbers and
status of landbirds, waterfowl and shorebirds present in Thaydene Nene. Hence this report must
rely on the ENR general assessment of bird species status and general estimates of bird species
distributions throughout Canada from national bird programs. Some of these assessments
provide good overviews of the status of the boreal forest for bird breeding (Blancher 2000;
Blancher and Wells 2005) and whether major species are increasing or declining, but there is
little information for specific regions of the country. None of the data sources will provide a
definitive inventory of the species in Thaydene Nene. Wherever possible, specific data will be
reported to assist subsequent surveys within Thaydene Nene.
Although not in the boreal zone proper, Thaydene Nene lands are situated in the taiga shield
which has many common geographical and ecological similarities with the boreal plain. In a
recent assessment of the impact of the boreal forest on landbird species in Canada, Blancher and
Wells (2005) combined the Bird Conservation Regions 4, 6, 7 (which contains Thaydene Nene)
and 8 to assess the importance of nesting habitat of the boreal forest to landbirds in Canada and
central Alaska. The report estimated that there are 325 bird species, or 47% of the total number
in Canada, that occur regularly in the boreal forest region. Of these, 303 species breed in the
forests, thickets and wetlands on the boreal forest region, while the remaining species migrate
through, or overwinter in, the boreal forest. The authors estimate that 1.6 billion landbirds, 7
million shorebirds, 14 million waterbirds and 26 million waterfowl breed within the boreal forest
region. Clearly, the boreal forest region and adjacent lands, which include Thaydene Nene,
supports a significant community of resident and migratory species.
3.3.1
The Department of Environment and Natural Resources Database
The NWT species considers a total of 247 bird species in the territory, with 164 species possibly
present in the taiga shield of Ecozone 6 (Appendix A). Because the taiga shield is at the
transition zone between the northern edge of the boreal forest and boreal plain and the southern
40006 - July 2006
33
Arctic ecozones, many of the species present in the boreal shield proper and the open Arctic may
be present in Ecozone 6.
The species that have been evaluated as requiring enhanced protection status by the NWT
Infobase, or COSEWIC, are listed in Table 4. Both peregrine falcon subspecies are considered
to be very sensitive because of their sensitivity to the effects of organochlorines pesticide
accumulation and low reproductive rate. The short-eared owl has declined across Canada and its
status is considered to be uncertain. A small population is present in the NWT and it is at the
northern limit to its range. All these species require additional attention because of loss of
habitat, human activity and other changes to their southern overwintering habitat.
3.3.2
Breeding Bird Survey
The Breeding Bird Survey is the central program in the Canadian Landbird Monitoring Strategy
because of its standardized methods and because data have been collected from specific
populations for several years. During each survey, individuals record the total number of bird
species over about 40 km transect, stopping every 0.8 km between May 28 and July 7 every year.
In a typical year (e.g., 2000), over 450 individual survey routes are run in Canada, and 2300 in
the US. The strength of the program is the expertise of the individual surveyors, who contribute
over several years, and because the same data are collected consistently over several years. The
program is a critical part of the methods used to monitor the status of landbirds in North
American. The major shortcoming of the program is that it does not record nocturnal species or
aquatic species that are not near the survey route.
There are very few BBS data available for the NWT however some have been conducted near
Yellowknife and in Fort Smith over several consecutive years after 1990. Canadian trends are
available from the main Breeding Bird Survey website at the Canadian Wildlife Service ,
however the raw data for the NWT BBS are available from the US Fish and Wildlife site
(http://www.pwrc.usgs.gov/bbs/). A group of routes are clustered around the western end of
Great Slave Lake near Yellowknife and Rae-Edzo spanning several years (1988 to 1999 for one
route and 1988 to 2005 for the second route). Another survey area near Fort Smith reports
species data for several years from 1989 to 2005. The US Fish and Wildlife Site group these
survey sites in the same sector as those in the Taiga Shield indicating a similarity in physical and
biological features in the areas. Hence, combining the data for the three sets of data gives the
relative abundance of 130 species that may be present in the East Arm of Great Slave Lake
(Table 5).
3.3.3
Canadian Landbird Monitoring Initiative
40006 - July 2006
34
The Canadian Wildlife Service established the Canadian Landbird Conservation Program in
1994 to begin to assess the health and status of landbird populations across Canada. The goal of
the program is to “provide a strategic framework and an action plan for the long-term monitoring
of Canada’s landbirds and selected waterbirds.” (Downes et al. 2000). The program uses data
from several survey programs to assess the current status and long-term trends of landbird
populations in Canada. The survey programs include the Breeding Bird Survey, Christmas Bird
Counts, migration monitoring and specialised surveys to determine the changes in numbers of
40006 - July 2006
35
40006 - July 2006
36
Pelecanus
erythrorhynchos
American White
Pelican
none
None
Coturnicops
noveboracensis
Yellow rail
May be At
Risk
May be At
Risk
Sensitive
Special
Concern
Asio flammeus
Short-eared owl
At Risk
May be At
Risk
Falco peregrinus
tundrius
Peregrine falcon
(subspecies
tundrius)
Threatened
Special
Concern
Falco peregrinus
anatum
Peregrine falcon
(subspecies
anatum)
The very small population (about 83 pairs) in NWT is distributed over ecozones
4, 5, 6 and 8. Of the approximately 100 nesting pairs in the NWT, about 83 are in
the Mackenzie River Valley. The population appears to have increased from the
crash during the 1970s and may be stable. Threats include organochlorine
contamination and human interference. The “At Risk” status is largely due to the
small population size.
This subspecies requires open habitat for hunting and is present in NWT
Ecozones 1, 2, 3, 5 and 6. At the time of the species assessment report, there were
68 known pairs in the NWT, giving nest sites of more than 100. Current trend in
population is unknown. Threats to population include organochlorines
contamination and human interference. The NWT status is due to small
population numbers and known vulnerability to threats of chemical contamination
and human activity.
The habitat for this species is low-arctic tundra, open areas, marshes and prairie.
Population is probably around 1000 distributed in Ecozones 3,4,5 and 6.
Population trend is unknown for NWT population but is declining across Canada.
Threats are due to habitat loss, which is currently not significant in the NWT.
Found only in Ecozones 6 and 8, only 20 – 100 pairs are in the NWT. Summer
distribution is over about 2% of the NWT. There are no data to assess the trend in
the population. Species is at the northern limit of its range. Habitat is declining in
its wintering range and on migration route.
Found only in Ecozones 6 and 8; population consists of about 500 pairs, with
summer distribution covering <1% of the NWT. At the extreme northern limit of
range but may be evidence of other colonies becoming established. Threats are
primarily from human disturbance at colonies
Summary of birds with enhanced protection status that may occur in Ecozone 6, as assessed by the Department of
Environment and Natural Resources (RWED 2000).
COSEWIC
Common Name
Latin name
NWT Status
Summary of Status
Status
Table 4
Table 5
Relative number of observations of 37 bird species recorded in the Breeding Bird
survey along four routes around Great Slave Lake over several years.
American
Ornithological Union
(AOU) Number
6470
5600
4661
7590
6460
7580
5580
6550
5670
5830
7610
1490
6520
2300
2550
4860
4980
5540
4840
7490
6720
20
5840
2140
6750
600
5220
6240
4120
70
4560
1320
6810
1370
6610
6740
5610
40006 - July 2006
Common Name
Average Number
Observed Per Survey
(All Routes)
Average Number
Observed Per Year
(Yellowknife Routes
Only)
Tennessee Warbler
Chipping Sparrow
Alder Flycatcher
Hermit Thrush
Orange-crowned Warbler
Swainson's Thrush
White-throated Sparrow
Myrtle Warbler
Slate-colored Junco
Lincoln's Sparrow
American Robin
Lesser Scaup
Yellow Warbler
Wilson's Snipe
Lesser Yellowlegs
Common Raven
Red-winged Blackbird
White-crowned Sparrow
Gray Jay
Ruby-crowned Kinglet
Palm Warbler
Red-necked Grebe
Swamp Sparrow
Sora
Northern Waterthrush
Bonaparte's Gull
White-winged Crossbill
Red-eyed Vireo
Yellow-shafted Flicker
Common Loon
Eastern Phoebe
Mallard
Common Yellowthroat
American Wigeon
Blackpoll Warbler
Ovenbird
Clay-coloured Sparrow
44.6
44.1
37.6
35.5
34.4
32.9
31.9
29.4
24.1
23.6
21.8
18.1
16.2
16.0
13.3
11.4
10.1
9.8
9.1
9.0
8.5
8.1
7.6
7.4
6.3
6.1
6.0
6.0
4.3
3.9
3.9
3.4
3.4
3.3
3.3
3.1
2.9
23.8
48.1
44.7
27.8
41.8
41.3
23.3
33.9
29.6
33.6
23.8
29.1
25.3
20.1
13.8
9.1
9.1
15.0
10.8
6.3
11.9
13.2
9.5
7.6
9.1
8.3
0.6
1.2
3.5
6.3
5.7
4.9
0.1
5.3
5.0
0.0
0.4
37
landbirds through time. The primary goal of the program is to monitor the status of all Canadian
landbirds, including their distribution, abundance, demography, and habitat, at a variety of
geographic scales. The program provides valuable information in some areas of Canada but is
very weak in the NWT because data from consistent and reliable studies are not available.
In 2004, Partners-In-Flight Canada assessed the status of over 200 bird species in Canada,
including those present in Bird Conservation Region 7 which includes the Taiga Shield. The
assessment was updated in 2005 (Punjabi et al. 2005) using a new scoring scheme that included
scores for the population size, breeding distribution, non-breeding distribution, threats to
breeding, threats to non-breeding and population trend. The scores in each area were added to
give an overall score which indicates a sensitivity rating for each evaluated species, with the
highest scores indicating the most sensitive species.
The species ratings are listed in Table 6 for species which could be present in Thaydene Nene.
The assessment procedure identifies species such as Smith’s longspur, two sparrow species, the
merlin and the short-eared owl as being particularly sensitive because of a relatively small global
population, small range or due to the presence of a large portion of the world population in the
conservation region that includes Thaydene Nene. Species are assigned a general evaluation
based on whether they are a continental or a region concern, with a view to developing plans for
the protection of the high priority species in the future.
Although the assessment provides an important tool for identifying sensitive species, there are
major problems in terms of Thaydene Nene. First, the assessment is largely based on breeding
bird survey data which are weak in the NWT because of the small number of routes conducted
annually. For example, all species from the NWT were assigned a default value of 3 (regional
population trend uncertain) for population trends because of the lack of information for all bird
species in the Taiga Shield and Hudson Plain Bird Conservation region in the NWT. The
initiative does provide a valuable tool to help assess the status of species within Thaydene Nene
once field surveys have been conducted and the presence of individual species can be confirmed.
The identification of species listed as continental or regional concerns within Thaydene Nene
will help to establish the unique character of the area for wildlife protection.
40006 - July 2006
38
Table 6
Summary of bird species assessed during the Landbird Monitoring Assessment.
Regional combined score is based on population size, population trends, and
distribution of the species. Higher scores suggest that the species is currently more
sensitive to disturbance. The area of the assessment is Bird Conservation Region 7
which includes Thaydene Nene.
Common Name
Smith’s Longspur
Harris’s Sparrow
Nelson’s Sharp-tailed
Sparrow
Merlin
Short-eared Owl
Belted Kingfisher
Black-backed
Woodpecker
Northern Shrike
Palm Warbler
Blackpoll Warbler
Swamp Sparrow
Rusty Blackbird
Pine Grosbeak
Spruce Grouse
Bald Eagle
Northern Hawk Owl
Boreal Owl
American Three-toed
Woodpecker
Alder Flycatcher
Gray Jay
Boreal Chickadee
Tennessee Warbler
Yellow Warbler
Connecticut Warbler
American Tree
Sparrow
Lincoln’s Sparrow
White-throated
Sparrow
40006 - July 2006
Regional
Combined
Score
17
16
15
14
14
14
Y
Y
Present
in NWT
Database
yes
yes
Y
no
Continental Regional Continental
Regional
Concern
Concern Stewardship Stewardship
Y
Y
yes
yes
yes
Y
14
Y
Y
yes
14
14
14
14
14
14
13
13
13
13
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
Y
Y
Y
13
No
13
13
13
13
13
13
Y
Y
Y
Y
13
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
No
yes
13
Y
yes
13
Y
yes
39
Common Name
Purple Finch
White-winged
Crossbill
Osprey
Northern Goshawk
Golden Eagle
Great Gray Owl
Long-eared Owl
Northern Flicker
Olive-sided
Flycatcher
Philadelphia Vireo
Common Raven
Ruby-crowned
Kinglet
Gray-cheeked Thrush
Hermit Thrush
Bohemian Waxwing
Orange-crowned
Warbler
Cape May Warbler
Yellow-rumped
Warbler
Bay-breasted Warbler
Northern Waterthrush
Le Conte's Sparrow
White-crowned
Sparrow
Dark-eyed Junco
Willow Ptarmigan
Sharp-tailed Grouse
Northern Harrier
Red-tailed Hawk
Rough-legged Hawk
Peregrine Falcon
Snowy Owl
Common Nighthawk
Yellow-bellied
Sapsucker
40006 - July 2006
Regional
Combined
Score
13
Regional
Concern
13
Y
12
12
12
12
12
12
12
Present
in NWT
Database
no
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
No
yes
Y
No
12
12
yes
yes
12
yes
12
12
12
yes
No
yes
12
yes
12
yes
12
yes
12
12
12
No
yes
yes
12
yes
12
11
11
11
11
11
11
11
11
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
11
yes
40
Common Name
Yellow-bellied
Flycatcher
Eastern Phoebe
Blue-headed Vireo
Tree Swallow
Winter Wren
Golden-crowned
Kinglet
Swainson's Thrush
Nashville Warbler
Magnolia Warbler
Black-throated Green
Warbler
Black-and-white
Warbler
Mourning Warbler
Canada Warbler
Chipping Sparrow
Clay-colored Sparrow
Savannah Sparrow
Fox Sparrow
Red Crossbill
Evening Grosbeak
Ruffed Grouse
Sharp-shinned Hawk
American Kestrel
Downy Woodpecker
Pileated Woodpecker
Least Flycatcher
Brown Creeper
American Robin
American Pipit
Cedar Waxwing
Chestnut-sided
Warbler
Ovenbird
Wilson's Warbler
Common Redpoll
Hoary Redpoll
40006 - July 2006
Regional
Combined
Score
Regional
Concern
Present
in NWT
Database
11
yes
11
11
11
11
yes
yes
yes
no
11
no
11
11
11
yes
No
yes
11
No
11
No
11
11
11
11
11
11
11
11
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
10
No
No
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
No
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
No
yes
yes
no
10
no
10
10
10
10
yes
yes
yes
yes
41
Common Name
Pine Siskin
Rock Ptarmigan
Great Horned Owl
Hairy Woodpecker
Eastern Kingbird
Warbling Vireo
Red-eyed Vireo
American Crow
Bank Swallow
Black-capped
Chickadee
Red-breasted
Nuthatch
American Redstart
Common
Yellowthroat
Snow Bunting
Red-winged Blackbird
Horned Lark
Cliff Swallow
Barn Swallow
Song Sparrow
Lapland Longspur
European Starling
Common Grackle
Eastern Bluebird
Western Tanager
40006 - July 2006
Regional
Combined
Score
10
9
9
9
9
9
9
9
9
Regional
Concern
Present
in NWT
Database
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
9
yes
9
yes
9
yes
9
No
9
9
8
8
8
8
8
7
7
yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yea
No
No
Yes
42
3.3.4
3.3.4.1
Waterfowl
Population Status
Waterfowl are among the most abundant species in northern wetlands at various times of the
year and are an important source of nutrition in traditional diets. Harvest surveys in the Sahtu
(SRRB 2002, 2003), Gwich’in (GRRB 2003) and the Inuvialuit Settlement Regions (FJMC
2003) show that several thousand ducks and geese are harvested annually and it is likely that
they form a significant part of the traditional diet in Akaitcho lands also. In general, the NWT
provides large areas of habitat suitable for nesting waterfowl, but also forms a major part of the
flyways that several species use to migrate to nesting areas in the far north (i.e. Queen Maud
Gulf, Banks Island). The migration of large numbers of Canada geese, snow geese and several
duck species results in large influx of birds in spring and fall to the lands around Great Slave
Lake. These migrations also place the populations under hunting pressures in the south and
changes to the overwintering grounds in the U.S. may significantly impact the numbers of each
species nesting the following summer in Thaydene Nene, or migrating through the following
year.
The Canadian Wildlife Service has designated three sites on Great Slave Lake as key migratory
bird terrestrial habitat because of their unique character and importance to waterfowl (Latour et
al. 2006). A section of the southern shore of Great Slave Lake around the Slave River Delta is a
major staging area for thousands of waterbirds in spring and fall. Daily counts of waterbirds
may approach 80,000 birds, including tundra swans, lesser snow geese, Canada geese and
>13,000 ducks. These numbers represent a sizeable proportion of the northern populations of
these species. The northern shore of the North Arm of Great Slave Lake is a major site for
tundra swans and Canada and cackling geese. Islands in the North Arm also provide habitat for a
large portion of the NWT population of Caspian terns. Large numbers of ducks, swans and gulls
are in the area. A small island on the western shore provides habitat to the largest known colony
of Caspian terns in the NWT. Clearly, Great Slave Lake and the surrounding smaller inland
lakes provide important staging areas during fall and spring migration and critical nesting habitat
for a large number of waterfowl and other bird species.
The Canadian Wildlife Service and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service conduct habitat surveys
annually to determine the productivity of waterfowl species in the western U.S. and Canada and
the Northwest Territories. In addition to estimating the numbers of breeding pairs of waterfowl
species throughout the central U.S. and Canada, crews also assess the quality of the habitat (e.g.,
the amount of moisture in wetlands) and environmental conditions (e.g., presence of spring snow
storms, date of thaw) that have a direct role in the success of waterfowl nesting. The objective of
40006 - July 2006
43
the surveys is to help establish the productivity of major species in spring/early summer to set
hunting limits for the fall hunting season and to determine long-term trends in the populations.
For the waterfowl assessment surveys, Thaydene Nene lies in survey Strata No. 16, which
extends from Lake Athabasca in northern Alberta to the eastern portion of Great Bear Lake. It
lies adjacent to Strata 18 that includes very productive areas of the Peace-Athabasca Delta and
Great Slave Lake (Figure 2). The data from the surveys are available annually at the U.S. Fish
and Wildlife Website (http://www.fws.gov/birds/).
Figure 2
Strata used by the Canadian Wildlife Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service
to annually survey waterfowl breeding populations and environmental conditions
in late spring and early summer. The data are used primarily to establish hunting
limits, but provide a record of waterfowl abundance in areas such as Thaydene
Nene.
In 2004, the habitat in the NWT was considered poor for waterfowl breeding relative to longterm averages due to a very late spring thaw, which led to delayed breeding for early nesting
species like mallards and northern pintails (U.S. Fish and Wildlife 2005). Although conditions
were improved in 2005, the eastern portion of NWT was considered to be only “Fair” due to dry
40006 - July 2006
44
conditions. A spring thaw was early enough to benefit early- and late-nesting species however
the conditions in the eastern NWT were only fair due to dry conditions (Wilkins et al. 2005).
These assessments show the variability in nesting conditions in areas such as Thaydene Nene and
the ability of waterfowl to rebound in any area when conditions are favourable.
Data from the breeding waterfowl surveys for the NWT, northern Alberta and northern B.C.
show that most duck species are below the 10-year averages for their species and many are
below the long-term averages which have been calculated over the fifty year timespan. Trends
for the mallard, northern pintail and long-tailed duck (formerly the oldsquaw) and scoters as a
group (Figure 3) show that numbers of breeding individuals over the last ten years are generally
lower than the long-term averages. Fair conditions for nesting in the NWT and northern Alberta
in 2005 resulted in a reduction in the number of breeding ducks (all species) by 25.6% from 2004
(U.S. Fish and Wildlife 2005).
Winter surveys of total numbers of total numbers of birds (including juveniles) conducted in the
southern U.S. and Mexico show that the goose species using the Central flyway (which extends
into the eastern NWT) are increasing from previous levels (Figure 4). These species include the
short grass prairie form of Canada goose which nests from the north Arctic coast to northern
Alberta and is the dominant subspecies around Thaydene Nene. This form of Canada goose
reached a maximum of about 700,000 in 1996 but has since declined at a rate of 15% per year
since that year but is presently at its historic levels. The estimated spring population in the
eastern NWT in 2005 was 166,700 (± 47,400) which was an increase of 20% from 2004.
Another major group of species are the light geese which refers to the two subspecies (i.e. the
lesser and greater subspecies) of snow goose and Ross’ goose. Although the species nest in the
far north and overwinter in the southern U.S., the migration of large numbers through the NWT
twice a year provides a major source of traditional food during spring and fall hunts. The
relative proportion of Ross’ geese in the central North American flyway has increased steadily
since 1984 and now comprises almost 40% of the light geese observed. The snow geese found
around the East Arm of Great Slave Lake are generally the lesser subspecies, which was
estimated at 148,000 in 2005 (U.S. Fish and Wildlife 2005).
It is also important to note that waterfowl survey Stratum 16 makes a significant contribution to
the total number of nesting waterfowl in the NWT, northern Alberta and northern B.C (Figure 5).
Of the 12 duck species nesting in Stratum 16 (seven duck species were not observed in 2005 in
significant numbers), the largest number of breeding individuals is for the scaups (169,500),
followed by the bufflehead (64,900). These numbers accounted for about 17% of the scaups and
<10 of the buffleheads in the survey area of NWT, n. Alberta and n. B.C. Over 34% of the
40006 - July 2006
45
mergansers, and >20% of the long-tailed duck and scoters in the NWT and northern Alberta nest
in the region covered by this survey Stratum. In total, the area accounted for 453,100 breeding
ducks in 2005, or 12.3% of the 3,680,000 breeding ducks in the NWT/n. Alberta. This analysis
indicates that the region surrounding the eastern arm of Great Slave Lake is valuable for the
nesting of more than 10 duck species. The area is less valuable for nesting of the short grass
prairie Canada goose, which are found further west in the NWT, although the number of nesting
individuals in the eastern NWT has increased significantly over the past few years.
40006 - July 2006
46
Mallard
2500
2000
Northern Pintail
2000
1500
Long-term Average (788.1)
1000
1500
1000
500
500
Breeding Population Estimate (thousands)
0
700
0
1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005
1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005
Long-Tailed Duck (formerly Oldsquaw)
Scoters (all species)
600
1500
500
400
1000
300
200
500
100
0
0
1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005
1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005
All Duck Species (Total)
Canada Goose
16000
14000
12000
10000
8000
6000
4000
2000
0
500
400
300
200
100
0
1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005
Year
Figure 3
40006 - July 2006
1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005
Year
Size of breeding populations of ducks and Canada geese in the NWT, northern
Alberta and northern B.C. Data for the Canada goose are for the short grass
prairie variety which is the primary form in the NWT. Data are from U.S. Fish
and Wildlife (2005) and the Canadian Wildlife Service Waterfowl Committee
(2005).
47
800x103
Short Grass Prairie Canada Goose
Snow Goose/ Ross' Goose
Greater White-fronted Goose
Number of Birds
600x103
400x103
200x103
0
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
Year of Winter Survey
Figure 4
40006 - July 2006
Total numbers of major goose species found in the eastern NWT during nesting
season or migrations. Data are from winter surveys conducted in the southern
U.S. and estimate adults and juveniles (U.S. Fish and Wildlife 2005).
48
Numbers of Breeding Individuals in Stratum 16
(x 1000)
500
500
Total Numbers of Breeding Individuals
400
400
300
300
200
200
100
100
0
Fraction of NWT/n. Alberta/n. BC population in Stratum #16
30
30
20
20
10
10
0
0
A
m
er Am
M
ic
an eri al
c
gr an lard
ee
n- wig
w
in eon
ge
N
d
or
te
th
al
er
n
pi
nt
ai
R
l
in
g- Sc
ne au
ck ps
ed
du
ck
B
u
Lo
f
ng fleh
-ta
e
ile ad
d
du
ck
Sc
M oter
er
s
ga
C
ns
an
ad ers
a
G
oo
se
Su
bt
ot
al
D
ab
Su
bl
bt
er
ot
s
al
D
iv
To
er
s
ta
lD
uc
ks
Fraction of Total Breeding Population
in NWT, northern Alberta and northern B.C.
0
Waterfowl Species or Group
Figure 5
40006 - July 2006
Number of ducks and Canada geese nesting in Stratum 16 in 2005 (upper) and the
contribution of the region to the total number of ducks nesting in the NWT,
northern Alberta and northern B.C.
49
3.3.4.2
Harvesting
Harvesting is one of the major causes of mortality in the waterfowl populations that can be
measured consistently through time. The Canadian Wildlife Service reports that about 523,000
mallards were harvested in Canada in 2004, compared to over 3 million in the U.S (CWS
Waterfowl Committee 2005). Approximately 60,000 northern pintail were harvested in Canada
in 2004 with over 300,000 hunted in the U.S. Of these, approximately 234 northern pintail were
hunted under permit in the NWT in 2003, the last year that a value is reported. Over 2 million
Canada geese and 554,000 lesser snow geese were hunted in North America in 2004. The
number of birds harvested within the NWT is very small relative to the national and continental
levels.
The number of waterfowl harvested by aboriginal hunters in the NWT is probably greater than
the number harvested under permit, but is still a very small fraction of the total hunted in Canada
and North America. Harvest estimates by the Sahtu (SRRB 2003) and Gwich’in Renewable
Resources Boards (GRRB 2003) and the Inuvialuit (FJMC 2003) place the number of waterfowl
harvested annually at a couple of thousand birds. In the Sahtu, over 3500 ducks are hunted
annually, while approximately 5800 snow geese are harvested annually in the ISR. The
differences between the settlement areas are probably due to the dominant species available and
the traditional practices in the region. The total number of all waterfowl species of waterfowl
harvested ranges from about one thousand (Gwich’in) to several thousand (Sahtu, ISR) birds per
year.
3.4
AMPHIBIANS AND REPTILES
The most widely distributed amphibian (Table 7) is probably the wood frog which breeds in
ponds and wetlands and overwinters under leaves on the floor of forests. Their ability to remain
viable after freezing solid over the winter has allowed them to extend their range well into the
NWT, and has been observed above the Arctic Circle. The population has been estimated by
ENR at over 10,000, covering over 40% of the NWT land area. Major threats to this species are
from freezing rain and the drainage of breeding sites.
The second most widely distributed species across the NWT that may reside in Thaydene Nene
is the northern leopard frog which has been showing a significant decline across North America,
including populations in Saskatchewan and Alberta, over the last 30 years. The population in
British Columbia has been listed as Endangered by COSEWIC while the populations in NWT,
Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba were listed as Special Concern in 2002. The species breeds
40006 - July 2006
50
in lakes and ponds and overwinters at the bottom of small water bodies. ENR estimates a total
NWT population of 1000 to 10,000 individuals. ENR also estimates that the population is stable
in NWT, although there is little evidence for this assessment given the declines elsewhere.
Threats arise from the loss of wetlands and overwintering habitats.
Table 7 Summary of amphibians present in the NWT that may inhabit Thaydene Nene.
Virtually no information is available for the three species listed in the bottom three rows
but are listed because it is possible that they are present in Thaydene Nene.
Present in
Ecozones
Common Name
Latin Name
Family
Order
NWT Status
Wood Frog
Rana
sylvatica
Anura
Ranidae
Secure
Rana pipiens
Anura
Ranidae
Sensitive
Western Toad
Bufo boreas
Anura
Bufonidae
Undetermined
Unknown
Blue-spotted
Salamander
Ambystoma
laterale
Caudata
Ambystomidae
Not Entered
Unknown
Red-backed
Salamander
Plethodon
cinereus
Caudata
Plethodontidae
Not Entered
Unknown
Northern
Frog
Leopard
5, 6, 8, 9
6, 8
No reptiles are listed in the NWT Species database as being present in Ecozone 6 that includes
Thaydene Nene. The red-sided garter snake (Thamnophia sirtalis) and wandering garter snake
(Thamnophia elegans) are present elsewhere in the NWT, but have not been reported in Ecozone
6. Because of the lack of data on these species in the NWT, the presence and absence of species
needs to be confirmed from traditional and local knowledge and surveys in the Thaydene Nene
lands.
3.5
PLANTS
Plants are major defining features of individual Ecozones (Wiken 1986), yet their distribution in
areas of Thaydene Nene are virtually unknown without projects dedicated to vegetation mapping
and documentation. The ENR database lists records of 1290 species of plants in the NWT, yet
40006 - July 2006
51
the distribution and status of many plants, particularly mosses and lichens, have not been
assessed and their status is unknown.
ENR has listed 29 vascular plants that are defined as “May Be At Risk” that may occur in
Ecozone 6, out of the 159 designated in that category in the NWT (Table 8). Similarly, out of
the 184 species of vascular plant designated as “Sensitive”, 58 (32%) of those are expected to be
in Ecozone 6. Many of the plants are defined in the enhanced protection categories because of
very limited distributions in the NWT and the lack of general knowledge about their natural
history. Many of the species have only been observed in a few places in the NWT and the
assessment reports are based on those few limited sightings. It is essential that detailed surveys
of the vegetation mapping and presence of rare and sensitive species be conducted in the
description of the biological community of Thaydene Nene. If possible, these surveys should be
combined with local and traditional knowledge, particularly in regard to medicines and culturally
significant plant species, to provide more detailed information on the diversity of the plant
community in Thaydene Nene.
40006 - July 2006
52
Table 8
Common
Name
White Adder's
mouth
Orache
Leafy Thistle
Broadleaf
Gumweed
One-flowered
ironplant
Stickseed or
Beggar's lice
spp
Small-Flower
Bitter Cress spp
Pinate TansyMustard
Coast-Blite
Goosefoot
Swedish Dwarf
Dogwood
Water Pigmyweed
Spinulose
Wood Fern
Northern
Mudwort
Yellow Owl's
Clover
Purslane
Speedwell
Several Vein
Sweetflag
Velvetleaf
Blueberry
Water Lobelia
Horenmann
Willow Herb
Sea Milkwort
spp
Bristly
Crowfoot
Prairie-Smoke
Richardson
Alumroot
40006 - July 2006
Summary of vascular plants that have been categorized as “May Be At Risk” by
Environment and Natural Resources. Another 28 species in Ecozone 6 have been
judged to be in the “Sensitive” category.
Latin name
Order
Family
NWT Status
Orchidales
Orchidaceae
May Be At Risk
Atriplex subspicata
Cirsium foliosum
Caryophyllales
Asterales
Chenopodiaceae
Asteraceae
May Be At Risk
May Be At Risk
Grindelia squarrosa
Asterales
Asteraceae
May Be At Risk
Asterales
Asteraceae
May Be At Risk
Lamiales
Boraginaceae
May Be At Risk
Cardamine parviflora
Capparales
Brassicaceae
May Be At Risk
Descurainia pinnata
Capparales
Brassicaceae
May Be At Risk
Caryophyllales
Chenopodiaceae
May Be At Risk
Cornus suecica
Cornales
Cornaceae
May Be At Risk
Crassula aquatica (Tillaea
aquatica)
Dryopteris carthusiana
(D. spinulosa)
Rosales
Crassulaceae
May Be At Risk
Filicales
Dryoptericaceae
May Be At Risk
Limosella aquatica
Scrophulariales
Scrophulariaceae
May Be At Risk
Orthocarpus luteus
Scrophulariales
Scrophulariaceae
May Be At Risk
Veronica peregrina
Scrophulariales
Scrophulariaceae
May Be At Risk
Acorus americanus
(Acorus calamus)
Arales
Acoraceae
May Be At Risk
Vaccinium myrtilloides
Ericales
Ericaceae
May Be At Risk
Campanulales
Campanulaceae
May Be At Risk
Myrtales
Onagraceae
May Be At Risk
Primulales
Primulaceae
May Be At Risk
Ranunculales
Ranunculaceae
May Be At Risk
Geum triflorum
Rosales
Rosaceae
May Be At Risk
Heuchera richardsonii
Rosales
Saxifragaceae
May Be At Risk
Malaxis monophyllos
Pyrrocoma uniflora
(Haplopappus uniflorus,
H. lanceolatus subspp)
Hackelia deflexa
(Hackelia deflexa var.
americana)
Chenopodium rubrum
Lobelia dortmanna
Epilobium hornemannii
Glaux maritima
Ranunculus pensylvanicus
53
Common
Name
White
Mountain
Saxifrage
Northern
Clustered
Sedge
Few- Seeded
Sedge
Three-seed
Sedge
Order
Family
NWT Status
Rosales
Saxifragaceae
May Be At Risk
Carex arcta
Cyperales
Cyperaceae
May Be At Risk
Carex oligosperma
Cyperales
Cyperaceae
May Be At Risk
Carex trisperma
Cyperales
Cyperaceae
May Be At Risk
Saltmarsh
Bulrush
Bolboschoenus maritimus
(Schoenplectus maritimus;
Scirpus paludosus;
Scirpus maritimus)
Cyperales
Cyperaceae
May Be At Risk
Fresh Water
Cord Grass
Spartina pectinata
Cyperales
Poaceae
May Be At Risk
40006 - July 2006
Latin name
Saxifraga paniculata
(Saxifraga aizoon)
54
3.6
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SRRB (Sahtu Renewable Resources Board). 2002. Sahtu Settlement Harvest Study. Data Report
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40006 - July 2006
56
USFWS (U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service). 2003. Waterfowl population status, 2003. Divisions
of Migratory Bird Management. Laurel, Maryland. 15 pp.
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Columbia and the Northwest Territories (Mackenzie Delta). Divisions of Migratory Bird
Management. Laurel, Maryland. 15 pp.
Wiken, E.B. 1986. Terrestrial Ecozones of Canada. Ecological Land Classification, Series No.
19. Environment Canada. Hull, Quebec. 26 pp. + map.
Wilkins, K.A., Otto, M.C. and Koneff, M.D. 2005. Trends in duck breeding populations, 19952005. Division of Bird Management, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. Laurel, MD.
WKSS (West Kitikmeot Study Society). 2004. North Slave region moose study. Available at:
http://www.wkss.nt.ca/HTML/08_ProjectsReports/08_moose/08_moose.htm.
40006 - July 2006
57
APPENDIX A
Bird Species Listed by the Department of Environment and Natural Resources
as Likely to be in Ecozone 6 (Taiga Shield)
40006 - July 2006
58
Table A1
Bird species in the NWT section of the Taiga Shield which could potentially be
present in Thaydene Nene.
Order
Family
NWT Status
Present in
Ecozones
Falco peregrinus
anatum
Falco peregrinus
tundrius
Coturnicops
noveboracensis
Pelecanus
erythrorhynchos
Falco peregrinus
tundrius
Falconiformes
Falconidae
At Risk
4, 5, 6, 8
Falconiformes
Falconidae
May Be At Risk
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
Gruiformes
Rallidae
May Be At Risk
6, 8
Pelecaniforme
s
Pelecanidae
May Be At Risk
6, 8
Falconiformes
Falconidae
May Be At Risk
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
Poecile cinta
(cinctus)
Passeriformes
Paridae
May Be At Risk
Tryngites
subruficollis
Botaurus
lentiginosus
Aquila chrysaetos
Zonotrichia querula
Charadriiform
es
Scolopacidae
Sensitive
3, 6
Ciconiiformes
Ardeidae
Sensitive
5, 6, 8
Falconiformes
Passeriformes
Accipitridae
Emberizidae
Sensitive
Sensitive
Northern Pintail
Anas acuta
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Sensitive
Lesser Scaup
Oldsquaw
White-winged
Scoter
Aythya affinis
Clangula hyemalis
Anseriformes
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Anatidae
Sensitive
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
3, 5, 6
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
Melanitta fusca
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Surf Scoter
Melanitta
perspicillata
Somateria
spectabilis
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Sensitive
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Sensitive
1, 2, 3, 6
Scolopacidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 8
Scolopacidae
Sensitive
2, 3, 5, 6
Laridae
Sensitive
5, 6, 8
Scolopacidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Scolopacidae
Sensitive
3, 6
Scolopacidae
Sensitive
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8
Charadriidae
Sensitive
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
Common Name
Anatum
Peregrine Falcon
Tundra
Peregrine Falcon
Yellow Rail
American White
Pelican
Tundra
Peregrine Falcon
Gray-headed
Chickadee
(formerly
Siberian Tit)
Buff-breasted
Sandpiper
American
Bittern
Golden Eagle
Harris's Sparrow
King Eider
Latin name
Least Sandpiper
Calidris minutilla
Semipalmated
Sandpiper
Calidris pusilla
Black Tern
Chlidonias niger
Common Snipe
(Wilson's snipe)
Gallinago gallinago
Whimbrel
Numenius phaeopus
Red-necked
Phalarope
American
Golden-Plover
40006 - July 2006
Phalaropus lobatus
Pluvialis dominica
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
59
Common Name
Caspian Tern
Lesser
Yellowlegs
American Coot
American
(formerly
Water) Pipit
Olive-sided
Flycatcher
Blackpoll
Warbler
Rusty Blackbird
Barn Swallow
Boreal
Chickadee
Bank Swallow
American Tree
Sparrow
White-throated
Sparrow
Short-eared Owl
Buff-breasted
Sandpiper
American
Bittern
Golden Eagle
Rock Ptarmigan
Northern Flicker
Pied-billed
Grebe
Canada Goose
American
Wigeon
Hairy
Woodpecker
Yellow-bellied
Sapsucker
Family
NWT Status
Present in
Ecozones
Laridae
Sensitive
5, 6, 8
Scolopacidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Rallidae
Sensitive
5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Motacillidae
Sensitive
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7
Passeriformes
Tyrannidae
Sensitive
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Dendroica striata
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Euphagus carolinus
Hirundo rustica
Poecile hudsonica
(formerly Parus
hudsonicus
Riparia riparia
Passeriformes
Passeriformes
Icteridae
Hirundinidae
Sensitive
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Paridae
Sensitive
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Hirundinidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Spizella arborea
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7
Zonotrichia
albicollis
Asio flammeus
Tryngites
subruficollis
Botaurus
lentiginosus
Aquila chrysaetos
Lagopus mutus
Colaptes auratus
Podilymbus
podiceps
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Sensitive
5, 6, 7, 8
Strigiformes
Charadriiform
es
Strigidae
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6
Scolopacidae
Sensitive
3, 6
Ciconiiformes
Ardeidae
Sensitive
5, 6, 8
Falconiformes
Galliformes
Piciformes
Podicipedifor
mes
Accipitridae
Phasianidae
Picidae
Sensitive
Sensitive
Sensitive
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Podicipedidae
Sensitive
6, 8
Branta canadensis
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8
Anas americana
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Picoides villosus
Piciformes
Picidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Sphyrapicus varius
Piciformes
Picidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Podicipedidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Podicipedidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Latin name
Sterna caspia
Tringa flavipes
Fulica americana
Anthus rubescens
(formerly
A.spinoletta)
Contopus cooperi
(formerly
C.borealis)
Horned Grebe
Podiceps auritus
Red-necked
Grebe
Podiceps grisegena
40006 - July 2006
Order
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Gruiformes
Podicipedifor
mes
Podicipedifor
mes
60
Common Name
Boreal Owl
(Richardson's
Owl)
Northern
Shoveler
Green-winged
Teal
Blue-winged
Teal
Mallard
Greater Whitefronted Goose
Ring-necked
Duck
Canvasback
Bufflehead
Common
Goldeneye
Common
Merganser
Red-breasted
Merganser
Ruddy Duck
Greater Scaup
Common
Nighthawk
Order
Family
NWT Status
Present in
Ecozones
Aegolius funereus
Strigiformes
Strigidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Anas clypeata
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Anas crecca
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Anas discors
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Anas platyrhynchos
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Anser albifrons
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
2, 3, 5, 6
Aythya collaris
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 8
Aythya valisineria
Bucephala albeola
Anseriformes
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Anatidae
Secure
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Bucephala clangula
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Mergus merganser
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Mergus serrator
Anseriformes
Anatidae
Secure
Oxyura jamaicensis
Aytha marila
Anseriformes
Anseriformes
Caprimulgifor
mes
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Anatidae
Anatidae
Secure
Secure
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 8
5, 6, 8
3, 4, 5, 6
Caprimulgidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Scolopacidae
Secure
2, 3, 6
Scolopacidae
Secure
2, 3, 6
Laridae
Secure
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8
Laridae
Secure
5, 6, 8
Laridae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Laridae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Laridae
Secure
5, 6, 8
Laridae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
8
Alcedinidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Latin name
Chordeiles minor
Dunlin
Calidris alpina
Pectoral
Sandpiper
Calidris melanotos
Herring Gull
Larus argentatus
California Gull
Larus californicus
Mew Gull
(short-billed
gull)
Bonaparte’s
Gull
Larus canus
Larus Philadelphia
Common Tern
Sterna hirundo
Arctic Tern
Sterna paradisaea
Belted
Kingfisher
Ceryle alcyon
40006 - July 2006
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Coraciiformes
61
Order
Family
NWT Status
Present in
Ecozones
Accipiter gentilis
Falconiformes
Accipitridae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Accipiter striatus
Falconiformes
Accipitridae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Buteo jamaicensis
Falconiformes
Accipitridae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Buteo lagopus
Falconiformes
Accipitridae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
Circus cyaneus
Falco columbarius
Falconiformes
Falconiformes
Accipitridae
Falconidae
Secure
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Falco sparverius
Falconiformes
Falconidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Haliaeetus
leucocephalus
Pandion haliatus
Bonasa umbellus
Dendragapus
canadensis
Falconiformes
Accipitridae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Falconiformes
Galliformes
Accipitridae
Phasianidae
Secure
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Galliformes
Phasianidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Lagopus lagopus
Galliformes
Phasianidae
Secure
2, 3, 4, 5, 6
Tympanuchus
phasianellus
Galliformes
Phasianidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Common Loon
Gavia immer
Gaviiformes
Gaviidae
Secure
Pacific Loon
Gavia pacifica
Gaviiformes
Gaviidae
Secure
Red-throated
Loon
Sandhill Crane
Gavia stellata
Gaviiformes
Gaviidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8
Grus canadensis
Petrochelidon
(Hirundo)
phyrrhonota
Pica hudsonia
(pica)
Gruiformes
Gruidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8
Passeriformes
Hirundinidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Corvidae
Secure
5, 6, 8
Piranga ludovicana
Passeriformes
Thraupidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Poecile atricapilla
(atricapillus)
Passeriformes
Paridae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Regulus calendula
Passeriformes
Regulidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Sayornis phoebe
Seiurus
noveboracensis
Porzana carolina
Agelaius
phoeniceus
Bombycilla
garrulus
Passeriformes
Tyrannidae
Secure
5, 6, 8
Passeriformes
Parulidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Gruiformes
Rallidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Bombycillidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Carduelis flammea
Passeriformes
Fringillidae
Secure
Carduelis pinus
Passeriformes
Fringillidae
Secure
Common Name
Northern
Goshawk
Sharp-shinned
Hawk
Red-tailed Hawk
Rough-legged
Hawk
Northern Harrier
Merlin
American
Kestrel
Bald Eagle
Osprey
Ruffed Grouse
Spruce Grouse
Willow
Ptarmigan
Sharp-tailed
Grouse
Cliff Swallow
Black-billed
magpie
Western
Tanager
Black-capped
Chickadee
Ruby-crowned
Kinglet
Eastern Phoebe
Northern
Waterthrush
Sora
Red-winged
Blackbird
Bohemian
Waxwing
Common
Redpoll
Siskin
40006 - July 2006
Latin name
62
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Hermit Thrush
Gray-cheeked
Thrush
Swainson’s
Thrush
Catharus guttatus
Catharus minimus
Bird
Passeriformes
Turdidae
Secure
Present in
Ecozones
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Turdidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7
Catharus ustulatus
Passeriformes
Turdidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Common Raven
Corvus corax
Passeriformes
Corvidae
Secure
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 8
Dendroica coronata
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Dendroica
magnolia
Dendroica
palmarum
Dendroica petechia
Empidonax alnorum
Empidonax
flaviventris
Empidonax minimus
Eremophila
alpestris
Junco hyemalis
Lanius excubitor
Loxia curvirostra
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Tyrannidae
Secure
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Tyrannidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Tyrannidae
Secure
Passeriformes
Alaudidae
Secure
Passeriformes
Passeriformes
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Laniidae
Fringillidae
Secure
Secure
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Loxia leucoptera
Passeriformes
Fringillidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Melospiza
georgiana
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Melospiza lincolni
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passerculus
sandwichensis
Perisoreus
canadensis
Zonotrichia
leucophrys
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Corvidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Setophaga ruticilla
Passeriformes
Parulidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Sitta canadensis
Passeriformes
Sittidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Spizella passerina
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Tachycineta bicolor
Turdus migratorius
Passeriformes
Passeriformes
Hirundinidae
Turdidae
Secure
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Tyrannus tyrannus
Passeriformes
Tyrannidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Vermivora celata
Passeriformes
Parulidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Common Name
Yellow-rumped
Warbler
Magnolia
Warbler
Palm Warbler
Yellow Warbler
Alder Flycatcher
Yellow-bellied
Flycatcher
Least Flycatcher
Horned Lark
Dark-eyed Junco
Northern Shrike
Red Crossbill
White-winged
Crossbill
Swamp Sparrow
Lincoln’s
Sparrow
Savannah
Sparrow
Gray Jay
White-crowned
Sparrow
American
Redstart
Red-breasted
Nuthatch
Chipping
Sparrow
Tree Swallow
American Robin
Eastern
Kingbird
Orange-crowned
Warbler
40006 - July 2006
Latin name
Order
Family
NWT Status
63
Common Name
Tennessee
Warbler
Warbling Vireo
Red-eyed Vireo
Wilson's
Warbler
Pileated
Woodpecker
Black-backed
Woodpecker
Downy
Woodpecker
Three-toed
Woodpecker
Great Horned
Owl
Snowy Owl
Great Grey Owl
Northern Hawk
Owl
Gadwall
Killdeer
Yellow-billed
Loon
Le Conte's
Sparrow
Song Sparrow
Fox Sparrow
Rose-breasted
Grosbeak
Pine Grosbeak
Snow Bunting
Ovenbird
Clay-colored
Sparrow
Philadelphia
Vireo
Blue-headed
(formerly
Solitary) Vireo
40006 - July 2006
Order
Family
NWT Status
Present in
Ecozones
Vermivora
peregrina
Vireo gilvus
Vireo olivaceus
Passeriformes
Parulidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Passeriformes
Vireonidae
Vireonidae
Secure
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Wilsonia pusilla
Passeriformes
Parulidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Dryocous pileatus
Piciformes
Picidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Picoides arcticus
Piciformes
Picidae
Secure
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Picoides pubescens
Piciformes
Picidae
Secure
5, 6, 7, 8
Picoides tridactylus
Piciformes
Picidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Bubo virginianus
Strigiformes
Strigidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Nyctea scandiaca
Strix nebulosa
Strigiformes
Strigiformes
Strigidae
Strigidae
Secure
Secure
1, 2, 3, 6
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Surnia ulula
Strigiformes
Strigidae
Secure
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Anas strepera
Charadrius
vociferus
Anseriformes
Charadriiform
es
Anatidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Charadriidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 7, 8
Gavia adamsii
Gaviiformes
Gaviidae
Undetermined
2, 3, 6
Ammodramus
leconteii
Melospiza melodia
Passerella iliaca
Pheucticus
ludovicianus
Pinicola enucleator
Plectrophenax
nivalis
Seiurus
aurocapillus
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Passeriformes
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Emberizidae
Undetermined
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Cardinalidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Passeriformes
Fringillidae
Undetermined
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Undetermined
1, 2, 3, 4, 6
Passeriformes
Parulidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Spizella pallida
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Vireo
philadelphicus
Passeriformes
Vireonidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Vireo solitarius
Passeriformes
Vireonidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Latin name
64
Common Name
Latin name
Order
Family
NWT Status
Present in
Ecozones
Lapland
Longspur
Smith's
Longspur
Calcarius
lapponicus
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Undetermined
1, 2, 3, 6
Calcarius pictus
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Undetermined
3, 4, 5, 6
Hoary Redpoll
Carduelis
hornemanni
Stercorarius
longicaudus
Stercorarius
parasiticus
Passeriformes
Fringillidae
Undetermined
1, 2, 3, 5, 6
Laridae
Undetermined
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6
Long-tailed
Jaeger
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Charadriiform
es
Laridae
Undetermined
1, 2, 3, 6
Scolopacidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Scolopacidae
Undetermined
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Scolopacidae
Undetermined
3, 6
Passeriformes
Tyrannidae
Undetermined
4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Passeriformes
Corvidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Dendroica tigrina
Passeriformes
Emberizidae
Undetermined
5, 6, 8
Limnodromus
griseus
Charadriiform
es
Scolopacidae
Not Assessed
5, 6, 8
Passer domesticus
Passeriformes
Passeridae
Exotic/Alien
5, 6, 8
Sturnus vulgaris
Passeriformes
Sturnidae
Exotic/Alien
3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8
Eared Grebe
Podiceps nigricollis
Podicipedifor
mes
Podicipedidae
Vagrant/
Accidental
5, 6
Parasitic Jaeger
Greater
Yellowlegs
Spotted
Sandpiper
Tringa melanoleuca
Actitis maclaria
Stilt Sandpiper
Calidris himantopus
Western WoodPewee
Contopus
sordidulus
Corvus
brachyrhynchos
American Crow
Cape May
Warbler
Short-billed
Dowitcher
House Sparrow
(English
Sparrow)
European
Starling
40006 - July 2006
65
4.0
AQUATIC ECOLOGY
4.1
INTRODUCTION
The Thaydene Nene straddles a number of Earth’s natural features, which relative to its nearly
400 km west to east at a latitude of about 62oN makes the area exceptionally rich and unique.
Within its boundaries, it includes two major drainage basins. To the west is the Mackenzie
watershed of the Arctic basin, and to the east is the Thelon watershed emptying into the Hudson
Bay basin. Within its west boundaries is the East Arm of Great Slave Lake, one of the world’s
great lake, and on the east, it adjuncts to the Thelon Game Sanctuary. The area also straddles as
well the Boreal forest to the west (adjoining Great Slave Lake), the Taiga in its center (with
Artillery Lake), and the Tundra to the northeast (adjacent to the Sanctuary).
In a NW-SE direction and crossing Artillery Lake are two important line features; the tree line,
and the permafrost line. Furthermore, the area is characterized by remoteness, cold temperature,
permafrost presence (east half section), and lack of daylight for a part of the year.
Geographically located between Great Slave Lake and Hudson-James Bays, these are very large
water bodies, which influence local weather conditions. These bring extremes climate annual
variation, ice-out and freeze up. It has relatively long, summer growing seasons and typical
light-dark regimes instead of the short, intense growing seasons and 24-h daylight in the great
North. All of these particulars of Thaydene Nene relative to large landscape features are rarely
found on such a relatively small geographic area.
In the Thaydene Nene area from the East Arm of the Great Slave Lake to about half way to
Artillery Lake, rivers and lakes are located on non-permafrost, sometime discontinued
permafrost terrains. Important sub-watersheds are the Barnston River and Hoarfrost River (with
Walmsley Lake) on the North Shore of the East Arm, including parts of the Lockhart River to up
to Artillery Lake. Draining most of the area south of the East Arm is the Snowdrift River. The
rivers and lakes contained in that area have hydrological and limnological properties that are
different from those east of Artillery Lake, on permafrost terrains, such as Clinton-Colden,
Tyrrell and Whitefish lakes of the Thelon River watershed.
4.2
MONITORING AND RESEARCH ACTIVITIES
The Thaydene Nene area is largely a pristine environment with rivers and lakes that can support
significant subsistence fisheries. Administratively, the responsibility for the research and
management of aquatic and fisheries resources and habitat within all of the NWT rests primarily
with the Central and Arctic Region of the Department of Fisheries and Oceans Canada.
40006 - July 2006
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Existing monitoring program in the region are generally based on project-specific monitoring by
companies. The Mackenzie Valley Resource Management Act (MVRMA), which was passed in
1997, establishes approaches to land, water and environmental management and considers
environmental effects of non-renewable resource developments. Environmental assessments of
development proposals are reviewed by such agencies as the Mackenzie Valley Environmental
Impact Review Board (MVEIRB).
In addition to legislative agencies, non-legislated
organizations have been created such as the Independent Environmental Monitoring Agency
(IEMA), and the Environmental Monitoring Advisory Board (EMAB). In this case, the IEMA
and the EMAB are registered societies funded by the proponents and overview the
environmental activities by proponents. There are no developments, mining or otherwise under
consideration at the moment within the Thaydene Nene.
The MVRMA also requires that a Cumulative Impact Monitoring (CIM) program be established
throughout the Mackenzie Valley. As part of its regular audit, its first audit report was submitted
earlier this year.
4.3
AQUATIC NUTRIENT CYCLING AND PRIMARY PRODUCTION
Encompassing three important ecosystems, the Thaydene Nene has freshwaters with aquatic
species expectedly adapted to a wide range of environmental conditions. From the deep lake of
the East Arm of Great Slave Lake to the smaller lakes, ponds, marshes and connecting waters of
the Canadian Shield, nutrient concentrations and net annual production are generally low
throughout the growing season.
In the East Arm of Great Slave Lake, most of the primary production comes from the
phytoplankton. Annual primary production value is a low 15 gC/m2 in McLeod and Christie
bays (Fee et al. 1985, Johnson 1975). Further east in all the small water bodies, nutrient
concentrations and primary production are also low. Variations in climate, run-off and nutrient
from the surrounding watersheds are expected to bring about significant variations in year-toyear primary production. Watershed and atmospheric inputs of organic matter and nutrient are
both very important (Sly 1995).
Because plankton concentrations are low, water clarity is generally high. Secchi depth in Great
Slave Lake is 10.7 m (Ryder 1972). In the clear shallow lakes and connecting waters of
Thaydene Nene, light can penetrate to the bottom and as a result, a significant part of the beds
may be covered by periphyton. In these same water bodies, primary production from rooted
aquatic plants, or macrophytes, may also be significant. Primary production from both
periphyton and macrophytes can be several times greater than that of phytoplankton (Johnson
1975).
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Across the Thaydene Nene area, variability in productivities of aquatic systems is likely linked to
nutrient availability, zooplankton feeding efficiencies in different parts of the food web, and
climate (Brylinsky and Mann 1973, McCart 1986). Zooplankton feeding efficiencies depend on
community structures, which are expected to be significant but different over the area due to the
post-glacial history that has influenced earlier species distribution.
Additional details regarding nutrients in waters may be found in Chapter 2 - Water and Sediment
Quality.
4.4
AQUATIC FOOD WEBS (SPECIES, RELATIONSHIPS)
The freshwater food web is made of communities of various life forms. The food web describes
patterns of energy flow that occur within ecosystems. It involves all life stages of plants and
animal in communities. A simplified summary of that food web for Thaydene Nene is provided
in Figure 4.4-1. It is of note that within the food web, there are many food chains. Each food
chain links the flow of energy between important members of a community. As expected in
northern ecosystems, the food chains may be short, and species redundancy may be limited as
well.
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Figure 4.4-1
Simplified food web of the freshwater ecosystem of the
Thaydene Nene area (after Sly et al. 2001)
40006 - July 2006
69
Bacteria and fungi are of major importance to the food web. Interestingly, they are often set
aside even when existing in vast numbers since our knowledge is very limited regarding their
contributions to northern food chains (Sly et al. 2001).
Phytoplankton organisms provide the primary production, and they include the free floating
green and blue-green algae, and diatoms (Fee et al. 1985). Primary production is also provided
by the periphyton and the macrophytes. Periphyton organisms include benthic algae and all of
the attached life forms (Bodaly et al. 1989). Rooted macrophytes include most of the aquatic
plants; floating, submerged, and emergent.
Zooplankton are often identified as secondary production and include organisms feeding
generally on phytoplankton (Fee et al. 1985). It is expected that within the boreal area of
Thaydene Nene, the zooplankton species composition will be at its highest. In particular, due to
a common post-glacial history over some of the area, many species should occur widely across
the region, including some cladocerans, cyclopoids, and calanoids. The shrimp-like amphipods
(Gammarus and Pontoporeia) and mysids (Mysis relicta) are typical of larger lakes (Healey and
Woodall 1973, Johnson 1973, Fee et al. 1985). The ancient McConnell Glacial Lake with its
track from the East Arm to Artillery Lake, and to Clinton-Colden Lake further north should be
an area of greater similarities in zooplankton communities. In the tundra streams, larval drift is
comprised mostly of insects (Dipterans) and small crustaceans (BHP and Dia Met 1995).
Macroinvertebrates are part of secondary production and include chironomids (Dipteran midges),
oligocheates (annelid worms), sphaeriid bivalves (clams), and small gasteropods (snails) as
typical benthic feeders. The earlier life stages of many aquatic insects (larvae and nymph) are
also adapted to smaller water bodies such as streams (blackfly, mayfly, stonefly) and ponds
(caddisfly and mosquito). Insects feed on detritus such as fungi, bacteria and diatoms (Moore
1977, 1979).
Small-bodied fishes feed on the primary production and are thus considered primary consumers.
Primary consumers represent the second level of productivity, or secondary production, and is an
important link between lower and upper parts of the food web. These small fishes include the
Trout-perch Percopsis omiscomaycus, Ninespine Sticklebacks Pungitius pungitius, Lake Chub
Couesius plumbeus, Emerald Shiner Notropis atherinoides, Longnose Sucker Catostomus
catostomus, Slimy Sculpin Cottus cognatus, Four-horned Sculpin Myoxocephalus quadricornis,
and Lake Cisco Coregonus artedi (8 fish species).
More specifically, Trout-perch is common in warmer waters of streams and shallow lakes where
it feeds on insects and zooplankton. Ninespine Stickleback occurs in similar habitats but feeds
on insects and crustaceans. Lake Chub has a similar diet, including feeding on algae. Emerald
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Shiner lives at the surface of large rivers and lakes with clear to slightly turbid waters. It feeds
on zooplankton and aquatic insects. Longnose Sucker is a large bottom feeder of macroinvertebrates. They tend to be in shallow to moderate depths of streams and lakes. Slimy
Sculpin is a cold-water species and occurs in streams and lakes to depths of 30 m or more. The
Four-horned Sculpin is a well-known “glacial relict” and is associated with all of the Canadian
great lakes to depths greater than 350 m. Both sculpin species are bottom feeders of macroinvertebrates. Lake Cisco is a plankton feeder in many rivers and lakes.
Larger-bodied fishes feed on secondary production and are part of the secondary consumers,
therefore representing the tertiary production. These include Goldeye Hiodon alosoides,
Northern Pike Esox lucius, Yellow Perch Perca flavescens, Walleye Stizostedion vitreum
vitreum, Inconnu Stenodus leucichthys, Lake Whitefish Coregonus clupeaformis, Round
Whitefish Coregonus cylindraceum, Arctic Grayling Thymallus arcticus, Lake Trout Salvelinus
namaycush, and Burbot Lota lota. (10 fish species).
Goldeye has a diet that includes small fish and is adapted to turbid waters in warmer and shallow
lakes. Northern Pike also prefer warmer and shallow lakes, and prefer to eat small fish. Yellow
Perch and Walleye feed on small fish and are adapted to slightly turbid waters. Inconnu eats
exclusively smaller fish and is occurring in cold waters of most large water bodies, along with
Lake Whitefish and Round Whitefish. The last two species tend to be segregated within lakes by
their preferences for feeding on different benthic communities. Arctic Grayling occurs in many
mainland streams, rivers and some lakes, with a diet of small fish, stream drift insects as well as
surface insects. It occurs as well along the rocky northern shore of Great Slave Lake. Lake
Trout is the most widespread fish species in the region (Bodaly et al. 1989). Lake Trout move to
deep water as surface waters warm above 10oC. It feeds on a wide variety of food sources with
a preference for amphipods, mysids and small fish. Ciscoes may form much of its diet where
available. Burbot is a cold-water species that occurs to depths of 100 m or more. It feeds on
small fish, including juvenile whitefishes, ciscoes, sculpins, sticklebacks, as well as amphipods,
mysids, and small molluscs. It is of note that prior to becoming large adult fishes and secondary
consumers, these fishes were primary consumers during their juvenile stages.
Based on the food web for the freshwater ecosystem (Figure 4.4-1) of the Thaydene Nene area,
even sub-areas, a consideration could be given in predicting plants or animal communities, or
assemblages. However, it is of note that attempts have been that in fish for instance, community
structure (assemblages) is reportedly unpredictable in the Northwestern Territories (McCart and
Den Beste 1979, McCart 1986, Bodaly et al. 1989).
Energy budgets and constraints from living in a sub-Arctic climate may lead some fish species to
spawn at wider time intervals, and not necessarily annually. Energetic constraints would be
dictated by the limited food supply and inability to convert as much energy into reproduction as
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do the same species in more southern distribution. Arctic Char and Lake Trout may spawn every
other year or once every three years (McCart and Den Beste 1979, Power 1997). Furthermore,
constraints in food supply may also be reflected by seasonal variations in diet and trophic
relationships (Little et al. 1998).
Most fish species are opportunistic feeders. From a preferred diet, an invertebrate feeder such as
Longnose Sucker may consume small fishes and some plant material. It is known in Northern
Pike that it includes reptiles, birds and mammals as part of their diet (Little et al. 1998). In the
Lower Slave River, there are some dietary overlaps between invertebrate feeders and Walleye
during the spring. There are also dietary overlaps between Walleye and Northern Pike during the
summer. Any of the species listed earlier, from young-of-the-year to being adults, they may
represent shallow water prey species. Deepwater prey species may include Burbot and Lake
Chub (Little et al. 1998).
4.5
IDENTIFICATION AND DISCUSSION OF STRESSORS
Freshwater ecosystems in the Thaydene Nene area are sensitive to a wide range of anthropogenic
and natural stressors. These stressors include:
•
•
•
•
•
4.5.1
Contaminants
Harvesting
Habitat Disruption and Disturbance
Species Introductions
Climate Change
Contaminants
Contaminants to the region may come from human and natural sources, and may originate from
near as well as distant areas. Local sources of contaminants may include mines and sewage, and
other industries as well as natural sources like soil, bedrock and forest fires. However, chemicals
may be transported globally through atmospheric transport and subsequent deposition (MRBB
2004). A large part of the contaminant burden in fish found in the Thaydene Nene and further
north continue to be from long range transport of atmospheric pollutants (Sly et al. 2001). The
major sources of atmospheric contaminants to the Thaydene Nene or the greater NWT are
countries other than Canada (NCP 2003). Figure 4.5-1 shows a simplified schematic for
atmospheric contaminant pathway and deposition in the Arctic.
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Figure 4.5-1
Simplified pathway for contaminant transport and deposition
in the Arctic environment (AMAP 2002a)
Several persistent organic contaminants from external sources of emission have been identified
at low concentrations in the food web (EC 1991). These include DDT and derivatives, PCBs and
other organochlorines (Kidd et al. 1998). Mercury and some radioactive materials have also
been noted as external and internal to the region.
Recent contaminant concentrations generally associated with fish in the Thaydene Nene region
and further north are summarized in Figure 4.5-2. It shows the relationships between toxaphene
and trophic level, and particularly the effects of accumulation in freshwater biota and
biomagnification through successive trophic levels of the food web. 15N represents parts per
thousand difference from atmospheric standard, and tissue 15N/14N is an effective means of
characterizing trophic levels, that increase at each trophic transfer (Atwell et al. 1998).
Concentrations increase with each trophic level in the food web.
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Figure 4.5-2
Relation between toxaphene and trophic levels (δ15N %)
in the East Arm of Great Slave Lake
Fish contaminant concentrations reflect trophic position and differences in diet, as well as body
condition or fat content (Table 4.5-1; Muir et al. 1997). Contaminant concentrations generally
decline: Burbot>Lake Trout>Inconnu>Walleye>Whitefish. In both Walleye and Burbot, the
significance of DDT, PCB, HCB, and toxaphene contaminants are emphasized in Table 4.5-2.
Muscle and liver tissues concentrations are not to be compared. However, similar contaminant
trends can be observed in both species in the Slave River or the two lakes from another drainage.
These data indicate clearly the role of long-range atmospheric transport as a major pathway of
many contaminants to the Thaydene Nene and further up north. As for total PAH
concentrations, fish do not bioconcentrate PAHs and thus fish species from different location
from Thaydene Nene and further north show relatively little variation. (Table 4.5-3). Finally,
regarding Hg the existing data (Table 4.5-4) indicate that Hg levels are already close to critical
levels for unlimited consumption (Muir et al. 1994). Mercury concentrations are close to Health
and Welfare Canada guidelines for sport fish consumption (0.5 ug/g) and exceeded those for
unlimited consumption (0.2 ug/g).
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Table 4.5-1
Comparison of organic contaminants in fish from the Slave River
and two lakes (from areas of different drainage)
Collected 1990-1993
Slave River
Leyland L.
Walleye (whole fish)
Ng/g wet wt
Collected 1988-1994
Slave R.
Chitty/AlexieL.
Burbot (liver)
Ng/g wet wt
ΣHCH
0.6-11
0.8-4
1-36
1-22
Chlordane
Dieldrin
0.7-7
0.9-7
5-21
1-3
1-6
7-26
1-16
1-54
5-286
2-12
2-9
1.6-74
1-5
0.9-6
0.5-14
na
na
1-137
0.9-12
<0.1-55
0.3-2.3
0.2-2.6
1-3
1-4
0.6-11
Na
Na
0.6-90
0.8-6
0.4-11
0.2-0.6
Nd
4-177
1.2-32
0.8-14
1-77
1.8-122
44-1887
0.9-223
1.5-1078
1-45
<0.1-16
1-18
1.6-31
Nd
Nd
Nd
15-112
0.8-29
0.9-431
0.7-3.3
Nd
ΣDDT
HCB
Heptaclor Epoxide
Endrin
Mirex
Photo Mirex
Toxaphene
Non-coplanarPCBs
Coplanar PCBs
2,3,7,8,TCDF 1
2,3,7,8,TCDD 1
1, Concentration pg/g wet wt.
na, not available.
nd, non detected.
Table 4.5-2
Recent contaminant concentrations in fish species
from Great Slave Lake (GSL)
Contaminants
ΣHCH
ΣChlordane
ΣDDT
ΣPCB
Toxaphene
A
3.2
64.8
30.4
114
311
B
138
762
C
D
Fishes
E
F
G
H
I
62.8
38.2
106
367
3.9
15.9
7.7
31.1
86.3
1.4
11
10
18
55
0.2
0.7
0.6
1.4
0.4
11.5
65.5
69.5
25.9
8.3
22.2
104
12.6
4.1
12.9
77.4
A, Burbot liver (GSL); B, Burbot liver (GSL-East Arm); C, Burbot muscle (GSL); D, Lake Trout muscle (GSL); E,
Inconnu muscle (GSL, with high fat content); F, Walleye muscle (GSL); G, Walleye muscle (Slave R.); H, Lake
Whitefish muscle (GLS); I, Lake Cisco muscle (GSL).
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Table 4.5-3.
PAHs in fish muscle from the Northwest Territories
Fish Species
Lake Whitefish
Lake Trout
Round Whitefish
Walleye
Northern Pike
Burbot
Longnose Sucker
Northern Pike
1
Location
Total of 25 PAHs 1
Ng/g wet wt
Ft. Smith
Lac de Gras
Lac de Gras
Ft. Smith
Slave R.
Slave R.
Liard R.
Hay R.
11.1
7.3
7.3
6.9
6.5
5.2
4.2
3.3
, excluding retene and perylene.
Table 4.5-4.
Mercury concentrations in muscle tissue of fish species from NWT
Fish Species
Location
ΣHg
ug/g wet wt
Arctic Char
Queen Maud Gulf
Dease Strait
L. Ste. Therese
Coleville L.
Great Slave L.
L. Belot
L. Ste. Therese
Coleville L.
Hay R.
Slave R.
Slave R.
Hay R.
Slave R.
L. Ste. Therese
Hay R.
Slave R.
0.06
0.03
0.95
0.28
0.20
0.10
0.82
0.02
0.07
0.08
0.10
0.32
0.34
1.34
0.22
0.34
Lake Trout
Lake Whitefish
Inconnu
Northern Pike
Walleye
In recent time, the effect of climate change on contaminants has been of most concern, although
somewhat speculative. The difficulty in understanding change results from the inability to detect
current trends because data collections are neither long nor comprehensive and a lack of
understanding of the linkages between easily understood changes like ice cover, and those of
greater complexity like ecological structure and function and the hydrological cycle (Macdonald
et al. 2003).
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4.5.2 Harvesting
Within Thaydene Nene, fishing for sport or subsistence purposes is an important source of
income for residents of the area or household food (McCart and Den Beste 1979). Fishing is an
activity with important cultural and social connections to the land, particularly for the aboriginal
inhabitants. Lake Trout, Arctic Grayling, and Northern Pike are important species for
recreational and tourist fishing.
While most fish populations and stocks remain healthy because of the low human population
density over the landscape, local overexploitation has occurred in the past in some areas of
NWT. The only large-scale commercial fishery near Thaydene Nene is the year-round fishery in
Great Slave Lake that has been active since the 1940s. This fishery provides primarily Lake
Whitefish, Lake Trout and Northern Pike to the local and US markets at levels that are below the
total allowable catch for the lake. It is of note that the East Arm of Great Slave Lake is closed to
commercial fishing. Lake Trout were virtually extirpated from the East Arm in 1974 (Davies et
al. 1987, Hubert 1989). Since, small stocks of Lake Trout remained in the East Arm and have
slowly rebuilt but large trophy Lake Trout are still lacking. Lake Trout in the East Arm support
a highly valued recreational fishery and subsistence fisheries at Lutselk’e and Reliance (Hubert
1989, McCart and Den Beste 1979). A total of four fishing lodges are presently operating on the
East Arm catering over 1,000 guests annually. Beside Great Slave Lake, there has also been
commercial fishing on lakes in the Lockhart and Camsell rivers at various times (Sly et al. 2001).
Based on nutrient levels and amounts of phytoplankton, long-term sustainable fish yield
estimates within Thaydene Nene and further north are typically less than 0.5 kg/ha per year. For
this reason, many northern lakes are managed for Lake Whitefish, but the by-catch is
problematic and still severely depleting Lake Trout stocks (McCart and Den Beste 1979).
In general, it appears that stress due to exploitation is increasing as a result of greater access to
fish resources. This stress is associated with the facilities themselves (lodges and camps) but
also the increase network of roads (public, mining and forestry, including electrical
transmission), off-road travel, and the accidental fires.
4.5.3
Habitat Disruption and Disturbance
In more southern environments, habitat change and exotic species introductions have caused the
most damage to wild native species with subsequent impact on the economy (NWT Biodiversity
Team 2004, MRBB 2004). Fish species that already have limited habitat will always be most
susceptible to habitat changes (NWT Biodiversity Team 2004).
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In the NWT, sources of habitat disruption and disturbance include natural and semi-natural
changes. Natural events may include increase wave actions on lakes and significant shoreline
erosion and sediment released into the water column. Semi-natural events are such as that
occurring through climate change, which causes changes in ice cover, snowfall, permafrost and
water levels, and through anthropogenic change such as that caused by land use changes,
including mining and hydroelectric developments, and land clearing. Potential hydroelectric
development has been identified in the immediate area, including the Barnston, Hoarfrost and
Lockhart systems (Sly et al. 2001). In mining where tailing dams are built, fish compensation
plan are implemented with no-net loss of fish habitat.
4.5.4
Species Introductions
Species introductions may prove to be one of the most damaging stressors to the native species
and communities. Current Canadian legislation provides a list of species that must be prevented
from entering Canada. However, this style of reactive legislation requires prior knowledge of the
species entry as well as potential for damage to the receiving ecosystem. The NWT Wildlife Act
provides some measure of protection against species introduction by requiring that the
importation of wildlife first be permitted. With respect to the NWT freshwater systems, legal
introduction of fish has included rainbow trout Oncorhynchus mykiss and brook trout Salvelinus
fontinalis. However, this type of introduction is no longer permitted (NWT Biodiversity Team
2004).
Pathways of introduction include the road, ship travel, road maintenance, land clearing, land
restoration, farming and importation. However, the NWT does not have an international
shipping port, and this eliminates a major source of contamination. Tools to block these
pathways include education, inter-jurisdictional cooperation, monitoring for species and
preventative policies and legislation (NWT Biodiversity Team 2004).
4.5.5
Climate Change
Warming in the Arctic will results from a change in the circulation modes of the Arctic Ocean
(Marsh 1998). The NWT hydrological system will be particularly sensitive to climate change
because of the dominance of frozen water, ice, snow, glaciers and permafrost. Changes in
temperature and precipitation will ultimately combine to change the hydrological cycle of the
NWT (Anisimov and Fitzharris 2001). However, physical changes due to warming is still
somewhat speculative and effects may offset each other.
An earlier transition from winter to spring and more water storage capacity as permafrost is
expected and this is anticipated to result in a more drawn out melt with less intense runoff
resulting in less seasonal fluctuation in flow (Anisimov and Fitzharris 2001). More precipitation
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will be delivered as rain resulting in flattening of the seasonal flow cycle and an increase in
winter flow under ice (Anisimov and Fitzharris 2001). A decrease in ice jams may cause
problems in perched lakes that rely on seasonal high floods to receive water (Anisimov and
Fitzharris 2001). However, warming may also result in a shortened snowmelt that results in
flooding followed by drought in the later growing season and this will be reinforced by land use
changes including forest harvesting (Gitay et al. 2001) and, rivers may also become more prone
to ice jams potentially resulting in larger flood peaks. Finally, it is also expected that
evaporation and transpiration will increase and thus likely result in a reduction in the ponded
water and runoff (Anisimov and Fitzharris 2001).
Loss of permafrost will allow for water exchange between surface water and groundwater that
was once blocked by the permafrost layer and this new exchange could lead to drainage of
smaller ponds. This same loss of permafrost may also lead to the formation of new wetlands or
ponds, even drainage systems through thermokarst development (Anisimov and Fitzharris 2001).
Thermokarst results from the melting of permafrost that subsequently collapses forming mounds,
pits, troughs and depressions that may fill with water (Gitay et al. 2001).
Warming is generally expected to result in shifts in geographic distribution of freshwater biota
and the potential to affect the freshwater food chain (Macdonald et al. 2003). Climatic warming
of 4 to 10ºC, as predicted by the end of the century, is likely to lead to increases in
decomposition, nutrient release and primary production (Gitay et al. 2001). Microbial
decomposition will be enhanced with increases in water temperature. Similarly, changes in
water level will affect any fish that depend on small refugia in the winter (Macdonald et al.
2003).
Changes in snow and ice cover will result in changes to the light and nutrient availability of
freshwater systems (Macdonald et al. 2003). Total productivity should increase with an increase
in the ice-free season, thinner ice cover and warmer overall water temperatures (Anisimov and
Fitzharris 2001). The shortened ice season may result in thinner ice cover allowing for more
under-ice productivity from increased solar radiation penetration and less ice jamming
(Anisimov and Fitzharris 2001). This will be further enhanced by increases in available organic
matter and nutrients that will drain from the more biologically productive terrestrial system and
the thawed permafrost layer (Anisimov and Fitzharris 2001, Macdonald et al. 2003) and because
less ice cover will allow for greater mixing of relatively nutrient rich runoff during freshet
(Macdonald et al. 2003).
An increase in under-ice productivity due to the decrease in ice thickness will result in an
increase in oxygen production and decrease in the potential for winter fish kills. However, the
depth of mixing and lower oxygen concentrations that will result from the longer ice-free season
may stress coldwater organisms (Anisimov and Fitzharris 2001).
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In the Thaydene Nene area and further north, longer ice-free seasons are likely to result in
increases to tourism, oil and gas exploration and other industrial activities that bring the potential
for associated contamination and the introduction of exotic species and diseases. It is also
possible that warmer temperatures will result in demographic shifts such that the population
increases resulting in increased demand on the local environment and associated local
contaminant release from power use, fuel consumption, and sewage production (Sly et al. 2001,
Macdonald et al. 2003).
4.6
DISTRIBUTION AND ABUNDANCE OF FISH SPECIES
Lindsey and McPhail (1986) estimated that there were 45 species of freshwater and anadromous
species in the Great Slave Lake and tributaries. Of these, 3 species are introduced (Cutthroat
Trout Salmo clarki, Brown Trout Salmo trutta, Brook Trout Salvelinus fontinalis). In the Thelon
Watershed, Crossman and McAllister (1986) estimated the total number of fish species was 17.
Ice retreated eastward across the region and became ice free by 10,000 BP. Today’s fish fauna
composition of the Thaydene Nene origins from three refugia; (1) Yukon (Bering Sea and
Siberia); (2) area south of glaciation and west of the Continental Divide (Cascadia); and (3) the
Mississippi River Basin, south of glaciation and east of the Continental Divide. Much detail is
presented in these two accounts in regards to post-glacial biogeography of the fishes of the area.
Commercial, sport and subsistence fishing activities occur throughout the area and some of the
most important fish species are certainly Lake Trout, Lake Whitefish, Burbot, Northern Pike,
Walleye and Arctic Grayling. The following account by species relates to their occurrences on
the landscape, aspects of their habitats, and in particular the Thaydene Nene area. Information
sources are Scott and Crossman (1979), Crossman and McAllister (1986), Lindsey and McPhail
(1986), and Coad (1995).
4.6.1 Lake Trout
Lake Trout can live to an age of 60 or more, and grow to be the largest freshwater fish in NWT
and Nunavut (Bodaly et al. 1989, Johnson 1973, 1976). Its distribution encompasses both
watersheds in the Thaydene Nene; the Mackenzie and the Thelon. Lake Trout occurs in
relatively deep lakes, but in NWT and Nunavut, it also occurs in shallow lakes and in rivers.
Lake Trout disperse widely to overwinter, and may move 100 km or more in some watersheds
(McCart and Den Beste 1979). At ice break-up, they may concentrate to feed in the surface. But
in summer, Lake Trout move to deeper waters. Spawning occurs in shallow waters on coarse
material in late September or October.
The species takes longer to mature with increasing latitude. In Great Slave Lake Trout, from the
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age of maturity on, have a low natural mortality. During its early-life history however, larval
and juvenile survival rates are low. With this type of survival pattern over its life cycle, Lake
Trout individuals once removed from the lake are replaced only slowly, which makes them
sensitive to fishing pressures, and certainly vulnerable to overfishing. Late sexual maturity
occurs between 7 to 14 years of age, or even older in Great Slave Lake, and in many sub-Arctic
lakes such as that in the Thaydene Nene, Lake Trout may not reproduce each year.
4.6.2
Lake Whitefish
Lake Whitefish occurs throughout most of the mainland in NWT and Nunavut. More
specifically, it occurs in the Mackenzie watershed as well as the Thelon watershed of the
Thaydene Nene. In general, populations are abundant in large lakes and large rivers. Lake
Whitefish is the main commercial fish of Great Slave Lake (main basin). It has a greater rate of
replacement, and as a result is more responsive to fishing pressure than Lake Trout (Healey
1975, Johnson 1976). In Great Slave Lake area and with an average annual mortality of 0.2, the
peak biomass of a Lake Whitefish population is 7 years of age. Lake Whitefish is regarded as a
schooling fish.
They spawn in the fall, usually in late September and October, on coarse bottom materials in
shallow waters before ice formation. Evidence suggests that they may spawn only every second
to third year.
4.6.3
Burbot (Loche)
The burbot is distributed over the entire mainland in NWT and Nunavut. Burbot move into
shallow waters during summer nights. Early summer habitats include river channels of lakes and
rivers. In summer however, burbot moves to deeper waters with Lake Trout, the Whitefishes and
Sculpins. Burbot is a sedentary and predatory fish. In winter, burbot is often caught incidentally
during sport and subsistence anglers while ice-fishing for Lake Trout.
Burbot is one rare Canadian fish to spawn in midwinter under the ice. It may spawn from
January to March in northern Canada. Spawning is generally occurring in lakes and rivers in 1 m
deep over sand or gravel in shallow bays, or on gravel shoals in 1 to 2 m deep.
4.6.4
Northern Pike
Northern Pike is distributed throughout most of the mainland in NWT and Nunavut. It occurs in
both the Mackenzie and Thelon watersheds of the Thaydene Nene. The pike habitat is generally
clear, warmer waters, slow and meandering, and heavily vegetated rivers and lakes. However,
pike occurs in a wide range of habitat. Northern pike tends to be sedentary. In general, it occurs
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in shallower waters in spring and fall, but move to deeper waters in the summer.
Northern pike spawn in the spring after ice melts. It spawns on heavy vegetation of last year’s
growth in floodplains of rivers and lakes, marshes and bays of large lakes.
4.6.5
Walleye
The name walleye comes from their silvery eyes due to both reflections from the eye’s bottom
layer tissue and the milky cornea. Its distribution in NWT is limited to the Mackenzie watershed
and therefore is not expected in the Thelon watershed of the Thaydene Nene area. Walleye
occurs in both turbid and clear lakes. It prefers turbid lakes due to their very sensitive eyes,
which limit their activity when inhabiting clear waters. Water depth preferred is from shallow to
moderate, to about 20 m. They swim in schools and perform morning and evening migrations
into the shallows to feed.
Walleye spawn in June or later in NWT usually after ice break up. It may not spawn in some
years if weather is not favourable. Populations spawn in ice-free streams and rivers on clean
gravels and stones, and also spawn along the gravel shorelines in lakes under the ice.
4.6.6
Arctic Grayling
In Arctic Grayling, the large size of its dorsal fin, particularly in males, is the most striking
feature of this trout-like fish. It occurs in all drainages of NWT mainland and Nunavut, therefore
including both the Mackenzie and Thelon watersheds of the Thaydene Nene area. Habitats
include clear and cold waters of rivers and shallows of lakes. In the Great Slave Lake area,
Arctic Grayling is associated with Lake Trout, Inconnu, Lake Whitefish and Round Whitefish,
and Northern Pike. On Great Slave Lake, Graylings are caught only to 3 m depth. Their ease of
capture, late maturity and slow growth, as well as need for high water quality and cold, endanger
them in areas where human presence in increasing.
Grayling spawn during the first ice break-up in smaller streams, in about April in sub-Arctic
habitats. Adults migrate from ice-covered lakes and from large rivers to small tributaries with
small gravel to rock bottom substrates. There are no nest or redd prepared by this species.
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4.7
REFERENCES
Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP). 2002a. AMAP Assessment 2002: The
influence of global change on contaminant pathways to, within, and from the Arctic.
Anisimov, O., and B. Fitzharris. 2001. Polar Regions (Arctic and Antarctic). In: McCarthy, J.J.,
O.F. Canziani, N.A. Leary, D.J. Dokken, and K.S. White (Editors). 2001. Climate Change 2001:
Impacts, Adaptation, and Vulnerability.
Atwell, L., K.A. Hodson, H.E. Welch. 1998. Biomagnification and bioaccumulation of mercury
in an Arctic marine food web: insights from stable nitrogen analysis. Can. J. Fish. Aquat. Sci. 55:
1114-1121.
Bodaly, R.A., Reist, J.D., Rosenberg, D.M., McCart, P.J., and R.E. Hecky. 1989. Fish and
fisheries of the Mackenzie and Churchill River basins, northern Canada. Pages: 128-144. In:
Proceedings of the international large river symposium. Edited by: Dodge, G.P. Can. Spec. Publ.
Fish. Aquat. Sci. 106.
Brylinsky, M., and K.H. Mann. 1973. An analysis of factors governing productivity in lakes and
reservoirs. Limnol. Oceanog. 5: 1-14.
BHP Diamond Inc. and DIA MET Minerals Ltd. 1995. NWT Diamonds Project environmental
impact statement: summary of the environmental impact statement. Report. Vancouver.
Coad, B.W. (1995). Encyclopedia of Canadian fishes. Canadian Museum of Nature and
Canadian Sportfishing Productions. 928 p.
Crossman, E.J. and D.E. McAllister. (1986). Zoogeography of freshwater fishes of the Hudson
Bay drainage, Ungava Bay and the Arctic Archipelago. Pages 53-104. In: The zoogeography of
North American freshwater fishes. Edited by: Hocutt, C.H., and E.O. Wiley. John Wiley and
Sons, New York. 866 p.
Davies, S. Kroeker, K., and D. MacDonell. 1987. Commercial fisheries of the Northwest
Territories – An historical perspective. DEDT, GNWT, Yellowknife. Report 54 p.
Fee, E.J., Staiton, M.P., and H.J. Kling. 1985. Primary production and related limnological data
for some lakes of the Yellowknife NWT area. Can. Tech. Rept. Fish. Aquat. Sci. 1409. 55 p.
Gitay, H., S. Brown, W. Easterline, and B. Jallow. 2001. Ecosystems and their Goods and
Services. In: McCarthy, J.J., O.G. Canziani, N.A. Leary, D.J. Dokken, and K.S. White. Climate
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Change 2001. Impacts, Adapttion, and Vulnerability.
Healey, M.C., and W.L. Woodall. 1973. Limnological surveys of seven lakes near Yellowknife,
Northwest Territories. Fish Res. Board Can. Tech. Rept. 407. 34 p.
Hubert, B. 1989. A draft management plan for lake trout in the East Arm of Great Slave Lake, a
discussion paper prepared for the Great Slave Lake Advisory Committee. Hubert and Associates
Ltd., Yellowknife. Report. 78 p.
Johnson, L. 1973. Stock and recruitment in some unexploited Canadian Arctic lakes. Rapp. P. V. Réun. Cons. Int. Explor. Mer 164: 219-227.
Johnson, L. 1975. Great Bear Lake: A historical review. J. Fish. Res. Board Canada 32: 19592005.
Johnson, L. 1976. Ecology of Arctic populations of Lake Trout, Salvelinus namaycush,
Whitefish, Coregonus clupeaformis, Arctic Charr, S. alpinus, and associated species in
unexploited lakes of the Canadian Northwest Territories. J. Fish. Res. Board Canada 33: 24592488.
Kidd, K.A., D.W. Schindler, R.H. Hesslein, and D.C.G. Muir. 1998. Effects of trophic position
and lipid on organochlorines concentrations in fishes from sub-Arctic in Yukon Territory. Can. J.
Fish Aquat. Sci. 55: 869-881.
Lindsey, C.C., and J.D. McPhail. (1986). Zoogeography of fishes of the Yukon and Mackenzie
basins. Pages 639-674. In: The zoogeography of North American freshwater fishes. Edited by:
Hocutt, C.H., and E.O. Wiley. John Wiley and Sons, New York. 866 p.
Little, A.S., W.M. Tonn, R.F. Tallman, and J.D. Reist. 1998. Seasonal variation in diet and
trophic relationships within the fish communities of the slower Slave River, Northwest
Territories, Canada. Environ. Biol. Fish. 53: 429-445.
Macdonald, R., T. Harner, and J. Fyfe. 2003. The interaction of climate change with contaminant
pathways to and within the Canadian Arctic. In: Northern Contaminants Program. Canadian
Arctic Contaminant Assessment Report II. Sources, Occurrence, Trends and Pathways in the
Physical Environment.
Marsh, P. 1998. Lakes and Water in the Mackenzie Delta. Scientific Report No. 6. Aurora
Research Institute.
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McCart, P.J. 1986. Fish and fisheries of the Mackenzie system. Pages: 493-515. In: The ecology
of river systems. Edited by: Davies, B.R., and K.F. Walker. Dr. W. Junk, Publ. Dordrecht.
McCart, P.J., and D. Beste. 1979. Aquatic resources of the Northwest Territories. DIF, GNWT,
Science Advisory Board, Yellowknife. 55 p.
Moore, J.W. 1977. Relative availability and utilization of algae in two sub-Arctic rivers.
Hydrobiologia 54: 201-208.
Moore, J.W. 1979. Diversity and indicator species as measures of water pollution in a sub-Arctic
lake. Hydrobiologia 66: 73-80.
Mackenzie River Basin Board (MRBB). 2004. Mackenzie River Basin. State of the Aquatic
Ecosystem Report 2003. Report 213 p.
Muir, D.C.G., W.L. Lockhart, J. Gibson, K. Koczanski, B. Grift, K. Kidd, G. Stern, G. Tomy, B.
Rosenberg, R. Hunt, J. DeLaronde, B. Billeck, A. MacCutcheon, and D. Tenkula. 1997.
Contaminant trends in freshwater and marine fish. Pages 207-213. In: Synopsis of research
conducted under the 1996/1998 Northern Contaminants Program. Edited by: Jensen, J. INAC.,
Environ. Studies 74.
Northern Contaminants Program (NCP). 2003. Canadian Arctic Contaminants Assessment
Report II. Contaminant levels, trends and effects in the biological environment.
NWT Biodiversity Team. 2004. Northwest Territories Biodiversity Action Plan; Major
Initiatives on Biodiversity. Department of Resources, Wildlife and Economic Development,
Government of the Northwest Territories, Yellownife, NT. 202 p.
Power, G. 1997. A review of fish ecology in Arctic North America. Am. Fish. Soc. Symp. 19:
13-39.
Reist, J.D. 1997. The Canadian perspective on issues in Arctic Fisheries Management and
Research. Am. Fish. Soc. Symp. 19: 4-12.
Ryder, R.A. 1972. The limnology and fishes of oligotrophic glacial lakes in North America. J.
Fish. Res. Bd. Canada 29: 617-628.
Scott, W.B., and E.J. Crossman. (1979). Freshwater fishes of Canada. Fisheries Research Board
of Canada. Bulletin No.184. 966 p.
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Sly, P.G. 1995. Human impacts on the Hudson Bay region: present and future environmental
concerns. Pages 171-263 In: The contaminants in the nordic ecosystem – The dynamics,
processes and fate. Edited by: Munawar, M., and M. Luotola. Ecovis. World Mono. Ser., SPB
Publ., Amsterdam.
Sly, P.G., L. Lutra, R. Freeman, and J. McCullum. 2001. Updated state of knowledge report of
the West Kitikmeot and Slave Geological Province. Final Report, May. 334 p.
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5.0
HUMAN HISTORY
5.1
INTRODUCTION
5.1.1
Purpose of Work
The document developed for this project was commissioned by the Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation
as a part of the work to develop a national park in the area defined as the Thaydene Nene area by
the Elders and residents of the community of Lutsel K’e. The area encompasses much of the east
end of Great Slave Lake, Artillery Lake, Snowdrift River Valley and a portion of the barrens east
toward but not as far as the Thelon Game Sanctuary. This document is part of the work toward
gathering the current knowledge available on this area and is therefore comprised of information
that has been recorded and is available to the public and researchers in libraries and archives.
Direct interviews with Elders are not included except where those interviews have already been
completed and are a part of the recorded knowledge. This work encompasses only the literature
available on the human history of the area, both historic and prehistoric. The intention of the
work is to gather all currently available knowledge on the human history of the area for the
purpose of defining park boundaries and establishing park themes or essential ‘character’ of the
park which in turn will become useful for the development of park interpretive material and to
guide development of educational material useable by Dene students as well as students of the
Dene.
5.1.2
Scope of the Work
The work entails library and archival research into archaeological evidence and interpretation
beginning with the earliest human inhabitants of the area through to historical times. The work
continues into historical times with the earliest written observations of explorers, fur traders and
missionaries, and in later times the reports of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and records of
the Hudson’s Bay Company. In more recent years interviews of Lutsel K’e Dene Elders have
been recorded and these are included as part of the record. The work will outline the timeline of
historical developments affecting the area, many of which took place away from the location of
the new park but had significant impact on the people who lived in the area. The work
concentrates on how the people of the area lived at different times, with emphasis on their
economy, material culture, lifestyle, spiritual practices, beliefs and legends, medicines, and
relations with neighbours and Europeans. It also documents European activities in the area
including exploration of the area, trading, trapping, mining, fishing, and the life of early
missionaries.
To investigate the history of the Thaydene people who lived in the area of the proposed park we
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must include the history not only of Lutsel K’e people but also some of the history of the
surrounding communities of Fort Resolution, Yellowknife, Fort Smith and Fond du Lac,
Saskatchewan as well. In this work “Thaydene” refers to the Dene people from a long time ago
who lived in the proposed park area. Thaydene people were highly nomadic, and family groups
dispersed in small numbers throughout the area. Indeed, families traded into whichever post was
closest so they were often split between the communities. Thus many residents of Lutsel K’e are
related to people in Fond du Lac, Fort Resolution, Yellowknife and Fort Smith. Also, Lutsel
K’e, the primary community of the area was not established as a permanent trading centre until
1925 so all records of Lutsel K’e people’s activities prior to that are found in the history annals
of Fort Resolution primarily.
5.1.3
Methodology
The bulk of materials were found through a standard library search at the University of Toronto
library system. The archives of the Hudson’s Bay Company in Winnipeg and the National
Archives in Ottawa were also used to draw out material. A project of this type has not
previously been done on the area, although historians have done related work on surrounding
areas, which assists in interpreting events affecting the development of this area. Additionally,
the history of neighbouring communities to the west, primarily Fort Resolution, Fort Fitzgerald
and Fort Chipewyan, had an important impact on the peoples of this area and is included where it
helps us to understand developments in the Thaydene area.
5.1.4 Limitations
The Thaydene area was never at the forefront or on a corridor central to northern development,
which meant relatively little was written about the area or the people of the area. Therefore
much of the research is based on historical timelines of the neighbouring communities as they
affected the people and their lifestyle at Thaydene. Also, with the exception of Samuel Hearne,
the explorers had little understanding of the Dene and were more interested in recording
information about geography, biology, weather, and the difficulties of their adventures, rather
than the way of life of the inhabitants. This limits our state of knowledge on the life of the
people of the area but the information recorded by these explorers remains as part of the
historical record and is included for that reason. Archaeological knowledge of the area is in its
infancy and should be regarded with some scepticism. Although a significant number of
artefacts have been found, dug and catalogued, the interpretation of the material in order to
describe lifestyle is limited by the imagination and knowledge of the academics involved.
5.2
PREHISTORY
5.2.1
Archaeological Evidence
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There is a significant amount of evidence of human activity within the area defined by the park
boundary, particularly at or near the treeline. Native people have always been aware of the
arrow heads, stone spear tips, knives and other bits of stone material used by prehistoric
ancestors. The evidence can still be found with a bit of looking in certain areas. Archaeologists
have been working on interpreting the evidence since the 1950s when R. S. MacNeish defined
the “Taltheilei Tradition” from evidence first found around Taltheilei Narrows on Great Slave
Lake.7 In the 1970s, archaeologists Ernest Burch and Ronald Nash based their interpretations on
relatively scanty evidence found throughout the southern barren lands.8 Little archaeological
work was done in the area until recently. Bryan Gordon, with the Museum of Civilization in
Ottawa, completed his doctoral thesis on interpretation of the archaeological evidence from a
much larger area and published The People of Sunlight, The People of Starlight in 1996 which
remains the academic authority on the archaeology of the area.9 Gordon utilized all information
from previous archaeological work and expanded on the work with a team of investigators
identifying and digging sites from the 1970s through to the early 1990s. The interpretation of
Gordon’s work, together with the first historical evidence from Samuel Hearne’s journal, and the
current knowledge of Lutsel K’e Elders, will serve as the basis of our understanding of the
prehistory of the park area in the present work. Gordon and other archaeologists identified
numerous surface sites and, more significantly, several stratified sites. Using carbon dating
techniques, archaeologists were able to sequence the stratified sites and identify spatial linkages
as well as the timing of various cultural traditions. Gordon identified four primary cultural
traditions, the earliest being the Northern Plano tradition, dating from 7000 - 8000 BP (Before
Present). The Shield Archaic tradition is the second distinct phase, dating from 6500 - 3500 BP,
while the Pre-Dorset is the third phase, dating from 3500 - 2600 BP, followed by Taltheilei
tradition from 2600 to historic times. Historic times started with Samuel Hearne recording his
observations of his journey through the area in 1769 to 1772.10
5.2.2
Geography at Time of Earliest Human Habitation
The last glaciation ended in the area around 9,500 years ago. Although the Great Slave Lake
7
JH MacNeish, “Leadership among the Northeastern Athabascans” Anthropologica, II: (1956) p.131-162
8
Ernest S Jr. Burch, “Caribou Eskimo origins: an old problem reconsidered” Arctic Anthropology, 15:1:1-35.
(1978) p.113
9
Bryan Gordon, People of Sunlight People of Starlight. (Canadian Museum of Civilization: Ottawa, 1996)
10
Samuel Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wales Fort on Hudson Bay to the Northern Ocean.... In the Years
1769, 1770, 1771 and 1772. (Edmonton: M Hurtig, 1971)
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area was covered with the thickest ice and is considered to have been the ‘centre of the last
glacier’ it was not the last area to melt away. The glacier melted from the south toward the
northeast because the climate in that direction was the coolest. Huge lakes were created by the
melt, including Lake McConnell, of which Great Slave Lake is a remnant, and Lake Thelon in
the Thelon Valley. The large lakes were created since the drainage was toward the east and the
remaining glacier blocked drainage in that direction. With the end of the ice age, the large lakes
also drained around 9500 BP.
There is no archaeological evidence of humans on the shores of those ancient lakes. The
lakeshores are identified by beach heads found high above present day Great Slave Lake shores
and on the barrens where the old Lake Thelon existed. As the glacier retreated, the huge lakes at
its base also retreated and eventually became the Thelon River. Great Slave Lake remains
because its location at the edge of the Canadian Shield blocks its eastward drainage. The Thelon
Valley drained without large lakes remaining because its geology is made up of moraine
material, gravel, sand and stones, rather than the exposed bedrock and remnants of an old
mountain range, as it is around Great Slave Lake. Great Slave Lake is only a small remnant of
the ancient Lake McConnell. The first evidence of human activity is found along present day
rivers and at narrows of lakes found in the area today. It is a notable exception that few
archaeological materials are found on the shores of Great Slave Lake and those which are found
are part of the most recent prehistoric period. This can be attributed to the dramatic drop in lake
levels since the days of the ancient Lake McConnell.
5.2.3
The First Humans, the Northern Plano Tradition, 7000 - 6500 BP
From the above described distribution of human artifacts Gordon concludes that the first humans
never occupied the area at the time of the large lakes. It was likely still too cold with too little
vegetation, and the caribou herds had not yet come to the area. Evidence exists, however, that
the first humans were in the area by 7,000 years ago, after the large lakes had disappeared or, in
the case of Great Slave Lake, dramatically receded. Continued warming from 7000 BP to 5000
BP saw the development of soil and the treeline advance north by 200 kilometers. As evidence
to support this, Gordon uses carbon dating of plant material such as pine cones, bark and
sphagnum moss spores buried at stratified sites.
The Northern Plano tool tradition is consistent with traditions seen in Wyoming (9000 - 10,000
BP) and, moving north with the advance of bison herds post glaciation, the same tradition is seen
on the Canadian prairies (8000 - 9000 BP) and finally in the Barrenlands (7000 BP). The hunters
of that tool tradition moved from bison hunting on the prairies to caribou hunting in the north.
Today the aboriginal inhabitants of southern United States from Arizona through to Wyoming
are Navaho, Apache and other Athabaskan speaking groups, who are distant relatives of the
modern Dene in the north.
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Caribou hunter’s Northern Plano artefacts are found from as far south as Buffalo Narrows,
Saskatchewan to the northern caribou calving grounds around Baker Lake. The consistency of
the Northern Plano tool tradition through that area corresponds to the range of the Beverly
caribou herd and indicates that the earliest peoples lived by hunting the Beverly caribou year
round, following the herd through all seasons. The distances are great and the difficulty for
humans traveling in the area is significant. Only a small amount of food can be carried on one’s
back, resulting in times of plenty and times of famine. Scarcity occurred especially when the
caribou herds easily outdistanced humans during specific seasons, primarily at the time of the
spring migration north. This incredibly nomadic life also necessitated carrying only the most
essential items, making for the development of a very basic material culture of utilitarian items.
It also meant the ongoing manufacture and regular abandonment or storage of items too difficult
to carry.
The tools are consistent with the tool tradition identified further south as the “Agate Basin
points”. Agate Basin points are biconvex quartzite lanceolates with tapered ground stem bases.
Also characteristic of the Northern Plano tradition are small round chithos of a distinct red
sandstone, and large triangular endscrapers. Gordon found that the barrenland artifacts are
distinctive from those found south of the treeline in that they have been reworked, reused and
modified with broken points changed into burins and gravers. This may be due to the fact that
retrieving arrows on the barrens was easier than retrieving them in the forests.
Up to 1996, the year of Gordon’s publication, there had been 1,002 Northern Plano sites at
hunting camps located at caribou crossings and along rivers in the range of the Beverly caribou
herd. These sites are distributed throughout the Beverly caribou range, leading Gordon to
conclude that the earliest people followed the Beverly caribou herd through all seasons. The
sites indicate that there were small family groups scattered in the forest during winter and larger
groups gathered at the time of migration near the treeline at caribou crossing spots.
5.2.4
The Shield Archaic Tradition, 6500 - 3500 BP
The climate warmed to about 4 degrees Celsius above today’s temperatures, bringing the treeline
to its farthest north since the last ice age. About 6,500 years ago, the treeline was about 200
kilometers north of its current position, and the entire Lockhart and Thelon drainage systems and
the upper Back River were in the forest. It was then that the Northern Plano changed to forest
dwellers living at caribou crossings in the Thaydene area, as well as in the far north close to the
Arctic Ocean where the treeline was situated at the time. Along with the changing environment,
new tool styles were developed creating the ‘Shield Archaic Tradition’. The material items
identifying Shield Archaic include many medium length notched points and linear or ovoid
knives used in lancing and butchering, and tortoise-backed scrapers used for hide preparation.
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Three distinct phases have been identified within the Shield Archaic tradition, these being the
Early, Middle and Late phases, based on evolving changes of point styles and using carbon
dating. The Shield Archaic people moved south around 3,500 years ago when there was a rapid
cooling of the climate. Although Gordon identifies these early peoples as “Indian” rather than
Inuit he cannot clearly identify them as “Pre-Dene”.
5.2.5
The Pre-Dorset Intrusion, 3500 - 2600 BP
When the earth’s temperatures dropped rapidly around 4,000 to 3,500 years ago the treeline
quickly receded by about 200 kilometers, bringing it to the approximate location of the present
day treeline. The tools carbon dated after 3,500 BP are very distinct from the Shield Archaic and
are consistent with Pre-Dorset culture, which is a tradition that can be traced to the Siberian
Neolithic and which was common throughout the High Arctic of North America, where it is
commonly called the “Arctic Small Tool Tradition” and has some designs unique to the Pre-Inuit
people. The Pre-Dorset tools are very small, finely retouched tools made of banded grey chert.
They include endblades, sideblades, microcores, scrapers, small knives, burins, chithos,
hammerstones, and gravers.
The Pre-Dorset peoples came to the Thaydene area from the Arctic coast to the north along with
the receding treeline. Gordon theorizes that the rapid cooling made their traditional harvesting of
the sea more difficult so they adapted by moving inland, likely following the Bathurst caribou
herd. Their superior tools and weapons allowed them to advance into the Shield Archaic
people’s territory and push them further south. Pre-Dorset tools are found as far south as
Alberta, northern Manitoba, and Black Lake, Saskatchewan. This shows that they adapted to
living in the forested regions where the caribou wintered. Their sites are most numerous along
the treeline, with tundra sites at northern Artillery Lake, Whitefish Lake, Damant Lake and
Firedrake Lake. Pre-Dorset forest sites have been located at Pike’s Portage, south Artillery
Lake, Lake Athabaska and Black Lake, Saskatchewan. Gordon theorizes that they never went as
far south as the Churchill River; the southern limit of the Beverly caribou herd’s range, because
of “Middle Period” Indians who lived in the area and hunted caribou and bison. The
archaeological evidence shows that the treeline was not only a botanical demarcation but also the
area of the most intensive caribou and human activity. The treeline retreated the least around
the east end of Great Slave Lake due to the dramatic altitude difference between the lake and the
tundra plains three hundred meters above. This, Gordon states, places Fort Reliance and Pike
Portage Pre-Dorset sites just inside the forest, and Artillery Lake sites on the tundra.
Grey chert tool material is found to the north in the range of the Bathurst caribou but not in the
Beverly caribou range. The Pre-Dorset tools from the forested sites include reworked grey chert
carried from the north, and use inferior quartzite and silicious shale because the good quality
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grey chert was not available locally. The tools made of inferior stone are larger and not so finely
worked due to the difficulty in working the material but are consistent with the Pre-Dorset style.
Although the tools were distinctive, the Pre-Dorset lifestyle was likely similar to the Dene
traditions because they both had to adapt to the annual cycle of caribou migrations, the climate,
and the geography of the land.
5.2.6
The Taltheilei Traditions, 2600 - 200 BP
The Taltheilei traditions are divided into Early (2600 BP - 1800 BP), Middle (1800 - 1300 BP),
and Late (1300 - 200 BP) phases, based on evolved tool styles and the carbon dating of stratified
sites. Gordon identifies these traditions as Pre-Dene because there was a consistent evolution
through to historic times that clearly identifies the Taltheilei as ancestors to the modern Dene.
He suggests that the “Taltheilei Dene” may have entered the Beverly caribou range from the
southwest, following the Peace River to Lake Athabaska and out onto the barrenlands to the
north. Gordon suggests that the advance of the Taltheilei into the area was rapid, based on Early
Phase sites being widespread throughout the Beverly range. The distribution of these sites
indicates herd following until disruption by disease and the fur trade around 200 BP.
During this phase northern plains style tools are found throughout the Beverly range, likely
because of trade with and influence from the plains bison hunters. These tools include Oxbow,
Pelican Lake, Besant, and Duncan points, all found deep into the Beverly range.
5.2.7
Taltheilei - Early Phase, 2600 - 1800 BP
Early Phase tundra sites include Bloody Falls near the Coppermine River delta, north Artillery
Lake, Caribou Narrows on Lockhart River, and Thelon River sites at Warden’s Grove, Beverly
Lake and Aberdeen Lake. Forest sites include Lynx-Whitefish Lake, south Artillery Lake,
Nonacho Lake, Black Lake, Lake Athabaska, and Cree Lake, as well as at Haultin River on the
Churchill River watershed. Differences in tundra and forest sites are due to summer versus
winter tools and the use of wood for handles and shafts, and wood splitting and cutting in the
forest, rather than separate traditions.
5.2.8
Taltheilei - Middle Phase, 1800 - 1300 BP
This period saw the most intensive and the most widely dispersed exploitation throughout the
Beverly range of all the prehistoric periods. It also produced the most numerous and varied
artifacts, including many symmetrical ground stemmed lanceheads, bifacial butchering knives,
and triangular scrapers. Most of the points are lanceolate, and some ovoid, pentagonal,
stemmed, tanged, and uni-shouldered. A tundra site occurs at north Artillery Lake while forest
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sites are located at Whitefish Lake-Lynx Lake narrows, Noman Lake, Nonacho Lake, and Grey
Lake. Forest sites have smaller reworked material due to the difficulty in getting source material
in winter, and tundra sites produce more broken tips due to exposed rock.
5.2.9
Taltheilei - Late Phase, 1300 - 200 BP
Late Taltheilei forest sites occurred a few years before tundra sites, indicating influence from the
south. The Taltheilei adopted notched arrows and horizontal bows from the plains Indians. This
adaptation improved hunting capabilities away from caribou water crossing sites. Sites are
located at Artillery Lake, Clinton-Colden, Nonacho, Lake Athabaska, and as far south as
Churchill River and as far northeast as Dubawnt and Grant Lakes. Gordon noted differences
between tundra and forested sites because of the use of wood, and winter versus summer tools.
These Late Phase Taltheilei were the last people to follow the annual herd migrations from the
southern winter range deep into the forest as far south as the Churchill River and all the way to
the caribou calving grounds northwest of Baker Lake. The fur trade and the severe decimation
of native peoples by European diseases ended thousands of years of following the caribou herds.
The change did not happen suddenly as some Dene adapted to the fur trade while others
remained more traditional caribou hunters, and even those groups that were more involved in the
fur trade continued as caribou hunters. Caribou remains the most important food item for the
Chipewyan Dene today.
5.2.10 Archaeology of the Historical Period – 200 BP – Present
“Field research and historic accounts corroborate the fact that human behavior was so dependant
on herd movement on the Barrenlands of Canada, that, had caribou vanished, people would have
perished”. Band-caribou herd association is seen in the archaeological record since the time of
deglaciation and has been ethnographically confirmed as well.11
Archaeological sites were preserved where sand was blown in from adjacent glacial lakes,
creating stratified layers. These sites indicate herd following, but this does not mean people
accompanied the herd at all times. This would have been impossible during the spring migration
with poor ice and partial snow melt.
Although there are plenty of fish in the lakes throughout the region, the early stone-based
technology could not provide sufficient food in the area without caribou. Fish were caught using
either spruce root nets, which were fragile and small, or hook, line and bait, or with rock weirs
and spears in shallow streams. Although the fishing techniques were similar to those of today,
11
Gordon, The People of Sunlight the People of Starlight, p.3
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the materials used were so inferior to large modern nets that fishing could not be depended upon
like it can be today.
The largest archaeological sites are at the treeline or a little to the north of it. The lack of many
rock caches on the barrens indicates that people remained at mass hunting spots only for a short
period of time, making drymeat before continuing along the 600 to 1,000 kilometer migration
route.
Nomadism allowed the harvesting of large areas with the benefits of abundant meat and fat in the
summer and fall (but little in late winter), and resources of berries, migratory birds, fish, source
material for stone tools (mainly chert and quartzite), birchbark, and spruce roots for fish nets and
line. But nomadism also meant periods of famine and even an occasional starvation, as well as
difficulty for the aged and ill who were not easily able to travel.
People had to adapt to extreme seasonal changes. Winter, with little light and very short days,
snow and ice covering land and lakes, and extreme cold, made it difficult for people to procure
food even in the forest. Then in summer, where caribou crossed water, people held mass hunts
and enjoyed times of abundance. To cope with this change people broke into smaller groups for
the dim winters, and when caribou dispersed in the forest, the Dene dispersed as well. With few
resources during the winter months, starvation was not unknown when caribou were not close at
hand.
Ethnographic accounts demonstrate a seasonal nutritional change in caribou and humans. Higher
fat measurements indicate a higher level of health in the caribou, and since fat is essential to the
human diet, this increase in health was passed on to the people. Summer and fall meat provided
protein, fat, iron, vitamin A, riboflavin, and niacin. The heart, liver and kidney provided vitamin
C and thiamine. Blood provided iron and protein, while the intestine and stomach contents
provided calcium, carbohydrates, and fiber. Back fat gave vitamin A, E and K. Soft bone
provided calcium and phosphorus, and eyes vitamin A. A balanced diet could be achieved by
eating everything locally available. Fish, birds, berries, muskox, beaver and bear supplemented
the Dene diet seasonally.
Nutrition peaked in mid-summer when meat was readily available. Meat was eaten raw, dried,
boiled, roasted on fire, and dried and mixed with berries for pemmican. During late winter,
people were nutritionally poor and the absence of fat stressed the lactating mothers. The seasonal
dietary deficiency also lowered fertility among the Dene. The link between nutrition and fertility
caused a later Dene puberty, earlier menopause, and fewer children. Women lactated for three to
four years and rarely had more than five children in twenty reproductive years. Seasonal
climatic fluctuations affected not only the abundance of caribou but also their nutritional fitness,
which in turn influenced the nutrition levels of the Dene, and that had an impact on child
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bearing. The nutritional levels of Dene mothers directly impacted the spacing of births. Catholic
baptisms in the 19th and early 20th Centuries show that four of five Dene births occurred in
February, March and, mostly, April. Conception peaked in July and August when meat and fat
were plentiful. Gordon speculates that the dramatic seasonal change in the amount of light and
the hormonal change caused by pregnancy triggered the migration instinct in caribou. This is
called photoperiodism. And, since the seasonal nutritional variation resulted in people birthing
at specific times of the year as well, Gordon states that the same photoperiodism could have
affected humans as well as caribou because of its association with seasonal hormonal change
during pregnancy.
Tundra archaeological sites revealing Dene tradition are larger but fewer than forest sites and
occur at caribou water crossings, which confirms Hearne’s observation that the Dene gathered at
water crossings to hunt. The existence of fewer historic tundra sites suggests that the fur trade
drew the Dene further south. Most large sites for this period are at the treeline at south Artillery
Lake, Whitefish Lake, Mary, Sid and Mosquito Lakes. Tundra sites are at north Artillery,
Clinton Colden, and Thelon, suggesting that the Dene stayed on the tundra for the summer and
moved south with the caribou to the treeline. Forest Dene sites are at Noman, Nonacho, Gray,
Athabaska, Black and Cree Lakes, and on the upper Churchill River. There are few late winter
sites at the treeline because the pregnant cows could easily outdistance humans during spring
migration north. Spring travel was very difficult for people, with sporadic snow melt and bad
ice, so families traveled north in June and early July.
European trade goods were carried far inland well ahead of Hudson’s Bay Company personnel.
Iron, steel, brass, copper, cloth, pottery, and glass items have been found amongst stone tools
associated with pre-contact times. Forest and treeline sites show more usage of trade items in
historic times, probably because of the closer access to trade goods.
Lured by the fur trade, the Dene left the northern part of the range on the tundra at Beverly Lake
and lower Thelon River unoccupied, and the Inuit came in to utilize that area in historic times.
Some Dene who were not so involved in trading and trapping remained on the tundra and
prevented the Inuit from penetrating down to the treeline. A mutual avoidance between Dene
and Inuit was noted by Tyrell in 1894. Inland Caribou Inuit were a historic phenomena
originating from the Netsilik and Copper Inuit to the north and east. Tyrell noted their
inhabitation of the Dubawnt area in 1896.
Historic cabins and transient camps belonging to semi-nomadic hunters and trappers occur
throughout the forested part of the Beverly caribou range. Non-Christian graves are mounds, or
log frames and mounds, while Christian graves are indicated by coffins and picket fences around
the graves.
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5.3
DENE LEGENDS
5.3.1
Creation Legends
“…the first person on earth was a woman, who after having been some time alone, in her
researches for berries, which was then her only food, found an animal like a dog, which followed
her to the cave where she lived, and soon grew fond and domestic. This dog, they say, had the
art of transforming itself into the shape of a handsome young man”…and she became
pregnant…after that…..a man of such surprising height that his hand reached up to the clouds,
came to level the land,…and after he had done this, by the help of his walking stick he marked
out all the lakes, ponds, and rivers, and he took the dog and tore it to pieces; he threw into the
lakes and rivers , commanding them to become the different kinds of fish; the flesh he dispersed
over the land, commanding it to become different kinds of beasts and land animals; the skin he
also tore in small pieces, and threw it into the air, commanding it to become all kinds of birds;
after which he gave the woman and her offspring full power to kill, eat, and never spare, for that
he had commanded them to multiply for her use in abundance. After this injunction, he returned
to the place whence he came, and has not been heard of since.”12
5.3.2
The Woman of the Falls
To be added by Lutsel K’e (Ray Griffith)
5.3.3
The Giant Beaver and Muskrat
To be added by Lutsel K’e (Ray Griffith)
5.3.4 The Coppermine Woman
“….. that the first person who discovered those mines was a woman, and that she conducted
them to the place for several years; but as she was the only woman in the company, some of the
men took such liberties on her as made her vow revenge on them; and she is said to have been a
great conjurer. Accordingly when the men had loaded themselves with copper, and were going
to return, she refused to accompany them, and said she would sit on the mine till she sunk into
the ground, and the copper should sink with her. The next year, when the men went for more
copper, they found her sunk up to the waist, though still alive, and the quantity of copper much
decreased; and on repeating their visit the year following, she was quite disappeared, and all the
12
Samuel Hearne, A Journey from the Prince of Wales Fort on Hudson’s Bay to the Northern Ocean. pp. 342-343
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principal part of the mine with her; so that after that period nothing remained on the surface but a
few small pieces,” 13
5.4
THE FIRST HISTORICAL RECORDS – 1700’S
Archaeology provides only limited insight into Dene culture, historical documentation provides a
much elaborated picture. Fortunately, for the Dene along the treeline from Churchill, Manitoba
through Great Slave Lake/Artillery Lake and north to the mouth of the Coppermine River on the
Arctic Coast there is a very good record of how the people lived. It is Samuel Hearne’s journal
of a trip he made along the treeline with Matonabee, a Dene trader in 1771/72. However, the
first known European contact with the Dene occurred about fifty years before that, with a Dene
woman named Thanadelthur who was likely from the Great Slave Lake region. William Stuart
with the Hudson’s Bay Company made a trip to what was either Great Slave Lake or Lake
Athabaska in 1715 but he never kept records and nothing is known from this encounter.
5.4.1
History of the First Contact - Thanadelthur
Henry Hudson was the first European who ventured into Hudson’s Bay in 1610. A few years
later, Radisson and Groseilliers took a load of fur from Hudson’s Bay to London and got
financial backing to start a fur trade in Hudson’s Bay. This lead to the creation of the Hudson’s
Bay Company which was incorporated in 1670. They first operated out of a trading post at York
Factory on the Nelson River trading with the Cree. Then, in 1714 a Chipewyan Dene woman by
the name of Thanadelthur made her way to the fort. This was the first contact the Dene had with
the English and it immediately had very important repercussions on the Dene life even as far
away as the Thaydene area.
The Cree had guns and ammunition and were using that strength in battles against the Dene, this
kept the Dene from trading at York Factory. Thanadelthur had been captured by the Cree,
learned the language, escaped in 1714 and was trying to return to her people. James Knight was
the Governor of the fort and kept records. The following excerpt from Knight’s journal describe
the story of Thanadelthur and how the trade with the Dene began.
24 Nov. 1714 (She) “…. made her Escape from her Master in the fall of the Year wth
another of her own Country Women Designing to gett into there own Country but they
found it so hard a thing to do they came back Again & one of them Died wth cold &
hunger in there return & this had much doo to gett to the factory not never seen the place
before but had the good fortune falling into our peoples track found the tent of our People
at 10 Shilling Creek She left her Master the North Side of Port nellson River when She
13
Ibid., p.175.
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came away She Speaks but this Country Indian Indifferently but will be of great Service
to me in my Intention…" 14
Knight clearly wished to trade with the Dene as well as the Cree. He realized this could not
happen when they were warring so he sent Thanadelthur with HBC servant William Stuart to
meet
with
the
Dene
and
the
Cree
to
arrange
a
peace.
17 June 1715 "…I gave to the Indians that are going to make peace Powder & Shott
considerable wth flints … there being 25 Mett besides there ffamilys & the Slave Woman
& Wm. Stewart who I gave likewise wth Severall Quantitys of other things to
Distribute…tell her to acquaint her Country people that we shall settle a factory at
Churchill River next fall & that wee will trade with them for Beaver, Martin, fox,
Queequihatch [Wolverine], Wolf, Bear, Otter, Catt, Moose & Buffolo Skins & Yellow
Mettle…..if at Any time they See a Vessell wth Sails and Masts or here any Great Guns
at any time that they Should not be Afraid but make a Smoak for a Signall for us to come
to them…." 15
Knight was especially interested in the “yellow mettle” tools that Thanadelthur had described her
people used.
"above all you are to make a Strict Enquiry abt there Mineralls" and "You must Seem
Indifferent…but to bring some of every Sort you see but Especially some of the Yellow
Mettle & Copper." 16
The mission had nearly been lost when the party came on some “Northern Indians” (Dene) who
had been murdered by one of the small groups of Crees that had separated from the others, but
Thanadelthur convinced her party to stay where they were for ten days, followed the tracks of
those who escaped, and returned on the tenth day. Knight’s account follows:
“She had found above 400 and had brought with her about 160 Men the Cleverest as ever
he see in his Life then came where the Indians was in the tent, but the woman had made
herself so hoarse with her perpetuall talking to her Country Men in perswadin them to
come with her that Shee could hardly Speak but when they ware all mett then Stewart bid
the [Cree] Capt. tell them Indians what they ware come about and when the woman had
told them they had no hand in Killing there Country men nor did not know it twill they
found them dead nor they did not come upon any other Account Then but to Make peace
14
15
16
James Knight, York Factory HBC Journals
Ibid.
Ibid.
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so he pulled out his pipe…By this Success I believe our Company may begin to be
thought a rich Company in a few Years and if it please God to preserve me with Life and
17
health
to
go
through
with
what
I
Design…"
9 May 1716 "Wm. Stewart tells me he never See one of Such a Spirit in his Life She
kept all the [Cree] Indians in Awe as she went with and never Spared in telling them of
their Cowardly way of Killing her Country Men that he was Often Afraid that they would
have killed her had I not given them such a Strict charge not to Abuse her and when she
came with her Country Men to them She made them all Stand in fear of her she Scolded
at Some and pushing of others that they all stood in fear and forcd them to ye peace.
Indeed she has a Divellish Spirit and I believe that if thare were but 50 of her Country
Men of the Same Carriage and Resolution they would drive all the Northern Indians in
18
America
out
of
there
Country"
(HBCA,
PAM,
B.239/a/2)
Thanadelthur was anxious to travel back to her people to spread the news of the arrival of the
English traders. James Knight described her determination: "She said she did not expect to do
what she went about before 2 years & half was expired but she would send in all the Indians” 19
This statement seems to indicate her people lived far away, likely in the Great Slave Lake area.
Unfortunately Thanadelthur died before she was able to make this trip but Knight continued to
work to establish trade with the Dene. He (James Knight)
“….managed with great difficulty to secure another Slave Woman though she cost him
‘above 60 skins value in goods’. This woman set off with Richard Norton in July 1717 to
contact the Chipewyans while an advance party of Company servants sailed to the
Churchill River to begin construction on the new post." 20
5.4.2
The Dene Treeline Trade Route
Once the Churchill post was established in 1717 a long trading partnership began between the
Dene and Hudson’s Bay Company along the treeline reaching past Great Slave Lake. This was
perhaps the only major fur trade route in North America that never used river travel as its’
central mode of transport. The Dene were land travelers, they built small canoes which they
carried many hundreds of miles for the purpose of crossing rivers and hunting caribou at crossing
places. The tundra offered much easier land travel than the forests and by walking the treeline
all the resources of the forests were readily available. But more importantly this was the
traditional heartland of the Chipewyan Dene, the home of the caribou. Caribou spend more time
17
18
19
20
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
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around the treeline than deep in the forest or far out on the tundra. In the early summer caribou
are further out on the tundra for a short while then return to treeline by August and some often
remain through the winter or in the forest not far from the treeline. The Chipewyan Dene
guarded their treeline homeland and trade route with newly acquired guns and ammunition,
waring on the Inuits to the north and east and on the Dogribs to the northwest. In 1756 the Dene
killed a number of Inuits on the coast of Hudson’s Bay at Knapp’s Bay and as a result the Inuits
avoided going south to the post at Churchill for a number of years.
Hearne describes the gangs of Dene traders, like Matonabee, who ran ruthless through the
country taking what they wanted including women from weaker helpless camps along the way,
and in larger camps, trading European items for more than one thousand times the price they
paid in Churchill. According to Hearne the women were used like slaves for packing, pulling
sleighs, setting camp, sewing, hide preparation, cooking and all the other needs of the traders. It
was the Dene women who were the packhorses on the treeline trade route. That is why
Matonabee and other Dene traders had so many wives, the “traditional” men usually had one
wife.
Matonabee’s eight wives carried over a thousand pounds of trade goods from Churchill and as
much in furs on their trip back from Great Slave Lake. The heavily laden women - Hearne says
they carried 150 pounds in summer and more in winter by packing and pulling sleighs - and their
traders/masters annually walked all the way to Churchill from Great Slave Lake and beyond.
This was a long trip of great difficulty so that most people did not go, leaving it to traders like
Matonabee and their women. The trip was so difficult that travelers sometimes risked starvation
en route.21
The Dene life that Hearne documents was during years of great turmoil for the Dene. Highly
valued trade goods had just been introduced to the Dene. The trade items were valued because
the guns and ammunition, metal knives, hatchets, needles and pots made life much easier and
made the ones who possessed them much more powerful. Prior to the trade everyone had what
they needed from the land and the caribou, and with some effort everyone had access to
everything that everyone else had. Now there developed a concept of possessing that which
others cannot get or the development of wealth and poverty. This was also a time when those
with access to guns and ammunition had great advantage over those who did not. This was
unfortunate for traditional enemies who resided next to the trading nations. The Inuit were
mercilessly killed and the Dogribs were taken advantage of by the Chipewyan trading nation.
Many of the Dogrib were in retreat hiding from the ravengers by moving far to the northwest.
This was well documented in Hearne’s journal. Life as Hearne saw it was that of the Dene
traders. He did however meet traditional peoples. His descriptions reveal much about the pre21
Samuel Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Wales Fort in Hudson Bay to the Northern Ocean. p.82.
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contact traditional culture as well as the new trading culture.
For close to one hundred years the trade route was used until the Dene were decimated by
smallpox (nine out of ten Dene died) around 1776.22 According to Hearne the severe epidemic
ended the trade because there were too few Dene left to keep it going; and in the Great Slave
Lake country this initiated war between the Copper (Yellowknife) and Dogrib tribes by their
fighting over the few remaining bits of trade goods left in their country.23 A few years later the
‘Canadians’ (the Northwest Company out of Montreal) established the first trading post in the
Athabaska country at Fort Chipewyan in 1783 and Fort Resolution in 1786 thus permanently
ending the treeline trade route to Churchill.
5.4.3
Matonabee and Samuel Hearne’s Remarkable Journey – 1770 to 1772
Matonabee, a Dene trader, lead Samuel Hearne, a Hudson Bay Company employee, from Prince
of Wales Fort at Churchill Manitoba along the treeline to Great Slave Lake in 1771 and down the
Coppermine River to the Arctic Ocean and back by walking, detouring across Great Slave Lake
and up the Slave River until turning north to the treeline through Nonacho Lake area. This was
several thousands of kilometres of walking taking more than eighteen months. Hearne’s detailed
observations of the Dene customs and his description of this most remarkable journey are unique
in North American historical literature. His journal provides the only detailed historical account
of pre-trade aboriginal life in North America. It also documents an astonishing and difficult
journey revealing much about Dene life at the time.
a) HBC sent Hearne Exploring
By 1769, direct trade between the Dene and the English at Fort Prince of Wales at Churchill was
well established and the Dene had shown the English their copper tools. The Yellowknife
Indians, referred to as the Copper Indians by Hearne, were one of the very few tribes in North
America who used metal tools prior to the arrival of Europeans. Some of these tools were
shipped back to London with the story of where they came from. The Governors of the HBC in
London decided to send someone to investigate the copper mine, the land of the Dene (and its fur
potential), and seek the northwest ocean passage overland. Samuel Hearne, a twenty-four year
old HBC servant at Churchill who had navigational training from the navy and had shown skill
in hunting around the Fort was chosen.
b) Hearne met Matonabee
22
23
Ibid., p.178.
Ibid., p.178.
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Hearne made two unsuccessful attempts, he traveled north to the area of Yathkyed Lake, just
south of Baker Lake, with two successive groups of Dene who were well acquainted with that
area but did not know or wished not to travel further northwest and abandoned Hearne. On
Hearne’s second trip back to Churchill - which nearly cost him his life - he met Matonabee, his
family, and his small band of Dene traveler/traders. Matonobee assured Hearne there was no
need for failure and that he could guide him to the copper mine and to the Arctic Ocean as he
was familiar with the territory. Matonabee was the son of a “Northern Indian” (Dene) and a
slave woman purchased from Crees. When his father died while Matonabee was young the
English Governor of Prince of Wales Fort at Churchill, Richard Norton, adopted him as a son.
He was employed in hunting for the Fort for several years before beginning a traveling/trading
career. This background gave Matonabee knowledge of European customs and language as well
as those of the Dene and Cree who also traded into the Fort. Matonabee, who was called a
“Northern Indian,” traded with his own people, the “Copper Indians” north of Great Slave Lake,
and “Athabaska Indians” around Great Slave Lake and Lake Athabaska. All these groups were
Chipewyan people and were well acquainted with one another. He also traded with the Dogrib
Indians. Matonabee made annual trips to Churchill with his seven to eight wives and several
other men who traveled with him as did many other Dene traders.
c) The Journey along the Treeline
After Hearne returned to the post at Churchill with Matonabee, where the later completed his
trading, Hearne again started out in December 1770 accompanying Matonabee and his group on
snowshoes. They traveled along the treeline east-north-eastward meeting people familiar to
Matonabee all along the way, many of whom were on their way to trade at the Fort in Churchill.
A few days out of Churchill they reunited with “women, children and old men” whom they had
left fishing for survival at Island Lake (on Manitoba/Nunavut boundary).
“…the wives and families of my guides, who had been waiting there for the return of
their husbands from the fort….supporting themselves….by catching fish and snaring a
few rabbits”24
They met a large camp in the Wholdai Lake district who were camped near a “caribou pound”
which had been built to ensnare caribou all winter, Hearne described it in detail.25
d) Thelewey-aza-yeth
Later as winter was coming to a close and caribou were ready to head north they stopped near
Lutsel K’e, “on eighth of April we arrived at a small lake, called Thelewey-aza-yeth; probably so
called from a high hill which stands on a long point near the west end of the lake.” This is very
24
25
Ibid., p.71.
see quotes from Hearne below
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likely around Lutsel K’e, possibly on Stark Lake. Here, on an island in the middle of the lake
Matonabee’s camp stayed for ten days hunting caribou, making drymeat and collecting birch
bark to build canoes and birch staffs for tent poles for the barren lands. Hearne describes events
around the birthing of a child while traveling toward the barren lands from “Little Fish River
Hill”.26 The woman was back on the trail packing her baby and a load the moment the baby was
delivered.
e) Lake Clowey and War Preparations
After a difficult trip due to melting snow they arrived on May 3rd at “Lake Clowey” which is
most likely Whitefish Lake (headwaters of the Thelon) where they stayed to build canoes and
prepare for war on the Inuits whom they expected to meet at the Arctic coast on the Coppermine
River. At “Lake Clowey” they met many other Dene who had spent the winter near there
snaring caribou. After building the canoes they continued walking north and many “Copper
Indians” joined them along the way. The purpose of the trip, for Hearne, was to investigate the
copper mines; for the Dene it was to make war on the Inuit. Hearne documents the war
preparations in detail.27 Before leaving the forests each warrior prepared a wooden shield made
of boards two feet wide by three feet long which they carried the many miles north for the battle.
After walking north several days Matonabee and the war party leave the women, children and
Elders at “Congecathawhachaga” (possibly Contoyto Lake) where they met more ‘Copper
Indians’ who were there to hunt caribou in their little canoes.
“….the Copper Indians would be made acquainted with the nature and intention of our
journey. This was no sooner done than they expressed their entire approbation, and many
of them seemed willing and desirous of giving every assistance”28
They traveled north over difficult terrain that Hearne called “Stoney Mountains” following a
visible path which the Copper Indians knew:
“but having some Copper Indians with us who knew the best road…though not without
being obliged frequently to crawl on our hands and knees. Notwithstanding the intricacy
of the road, there is a very visible path the whole way across those mountains.”29
The trip was very difficult because they were frequently without food for days at a time, the
weather was wet and cold and they traveled with no tents or blankets and usually went without
making fire. They reached the Coppermine River after eleven days of walking where they hunted
and made drymeat for the last time “…as the report of guns, and smoke of fires, would be liable
26
see quotes from Hearne pages 91/92
see quotes from Hearne below
28
Ibid., p.120.
29
Ibid., p.132.
27
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to alarm the natives (Inuits) ….and give them an opportunity of escaping.”30 They walked the
banks of the river to “Bloody Falls” where there was a camp of “Esquimaux”.
f) War
“…each painted the front of his target or shield; some with the figure of the Sun, others
with that of the Moon, several with different kinds of birds and beasts of prey, and many
with the images of imaginary beings, which,….are inhabitants of the different elements
Earth, Sea, Air, etc.”31
“While we lay in ambush, the Indians performed the last ceremonies…before
engagement. These chiefly consisted in painting their faces; some all black, some all red,
and others with a mixture of the two; and to prevent their hair from blowing into their
eyes, it was either tied before and behind, and on both sides, or else cut short all the way
around….and by pulling off their stockings….and some ….pulled off their jackets and
entered the lists quite naked, except their breech cloths and shoes”32
“…it was near one o’clock in the morning of the seventeenth (of July); when finding all
the Esquimaux quiet in the tents, they rushed forth from ambush, and fell on the poor
unsuspecting creatures”33
“the Indians began to plunder the tents …of all the copper utensils they could find; such
as hatchets, bayonets, knives & etc. after which they assembled on top of an adjacent hill,
and standing all in a cluster, so as to form a solid circle, with their spears erect in the air,
gave many shouts of victory, constantly clashing the spears against each other, and
frequently calling out tima! tima! (tima in the Esquimaux language is a friendly word
similar to what cheer)”34
After killing the Inuits the group continued north to confirm their location at the sea coast, then
returned south by south east for thirty miles to the copper mine. There they found many places
where metal had been dug but Hearne was disappointed that after several hours searching they
found only one sizeable chunk of copper (about four pounds).
g) Rituals Returning From War
30
31
32
33
34
Ibid., p.147.
Ibid., p.148-149.
Ibid., p.152.
Ibid., p.152-153.
Ibid., p.156.
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“Immediately after my companions had killed the Esquimaux….they considered
themselves in a state of uncleanness, which induced them to practice some very curious
and unusual ceremonies. In the first place all who were absolutely concerned in the
murder were prohibited from cooking any kind of victuals….When the victuals were
cooked, all the murderers took a kind of red earth, or oker, and painted all the space
between the nose and the chin, as well as the greater part of their cheeks, almost to the
ears, before they would taste a bit, and would not drink out of any other dish, or smoke
out of any pipe, but their own. . .[This] was strictly and invariably observed, till the
Winter began to set in; and during the whole of that time they would never kiss any of
their wives or children. They refrained also from eating many parts of the deer and other
animals, particularly the head, entrails and blood; and during their uncleanness, their
victuals were never sodden in water, but dried in the sun, eaten quite raw, or broiled.”35
The group traveled the many miles back to the women observing strict war rituals all the way.
“We had no sooner joined the women…than there seemed to be a universal spirit of
emulation among them, vying who should first make a suit of ornaments for their
husbands, which consisted of bracelets for the wrists, and a band for the forehead,
composed of porcupine quills and moosehair, curiously wrought on leather”36
“When the time arrived that was to put an end to these ceremonies, the men, without a
female present, made a fire at some distance from the tents, into which they threw all
their ornaments; pipe stems, and dishes….after which a feast was prepared, consisting of
such articles as they had long been prohibited from eating; and when all was over, each
man was at liberty to eat, drink and smoke as he pleased; and also to kiss his wives and
children…which they did with more raptures than I have known them to do either before
or since.”37
h) Great Slave Lake
By November Matonabee’s group reached the treeline and there converted their canoes and tent
poles into sleds and snowshoes and headed along a river (likely the Bealieau River or the
Yellowknife River) to Great Slave Lake. They survived by hunting spruce hens and rabbits
supplemented with drymeat made before leaving the barrens. They crossed to the south side of
the frozen lake around Simpson Islands and traveled along the Slave River in search of
35
36
37
Ibid., p.205-6.
Ibid., p.204-205.
Ibid., p.206.
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“Athapaskow Indians” with whom Matonabee wished to trade. They hunted buffalo but did not
find any Athapaskows and so they turned northeast traveling through Nonacho Lake country to
the treeline.
i) The “Dog Ribbed” Woman
Between the Slave River and the treeline they came across a snowshoe trail and followed it to a
small camp where there was a Dogrib woman living by herself. The following quotes describe
her story.38
“.. discovered a young woman sitting alone….one of the western Dogribbed Indians, who
had been taken prisoner by Athabaska Indians…she had eloped from them with the intent
to return to her own country.”
“….she had been near seven months without seeing a human face; ….supported herself
by snaring rabbits, and squirrels; she had also killed two or three beaver, and some
porcupines. That she did not seem to have been in want is evident”
“When the few deer-sinews that she had the opportunity of taking with her were all
expended in making snares, and sewing her clothing, she had nothing to supply their
place but the sinews of the rabbits legs and feet; these she twisted together for that
purpose with great dexterity and success. The rabbits, &c....she made a suit neat and
warm clothing for the winter.”
“…..twisting the inner rind or bark of willows into small lines, like net-twine, …she had
made one hundred fathoms…to make a fishing net as soon as spring advanced. . . an iron
hoop, made into a knife, and the shank of and arrow-head of iron,…were all the metal
this poor woman had with her when she eloped.”
“….having ….two sulphurous stones … by friction and hard knocking, produced a few
sparks….she did not suffer her fire to go out all winter.”
“….the comeliness of her person, occasioned a strong contest between several of the
Indians of my party, who should have her for a wife; and the poor girl was actually won
and lost at wrestling by near half a score different men the same evening.”
“[When she had been captured the Athabaska Indians] according to the universal custom
…..surprised her and her party in the night, and killed every soul in the tent, except
38
Ibid., p.262-265.
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herself and three other young women….her young child, four or five months old, she
concealed in a bundle of clothing, and took with her …when she arrived at the place the
Athabaska Indians had left their wives they began to examine her bundle, and finding the
child, one woman took it from her, and killed it on the spot.”
“…her country lies so far to the westward, that she had never seen iron, or any kind of
metal, till she was taken prisoner….[they] made their hatchets and ice chisels of deer’s
horns, and their knives of stones and bone, that their arrows were shod with a kind of
slate, bones, and deer horns; and …to make their wood work…beaver teeth.”
“Though they had heard of the useful materials which the nations or tribes to the
east…were supplied with…they were obliged to retreat farther back, to avoid the
Athabaska Indians, who made surprising slaughter among them both in winter and
summer.”
j) The Thelon Family
Matonabee’s group which now numbered about 200 in 20 tents continued east toward the
treeline and “Lake Clowey” enroute back to Churchill. When nearing the treeline they met a
“poor”(traditional) family who resided year round in the Thelon Valley. They were far to the
east in the main forest collecting birch bark (for canoes and containers) and birch fungus (for
keeping fire smouldering) because that was one resource not available in the Thelon Valley
“oasis”.
“Matonabbee assured me that for more than a generation past one family only…have
taken up their abode in those woods, which are situated so far on the barren ground as to
be quite out of the track of any other Indians…. Few of the trading Northern Indians have
visited this place; ….the situation is said to be remarkably favourable for every kind of
game that the barren ground produces at different seasons of the year; but the continuance
of game with them is in general uncertain, except that of fish and partridges. Deer is said
to visit this part of the country in astonishing numbers, both spring and autumn, of which
circumstances the inhabitants avail themselves, by killing and drying as much of their
flesh as possible, particularly in the fall of the year; so that they seldom are in want of a
good winter stock. Geese, ducks, and swans visit here in great plenty during their
migrations both in spring and fall, and by much art, joined to an insurmountable patience,
are caught in considerable numbers in snares. …the common partridges, it is said, are
killed in considerable numbers with snares as well as with bow and arrows….but as their
woods contain no birch-trees of sufficient size, this party had come so far to the westward
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to procure birch-rind for making canoes, and some of the fungus that grows on the
outside of the birch-tree, which is used by all the Indians in those parts for tinder.”39
k) Along The Treeline Back to Churchill
Hearne records the life of traders in detail. They were a wild bunch plundering and raping small
camps at will. This was part of the turmoil of the early contact time and very likely not
traditional practice.
“On the fourteenth, we arrived at another part of Theelee-aza River, and pitched our tents
not far from some families of strange Northern Indians, who had been there some time
snaring deer, and who were so poor as to not have one gun among them. The villains
belonging to my crew were so far from administering relief, that they robbed them of
almost every useful article in their possession; and to complete their cruelty, the men
joined themselves in parties of six, eight, or ten in a gang, and dragged several of their
young women to a little distance from their tents where they not only ravished them, but
otherwise ill-treated them, and that in so barbarous a manner, as to endanger the lives of
one or two of them.”40
The winter travel along the treeline went well with caribou along the way, however when spring
came the group experienced hardship with no food. Only those with guns and ammunition
remaining were able to continue, others had to abandon travel and seek to survive on fish. Some
women starved because in times of scarcity they were the first to do without: “in times of want
the poor women always come off short; and when real distress approaches, many of them are
permitted to starve, when the males are amply provided for.” 41
Matonabee and Hearne arrived back at Prince of Wales Fort in Churchill on June 30, 1772 in
time for the arrival of the first new shipments from England. Thus, one of the most epic journeys
in Canadian history came to an end. Hearne became the Factor of the post at Churchill for a few
years then returned to England where he edited his notes from his journey and published them
achieving considerable public renown. Matonabee continued his trading expeditions for several
years, and then - quite out of character for him or for any Dene (according to Hearne) - he killed
himself for reasons unknown.
5.4.4
39
40
41
Dene Life – Before European Contact and circa 1770
Ibid., p.274-275.
Ibid., p.285-86.
Ibid., p.295.
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Hearne recorded everything he heard, saw and experienced. His journal is the most valuable
information we have today about how the Dene lived at the time of first contact with Europeans
two hundred and thirty years ago, and it provides great insight into what pre-historical life was
like before contact.
Because of Hearne’s journal the Dene from Churchill, Manitoba to Great Slave
Lake/Coppermine River NWT have the most complete historical record of traditional pre-contact
customs of all aboriginal groups in North America. The customs and Dene language were
similar throughout the region they traveled. The following section relies on Hearn’s journal
extensively and allows one to get a better understanding of traditional life before the arrival of
Europeans, as well as the cultural turmoil at the time of first contact. Hearne witnessed the
following events himself or was told by Matonabee or one of his group.
a) Leadership
Traditional Dene society was very democratic in that no one was ruled except by choice (apart
from women). Leaders were followed for specific purposes advantageous to the individual,
whether it be in war or in a hunting party. Leaders were in power only for the duration of the
activity for which they became leader.
“it is a universal practice with the Indian leaders….when going to the Company Factory,
to use their influence and interest in canvassing for companions; as they find by
experience that a large gang gains them much respect. Indeed, the generality of
Europeans who reside in those parts, being utterly unacquainted with the manners and
customs of the Indians, have conceived so high an opinion of those Leaders, and their
authority, as to imagine that all who accompany them on those occasions are entirely
devoted to their service and command all year; but this is so far from being the case, that
the authority of those great men, when absent from the Company’s Factory, never
extends beyond their own family;” 42
i) Decided in “council” to hunt for trip to post
“it was resolved (in Council, as it may be called) to expend as much time in hunting
buffalo, moose, and beaver as we could, so that we might be able to reach Prince of
Wales Fort a little before the usual time of the ships arrival from England.”43
b) Rights and Justice
42
43
Ibid., p. 289.
Ibid., p. 270.
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i) Few property rights
“Notwithstanding the Northern Indians are so covetous, and pay so little regard to private
property as to take every advantage of bodily strength to rob their neighbours, not only of
their goods, but of their wives, yet they are , in other respects, the mildest tribe or nation ,
that is to be found.” 44
ii) Seldom murder
“…for their losses or affronts be ever so great, they never will seek any other revenge
than that of wrestling. As for murder, which is so common among all the tribes of
Southern Indians, it is seldom heard of among them. A murderer is shunned and detested
by all the tribe, and is obliged to wander up and down, forlorn and forsaken even by his
own relations and former friends.” 45
c) Religion
Hearne witnessed many religious practices on his journey. Most were very interesting conjuring
rituals for sick people or war. He also described fishing and hunting rituals, puberty and
menstruation rituals for “luck in the hunt,” as well as creation stories. Their beliefs were about
spiritual relationships with natural beings such as caribou, wolves, bear, raven and the elements
of air, water, stone, and fire. The following quotes speak for themselves:
“…their conjurers sing songs, and make long speeches, to some beasts of prey, as also to
imaginary beings” 46
“neither he, nor any of his countrymen, had an idea of a future state. Though he had been
taught to look on things of this kind as useless” 47
“these people have nothing to do but consult their own interest, inclinations, and
passions; and to pass through this world with as much ease and contentment as possible,
without any hope of rewards, or painful fear of punishment, in the next.” 48
44
Ibid., p. 108.
45
Ibid., p.108.
Ibid., p.343.
47
Ibid., p.344.
46
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“The Northern Indians call the Aurora Borealis, De-thin; that is Deer” 49
“…several kinds of fairies, called by them Nant-e-na, whom they frequently say they see,
and who are supposed by them to inhabit the different elements of earth, sea, and
air…which, he says, has been revealed to him in a dream, or by some favorite fairies,
when on a hunting excursion.” 50
The animals of prey such as wolves, ravens, bear and wolverines were regarded as spiritual.
Perhaps, Hearne speculates, because their dead relatives were consumed by them. They “… will
reprimand their youth for talking disrespectfully of particular beasts and birds….custom of not
killing wolves and quiquehatches (wolverines)” 51
d) Conjuring
“The conjurers, who are always the doctors….. perform all their cures by charms. In
ordinary cases sucking the part affected, blowing, and singing to it; haughing, spitting,
and at the same time uttering a heap of unintelligible jargon,” “For inward complaints;
such as griping in the intestines, difficulty of making water, &c. it is very common to see
those jugglers blowing into the anus, or into parts adjacent, till their eyes are almost
starting out of their heads: and this operation is performed indifferently on all, without
regard to age or sex. The accumulation of so large a quantity of wind is at times apt to
occasion some extraordinary emotions, which are not easily suppressed by a sick person;
and there is no vent for it but the channel through which it was conveyed thither, it
sometimes occasions an odd scene between the doctor and his patient which I once
wantonly called an engagement, but for which I was afterward exceedingly sorry, as it
highly offended several of the Indians;”52
Hearne witnessed a conjurer swallowing a large board as part of healing a sick man:
“..as soon as our conjurer had executed the above feat, and entered the conjuring house….five
men and an old women, all of whom were great professors of this art, stripped themselves quite
naked and followed him, when they soon began to suck, blow, sing and dance, round the poor
paralytic; and continued so to do for three days and four nights, without taking the least
refreshment, not even so much as a drop of water”53
48
49
Ibid., Hearne quoting Matonabee, p.344.
Ibid., p.346.
50
Ibid., p.346-347.
Ibid., p.344.
52
Ibid., p.189-190.
53
Ibid., p.214-221.
51
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“When these jugglers take a dislike to, and threaten a secret revenge on any person, it
often proves fatal to that person; as, from a firm belief that the conjurer has power over
his life, he permits the very thoughts of it to prey on his spirits, till it brings on a disorder
which puts an end to his existence: and sometimes a threat of this kind can cause the
death of a whole family;”54
i) Death by conjurer
“When any of the principal Northern Indians die, it is generally believed that they are
conjured to death, either by some of their own countrymen, or by some of the Southern
Indians, or some of the Esquimaux:” 55
e) Death
“…the friends or relations of the sick generally leave them some victuals and water;
…and a little firing. When those articles are provided, the person to be left is acquainted
with the road which the other intend to go; and then, after covering them well up with
deer skins, &c. they take their leave and walk away crying.”56
“……they never bury their dead, but always leave the bodies where they die, so that they
are supposed to be devoured by the beasts and birds of prey; for this reason they will not
eat foxes, wolves, ravens &c.”57
f) Illness
Smallpox took most of the Dene in the years after Hearne’s journey, he added the following as a
note in his journal:
“ the Northern Indians, by annually visiting their Southern friends, the Athabaska
Indians, have contracted the small-pox, which has carried off nine-tenths of them. . .
[There were] few survivers…” 58
“…Matonabbee’s wife was so ill as to be obliged to be hauled on a sledge.”
“…one man …had to be hauled on a sledge by his brother for two months” 59
54
Ibid., p.221.
Ibid., p.338.
56
Ibid., p.202-203.
57
Ibid., p.341.
58
Ibid., p.178.
55
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“A scorbutic disorder, resembling the worst stage of the itch, consumptions, and fluxes,
are their chief disorders. The first of these, though very troublesome, is never known to
be fatal, unless it is accompanied with some inward complaint; but the two later, with a
few accidents, carries off great numbers of both sexes and all ages: indeed few of them
live to any great age, probably owing to the great fatigue they undergo from their youth
up” 60
g) Women’s Lives
i) Puberty ritual
“….young girls, when those symptoms make their first appearance, generally go a little
distance from the other tents for four or five days, and at their return wear a kind of veil
or curtain, made of beads, for some time after,” 61
ii) Menstruation
When a woman is menstruating she “creeps out under the eves of …..the tent; for at those times
they are not permitted to go through the door.” And she makes her own tent “at some distance
from the others.” 62
“women in this situation are never permitted to walk on the ice of river or lakes, or near
the part where men hunt beaver, or where a fishing net is set, for fear of averting their
success. They are also prohibited from partaking of the head of any animal, and even
from walking in, or crossing the track where the head of a deer, moose beaver and many
other animals have lately been carried” 63
iii) Marriage
“The girls are always betrothed when children, but never to those of equal age…it is very
common to see men of thirty-five or forty years old have young girls of no more than ten
or twelve, and sometimes much younger. From the early age of eight or nine years they
are prohibited by custom from joining the most innocent amusements with children of the
59
Ibid., p. 66.
Ibid., p. 336.
61
Ibid., p. 314.
62
Ibid., p. 313.
63
Ibid., p. 314.
60
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opposite sex; so that when sitting in their tents, or even when traveling, they are watched
and guarded with such unremitting attention….” 64
“Their marriages are not attended with any ceremony; ….implicitly obey the will of their
parents,”65
iv) Fighting for wives
“It has ever been the custom among those people for the men to wrestle for any woman to
whom they are attached; and, of course, the strongest party always carries off the prize.
A weak man, unless he is a good hunter and well-beloved, is seldom permitted to keep a
wife that a stronger man thinks is worth his notice: for at any time when the wives of
those strong wrestlers are heavy-laden either with furs or provisions, they make no
scruple of tearing any other man’s wife from his bosom, and making her bear a part of his
luggage. This custom prevails throughout all their tribes, and causes a great spirit of
emulation among their youth, who are upon all occasions, from their childhood, trying
their strength and skill in wrestling. This enables them to protect their property, and
particularly their wives from the hands of those powerful ravishers; some of whom make
almost a living by taking what they please from the weaker parties, without making them
any return.” 66
“the whole business consists of hauling each other about by the hair of the head; they are
seldom known to either strike or kick one another. It is not uncommon for one of them to
cut off his hair and to grease his ears….For want of hair to pull, they seize each other
about the waist, with legs wide extended, and try their strength, by endeavoring to vie
who can throw the other down.” 67
v) Matonabee’s wife taken by force
“An Indian man who had been some time in our company, insisted on taking one of
Matonabee’s wives from him by force, unless he complied with his demands, which
were, that Matonabee should give him a certain quantity of ammunition, some pieces of
iron work, a kettle, and several other articles; ….Matonabee was more exasperated on
64
Ibid., p. 311.
Ibid., p. 310.
66
Ibid., p. 104-107.
67
Ibid., p. 105.
65
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this occasion, as the same man had sold him the woman no longer than the nineteenth of
the preceding April.” 68
vi) Matonabee buys a wife
April 18, 1771 - “…then came to a tent of Northern Indians who were tenting on the
north side of the Thelewey-aza River (Snowdrift River?). From these Indians Matonabee
purchased another wife; so that he now had no less than seven, most of whom would for
size have made good grenadiers. He prided himself much on the height and strength of
his wives” 69
vii) Wife exchange
“…it is a very common custom among men of this country to exchange a night lodging
with each other’s wives…it is esteemed by them as one of the strongest ties of friendship
between the two families” 70
viii) Divorce
“Divorces are pretty common among the Northern Indians; sometimes for incontinency,
but more frequently for want of what they deem necessary accomplishments, or bad
behaviour. This ceremony, in either case, consists of neither more nor less than a good
drubbing, and turning the woman out of doors.” 71
ix) Birthing / Naming
“one woman having been taken in labour….we were detained more than two days. The
instant, however the poor woman was delivered….the signal was made for moving when
the poor creature took her infant on her back and set out with the rest of the
company;…she was obliged to carry a considerable load beside her little charge,” 72
“When a Northern Indian woman is taken in labour, a small tent is erected for her, at such
a distance from other tents that her cries cannot easily be heard, and the other women and
68
Ibid., p.110.
Ibid., p. 88.
70
Ibid., p. 129.
71
Ibid., p. 312.
72
Ibid., p. 91-93.
69
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young girls are her constant visitants: no male, except children in arms, ever ….approach
her.” 73
“….after child birth is reckoned unclean for a month or five weeks; during which time
she always remains in a small tent placed at a little distance from the others, with only a
female acquaintance or two; and during the whole time the father never sees the child.” 74
The parents or a relative name the children. “Those of boys are various, and generally
derived from some place, season, or animal; the names of the girls are chiefly taken from
some part or property of a Martin; such as the White Martin, the Black Martin, the
Summer Martin, the Martin’s Head, The Martin’s Foot, the Martin’s Heart, the Martin’s
Tail, &c.” 75
“Matonabbee had eight wives, and they were all called Martins.” 76
x) Few children
“it is very uncommon to see one woman have more than five or six children.” 77
xi) No Women at feasts
“The women never mix in any of these diversions, not even the dancing; for when that is
required of them, they always exhibit without the tent…nor are they allowed to be
present at a feast.”78
xii) Women starve first
“It is a melancholy truth,… to think, that in times of want the poor women always come
off short; and when real distress approaches, many of them are permitted to starve, when
the males are amply provided for.” 79
xiii) Matonabee kills his wife
73
Ibid., p.93.
Ibid., p.93.
75
Ibid., p.94.
76
Ibid., p.94.
77
Ibid., p.312.
78
Ibid., p.336.
79
Ibid., p.295.
74
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“My guide, Matonabbee, who at that time had no less than seven wives, all women
grown, besides a young girl of eleven or twelve years old, would have put in for the prize
(the Dogrib woman) also, had not one of his wives made him ashamed of it, by telling
him that he had already more wives than he could properly attend. This piece of satire,
however true, proved fatal to the poor girl who dared to make so open a declaration; for
the great man, Matonabbee, …took it as such an affront, that he fell on her with both
hands and feet, and bruised her to such a degree, that after lingering for some time she
died.” 80
xiv) Matonabee’s revenge when wife runs away
“In the night, one of Matonabee’s wives and another woman eloped: it was supposed they
went off to the eastward, in order to meet their former husbands, from whom they had
been taken by force.” “…She had not appeared happy in her situation; and chose rather
to be the sole wife of a sprightly young fellow of no note, (though very capable of
maintaining her) than to have the seventh or eighth share of the affection of the greatest
man in the country.” 81
“while we were building the canoes at Clowey,…Matonabee….actualy stabbed the
husband of the above mentioned girl in three places; …because the poor man had spoken
disrespectfully of him for having taken away his wife by force.” 82
h) Fortitude
i) Survival
“digging a hole in the snow, and fixing a few deer skins up to windward of us” 83
“The real wants of these people are few, and easily supplied; a hatchet, an ice chisel, a
file, and a knife, are all that is required to enable them, with a little industry, to procure a
comfortable livelihood;” 84
ii) Remained in good spirits when starving
80
Ibid., p.265.
Ibid., p.102.
82
Ibid., p.103.
83
Ibid., p.58.
84
Ibid., p.81.
81
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“they bear hunger with a degree of fortitude which, …is much easier to admire, than to
imitate” 85
i) Hunting
i) Caribou pound
“The pound is built by making a strong fence with bushy trees….I have seen some not
less than a mile round, …the door is not larger than a common gate, and inside is so
crowded with small counter hedges as very much resemble a maze; in every opening of
which they set a snare, made with thongs of parchment deer-skins well twisted together.
One end of the snare is usually made fast to a growing pole…a loose pole is substituted,
which is of such size and length that a deer cannot drag it far….a row of small brushwood
is stuck up in the snow on each side of the door….fifteen to twenty yards from each
other….as to form two sides of a long acute angle….not less than two or three
miles….pitch their tent on or near to an eminence that affords a commanding prospect of
the path leading to the pound; and when they see any deer going that way, men, women
and children walk ….under cover of the woods, till they get behind them, then step forth
to open view, and proceed toward the pound…block up the entrance with some bushy
trees, the women and children walk around the pound….while the men are employed
spearing such as are entangled in the snares, and shooting with bows and arrows those
which remain loose in the pound. This method of hunting….is sometimes so successful
that many families subsist by it without having occasion to move their tents above once
or twice during the course of a whole winter;” 86
ii) Snared deer at Clowey
“Some of the Indians had resided within four or five miles to the southeast of Clowey all
winter…and had procured a plentiful livelihood by snaring deer” 87
iii) People spent the summers on the barrens.
“…and when spring advances both the deer and people draw out to the eastward, on the
ground which is entirely barren” 88
85
86
87
88
Ibid., p.70.
Ibid., p. 78.
Ibid., p. 96.
Ibid., p. 80.
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iv) Copper Indians passed summer on barrens
“Our Northern Indians who trade at the Factory, as well as all the Copper tribe, pass their
whole summer on the barren ground, where they find plenty of deer; and in some of the
rivers and lakes, a great abundance of fine fish.” 89
v) Women packed
“…when men are heavy laden they can neither hunt nor travel any considerable
distance….women he added were made for labour; one of them can carry as much as two
men…no such thing as traveling for any length of time, in this country, without their
assistance” 90
vi) Hunted using only bow, spear
“Their bows and arrows, though their original weapons, are, since the introduction of
fire-arms among them, become of little use, except in killing deer as they walk or run
through a narrow pass prepared for their reception. . .When the Indians see a herd of deer,
and intend to hunt them with bows and arrows, they….get to the leeward….search for a
convenient spot to conceal those who are appointed to shoot. ….a large bundle of sticks,
…(which they carry with them the whole summer for the purpose) are arranged in two
ranks so as to form two side of a very acute angle, and the sticks placed at the distance of
fifteen or twenty yards from each other….each of the sticks has a small flag….and lump
of moss stuck on the tops….the women and boys separate into two parties, and go round
on both sides, till they form a crescent at the back of the deer, which are drove straight
forward….till they get among the men who are concealed in small circular fences made
of stones and moss; but as the deer generally pass along at full speed, few Indians have
time to shoot more than one or two arrows.” 91
vii) Method of hunting beaver
“…it is necessary to stake the river across, to prevent them from passing; after which they
endeavour to find all their holes or places of retreat in the banks. This requires much
practice and experience to accomplish, and is performed in the following manner. Every
man being furnished with an ice-chisel, lashes it to the end of a small staff about four or
five feet long; he then walks along the edge of the banks, and keeps knocking his chisels
89
Ibid., p. 320.
Ibid., p. 55.
91
Ibid., p. 320-321.
90
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against the ice….know by the sound of the ice when they are opposite to any of the
beaver holes or vaults….they cut a hole through the ice big enough to admit an old
beaver….proceed until they have found all their places of retreat….While the principal
men are thus employed, some of the undertrappers, and the women are busy breaking
open the house…the beaver… fly to their holes in the banks for shelter; and on being
perceived ….they block up the entrances with stakes….and haul the beaver out with a
large hook made for that purpose, which is fastened to the end of a long stick.” 92
viii) Hunted moose in spring by running
“when the snow was hard crusted over …ran down many moose…a good runner will
likely tire them in less than a day….though I have seen some Indians continue the chase
for two days before they could come up with and kill the game. …only take with them a
knife or bayonet, and a little bag containing a set of fire-tackle, and as lightly clothed as
possible; some of them will carry a bow and two or three arrows”. Guns, Hearne
explains, were too heavy for this activity. 93
“they (moose) are often killed by Indians in the water” 94
ix) Snared geese, ducks
“…make a number of hedges, or fences, project into the water, at right angles, from the
banks of a river lake or pond;…Those fences are continued for some distance from the
shore, and separated two or three yards from one another, so that opening are left
sufficiently large to let the birds swim through. In each of those openings a snare is hung
and fastened to a stake…When the lakes and river are shallow….[they] make fences from
shore to shore.” 95
x) Used own hair to snare small birds
“For small birds such as larks ….use two or three hairs out of their head [to make a
snare]” 96
xi) Bow and arrow to hunt rabbits and spruce hens
92
Ibid., p. 237.
Ibid., p. 283-284.
94
Ibid., p. 256-257.
95
Ibid., p. 275.
96
Ibid., p. 276.
93
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“Rabbits were so plentiful….that several of the Indians caught twenty or thirty in a night
with their snares; and…..kill near twenty of them [spruce hens] in a day with his bow and
arrows.” 97
xii) Fishing described
“When they make a new fishing-net, which is…. composed of small thongs cut from raw
deer-skins, they take a number of birds bills and feet, and tie them a little apart from each
other, to the head and foot rope of the net, and at the four corners generally fasten some
of the toes and jaws of the otters and jackashes. The birds feet and bills….are those of
the laughing goose, wavey [white goose], gulls loons and black-heads. ….the first fish
caught in it are not to be sodden in water, but broiled whole on the fire, and the flesh
carefully taken from the bones without dislocating one joint; …laid on the fire at full
length and burnt.” 98
“…when they bait a hook, a composition of four, five or six articles, by way of a charm,
is concealed under the bait ….which is a bit of fish skin, which is always sewed around
the hook….to resemble a small fish. The things used by way of a charm, are bits of
beaver tails and fat, otter’s vents and teeth, muskrat’s guts and tails, loon’s vents,
squirrel’s testicles, curdled milk from deer, human hair, and a number of other articles…”
99
“…the men, have a small bundle….which they always carry with them…with some of
those articles to put under their bait”. 100
“….fish of the same species, inhabiting different parts of the country, are fond of
different things; so that almost every lake or river….obliges them to alter the composition
of the charm.” 101
xiii) Do not depend on fish
97
Ibid., p. 213.
Ibid., p. 320.
99
Ibid., p. 328.
100
Ibid., p. 329.
101
Ibid., p. 329.
98
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“…uncertainty of meeting with a sufficient supply (of fish)…..makes the natives very
cautious how they put their dependence on that article, as it has too frequently been the
means of many hundreds being starved to death.” 102
xiv) Ate nothing but drymeat for months
May19 Hearne writes.... “we had lived all that time on the dried meat which had been
prepared….in April” 103
“So that during a period of near two months, we had lived on the dried meat…” 104
xv) First meal in a week
July 8 “afforded a few willows…consequently it was here we cooked our first meal for a
whole week…not far from Grizzle Bear Hill” 105
j) Foods Eaten / Preparation
i) Cooked with birch pails
“The extreme poverty of those Indians in general will not permit one half of them to
purchase brass kettles from the Company; so that they are still under the necessity of
continuing their original mode of boiling their victuals in large upright vessels made of
birch-rind. As those vessels will not admit of being exposed to the fire, the Indians heat
stones red-hot and put them into the water…This method of cooking, though very
expeditious, is attended with one great evil: the victuals which are thus prepared are full
of sand; for the stones thus heated, and then immerged in water….are liable to shiver to
pieces and fall to a mass of gravel in the kettle” 106
On the south side of Great Slave Lake, Hearne states, there were no stones “so that such of my
companions as had not brass kettles, loaded their sledges with stones from some of the last
islands, to boil their victuals with in their birch-rind kettles,” 107
102
Ibid., p. 74.
103
Ibid., p. 112.
Ibid., p. 223.
105
Ibid., p. 135.
106
Ibid., p. 316.
107
Ibid., p. 250.
104
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ii) Haggis
“a beeatee, as it is called in their language…a kind of haggis, made with the blood, a
good quantity of fat shred small, some of the tender flesh, together with the heart and
lungs cut, …into small shivers; all which is put into the stomach, and roasted, by being
suspended before the fire by a string.” 108
iii) Warbles
“warbles, of which some of them are remarkably fond, particularly the children. They
are always eaten raw and alive, out of the skin; and are said, by those who like them, to
be as fine as gooseberries” 109
iv) Raw meat
“…frequently obliged to eat their victuals quite raw, particularly in the summer season,
while on the barren ground….they frequently do it by choice” 110
v) Cooked chickens, deer hide in fat
“the partridges are boiled in a kettle of sheer fat, ….I have also eat deer-skins boiled in
fat, which were exceedingly good.” 111
vi) Prepared dryfish in December for travel
“Having dried as many fish and fish-roes as we could conveniently take with us” 112
vii) Made drymeat while walking
“as we fastened it on the tops of the women’s bundles, and dried it by the sun and wind
while we were walking.” 113
viii) Stomach contents
108
Ibid., p.144.
Ibid., p. 197.
110
Ibid., p. 315.
111
Ibid., p. 214.
112
Ibid., p. 222.
109
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“The most remarkable dish among them…is blood mixed with half digested food which
is found in the deer’s stomach or paunch, and boiled up with a sufficient quantity of
water, to make it of the consistency of pease-pottage. Some fat and scraps of tender flesh
are also shred small and boiled in it. To render this dish more palatable, they have a
method of mixing blood with the contents of the stomach in the paunch itself, and
hanging it up in the smoke of the fire for a few days; which puts the whole mass into a
state of fermentation, and gives it such an agreeable acid taste…most of the fat which is
boiled in it is first chewed by the men and boys, in order to break the globules that
contain the fat; by which means it all boils out, and mixes with the broth” 114
“the stomach is so much esteemed by them that I have often seen them sit round a deer
where it was killed, and eat it warm out of the paunch. In summer the deer feed more
coarsely, and therefore this dish, …is then not so much in favour.” 115
ix) Fetus
“The young calves, fawns, beaver, &c. taken out of the bellies of their mothers, are
reckoned most delicate food…and the same may be said of young geese, ducks &c. in the
shell” 116
x) Penis
“The parts of generation both male and female are always eaten by the men and
boys….those parts are not to be cut with an edge tool, but torn to pieces with the teeth”
117
xi) Cooked or ate womb raw
“They are remarkably fond of the womb of buffalo, deer or moose, &c. which they
eagerly devour without washing, or any other process but barely stroking out the
contents.” 118
xii) Lice
113
Ibid., p.297.
Ibid., p. 316
115
Ibid., p.317
116
Ibid., p. 318
117
Ibid., p. 318
114
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“My old guide, Matonabbee, was so remarkably fond of those little vermin, that he
frequently set his five or six strapping wives to work to louse their hairy deer-skin shifts,
the produce of which being always very considerable, he eagerly received with both
hands, and licked them in as fast, and with as good grace as any European epicure would
the mites in a cheese.” 119
xiii) Maggots
“I have frequently seen them eat a whole handful of maggots that were produced in meat
by fly-blows,” 120
xiv) Black lichen
“There is a black, hard crumply moss, ….which is of infinite service to the natives, as it
sometimes furnishes them with a temporary subsistence, when no animal food can be
procured. This moss when boiled, turns to a gummy consistence,….it may, by adding
either moss or water, be made to almost any consistence….generally most esteemed
when boiled with fish-liquor.” 121
k) Shelter / Clothing
i) Clothing made of deer
“It requires….eight to ten deer to make a complete suit of warm clothing for winter; all of
which should be killed in the month of August….several other to be dressed into leather,
for stockings, shoes and light summer clothing….several more….to make clewla or
thongs…where strings or lines are required: so that each person, on average, expends, in
the course of a year upwards of twenty deer skins in clothing, ….exclusive of tent cloths,
bags, and many other things.” 122
ii) Lines on face
“Every tribe of Northern Indians, as well as the Copper and Dog-ribbed Indians, have
three or four parallel black strokes marked on each cheek; which is performed by entering
118
Ibid., p. 319
Ibid., p. 325
120
Ibid., p. 326
121
Ibid., p. 328.
122
Ibid., p. 195-197
119
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an awl or needle under the skin, and, on drawing it out again, immediately rubbing
powdered charcoal into the wound.” 123
iii) Moosehide tents and shoes
“The skins of moose….make excellent tent covers and shoe-leather” 124
iv) Method of Tanning hide
“To dress those skins according to the Indian method, a lather is made of the brains and
some of the softest fat or marrow of the animal, in which the skin is well soaked, when it
is taken out, and not only dried by the heat of the fire, but hung up in the smoke for
several days; it is then taken down and well soaked and washed in warm water, till the
grain of the skin is perfectly open, and has imbibed a sufficient quantity of water.” 125
v) Moss for babies
“they make no use of cradles….but only tie a lump of moss between their legs; and
always carry their children at their backs, next the skin, till they are able to walk.” 126
vi) Tents made of caribou hide with hair on
“The tents made use of by those Indians, both in summer and winter, are generally
composed of deer-skins in the hair; and for convenience of carriage, are always made in
small pieces, seldom exceeding five buckskins in one piece.” 127
l) Traditional Travel
i) Made tent poles for traveling on the barrens
“we remained at Thelewey-aza-yeth during which time my companions were busily
employed (at their intervals from hunting) in preparing small stave of birch-wood, about
123
Ibid., p. 306
124
Ibid., p. 259
Ibid., p. 261
126
Ibid., p. 321
127
Ibid., p. 322
125
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one and a quarter inch square, and seven or eight feet long. These serve as tent poles all
the summer while on the barrenlands.” 128
ii) Gathered birchbark
“Birch-rind, together with the timbers and other wood-work for building canoes, were
also another object of the Indian’s attention while at this place; but as the canoe were not
to be set up till our arrival at Clowey, ….all the woodwork was reduced to its proper size,
for the sake of making it light for carriage.” 129
iii) Built canoe at Clowey
April 20 “Matonabbee sent one of his brothers ahead, with birch-rind and wood-work for
a canoe, and gave them orders to proceed to a small lake near the barren ground called
Clowey” 130
iv) Canoe design/use
“Those vessels, though made of the same materials with the canoes of the Southern
Indians, differ from them both in shape and construction: they are also much smaller and
lighter; And though very light and simple in their construction….are the best that could
be contrived….for the use of those people, who are frequently obliged to carry them one
hundred, and sometimes one hundred fifty miles at a time, without having occasion to put
them in the water. Indeed the chief use of these canoes is to ferry over unfordable rivers;
…they are of great service in killing deer…they are also useful in killing swans, geese,
ducks, &c. in the moulting season.”
“In general, these Indians make use of the single paddle, though a few have double ones,
like the Esquimaux: the latter, however, are seldom used, but by those who lie in wait to
kill deer as they cross rivers and narrow lakes.” 131
v) Made rafts of canoes
“ ….we had only three canoes, and those of the common size, could only carry two
persons each, without baggage. It is true when water is smooth, and a raft of three or four
128
Ibid., p. 87
Ibid., p. 88
130
Ibid., p. 91
131
Ibid., p. 96-98
129
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of these canoes is well secured by poles lashed across them, they will carry a much
greater weight….and this is the general mode adopted by the people of this country in
crossing rivers” 132
vi) Dogs carried tents; did not pull sleds.
“These tents, as also their kettles, and some other lumber, are always carried by dogs.” 133
vii) Description of dogs
“Those animals are of various sizes and colours, but all of the fox and wolf breed, with
sharp noses, full brushy tails, and sharp ears standing erect. 134
viii) Built sleds of hide & wood
“In the fall of the year, and as the winter advances, those people sew the skins of the deer
legs together in the shape of long portmanteaus, which, when hauled on the snow as the
hair lies, are as slippery as an otter, and serve them as temporary sledges while on the
barren ground, but when they arrive at any woods, they then make proper sledges, with
thin boards of the larch tree. Those sledges are of various sizes, according to the strength
of the persons who are to haul them…but in general they do not exceed eight or nine feet
in length, and twelve feet or fourteen inches in breadth.” 135
ix) Carving knife
They shape all their wood for canoes, snowshoes etc. with “…no other tools than an ordinary
knife, turned up a little at the point.” 136
x) Medicine bag
All men carry a …“Skipertogan is a small bag that contains a flint and steel, also a pipe
and tobacco, as well as touchwood &c. for making fire. Some of these bags may be
132
Ibid., p. 119
Ibid., p. 323
134
Ibid., p. 323
135
Ibid., p. 323-324
136
Ibid., p. 324
133
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called truly elegant; being richly ornamented with beads, porcupine-quills, moosehair,
&c….” 137
xi) Snowshoes
“Their snowshoes differ from all others made use of in those parts; …sharp pointed
before…the inside of the frames are almost straight, and the outside has a very large
sweep…made of birchwood, and the netting is composed of thongs of deerskin.” 138
m) Recreation
i) Greetings
“When two parties of those Indians meet…they advance within twenty or thirty yards of
each other, they make a full halt, and in general sit or lie down on the ground, and do not
speak for some minutes. At length one of them, generally an elderly man, if any be in the
company, breaks the silence, by acquainting the other party with every misfortune that
has befallen him and his companions from the last time they had seen or heard of each
other; and also of all the deaths and other calamities that have befallen any other Indians
during the same period. . .When the first has finished his oration, another aged orator (if
there be any) belonging to the other party relates, in a like manner, all the bad news that
has come to his knowledge. ….if those orations contain any news that in least affect the
other party, it is not long before some of them begin to sigh and sob, and soon after break
into a loud cry…and sometimes it is common to see them all, men, women, and children,
in one universal howl. When the first transports of grief subside, they advance by
degrees, and both parties mix with each other, the men always associating with the men,
and the women with the women. If they have any tobacco among them, the pipes are
passed round pretty freely, and the conversation soon becomes general…. That in less
than half an hour nothing but smiles and cheerfulness are to be seen on every face; and if
they be not really in want, small presents of provisions, ammunition, and other articles,
often take place;” 139
ii) Games
137
Ibid., p. 48
Ibid., p. 325
139
Ibid., p. 332-333
138
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“They have but few diversions; the chief is shooting at a mark with bow and arrows; and
another outdoor game called Holl, which in some measure resembles playing with quoits;
only it is done with short clubs, sharp at one end. 140
iii) Dancing, drum & rattle
“They also amuse themselves at times with dancing, which is always performed at
night….it only consists in lifting the feet alternately from the ground in very quick
succession, and as high as possible without moving the body….the hands at the same
time being closed, and held close to the breast, and the head inclining forward. This
diversion is always performed quite naked, except the breech-cloth, and at times that is
also thrown off; and the dancers, who seldom exceed three or four at a time, always stand
close to the music. . .This mode of dancing naked is performed only by the men: for when
the women are ordered to dance they always exhibit without the tent, to music which is
played within it; ….in a straight line, and just shuffle themselves a little from right to left,
and back again in the same line, without lifting their feet from the ground; and when the
music stops they all give a little bend of the body and knee, somewhat like…a curtsey,
and pronounce a little shrill tone, h-e-e, h-o-o-o-e.” 141
iv) Music
“The music…is no more than a frequent repetition of the words hee, hee, hee, ho, ho, ho,
&c…produce something like a tune…This is always accompanied by a drum or tabor;
and sometimes a kind of a rattle…made with a piece of dried buffalo skin…into which
they put a few shot or pebbles,” 142
v) Hand games
“they have a simple indoor game, which is that of taking a bit of wood, a button, or any
small thing, and after shifting it from hand to hand several times, asking their antagonist ,
which hand is it in? When playing this game, which only admits of two persons, each of
them have ten, fifteen or twenty chips of wood…and when one of them guesses right he
takes one of his antagonist’s sticks…and he that first gets all the sticks from the other in
that manner, is said to have won the game, which is generally for a single load of powder
and shot, an arrow, or some other thing of inconsiderable value.” 143
140
Ibid., p. 333
Ibid., p. 334-335
142
Ibid., p. 334
143
Ibid., p. 335
141
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It bears repetition that women did not participate in any of these diversions, and they were not
allowed to be at feasts. 144
n) Trading and the Trade Route
i) Lots of people on the trade route
“In our way we frequently met with other Indians, so that scarcely a day passed without
seeing several smokes made by other strangers” 145
ii) Women wait out of post
“Island Lake…abounding with great plenty of fine fish…….wives and families of those
Northern Indians who visit Prince of Wales Fort in October and November generally
reside, and wait for their return.” 146
iii) Women packers used for fur trade
Hearne spoke about traders using women to pack:
“Their annual haunts, in quest of furs, is so remote from any European settlement, as to
render them the greatest travelers in the known world; and as they have neither horse nor
carriage, every good hunter (trader/hunter) is under the necessity of having several
persons to assist in carrying his furs to the Company’s Fort, as well as carrying back the
European goods which he receives in exchange for them. No persons in this country are
so proper for this work as the women, because they are inured to carry and haul heavy
loads from their childhood, and do all manner of drudgery; so that those men who are
capable of providing for three, four, five, six or more women, generally find them humble
and faithful servants, affectionate wives, and fond indulgent mothers to their children.”147
iv) Size of trading party
144
Ibid., p. 336
145
Ibid., p. 50
Ibid., p. 72
147
Ibid., p. 125
146
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“our party which now consisted of twenty tents, containing in the whole about two
hundred persons; and indeed our company had not been much less during the whole of
the winter.” 148
v) Trade not required for subsistence
“….all that they can possibly get there for the furs they procure, seldom amounts to more
than is sufficient to yield a bare subsistence….while those they call indolent…. live in a
state of plenty, without trouble or risk; and consequently must be the most happy, and, in
truth, the most independent also….as they never give themselves the trouble to acquire
what they can do well enough without.”
“Indeed, those who take no concern at all procuring furs, have generally an opportunity
of providing themselves with all their real wants from their more industrious countrymen,
in exchange for provisions, and ready dressed skins for clothing.” 149
vi) Risk starvation while trading
“…...and by always following the lead of the deer, are seldom exposed to the griping
hand of famine. So frequently felt by those who are called the annual traders.” 150
“….are frequently in danger of being starved to death…and most of these scenes of
distress happen during their journeys to and from Prince of Wale’s Fort, the only place at
which they trade.” 151
vii) Copper Indians do not trade
“But it is a political scheme of our Northern Indian traders to prevent such an intercourse
[trading by Copper Indians]….not one out of three of those [Copper Indians] who have
undertaken the journey, have lived to return….it has always been owing to the treachery
and cruelty of the Northern Indians, who took them under their protection.” 152
viii) With ammunition could travel in scarcity
148
Ibid., p. 279-280
Ibid., p. 82
150
Ibid., p. 83
151
Ibid., p. 331
152
Ibid., p. 180-182
149
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“Indeed most of the Indians who actually accompanied me the whole way to the Factory
had some little ammunition remaining, which enabled them to travel in times of real
scarcity better than those we left behind; and though we assisted many of them, yet
several of their women died for want.” 153
‘several of the Indians struck off another way, not being able to proceed to the Fort for
want of ammunition. As we had for some days past made good journeys, and at the same
time were heavily laden, and in great distress for provisions, some of my companions
were so weak as to be obliged to leave their bundles of furs.” 154
ix) Plunder weak groups
“The next day we saw the tracks of some strangers; …and some of my companions were
at the trouble of searching for them, and finding them to be poor inoffensive people,
plundered them not only for the few furs which they had, but took also one of their young
women from them.” 155
“On the fourteenth, we arrived at another part of Theelee-aza River, and pitched our tents
not far from some families of strange Northern Indians, who had been there some time
snaring deer, and who were so poor as to not have one gun among them. The villains
belonging to my crew were so far from administering relief, that they robbed them of
almost every useful article in their possession; and to complete their cruelty, the men
joined themselves in parties of six, eight, or ten in a gang, and dragged several of their
young women to a little distance from their tents where they not only ravished them, but
otherwise ill-treated them, and that in so barbarous a manner, as to endanger the lives of
one or two of them.” 156
x) Alcohol consumption
“Few of the Northern Indians are fond of spirits, especially those who keep a distance
from the Fort: some who are near, and who usually shoot geese for us in the spring, will
drink it at free cost…but few of them are so imprudent as to buy it.” 157
153
Ibid., p. 295
Ibid., p. 294
155
Ibid., p. 273
156
Ibid., p. 285-286
157
Ibid., p. 271-272
154
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“….they are the mildest tribe of Indians that trade at any of the Company’s settlements;
and as the greatest part of them are never heated with liquor, are always in their senses,
and never proceed to riot, or any violence” 158
xi) Common trade goods
Hearne refers to the trade goods he gave to Matonabee while at the Company’s Factory. The
items mentioned can be assumed to have been commonly traded goods.
“I dressed him out as a Captain of the first rank, and also clothed his six wives from top
to toe; ….seven lieutenants’ coats, eighteen hats, eighteen shirts, eight guns, one hundred
and forty pounds weight of gunpowder, with shot, ball, and flints in proportion; together
with many hatchets, ice-chissels, files, bayonets, knives, and a great quantity of tobacco,
cloth, blankets, combs, looking glasses, stockings, handkerchiefs, &c. besides numberless
small articles, such as, awls, needles, paint, steels, &c. in all to the amount of upwards of
seven hundred beaver in the way of trade.” 159
“Brazil” tobacco twisted into a rope of one inch thickness and wound into a roll is one of the
main trade items. 160
xiv) Copper Indians request a post in their country
“I smoked my calumet of peace with the principal Copper Indians, who seemed highly
pleased on the occasion; and, from a conversation held on the subject of my journey, I
found they were delighted with the hopes of having an European settlement in their
neighbourhood,” 161
5.5
THE COMING OF THE WHITEMEN - 1800’S
5.5.1
Akaitcho and the Dogrib Wars – 1780 to 1823
A smallpox epidemic ended the treeline trade in 1780 and this, according to Hearne precipitated
a war between the Dogrib and Copper (Yellowknife) Indians, fighting over the “small amount of
trade goods left in their country”. In 1783 the Northwest Company out of Montreal (Hearne
refers to them as “the Canadians”) started a permanent trading post at Fort Chipewyan and in
158
Ibid., p. 310
Ibid., p. 290
160
Ibid., p. 99
161
Ibid., p. 120
159
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1786 established one in Fort Resolution. No longer were long packing trips from Great Slave
Lake to Churchill, risking starvation, required. For the next one hundred and fifty years trading
trips into Fort Resolution became a part of the seasonal cycle for the Dene at the treeline beyond
the eastern end of Great Slave Lake.
The years of disease and scarcity in the decades after Matonabee and Hearne’s trip, the 1780’s,
was also the beginning of a thirty year war with the Dogrib. These were difficult years for the
Yellowknives, not only did the Dogrib gain access to guns and ammunition through traders at a
post established in 1789 at Lac La Martre (now Whati), but a series of epidemics swept through
the country. By the early years of the 1800’s the Yellowknives were seriously weakened and
reduced in numbers. Akaitcho, the best remembered Yellowknife chief, was quoted in
Franklin’s journal of 1819 as saying “The world goes badly; all are poor, you are poor, the
traders appear to be poor, I and my party are poor likewise.”162 Stories of the wars and the main
characters are well remembered by the Dene. This was a time of great medicine men who used
their skills in the war with the Dogrib. Sahtli (Sun Rope) was one medicine man remembered to
this day. He had the ability to climb on the shaft of light coming through a small hole in a tent,
hence his name. Through conjuring, bullets were turned back on the shooters, and at other times
the enemy’s bullets were all gathered falling onto the conjuror’s blanket in great numbers. 163
The mouth of the Lockhart River - where the spiritual gathering place is today - was the site of
the last battle with the Dogribs in the vicinity of Lutsel K’e territory. Akaitcho was able to
muster enough strength among his beleaguered tribe to push the Dogrib back and bring them into
a peace treaty in 1823.
Once the “Canadian” posts were well established and a lasting peace with the Dogrib was
achieved a new era of trading began for the Dene around Great Slave Lake. Goods were first
transported from Montreal by the voyagers in canoes. It was done in a two year relay with the
wintering spot in Fort William (now Thunder Bay, Ontario). Because of the shear distance,
many portages, and effort of these trips, trade items remained basic supplies similar, at first, to
the trade goods formerly supplied on the treeline trade route. However, canoe freighting was
more efficient than using women packers of the treeline trade route and competition among
traders soon increased the variety and decreased the cost of trade goods. And, in 1815 the
Hudson’s Bay Company started to compete with the “Canadians” and established posts around
Great Slave Lake. Fort Resolution remained the nearest for the Dene people of “Tu Nedhe” (at
the eastern end of the lake and beyond). The HBC used the larger York boats on the rivers of the
southern supply route from the coast of Hudson’s Bay through Lake Winnipeg and up to Mythe
162
John Franklin, Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea in the Years 1819-20-21-22.
(London: Murray, 1824)
163
Interview with Elder JB Catholique, (January, 1976)
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Portage at La Loche, Saskatchewan. On the Athabaska River at Fort McMurray they built large
river scows which carried freight to Fort Fitzgerald and were disassembled there for other uses
(years later they were drawn by horses over the portage to Fort Smith and used to continue the
trip north from there). With each improvement in freighting came a greater variety of trade
goods, also competition with the Northwest Company was fierce, which served to increase fur
prices and provide Dene with better priced goods and more variety. In 1821 the Hudson’s Bay
Company amalgamated the Northwest Company establishing a long lasting monopoly in the fur
trade around Great Slave Lake.
5.5.2 Trapping and Dog Teams 1800’s – 1850’s
With the coming of the traders and the end of the inter-tribal wars came significant changes in
the Dene lifestyle. The traders introduced the use of dog teams to the Dene. Previously, the
barrenland traveling Dene walked and used dogs only for packing light weight articles. The
traders learned the use of dog teams from the Cree and other southern native groups and
subsequently demonstrated their effectiveness to the Dene. This necessitated more hunting and
fishing to feed the now numerous dogs. Keeping a lot of dogs would have been very difficult
without the improved fishnets then available for the first time from the traders. No longer did
they need to use the fragile spruce root or slippery and easily rotting caribou thong for netting.
Long distance water travel in canoes larger than the traditional Dene one man carrying canoes
became common for summer trips to the posts on the big lake.
With the posts established on the south and west sides of Great Slave Lake, at Fort Resolution,
old Fort Providence (south of the current city of Yellowknife on an island around Wool Bay),
Fort Smith, Fort Fitzgerald and on Lake Athabaska at Fond du Lac, the Dene tended to spend
more time in the forests for convenience of trading and because the furs of the barrens (primarily
white fox and wolves) were not, at first, in demand. Summers were often still spent far out on
the barrens for access to caribou, however, some Dene remained on the large lakes in the forest,
particularly Great Slave Lake and Lake Athabaska. They were able to do this because fishing
became more dependable with the use of better fishnets provided by the traders. One of the
primary trading items was caribou dry meat which both the Dogrib and Yellowknives (including
the residents of the East Arm of Great Slave Lake and Artillery Lake) supplied in large quantity
to the traders. Although the fur trade brought many material advantages to the Dene and
changed the lifestyle, the change was comparatively less than the southern tribes. Dependence
on caribou continued to take priority over trapping and governed where people lived and trapped
through to modern times.
The Explorers
In 1833 Captain George Back went looking for the lost Franklin party going overland through
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the east end of Great Slave Lake. He stopped at the mouth of the Lockhart River and built a
wintering camp which he named “Fort Reliance”. His men built the stone chimneys that stand to
this day on a large sand beachfront at the site of spiritual gatherings today. Back traveled
through Artillery and Aylmer Lakes down the Back River to the Arctic coast and back to Fort
Reliance putting English names on most geographical features along the way. He never found
Franklin but did add to European’s knowledge of the location of the Northwest passage, and
charted hitherto unmapped territory. Back described his winter at Fort Reliance with Akaitcho’s
group as one of starvation among the Yellowknives.
5.5.3
Priests and Steamboats 1850’s – 1890’s
The Early Priests
In 1849, Henri Faroud was the first Roman Catholic priest in the Athabaska/Great Slave district.
Based out of Fort Chipewyan the Oblate Fathers of the Catholic Church began their mission
work and shortly after, in 1858, a Catholic Mission was established at Fort Resolution. The
priests first learned the Chipewyan language and how to survive in the harsh northern land. At
the posts, gardens provided much of their sustenance; they fished and purchased or were given
meat by the Dene and depended much on the good will of both the Dene and HBC traders. The
early priests were dedicated young men ready to take on the harsh climate and difficulties of
travel. And they did travel extensively by dogteam and canoe and penetrated east toward the
Thaydene area visiting in the Dene camps of the nomadic people who lived in that area. It was a
very difficult life as shown in this quote from Mgr. Grandin , one of the early priests who wrote
on his experiences.
“The commonest disease, and assuredly the most dangerous, is hunger. … I believe that
there is not one of our Indian children of as much as seven years of age who has not
sometimes been without food for several days together. … Nor is it only the native who
is hungry. The missionary, too, especially on his journeys, which are necessarily of great
length, often suffers the pangs of hunger, or is even at death’s door, before he can find
anything to eat.”164
Traveling and living with the Dene in their camps and learning the Dene language assisted
greatly in gaining respect. As they traveled they talked about Catholic beliefs and they provided
something new and interesting to the Dene in the small bush camps. Father Gascon is described
in Duchaussois as one of the devote young priests and frequently traveled all over Great Slave
Lake including east to “Fond du Lac” (on Great Slave Lake). The Thaydene people would also
meet the priests when they traveled to trade at the Fort Resolution. Eventually they became
164
Pierre Duchaussois, Mid Snow and Ice (London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne, 1923) p.71
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accustomed to being exposed to the ritual and ceremony of the church and likely welcomed it as
one of the treats that came with going to the post. Visits when living in the bush were welcome
and soon the priests began to win their way with the Thaydene. Over the years people began to
add Catholic beliefs to their traditional spirituality, and more and more to replace them with
Catholic beliefs, through generational change. Eventually many started to believe the priests that
the traditional spirituality “Huunkaze” was bad and should not be practiced. The early success of
the priests can be attributed to the severe epidemics and wars which decimated the population of
the Yellowknives (including the Thaydene) and the remaining people struggled to recover.
Also, the traditional Dene life was very difficult and highly nomadic allowing little opportunity
for compassionate caring of the sick and dying leaving the priests an opportunity to assist. The
traders had already been providing what assistance they could, which was very limited, to sick
and elderly people and now the church willingly took over this role, operating from the mission
buildings constructed at the main post at Fort Resolution. The quote from Duchaussois makes
the point. “Many a time, when the last hunter has come back to the camp having ‘seen nothing,’
a caravan of wretched creatures will set out for the nearest fort or mission. The wolves follow
them by instinct, and they are not disappointed of prey.”
The missions were supported almost entirely by the Catholics of France for nearly seventy-five
years. With that support it was possible to assist the Dene in times of scarcity and sickness at the
mission at Fort Resolution. This assisted in their goals of converting people to Christianity.
Within two generations of the priests’ arrival almost all the Dene became firm Catholics, albeit
with many superstitions persisting from the traditional beliefs. The young Oblate missionaries
from France were very dedicated to their cause and were supported by the structures of the
Catholic Church and with general encouragement from the population of Europe.
Emile Petitot
The early Oblate priests, Petitot, Le Goff, and Morice learned the language from the Dene and
wrote it down teaching newly arrived young missionaries. Later they produced dictionaries and
the bible in Dene syllabics (which was developed by a Protestant missionary Rev. Evans), taught
it to new missionaries and to the Dene themselves and by the turn of the century many Dene
were literate in their own language. Petitot recorded much of the traditional language, place
names, legends etc. Unfortunately very little is known on the area to the east, he spent most of
his time down the Dehcho (Mackenzie River). However, the following place names are shown
on a map Petitot produced in 1862, and are in our area of interest:
•
“Naltcheshkek’une”; “Maison du Sac”; “House of the Bag” (these are the Dene, French
and English names for the same place): this is an “establishment” marked on the Pethie
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•
•
•
•
Penninsula near Taltheilei Narrows circa 1870’s. It was formerly a small provision post
called “House of the Bag” because the two bays, Christie Bay and McLoed Bay are like
two breasts starting from this point. This entire section of Great Slave Lake is called “Yathen” by the Dene.
“Pierre aux Calumets”: this is at Utsingi Point. The French named this peninsula “Pipe
Rock” because it is where the Dene get rock to make pipes.
“Ekounelyel, house” shown on map at the mouth of the Snowdrift River going into Stark
Lake, on east side of river.
“T’atchege”; Reliance: Petitot states that James Lockhart rebuilt the buildings at Back’s
Fort in 1855 for Anderson and Stewart’s expedition down the Back River. The HBC
used the post for a few years in the 1860’s but it was closed because “its location is
prejudicial to the interests of Fort Resolution, one of the best trading posts in the
Mackenzie district.” Clearly, with no competition in those years the HBC knew the trade
from the region would go to their post at Resolution.
“Taltsan-ottine”; or “T’atsan ottine”; People of Copper also known as the Yellowknives:
they were the people known to Franklin, about 500 people who lived on the steppes east
and north east of Great Slave Lake. They belonged to the Caribou-Eaters. On Petitot’s
maps he indicated that their land included everything from the Slave River east and north.
Thus the Taltson River is named after them. 165
The Fur Traders and Explorer’s
Stewart and Anderson in 1855, employees of the Hudson’s Bay Company at Fort Resolution
were sent on a mission to find Franklin’s party following Back’s route. They descended the
Back River to the Arctic coast and returned to Fort Reliance the same year where James
Lockhart, an HBC employee was sent to build a house and provide support to the expedition.
His house was at the mouth of the river which took his name, the Lockhart River.
Wharburton Pike in 1889, an English adventurer, was interested in the unknown muskox “an
animal that seems a relic of an earlier age” and was familiar with the literature of former
travelers like Franklin, Back, Stewart and Anderson who had all been well equipped on their
expeditions. He chose to travel like Hearne, alone with the people of the area and with few
provisions. He recounted travels, not unlike Hearne, of feasts and ensuing famines as a normal
course of life. His guide was the well-known King Beaulieu, a Metis in Fort Resolution, who
was familiar with the barrens to the east and the ways of Dene life. They went by birchbark
canoe to a house at “Fond du Lac” which in this case was somewhere around Taltheilei Narrows.
165
Rachelle Castonguay, Amerind territorial occupation of the Canadian Northwest in the 19th century, as reported
by Emile Petitot, (Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 2001 Occassional Publications No. 49, 1979), p.155.
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From there they traveled north in September, nearly starving, but came on caribou close to
MacKay Lake.
His descriptions of life with the Beaulieu family were very similar to Hearne’s; in some ways
there seemed to be little change from traditional life. They used only caribou and moose hide
clothing; the tents were still caribou hide teepees; they used small birch bark canoes; frequently
ate caribou meat raw on the barrens and often spent several days together without food.
On the way to MacKay Lake he camped at Lac du Mort which “acquired the name from a
disaster that overwhelmed a large encampment of Yellowknives who were hunting here during
one of those epidemics of scarlet fever that have from time to time ravaged the North.” 166 They
hunted great numbers of caribou and made many caches of meat. When the lakes froze they cut
a hole in the ice and hung the meat in the water, this way no wolverine or other animals could
bother it.
Pike met the “Zinto chief of the Yellowknives, Saltatha, Etitchula, Michel and Marlo (brother of
Zinto)” at Lac du Mort, who agreed to accompany him on a musk-ox hunt. Zinto explained that
traveling far out in the barrens in the winter is very difficult and risky and the previous year
(1888) was the first year the Yellowknives went musk-ox hunting in winter. The bison on the
prairies had been recently exterminated and the HBC in that year started buying musk-ox hides
from the Yellowknives for use as carriage robes. They had twenty-four dogs pulling six sleighs
and left to go hunting musk-ox on November 11th, going north of Lac De Gras. It was Pike’s
first winter camping experience and he described it thus…
“ Snowshoes are taken off and used as shovels for throwing away the snow from inside
the ring, making a wall….Outside the sleighs are turned on edge, the poles planted
behind them, and the deer-skin lodge spread round, forming as comfortable a camp as can
be expected in this country.” 167
They returned with forty-five hides by early December after the usual famines and feastings en
route. Traveling by dogteam along the north shore they met Capot Blanc at his house and
Thomas, a brother of Marlo. After a winter enjoying the relative comfort of Fort Resolution, he
set out east again to Fond du Lac with Pierre Lockhart as guide on May 7th by dogteam. They
traveled north again to Lac du Mort, then east toward Aylmer Lake by a chain of lakes Stewart
and Anderson used. Pike continued traveling with Yellowknives they met en route including
Pierre and Antoine Fat, who were both blind. It was common for the Yellowknives to go to the
upper Back River for the summers. He spent the summer among the Yellowknives and explored
166
167
Warburton Pike, The Barren Grounds of Northern Canada (New York: Arno Press, 1967), p.34
Ibid., p.94.
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the upper Back River. Saltatha, when talking to a priest about heaven, is quoted by Pike as
saying:
“My father, you have spoken well; you have told me that heaven is very beautiful; tell me
now one more thing. Is it more beautiful than the country of the musk-ox in summer,
when sometimes the mist blows over the lakes, and sometimes the water is blue, and the
loons cry very often? That is beautiful; and if heaven is still more beautiful, my heart
will be glad, and I shall be content to rest there until I am very old.”168
On their return in the fall they traveled down the Lockhart River. They met “Pierre the Fool”
camped at Clinton Colden Lake narrows where the “Caribou swim among the Ice”. He had
made a huge bunch of drymeat to trade at the post. Pike describes the wonderful plenty of the
country and the chain of lakes going to Great Slave Lake from Artrillery Lake as the most
beautiful country to be seen. At the end was “Pike’s Portage” where he met a scow to take him
back to Fort Resolution. He made a lobstick there and the portage has borne his name since.
The expedition brought back badly needed meat supplies for the post at Fort Resolution. It was
not only the Dene hunters who occasionally were short on food but the posts including the HBC
employees and mission sometimes did without. Dried meat from the “Yellowknives” was
depended upon at the post.
Transportation
The HBC monopoly on transportation changed in 1869 after a bypass to the Methye Portage was
pioneered at Lac La Biche opening a new gateway to the Athabasca District. The improved
transportation system allowed for many new trade items to reach the area. In the 1860s the first
steamships plied the Saskatchewan River, leaving only the northern portion of the trip from
Montreal to be accomplished with york boats and canoes. This allowed for more goods to reach
the Thaydene area. In 1883 the train tracks reached Calgary, bringing all the goods of the world.
Transportation was further revolutionized in the north by the building of the steamships Grahame
and Wrigley, at Fort Chipewyan and Fort Smith respectively, in the early 1880s. By 1891 the
railway reached Edmonton. A corduroy road was built to Athabaska Landing on the Athabaska
River, passable for horse drawn wagons. The trade goods they brought were taken further north
using york boats, and then by the steamships built on the Athabaska that brought bulky goods all
the way to Fort Chipewyan and Fort Fitzgerald, for portage by horse drawn wagon to Fort Smith
and then to Fort Resolution, where the Thaydene people would trade for the ever increasing
variety of goods. It was only then that bulky items such as flour, boots, clothing and gas lanterns
were introduced to the Thaydene people, and the fur trade between Edmonton and Fort
Resolution was established. However, beyond the east end of the lake and far out on the barrens
168
Ibid., p.276.
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life had changed little from the earliest days as was evident in Pike’s tale of time with the
Yellowknives in 1889/89.
As more trade goods became routinely used by the natives, the quest for furs became
increasingly important to them. The Thaydene were noted for being one of the last groups to
leave their traditional nomadic hunting ways behind. The Thaydene provided large quantities of
drymeat for the traders and the many voyageurs plying the trade routes, and this was noted in
trading post records. This is consistent with the easing of a hunting culture into the trapping
lifestyle. In 1893-1894, a new company called Hyslop and Nagle opened a trading post at Fort
Resolution, creating higher fur prices and attracting white trappers and settlers from the south.
Carr and Duncan, the first white trappers north of the 60th Parallel, settled in the vicinity of Fort
Resolution.
5.5.4
Travelers, Treaty and Government – 1890 - 1900
Prelude to the Treaty
In 1870, the Hudson’s Bay Company surrendered its rights to the Northwest to the young
Canadian government, thereby setting the stage for treaty as the Canadians had already made
treaty with several aboriginal Nations. Severe epidemics between 1873 and 1881 caused great
hardships for the Dene and led to a major increase in the number of Dene living at trading
stations. The Dene looked to the Government for help and wanted to establish treaties that
would entitle them to the same benefits that native people south of them were enjoying. For
example, on July 28, 1883, two Chipewyan chiefs, Samuel Egon and Michel Deneyou, wrote an
appeal for help to Prime Minister John A. Macdonald. In fact the Government had already been
providing the Dene with some assistance in times of need, continuing a tradition started by the
Hudson’s Bay Company. The Government even distributed much of such aid through the
Company, which somewhat ungallantly continued to take the credit for it. This method lent
itself to abuse. In 1889, after an extremely hard winter the previous year, Parliament voted to
grant $500 to provide fish hooks and twine for nets to the Dene. This was appreciated but it
came over a year after the fact.
It was not until the discovery of oil and valuable minerals in the northwest that the Government
was motivated to start treaty negotiations with the Dene. These negotiations were stalled,
however, when Prime Minister John A. Macdonald died on June 6, 1891. A succession of four
Prime Ministers over the next five years did not help to speed matters along. Another important
motivation for treaty occurred in 1897 with the onset of the Klondike Gold Rush. News spread
that rich gold mines existed at the eastern end of Great Slave Lake and this was a major reason
for including the area within the boundary of Treaty 8’s influence.
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It was the discoveries of gold and later oil which prompted the Government of Canada to make
Treaty. News of potential wealth caused transportation and communication systems to grow,
bringing settlers and exploiters into Dene territory. The Government wanted to enter into
agreements with the original occupants of the land to ensure that they would not impede
progress, and to compensate them for the inconvenience of sharing their land.
With the new transportation systems the North, in the last decade of 1800, had opened to an
array of influences. The Klondike gold rush of 1898 brought prospectors, close to one thousand
of them passed by Great Slave Lake and some stayed to discover gold deposits around the lake.
Itinerant fur traders and white trappers started to become interested in the North. The activity
was all at Fort Resolution and west. At first, other than a few prospectors passing briefly
through their territory, the people at the east end of the lake saw few changes.
5.6
THE LAST NOMADS – 1900 - 1960
5.6.1
Signing Treaty in Fort Resolution - 1900
The Dogrib, Yellowknife, Slavey and Chipewyan bands from all around Great Slave Lake met
with the Treaty party at Fort Resolution. The bands saw the Treaty as a friendship pact and were
primarily concerned with the continuation of their unfettered rights to hunt, trap, fish and move
freely. The Treaty was signed on July 25 even though the discussions continued for several
more days. The money distributed to the Dene at this event was the first cash money these
particular natives had ever received. Only when the Treaty Commissioners promised that the
Dene would be free to hunt and trap and fish for a living, and that their rights would be protected
against the abuses of white hunters and trappers, would the Dene accept treaty, although these
stipulations were not written into the document. That summer, Dene throughout the Treaty 8
area consented to sign the treaty. However, when a copy of the signed treaty was returned to the
Dene they were surprised to see that a new clause about hunting regulations had been added. An
examination of the document itself reveals suspicious discrepancies that indicate the signatures
are not valid.169
The Dene saw the signing of Treaty 8 as a friendship pact with the white man whereby the Dene
would allow peaceful settlement of the land. In exchange for this, besides the payment of treaty,
the Dene would benefit from greater access to education, police protection, and doctors. Above
all, the Dene would be allowed to live off the land and its bounty as their people had always
done. Starting with the summer of 1901, representatives of the Department of Indian Affairs
would visit all the main trading posts for the distribution of annuities, groceries, ammunition and
fishnets. They would usually be accompanied by a doctor and some Mounted Police. The
169
Rene Fumoleau As Long As This Land Shall Last, (Toronto: McLelland and Stewart, 1974), p.55.
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officials would listen to the Dene’s complaints and promised to forward them to the
Government.
The signing of the treaties and the payments made each summer also resulted in an interesting
and unexpected cultural phenomena. The annual visit of the Indian Agent with money and
rations brought the Dene together in large numbers for a few days each summer and became one
of their most celebrated festivities.
5.6.2
Police, Government and Mission School - 1900
Just at the turn of the century, the Canadian government started to make a presence in the north,
not only in the form of making Treaty, but passing laws and sending police to ensure
compliance. Again, the Thaydene had only minimal exposure to this new set of circumstances
on those brief occasions when they visited the post.
What follows is a list of notable events:
1897 – First annual North West Mounted Police patrol leaves Fort Saskatchewan, Alberta by dog
team on January 4 and reaches Fort Resolution on February 13. It is the first official government
presence in the North, other than Dominion land surveyors. The reports of these patrols describe
the Indian’s way of life, his problems with the increasing numbers of traders, trappers, and
prospectors, and his reactions to Canadian laws. 170
1898 – During Inspector Routledge’s (NWM Police) stay at Fort Resolution, a party of starving
Indians from Fond du Lac, Great Slave Lake (Snowdrift) visits to make known the plight of their
people. “They were in a wretched state, having traveled 150 miles on a scanty allowance of fish,
to make known the condition of their people.” 171 Thus, by means of the annual patrol, the
Police had gained the respect of the people.
1899 – The Minister of Justice is asked to commute the death sentence passed on an Indian from
Great Slave Lake. In the eyes of the law, he is considered to be a child or an untutored savage,
unable to understand the nature and consequences of his act.172
1902 - The Grey Nuns opened a boarding school at Fort Resolution.
5.6.3
Problems with the Treaty
170
Ibid., p.51.
Ibid., p.55.
172
Ibid., p.68-69.
171
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Problems with the treaty arose quickly. As early as 1901, the annuity was reduced. Despite
verbal promises not to restrict the Dene’s hunting and trapping, new game laws did just that.
There was also increased competition from white trappers using unfair trapping methods with
little or no regard for conservation. Some of the Dene complained that, instead of the promised
policemen and doctors, all they got was missionaries.
Wood Buffalo National Park
The Wood Buffalo National Park was established on December 18, 1922, covering 10,500
square miles. Shooting buffalo was strictly prohibited. “Treaty Indians” were allowed to hunt
and trap other animals, but the Metis were refused the same privilege. In 1926, the park was
enlarged by an additional 6,800 square miles, fuelling Dene fears that further restrictions on their
hunting rights were to come.
Game Regulations and Land Surveyors
The Dene also feared that government land surveys represented the beginning of an attempt to
restrict them to reserves. Additionally, even though many natives had understandably missed
treaty payments over the years, the official policy laid out in 1919 called for payment of a
maximum of two years’ arrears at a time. Frustration climaxed in 1920 with the Treaty Boycott
at Fort Resolution which lasted for three days. It came about chiefly as a protest against the new
restrictions arising from the North West Game Act of 1917 and the Regulations for the
Protection of Game in the Northwest Territories of 1918. Before the Dene accepted treaty
payment, new conditions were negotiated, committed to writing, and signed by all parties. One
of the conditions called for the creation of a land boundary to be given to the Dogribs that
incorporated Snowdrift (Lutsel K’e). The principal condition was that the Dene be allowed to
hunt as always, for “as long as this land shall last.” The Dene viewed this agreement as a new,
valid treaty that overrode the original Treaty 8. Unfortunately, all four copies of the map and
document were lost. The flu epidemic of 1928 wiped out approximately 10-15% of the
population of each village, including many chiefs and headmen. The Dene at Fort Resolution
had to burn everything, including their copy of the 1920 agreement.
In 1923, the Indian Agencies in the Treaty 8 and Treaty 11 areas were reorganized. The Great
Slave Lake Agency was established at Fort Resolution, incorporating Fort Resolution, Snowdrift,
and Hay River under Treaty 8, and Yellowknife River, Fort Rae, and Fort Providence under
Treaty 11. On September 22, the Territorial Administration established game preserves,
including the Slave River Preserve, which encompassed Fort Resolution and had an overall area
of 2,152 square miles. Beginning in 1925, it was suggested by some non-natives that Fort
Resolution and the area surrounding should be withdrawn from the preserve and exempted from
hunting restrictions.
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July 1, 1929, that the Northwest Territories Game Act came into effect. Its regulations created
more unnecessary hardship for the Dene. Throughout the 1930s, Bishop Gabriel Breynat
continued his campaign to pressure the Government into honouring its Treaty promises to the
Dene. 1937 saw another Treaty boycott at Fort Resolution, this time as a protest against the
treatment they were receiving from the Government. Angry chiefs declared they would not take
Treaty until they saw the Governor General. This did not happen but the Indian Agent they
objected to was replaced within a year. The Boycott had serious political, economic, and
sociological significance, not the least of which was the re-awakening of feelings of power and
pride held by the Dene. Bishop Breynat began collecting affidavits from witnesses who can
swear to the authenticity of the Treaty promises.
5.6.4
Hudson’s Bay Post Established at Snowdrift (Lutsel K’e) 1925
With more competition from itinerant traders and more trapping activity due to the coming of the
white trappers the HBC decided to establish a post at Snowdrift. There had been posts coming
and going but this was the first permanent post in the area. The location became, after many
years, the permanent community of Snowdrift, which later adopted to use the traditional name of
Lutsel K’e.
5.6.5
White Trappers and Traders
Because the fur industry was lucrative and with a high demand in Europe, the Thaydene area
became attractive for white trappers. Many of these trappers were well supplied when they went
into the bush and became part-time traders as well. In 1914 Jack Stark became one of the first
white trappers to enter the area to make a living. He was soon followed by many more. By the
late 1920’s white fox made barrenland trapping worthwhile and many white trappers made
Reliance their departure point for a winter trapping on the barrens. Some of the notable white
trappers of the area were Jack Knox, Klondike Bill, Joe Nelson, John Hornby, Pearson, Helge
Ingstad, and the D’Aoust brothers to name only a few.
The prospect of wealth in oil, minerals or furs brought many white prospectors and trappers to
the north and strict laws became necessary to save northern game animals from extinction.
These laws caused severe hardships for the Dene. In 1919-1920, fur prices reached their highest
point ever as a result of the post-war boom. But the market collapsed in April of 1920. In 1932,
one suggested solution for the economic destitution of the Dene was that the whole of the North
West Territories be set aside as a game preserve for native peoples. On May 3, 1938, legislation
was finally passed which regulated the activity of white trappers but it was too little and too late.
Helge Ingstad
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Ingstad was a Norwegian lawyer out for adventure as a young man. He wrote a book called
“The Land of Feast and Famine” which documented the life of a trapper in the Lutsel K’e area in
those years. He lived with the Thaydene people for a couple of years in the 1920s and
documented life as it was for the white trappers and provided some insight into the Dene life as
well. Notably, in his book he described the effects of the 1928 influenza epidemic. He came to
camp on an island near the present location of Lutsel K’e and in the camp was an old man named
Dybone who declared: “Whiteman’s sickness. All Indians sick. Some die me pretty soon too.”
“On the bare earth strewn with spruce twigs lie the huddled forms of the sick – men, women, and
children wrapped in rags and they cough up blood ….off in the woods I find three corpses
covered with aspen leaves.”173
Ingstad’s book provides the best published description of life of the Dene and white trappers in
the early years around Snowdrift HBC post. He described a party of white trappers making brew
and then going to a drum dance on an island where they were invited to join in but acted very
foolish. Every spring all the native families and white trappers returned from the bush to a
joyous reunion near the post.
The following winter Ingstad spent on Nonacho Lake with Antoine and other Dene. He
described one interesting trip to the barrens caribou hunting:
“Then I caught sight of Moose's sled in a hollow some distance ahead. In a flash he
halted his dogs, jumped out, tied the leader to the tail of the sled, put on his snowshoes,
and began dashing across the snow. On the crest of an esker stood a caribou buck. It
wheeled about in terror and began zigzagging away at a trot, Moose after it. Good lord,
how that fellow could run! Tired and worn out as the rest of us, he nevertheless went
like the wind. With swift, gaining strides he glided along over the snow and would spurt
as though his life depended upon it whenever he cut an angle from the trail of the buck.
Tirelessly he kept on, all the time growing smaller and smaller in the distance as I
watched him. Here was a typical Barren Land Indian to the uttermost depths of his
being, with the ability to put everything he had into the last crucial moment. Here was the
hard cold struggle for existence as it has developed amongst these Indians for thousands
of years. To wrest nourishment from the country, cold and hunger notwithstanding, is for
them a question of life or death. A shot rang out. When I drove up, I found the caribou
kicking up the snow as he lay there in his death agony. Soon we had all gathered about
the slain beast. Seldom have I seen an animal skinned and quartered with such
solicitude. The marrow and the fat we ate right there on the spot, washing it down with
a cupful or two of blood. What remained of the blood we immediately drained off into
the stomach pouch.” 174
173
174
Helge Ingstad, The Land of Feast and Famine, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992) p.150.
Ibid., p.218.
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John Hornby – Death by Starvation - 1927
John Hornby trapped in the Fort Reliance and east area for a few years in the 1920’s. He stayed
one winter with Critchell-Bullock, dug into a sandy esker at the north end of Artillery Lake. In
the fall of 1926 he set out for the Thelon to trap for the winter with his eighteen year old nephew
from England and another trapper. They arrived too late for the annual caribou migration and
were unable to hunt enough to live through the winter. By the spring all three had starved to
death. Investigating this incident was one of the first tasks of the newly established RCMP post
at Fort Reliance. Hornby assisted in drawing government’s attention to the plight of the
dwindling musk-ox herd which lead to the creation of the Thelon Game Sanctuary.
Pete Baker, The Life of an Itinerant Free Trader – 1920’s
In 1922 Pete Baker went north as a ”Free Trader” and traveled through Lutsel K’e, Nonacho
Lake and Fort Reliance area trading. The following notes from his book give an idea of the life
of an itinerant trader in those days.175
• The train track went almost all the way to Ft. McMurray but hauled goods by “stone
boat” to Fort McMurray from Waterways. “McMurray” was an “old” steamboat owned
by HBC, “Northland Echo” was an old steamboat owned by Northern Traders Ltd. Other
barges operated on the river as well.
• Oil at Norman Wells drew prospectors. There was also mining equipment going to Ora
mine on Caribou Island, Great Slave Lake. In 1922 two barges of mining equipment
were shipped to Outpost Islands.
• At Fitzgerald, Baker saw about ten to fifteen canoes come from across the river, they
were the Caribou-Eaters, who brought their fur from the year’s catch to buy ammunition,
tea and tobacco and to stay for Treaty Celebration in the middle of July, and then left for
another year.
• Baker set up a soda fountain and did well. The natives called him “Jiac Oza” because he
was the first to sell orange pop in the North.
• There was briefly a Union Bank of Canada at Fort Smith. Everyone enjoyed having
money in town rather than just trading of furs as had been usual practice.
• A new steamboat called “Distributor” was on its maiden trip from Fort Smith to Arctic
Ocean. Baker went to Resolution but did not do well since the Dene never came because
the RCMP threatened to kill their dogs due to a dog sickness.
• Two Junker planes landed at Fort Smith, returning from the Norman oilfields.
175
Peter Baker, An Arctic Arab, The Story of a Free Trader in Northern Canada, (Yellowknife: Yellowknife
Publishing, 1976), p.40-186.
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Mail was delivered by dog team every two weeks from Fort McMurray. Northern
Traders had the mail contract.
The Catholic Mission in Resolution sent fishers to Stoney Island and took in twenty
thousand fish, mostly whitefish. They had a building there for the purpose. They hung
the fish on sticks, ten to a stick, then barged them to the mission in Fort Resolution,
where they fed two to three hundred students and their dogs.
Baker met Alice and Jose Buggins and Jimmy Lewin (two years old) and his parents, the
Lewins were from Rocher River and members of the Yellowknife Band.
There were five trading posts in Resolution. At Christmas Dogribs from the north side of
the lake and the Chipewyans from Fort Reliance and Snowdrift River came in big groups
and stayed for Christmas and New Year.
Baker estimated $500,000 worth of fur came to the posts in Resolution each year.
Old Fort Island, south of Yellowknife, was a Northwest Company post before the HBC
amalgamation in 1821, in 1923 there was still an old fireplace chimney standing there.
Before 1925 when government hired white men to poison the wolves in the barrens, and
provided them with air transportation to do it, the trapping was good, a trapper could take
three or four hundred white fox in a season.
White fox trappers from Fort Reliance were at Stoney Island at the end of March with a
considerable number of pelts worth $10 to $25 each. Baker sold out all his trade goods
and returned to Resolution and stayed there until Easter when all trappers came in.
Three days before Easter trappers from all over arrived, especially from the east end of
Great Slave Lake. Each had from twenty to over one hundred white fox and caribou
meat. They told Baker that if he came to Snowdrift River he would get all their white
fox.
Baker noted that distilled moonshine made by the white trappers was available in the
area.
April 1924 there were still people milling around Resolution including Jean Baptiste
Bijamy and Jean Baptiste Catholique, who said they were from Snowdrift River and
asked Baker to come with them because with the supplies he could trade for white fox.
They told Baker that he should take dried fruit, sugar, jam and ammunition, tea and
tobacco. Baker came back from Snowdrift River with all trade goods traded for fur.
Petite Jean Curra took Baker to Snowdrift River. And in the fall of 1924 he went to
Stoney Island with Baker. There Baker traded clothes - pants, sweaters, socks, stockings,
underwear, silk kerchiefs, raisons, butter, high calibre rifle - and .22 ammunition.
In early 1925 in Edmonton Baker bought the trade items he knew would be in demand in
the north - blue serge trousers, silk shirts and kerchiefs, black cashmere shawls with silk
embroidery, long silk fringes, white meerschaum smoking pipes with amber stems, ten
carat gold ferrules, ten carat gold wedding rings, Wallham watches and gold watch
chains.
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In 1925 Baker arrived in Resolution with seven tons trade goods. It was Treaty Day and
about 400 people got $5 each from the government. Baker took in $1500 in one day,
which was almost all the Treaty money.
Baker met Jack Patterson at Sawmill Channel. Jack was on his way to Snowdrift River
where he was a partner of Jack Stark, trading at the mouth of the Snowdrift River. Stark
was a Scotsman and a “character of the north“.
Baker had no flour to trade but the Dene seldom used flour in those days.
Pierre Rat Fat suggested that Baker go northeast 200 miles with two sleigh loads to trade
in February. Baker went with Pierre and brought along fifty pounds of beef tallow and
one hundred pounds of rice for dog food in case they ran out of fish. They followed
Sparks River to Sparks Lake and came to the tent of Baptiste Nataway who had a son
Bruno and a baby which they named after Baker.
Baker traveled from Nataway’s to Adam Killamy’s, who had a Caribou-Eater wife. They
traveled with Baker using snowshoes through deep snow and crossed a chain of lakes as
well as a larger lake fed by the Taltson River. Then they went through a burnt area to
Lady Grey Lake and came to a trail leading to the tent of Et Thelt Anna and his wife
Claire. Two days they later came to Thekultheli Lake and stayed at the camp of Louiso
Abraham, an Indian trapper, and came to the mouth of the Sparks River where Adam and
his wife had their tent for the winter. The next day they met Pierre Tlogaza and Pierre
Tsipot of the Caribou-Eaters and then came to the camp of three brothers Pierre,
Abraham and Jerome Neskathy. John James Daniel of HBC came and traded there too.
Adele, Jerome’s wife gave Baker two hooks baited with whitefish to catch trout by
chiseling a hole in ice. Baker then returned to Fitzgerald.
In April 1926 Baker went to the Caribou-Eater’s to trade and stayed for the beaver hunt.
As soon as snow melted they hunted beaver by making a hole in the roof and shooting
only large beaver leaving small ones to grow and reproduce. On May 28 Baptiste
Nataway, Joe Martin and Pierre Rat Fat were going to Camsell Portage on Lake
Athabaska and Baker went with them. En route they came across old man William Et
Thelt, who was going to Fitzgerald via Hill Island River, a trip of ten days and thirty-two
portages. Baker stayed with Baptiste, who was going via Hill Island Lake and Tazin
River, which was longer but had fewer portages. They came across Frank Champagne
from Peace River who had gone to Nonacho Lake with Bob Boblet. Frank was near
starvation and delirious. They took him to Fort Chipewyan. When Baker arrived back at
Fitzgerald he found that old Et Thelt had arrived one month earlier.
In 1926 no more licenses to trade were given out except for establishing a post. Baker
got two post licences, one for Sparks Lake and another for an outpost at Thekulthelie
Lake.
In February of 1928 Corporal Williams and Constable Kirk from the RCMP post at Fort
Reliance arrived at Baker’s Thekultheli Lake post on patrol from Reliance to Snowdrift
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River and Nonacho Lake. They went on to Fort Smith to report John Hornby and
companions missing.
In the summer of 1928 HS Wilson returned from prospecting on Thelon River and
reported three skeletons in a cabin on the Thelon. The following summer Inspector
Trundle led an expedition from Smith via Reliance to Thelon and found the scene and
diary of Edgar Christian telling the tale.
On 15th November Baker headed to Sparks Lake with Steve Yanik and Bob Myers. Jack
Russell had a post on Thekulthili Lake. Baker stopped at Baptiste Nataway’s house on
Solkeid Lake, where he always had plenty of meat and fish.
Baptiste had come upon the camp of “Blackie” Lanner at the upper end of the Taltson
River on Beaverlodge Lake where Blackie had starved to death. Baker went to the north
end of Nonacho Lake and Raven Hills where he traded thirty pelts with Snowdrift
trappers. Corporal Walters and Special Constable Daniel arrived to investigate the death
of Lanner. They had heard that Baker had read Lanner’s diary. Baker stayed at his
friend Petit John Casaway’s place and met Albert Casaway.
In April 1927 Baker returned to Thekultheli Lake. The trappers from Fond du Lac,
Camsell Portage, Fort Chipewyan, Snowdrift River and Fitzgerald were all there for the
spring beaver hunt. Baker hired Pierre Tsi Pot to help him on the return trip to
Fitzgerald. After that Baker was getting older so he stayed at his posts at Lac La Marte
and Fort Rae.
Gus D’Aoust
Gus and his brothers Phil and Huey came in the early 1920’s from Manitoba where they had
grown up trapping and hunting in the Riding Mountains. When they set out north onto the
barrens they were inexperienced and there were no maps of the barrenlands in those days. Gus
lost his brothers in the fall and stumbled into Fort Reliance RCMP post months later after eating
his dogteam. In the spring the brothers were happily reunited each thinking the other had died.
Huey and Phil kept a post in Snowdrift for many years before leaving the country.
Gus married Delphine Lockhart of the Snowdrift Band and trapped the barrens especially the
Thelon River area. He built a post and house at Reliance in 1933, which is still standing, and
traded out of Reliance until 1975. Gus was one of the last of the white trappers of the
barrenlands.
5.6.6 Thelon Game Sanctuary and RCMP – 1927
In August of 1927, a police detachment was established at Fort Reliance to guard against the
encroachment of white trappers on the Yellowknife Preserve and the Thelon Game Santuary.
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This provided some employment for young Native Constables who guided the RCMP on their
dogteams to trapper’s camps throughout the barrens. There was also employment in fishing,
feeding their dogs and procuring wood for heating.
The Thelon Game Sanctuary was disliked and disregarded by the Dene for whom it was a great
imposition on hunting rights and contrary to treaty. The original boundaries included the current
Sanctuary but the southern boundary went from the south end of Artillery Lake on the latitude
line to Dubawnt Lake and the west boundary was Artillery Lake north through Ptarmigan Lake
to half way up Clinton-Colden Lake then east to Moraine Lake. At the time Artillery Lake area
was the most important hunting area of many of the Thaydene people. The RCMP would
sometimes check up on the Dene living in the area.176 After several years the boundary was
moved further from their primary hunting area to its’ current location and friction was reduced.
5.6.7
Stories from the Last Nomads
There were several Dene communities of log buildings built since the 1900’s throughout the
area, all but Lutsel K’e was abandoned by the 1950’s. Some are still standing in several of the
locations in the area. Some are clusters of more than a dozen buildings. Some of the main
villages were at Da Cho (Artillery Lake), surrounding Lutsel K’e, Snowdrift River, Murkey
Channel, Lockhart River, Whitefish Lake, and Taltheilli Narrows.
Artillery Lake Village
The following information has been culled from a series of interviews compiled by Judy Jacob
on life at the Artillery Lake Village. These interviews were conducted in 1984-85 with the
following Dene elders: Madeline Nette Michel, baptized in 1898; John Baptist (J.B.) Catholique,
born 1905; Marie Catholique, baptized in 1908; Morris Lockhart, born 1910; Liza Cassaway,
born 1922; Pierre Catholique, baptized in 1927; Joe Fatt, year of birth not provided; Noel
Drybone, born 1927, and Judith Catholique, baptized in 1934.
Dene Names
The real surname of J.B. Catholique’s father was Pauquette but a priest “came around and
changed that” to Catholique.177 According to J.B., in 1920, the people living in Fort Resolution
176
177
Judy Jacobs, Stories from Artillery Lake Village, (Lutsel K’e: Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation, 1982), p.113.
Ibid., p.63.
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were very religious, mostly older people. There were also missionaries living there.178
Dene would go to Fort Resolution every year for Christmas and to receive communion.179
The
Pierre Catholique recalled that the Hudson’s Bay store’s employees would change people’s
names when they brought in furs to sell.
Medicine Man Syene
J.B. remembered an old medicine man named Syene, who knew medicine and could see the
future.180 (JB 68) Syene carried a drum with him all the time and never left it on the ground,
being careful to hang it on a tent frame or on a tree. “He knows something about God, and if
somebody asks him to do something, something for him, he can understand it through the music,
through the drum. There’s a lot of good stories about him,” J.B. stated in 1984.181 J.B. would not
say that religion was “wrong”.182
Mission School
Starting when Pierre Catholique was about ten, which would be around 1936, he spent three
years at the mission school. Father Gamiche took Pierre and about five other Artillery Lake
children by boat from Snowdrift to the mission at Fort Resolution. He stayed on that island for
three years.183
Children from all over went to the mission school. According to Pierre, over 100 boys and girls
were students there. In the summer, every morning, Pierre would milk the cow before breakfast.
Sometimes it was hard to find the cow and he would have to go a long way, listening for the bell.
He felt that the mission made a lot of money because they were paid by the government.184 At
Christmas after the first year, his father (John Baptist Catholique) visited, but the next year no
one visited. After the third year, his whole family came to get him. His father bought a new fivehorsepower motor and they portaged back to Artillery Lake.185 When he first went to the
mission school, he was known as Pierre Pauquette, but when he came back he was known as
Pierre Catholique.186
178
Ibid., p.76.
Ibid., p.117.
180
Ibid., p.128.
181
Ibid., p.69.
182
Ibid., p.64.
183
Ibid., p.126.
184
Ibid., p.130.
185
Ibid., p.126.
186
Ibid., p.128.
179
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Pierre’s wife, Judith Catholique, also went to the mission for schooling but after her youngest
brother accidentally shot himself, her parents came to get her and took her back to Snowdrift.
Looking back from 1985, she said “I could of had nice writing, they shouldn’t have taken me out
that time.”187
HBC Store in Snowdrift
The Dene made “fish sticks” with ten fish (either whitefish, trout, morai, or suckers) on each
stick. They would sell them to the Hudson’s Bay Company store and get 75 cents for ten
whitefish on a stick, which the store would sell later in the winter for a dollar a stick. At that
time, a single shot rifle cost $7 and two shells would cost about 50 cents.188
People would go from Fort Reliance to Snowdrift because of the Hudson’s Bay store there.
After HBC built its dock, barges would come in with goods, and “everybody” would work for
the company, hauling things to the warehouse, all day and night. Noel Drybone remembered that
when his father brought in a lot of white fox furs he was able to buy a three-horsepower motor,
among other things. This was the first time that Noel had ever eaten an orange.189
Nomadic Lifestyle
When he was interviewed in 1984, John Baptist Catholique described the Dene lifestyle from the
early part of the 20th Century this way:
“Just to live on the land, that’s what people always do, just living, just to be happy out
there. There’s no jobs or work in those days and that’s the traditional way of life. That’s
how they lived, they never stay in one place too long, they just move around, and they
have what it takes, like boats, and there’s no motors those days.”190
People would move around in those days. They built canoes out of birch and traveled on the
water in the summer. In the fall people went to places where they might get some fur in the
winter and they would prepare for the winter, making snowshoes, sleighs, and toboggans. After
freeze-up, when the ice was hard enough, they moved on again.
In the spring when there was no snow on the ice people would go out in the barrenlands after
caribou. They would live there until just before the ice got soft and then move back to the west
187
Ibid., p.111.
Ibid., p.105.
189
Ibid., p.97.
190
Ibid., p.65.
188
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side of Artillery Lake where their canoes and boats were. People would use holes in the ice for
ice fishing and some would catch big trout.191
After the ice on the small lakes was gone people would go down to Fort Reliance and from there
to places with lots of birch trees to make canoes. They would cut birch trees down and leave
them in the water all summer to make them hard and then use them in the fall for snowshoes or
toboggans or axe handles.
In the spring and summer people would go out really far in the barrenlands, to the muskox
country. Dogs would carry poles for tipi frames with bundles tied to them. The Dene would
walk great distances but they took their time. Around mid-summer, people would return from
their long journeys with stories of their trips and what the country was like out there. People
were masters of the land.192
People moved around all the time, even pregnant women who often gave birth while they were
traveling.193
Before they started building houses, the Dene, even children, would travel around in the deep
snow of winter, mostly by snowshoe. They would shelter in tipis with fires burning in their
centres. To set a tipi they needed to dig out the snow with their snowshoes. People would walk,
pack, and pull. They would pack everything onto a small toboggan and pull. It was slow going
for a big family, especially with small children. Sometimes it was slow going because they were
weak from hunger. Life was hard when there was no caribou. The dogs would be the first to
starve. The Dene used dead-falls to trap martins and small animals. They would even kill
porcupines and cook them as best they could.194
The Dene would kill lots of caribou in the spring when they were migrating east, then go to Fort
Resolution for Easter to trade meat for “Whitemans” food like tea, sugar, flour, etc. It was a long
trip to the store in Fort Resolution but it had to be done. The Dene would travel together, two or
three sleighs at a time. They traveled along the shore the whole way.195
“In April it’s really beautiful out in the barrenlands, the snow melts pretty quick on the eskers
where the sun shines south, people never stay in one place…”196
When they traveled from
Snowdrift to Artillery Lake the Dene would sometimes have to put logs in the water where the
ice had melted in order to get to the ice. If there was little ice on the small lakes along the way,
they would use canoes and portage.197
191
Ibid., p.103.
Ibid., p.104.
193
Ibid., p.80.
194
Ibid., p.78.
195
Ibid., p.66.
196
Ibid., p.91.
197
Ibid., p.79.
192
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In the summer, some Dene would stay at Artillery Lake, but they still did not stay in one place;
instead, they moved around along the shore.198 On the south shore there was hardly any wood,
but there was wood in one certain place, and the Catholiques would stay there.199
Access to wood was important. The first houses were built on a narrow lake with a muskrat hole
next to Artillery Lake, using trees that were getting dry. It was a good place for houses, with flat
ground and a little creek. After the houses were built, people would also spend winter on
Artillery Lake.200
According to Pierre Catholique: “Before, people just have tents, no houses. My grandfather
[Catholique Pauquette], he’s the first one who build a house. People come, stay there [at
Artillery Lake]. Before that people go anywhere. I remember that. Where the caribou go,
people go there. And the whole family.”201
Even building houses, however, could not keep the Dene in one place. The first houses were
moved west to another lake on that portage.202 Some houses were moved about two or three
times. When they were moved, the numbers of the logs were written down so they would not get
mixed up when they were put back together.203 Some people did not move their houses and
when they no longer wanted to stay in them, they would burn them. Some gave their houses to
others for firewood.204 Some houses were just left to rot.205
Morris Lockhart recalled that “People used to help each other, telling stories in the evening and
traveling around together trapping, hunting, helping each other building. There’s no jobs so
nobody is told what to do, everybody helps each other and everybody does what they feel
like.”206
After Catholique Pauquette, the leader of the Artillery Lake community, died, the Dene all
moved away from Artillery Lake. J.B. and Marie Catholique moved to Snowdrift but sometimes
lived at Fort Resolution.207
198
Ibid., p.88.
Ibid., p.65.
200
Ibid., p.66.
201
Ibid., p.129.
202
Ibid., p.66.
203
Ibid., p.106.
204
Ibid., p.107.
205
Ibid., p.66.
206
Ibid., p.107.
207
Ibid., p.79-80.
199
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Hunting and Trapping
Nobody bought furs before the Whiteman so the Dene didn’t care about trapping before his
arrival, other than dead-fall trapping for their personal clothing.208 The Dene did not use steel
traps before the Whiteman, but would make dead-falls using a piece of meat on a stick as bait.
The hunter would go off on his own, sometimes for a few days at a time, without any dogs but
bringing just one blanket and whatever food was needed.209
To satisfy the Whiteman’s demand for furs, the Dene trappers would go out into the barrenlands
for months at a time.210 In the winter the Dene would trap white fox, red fox, cross fox, silver
fox, wolf, and wolverine.211 Some men would be gone trapping from November to the end of
April. In the spring, the Dene would go to where there was muskrat and beaver. They would
keep some of the furs for themselves to make clothes, hats and mitts.212
The Dene trapped mostly white fox but Marie Catholique remembered that her father once
trapped a silver fox and that he traded it for a sewing machine.213 When they trapped martins
they could get $50 a martin.214
Around 1920, when he was fifteen, John Baptist Catholique was sent by his father from Artillery
Lake, where he lived, to take furs to Fort Resolution for trading. J.B. and some other young men
departed in the spring, when the big lake was frozen with a little bit of snow on it, and they
camped at Fort Reliance along the way. It was common for the Dene to travel great distances
with dog teams. The dogs were too fast for J.B. to walk ahead of them, so he sat on the sled. It
was a five-day trip from Snowdrift River back to Artillery Lake.215
After the treaty was signed, people would go to Fort Resolution every summer. They would
trade with the priests there. Paddling the roughly 250 miles from Fort Reliance to Fort
Resolution took about two-and-a-half to three weeks.216
When he was a youth, J.B. Catholique would go to Artillery Lake in the fall to hunt caribou with
his father, Catholique Pauquette. They did so without rifles, mostly with spears. They had no
208
Ibid., p.98.
Ibid., p.78.
210
Ibid., p.124.
211
Ibid., p.63.
212
Ibid., p.65.
213
Ibid., p.82.
214
Ibid., p.127.
215
Ibid., p.75.
216
Ibid., p.86.
209
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motors yet, so “we used paddles to move around from Artillery Lake to Snowdrift to Fort
Resolution, and after that things got a little easier when we had motors and rifles. We killed lots
of caribou when they were migrating, just before it gets cold.” They used the meat for
themselves and shared it but didn’t sell it.217
People lived on caribou and sometimes, if there was no caribou, one or two muskox.218 They
tried to save their shells for the winter and so would kill caribou using other methods.219
“Where the caribou go, people go there.”220
Some winters the caribou would go somewhere else. When there was no caribou, people
depended on Catholique Pauquette for meat. People used to come and see him from all over
Rocher River, Snowdrift, Fort Resolution.221 “My father really helped a lot of people when he
was alive, when we used to stay at Artillery Lake,” recounted J.B. Catholique in 1984. “He
helped people with meat in the winter, people used to depend on him for meat, they go there with
dogs and he gives them meat for the dogs and for them to eat.”222 Catholique Pauquette would
share the caribou meat from his kills but he never asked to be paid for it.223
One winter there was no sign of caribou until J.B.’s son Pierre went out with the dogs and they
ran down the river to a point where Pierre found a big trail of caribou tracks. It was getting dark
so he returned to tell everybody. As soon as it was daylight you could hear the shooting.
Everyone was happy that the caribou had come.224
In the spring when there was no snow on the ice people would go out in the barrenlands after
caribou. They would live there until just before the ice got soft and then move back to the west
side of Artillery Lake where their canoes and boats were. People would use holes in the ice for
ice fishing and some would catch big trout.225 They would also catch ducks with a net in the
water, not with a shotgun. People would stay somewhere all winter if there were good spots to
fish.226
217
Ibid., p.63.
Ibid., p.86.
219
Ibid., p.87.
220
Ibid., p.129.
221
Ibid., p.64.
222
Ibid., p.63.
223
Ibid., p.119.
224
Ibid., p.131.
225
Ibid., p.103.
226
Ibid., p.129.
218
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The Dene relied heavily on their dogs for travel and hunting. Once they had only one dog left
alive so they ice fished in order to catch lots of little fish to feed the dog. Thick ice would make
it difficult to fish, and using a net made it easier.227
It could be fatal to lose a dog team in the barrenlands while chasing caribou.
If that happened, you would have to follow the sleigh. Some people would attach a really long
rope to the dog leader so if they fell off the sleigh they could grab that rope and pull on it,
making the dogs jamb together so they could catch up. If the team was lost it might never be
found again. That was how Gabriel Drybone, Noel’s brother, died.228 Gabriel Drybone lost his
dogs and ran out of food when he was out trapping and tried to make a hole in the ice with his
rifle but the ice was about five feet thick. He was too weak to chop through the ice to drink the
water so he froze there.229
One fall, when he had become a man, J.B. went into the barrenlands with six dogs and they all
died. Johnny Marlowe’s dogs died too, so they had to walk back, living off of ptarmigan and
arctic rabbit. They had to leave the tent behind because it could not be carried without the dog
sleigh. All J.B. kept was his rifle, shells, and a knife. They had the misfortune of running into a
storm, and the two men did not eat for five days, but they survived.230 To replace the lost dogs,
they had to train a little pup to be the new leader.
When he was a child and too young to trap, Noel Drybone would help his mother get firewood
and water, and help his father around the house tying, hitching and feeding dogs and raising the
pups.231 To tie dogs they had to make a sort of chain out of wood.232
Some people raised their dogs in little pens about two or three feet high, sometimes with caribou
hide around the pen. Some people made a hole in the ground, about a foot deep, and they raised
their dogs like that. Dogs were never tied up unless they were mean.233 This had unfortunate
consequences when there were a lot of wolves and the government passed a law that allowed for
the killing of wolves. The Whites in Fort Reliance were killing wolves with poisoned caribou.
Dogs were also dying from the poison.234
227
Ibid., p.77.
Ibid., p.96.
229
Ibid., p.94.
230
Ibid., p.127.
231
Ibid., p.95.
232
Ibid., p.93.
233
Ibid., p.105.
234
Ibid., p.82.
228
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In the winter some people would go hunting on foot. They would camp for two or three nights
by themselves, carrying a little pack sack, one blanket, and their rifle. They would kill caribou
or moose, bear, or small game like chicken or porcupine. When you are hunting moose in the
winter, you must always be ready. They say a moose teaches you how to hunt.235
The Dene depended on caribou as their main diet. “…we like it, you can cook it a lot of different
ways or you can smoke it and we do the best we can to keep it for a long time.”236 If caribou
were shot during the mating season the meat of the bull caribou would have a strong smell to it.
So they would feed that meat to the dogs.237
You could hear the caribou coming by their antlers touching together, just clicking. When there
are that many caribou, they are not afraid of anything. The Dene would hide behind the big
rocks until the caribou were in the middle of the lake, then go after them in canoes. The canoes
would drift along in the current created by the caribou “and from there (in the current with
caribou) you can spear the caribou all around until you reach the other side. People were excited
when they were hunting caribou.” You had to be careful of the antlers and also be wary of
having caribou kicking through the canoe. “There’s a lot of work to do after killing forty or fifty
caribou, they were really fat those days and heavy, especially the bulls.”238
After a caribou kill, the hardest part is getting them out of the water.239 If caribou is not gutted
they can get rotten even in one night so all of them have to be gutted.240 “And the next day you
cut them up, some of them you just gut, some you skin and cut the fat out, and some of them you
clean really good.” They would make a cache on the north shore where the caribou come out,
about eight miles from the houses, and leave the meat there until freeze-up and then go over once
in a while to haul some back with dogs over the ice.
The Dene were careful not to kill too many caribou because it is a lot of work and caribou will
not cross the lake if there are dead or wounded caribou on the other side, or even just bones.
“When people clean caribou at a crossing they have to take everything away, even the bones, to a
place at least one-quarter of a mile away.”
235
Ibid., p.108.
Ibid., p.65.
237
Ibid., p.114.
238
Ibid., p. 73.
239
Ibid., p.98-99.
240
Ibid., p.99.
236
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The Dene respected the caribou. “Never kill caribou with a club, never hit caribou with a
stick.”241 Spear handles can still be found around Artillery Lake, but they are probably all rotten
wood by now.242
“And now days it seems like the caribou don’t cross anymore and it seems like the caribou only
did that for the people who used to stay there.”243
Medicine Men, Illness and Mortality
J.B. Catholique was one of twelve children but by the time of his interviews in 1984, there were
only two left. “My younger brothers are gone and they weren’t even old enough to trap or hunt,
but I can’t tell you all about it.”244 According to J.B., there are many graveyards around Timber
Bay.245
Families would travel in cold weather that reached 40 or 50 degrees below zero, for 35 to 40
miles a day. Sometimes they did not have tents or tipis or tarps so they would make a tipi out of
willows and spruce trees in the bush. Sometimes babies and small children would die. They
would be buried on eskers.246
Many of the elders interviewed in 1984-85 spoke of death as commonplace.
J.B referred to the fact that his father would raise orphans as if they were his sons.247 Marie
Catholique recalled that her little sister and brother both fell sick and died. Their bodies were
taken to Fort Reliance for burial, and her mother grieved by walking around in the bush by
herself, crying.248
One spring, Marie and J.B.’s family went to Fort Resolution at Easter but, instead of dancing
Dogribs, Slaveys and Chipewyans, they were greeted by a couple of old men who told them to
leave because a really bad flu was going around Fort Resolution and “everybody’s dead from
that.” Catholique refused to leave until they saw the priest so they stayed and had communion.
On the return trip, Marie came down with the flu and a woman, a young girl, and two older men
died. Marie helped wrap up the bodies.249
241
Ibid., p.99.
Ibid., p.131.
243
Ibid., p.73.
244
Ibid., p.63.
245
Ibid., p.68.
246
Ibid., p.90.
247
Ibid., p.75.
248
Ibid., p.84.
249
Ibid., p.84.
242
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Marie and J.B. took their son and went to Snowdrift. She recalled the following: “There’s one
little kid, he didn’t know how to speak very well, he was too young, there was one old woman,
she makes him cry all the time because she tease him. When you scare a young kid, a young
baby, when you scare him you’ll kill him, that’s how this one little kid died.”250
The everyday reality of death for the Dene remained just as prevalent through to the 1950s. Liza
Cassaway and her husband were only able to enjoy the new house he built in Timber Bay for a
few months because her mother and father-in-law died after Christmas and they returned to
Snowdrift, leaving that house behind.251 Judith Catholique’s father died when she was thirteen
or fourteen252 and she was removed from the mission school after her youngest brother shot
himself.253 Her brother Gabriel froze to death on the barrenlands254 and, one fall around 1956,
when she was about 23, when everybody had gone trapping except for Judith and her mother-inlaw, they nearly starved when the ice got too thick to check the fishnets. Their lives were saved
when her husband, Pierre Catholique, returned with a moose.255
Although J.B. Catholique did not call his father a medicine man, others did. J.B.’s son Pierre
stated that “My grandfather was a medicine man, that’s why people wants him all the time.
People come from a long ways to visit. People stay there because he’s the boss, you see, and
after he’s gone, people left.”256 Catholique Pauquette was the leader of the Artillery Lake
community. He provided for others when they were unable to provide for themselves. There
used to be lots of people staying on Artillery Lake year round, but after Catholique died, nobody
went back there.257
Catholique was an example of how traditional Dene beliefs became fused together with
Catholicism. Although he did not speak of his own father in such terms, J.B. did remember an
old medicine man named Syene, who knew medicine and could see the future.258 Syene carried
a drum with him all the time and never left it on the ground, being careful to hang it on a tent
frame or on a tree. “He knows something about God, and if somebody asks him to do
something, something for him, he can understand it through the music, through the drum.”259
250
Ibid., p.85.
Ibid., p.121.
252
Ibid., p.110.
253
Ibid., p.111.
254
Ibid., p.96.
255
Ibid., p.111.
256
Ibid., p.130.
257
Ibid., p.71.
258
Ibid., p.68.
259
Ibid., p.69.
251
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A nurse would come in from Yellowknife every month260 ,but the Dene relied on their medicine
men. When a Whiteman named Jack Stark got really sick, the Dene looked after him, but he
refused Indian medicine (“No, it won’t work on me”) so they took him to the Mission at Fort
Resolution. He recovered, as “all he needed was potatoes.” Jack Stark traded for furs at
Snowdrift and had “a sort of restaurant” there for about three years. He gave free meals to the
Dene, perhaps out of gratitude.261
Jack Stark and the Inuit
The Dene did not use maps when they traveled, but referred to landmarks. J.B. Catholique
remembered the time Jack Stark got lost, trying to go to Pike’s Portage but instead going up the
Lockhart River by mistake. Stark pulled his boat up another river262 and over one really steep
ridge, by hand with a rope, inch by inch. According to J.B., “even though something was almost
impossible to do he would try anyhow.”263
Later, Jack Stark returned to Fort Resolution and from there he went to the Arctic, route
unknown, and met with the Inuit. He came back with Inuit dogs. The next year he headed north
once more and was never seen again.
“Jack Stark was nice, he was kind. He always said he would come back here. He was the first
[Whiteman] to have a trading post here, after that there was always a store.” 264
Once while hunting musk ox the Dene also met some Inuit. The Inuit communicated through
sign language that they wanted one or two musk ox. The Dene shot a few for them and spent
one night with the Inuit. The Dene found the Inuit to be different, but friendly. The Inuit ate
their meat raw.265
Marie Catholique recounted another story involving an Inuit that was not so peaceful. According
to her, a Whiteman waiting for two of his partners who had gone trapping on the Thelon River
found out that his partners had been killed by an Inuit. A lot of the Dene already knew this but
no one would tell him. When he finally found out, the Whiteman shot himself and poisoned his
dogs. This was the first suicide on Artillery Lake. It frightened Marie’s parents so much that
they left that place. The RCMP investigated, but according to Marie, the guilty Inuit was found
260
Ibid., p.124.
Ibid., p.70.
262
Ibid., p.69.
263
Ibid., p.70.
264
Ibid., p.71.
265
Ibid., p.92.
261
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and executed by White trappers. It is not clear whether or not the RCMP ever did get to the
bottom of these four deaths.266
Women’s Work
Women did a lot of work, most of it sewing by hand. They sewed nets, carry-alls, clothes, and
even big tents and tipis.267 People never got cold in warm winter clothes made from fur and
caribou hide. Hats, pants, parkas. Even children would be able to play outside in the cold
weather.268 Sometimes women also did man’s work. Some even trapped around the camp.
When people traveled, the men would make trails with snowshoes and axe, and the women
would mush with the dogs behind the men, and they would carry packs or babies who were
“wrapped up really good.” The baby would be warm even when it was set down in the snow
while a tipi was being set. Lots of wood is burnt in a tipi and the women would gather wood,
and water. Older children would help. Late at night the men would return from hunting.269
In winter, by March, women worked on caribou hides, tanning and smoking them for clothes and
tents. They would make dry meat and lots of fat by boiling the fat to get all the grease out, and
then freezing it in a bowl to keep. They would make moccasins for the dogs in the spring
because the ice would get too rough for their paws.270
When summer came, they went to a place where there was a lot of people staying in tents on
Artillery Lake, but only women, because all of the men were gone hunting white fox. The men
left a lot of meat behind for their wives and parents.271
In the summer the women picked gallons of berries in birch or wood pails. Blueberries,
cloudberries, blackberries, cranberries. They mixed the berries with fat and water so they would
keep through the winter. They would warm up caribou fat until it was smooth, add a little water,
and then pour the grease into the berries.272
People moved around all the time, even pregnant women who gave birth while they were
traveling. Marie herself had twelve children, and not all of them were treated by doctors.273 It
was not an easy life for women. You had to pull a load on a sleigh while carrying a baby, and
266
Ibid., p.85-93.
Ibid., p.78.
268
Ibid., p.119.
269
Ibid., p.78.
270
Ibid., p.79.
271
Ibid., p.85.
272
Ibid., p.87-92.
273
Ibid., p.80.
267
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then to set a tent or tipi you had to dig out the snow with a snowshoe right to the ground. There
were no doctors and there was no communication.274
When they didn’t have a tent they used a tipi for camping. It was quite a change to move into a
tent, and then again into a house.275 But life was still difficult. One fall around 1956, Judith
Catholique and her mother-in-law nearly starved when all the men were out hunting and the ice
got too thick to check the fishnets.276
Liza Cassaway had been raised in the Whiteman’s way so she did not know how to fix caribou
hides.277 It was only after she was married that Liza learned how to make dry meat. Her
husband was out on the barrenlands for a month to trap white fox and while he was gone the
other women taught her how to tan hides and make moccasins.278
Houses
Until he was about ten, which would be around 1920, Morris Lockhart stayed in a caribou hide
tipi. This wasn’t always easy. After the Whiteman came there were tents, and within a few
years no one stayed in caribou hide tipis any more. 279
According to Pierre Catholique, “Before, people just have tents, no houses. My grandfather, he’s
the first one who build a house. People come, stay there. Before that people go anywhere. I
remember that. Where the caribou go, people go there. And the whole family.”280
The Dene began building houses when J.B. Catholique, who was born in 1905, was really
young.281 These first houses were built on a narrow lake with a muskrat hole next to Artillery
Lake, using trees that were getting dry. It was a good place for houses, with flat ground and a
little creek. Those houses were then moved west to another lake on that portage. The houses not
moved were given away, were left to rot, or were taken down for firewood.282 Some houses
were moved about two or three times. When they were moved, the numbers of the logs were
written down so they wouldn’t get mixed up when they were put back together.283
274
Ibid., p.93.
Ibid., p.79.
276
Ibid., p.111.
277
Ibid., p.121.
278
Ibid., p.121-123.
279
Ibid., p.102.
280
Ibid., p.129.
281
Ibid., p.70.
282
Ibid., p.67.
283
Ibid., p.106.
275
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People who stayed at Artillery Lake used to stay year round, and they usually made their houses
along the north shore. In the summer there would be lots of mosquitoes and black flies. The
Dene would burn plants that make a lot of smoke but don’t make people cough as much as
smoke from other plants would. In the summer these Dene would stay in tents along the shore.
Some people stayed in tipis in the summer because the fires and smoke inside the tipis would
keep the black flies away. The year would go by pretty fast, each season giving way to the
next.284 In summers when people didn’t occupy the houses, bears would sometimes get in and
wreck them.285
Not everyone built houses. Some people would instead make a log foundation for a tent.286
People making houses would build the foundation first, and would usually use saddle notches on
the ends of the logs. They would make the walls about five feet high and the roof about nine feet
high. Sometimes they used caribou hair to fill the cracks between the logs. In the winter when it
was cold they would cake the house with mud from outside so it could freeze. The mud kept the
house warm enough that even water would not freeze inside overnight, and the mud would not
crack in the summertime if caribou hair or grass was mixed in. Sometimes they would put sand
around the outside of the houses. On the roof they would put sticks across, all together, and then
moss on them and lots of sand.287 Sometimes when building a house the Dene would put wet
snow on the outside walls after freeze-up so it would freeze and help keep the house warm
inside.288
The houses first built by the Dene had clay fireplaces and illumination came from the fire. They
would cook meat over the fire. People didn’t always live in their houses because “sometimes it’s
a long ways to caribou so people would just move to the caribou.” Later, they started using
stoves, and people brought in ten-gallon drums to make their own stoves. The Dene who made
the first houses shared their new knowledge with others.289
They built floors with boards made by cutting the logs on one side. On the inside walls, the logs
were peeled back and this made it a little brighter. Some people used caribou hide, dried and
nailed to the wall with the skin facing inside. It was really warm in those houses, especially with
a good wood stove. People depended on the houses for the winter.290
284
Ibid., p.87-92.
Ibid., p.72.
286
Ibid., p.113.
287
Ibid., p.119.
288
Ibid., p.117.
285
289
290
Ibid., p.103.
Ibid., p.67.
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There weren’t many tools to make houses with. The Dene made their own nails with wood and
they made their own boards, which were used for floors and window frames and doors.291
Morris Lockhart remembered houses being built along Great Slave Lake and Artillery Lake after
the Whiteman came. The Dene had axes and saws but there was no such thing as a measuring
tape, so the Dene used a rope for measuring the corners. Instead of using pencils they made
marks with a piece of black charcoal. They had no window glass so they used caribou hide for
windows and called them a word which means “scraping hides.”292 In addition to caribou hide
for windows, they would also use fish skins, like morai, sewed together to make a piece big
enough for a window.293
It was easy for his Morris Lockhart’s grandfather, Pierre Lockhart, to make houses. He would
build them anywhere, even without nails. Morris once saw a house made out of logs but shaped
like a tipi with a fire in the middle. It was insulated on the outside and good for making smoked
dry meat. Sometimes they would make a spike red hot and then burn the logs with it like a drill,
holding them together with a stick used like a spike running through the lined-up holes.294
In the bush they didn’t make the houses as nice. They usually just built saddle notch cornered
houses and they didn’t always peel the logs.295
[For a more detailed description of building a log house, see page 104 or 113.]
It would take five people about four or five days to make a house.296 It would take about two
weeks to build a really good house. Some people made their houses without a floor and use
spruce boughs to cover the ground. The boughs had to be changed about every three days
because they dried up quickly when it was warm inside.
The houses the Dene built were not large. The person who was building the house for himself
would pick the tallest person in the family and make the height of the walls about a foot taller
than that person.297 Sometimes there would be over ten people in one house. There would be a
storage room, and a little basement to keep things cool, and sometimes they would make an attic
to store things, and even use wall paper on the inside.298
291
Ibid., p.91.
Ibid., p.100.
293
Ibid., p.115.
294
Ibid., p.101.
295
Ibid., p.101.
296
Ibid., p.113.
297
Ibid., p.115.
298
Ibid., p.116.
292
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After their first child, who was born in 1943, started to crawl, Liza Cassaway and her husband
Zep hitched a plane ride to Artillery Lake and Zep built a house on an island in Timber Bay.
Liza moved in around the end of October but Zep spent most of the rest of the year away from
home, trapping. When Liza’s mother and father-in-law died after Christmas, she and Zep
returned to Snowdrift, never to return to their new house.299
The Dene used to stay at Lutsel K’e Gap as opposed to right in Snowdrift. Zep was the first of
the Dene to buy a house built right in Snowdrift. It even had an upstairs.300
Fun, Games and Celebrations
On special days the Dene would play games and sing songs, especially old-timer songs that
Catholique Pauquette knew. On Christmas Day they would pray to the Lord, the great spirit.301
At Christmas time, everyone came back from trapping and gathered in a place where there were
lots of good houses for feasts, dances, and a small ceremony.302 Three or four dog teams would
go together to Fort Resolution and the store there, sometimes for Christmas and sometimes for
New Year’s. Christmas was a good time. Lots of caribou and lots of Whiteman’s food.
Cookies, fruit, dried fruit.303
People from all over would go to Fort Resolution for Christmas and to receive communion.
Those from Snowdrift would go back to Snowdrift for New Year’s celebrations. For about a
week, they would hold fiddle dances that would go on all night and even for days.304 Because
the houses weren’t big enough, children were not allowed inside for dances and would be told to
go home.305
The Dene from Artillery Lake would also go to Fort Resolution for Easter but Marie Catholique
remembered being late one year because the snow was slush. Fort Resolution was also the only
place where marriages were performed.306 Other Dene would go to Snowdrift for Easter
celebrations. They would have a feast and a dance. It was customary for a lot of people
traveling together to announce their arrival and departure by shooting off their rifles.307
299
Ibid., p.121.
Ibid., p.124.
301
Ibid., p.64.
302
Ibid., p.80,114.
303
Ibid., p.89.
304
Ibid., p.117.
305
Ibid., p.117-118.
306
Ibid., p.80.
307
Ibid., p.116.
300
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For fun, the Dene would play games, and hold archery contests.308 They would pick a target and
bet a caribou tongue on hitting the target with an arrow. If someone lost all their tongues, then
they would bet caribou ribs309, or dry meat, or pounded meat, or maybe shells, or tobacco.310
Children would play outside in the winter. They used sleighs or just caribou hide to slide down
the hills.311 As a child Noel Drybone would play at night, sliding on toboggans, sometimes
letting the dogs pull him. The Dene made their own toboggans out of birch trees that were cut in
the springtime by axe or big saw.312
At the beginning of June people would get together and have a drum dance, tea dance, ceremony,
and all kinds of games and hand games.313 Pierre Catholique remembered his father buying a
record player for him.314
One of the games they played as kids was hide and seek.315 But, according to Morris Lockhart,
“There weren’t many exciting things those days, people help each other, tell stories about the old
times and they make things.”316 Noel Drybone remembered listening to the old timers telling
stories about how people used to live before them, and even before them.317 The Dene had a lot
of fun and used to always help each other.318
They would help each other travel to Fort Resolution for the First of July and the treaty
celebrations. Those with inboard motors would tow three or four canoes at a time.319
Daily Life
J.B. Catholique recalled that it was not an easy life for a young man, working for his father.
“Pretty tough work.”320
308
Ibid., p.86.
Ibid., p.89.
310
Ibid., p.86.
311
Ibid., p.91.
312
Ibid., p.96.
313
Ibid., p.91.
314
Ibid., p.130.
315
Ibid., p.103-104.
316
Ibid., p.108.
317
Ibid., p.96.
318
Ibid., p.99.
319
Ibid., p.103.
320
Ibid., p.65.
309
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When he was a child and too young to trap, Noel Drybone would help his mother get firewood
and water, and help his father around the house tying dogs and hitching dogs and feeding dogs
and raising little pups. He would travel around with his father in the sleigh, moving around all
the time.321
While traveling in winter, the Dene would not even always sleep in tents. Sometimes they slept
outside in the cold. They would make a fire and put spruce boughs on one side, depending on
which way the wind was blowing.322 But, according to Marie Catholique, even with hard winter
traveling no one ever got depressed; “they were happy all the time.”323
Because it was easy to kill caribou around Artillery Lake, lots of people stayed there all the time
but the leader was clearly Catholique Pauquette. A lot of people stayed around with him, but
they left the lake after he died.324
Catholique’s grandson recalled, “Before, people just have tents, no houses. My grandfather, he’s
the first one who build a house. People come, stay there. Before that people go anywhere. I
remember that. Where the caribou go, people go there. And the whole family.”325
The Dene used to share things without expecting payment. “We make money but we don’t brag
about it.”326 Marie Catholique’s father would shoot caribou and they would share the meat with
the people and boil the bones to make soup. Her father would cook the caribou head.327
There wasn’t much Whiteman’s food, only basic things like tobacco (and usually just enough for
the old people), tea, and flour.328 People didn’t really depend on Whiteman’s food. The oldtimers mostly lived on meat and fish, berries, plants, leaves, and moss.329
They made fat out of the caribou bones. They boiled the bones, chopped up the bones, and
boiled the bones for five to ten hours, then spooned all the fat out and wrapped a gallon to two
gallons of bone grease and fat in caribou hide, sewed it together, and ate it with dry meat.330
321
Ibid., p.95.
322
Ibid., p.117.
Ibid., p.81.
324
Ibid., p.100.
325
Ibid., p.129.
326
Ibid., p.78.
327
Ibid., p.81.
328
Ibid., p.83.
329
Ibid., p.91.
330
Ibid., p.88.
323
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Before the Dene had obtained gas lamps, they used to burn fish oil or any kind of fat.331 They
would use caribou fat to make candles332 or to make oil for burning.333
The Whiteman’s ways certainly made life easier and easier. Noel Drybone’s father told him
stories about having to use stones to make sparks for fire.334 Pierre Catholique remembered that
once they ran out of matches so their grandfather had to go to Fort Resolution to get some. They
had to keep the fire going all the time until he got back. The errand took several weeks.335
The Dene turned caribou hide into clothing. Moccasins, mitts, winter clothes, hats, caribou hats,
caribou hide parkas, pants, shoes.336 Young caribou hide was good for furry socks.337 If a dog
didn’t have much hair they would put a caribou hide on it, fur on the inside, for long journies.
They would make a caribou hide harness and even caribou hide whips for the dogs.338 The Dene
also made ropes, string, thread, bait, and tools out of caribou.339
Whenever he saw people from Artillery Lake, Joe Fatt knew they were from there because of the
clothes that they wore, all made out of caribou hides. He called them barrenland people.340
The barrenland people used ice for water when they were far from the shore.341 Everything was
homemade. Nets were made out of babiche or willow bark and one had to make his own floats
and weights.342 When there was a shortage of nets, they would go ice fishing. Ptarmigan, jack
rabbits, and ground squirrels would also be prey.343 In the spring people would be happy to go
ice fishing. You could see the fish way down in the water.344 They would smoke and dry the
fish and make pounded fish too.345 After the ice on the small lakes was gone people would go
down to Fort Reliance and from there to places with lots of birch trees to make canoes. They
would cut birch trees down and leave them in the water all summer to make them hard and then
331
Ibid., p.114.
Ibid., p.87.
333
Ibid., p.85.
334
Ibid., p.98.
335
Ibid., p.129.
336
Ibid., p.86.
337
Ibid., p.89.
338
Ibid., p.86.
339
Ibid., p.89.
340
Ibid., p.117.
341
Ibid., p.83.
342
Ibid., p.100.
343
Ibid., p.86.
344
Ibid., p.95.
345
Ibid., p.116.
332
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use them in the fall for snowshoes or toboggans or axe handles.346 In those days, canoe was the
main mode of transportation.347
In the summer there would be lots of mosquitoes and black flies. The Dene would burn plants
that make a lot of smoke but don’t make you cough as much as smoke from other plants. Some
people stayed in tipis in the summer because the fires and smoke inside the tipis would keep the
black flies away.348
Many people would build warehouses near their houses, with flat roofs and just tall enough to go
inside and stand up. They would put meat and fish inside. They made their own things and if
someone didn’t know how to do something he would ask another person how it’s done.349
“People used to help each other, telling stories in the evening and traveling around together
trapping, hunting, helping each other building. There’s no jobs so nobody is told what to do,
everybody helps each other and everybody does what they feel like.”350
On Artillery Lake no one had calendars so they didn’t even know what day it was. They just
knew it was day or night, and that when the days get short it’s Christmas.351 The year would go
by pretty fast, each season giving way to the next.352
Nobody cared about money in those days and people would help each other all the time, if you
ran out of firewood, for example. There weren’t many worries. There was a Catholic priest in
Snowdrift, and a nurse would come in from Yellowknife every month.353
Noel Drybone was born around the east end of Artillery Lake and by 1984 was one of the few
people still living there. “The most basic thing I do is to get ready for the winter,” he stated,
which was something that the Dene had always built their way of life around: Getting ready for
the winter.354
Trading at the Post
346
Ibid., p.104.
Ibid., p.97.
348
Ibid., p.87-92.
349
Ibid., p.105.
350
Ibid., p.107.
351
Ibid., p.122.
352
Ibid., p.87.
353
Ibid., p.124.
354
Ibid., p.96.
347
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Trips to the posts were a necessary part of the Dene’s lives. Sometimes J.B. Catholique would
go with his father to Fort Resolution with dry meat for trade. There were not many supplies at
the store then355, just tobacco and “Whiteman’s food” like tea, sugar, flour, lard, and baking
powder. They didn’t take too much because it would be too heavy for the dogs to transport.
Some of the barrenlands people would go to Fort Reliance for the spring or summer. Some took
care of the dogs on Artillery Lake or at Fort Reliance.
Trips to Fort Resolution took place at Christmas and Easter and the First of July. The Dene
would bring lots of caribou meat and buy things for themselves and those staying behind to
watch the dogs.356
It was a long trip to the store in Fort Resolution but it had to be done. People would go together,
two or three sleighs at a time.357
After the houses were built, people spent the winter on Artillery Lake. When there was still a
little bit of snow on the land, they started going back to Fort Resolution. A lot of people traveled
together, helping each other.358 They traveled along the shore the whole way. People would
meet up about a week before the First of July to go to Fort Resolution, coming from Artillery
Lake and Snowdrift, Yellowknife and Dogrib, “and sometimes, they say, people from
Yellowknife would travel on really thin ice.”359
Things were cheap in those days. It was $2 for a box of shells, and good rifles sold for $70.360
In those days people would order things from Eaton’s in the summertime and it would come to
Fort Resolution from Edmonton and then on a little barge to the Rocher River where there was a
small store that sold cigarettes and food.361
Some people stayed year round on Artillery Lake, taking boats to Fort Reliance or Fort
Resolution to trade fat, dry meat, and pounded meat for tea, sugar, flour, lard, shells, and
tobacco. After treaty, people would go to Fort Resolution every summer for the First of July.
They would trade with the priests. Paddling from Fort Reliance to Fort Resolution, a distance of
about 250 miles, took two-and-a-half to three weeks.362 People would help each other travel to
355
Ibid., p.63.
Ibid., p.64.
357
Ibid., p.65.
358
Ibid., p.66.
359
Ibid., p.67.
360
Ibid., p.70.
361
Ibid., p.75.
362
Ibid., p.86.
356
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Fort Resolution for the First of July. Those with inboard motors would tow three or four canoes
at a time.363
Even people from Yellowknife would go to Fort Resolution at treaty time and when they needed
things. Pierre Catholique stated that people never used to go to Yellowknife… and now they
only go to Yellowknife.364
A Trip to the Post – Circa 1920 - JB Catholique
The following excerpt from one of the stories recorded in “Artillery Lake Log House
Community” Judy Jacobs 1982, gives a picture of life at the time.
I was fifteen years old at that time. Snowdrift River, that's where we lived, on the other side of
the big falls. There were a lot of people living there at that time. People got a lot of fur at that
time.
It was time to go to Fort Resolution, a lot of people were talking about going to Fort Resolution.
My dad said to me: "There are a lot of you young people, you young guys, but I think you are the
only one who could make it, who could travel that far." People used to travel very far with dog
teams, .they often had to walk ahead of the team. Sometimes people even traveled as far as
Edmonton, sometimes they had to walk ahead of their dogs that whole way.
So we left for Fort Resolution and we camped at Fort Reliance. There were four of us, four dog
teams all together, one belonged to Noel, he was my uncle, he was related to me through my
granny. I was traveling with him at that time. My dad used to be a fur trader and he could read
Chipewyan in syllables. We were traveling with a big load, our dogs were big and healthy and
pretty strong too, they had no trouble pulling the big load. If I tell you the story of my life I
worked pretty hard, I worked the way my father taught me how to work. Sometimes too then I
had hard times but they always passed. Noel used to have six dogs at that time, he used to treat
me as if I were his son. My dad had six dogs. Joe used my dad's dogs too. We had made a lot of
fur.
The people used to work good and some even used to work very hard, and to think of it today I
think they were good people. We had not been to the post since the summertime, it must have
been a long time because we were out of smokes, at that time we used to smoke a lot, but we still
had a little bit of groceries.
There were two sleds with us to see us off. The big lake was frozen with a little bit of snow on
363
364
Ibid., p.103.
Ibid., p.129.
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it. The dogs were pretty fast. My Uncle Noel told me to sit on the sled for a little while because
the dogs were too fast for people to walk ahead of them. Even today, those who are still living
know how I used to travel. The two sleds which were traveling with us camped two nights with
us and on the third day they left to go back. It was late at night, about two o’clock, we had
watches at that time, we had some in our pockets, some even had pretty cases. The watches were
pretty good for us. There were six young guys, I had forgotten this guy, his name was Joe. He
had lost his parents when he was born. His mother has passed away first, then his dad. My father
had raised Joe. He used to be Philip Desjarlais' grandpa. So my father had raised two, he was the
youngest. My father used to help many poor people, he used to treat them as if they were his own
sons.
It was getting a little bit dark, it was still daylight when we crossed the lake. We were going to
camp over on Tochatwi Lake on the other side. So we camped at the first little lake. There wasn't
anybody else living there at that time. The Great Slave Lake was frozen so we traveled. It was
almost getting dark so that's where we had camped, and early in the morning we had left to Fort
Resolution. We were going to camp another night, in all it was our fourth day. In all we had
made five days to Fort Resolution. From there there were a lot of camps.
We stopped at a place, my Uncle Pierre LaRose, his place, he used to live with his grandpa. My
granny used to be married to a very powerful medicine man. At that time I used to have a lot of
relatives, and all my relatives they used to see how I travel and things like that. And that's when
granny's husband, my grandpa, told me to camp beside him. From there we will be at Fort
Resolution, it was a long way to travel by dog team. At that time the days were short too
because it was right after Christmas. At that time there were a lot of people living over at Rocher
River. There used to be a store there too. They used to sell cigarettes and food, but the store was
pretty small. A barge used to go over there to bring the stuff to the little store. They used to have
a barge from Fort Resolution. They used to order stuff from Baton's in the summertime. They
used to haul stuff right in the middle of summer with barges, they used to have two barges. Stuff
would come up from Edmonton to Fort Resolution and from Fort Resolution they had just built
another' little barge which brought groceries over to Rocher River. At that time they never used
to know anything about kickers and outboard motors. At that time there was no canvas too. It's
not that long ago that they first brought in tarps or canvas. That's when they started making tents,
stoves, things that we had heard about when we were living out in the barrens. And we used to
hear news like that by letters, my father used to get letters, whatever news there was my father
used to tell us.
We were still going to camp another night when we were traveling to Fort Resolution but as
there was still some daylight we kept on going and we just made it to Fort Resolution. At that
time Fort Resolution was a big town, there were a lot of people living there. It was dark when
we got there.
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Joe King used to live in Fort Resolution and he had a lot of sons too, he even had a son called
Morris King. He raised a lot of children but there was only one son who worked hard like his
father, his name was McPhil King. That's the brother of Morris King. One of the Kings used to
be living at Fort Smith. There were a lot of people in Fort Resolution from all over because that
was the only place with a store where they could go shopping. And there were also missionaries
living there, brothers, sisters, and the priest. We got there late and we didn't have a place to camp
that night so we had to go back as soon as we had bought some stuff. It was late at night, and
even though there was only one main road. We stayed in Fort Resolution for three nights.
People at that time, in Fort Resolution, they were very religious, mostly old people. It was going
to be our fourth day, it was already three nights so everybody started packing up, and it was a
little after midnight and some were leaving already. So us, we left too. There was always a leader
ahead of us. Even though there was a lot of sleds behind us we never used to know where the
leader was heading. There were caribou that time and a lot of people were traveling with us to
the caribou.
(John Baptist (J.B.) Catholique
Born c.1905 to Catholique Pauquette and Helen Thintrelli
Married to Marie Lockard on July 9, 1925 in Fort
Resolution
Story told to Lawrence Catholique in Snowdrift on
November 4, 1984
Translated by Bertha Catholique)
5.6.8
Happenings “Outside” and Great Slave Lake West – to 1950’s
1915 – Effects of World War I (1914-1918) reach as far north as Fort Resolution and nearly
cause the cancellation of Treaty days. The Indians are upset by threats made by German trappers
( Fumoleau
that Zeppelins will arrive in the spring to bomb the trading posts.365
Snuff, a signatory of Treaty 8, resigns from being chief of the Fort Resolution Indian Band at the
age of 102.366
1921 - The N.W.T. Territorial Administration with 16 staff was established in Fort Smith.367
The first airplane to fly in the Northwest Territories leaves Edmonton.368 The new machines
prove their value and are quickly adopted for extensive use throughout the north. By 1926
365
Rene Fumoleau, As Long As This Land Shall Last, p.112.
Ibid., p.332.
367
Ibid., p.333.
366
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Ingstad photographs what he calls the first airplane to land at Snowdrift and white trappers begin
to use them as well as the government, RCMP, church and prospectors. This is one technology
that did reach the remote Thaydene and affect their lives.
Railway reaches Clearwater River (near McMurray) allowing for the freighting of much more
trade goods giving the Dene many new items never before used, including food items, outboard
motors, clothing, etc.
Gold was discovered in Yellowknife in 1933 and the Gold rush commenced the next year. In
1936, the new federal Department of Mines and Resources combined and replaced the
Department of Mines, the Department of the Interior, the Department of Indian Affairs, and the
Department of Colonization and Immigration. Indian Affairs became a branch of the new
department.
1938 – The mineral production of the N.W.T. exceeds in value the fur production for the first
time but not one native person is employed in mining or prospecting.369
In 1938 the Catholic mission built a hospital at Fort Resolution.
1939-1945 – World War II is felt in the communities at the west end of the lake but the life at the
east end changes little.
1939 – Bi-monthly flights from Edmonton to Fort Resolution and five weekly flights to
Yellowknife.370
5.6.9
Around the Snowdrift Post – 1940’s – 1950’s
The nomadic lifestyle of always following the caribou and trapping continued until 1960 when
the school was built and people moved into the permanent community. Camps were common in
the area known by the Dene as Lutsel K’e. Some families stayed across the bay to the south of
the community where the D’Aoust brothers kept a post; others stayed at the Lutsel K’e gap from
which the Dene name of the community is derived, two kilometres west of the modern
community; several families stayed at Thili, the mouth of the Snowdrift River; Dog Island;
Murky Channel; and McLean Bay also had old houses. Some families lived in log houses part of
the year other were in tents. There were also families who lived around Nonacho Lake as well as
368
Ibid., p.334.
Ibid., p.263, 337.
370
Ibid., p.338.
369
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some on the north shore around Taltheilei Narrows, Narrow Island, Fort Reliance and Artillery
Lake. All these people eventually moved into the community of Lutsel K’e.
Little changed in Dene life through these years but little by little more communications and
easier travel gradually brought more and more of the “outside” in, at least at the post, when in the
bush or on the barrens things changed very little.
Commercial fishing started out of Hay River in the 1940’s and employed many native and Metis
fishermen including a few young men from Lutsel K’e. They operated both in summer by boat
and in winter by bombardier. They fished all over the lake including parts of the East Arm until
the 1960’s when they were excluded.
Medical assistance was provided either by the untrained HBC managers. They radioed hospitals
in Fort Rae, Fort Resolution and later in Yellowknife for assistance. Tuberculosis came in
epidemic proportions to the community in these years. Most families had members staying for
years at a time in hospitals in the south and many never returned.
5.7
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE COMMUNITY OF LUTSEL K’E - 1960
James W. VanStone undertook a study of cultural change in the area of the Mackenzie River
Valley and Great Slave Lake in the early 1960s. The village of Lutsel K’e, then called Snowdrift
was chosen for the first intensive stage of the project because it appeared to be one of the most
isolated communities in the area.371 VanStone spent a total of 28 weeks in the village from the
summer of 1960 to the winter of 1961-62.372 He is mainly remembered by the community for
accidentally blowing himself out through a door of the HBC residence where he stayed by
lighting a Coleman gas stove incorrectly. (Maurice Lockhart, community elder) But, when he
did his work is significant because it the years the Dene left their nomadic lifestyle for the
houses, school and store of community life. An abstract of his account shows what life was like
at the time.
5.7.1
Making A Living
Winter and Spring
A trapper should have a team of 4 or 5 dogs and can expect to travel as much as 300 miles on the
trail. It can take one to 3 days to reach the point where he wishes to set his traps. The trapper
371
James Van Stone, The Snowdrift Chipewyan, (Ottawa: Northern Co-ordination & Research
Department of Northern Affairs & National Resources, 1963), p.1.
372
Ibid., p.2.
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Centre,
then moves over his area, setting traps and camping at night. Nets will be set at two or three
points along the trap lines to provided fish for the dogs. During the winter, traps are set for
mink, marten, white fox, lynx and wolverine.373 The longer a trap remains set without being
checked, the greater the chance that a wolverine will rob it of its catch.374
VanStone visited a specific trapping area with an informant in December of 1961. This trap line
began about 30 miles from Snowdrift and ran for a distance of almost 80 miles. The trapper set a
total of 72 traps and snares and took 10 mink, two lynx, one white fox, two red fox, one marten,
and one silver fox with a total value of $230.375 Trappers always have to do a certain amount of
hunting to supplement the meagre supplies brought with them. Caribou hunting is the most
important hunting during winter and spring, and even takes precedence over trapping for many
trappers. Caribou are most frequently killed when they are on a lake. The success of Snowdrift
Dene as trappers has always been directly related to the presence or absence of caribou in the
trapping areas.376
Nets are the only means of taking fish at Snowdrift at this time. An estimated 75,000 pounds of
fish were taken during October, November and December of 1958.377
The area around Snowdrift is not being trapped as effectively as it might be because trapping “is
a very hard life carried out under extreme climatic conditions and with unpredictable
rewards.”378 During the prime trapping period, most of the trappers are only on their trap lines
for four weeks and only a moderate amount of trapping is done after Christmas, until muskrat
and beaver trapping begins in the spring. The Hudson’s Bay Company is the centre of the fur
trapping activity at Snowdrift, as it is for almost all economic activities there. The manager is
judged by the extent to which he provides credit to those in need. “Some have been known to
obtain credit from the Company in Snowdrift and then sell their furs in Rocher River or
Yellowknife.”379
Summer
It is difficult to overestimate the importance of a man’s outboard motor. “A man who has no
motor, or one that is always breaking down, cannot go on moose and caribou hunting trips except
at the invitation of others, cannot get over to the fishing lodges and thus have a chance to be
373
Ibid., p.9.
Ibid., p.11.
375
Ibid., p.11.
376
Ibid., p.12.
377
Ibid., p.13.
378
Ibid., p.13.
379
Ibid., p.15.
374
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hired for a day or two and…cannot check fishnets, take the picnics and other little trips…”
Outboard motors were first used in the area in around 1925.
Moose are also hunted during the summer, usually in the vicinity of The Gap, Stark Lake, and
Murky Channel but most hunters are not gone from the village for more than two or three
days.380 Moose hunting is most successful when there is no wind and plenty of insects, which
drives the moose into the water to seek relief, where it can be approached and killed with ease.
Moose are hunted mainly in the summer when there are no caribou around, the yearly moose kill
for any one family is not great. The meat of the moose is shared widely throughout the
community.
In 1961 one of the larger fishery companies which operated boats on Great Slave Lake ceased its
operations there. No boats appeared in the Snowdrift area until September and only a few men
were employed for the rest of the season. The three remaining companies fished mostly in the
west arm of the lake. That same year, the barge bringing supplies to the Hudson’s Bay Company
also brought a tractor to carry the supplies from the barge to the warehouse, decreasing the need
to hire people for the same task. Only seven local men were hired, each earning a total of
$13.00.381
“The owner of one of the fishing lodges in the vicinity of Snowdrift has used local guides only
sparingly during the past two summers and has done most of the guiding himself with the help of
his partner. This has created a certain amount of ill will in the village.” Business is improving
and he wants to use the Dene exclusively in future summers but they need training in how to
serve tourists. Twice during July of 1961 the Department of Forestry hired 20 men to fight fires
in the vicinity of Fort Smith. The first time the men were out six days and earned $66 each; the
second time the men were out for 12 days and earned $120 on average.382
The Indian Affairs Branch has secured employment for 20 Snowdrift men to clear brush for the
proposed roads northeast of Yellowknife during January of 1960 and 1961. They were paid
$1500 per mile for a crew of 10 men.383 The Branch considers these road-clearing programmes
to be crucial in alleviating winter unemployment and they choose married men with families
whenever possible. One side-effect, however, is that some Snowdrift trappers take trapping less
seriously because they know they have a guaranteed income later in the winter. By providing
380
Ibid., p.15.
381
Ibid., p.16.
Ibid., p.17.
383
Ibid., p.17.
382
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such winter employment, the Branch may be defeating its own efforts to encourage the Dene to
utilize their basic natural resources.384
The Dene are often at odds with government bureaucracy. For example, they were upset when
treaty payments were moved from July to April (in 1961) for obscure reasons, resulting in much
confusion. The annual visit of the Department of Indian and Northern Health Services x-ray
party was scheduled for July as usual.385 To the Dene, the Agency Superintendent is the
government. Limited understanding of government and all the factors behind Indian Affairs
Branch decisions on the Dene side, and limited understanding of the Dene on the government
side, creates many misunderstandings and friction.386
Dwellings and Furnishings
“Tents, however, continued to be the most common form of dwelling the year round right up
until fairly recent times and it has only been within the past ten years that the majority of families
have lived in log houses.”387 In 1961, all families lived in log houses both winter and summer.
Canvas tents were used only on the trap lines and for trips into the bush. In 1960-61, the Agency
Superintendent spearheaded a house-building project which five of the Dene took part in.
Lumber and materials were provided and as an added inducement, the house builders and their
families were placed on rations as soon as actual construction had begun: $22 a month for a
man, $12 for his wife, $15 for each child over 12, and $12 for each child under 12, obtainable in
merchandise at the Hudson’s Bay Company. The programme got off to a very slow start,
perhaps because the Dene cannot quite reconcile himself to the fact that he is a permanent
resident of a town.388
There are 26 occupied dwellings in Snowdrift, including the new houses built as part of the
housing project. They are simply furnished and dominated by the wood burning heating unit.
The furniture is normally homemade. Mosquito netting is used extensively in the summer. New
and better built houses are finished on the interior with plywood, but those in older or less well
constructed houses will nail cardboard over the inside walls for insulation. None of the houses
have basements. The most prevalent wall hangings are calendars, family photos, and religious
pictures and crosses. About half of the Snowdrift families have radios but other luxury items
like hand operated sewing machines and gas washing machines are rare.389 Only a few houses
384
Ibid., p.18.
Ibid., p.18.
386
Ibid., p.19.
387
Ibid., p.20.
388
Ibid., p.21.
389
Ibid., p.22.
385
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in the village have more than a single room. Nearly all of the houses have a log storage shed
nearby and outhouses are also located near some houses.390
Heating, Lighting and Water Supply – All houses are heated with wood burning stoves, either
homemade from a large oil drum or purchased from the Hudson’s Bay Company store. Dead
trees are cut for firewood and brought back to the village by boat in the summer and by dog team
in the winter.391 Lighting is provided mostly by coal oil lamps but a few families have gasoline
burning pressure lamps, which are more expensive to fuel. Drinking water comes from the lake
by pail and is kept in the house in an open container with a dipper hanging nearby. In the winter,
holes are cut in the ice, as melted snow is seldom used for water. The people of Snowdrift prefer
to drink their water in the form of coffee or tea.392
Domestic Animals – The Snowdrift people depend heavily on dog teams for hunting, trapping
and transportation and most men keep a team of 4 to 8 dogs. Sledges can be purchased from
HBC for about $15 each. The dogs are kept chained to stakes near the houses of their owners
and fed fish. There are nearly 200 dogs in the community and feeding them can be difficult;
dogs can go two or three days without being fed in the summer when the fish supply is low.393
Trappers feel that a dog cannot be expected to work well on the trap line if he is not well fed and
try to feed each dog one large fish at the end of the day, and more if the team is going to be
rested for a day or two. During the trapping season, a team of five dogs can travel 40 or 50 miles
a day if the load is light, but an average of 20 to 30 miles is more common, since frequent stops
are usually made to check traps. Harnesses can be purchased complete from HBC but a few men
buy only the leather collar and make the rest out of webbing or caribou skin. Some men have
small, beautifully embroidered blankets they fit over the back of each dog in their team, which
makes for a striking appearance. 6 or 8 bells are attached. Some men give their dogs English or
Dene names but others do not bother naming them. An attempt is made to raise pups at least
once a year.394
Food Preparation
The most popular food items purchased at the store are crackers, peanut butter, coffee, tea, sugar,
flour, canned meats, canned fruits, evaporated milk, candy bars and seasonings.395
Some of
these items often run out before the midsummer barge arrives, but supplies are also sent in from
Yellowknife on various charter flights. These flights also bring in fresh foods like eggs, bread,
390
Ibid., p.23.
Ibid., p.23.
392
Ibid., p.24.
393
Ibid., p.25.
394
Ibid., p.26.
391
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oranges and apples. Flour is regularly made into bannock, which is eaten at nearly every meal
and often a family will have little to eat but bannock and meat or fish. Everyone is very fond of
caribou meat and this is by far the primary food consumed. The favourite type of cooking is
boiling. They like their meat and fish lightly cooked and not too hot, and use a lot of catsup, salt
and pepper. Dill and sweet pickles are also popular.396 Knives are the most important eating
utensil and trappers in the bush will often have no other utensil with them.397
Dress
Traditional clothing has mostly been replaced with store bought clothes except for certain items
like moccasins, slippers, mukluks, gloves and dress-up clothing particularly jackets and parkas.
A few men still wear caribou skin parkas and pants with hair remaining in winter as “bush
clothes”. In winter all men wear gloves made from caribou or moose hide while women
generally wear commercial gloves. Middle aged and older men wear caribou skin slippers in
summer and wrap-around caribou moccasins in winter. Most of the younger people prefer
commercial footgear, as do most women when it comes to winter footgear. Moccasins and
slippers are always elaborately decorated.398 Everybody dresses up for Christmas and Treaty
Day, this requires a flurry of sewing by the women making traditional clothing such as beaded or
embroidered jackets, new beaded gauntlet type gloves and new caribou hide slippers or
mukluks.399
Division of Labour
Women spend most of their time at home, their activities mostly concerned with the home and
the rearing of children. The setting of nets and collecting of fish is done entirely by the men, but
no stigma is attached to a man for performing women’s work like cleaning fish or preparing meat
and skins. Women are completely excluded from trapping activities. “Women never touch fur”
(except to soften it for sewing and to sew it on clothing). One old lady in the village did have her
own trap line, however. A man and his wife form an active partnership and women are
responsible for most transactions and handling money.400 Men are responsible for the care and
repair of their equipment and houses. Women and children perform most of the household
chores and carry water. Older boys are expected to help maintain the family home with wood
and fishing and hunting while girls help their mothers with housework and childcare.401
395
Ibid., p.26-27.
Ibid., p.27.
397
Ibid., p.28.
398
Ibid., p.29.
399
Ibid., p.30.
400
Ibid., p.31.
401
Ibid., p.32.
396
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5.7.2
The Life Cycle of the Individual
Birth
Children are generally desired and male children are greatly preferred. The only son in a family
is often spoiled.402 In recent years pregnant women go to Yellowknife to give birth but some
prefer to do so in the village. Pregnancy is treated casually and women eat and do work as usual
right up until labour. All births that take place in the village are attended by mid-wives, an
informal group of elderly women. If the delivery is normal, the mother usually resumes her
duties within two days or less.403
Infancy
New babies are greeted with affection and joy, but by the time a child is five or six, he or she is
treated just like the other children. In spite of the advice of the visiting doctor and nurse that
infants be fed pablum or other easy to eat foods, some mothers do not think it is right to feed a
small child anything other than milk, either from the breast or the bottle, until he or she is old
enough eat meat and other adult foods.404 Men play a large part in child rearing.405
At this
time almost all of the Snowdrift natives have French or English given and family names.406
Adoption takes place infrequently, but on occasion the first child born is given to the
grandparents to help them and considers the grandparents to be his or her parents.407
Childhood
Children form a large portion of the population; in 1961 there were 75 residents under the age of
15. From the age of 7 or 8, children are allowed to wander freely around the village and only
come home at meal time.408 After dark, they are expected to be home. Sleep is considered as
something natural that should take place whenever the urge comes, so there are no set bed times
and daytime naps are not discouraged. Snowdrift children become aware of the facts of life and
death at an early age. Sexual matters are taken for granted. For the most part, boys and girls
who are not in the same family play in their own groups after the age of 9 or 10. Occasionally,
402
Ibid., p.34.
Ibid., p.35.
404
Ibid., p.37.
405
Ibid., p.38.
406
Ibid., p.39.
407
Ibid., p.40.
408
Ibid., p.40.
403
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older boys and girls will play baseball together in the evening.409 “Cops and robbers” is a
popular game, especially after films were first shown at the village in the summer of 1961.410
The disciplining of children seems to be relatively mild, except in the instance of fighting.411
Learning the techniques of sub-arctic living is an informal process in which the child learns by
example. Boys between 10 and 14 often went along on hunting trips and assisted the older
hunters greatly.412
Youth
Boys are regarded as youths from the age of fifteen or sixteen and hunt caribou or trap with their
fathers or other relatives. A young man will be accompanied by an older relative for at least 4 or
5 years before going out on his own.413 Often, youths as old as 19 or 20 do not trap regularly.
Young women have less free time than the young men, due to the nature of their household
duties. Most young men live at home until they are married and are expected to turn over at least
part of their earnings to the parents.414 Nearly every evening, single men between 16 and 30
gather to play a modified form of baseball from about 8:30 until it gets dark or after midnight.
Visiting is the chief diversion of the villagers and young people call it “walking around”.415
Courtship and Marriage
Unmarried mothers and their children are not stigmatized. There are a disproportionate number
of young men to young women. In the summer of 1961, only three men between 18 and 31 were
married, while only three girls over the age of 16 were not married.416 Love letters take the place
of more obvious signs of friendship and the few eligible girls in the village constantly receive
them. Love story magazines are the most popular kind of magazine for men and women
between 16 and 25.417 Girls are married at the age of 20 or younger, while men are at least 28
and often over 30. Old women are very powerful figures in the arranging of marriages.418
Marriages are performed by the Catholic priest on one of his periodic visits. Afterwards the
409
Ibid., p.41.
Ibid., p.42.
411
Ibid., p.42-43.
412
Ibid., p.44.
413
Ibid., p.44-45.
414
Ibid., p.45.
415
Ibid., p.46.
416
Ibid., p.47.
417
Ibid., p.48.
418
Ibid., p.49.
410
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married couple visits with every home in the community, and there is a feast that evening where
friends and relatives provide gifts. This is followed by a dance at the school.419
Adult Life
Even under the best of circumstances, new families must depend heavily on assistance from
relatives. The early years of marriage are a difficult time for women.420 Harmonious households
are most common and a man and his wife usually share a common social life. Visiting is nearly
as important for married couples as it is for young singles. When a couple visits, it is probably to
play cards. Snowdrift families like to do things as a group. Family picnics on summer Sundays
are popular.421
Old Age
The elderly are respected in Snowdrift, and Snowdrift people do not seem to be depressed by old
age or its approach. Although occasionally mistreated, all of the village’s old people are
provided for and they keep themselves busy with light chores and visiting.422
Death and Burial
Death is considered to be a normal event and mourning is restrained and mostly private. The
ideas of death and after life held by Snowdrift people are those commonly held by the Roman
Catholic Church.423 The funeral for an elderly woman costs about $80, which covers new
clothes for the deceased, plywood for the coffin (constructed by close male relatives), coloured
cloth and ribbon to cover the coffin, and food for the family and close relatives at the cemetery.
The Indian Affairs Branch usually provides financial assistance. After the church service, the
coffin is transported by canoe to the cemetery at the mouth of the Snowdrift River, a two-hour
trip. After the burial, everyone present has a picnic.424 There are three cemeteries near
Snowdrift and at least one near Fort Reliance, but two of the former are no longer used and are in
disrepair. People feel very strongly about being buried in a cemetery.425
Funerals are
essentially a community social occasion. Inheritance is not handled formally. If older people
have not made their wishes known before they die, the children generally get together after the
419
Ibid., p.50.
Ibid., p.51.
421
Ibid., p.52.
422
Ibid., p.53-54.
423
Ibid., p.54.
424
Ibid., p.55.
425
Ibid., p.56.
420
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death and divide the material possessions left behind. Suicides are not known to have occurred in
any of the villages around Great Slave Lake.426
5.7.3
Social Structure and Community Life
Kinship and the Family
Of the 26 residential units in 1961, 21 consist of nuclear families. Generally speaking, a young
married couple will spend the first year or two of marriage living with the side of the family most
equipped to receive them, but they will attempt to build a house of their own as soon as they
can.427 Within the community, the only social structure is that of the family, and except for
family ties, the strongest sense of identification is with the community as a whole. There is a
tradition of indiscriminate sharing; when a villager kills a moose or caribou, or catches a lot of
fish, he shares his bounty with everyone in the village to the extent that there is only a relatively
small share left for himself. When it comes to smaller game, however, a man will claim only
those animals which he himself has killed.428 There is also a highly developed complex of
borrowing material possessions, food, and money that is condemned by most villagers but
practiced by everyone to some extent.429
Formal Community Organization
A man’s skill at hunting or trapping does not entitle him to a leadership role outside the area of
his skill. Snowdrift is covered by Treaty 8 and, following a reorganization which took place in
late 1960, the residents of Snowdrift are now members of the Yellowknife “A” band. At least
every two months, the Agency Superintendent visits from Yellowknife, but he only holds a band
meeting when there is something important to discuss that is of interest to the entire village.430
Women occasionally attend such meetings but rarely have anything to say. Any objections to
requests by the villagers are seen as instances of the Superintendent being stubborn and
uncooperative.431 “The duties of the Superintendent, his obligations to communities other than
Since the
Snowdrift, and the limitations of his power are completely unknown.”432
reorganization, Snowdrift is represented in its dealings with the Agency (and other EuroCanadian outsiders) by the chief of the Yellowknife “A” band and two band councillors433 but
426
Ibid., p.57.
Ibid., p.61.
428
Ibid., p.62.
429
Ibid., p.63.
430
Ibid., p.65.
431
Ibid., p.66.
432
Ibid., p.70.
433
Ibid., p.67.
427
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these representatives have no authority over the daily life of the people.434 Other than the
Superintendent, visiting government officials deal directly with the HBC manager or the federal
school teacher and ignore the chief and councillors.435 Money is collected for an occasional
feast, a few summer dances are organized, and band members have some band meetings, but that
is it as far as formal community organization extends. And yet, the villagers exhibit pride at
being the “Snowdrift people” and this sense of identity takes precedence over any tribal ties.436
The RCMP periodically visits the village but seldom has to deal with legal matters, as serious
crimes seldom occur, and the community feels that it is not appropriate to involve outside legal
authorities when the situation can be handled locally.437 The community has ways of dealing
with relatively serious misdemeanours and other anti-social acts (such as the occasional theft of
fish from nets) are largely ignored.438
Extra Community Relations
The people of Snowdrift have little knowledge of or interest in the outside world beyond other
villages in the region.439 There are 12 Snowdrift residents who are at least half Dogrib, but aside
from Dogrib contacts, knowledge of other native tribes is minimal.440 Yellowknife is considered
a more exciting place than other communities on the lake, and the young men in particular are
fascinated by it, but they are afraid to actually go there, as it presents too many opportunities to
get into trouble. Literacy is not high and few subscribe to any newspaper or magazine. There is
little grasp of what life is like beyond the NWT.441
Ceremonies and Entertainment
Ceremonial life is limited to Treaty Day, Christmas and Easter. In 1960, treaty payments were
made early in July. The visiting treaty party consisted of the Agency Superintendent and his
assistant, a RCMP constable, and an x-ray party. After payments were made, a form of tea dance
was held in a large, abandoned tourist cabin, starting after midnight. After the tea dance, at
about 3 am, square dancing began, an activity most enjoyed by the participants.442 A feast is
usually held after the treaty party departs, followed by a square dance that can last until 4 am.
There are rarely more than two or three feasts in a year, held on New Year’s Day and on special
434
Ibid., p.68.
Ibid., p.69.
436
Ibid., p.70.
437
Ibid., p.71-72.
438
Ibid., p.72.
439
Ibid., p.72.
440
Ibid., p.73.
441
Ibid., p.74.
442
Ibid., p.75.
435
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occasions like when the men returned from firefighting.443 Christmas is an exciting time of year
with the trappers returning and trading their furs before the store closes. There is more money
around than at other times of the year, and many card games are played. Gifts and candy are
purchased, but the midnight church service and the party that follows are the main events. As for
other forms of entertainment, visiting, summer picnics, baseball games, and music are popular.
Every family has at least one member who plays a musical instrument. Four families own a
record player.444 Square dancing is very popular and evening dances frequently occur at the
school, sometimes attended on summer weekends by the crews of commercial fishing boats.
Card playing is the most popular activity of all and the Snowdrift people are dedicated gamblers.
Again, the crews of commercial fishing boats would sometimes join in all-night card games.
The stakes vary according to how much money is in the village at the time.445 The Snowdrift
people also play a variant of the hand game.446 Women do not play, but when large numbers of
Dogribs come this way to hunt caribou, they stop at Snowdrift and play the hand game and hold
tea dances frequently.447
5.7.4
The Individual and the Culture
Formal Education System
Snowdrift had no school until the fall of 1960. Previously, the 38 school-age children would be
flown to schools at Fort Resolution or Fort Smith. The Department of Northern Affairs and
National Resources completed construction of the school buildings and power plant in the
summer of 1960, and other agencies constructed small cabins for the use of their personnel in the
vicinity, including the Department of Forestry, the Department of Fisheries and the RCMP. In
the school, eight grades are taught and all children between 6 and 16 must attend. The school
building is also available for other village functions like film screenings, dances and band
meetings.448
Health, Sickness and Cures
A nurse stationed in Yellowknife makes periodic visits to Snowdrift, sometimes accompanied by
a doctor from the hospital at Fort Rae. A lay dispenser is appointed in order to administer
emergency medical attention and to distribute medical supplies. Often this person is the HBC
manager or his wife. The manager is the person to whom all villagers go when they are sick or
443
Ibid., p.76.
Ibid., p.77.
445
Ibid., p.78.
446
Ibid., p.79.
447
Ibid., p.80.
444
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injured. He prescribes medication on the basis of his own untrained observations and a first aid
manual.449 The x-ray party visits when treaty payments are made. Illness is accepted as a
normal part of life by the villagers.450 The first ever visit by a dentist occurred in the summer of
1961 and he had little time to do anything but pull teeth.451 Villagers have no fear of going out
of town for hospital visits and the Indian Affairs Branch provides a ration issue for the families
of those hospitalized.452 In one year, the number of outhouses grew from four to 12, but there
are 26 occupied dwellings in Snowdrift and an effective program of health education is needed.
Smoking and Drinking
The majority of residents either smoke, chew or snuff tobacco. Other than 5 or 6 people,
everyone over 16 smokes at least a pack a day.453 The people of Snowdrift most often drink a
mild alcoholic beverage that is home brewed from raisins, sugar, yeast and water,454 but prefer
beer and commercial liquor, which is not readily obtainable, and many people are afraid that they
will endanger their status as treaty Indians if they purchase liquor.455 Drinking is frequent but
takes place in “a social context; solitary drinking is completely unknown and is inconceivable to
the Snowdrift Indians.”456 Making home brew is part of a definite drinking ritual, the purpose of
which is to become intoxicated457 and to “walk around” the village.458 The ideal drinker is the
one who drinks just enough to “feel good” and have a good time.459
5.7.5
Religious Institutions and Concepts
Many aboriginal Chipewyan religious and magical beliefs have survived into modern times, and
are firmly held. In the winter, one older resident throws a handful of tea on the snow at the
beginning of a each day’s journey, to keep the wind from blowing and to keep from getting lost.
Before a long boat trip, residents throw a knife or piece of metal into the lake as an offering to
the water to remain calm.460 The “bush-men” are shadowy people who supposedly live in the
bush, always looking for children to steal. They are used to frighten children but adults believe
448
Ibid., p.81.
Ibid., p.85.
450
Ibid., p.86.
451
Ibid., p.87.
452
Ibid., p.88.
453
Ibid., p.89.
454
Ibid., p.90.
455
Ibid., p.91.
456
Ibid., p.92.
457
Ibid., p.93.
458
Ibid., p.94.
459
Ibid., p.95.
460
Ibid., p.99.
449
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in them too. There are many beliefs centered around trapping and hunting that have been passed
down from generation to generation but the natives are reluctant to discuss them, as these beliefs
apply to the Dene but not to Euro-Canadians.461
Shamanism has long since disappeared, leaving behind a residue of magical beliefs and taboos.
Snowdrift is a Roman Catholic community and the Oblate order has a church in the village.
There is no resident priest but a priest from Fort Resolution makes frequent visits and often stays
for as long as two months. A priest is always present at Christmas and Easter. When a priest is
in town, there is a low mass every morning and evening; on Sunday there is a high mass at 10:00
a.m. As many as 80 or 90 will attend the high mass, while there are usually 10 to 20 people at
the morning mass and 30 to 40 present in the evening, during the week. Everyone has a copy of
the mass in English and Latin, and most have a Chipewyan translation as well.462 Confirmation
usually takes place at the age of 8 or 9. When the priest is not in the village, a Sunday prayer
meeting is often held in one of the houses. The church and priest are not viewed as being an
integral part of the community, but rather as another outside force like the government.463
5.8
FROM SNOWDRIFT TO LUTSEL K’E 1970 - 1990
The following excerpt is adapted from “Background on East Arm National Park”, 1985 by Ray
Griffith
The nineteen seventies was a period of continued trapping and hunting, primarily by men,
leaving families in the community. Although a few families accompanied trappers for the
season. Important hunting/trapping areas extended many miles into the barren lands to the north
and into the forests to the south. Changes in trapping areas occurred frequently according to
caribou migrations. Use of dog teams continued until around 1975 when snowmobiles replaced
them. Annual fall caribou hunts to the treeline around the south end of Artillery Lake took place
by boat and canoe with whole families participating for a two week period each fall.
Community life became more complex initiating the formation of local government including
assorted organizations responsible for education, recreation, economic development, etc., all of
which were under the sponsorship of the Government of the Northwest Territories. The new
territorial government began to exert much influence over the Dene especially after its move to
Yellowknife from Ottawa in 1967. It was largely seen as beneficial economically but also
resented as too dominant. Although the federal government never became important
economically it assumed ever greater importance in the political sphere with the pressure to settle
461
Ibid., p.100.
Ibid., p.101.
463
Ibid., p.103.
462
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land claims. Of great importance during this period was the evolution of native political
structures and the formation of the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories (later
became the Dene Nation). The Brotherhood was able to initiate land claim negotiations and bring
to the Dene a new way of expressing their concerns. Many meetings were held among native
leaders enabling them to discuss issues and enjoy the company of leaders from other
communities. It strengthened the Dene Nation and brought relatively cohesive native actions.
Interestingly the final catalyst in the formation of the Indian Brotherhood was the park issue in
Snowdrift. Apparently a ponderous park delegation descended on Snowdrift for a meeting about
the creation of a national park. Pierre Catholique, then the Snowdrift chief, was taken aback and
insisted on a consultation with chiefs of surrounding communities. This led to the meeting which
became the organizational meeting for the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories.
Chief Pierre Catholique was quoted as saying "Never again will one chief sit down with twentyone government people ... From now on we, the chiefs, must talk with the government only when
we are all together". (Fumoleau Denendeh: A Dene Celebration)
In 1980 there were approximately three hundred people in Snowdrift. Of these about eighty were
adult males and seventy adult females. There was a white population of about twelve, rotating on
an average of every one or two years. They filled positions such as teachers, nurses, and RCMP.
5.8.1
Economy 1970/80
There was a local store, school, R.C.M.P. detachment, Catholic church, nursing station, craft
shop, government maintenance establishment, transient centre, seasonal forestry station and
fishing lodge. There were no roads in the region. Local travel was by snowmobile, dog team,
boat and the community was served twice weekly by scheduled air service. Housing was
provided by government yet few people had running water.
Economically Snowdrift was relatively well off, enjoying a plentiful and regular caribou harvest,
abundant fish supply, plenty of trapping territory, and in recent years, augmented by government
expenditures in programs and service delivery. A survey done by the Snowdrift Economic
Development Committee in 1983 revealed that over 80% of all food consumption was derived
from traditional harvesting practices. Hunting and fishing was the most important economic
activity. Although wage earnings accounted for much of the total community income it was
irregular and concentrated in the summer months or to a few permanent employees. Wages
therefore were not viewed as something to depend upon by most community members.
The history of wage employment started with the first contact with white explorers on a very
irregular basis. During the early nineteen hundreds with the coming of more Euro -Canadians
employment with traders, R.C.M.P., priests and on mail routes introduced most of the population
to some employment. It was usually short term, such as taking someone on a trip (R.C.M.P.,
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priest, or traders), or seasonal. With the establishment of the physical community during the
nineteen sixties came a large increase in wage employment. At first most employment was short
term usually construction related jobs. Then some janitorial and "assistant" or trainee work
opened up. Through the nineteen seventies managerial positions such as with the Co-op, and
professional work such as teaching were beginning to be filled by local residents. Longer term
employment, in both professional and service industries became a significant part of the lifestyle
for some but not all of the people. There were about eighteen permanent positions in Snowdrift
and employment for much of the workforce for at least part of the summer in 1980. All the
permanent positions were community service related jobs. Summer work included guiding at the
fishing lodge, fire fighting with forestry and construction in the community. The band council
regularly sponsored make-work projects in the winter months. Guiding at the fishing lodge was
the only non-government related wage income earned by the community. The local economy
retained little of the earned income resulting in continued government dependency for wage
income. Trapping and craft production constituted a less significant portion of the earnings.
Welfare contributed only a minor amount to the total community income.
5.8.2
Business Development Prior to 1990
Historically all business was owned and operated by "outside" interests - Hudson's Bay
Company and individual white entrepreneurs (traders, mine operators, fishing lodge owners).
The fishing lodge, one mile from the community, was the largest and healthiest business in
Snowdrift. It employed about thirty people (some of whom were non-residents) but it opened
only three months of the year.
Jerry Bricker, a businessman from Edmonton, owned and
operated the lodge. The other fishing lodges at Taltheilei Narrows and Fort Reliance were
owned by outsiders and had little to do with Snowdrift residents.
The Snowdrift Co-op Association was the first serious local attempt in business. It has operated
the only store in the community since 1974. The organization had a poor beginning, starting with
a high debt owed to the previous owners and suffering under erratic management brought in
from "outside" it incurred high annual losses until 1980. By 1980 the territorial wide Co-op
organization gained sophistication and was able to better assist individual struggling Co-ops.
The Co-op grossed over half a million in 1980 and had three full time employees.
5.8.3
Political Description before 1990
At the community level government structure became established with standard elections under a
single organization. The chief and band council controlled all community level organizations.
The Band ran an office which administered most community affairs varying from public services
to training and job creation projects. The council conducted all community business with the
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governments and was also concerned with social, recreational, educational and moral well being
as well as the broader political issues such as land claims.
5.8.4
Cultural Developments 1970-1990
After the change from dog teams to snowmobiles in the late 1970’s it was no longer necessary to
stay in distant hunting or trapping camps most people chose to harvest the land on one day
excursions from the community or week-end outings. People were spending increasing amounts
of time in the community and there was a gradual development of community level organizations
to accommodate increasingly complex issues.
Beginning in 1989 the traditional spiritual healing powers of the “Woman of the Falls” at Tsekui
Theda, Perry Falls, on the Lockhart River has been revitalized with annual spiritual gatherings
held at the mouth of the Lockhart River each August. Most community members attend this
family and community event, it has become one of the most important events of the year.
In 1992 Snowdrift becomes the first Dene community to legally change its’ name back to the
original Dene term, which is ‘Lutsel K’e’.
5.9
THE WORLD COMES TO LUTSEL K’E 1990 - 2005
5.9.1
Diamond Mines
Discovery of diamonds on Lutsel K’e traditional territory around Lac De Gras in 1992 initiated a
new era of negotiations on land and aboriginal entitlement. The first diamond mine opened in
1996 with three more following all in Lutsel K’e territory. The mines have brought money to the
First Nation, the first discretionary money the Band Council has had to allocate. They have also
brought employment and social problems.
5.9.2
Communications and Transportation
The coming of satellite telephones in 1977 and television in 1982 ended Lutsel K’e’s cultural
isolation. With satellite television and internet available by the turn of the century the world of
information had arrived in Lutsel K’e. Scheduled air service to Yellowknife increased to daily
flights. Life at the east end of Great Slave Lake was no longer remote from the world going its
own way, it was now plugged in to the rest of the world and dealing with complex issues of
governance, land ownership, taxation, environment, business, employment and a host of other
issues common to aboriginals across Canada.
5.10
SUMMARY
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The archaeological record shows a Northern Plano stone tool tradition moving in from the
southern plains and spreading across the northern forest, treeline and tundra and covering an area
consistent with the range of the Beverly and Bathurst caribou herds. The Shield Archaic stone
tool tradition, which was likely a cultural change as opposed to an intrusion of people, occurred
around 6500 years ago and also was consistent with the area of the same caribou herds. During a
cold period a Pre-Dorset intrusion of Inuit related people occupied the treeline as far south as
Lake Athabaska for a thousand years until 2600 years ago when the ancestors of the Dene, called
the Taltheilei traditions in archaeology after artefacts found there, took the territory.
They, the Taltheilei who were the Thaydene, lived across the barren lands in the summers as far
as the Arctic Coast around the Coppermine River to the upper Back River and where the Thelon
Game Sanctuary is today, Dubawnt and Yathkyed Lake. In winter the caribou stayed anywhere
from the treeline to far into the forest and the Thaydene did the same. The Thaydene were
possibly one of the most nomadic peoples to have lived on earth, few ranges are as large as those
of the caribou herds and few environments are so ‘barren’ when the caribou herds are gone, so
they had no survival option but to follow the caribou. Because of the vast areas of traditional
land use and movement doing historical research had to encompass a broad area. Historical
documents use varying terms for people, the Thaydene who lived in the area of Great Slave Lake
and east along the treeline and into the barrenlands to the upper valleys of the Back and Thelon
Rivers, were called “Copper” or “Yellowknife” Indians, “Caribou-Eaters”, “Jepeweyn”
“Chipewyan” “Montagnais” or “Athabaska Indians” by the non-native travelers over the
centuries, to the Thaydene they were the “Dene”, “the real men”.
Until Europeans sailed then traded in Hudson’s Bay in the early 1700’s the Dene lived entirely
from caribou and products of the land. People were accustomed to a feast and famine existence
depending on the whereabouts of caribou. After Churchill became a post Dene traders from
Hudson’s Bay annually traveled the treeline on foot hauling iron axes, knives, files, guns,
ammunition, flints, needles and pots to trade for fur. They used groups of women, their “wives”,
but according to Hearne they treated them like slaves, to pack heavy loads of fur to Churchill and
heavy loads back with the trade goods. This treeline trade route operated for almost one hundred
years and was unique in Canada.
The Canadian fur traders reached the Athabaska River system by the late 1700’s and soon
established a trade operating from Fort Resolution on the south west side of Great Slave Lake
where the Slave River spills into the lake from the south. The corridor of white intrusion for the
next two hundred years was along the west side of the lake, the East Arm and the
treeline/barrenlands to the east of it was out of the way and left unchanged except by the
influences introduced at the Fort Resolution post. The Thaydene remained hunters first and
foremost and traded primarily drymeat which the post managers and courier-du-bois depended
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upon for sustenance. The daily rigors of the nomadic life away from the posts and dependent on
caribou changed little through the long fur trading history. Significant developments in the early
1800’s included trading posts got well established on Great Slave Lake, inter-tribal warfare
ended with Akaitcho and Edzo in 1823, the Dene adopted the use of dog teams, and successive
epidemics swept through throughout the century. The later half of the 1800’s brought improved
transportation from the south introducing a large range of trade goods, and a host of other
influences and people as well. Priests, government officials, adventure travelers, miners and
police had all arrived at Fort Resolution by the end of the century. A very few of these
newcomers traveled east but none stayed. The teachings and influence of the Catholic church
was a significant factor in the later half of the 1800’s, so much so that within two generations
from the time of the priests’ arrival the Dene accepted the Catholic doctrine.
In 1900 Canada signed Treaty Eight at Fort Resolution with the Dene from the south and east
side of Great Slave Lake. The catalyst for the government to make treaty was the number of
miners, prospectors and traders coming into the Great Slave region. White trappers and traders
started to settle in the East Arm region and stayed until the fur industry declined in the 1950’s. A
permanent post was established at Lutsel K’e. The Thelon Game Sanctuary was created in 1927
to save the last small herd of mainland muskox after several years of heavy hunting for their
valuable hides. RCMP station was established at Fort Reliance and it remained open until the
1960’s. Mission schools provided education to some of the Dene early in the century, then
toward the 1950’s all the Dene children attended missions schools.
In 1960 the school was built next to the HBC post at Lutsel K’e. This was accompanied by a
government house construction program in the community and an inducement of family
allowance payments to those families with children going to the local school. The nomadic
families moved into the community and a whole new era began.
Since the formation of the community many changes have taken place. Until the 1980’s the
trapping and hunting lifestyle on-the-land continued on a seasonal and part time basis. Dog
teams continued to be used until the late 1970’s. Local government became established with
democratic election procedures. The Chief and Council began to deliver most government
services to the residents. Wage employment became the primary means of support and trapping
diminished in importance but hunting retained its’ importance.
The recent push to settle unfulfilled treaty obligations through treaty and land entitlement
negotiations, the work to establish a national park and the coming of the diamond mines in the
mid 1990’s brought the community into its modern phase.
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6.0
NON-TRADITIONAL LAND USE AND INTERESTS
6.1
MINERAL EXPLOITATION
Currently there is no mineral exploitation in Thaydene Nene, however, there are known deposits
of uranium, beryllium, and rare earth elements located approximately 100 - 130 km north of the
community of Lutsel K’e.464 Exploration for uranium is of particular interest with three
companies possessing mineral claims or prospecting permits, all located on the boundary with
the Thelon Game Sanctuary within the eastern portion of Thaydene Nene (see Figure 6-1).
FIGURE 6-1
Mineral Claims and Prospecting Permits in the Thaydene Nene Area
464
INAC Pathfinder website – A guide to Mineral Exploration and Development in the NWT, http://nwt-tno.inacainc.gc.ca/mpf/communit/index_e.htm
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Uravan Minerals Inc. owns 263 contiguous mineral leases and mining claims covering 646,823
acres of prospective uranium property (the “Boomerang Property”) located in the Thelon
Basin.465
Ur-Energy Inc. has established a “Thelon Project” which is comprised of three properties, each
of which was acquired based upon the presence of key geological vectors and encouraging
supporting data from 1970’s era exploration by Urangesellschaft Canada Ltd. The 76 claims of
the Thelon Project cover 175,000 acres.466
The prospecting permits shown in Figure 6-1 are owned by idependent geologist, Matthew
Mason, who also has interest in uranium exploration. The active mineral claims located in the
western portion of Thaydene Nene just north of the East Arm are all dedicated to diamond
exploration.
6.2
ENERGY EXPLOITATION
Given the geology of the Thaydene Nene, there is no potential for oil and gas development as a
means of generating energy. The region in the vicinity of Theydene Nene, however, has already
seen hydroelectric development on the Taltson River, and there is potential for expansion of this
system. There have also been proposals for development of the Lockhart River system;
however, these have not progressed to a feasibility study stage and appear to be on hold.
The existing Taltson hydro electricity station is located on the Taltson River some 56 km northeast of Fort Smith and just north of Elsi Falls. It was built by the Northern Canada Power
Commission in 1965 to supply electricity to the Pine Point Mine. After the closure of the mine
in 1986, the Taltson system continued to supply power to Fort Smith and Fort Resolution and at
this time the distribution was extended into the communities of Fort Fitzgerald and Hay River.
As stated on the website of the Northwest Territories Energy Corporation
(http://www.nwtec.ca/taltson/index.html), the full potential of the Talston system has not been
exploited. In June 2003, following discussions involving the Akaitcho Territory Government,
NWT Métis Nation, and the Northwest Territories Energy Corporation on how to maximize the
hydro resources of the Taltson River, the three parties signed a Memorandum of Understanding
to further investigate the development of the hydroelectric resources of the Taltson River. The
focus is on the economic potential to be garnered by expanding the production of electricity at
Twin Gorges and selling it to a customer such as the existing and future diamond mines north of
465
466
Uravan Minerals Inc., http://www.uravanminerals.com/
UR Energy Inc., http://www.ur-energy.com/projects/canada/thelon_basin.htm
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Thaydene Nene. Other business options are also available including the supply of power to
either the Provinces of Saskatchewan or Alberta.
Whatever direction is pursued either north or south, it will be necessary to build extensive
transmission lines to transport the electricity to the paying customer. In the case of supplying
diamond mines, it will require the construction of at least 435 kilometres of transmission lines
and could traverse a western portion of Thaydene Nene. Hydro development may involve
regulation of flow, changes in water level (including flooding), diversion, and construction of
barriers. It may also cause changes in the natural regime (e. g., a shift or spread of peak
discharge events). Transmission corridors that carry power from generation sites to user sites
also create many of the same environmental stresses that are associated with road transportation.
Many changes create stress on both terrestrial and aquatic habitats and their effects are long term,
and some are more or less permanent.
As noted in the revised WKSS State of Knowledge Report (Sly et al. 2001), impacts resulting
from the Taltson hydroelectric development were reported by Dene of Lutsel K'e and are viewed
by them as a desecration of the land. The land flooded, called Nanúla Kúé, changed
considerably, as has the Denesolines’ ability to live on it. Examples of impacts noted to the
environment are loss of fur bearer habitat due to the flooding of small lakes and channels,
caribou and moose moving to new areas, destruction of shorebird nesting habitat, decrease in
waterfowl and grouse, and diseased and inedible fish. Water quality has diminished and people
cannot drink the water from the area because of the impacts of decomposing trees and changes in
sedimentation. The hydrology has changed and water levels and their impact on ice formation
are no longer predictable. This makes travel dangerous and the death of two people has been
blamed on the presence of thin ice in an area where it was formerly safe. Travel is also made
dangerous by sunken trees and drowned islands. Cabins were destroyed as were traditional
camping places and established traplines. Graves were either flooded or destroyed by ice-push
or driftwood scouring the shoreline. Inherent within this list of impacts is the loss of knowledge
that the Denesoline have of this part of their land.
6.3
RESIDUAL IMPACTS OF LAND USE
Human development creates many different forms of stress on the environment and the residual
impacts of land use can be felt in the biophysical and human environments. Broadly, global
emissions may affect all parts of the Thaydene Nene area and are a source of two external causes
of stress: global climate change and long range transport of atmospheric pollutants (Environment
Canada., 1991). On a more local scale, while the Thaydene Nene has thus far had relatively
limited experience with development activities, localized effects of stress include: mining,
settlement and construction of supporting infrastructures, transportation, hydro development,
domestic and commercial hunting, fishing and trapping, tourism and recreation (Sly et al. 2001).
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For the foreseeable future, if the recent outside interests in uranium exploration and development
are able to advance then this will likely be the most significant source of localized stress in
Thaydene Nene.
Environmental effects associated with different forms of stress could have an impact on people
in the Thaydene Nene area. For example, late freeze up and early melt due to climate change
will likely increase the hazards of over-ice travel and limit the longevity of winter roads.
Climate change might also cause major shifts in the migration and seasonal range of key species
(e. g., barren-ground caribou), and these could increase the distance that hunters must travel from
settlements.
6.4
REFERENCES
Environment Canada. 1991. The state of Canada’s environment. Ch.15, 1-28. MSSC., Ottawa,
1991.
Sly, P.G., L. Little, R. Freeman and J. McCullum 2001. Updated State of Knowledge Report of
the West Kitikmeot and Slave Geological Province. Final Report May 30th.
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7.0
SOCIO-ECONOMICS AND COMMUNITY WELLNESS
7.1
INTRODUCTION
There is only one community, Lutsel K’e, within the vicinty of Thaydene Nene. It is located just
outside the southwestern boundary, is 200 kilometres east of Yellowknife, and is nestled on a
granite point jutting into Great Slave Lake. There are no roads leading to the community but
there is a daily flight of about 45-minutes from Yellowknife. In the winter it is possible to travel
to neighbouring communities by snowmobile, and by boat in the summer.
While the LKDFN has over 700 members, only about 405 live in the community. Most
members live outside the community for many reasons: shortage of houses, high cost of living,
isolation, poor education system, and lack of satisfactory employment opportunities (Weitzner
2006). The majority of the population speak Dene Suline (Chipewyan). Many community
people live from hunting (caribou, ducks, ptarmigans, etc.), trapping (beaver, muskrat, etc.),
fishing (mainly trout), and berry-picking. Some community members also have jobs with local
organizations and government, a small number work full-time at the mines (under 10), and others
do contract work and odd jobs. Those who are not employed are on income support (Weitzner
2006).
The community has a school with a gym, community hall, Catholic church, general store (Coop), RCMP detachment, nursing station, Denesuline Corporation (business arm of LKDFN),
LKDFN administration office, Wildlife, Lands and Environment office, seniors’ home, adult
education centre, and there is also a community sauna. Many families have built tipis next to
their houses where they smoke their meat and fish. In Lutsel K’e there is also a rich tradition of
sewing, beading and moccasin-making.
7.2
GENERAL STATISTICAL PROFILE
In 2004, the community of Lutsel K’e had a population of 407, with 233 males and 174 females,
and 95% of the population being Aboriginal467. The population, as with the entire NWT, is quite
young, with 51% being between 15 and 44 years of age. The annual average growth rate for the
period 1996-2004 is estimated to be 2.8 for the total population, while for the <15 year old
category it is 2.0 and for the >60 year old it is diminishing with a rate of -1.8. This is in contrast
to the whole of the NWT where the same figures are as follows: NWT total population = 0.3;
<15 yrs. = -1.3; and >60 yrs. = 3.6.
467
NWT Bureau of Statistics (GNWT 2004) http://www.stats.gov.nt.ca/Profile/Profile.html
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Housing availability in Lutsel K’e has improved over the recent past, in as much as the percent
of households with more than 6 people has declined from 44.4% in 1981 to 10.4% in 2004.
Compared to the whole of the NWT, however, the numbers are higher. In 1981 the percent of
households in the NWT with more than 6 people was 13.9% and decreased to 7.0% by 2004.
The percent of households in core need468 is quite high, and has remained high over the recent
past, as compared to the whole of the NWT. In 1996 the value was 44.0% for Lutsel K’e and
19.7% for the NWT. In 2004 the percent of households in core need in Lutsel K’e increased to
46.4% while that for the NWT decreased to 16.3%.
The attainment rates for a high school diploma or post-secondary education have remained fairly
constant between 1991 and 2004 and are on average 37.2%. The percentage of the population
reaching these education levels are, however, significantly lower than those for the whole of the
NWT where the average is 64.2%. Based upon the statistics compiled by the GNWT, the level
of education plays an important role in employment. That is, the 2004 employment rates for
Lutsel K’e are as follows: 38.0% for those having less than high school and 79.3% for those
with high school or greater. These numbers are nearly identical to those for the whole of the
NWT.
In the areas of traditional activities and language, the GNWT statistics suggest a community with
strong ties to Aboriginal culture. Table 7-1 summarizes the 2003 participation in some
traditional activities for Lutsel K’e, as well as for the NWT.
TABLE 7-1
Participation in Traditional Activities (2003)
Activity
Hunted and Fished (%)
Trapped (%)
Households Consuming Country Food
Lutsel K’e
73.6
24.1
68.0
NWT
36.7
5.9
17.5
Source: NWT Bureau of Statistics http://www.stats.gov.nt.ca/Profile/Profile.html
The use of Chipeywan in Lutsel K’e is still strong with 77.9% of the population speaking it in
2004. This compares to only 44.0% of the NWT population able to speak an Aboriginal
468
The Percentage of Households in Core Need is defined by the GNWT Bureau of Statistics: If a household has
any one housing problem (suitability, adequacy, or affordability) or a combination of housing problems, and the
total household income is below the Community Core Need Income Threshold, the household is considered to be in
core need. The core need income threshold is an income limit for each community that represents the amount of
income a household must have to be able to afford the cost of owning and operating a home or renting in the private
market without government assistance.
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language. It is, however, important to note that the percentage showed a considerable decline
over a 20 year period with the 1984 level being 97.4%.
Complete profiles for the community of Lutsel K’e, as compiled by the NWT Bureau of
Statistics are provided in Appendix 7-A.
7.3
ASSESSING SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, CULTURAL, AND COMMUNITY WELLNESS
Social, economic and cultural forms of stress affect people with social legacies broadly affecting
many aspects of life in communities (Sly et al. 2001). The number of young people who need
employment and recognition in a mixed society, but who lack culture-based skills, is increasing.
As communities rely more and more on a wage-based economy, consumerism increases, but so
too does the gap between expectation and the means of achievement. The loss of traditional
knowledge, less appreciation of its value to sustainable development, challenge to traditional
values and lifestyles, addictions and reduced health and wellness also reflect a variety of
economic, cultural and social stresses.
Determining the extent to which people in the region are effected by stresses in their
environment is complex. Stress effects are dynamic and variable. They are both perceptual and
real, and they are expected and unexpected (Sly et al. 2001). Depending on individual and
community circumstances, some effects may occur only after multiple changes in the
environment while others may occur as a result of a single event.
In the case of the Thaydene Nene region and the directly affected community of Lutsel K’e, a
number of initiatives have been developed to monitor community conditions in the face of
stresses associated with increasing resource development pressures. Two of these are discussed
below: the territorial-wide monitoring of 20 classic social indicators, and the more holistic,
community-relevant community-based monitoring undertaken by Lutsel K’e.
7.3.1 GNWT Social Indicators
In response to a 2002 Social Agenda Working Group recommendation regarding the need to
identify a set of social indicators that could be used to describe and monitor social conditions in
NWT communities, a GNWT interdepartmental working group developed 20 social indicators.
The 20 social indicators were based on the general areas of population health, education, crime
and safety, housing, families and children, income and employment and Aboriginal culture.
After identifying 20 indicators, the working group undertook a consultation process with nongovernmental organizations and other levels of government. Following this process, the NWT
Bureau of Statistics developed community reports highlighting data for each of the 20 indicators.
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Where available, the data are presented for 33 communities, the NWT as a whole, NWT smaller
communities and Canada. Data sources include various GNWT departments and Statistics
Canada. The 20 social indicators and general area that they address are identified in Table 7-2.
TABLE 7-1
GNWT SOCIAL INDICATORS
Area of Focus
Population Health
Education
Crime and Safety
Housing
Families and Children
Income and Employment
Aboriginal Culture
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Indicator
Incidence of Heavy Alcohol Use
Death Rates From Accidents, Suicides and Homicides
Sexually Transmitted Infection Rate (three year average)
Percentage of Population 15 Years and Older with at Least High
School
High School Graduation Rate
Violent Crime Rate by Detachment
Rate of Juvenile Crime
Shelter Admissions
Percentage of Households in Core Need
Percentage of Households with 6 or More Persons
Percentage of Lone Parent Families
Children Living in Low Income
Child Protection Investigations
Population Dependency Ratios
o
Less then 15 Years of Age
o
60 Years of Age and Over
Population Mobility
Average Employment Income
Income Disparity
o
Percentage of Families with Income Less Than $30,000
o
Percentage of Families with Income Greater Than $75,000
Employment Rate
Percentage of Aboriginal People 15 Years and Over Able to Speak an
Aboriginal Language
Use of Harvested Meat and Fish
Source: NWT Bureau of Statistics http://www.stats.gov.nt.ca/Social/home.html).
7.3.2
Lutsel K’e Community-Based Monitoring
Since the increased development activity in the area of Thaydene Nene in the early 1990s;
principally as a result of diamond mining, the community of Lutsel K’e has been very proactive
in developing programs to monitor and assess social, cultural and environmental issues. In order
to deal with increasing requests from mining companies, ongoing negotiations and monitoring of
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impacts, in 1991 Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation established a Wildlife, Lands and Environment
Department (WLED). In 1996 the WLED began tracking the impacts of development on the
land and people by establishing the Community-Based Monitoring Project. Similar to other
northern communities in the Slave Geological Province, Lutsel K’e was and continues to be
faced with unprecedented mineral resource development. The goal of the Community-Based
Monitoring Pilot Project was to design a tool that would increase the capacity of Lutsel K’e and
other northern communities to address both the positive and negative effects (achieve benefits
and mitigate negative effects) of such development.
The project was organized according to three phases. Phase one involved gathering ideas and
Chipewyan terminology for concepts like monitoring, indicators and community health. During
phase two, themes and indicators of community health were developed through open-ended
home-visits with one hundred households in the community. In phase three, a four-step process
of monitoring was designed.
Once this model for Community-Based Monitoring was developed, the Lutsel K’e Wildlife,
Lands and Environment Committee recommended that a baseline of traditional knowledge about
the Dene way of life (Dene ch’anie) be gathered. A proposal was submitted to the West
Kitikmeot Slave Study Society for the Traditional Knowledge Study on Community Health, a
study that began in March of 1997. During that project, elders told stories about the Dene way of
life as it was in the past. These stories reflect many of the indicators developed during the pilot
project.
Following the Traditional Knowledge Study on Community Health (1997), the model for
Community-Based Monitoring was implemented according to the process of monitoring
designed during the pilot project. The four step process follows a four month time line and
includes:
1) Information Gathering
2) Summarizing of Information
3) Evaluation
4) Reporting
Over the last several years community researchers have been using these indicators in a four-step
process of monitoring that includes gathering, summarizing, evaluating and reporting changes in
the community. To date they have baseline information on 20 indicators that describe
fundamental aspects of the community’s way of life and how it is changing as a result of mining
including changes in:
•
Traditional food consumption
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•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Capacity of healing services to meet the needs of the community
Community employment (in the mining sector)
Students’ goals for education and employment
Spiritual values associated with the site – “old lady of the falls”
Quality and availability of housing
Community concerns about the water
Cultural programs
Drumming
Traditional knowledge and skills required for harvesting caribou
Family Values as a result of employment in the mining sector
Traditional land use activities
Spiritual values associated with the site called “betsi ghie”
Rates of cancer and tuberculosis
Traditional knowledge and skills required for teaching youth on the land
Family values of respect for and among youth
Working together (volunteerism)
Capacity of organizations to work together
Effectiveness of the leadership
Quality of local services
The results include both qualitative information gathered through home-visits and workshops in
the community and quantitative results from a questionnaire administered to community
members in 2000-02. Impact hypotheses developed using the indicators provide guidance in
understanding how community health in Lutsel K’e is changing as a result of mineral resource
development.
As identified in the report of the Community-Based Monitoring Project (WLED 2002), the work
provided valuable insights into the opportunities and challenges facing northern communities in
the Slave Geological Province of the NWT. The results from the four year project tell a story of
changes in the Dene community of Lutsel K’e and the impact that mineral resource development
has had on their journeys toward self-government, healing and cultural preservation. A
description of the results, as taken from the 2002 report, is provided below:
“Employment is an indicator of particular significance to the well-being of the
community and their vision of self-government. Employment in the traditional and in the
local wage economy provides individuals with capacity to provide for their own basic
needs as well as that of their families. Employment in the mining sector also provides
community members with valuable income but can also lead to many other changes in the
community.
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Information gathered through quantitative as well as qualitative methods, between 1997
and 2002; suggest that employment levels in this sector have varied significantly over
that five year period, reflecting seasonal ups and downs in employment opportunities.
This seasonal variation makes it important to compare results from the same season in
order to understand whether employment levels have really increased or decreased
during the study period. Comparing results from December 1998 and January 2002, we
know that employment has roughly increased by four percent (9%) during the study
period. This increase is higher than what had originally been predicted by the economic
development officer in 1996, however, was not recognized as a significant benefit by
those community members who evaluated the results in 2001-2002. This is most probably
due to the highly variable nature of levels of employment at the mine sites, which tend to
fluctuate significantly amongst the survey dates (perhaps due to the limited number of
people with full-time employment).
Community members who evaluated the results in 2001 and 2002 were concerned that
the increases in community employment levels were not significant given that more than
600 new jobs have been created in the Northwest Territories over the study period. They
said that not enough people from the community have been employed. Some local
resource people have pointed out that a lot of skilled and trained people have left their
jobs in the community to work in the mining sector. Very few unemployed community
members have been able to take advantage of employment opportunities. The increases in
employment in the mining sector, however slight, may therefore be a dis-benefit to the
community in that it has significantly decreased (decapitated) the local skills base.
There is, however, hope that those currently unemployed in the community will be able to
develop their skills and eventually find jobs. However, during evaluation of the results,
there were many concerns raised about the lack of training opportunities, and the need
for more programs and resource people to assist the unemployed in developing skills and
finding work. The need for more training, education and employment opportunities for
youth was strongly emphasized.
Other community members who evaluated the results worry that the environmental costs
associated with employment in this sector are too high.
Their comments are also supported by survey results from 2000-2002, when community
members were asked if they were concerned about the long-term environmental effects of
mineral resource development. In March 2000, 66% of community members said that
they were “very concerned” about the environmental effects. By January 2002, that
number had risen to 77%. This increase may suggest that as time passes and community
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members become more aware of the increasing number of development projects, they
become more concerned about the environmental effects.
Other community members who evaluated the results worry that the social costs
associated with employment in this sector are too high. Some concerns related to the
impact of money on the community’s capacity to work together, including volunteer in the
community. and attend community meetings. There were also specific concerns about
what might happen to youth in the community and the support for youth activities.
Others that evaluated the results had broader concerns.
The community’s capacity to deal with these social costs and other changes resulting
from mineral resource development are central to this study. As illustrated in the above
quotes, there are many ways in which mineral resource development might affect the
well-being of the community and their healing journey. In 1996, many people in the
community talked about healing or the process of strengthening oneself (or one’s
community) - emotionally, spiritually, physically and mentally. Many of their ideas
specifically related to the success of treatment programs, personal initiative and local
capacity to address local interest in healing. The importance of treatment programs and
healing workshops, mobile treatment centers, healing as a part of school programs and
work between youth and elders were other issues discussed. In 2000-02 community
members interpreted and rated their individual health whether it be emotional, physical,
mental or spiritual. Results show that adults rate their health relatively low on a scale of
poor, fair, good and excellent. Youth rated their individual health relatively higher.
Another measure of how people interpret their well-being and the well-being of their
children is confidence in the future. Confidence in the future of the community’s children
fluctuated between 61% and 68% in 2000-02.
Housing conditions is one of the factors that may affect how people rate their health.
The number of community members who own their own home in Lutsel K’e remained
relatively low throughout the study period. Results revealed that overcrowding and
houses in need of repairs were a significant issue.
The healing services in the community are another important indicator of the well-being
of the community and may also be affected by mineral resource development activity. In
1996, one community member predicted that without adequate social service programs;
the community’s capacity to benefit from mineral resource development will be limited.”
The Community-based monitoring work of Lutsel K’e also identified the importance of the close
connection between spirituality and the land. The connection between healing and living on the
40006 - July 2006
209
land is connected to the community’s third journey of community health – cultural preservation.
Cultural preservation is an important component in pursuing the establishment of a protected
area such as Theydene Nene. The excerpt below from the report of the community-based
monitoring project (WLED 2002) describes the significance of cultural preservation and its link
to community well-being:
“Cultural preservation in this context is defined as the land use, cultural education,
knowledge, skills and values as well as language of the Dene way of life. Land use is one
aspect of cultural preservation that may be affected by mineral resource development.
(See Impact Hypothesis in Figure 57) During the Traditional Knowledge Study on
Community Health (1997), elders spoke of traveling on the land, by foot, by boat, dog
team, and by sled. More recently people have begun to travel by skidoo. Land use
patterns were documented in 1998 in a large area stretching from Lutsel K’e, Fort
Reliance, Artillery Lake and Clinton Colden Lake west to Yellowknife, south to Fort
Resolution and east to Nonacho Lake and Lynx Lake. (It is important to note that this
area does not represent the entirety of Lutsel K’e Dene Territory.)
Being knowledgeable and skilled in harvesting is also a very important part of living on
the land.
Mineral resource development may have a significant impact on this element of Lutsel
K’e Dene culture. (See Impact Hypothesis in Figure 58-60) Skills and knowledge
related to caribou harvesting are of particular significance in the community. In 2000-02,
researchers determined that between 43% and 63% of adults had harvested caribou
during the study periods. (Figure 37)
Harvesting of ducks and geese as well as trapping are also an important cultural activity.
(Figure 34-35) Dry-fish making is also important. Women in Lutsel K'e hold significant
knowledge and skills related to making dry-fish. In 2000-02, researchers were able to
determine that between 14% and 37% of adults had made dry-fish in the last six months.
(Figure 36)
Traditional food including caribou, ducks, geese, fish as well as berries and other plant
are important to the physical and nutritional well-being of the community. From 19972002, researchers were able to gather significant information about the consumption of
traditional food including consumption of caribou meat. (Figure 24-26)
Traditional knowledge and skills for drum-dances and hand-games are also important
aspect to consider. (Figure 40-43) Results suggest that community members are more
likely to organize and participate in such games in summer. However, participation
levels are relatively low regardless.
40006 - July 2006
210
The values underlyin traditional knowledge and skills are also important in the journey
of cultural preservation, particularly the value of ‘respect’. People demonstrate respect
for the land water and wildlife in many different ways. Paying the land (i.e. offering
tobacco) is one way that people thank the Creator for the land and the animals that they
depended on for survival. One site where community members often express their values
of respect of the land is the “Old Lady of the Falls”. Community members have visited
this sacred site for many generations and continue to travel there in spring and summer.
(Figure 38-39)
Various elders expressed concerns about non-Dene people including exploration and
mining companies who have failed to care for the land. There was also concern about
the potential effects of development on the land in the future.
The capacity to preserve culture is most strongly related to involving and educating the
younger generations in a traditional way of life. One of the most fundamental
demonstrations of this education is in caribou hunting (Figure 37). In 2000-02, between
64% to 80% of community members said that they had not taken a youth caribou hunting
(Figure 32). Use of Chipewyan language in the home is also low (Figure 46-47). These
statistics suggest that Lutsel K’e faces many challenges in cultural preservation.
Protecting the land for youth and for future generations is however, still an important
part of the community and their sense of well-being.”
Overall, most of the negative social and cultural impacts identified through the community-based
monitoring are attributable to increased individual economic wealth combined with the lack of
experience managing budgets and lack of life skills for a wage-based economy. A summary of
the impacts identified are listed below (Weitzner 2006):
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Increase in alcohol use
Increase in drug use and sampling of harder types of drugs (e.g., crack cocaine)
Youth from the community getting involved with drugs at earlier ages, following
their older peers’ behaviour
Neglect of family and children. Miners often spend their pay cheques at the bar in
Yellowknife, and some do not come back home when they have two weeks off
Increased family violence and violence against women
Increased burden on spouses (usually women) to care for the family
Family break-ups
Increased gambling
Youth feeling lost: the first suicides have recently taken place
40006 - July 2006
211
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Loss of traditional ways and skills, and adoption of “white” values and ways
Increased materialism and “flashiness”
More fights breaking out in the community about money
Increased worry and stress for the Elders as they talk to the youth about behaviour
issues
Decrease in volunteerism in the community; people are being spoiled by money and
expect to be paid (for example, expectations of being paid to go to the First Nation’s
annual general meeting, being paid to teach youth traditional skills, etc.)
More sickness among the Elders (for example, more cancer); Elders are dying faster
Increased tension with other communities
Elder abuse (often related to dependency on parents’ homes rather than their own
homes)
Lack of contribution to family financial needs
Dependency on social services vs. employment
As evidenced by the findings of community monitoring, Lutsel K’e is a community that has
struggled as a result of the social, cultural, and capacity demands placed on it by ever-increasing
development interests and activities in the region. The ongoing work conducted by the
community-based monitoring project and its attempt to evaluate the impacts and respond to them
is very important for maintaining some level of community control and independence. As relates
to Thaydene Nene, the establishment of such an area would likely only add to improving
community well-being by aiding in keeping a strong tie to the natural landscape and sites of
cultural significance to the community.
40006 - July 2006
212
7.4
REFERENCES
Government of Northwest Territories Bureau of Statistics (2004) Social Indicator Community
Level Data
Government of Northwest Territories Bureau of Statistics (2004) 2004 Socio-Economic Scan
Statistical Supplement
Government of Northwest Territories Bureau of Statistics (2004) 2004 Socio-Economic Scan
Government of Northwest Territories Bureau of Statistics (2004) Statistics Quarterly, Volume
26, No. 4
Weitzner, V. 2006. “Dealing Full Force”: Lutsel K’e Dene First Nation’s Experience Negotiating
with Mining Companies. 40p.
WLED 2002. Community-Based Monitoring – Final Report
40006 - July 2006
213
APPENDIX 7-A
LUTSEL K’E COMMUNITY PROFILES
NWT BUREAU OF STATISTICS
40006 - July 2006
214
2005 NWT Social Indicators
- Lutselk'e This document represents the results of a GNWT inter-departmental working group to
identify a set of social indicators that could be used to describe and monitor social conditions
in NWT communities. The data provided on the following pages presents the information for
these indicators for Lutselk'e, the NWT and Canada when ever possible.
List of social indicators:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Incidence of Heavy Alcohol Use
Death Rates From Accidents, Suicides and Homicides
Sexually Transmitted Infection Rate (3 Year Average)
Percent of Population 15 Years and Older with at Least High School
High School Graduation Rate
6. Violent Crime Rate by Detachment
7. a) Rate of Juvenile Crime by Detachment (Males, 3 Year Average)
b) Rate of Juvenile Crime by Detachment (Females, 3 Year Average)
8. NWT Shelter Admissions
9. Percent of Households in Core Housing Need
10. Percent of Households with 6 or More Persons
11.
12.
13.
14.
Percent of Lone Parent Families
Children Living in Low Income
Child Protection Investigations
a) Population Dependency Ratio (Less than 15 Years of Age)
b) Population Dependency Ratio (60 Years of Age and Over)
15. Population Mobility
16. Average Employment Income
17. a) Percentage of Families with Income Less Than $30,000
b) Percentage of Families with Income Greater Than $75,000
18. Employment Rate
19. Percent of Aboriginal People 15 Years and Over Able to Speak an Aboriginal Language
20. Use of Harvested Meat and Fish
These indicators will be maintained and published on an annual basis, and are available to
all user groups to use in developing and delivering social programs within Lutselk'e. The
indicators presented here represent only part of the information available for Lutselk'e. Other
data can be found on the Bureau of Statisitics website at www.stats.gov.nt.ca
If you have any comments or questions regarding either the social indicators presented here,
or any other data for your community, contact:
Jeff Barichello
Community Statistician
NWT Bureau of Statistics
Phone: 867 920-3147
Email: [email protected]
Fax:
867 873-0275
1. Incidence of Heavy Alcohol Use*
NWT and Canada, 1996/97 – 2002/03
%
60
50
NWT
Canada
40
30
20
10
0
1996/97
1998/99
2000/01
2002/03
*Percentage of persons 12 years of age and over who drink 5 or more drinks per occasion more then once a month
Note: Community rates are not available
Source: Statistics Canada
2. Death Rate from Accidents, Suicides and Homicides
Lutselk'e, NWT and Canada, 1996 – 2002
Per 1,000 Pop.
8
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
1996
1997
Note: Lutselk’e rates during 2000 to 2002 are 0
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
3. Sexually Transmitted Infection Rate (3 Year Average)*
Lutselk'e and NWT, 1996-98 – 2002-04
% of Pop.
(3 Year Avg.)
5
Lutselk'e
NWT
4
3
2
1
0
1996 to 1998
1997 to 1999
1998 to 2000
1999 to 2001
2000 to 2002
2001 to 2003
2002 to 2004
*Reported cases of chlamydia and gonorrhea per 100 population
Note: Canadian data are not available
Source: NWT Health & Social Services
4. Percent of Population 15 Years and Older with at Least High School
%
90
Lutselk'e
Canada
NWT
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1986
1989
1991
1994
1996
1999
2001
2004
Note: Canadian data are not available for 1989, 1994, 1999 and 2004
Source: 1989, 1994 and 1999 - NWT Labour Force Survey; 2004 - NWT Community Survey; 1986, 1991, 1996 and 2001 – Census
5. High School Graduation Rate*
NWT and Canada, 1994/95 – 2003/04
%
100
90
Canada
80
NWT
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1994/95
1995/96
1996/97
1997/98
1998/99
1999/00
2000/01
2001/02
2002/03
2003/04
*High school graduates as a percentage of persons 18 years of age
Note: Community data are not available; 2000/01 last data available for Canada
Source: NWT data – NWT Education, Culture & Employment; Canadian data – Statistics Canada
6. Violent Crime Rate by Detachment*
Per 100 Pop.
25
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
20
15
10
5
0
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
*Number of reported violent crimes per 100 population.
Note: Incidents in a particular detachment may include incidents from surrounding communities.
Source: Statistics Canada.
2002
2003
2004
7a. Rate of Juvenile Crime by Detachment (Males, 3 Year Average)*
Lutselk'e, NWT and Canada, 1996-98 – 2002-04
Per 100 Male Youths.
50
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
40
30
20
10
0
1996 to 1998
1997 to 1999
1998 to 2000
1999 to 2001
2000 to 2002
2001 to 2003
2002 to 2004
*Number of male youths (between 12 and 17 years of age) charged with a crime per 100 male youth
Note: Incidents in a particular detachment may include incidents from surrounding communities
7b. Rate of Juvenile Crime by Detachment (Females, 3 Year Average)*
Lutselk'e, NWT and Canada, 1996-98 – 2002-04
Per 100 Female Youths
50
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
40
30
20
10
0
1996 to 1998
1997 to 1999
1998 to 2000
1999 to 2001
2000 to 2002
2001 to 2003
*Number of female youths (between 12 and 17 years of age) charged with a crime per 100 female youth
Note: Lutselk'e rates during 2002 to 2004 are 0; Incidents in a particular detachment may include incidents from
surrounding communities
2002 to 2004
8. NWT Shelter Admissions*
Women and Children, 1999/00 – 2003/04
No.
500
400
Women
Children
300
200
100
0
1999/00
2000/01
2001/02
2002/03
2003/04
*Number of Women and Children admitted to shelters
Note: Canadian and community data are not available
9. Percent of Households in Core Housing Need*
Lutselk'e and NWT, 1996, 2000 and 2004
%
100
90
Lutselk'e
80
NWT
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1996
2000
2004
*Core housing need refers to a household that has a housing problem of suitability, adequacy or affordability and does not have the income
necessary to correct the problem
Source: 1996 and 2000 - NWT Housing Needs Survey; 2004 – NWT Community Survey
10. Percent of Households with 6 or More Persons
%
50
Lutselk'e
Canada
NWT
40
30
20
10
0
1981
1986
1991
1996
2001
2004
Note: Canadian data are not available for 2004
Source: 1981, 1986, 1991, 1996 and 2001 – Census; 2004 – NWT Community Survey
11. Percentage Lone Parent Families
%
50
40
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
30
20
10
0
1986
Source: Census
1991
1996
2001
12. Children Living in Low Income*
%
50
Lutselk'e
45
NWT
Canada
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
* Percentage of children living in families with income below the after-tax low-income measure
Note: Lutselk’e rates during 1997 and 2000 are 0
13. Child Protection Investigations*
NWT, 2000/01 – 2003/04
No.
3,000
NWT
2,500
2,000
1,500
1,000
500
0
2000/01
2001/02
2002/03
*Number of screening reports; prior to 2002/03 a screening report may not have led to an investigation, that year a
procedural change was made so that all screening reports are investigated
Note: Canadian and community level data are not available
2003/04
14a. Population Dependency Ratio (Less then 15 Years of Age)*
No. people < 15 years per 100
people between 15 & 59 years
90
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1981
1986
1991
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
* Number of people less then 15 years old for every 100 people between the ages of 15 and 59
Source: Canadian rates – Statistics Canada; NWT and community rates: NWT Bureau of Statistics (except 1981, 1986 and 1991 – Statistics
Canada)
14b. Population Dependency Ratio (60 Years of Age and Over)*
No. people > 59 years per 100
people between 15 & 59 years
90
80
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1981
1986
1991
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
* Number of people 60 years and older for every 100 people between the ages of 15 and 59
Source: Canadian rates – Statistics Canada; NWT and community rates: NWT Bureau of Statistics (except 1981, 1986 and 1991 – Statistics
Canada)
15. Population Mobility*
Lutselk'e and NWT, 5 Year Mobility Rate – 1986 to 2001
% of Pop 5 years
and older
80
Lutselk'e
70
NWT
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1986
1991
1996
2001
*Lutselk'e mobility is the percent of Lutselk'e's population 5 years and older who didn't live in the community
5 years earlier; NWT mobility is the percent of NWT's population 5 years and older who didn't live in their
current community 5 years earlier
Source: Census
16. Average Employment Income
$
60,000
55,000
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
50,000
45,000
40,000
35,000
30,000
25,000
20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
17a. Percentage of Families with Income Less Then $30,000
%
80
70
Lutselk'e
60
Canada
NWT
50
40
30
20
10
0
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
17b. Percentage of Families with Income Greater Then $75,000
%
80
70
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1994
1995
1996
1997
Note: Lutsel K’e rates during 1994 to 2000 and 2003 are 0
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
18. Employment Rate
%
100
90
Lutselk'e
NWT
Canada
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1986
1989
1991
1994
1996
1999
2001
2004
Source: Statistics Canada (except NWT and community data for 1989, 1994, and 1999 - NWT Labour Force Survey; 2004 - NWT Community
Survey)
19. Percent of Aboriginal People 15 Years and Over Able to Speak an Aboriginal
Language
Lutselk'e and NWT, 1984 – 2004
%
100
Lutselk'e
NWT
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1984
1989
1994
1999
Source: 1984, 1989, 1994 and 1999 - NWT Labour Force Survey; 2004 - NWT Community Survey
2004
20. Use of Harvested Meat and Fish*
Lutselk'e and NWT, 1994, 1999 and 2004
%
100
90
Lutselk'e
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1994
1999
*Percentage of households reporting that most or all of the meat or fish consumed is harvested in the NWT
Source: 1994 and 1999 - NWT Labour Force Survey; 2004 - NWT Community Survey
2004
NWT
Lutselk'e - Statistical Profile
Lutselk'e
Northwest
Territories
POPULATION
Population 2005
Total
414
42,982
Males
Females
239
175
22,093
20,889
0 - 4 Years
5 - 9 Years
10 - 14 Years
15 - 24 Years
25 - 44 Years
45 - 59 Years
60 Yrs. & Older
39
40
36
55
143
65
36
3,342
3,507
3,677
6,982
14,540
7,708
3,226
Aboriginal
Non-Aboriginal
389
25
21,413
21,569
Historical Population
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
326
327
335
352
355
359
395
407
418
414
41,748
41,635
40,816
40,654
40,499
40,822
41,489
42,240
42,851
42,982
Average Annual Growth Rate (1996-2005)
Total Population
2.7
< 15 Yrs.
2.5
60 Yrs. & Over
-2.2
0.3
-1.3
4.0
Population Projections
2009
2014
2019
2024
406
403
398
386
45,903
47,823
49,149
50,980
7
9
5
8
11
6
9
16
3
5
819
868
814
722
678
659
673
613
635
701
VITAL STATS
Number of Births
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
Lutselk'e
Northwest
Territories
Teen Births
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
3
2
1
2
4
2
101
106
96
86
82
83
84
70
72
72
Number of Deaths
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
1
2
1
3
2
2
3
-
143
131
152
138
146
162
156
163
169
Cause of Death
Injury Deaths
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
1
1
1
1
1
-
34
28
34
24
24
36
31
31
24
Suicides
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
1
-
4
4
4
6
7
15
7
8
8
% of Households with more than 6 People
1981
44.4
1986
30.0
1991
28.6
1996
17.6
2001
21.4
2004
10.4
13.9
11.5
9.8
8.6
7.2
7.0
HOUSEHOLDS & FAMILIES
Family Structure - 2001
Total
Husband-Wife
Common-Law
Lone Parent
Percent Couple Families
Lutselk'e Profile
70
25
20
25
64.3
9,705
5,110
2,555
2,035
79.0
Lutselk'e
Northwest
Territories
Tenure - 2004
Total
Owned
Rented
Percent Owned
125
70
55
56.0
13,902
7,330
6,571
52.7
% of Households in Core Need
1996
2000
2004
44.0
48.5
46.4
19.7
20.3
16.3
CRIME
Violent Crimes
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
19
19
43
35
26
24
2,042
1,984
2,000
2,375
2,848
2,939
Property Crimes
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
27
32
20
23
20
27
2,376
2,395
2,135
2,527
3,053
3,174
Other Criminal Code
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
47
44
53
83
54
56
5,584
7,153
8,352
8,576
10,012
11,921
Federal Statutes
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
4
3
2
7
5
6
477
415
432
655
595
632
Traffic
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
4
1
1
9
4
6
398
327
441
547
633
669
Violent Crime Rate (per 1,000 persons)
1999
54.0
2000
53.5
2001
119.8
2002
88.6
2003
63.6
2004
59.0
50.2
49.0
49.0
57.2
67.5
68.7
Lutselk'e Profile
Lutselk'e
Northwest
Territories
Property Crime Rates (per 1,000 persons)
1999
76.7
2000
90.1
2001
55.7
2002
58.2
2003
48.9
2004
66.3
58.4
59.1
52.3
60.9
72.3
74.1
INCOME SUPPORT
Beneficiaries (monthly average)
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
88
56
52
64
59
72
77
62
29
40
4,191
3,974
3,712
3,542
3,040
2,425
2,200
2,152
2,073
1,923
Cases (monthly average)
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
37
23
23
26
28
30
34
29
13
19
1,823
1,764
1,776
1,786
1,502
1,202
1,118
1,111
1,110
1,050
243
151
162
173
184
230
267
217
94
133
13,485
12,756
13,062
12,763
10,657
8,837
8,701
8,946
9,260
8,576
73.6
24.1
68.0
36.7
5.9
17.5
Payments ($000)
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
TRADITIONAL ACTIVITIES (2004)
Hunted & Fished (%)
Trapped (%)
Households Consuming Country
Food (most or all meat consumed)
ABORIGINAL LANGUAGES
% Aboriginal that Speak an Aboriginal Language
1984
97.4
1989
90.7
1994
69.3
1999
79.5
2004
77.9
59.1
55.6
50.1
45.1
44.0
Lutselk'e
Northwest
Territories
Lutselk'e
Northwest
Territories
Potential Available Labour Supply (2004)
Available Labour Supply
28
% do rotational
60.7
% male
82.1
% aboriginal
100.0
% less than high school
85.7
2,454
70.3
64.4
77.3
52.3
EDUCATION
Percent with High School or Post-Secondary
1991
37.8
1994
32.7
1996
28.6
1999
45.9
2001
40.0
2004
38.3
2004 Employment Rates
Less than High School
High School or Greater
38.0
79.3
59.9
63.2
63.5
66.1
64.8
67.5
38.8
81.7
Employment Profile 2004 (%)
Full-Time
Part-Time
78.0
9.8
85.9
11.6
% Gov't, Health, Social Serv, Educ
% Goods Producing
% Other Industries
57.9
18.3
16.5
41.7
16.3
37.8
Annual Work Pattern (%)
Worked in 2003
Worked More than 26 Weeks
77.9
34.0
81.7
61.9
Total Income ($000)
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
3,032
2,644
3,607
3,524
4,000
3,985
5,310
6,295
5,796
834,430
822,773
827,162
852,225
886,962
921,079
1,058,019
1,148,300
1,199,686
Average Income ($)
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
17,835
17,627
20,039
18,547
21,053
22,139
25,286
28,614
27,600
33,989
33,693
33,666
34,378
35,650
36,220
39,186
42,047
42,572
Employment Income ($000)
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2,078
1,814
2,641
2,552
3,099
3,061
4,074
4,993
4,603
727,532
710,374
713,328
724,431
772,452
805,159
935,854
1,016,653
1,058,922
Ave. Employment Income ($)
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
14,843
13,954
16,506
15,950
19,369
20,407
21,442
24,965
25,572
34,045
33,556
33,364
33,476
35,450
36,187
38,497
41,428
41,904
LABOUR FORCE
Participation Rate
1986
1989
1991
1994
1996
1999
2001
2004
41.7
44.6
62.2
62.3
54.8
66.4
65.7
63.4
74.5
74.9
78.2
77.2
77.2
78.3
77.1
75.6
Unemployment Rate
1986
1989
1991
1994
1996
1999
2001
2004
20.0
39.1
26.1
31.7
13.0
28.4
21.7
14.6
11.2
13.2
11.3
14.8
11.7
13.7
9.5
10.4
Employment Rate
1986
1989
1991
1994
1996
1999
2001
2004
33.3
27.2
43.2
42.6
45.2
47.5
51.4
54.1
66.2
65.0
69.3
65.7
68.2
67.5
69.8
67.8
Selected 2004 Employment Rates
Males
Females
48.6
62.1
69.7
65.7
Aboriginal
Non-Aboriginal
51.8
82.6
50.6
82.4
15 – 24
25 – 34
35 – 44
45 – 54
55 – 64
65 & Over
36.1
75.0
64.8
65.8
41.4
-
42.8
76.3
82.7
83.0
66.1
15.0
2004 Labour Force Activity
Population 15 & Over
Employed
Unemployed
Not in the Labour Force
303
164
28
111
31,341
21,241
2,454
7,646
Lutselk'e Profile
PERSONAL INCOME
Lutselk'e
Northwest
Territories
Lutselk'e
Northwest
Territories
Percent Taxfilers Less than $15,000
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
58.8
53.3
55.6
57.9
52.6
44.4
38.1
36.4
38.1
34.4
34.9
34.8
34.1
32.8
32.0
28.8
27.6
28.0
Percent Households Less than $25,000
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
50.0
42.9
62.5
66.7
44.4
25.0
30.0
30.0
22.2
24.3
24.5
24.0
22.9
21.9
21.7
16.9
15.3
16.5
Percent Taxfilers More than $50,000
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
11.1
10.5
11.1
14.3
18.2
14.3
25.9
25.6
25.6
25.3
28.1
28.2
31.4
34.4
35.1
Percent Households More than $60,000
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
22.2
2000
25.0
2001
20.0
2002
30.0
2003
22.2
49.2
48.6
48.9
49.0
50.4
50.7
56.9
59.9
59.7
PRICES
FAMILY INCOME
Average Family Income ($)
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
29,388
29,729
34,425
30,167
37,067
41,863
44,650
53,300
49,978
66,150
65,506
66,367
68,948
70,463
71,864
80,225
87,143
88,244
2005 Living Cost Diff.
(Edm = 100)
2004 Food Price Index
(YK = 100)
150-155
··
174.9
··
SYMBOLS
..
x
Lutselk'e Profile
zero or too small to be expressed
not available
data suppressed
SOURCES & NOTES
Population
Population and Historical Population: Bureau of Statistics,
GNWT. Estimates are calculated by allocating the demographic
components of growth, down to a community level. Sex, age
and ethnicity estimates developed by Bureau of Statistics.
Average Annual Growth Rate: Bureau of Statistics, GNWT.
Average annual growth rate (AAGR) is calculated as:
# Pop
&
2005
AAGR = % 9
" 1( *100
$ Pop1996
'
Population Projections: Bureau of Statistics, GNWT.
Population projections incorporate assumptions regarding
! mortality & migration patterns. These assumptions are
fertility,
reflective of historical patterns, as well as recent trends
observed for the Northwest Territories.
Vital Stats
Number of Births: Health Statistics Division, Statistics Canada
Teen Births: Health Statistics Division, Statistics Canada.
Refers to births to women between the ages of 13 to 19.
Property Crimes: Canadian Center for Justice Statistics,
Statistics Canada. Includes but is not limited to incidences of
breaking & entering, theft, position of stolen goods and fraud.
Other Criminal Code: Canadian Center for Justice Statistics,
offensive weapons, bail violation, disturbing the peace and
mischief (property damage).
Federal Statutes: Canadian Center for Justice Statistics,
possession and trafficking of drugs.
Traffic: Canadian Center for Justice Statistics, Statistics
Canada. Includes but is not limited to incidences of dangerous
operation of motor vehicle and impaired operation of motor
vehicle.
Violent Crime Rates (per 10,00 persons): Bureau of Statistics,
GNWT. Rates are determined using population estimates
developed by the Bureau of Statistics.
Property Crime Rates (per 10,00 persons): Bureau of Statistics,
GNWT. Rates are determined using population estimates
developed by the Bureau of Statistics.
Number of Deaths: Health Statistics Division, Statistics Canada
Income Support
Cause of Deaths: Health Statistics Division, Statistics Canada.
Injury deaths are deaths due to accidents, homicide and
suicides.
Beneficiaries (monthly average): Department of Education
Culture & Employment, GNWT. Refers to the monthly average
number of recipients of income support and their dependents, if
any, over the year.
Household & Families
Cases (monthly average): Department of Education Culture &
Employment, GNWT. Refers to the monthly average number of
people requesting and receiving social assistance over the year.
Percent of Households with more than 6 People: Census,
Statistics Canada (1981, 1986, 1991, 1996 and 2001); Bureau of
Statistics, GNWT (2004). A household refers to an occupied
private dwelling.
Family Structure: Census, Statistics Canada. Refers to the
classification of census families into husband-wife couples,
common-law couples, and lone parent families.
Tenure: Bureau of Statistics, GNWT. Refers to whether some
member of the household owns or rents the dwelling.
Percent of Households in Core Need: Bureau of Statistics,
GNWT. If a household has any one housing problem
(suitability, adequacy, or affordability) or a combination of
housing problems, and the total household income is below the
Community Core Need Income Threshold, the household is
considered to be in core need. The core need income threshold
is an income limit for each community that represents the
amount of income a household must have to be able to afford
the cost of owning and operating a home or renting in the
private market without government assistance.
Payments ($000): Department of Education Culture &
Employment, GNWT. Refers to the total amount of payments
over the year. Payments are recorded for the month for which
assistance was received.
Traditional Activities
Hunted & Fished (%): Bureau of Statistics, GNWT. Refers to
the percent of people 15 years of age or older that hunted or
fished during the year.
Trapped (%): Bureau of Statistics, GNWT. Refers to the
percent of people 15 years of age or older that trapped during
the year.
Households Consuming Country Foods: Bureau of Statistics,
GNWT. Refers to the percent of households reporting that most
or all (75% or more) of the meat or fish consumed is harvesting
in the NWT.
Crime
Aboriginal Languages
Incidents in a particular detachment may include incidents from
surrounding communities.
Percent of Aboriginal that Speak an Aboriginal Language:
Bureau of Statistics, GNWT. Refers to the percent of aboriginal
people 15 years of age or older that can speak an aboriginal
language well enough to carry on a conversation. Aboriginal
languages include Inuktitut, Inuvialuktun, Inuinnaqtun, Dogrib,
Cree, Chipewyan, North Slavey, South Slavey, and Gwich’n.
Violent Crimes: Canadian Center for Justice Statistics, Statistics
Canada. Refers to incidences of homicides, attempted murder,
assaults (including sexual assaults), abduction and robbery.
Lutselk'e Profile
Education
Personal Income
Percent with High School or Post-Secondary: Census, Statistics
Canada (1991, 1996 and 2001); Bureau of Statistics, GNWT
(1994, 1999 and 2004). Refers to the percent of population 15
years of age or older that have a high school diploma.
Small Area and Administrative Data Division, Statistics
Canada. Data is based upon filed tax returns.
Total Income ($000): Refers to total money income received
from all sources.
2004 Employment Rates: Bureau of Statistics, GNWT. Refers
to the employment rate for two groups of people: those who do
not have a high school certificate, and those with at least a high
school certificate. Employment rate refers to the percentage of
persons 15 years of age and over who are working at a job.
Average Income ($): Refers to the average money income
received from all sources.
Labour Force
Census, Statistics Canada (1986, 1991, 1996 and 2001); Bureau
of Statistics, GNWT (1989, 1994, 1999 and 2004).
Participation Rate: The percentage of persons 15 years of age
and over who are in the labour force. See below for definition
of labour force.
Unemployment Rate: The percentage of the labour force that
was unemployed during the week prior to the survey. See below
for definition of labour force.
Employment Rate: The percentage of persons 15 years of age
and over who were employed during the week prior to the
survey.
Employment Income ($000): Refers to total income received by
persons 15 years of age and over for any employment.
Ave. Employment Income ($): Refers to average income
received by persons 15 years of age and over for any
employment.
Percent of Tax-filers Less Than $15,000: Refers to the percent
of tax-filers who report they are making less than $15,000.
Percent of Tax-filers More Than $50,000: Refers to the percent
of tax-filers who report they are making more than $50,000
Family Income
Small Area and Administrative Data Division, Statistics
Canada. Data is based upon filed tax returns. Refers to the total
income of a family; it is the sum of the total incomes of all
members of that family.
Employed: Refers to persons who during the week prior to the
survey: (i) did any work at all, excluding housework,
maintenance around the home and volunteer work; or (ii) were
absent from their job or business because of vacation, illness,
on strike or locked out, etc.
Average Family Income ($): Refers to the average money
income received from all sources for the family as a whole.
Unemployed: Refers to persons who during the week prior to
the survey: (i) were without work, had actively looked for work
in the previous four weeks and were available for work; or (ii)
had been on temporary lay-off and expected to return to their
job; or (iii) had definite arrangements to start a new job within
the next four weeks.
Percent Household More Than $60,000: Refers to the percent
of families who report they are making more than $60,000
Percent Households Less Than $25,000: Refers to the percent
of families who report they are making less than $25,000
Prices
Living Cost Differentials: Price Division, Statistics Canada.
Labour Force: Refers to persons who were either employed or
unemployed during the week prior to the survey.
Food Price Index: Bureau of Statistics, GNWT.
Not in the Labour Force: Refers to persons who do not
participate in the labour force, they are neither employed or
unemployed.
Potential Available Labour Supply: Refers to those persons
who are unemployed. They can be classified into various
categories, including, those who want to do rotational work,
gender, ethnicity, or level of schooling.
Employment Profile: Refers to the percent of employed people
15 years of age or older who worked either full-time or parttime. A classification by industry is also included.
Annual Work Pattern: Work pattern measures the amount of
work over a given year. Worked in 2003 refers to the percent of
people 15 years of age or older who worked in 2003, while
worked more than 26 weeks refers to the percent of people who
worked more than 26 weeks in the year. The weeks need not be
consecutive.
Lutselk'e Profile
8.0
INFORMATION AND RESEARCH NEEDS
This state of knowledge review of the Thaydene Nene region indicates that there is a fair body of
knowledge and information available about the area, however, it is mostly regional in scale or
extrapolated from proximal or similar environments. The lack of site-specific data is most likely
the result of the fact that there has been limited advanced development activity in the region, and
therefore no baseline studies or research conducted by industry to fulfill environmental
assessment review requirements. This is especially true of the biophysical environment, and less
so for the social, economic, and cultural components; the latter being the result of the
community-based monitoring initiative of Lutsel K’e which was instigated in response to
diamond mining development just northwest of Theydene Nene.
The potential for non-renewable resource development in the region makes it important for more
area-specific data to be collected for the purpose of establishing a baseline for Thaydene Nene.
However, mining activity is not the only possible stressor on the environmental integrity of
Thaydene Nene. The ongoing and future impacts of climate change should not be disregarded.
To this end, water quantity and quality monitoring is required to measure the effects of climate
change. For example, in other areas of the NWT, flows in some tributaries (e.g., the Liard River)
have been seen to show a decreasing trend consistent with climate change model predictions.
Other predicted changes include the timing of ice formation and break-up, loss of permafrost
conditions in areas with discontinuous permafrost, and frequency and intensity of peak
precipitation events. All of these factors may affect not only water quantity but also water
quality.
Studies to measure levels of contaminants in lake water and sediments are also important as
these media are very sensitive to changes in inputs from the atmosphere, runoff and rivers. This
is especially true of sediments since there is very limited information for the lacustrine and
riverine systems of Thaydene Nene. Measurement of contaminant levels in sediments is
important for several reasons. First, even trace levels of contaminants in surface water can be
removed and accumulate in river or lake sediments. Second, contaminated sediments have been
demonstrated to be toxic to sediment-dwelling organisms and fish. Third, sediment core samples
can provide insight to trends in environmental contaminant inventories in the environment. For
example, many contaminants make their way to the north via atmospheric dispersion processes.
Long-term monitoring of river sediments and periodic collection of lake sediment core samples
for the measurement of PCBs, pesticides, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs), dioxins and
furans, and heavy metals is necessary to better understand the fate of contaminants in the benthic
environment.
40006 - July 2006
234
More generally, it would be beneficial to fill information gaps related to vegetation
coverage/classification, habitat analysis, and wildlife populations and ranges. This is particularly
important in considering the establishment and future use and management of a protected area.
Studies designed to analyse existing of maps, aerial photographs and satellite imagery could be
used to address some of these gaps. Increased wildlife surveys and ground-truthing are also
necessary.
Overall, and as identified by the WKSS report, most information needs for Thaydene Nene fall
into one of three general types: base information (covering any topic where little or no
information presently exists), bridging information (building links between existing sets of
information that are often very different and of only limited use), and trend information
(continuing collection of data to show change over time).
40006 - July 2006
235

Thaidene_Nene_State of Knowledge Report

Transcription

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