Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty
Transcription
Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty
Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty February 2004 The Further and Higher Education Research Unit University of Ulster G McAleavy K Collins G Adamson C O’Hagan H A Donegan B O’Reilly This research was funded by the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister and managed by the Research Branch of the Equality Directorate of the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of Departments. OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Table of Contents Page number Executive Summary i 1.0 Introduction 1 1.1 New Targeting Social Need policy 1 1.2 Poverty and social exclusion 1 1.3 Case study: St. Vincent de Paul (SVP) 2 1.4 Rationale 3 1.5 Transgenerational poverty 3 1.6 The role of the research 5 2.0 Methodology 7 2.1 Sample 7 2.2 Family context and caring responsibilities 7 2.3 Transgenerational sample 8 2.4 Organisation of results 8 3.0 Results 9 3.1 SVP support 9 3.2 Financial and employment status 12 3.3 Housing 23 3.4 Transport and transport disadvantage 27 3.5 Access to services 30 3.6 The social environment 32 3.7 Health 35 3.8 Education and educational disadvantage 40 3.9 Aspirations 48 3.10 Respondents in employment 53 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Page number 4.0 Qualitative interviews 59 5.0 Discussion 77 5.1 Key challenges 86 References 90 Appendix 99 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction The research project is a study designed to provide an analysis of the nature and causes of disadvantage experienced by the Society of St. Vincent de Paul’s client group. This will enable the Society to address disadvantage from one generation to the next. It will also inform government departments in devising and implementing strategies for directly helping clients to move out of poverty. A central reason for the study was to enable the Society to prevent the transmission of social exclusion and enabling statutory and voluntary sectors to work more closely together. Although various studies have identified a host of factors implicated in, and correlating with, transgenerational disadvantage, the combined effect of these variables needs to be better understood. The evidence collected has been analysed to provide insights into ways in which government bodies can effectively collaborate with voluntary bodies, using SVP as an exemplar, to improve services to people in poverty. Aims of the study The overall aim was to examine the nature of disadvantage as experienced by SVP clients, as a unique population, accessing services from SVP as a voluntary body, with a focus on key objectives: • To provide a brief description of the characteristics of the SVP clients, including gender, marital status, community affiliation, ethnic origin, number of dependants, employment status, income type, health, environment, access to services, educational qualifications, aspirations, self-esteem and self-efficacy. • To explore transgenerational aspects of poverty (the status of their of health, income, employment status, educational achievements, selfesteem, self-efficacy and aspirations) and the impact on health and general exclusion from society. Page i OFMDFM Equality Directorate • Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty To assess children’s degree of disengagement from the education system including; exclusions from school, level of attendance, future aspirations for their children and the overall family educational profile through the generations (i.e. mother, father, client’s mother and father, partner’s mother and father, and siblings). • To examine the responses of persons in employment who have identified themselves as being in need, in relation to the main themes detailed in the questionnaire; education, health, aspirations, self-esteem, self-efficacy, environment and access to services. • To examine the implications of the study for the SVP/community sector in general, in terms of developing effective strategies. • To examine the implications for government intervention and strategies. Methodology The experiences of SVP clients were explored through personal interview (structured questionnaires) and semi-structured interviews. The surveys were carried out, face to face with the clients, by trained SVP members who followed a detailed protocol on each occasion at both stages of the research process. The co-ordination of the research by the research team and staff at SVP head office in Belfast ensured that confidentiality was foremost throughout the collection process. The 19 areas of the Northern Region were represented in the research, which involved a total of 360 clients from different conferences within each area council. Key findings The demographic profile of the sample group (n=360) indicates a majority of female respondents (86% female and 14% male), aged between 18-70+ years of age, with 81% Roman Catholic, 12.3% Protestant, 3.1% mixed religion, 2.5% ‘none’ and 1.1% other denomination represented. 22% are married, 21.7% are single parents, while 19.5% are single, 13.9% are separated, 11.1% divorced, 7.8% are widowed and 3.9% are cohabiting. In terms of ethnic origin, 97.5% are White, while Chinese, Black, Mixed Ethnic Origin and Irish Traveller are represented in the remaining 2.5%. Page ii OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Information on all the clients interviewed in the study Theme 1: Support received from SVP services • SVP services have been accessed by respondents in this sample for an average of 6 years, ranging from 3 months to 26 years. • Financial assistance, followed by friendship and support, represented the key services accessed predominantly by respondents, with many receiving support on a number of levels. • 43% have received an emergency visit from a Society member for food, fuel or financial assistance in a time of crisis over the last 2 years. Theme 2: Income and employment details 67.9% of the sample are unemployed, 13.5% are employed, while 9.5% are incapacitated and 8.6% are retired. Employed respondents • Employed respondents tend to be female aged 31-50, either a single parent or are of single status and have dependants. 38.3% are in permanent part-time posts, followed by permanent full-time (25.5%). The mean number of hours worked is 22.56 per week with 5.5 years representing the mean length of time in the post. The average net salary is reported by respondents to be £118.95 per week. The average income per week for permanent part-time positions is £80.63, while permanent full-time is £168.33. • 52.1% declare being in receipt of at least one state benefit; the most commonly reported benefit being collected is child benefit, followed by income support and housing benefit. 45.6% of the employed group get working families tax credit as part of their income. Unemployed respondents • The average number of years clients in this sample have been economically inactive is 10.26, ranging from 5 months to 40 years. Of those who stated the length of time they have been without work, Page iii OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty 13.3% have been unemployed for 20 years or more, 33.1% have had this status between 10 and 19 years, while 53.4% have been out of work for a lesser period (5 months – 9 years). • The most recurring reported reasons for leaving work are family commitments followed by illness. Indicators of employment/unemployment deprivation • 25.3% receive Incapacity Benefit, 5.8% Severe Disablement Allowance and 6.1% are on New Deal. Income derived from state benefits • 319 respondents (88.6%) reported being in receipt of at least one state benefit. Of this group 19.4% receive one benefit, 32.9% receive two, 33.5% receive three, while 11.6% are in receipt of four, 2.2% receive five and only one person reported receiving six different state benefits. • Income Support is a dominant benefit across all groups, followed by Housing Benefit, Child Benefit and DLA. The mean amount of benefit received is highest for the unemployed (£141.50) and incapacitated groups (£142.50), with employed respondents having the lowest average amount of benefits (£87.51). Indicators of income deprivation • From the current sample, 86.4% receive Income Support, 7.9% Jobseekers Allowance and 8.5% Working Families Tax Credit. Theme 3: Expenditure • The most costly items in terms of weekly expenditure were on average electricity (£12.07), house keeping (£58.80) and telephone expenditure (£8.73). • The overall average of the total expenditure for respondents indicates that the employed group has the highest expenditure levels (£201.48), with less difference noted between the unemployed (£134.38) and incapacitated groups (£128.51), while retired respondents have the lowest overall average expenditure (£85.09). Page iv OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Debt • 61.4% of respondents reported having at least one debt commitment. The most common forms of debt are catalogue repayments (42.8%), credit union loans (42.8%), followed by Social Fund Loans (37.1%). • Respondents in the unemployed group had the highest mean score for reported debts, followed closely by the incapacitated group and then the employed group. • Payments to a catalogue is the primary debt for the employed, retired and incapacitated groups, while repayment to a Social Fund Loan is the main debt reported by unemployed respondents. SVP support • Unemployed respondents are more likely than employed individuals to have family members who have accessed support in the past. • Support from the Society is primarily financial, with three out of the four groups (employed, unemployed and incapacitated) seeking financial help from the Society. • Friendship, more than any other service, is the main type of aid retired respondents receive from SVP. Theme 4: Housing Ownership and housing type • The majority of respondents are Housing Executive tenants living in either terrace or semi-detached houses. • The largest percentage of respondents living in detached dwellings are owner occupiers. Indicators of housing distress • 81.7% of homes have central heating / 18.3% are without central heating. • 76.3% are insulated / 23.7% are without insulation. • 86.9% have a garden / 13.1% do not have a garden. Page v OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Fuel poverty • 79% of respondents who gave complete information relating to income and fuel expenditure spend 10% or more of their income on fuel, i.e. experience fuel poverty. Fuel expenditure • Fuel costs account for 10-30% of total weekly expenditure. Theme 5: Transport • 31.6% of the sample has access to a car. • 19% are car owners, referring to themselves or their partner. • 67.7% do not have a driving licence. Theme 6: Access to services • Services accessed most frequently were a GP, a health visitor and a social worker. • 31% who indicated they accessed a GP surgery did so fortnightly or more often. • The most common transport method for accessing statutory services was by foot, by car or through a home visit. • Within the items used to assess geographical access to services, access to a pharmacist had the highest percentage ratings for ‘very good’. • Access to a museum and an A&E hospital were rated most frequently as ‘very poor’. Theme 7: Social environment • Respondents had greatest concern about speeding traffic, child safety and crime in their local neighbourhoods. Experience of crime • 62% have experienced at least one crime, mainly violence against the person, criminal damage or burglary. Page vi OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty • 26% of the sample has endured two or more crimes. • Unemployed people were more likely than employed, retired or incapacitated respondents to have experienced criminal damage. Theme 8: Health • 54.4% of the sample have experienced a serious illness in the last five years, either themselves or their family. • 65.5% of the sample are taking medication for their complaint, predominantly anti-depressants, followed by ‘tablets’, inhalers and painkillers. The average length of time that medication has been taken is 5.8 years, ranging from 2 months to 50 years. The General Health Questionnaire (GHQ12) • Following the classification used with the GHQ12 in the Health and Wellbeing Survey (2001), the largest percentage of the SVP sample are defined as ‘depressed’, with the lowest percentage of the current study’s respondents appearing in the ‘Happy’ grouping. Self-Esteem • Using the Rosenberg’s self report measure of self-esteem to examine how individuals feel about themselves, SVP respondents report a slightly favourable Rosenberg Self-esteem scale score, but it should be noted that a substantial number of the sample tend to score towards the lower end of the self-esteem scale. In comparison to other similar studies the SVP result is slightly lower than other typical values found. Self-Efficacy • The General Self-efficacy scale (GSE) (Sherer et al, 1982) is a self-report instrument used to assess an individual's beliefs in their capability to organise and execute courses of action required to manage prospective situations. • A number of SVP clients scored very low in terms of self-efficacy, although the overall profile of GSE scores suggests that respondents in the SVP sample, on average, exhibit a relatively medium level of self-efficacy. Page vii OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Theme 9: Educational achievement • 46.4% reported that they did not have any qualifications. • Qualifications are predominantly Level 2 type qualifications (restricting the extent of effective participation in the labour market - especially for 18-30 year olds with qualifications but not in employment). Family patterns of educational achievement • Sons and daughters of respondents are the most likely family members to have obtained qualifications, predominantly at GCSE level. • 24% of respondents with no qualifications reported that at least one family member has qualifications. Patterns of progression and participation • Individuals who have qualifications were more likely than those without qualifications to have progressed to Further Education (FE). • 94% of respondents who are currently employed and who went to Further Education have qualifications. Family patterns of progression • 16.7% of the sample progressed to Further Education after leaving school. • 28.3% of the progressing group passed the transfer test, as did 23% of family members. Educational achievement and employment status • No individual in the 18-30 age group without qualifications is employed. • 82.2% recognised the importance of education and its role in employability, rating it as ‘very important’. Attendance and absenteeism • 23% of households with dependants report absences from school of at least a few times a month (18% of boys and 21.9% of girls). • 58% of absenteeism at this rate refers to one dependant households, Page viii OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty 26.9% relates to two dependant households, 11.1% refers to three dependants, 2.6% to four dependants and 7% for households with five dependants. • 95% of these households have free school meals (FSM) entitlement. Theme 10: Aspirations • For the respondent: better standard of living, employment, better health, housing, education, environment and peace and happiness. • For their career/job: return to work or secure employment, improve current work situation, return to education, continue with education, improve income standards, no aspirations for career/job. • For their children: better education, secure employment, better standards of living and opportunities, happiness and peace, health. • For their partner: better employment prospects, improved health, happiness, better standard of living, no aspirations/negative aspirations. Qualitative Interviews The comments are presented under the headings of Government Departments, with responsibilities for the particular areas cited. Education Clients expressed a strong wish for a good education for their children including access to higher education. They cited lack of education as a barrier to employment and wished for education for themselves, believing that their own lack of education was partly responsible for their current situation. "Lack of qualifications would be the main barrier [to improving life]". Parents were concerned, however, that they could not afford to pay for the full range of school activities for their children and were concerned that their children might suffer stigma on account of this. DSD & DE Parents were concerned that benefits were not sufficient to enable them to provide for school requirements. In particular, parents complained that there is Page ix OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty no grant for uniforms for primary school children and, in addition, that the uniform grant for secondary school children is no longer adequate. Parents also stated that they have to provide money for milk, PE, school visits and other items which they cannot afford. DHSSPS Clients had a high rate of depression and stress as well as physical illness. In addition to their own health problems, clients reported that they frequently had to care for dependants with poor health. Since clients made it clear that chronic stress was caused by living conditions and lack of finance, it is apparent that interdepartmental action will be required to address these health problems. "The stress is just like a black blanket over you … the stress works on your body, taking the cold spots … I think stress is a killer. It leaves your body open to everything." DHSSPS, DSD & DE These problems of poor physical and mental well-being appear to be related to housing issues, including fuel poverty, the constant fear for personal safety and the effects of isolation. "There is no bath for the baby [partner] has a bad back and legs … there is also living in the middle of the town with all the noise, windows getting smashed and places getting broke into, worrying if your pram is going to be stolen as you have to leave it downstairs." Loneliness was experienced by most clients and resulted from lack of money, lack of confidence, experience of stigma, exclusion from networks, childcare responsibilities, transport difficulties and the pervasive fear of crime. There must be concern that isolated parents may have fewer opportunities for improving the social skills of their children, with the consequent implications for educational development. Profile: a transgenerational client • This was likely to be a 22-40 year old female, either married or a single parent with dependants, who has been accessing the Society for an Page x OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty average of 7.4 years for financial assistance or friendship and support. Female relatives accessed support in the past, primarily the mother, with 18.4% having more than one family member involved with SVP. Of this group, the pattern of support sought is mainly financial across different family members. • Persons in this category are likely to be unemployed and in 54% of cases have been out of work for more than 10 years, living on an average income of £130 per week derived predominantly through state benefits. They are likely to have had a Social Fund Loan and are repaying at least one debt, on average £67 per week. • 60.7% have themselves or their family had a serious illness in the last five years, with 64% currently attending a GP, hospital or clinic. 46% of this group report depression or other mental health problems as the reason for their attendance. They are taking medication, primarily antidepressants, for an average of 5 years. • 40% have experienced at least one crime, either criminal damage or violence against the person (e.g. intimidation or harassment). Speeding traffic, bullying or harassment and child safety are primary environmental concerns. • 40.3% have at least one qualification, while 54.4% have no qualifications. The majority did not pass the transfer test and those who progressed to FE after leaving school were more likely to obtain qualifications. • The aspirations of the transgenerational clients are for better health, happiness, financial security, improved housing, to return to work and to improve their current situation either through employment or education. They hope their children stay at school, obtain qualifications, progress to Further and Higher Education, get a good job and avail of opportunities missed by the respondent. Profile: an employed client • 47 (13%) of the sample are employed. The largest percentage are female, are represented in the 31-50 age ranges, are mainly single parents or are of single status and have dependants. Page xi OFMDFM Equality Directorate • Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The largest percentage are in permanent part-time work followed by permanent full-time. The mean number of hours worked is 22.56 per week with 5.5 years representing the mean length of time in the post. The average net salary is reported by respondents to be £118.95 per week (ranging from £10 to £298). The average income per week for permanent part-time positions is £80.63, while permanent full-time is £168.33. Housing • 53% are Housing Executive tenants and 28% are owner occupiers in either terraced or semi-detached houses. 26% have no central heating, 23% have no insulation and 37% are waiting for repairs to their homes to be completed. 41% experience fuel poverty. Income • 93% of employed respondents receive at least one state benefit in addition to any income obtained from employment. Of this group, 55.8% receive one benefit, predominantly child benefit, while 25.6% get two benefits, with smaller numbers receiving three or four benefits. • 45.6% avail of Working Families Tax Credit, of which 66.7% have permanent full-time or permanent part-time contracts. Debt • 76% of employed individuals have debt commitments. • Payments to a catalogue were the most likely form of debt, followed by Social Fund Loan and credit union repayments. • The average debt commitment of an employed person is £31 per week, which represents 18.8% of the weekly expenditure. Education • 65.2% of employed respondents indicated that they had at least one qualification, with CSEs and NVQs most frequently awarded. • 34.8% progressed to Further Education after leaving school, while 63% went straight to work and only one person became unemployed. Of the group that progressed to Further Education, 75% had qualifications and 25% passed the transfer test. Page xii OFMDFM Equality Directorate • Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Overall, 17.4% of the employed group passed the transfer test. In terms of employment patterns, the 63% who went straight to work after leaving school reported being employed at the time the survey was completed. Transport • Respondents in the employed group are more likely to hold a driving licence or have access to a car. Overall, 40% of employed individuals have access to a car, while 49% have a driving licence. Health • Employed individuals were least likely to have any current physical or mental health problems, to be attending a doctor or to be taking medication. SVP support • The average length of time an employed respondent has been accessing SVP support is 4 years ranging from 3 months to 20 years. • Financial assistance dominated the type of support received by employed individuals, followed by friendship. • Respondents who are not employed are more likely than employed individuals to have family members who have accessed support in the past. Key challenges Benefits Since debt (including the burden of Social Fund Loans) is a major issue for clients, Government should consider assisting clients in relation to financial management, for example by supporting entry to Credit Unions. Health The issue of mental health needs to be addressed as a systemic problem requiring both interdepartmental co-operation and collaboration between the statutory and voluntary sectors. Page xiii OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Social Exclusion There is a strong case for Departments and Agencies to engage more with disadvantaged people and their advocates to ensure they are able to contribute to policy development. Education Since clients recognise strongly the importance of education, Departments should note that ‘Education Poverty’ is a key factor to be addressed. More attention needs to be paid to pupils who are intermittent attenders, in particular girls from disadvantaged backgrounds who may be engaged in waged or unwaged labour within families or communities. There is a need for flexible forms of education for adults, authored in local areas and with the provision of childcare. Transport and Access to Services There is a need to address barriers to accessing services. These barriers include inadequate public transport and the restrictions imposed by perceived sectarian boundaries. Provision of essential services on a single site could be beneficial for families and persons with disabilities. Disabilities There should be further investigation into the reasons why many incapacitated persons do not rate education highly. Public Safety Given the concern about the perceived high level of crime it is important to reconsider official reporting categories, since issues such as harassment may not be fully reflected owing to respondents’ lack of awareness that these behaviours are not lawful. Fear of crime, whether or not it is justified, can contribute to social isolation and lack of confidence. Statutory-Voluntary Policy Collaboration between statutory bodies and voluntary organisations that are actively involved with people living in areas where there is acute poverty should be enhanced to enable the delivery of more effective services. Page xiv OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Visual illustrations of key findings Page xvi OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Page xviii OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Page xix OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Page xx OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Page xxi OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty 1.0 Introduction 1.1 New Targeting Social Need (TSN) policy This study, based on a survey of clients served by St Vincent de Paul (SVP), is designed to inform government policy in relation to targeting social need at the most disadvantaged groups in society. The high level of access afforded to SVP as a consequence of longstanding work in disadvantaged communities has enabled the researchers to collect evidence from clients across a wide range of communities in Northern Ireland. New TSN policy aims have been articulated by the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister as follows. “New TSN aims to reduce levels of disadvantage and poverty by directing resources and efforts towards those individuals, groups and areas objectively defined as being in greatest need" (OFMDFM: New TSN Research: Poverty in Northern Ireland, Summary Report: 3). Key policy areas include addressing unemployment levels, increasing employability and reducing inequalities in housing, health and education. Across government departments, responsibilities and targets within the New TSN agenda are detailed in departmental action plans, in terms of relevance/needs, process, activities/outputs, outcomes and impacts. Outcomes are examined in relation to ‘needs and inequalities’, ‘employability’ and ‘promoting social inclusion’ (PSI), while the term ‘impacts’ refers to ‘reducing inequalities’. Within the current research, key policy areas relating to New TSN are addressed through analysis of responses from SVP clients to pertinent themes gathered from face-to-face structured and semi-structured interviews. The questions posed to clients were designed to elicit data that could be mapped onto the Northern Ireland Measures of Deprivation (Noble, 2001) relating to the seven domains of deprivation and their corresponding indicators. 1.2 Poverty and social exclusion Defining poverty in terms of disadvantage, marginalisation and inequality highlights the breadth of this issue and the consequences, direct and indirect, that are experienced by those suffering from deprivation. In this respect, poverty, as a concept, cannot be understood solely in terms of income deprivation, but instead should encompass all aspects of a person’s life that are affected by, or are relevant to, the social exclusion they are experiencing. Page 1 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty In defining social exclusion, Teague and Wilson (1995:79) state: "By social exclusion we mean not just a static snapshot of inequality but a set of processes, including within the labour market and the welfare system, by which individuals, households and communities or even whole social groups are pushed towards or kept within the margins of society". Arriving at an understanding of poverty through examining the different domains of an individual’s life can help explain how social exclusion is maintained when barriers to participation in active citizenship are enforced through multiple layers of disadvantage. A clearer picture can, then, emerge of the creation and impact of multiple disadvantage through the identification of the nature of poverty at an individual level. 1.3 Case study: St. Vincent de Paul (SVP) The particular strength of this study is that researchers have been afforded access to data from persons who have approached an organisation for support of both a financial and a personal nature. The members of SVP, on a purely voluntary basis, have long term experience of visiting persons, mainly in their homes but also in prisons, hospitals, day centres and hostels, seeking support and interacting with them on a person-to-person basis. St. Vincent de Paul, established in 1833, is a world-wide Society concerned with alleviating need and redressing all situations that cause it. All individuals in need are served regardless of creed, opinion, colour, origin, ethnic background or gender. The Society is in a unique position to investigate the needs of disadvantaged groups; the clients include both Catholics and Protestants; the Travelling community; the unemployed; the low waged; ‘lone’ parents; from both rural and urban communities; and families who are in need and disadvantaged for various reasons. In addressing these aims SVP has initiated programmes of collaborative action with other agencies, since the scope of the current activities of the Society are on a large scale. In Northern Ireland the Society has 2,500 active voluntary members organised into 19 Regions (geographical areas), which cover the whole of Northern Ireland. The Society has noted (SVP 1998:1) that "the recognition of the need for individuals and groups to make things happen for themselves is a key concept...[and]... is strongly linked to enabling individuals and groups to Page 2 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty participate in an active way in shaping society". It has been further noted that (ibid.) "many groups are excluded through underlying structural causes like unemployment and early school leaving and that positive action programmes targeting those affected is essential". 1.4 Rationale The research project is an action-focused study designed to provide an analysis of the nature and causes of disadvantage of the Society's client group in order to enable the Society to devise and implement a strategy for directly assisting clients to improve their situation. The unique population from which the sample is drawn serves to highlight the processes involved in experiencing disadvantage and provides insights into the nature and extent of their poverty. The population is composed of people across Northern Ireland who have sought assistance from SVP as a voluntary body. The clients’ experiences of singular and multiple disadvantage have been recorded through the collection and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data. These experiences both inform and contribute to further the understanding of social exclusion and poverty. The study has shown that for a number of clients’ poverty has been a transgenerational experience, as they have reported family histories that involve different degrees of disadvantage. The study however, also provides a focus on clients who have a transgenerational relationship with SVP and this information is presented separately in the study. 1.5 Transgenerational poverty Transgenerational disadvantage refers to the transmission of social disadvantage from one generation to the next. Various studies, including cross-cultural comparative research, have identified a myriad of factors implicated in, and correlating with, transgenerational disadvantage. Researchers have identified factors such as economic deprivation (e.g. Evason, Woods and Jordan, 1995; Gadsden, 1995), employment status (e.g. Whyte, 1992), educational underachievement (e.g. Whyte, 1992), low literacy levels (e.g. Whyte, 1993) and variables such as psychiatric morbidity (e.g. Harrison, Barrow and Creed, 1998) as being relevant. In addition, physiological ill-health (e.g. Reading, 1997) and other, less pronounced and more subtle variables, such as diluted levels of perceived self-efficacy (e.g. Singh, 1985) Page 3 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty have been identified as being important. The contributions of each of these factors to the phenomenon of transgenerational disadvantage are not very well understood in terms of their combined interactive impact (i.e. what the effect type is - e.g. multiplicative or additive), but what is evident from this research is that the life chances of an individual at risk are likely to be very unfavourable. Moreover, the nature and impact of these factors in relation to transgenerational disadvantage across subgroups within various societies is difficult to estimate, not just because of the complexity of the factors involved, but because research aimed at quantifying the extent of trans-generational disadvantage needs to take into account the contextual variations of the area under study (Schorr, 1994). Research indicates, however, that when the characteristics underlying transgenerational disadvantage are quantified and well understood for a given population then it is possible to develop and implement intervention strategies to diminish its occurrence within that population (e.g. Oyemade, 1985; Schorr and Schorr, 1988; Schorr 1991). Schorr and Schorr (1988) for example, state that by introducing intensive programs relating to both health and family support, and by offering education programs to those in disadvantage, then the links between early disadvantage and later joblessness, welfare dependence, and crime can be broken. In addition to initiating intervention programmes offering routes out of disadvantage, previous research indicates that an effective means of alleviating transgenerational disadvantage is through empowering the clients and by acting as advocates on their behalf. Perkins (1995) for example, discusses how a disadvantaged community can be advanced through the concept of empowerment: noting that empowerment-oriented support and advocacy interventions include community development, crime prevention and environmental action, and also requires the implementation of self-help and consciousness-raising groups. Competence-building primary prevention programs like Project Head Start and problem solving training and other educational schemes are given as exemplars of the empowerment philosophy. The research detailed above suggests that through undertaking an empirical research programme, which provides evidence-based findings, it will be possible to derive intervention strategies to alleviate transgenerational disadvantage. In addition, by identifying contexts in which the empowerment Page 4 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty model can be implemented and illuminating how SVP can act as advocates and by promoting self-advocacy, both SVP volunteers and the clients themselves can become agents of social change. Measuring and understanding poverty requires the recognition that it is about more than money or the lack of it. While it is important, income alone does not provide an inclusive picture of the impact and experience of poverty. The cumulative effect of low income on health, housing, access to services and education creates and helps to maintain the social exclusion of individuals living with, and on the edge of, poverty. 1.6 The role of the research Aim The overall aim was to examine the nature of disadvantage as experienced by SVP clients, as a unique population, accessing services from SVP as a voluntary body, with a focus on key objectives: • To provide a brief description of the characteristics of the SVP clients, including; gender, marital status, community affiliation, ethnic origin, number of dependents, employment status, income type, health, environment, access to services, educational qualifications, aspirations, self-esteem and self-efficacy. • To explore transgenerational aspects of poverty (the status of their health, income, employment status, educational achievements, selfesteem, self-efficacy and aspirations) and the impact on health and general exclusion from society. • To assess childrens’ degree of disengagement from the education system including; exclusions from school, level of attendance and future aspirations for their children, the family’s overall educational profile through the generations (i.e. mother, father, client’s mother and father, partner’s mother and father, and siblings). • To examine the responses of persons in employment who have identified themselves as being in need, in relation to the main themes Page 5 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty detailed in the questionnaire; education, health, aspirations, self-esteem, self-efficacy, environment and access to services. • To examine the implications of the study for the SVP/community sector in general, in terms of developing effective strategies. • To examine the implications for government intervention and strategies. Page 6 OFMDFM Equality Directorate 2.0 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Methodology The programme of research was undertaken in consultation with SVP and followed two main phases of data collection; survey data obtained through face-to-face structured interviews (questionnaires) with a sample drawn from the 230 conferences across the Northern Region; and interview data collected from a sub-sample of 24 clients who also participated in Phase 1. The sample reflected the client base of the society and took account of gender, age, marital status and occupational status. The collection of data involved training of the SVP members conducting the face-to-face interviews at both the quantitative and qualitative stages. The involvement of society members was viewed as crucial to the success of the project, particularly in relation to the collection of rich and valid data. Their relationship with the clients enabled them to complete the questionnaire and interview selected clients in an environment where a relationship of trust and familiarity had been built up. In respect of the questionnaire design a pilot study involving 24 households was undertaken. The first section of the questionnaire provides information on the biographical and demographic background of the sample group. For the purposes of this research the profile of the sample group is described in terms of location, gender, age, community affiliation, ethnic origin, in addition to family situation (ie. dependents), caring responsibilities for others, housing/accommodation status and transport options. 2.1 Sample The demographic profile of the sample group (n=360) indicates a majority of female respondents (86% female and 14% male), aged between 18-70+ years of age, with 81% Roman Catholic, 12.3% Protestant, 3.1% mixed religion, 2.5% ‘none’ and 1.1% other denominations represented. 22% are married, 21.7% are single parents, while 19.5% reported to be single, 13.9% are separated, 11.1% divorced, 7.8% widowed and 3.9% cohabiting. In terms of ethnic origin, 97.5% are white, while Chinese, Black, Mixed Ethnic Origin and Irish Traveller are represented. 2.2 Family context and caring responsibilities The majority reported having dependants (individuals who are financially dependent upon the respondent) (76.3%), ranging from one dependant to nine dependants (with an average age of 12.74 years). In terms of foster care, Page 7 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty eighteen clients (6.6%) have had children placed in foster care, ranging from a 2 week period to 16 years in care. 2.3 Transgenerational sample This group refers to individuals who reported having, or have in the past had, family members who accessed the services of St. Vincent de Paul; a total of 33.9% can be referred to as transgenerational based on this information. This suggests that individuals who are transgenerational tend to be female, aged between 22-40 years, are of married or single parent status, with dependants. These socio-demographic characteristics were used to further identify a profile of this group in terms of key socio-economic indicators that may help illuminate this transgenerational pattern of disadvantage and social exclusion. The indicators included: income, employment status, debt, health, educational qualifications, access to services, housing and transport provision. These indicators have been examined at individual and combined levels to facilitate the analysis of transgenerational patterns in this sample. For the purposes of this section, transgenerational will only refer to individuals who indicated family members’ involvement with SVP. 2.4 Organisation of results The quantitative data is presented in the first section and is mapped to the thematic categorisation used in the questionnaire. The ten subsections of the questionnaire represent key policy areas relating to social disadvantage. The findings are presented under each of these themes explored in the questionnaire. Analysis of the qualitative data based on 23 semi-structured interviews is presented separately. Page 8 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty 3.0 Results 3.1 Nature and extent of support received from SVP In order to explore the extent and nature of support received by respondents from SVP a number of questions were asked which identified the type of support received, the extent of crisis interventions, the length of time support has been accessed, how contact was initially made and transgenerational patterns of support. Contact with the Society Respondents have been accessing services from SVP for an average of 5.8 years (ranging from 3 months to 40 years). Respondents mainly found out about the Society through a friend (39.5%), followed by a member of their family or through the church (20.7%). Other sources of information about SVP were statutory and voluntary bodies such as Woman's Aid, a health visitor or social worker, a GP, visits to SVP shops or their neighbour. Making initial contact with the Society in order to access services was by means of contacting a friend (26.4%) or a local representative (23.8%). Other ways of making contact included; going through the local church, writing a letter to the Society, or through contacting someone else, such as a health visitor or social worker. Type of support accessed by respondents Financial assistance emerged as the most frequent type of support accessed by SVP respondents in this sample (92.6%), followed by friendship or support (75.1%), help with form filling (36.7%), advocacy support (24.1%), help with marriage related problems (22.8%) and support following a bereavement (21.9%). Further explorations across a number of factors indicated that: • 60+ year olds were more likely to seek friendship support from SVP than other age groups. • Respondents in the 50+ age group were also more likely to get support for a bereavement they had experienced. • Individuals with single or single parent status significantly requested more help with form filling than any other group. Page 9 OFMDFM Equality Directorate • Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Divorced or separated respondents sought help with marriage breakdown significantly more than any other group. • Friendship support was sought significantly less often by married or cohabiting individuals than single, single parent, widowed or separated respondents. • Respondents with dependants were significantly more likely than those without dependants to seek support for marriage breakdown. • Retired or incapacitated respondents were significantly more likely than employed or unemployed individuals to get help with form filling from the Society. Emergency visits - crisis interventions Overall, 43.6% have had an emergency visit from a Society member in the last two years, to help mainly with food, fuel and financial assistance. It emerges that transgenerational unemployed respondents were significantly more likely than any other group to receive an emergency visit. Transgenerational group – SVP support The duration, nature and type of support provided by the Society has been explored to identify transgenerational clients. Overall, respondents in the transgenerational group have been accessing SVP services on average 7.4 years, ranging from 3 months to 25 years. In comparison, non-transgenerational respondents have received support from SVP for an average of 5.2 years, ranging from 4 months to 40 years. It emerges that respondents were most likely to find out about the services of the Society through either a member of their own family (34%), through a friend (30%) or through their church (18%). The initial point of contact with the Society is given as either through a phone call to a local representative (26%) or by some other way not listed (26%), which includes; making contact through their priest or local church, by sending a letter to the local conference or through social services. Type of support accessed by transgenerational respondents A SVP proforma was used in the questionnaire to identify the type of support respondents received from the Society. It emerged that 95.5% of the transgenerational group accessed support for financial problems, while 72% Page 10 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty accessed SVP for friendship support. This was followed by help with form filling (41.2%) and advocacy related support (34%). Support for marriage breakdown and alcohol/substance misuse was sought less often (Table 1). 46.5% of respondents in the transgenerational group received one type of support from SVP, 28.9% received two kinds of support, while smaller numbers accessed three or more types of support services offered by SVP (three types: 14%, four types: 5.3%, five types: 5.3%). Table 1: Type of Support Accessed by Transgenerational Respondents Category of support Valid Percent Marriage breakdown 19.6 Financial problems 95.5 Form filling 41.2 Bereavement 28.0 Alcohol and substance misuse 15.9 Friendship and support 72.6 Advocacy 34.0 Family history of SVP support The history of support accessed by other family members was explored by establishing which family member accessed support, the nature of this support and how long the support was received. Overall, the mother is the most likely family member to have accessed or be currently accessing support from the Society. The sister emerges as the next most likely family member to be receiving assistance from the Society, followed by father, aunt and daughter. Five female relatives were listed as receiving support as opposed to four male relatives in this transgenerational sample. Transgenerational family patterns 18.4% of the transgenerational group have more than one family member who has either previously accessed SVP support or is currently receiving assistance from the Society. Of this group, all but one respondent has two family members accessing support. One individual has three female relatives who have in the past or are currently receiving support from SVP, ie. grandmother, mother, aunt. Page 11 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty 71% of the group with more than one family member who have accessed SVP support are under the age of 40, have no qualifications, have a family tradition of progressing to work after leaving school and did not sit or pass the transfer test. The type of support received from SVP follows a family pattern, dominated by financial assistance, with 57% of the group having received an emergency visit from a Society member. 57% stated they went into employment upon leaving school. However, only one of this group is currently employed. Emergency visits for the transgenerational group A total of 54.5% of the transgenerational group have received an emergency visit from a Society member. Furthermore, individuals who report receiving an emergency visit are significantly more likely to have been in the transgenerational group than those who are not. In addition, 20% of this group (respondents who have received an emergency visit) have more than one family member who have accessed or are accessing support from SVP. 3.2 Financial and Employment Status This section contains information on the employment status of individuals, the type or types of income, details of type and amount of expenditure and debts. Further explorations of the data in terms of biographical information and pertinent factors or indicators relating to social need are also presented in this section. The majority of respondents in the sample reported being unemployed (68%), 13.5% are employed, while 9.5% are incapacitated and 9% are retired. Employed respondents Details of individuals in the employed category are reported in terms of: contract type, number of hours worked, length of time in employment, salary per week, transport to work and previous employment history. A total of 47 individuals reported being in employment to some degree, with two in this group having two jobs. One of these individuals holds two permanent part-time posts (single parent female aged 41-60 with one dependant) while the other has a permanent full-time and part-time job (single male aged 31-40 with no dependants). The demographic profile of this group is summarised in Table 2. Page 12 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty It emerged that the largest percentage of respondents are female (88%), are in the 31-50 age range (70%), are mainly single parent (23%) or are of single status (21%) and 85% have dependants (Table 2). Table 2: Demographic information for the employed group Variable Gender Age Current status Community affiliation Valid Percent Male 13.0 Female 87.0 18-21 4.3 22-30 17.0 31-40 46.8 41-50 23.4 51-60 4.3 61-70 4.3 Married 17.4 Single 21.7 Widowed 6.5 Separated 19.6 Divorced 10.9 Single Parent 23.9 Protestant Catholic Dependants 2.2 93.3 Mixed 2.2 None 2.2 Yes 85.1 No 14.9 The largest percentage of employed respondents are in permanent part-time posts (38%), followed by permanent full-time (25%). The average income per week for permanent part-time positions is £80.63, while permanent full-time is £168.33. Respondents travel on average 5 miles to get to work and most often get there on foot, in their own car or by bus, taking on average, 18 minutes to get there. Page 13 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Of the 47 self-reported employed individuals, 51% (24) declare being in receipt of at least one state benefit; of this group 11 receive two benefits, 7 collect three different benefits and 1 person receives four state benefits. The most commonly reported benefit being collected is Child Benefit, followed by Income Support and Housing Benefit. 46% of the employed group gains Working Families Tax Credit as part of their income; 16 of this group stated their contract type and it emerged that 14 are permanently employed (6 holding full and part-time positions). Unemployed respondents The average number of years that respondents have been unemployed is 10.26. This ranges from 5 months to 40 years. Of those who stated the length of time they have been without work, 7% have been unemployed between 0-11 months, 44% between 12 months and 9 years, 33% have been out of work for a period of 10-19 years and 16% have been unemployed for 20+ years. The most recurring reported reason for leaving work is family commitments (68.1%), followed by illness (35.2%). Biographical information on this group reveals that 91.5% are female, most likely to be in the 22-40 age group (65.2%), be married (23.6%) and have dependants (86.4%). 78.1% of the group are Catholic and 13.9% Protestant (Table 3). Page 14 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Table 3: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Demographic information for the unemployed group Variable Gender Valid Percent Male Female Age Current status 4.2 22-30 27.1 31-40 38.1 41-50 19.5 51-60 8.9 61-70 2.1 Married Single Dependants 91.5 18-21 Co-habiting Community affiliation 8.5 23.6 5.9 14.8 Widowed 4.2 Separated 15.2 Divorced 10.1 Single Parents 26.2 Protestant 13.9 Catholic 78.1 Mixed 3.8 None 3.0 Other 1.3 Yes 86.4 No 13.6 Incapacitated respondents Biographical information for this group indicates that 66.7% are female and 33.3% are male, 66.3% are aged 41-60 and 36.4% are of single status, with 50% having dependants (Table 4). Page 15 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Table 4: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Demographic information for the incapacitated group Variable Gender Age Current status Valid Percent Male 33.3 Female 66.7 18-21 3.0 22-30 6.1 31-40 12.1 41-50 30.3 51-60 33.3 61-70 15.2 Married 21.2 Single 36.4 Widowed 6.1 Separated 6.1 Divorced Single parent Affiliation Dependants 24.2 6.1 Protestant 18.2 Catholic 75.8 Mixed 3.0 None 3.0 Yes 50.0 No 50.0 Retired respondents The retired group comprises 63.3% female and 36.7% male, with 60% in the 70+ age group. Most of this group reported that they are either single (30%) or widowed (33.3%), with 14.3% stating that they have dependants (Table 5). Page 16 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Table 5: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Demographic information for the retired group Variable Gender Age Current status Affiliation Valid Percent Male 36.7 Female 63.3 41-50 3.3 51-60 10.0 61-70 26.7 70+ 60.0 Married 23.3 Single 30.0 Widowed 33.3 Separated 3.3 Divorced 6.7 Single parent 3.3 Protestant 3.3 Catholic Other Dependants 93.3 3.3 Yes 14.3 No 85.7 Benefits A total number of 319 respondents reported being in receipt of at least one state benefit (Table 6 presents a breakdown by occupational status). Overall, 19.4% are in receipt of one benefit, 32.9% receive two, 33.5% receive three, while 11.6% are eligible for four, 2.2% receive five and only one person reported receiving six different state benefits. The unemployed and incapacitated groups contain a larger number of respondents who receive two, three or four benefits than individuals receiving only one benefit. The retired and employed groups have a greater number receiving one or two benefits than multiple benefits. Page 17 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The type and prevalence of benefits varied between the groups. For the employed group, Child Benefit is reported most often, followed by Housing Benefit and Income Support. Individuals who are unemployed receive Child Benefit most often, followed closely by Income Support and then Housing Benefit. The retired group report receiving Income Support most often, then Retirement Pension and Housing Benefit. Finally, respondents in the incapacitated category primarily receive Income Support, Disability Living Allowance (DLA) and Incapacity Benefit. It appears therefore, that Income Support is a dominant benefit across all groups, followed by Housing Benefit, then Child Benefit and DLA. The mean amount of benefit received is highest for the unemployed (£141.50) and incapacitated groups (£142.50), with employed respondents having the lowest average amount of benefits (£87.51) (Figure 1). Table 6: Number of benefits respondents in receipt of, by employment status Employment status Number of benefits Valid Percent Employed (n=43 in receipt of benefits) 1 2 3 4 55.8 25.6 16.2 2.3 Unemployed (n=214 in receipt of benefits) 1 2 3 4 5 6 10.3 35 39.7 11.7 2.8 0.5 Retired (n=29 in receipt of benefits) 1 2 3 4 37.9 37.9 6.9 17.2 Incapacitated (n=33 in receipt of benefits) 1 2 3 4 5 15.1 24.2 39.4 18.2 3.0 Page 18 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Figure 1: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Reported amount (£) of benefits respondents are in receipt of (mean and median). 160 Mean benefit 140 Median benefit 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Employed Unemployed Retired Incapacitated Indicators of income deprivation Following the Noble Measures of Multiple Deprivation (2001), income deprivation is assessed by non-overlapping claims for certain state benefits: Income Support, Jobseekers Allowance (JSA), Working Families Tax Credit (WFTC), and Disability Working Allowance. From the current sample, 86.4% (241) receive Income Support, 7.9% (11) JSA and 8.5% (25) WFTC. No individual is in receipt of Disability Working Allowance. Of the clients claiming benefits, therefore, 86.8% (277 clients claiming Income Support/JSA/WFTC as a % of 319 clients on benefit) may be considered as being deprived. Related to this is the calculation of entitlement to Free School Meals (FSM), an indicator of deprivation used in the past to highlight families in economic disadvantage. FSM entitlement is given to individuals with school children in full-time education who are in receipt of Income Support or Jobseekers Allowance. 44.4% of all the respondents have an entitlement to FSM; this means that 77% of children in the families surveyed were entitled to FSM. Indicators of employment deprivation Indicators of employment deprivation include being in receipt of Incapacity Benefit, Severe Disablement Allowance and participating in New Deal. Responses indicate that 25.3% receive Incapacity Benefit, 5.8% Severe Disablement Allowance and 6.1% are on New Deal (Table 7). Page 19 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Table 7: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Indicators of employment/unemployment deprivation In receipt of: Valid Percent Incapacity Benefit 25.3 Severe disablement allowance 5.8 New Deal 6.1 Expenditure An expenditure list was provided to respondents and they were asked to state the weekly amount spent, where relevant on each item. Electricity (£12.07) house keeping (£58.80) and telephone expenditure (£8.73) were the most frequently reported expenditure, with ground rent, fines and prescription charges reported least often. The overall mean of the total expenditure for respondents indicates that the employed group have the highest expenditure levels (£201.48), with less difference noted between the unemployed (£134.38) and incapacitated groups (£128.51, Figure 2), while retired respondents have the lowest overall mean expenditure (£85.09). Figure 2: Weekly expenditure (£) by economic status (mean and median) 250 Mean weekly expenditure 225 Median weekly expenditure 200 175 150 125 100 75 50 25 Employed Unemployed Retired Incapacitated Debts Overall, 61.4% of respondents reported having at least one debt commitment. The breakdown by economic status is given in Table 8. The most common form of debts are catalogue repayments (42.8%), Credit Union loans (42.8%), and Social Fund Loans (37.1%) (Table 8). Page 20 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Table 8: Number of debts by employment status Employment status Figure 3: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Number of debts Valid Percent Employed (n=35 reported debts) 1 2 3 4 5 25.7 34.3 22.9 8.6 8.6 Unemployed (n=163 reported debts) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 37.4 25.8 20.8 8.6 4.9 1.2 0.6 0.6 Retired (n=11 reported debts) 1 2 3 63.6 18.2 18.2 Incapacitated (n=12 reported debts) 1 2 3 4 5 7 30.0 40.0 10.0 10.0 5.0 5.0 Reported amount of debt (£s) for respondents (mean and median) 60 Mean debt 50 Median debt 40 30 20 10 0 Employed Unemployed Retired Page 21 Incapacitated OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Respondents in the unemployed group had the highest mean score for reported debts, followed closely by the incapacitated group and then the employed group (see Figure 3). Breakdown by debt type reveals that payment to a catalogue is the primary debt for the employed, retired and incapacitated groups, while repayment for a Social Fund Loan is the main debt reported by unemployed respondents. Conversely, the second most likely debt to be reported for the employed and incapacitated groups is payment relating to a Social Fund loan, with unemployed individuals listing catalogue repayments as the second most common form of debt. The third most frequently reported debt is Credit Union loans (employed, unemployed and incapacitated groups), indicating membership of a Credit Union. SVP support In terms of the occupational groups the type of support received by clients from SVP was primarily financial assistance. Three out of the four groups (employed, unemployed and incapacitated) seek financial help from the Society. The retired group report that friendship is the main type of aid they get from SVP. Friendship is reported by the other three groups as the second most common form of support they receive from Society members, followed by assistance with form filling and then advocacy and support. Transgenerational group - employment status The majority of this group are unemployed (74.1%), with 9.3% employed, 11.1% incapacitated and 5.6% retired. 54% of the unemployed group have been without work for 10 years or more. Furthermore, a significant association is identified between employment status and transgenerational status indicating that respondents who are not employed are more likely than employed individuals to have family members who have accessed support in the past. Similarly, individuals who report that they are incapacitated are more likely to have family members who have accessed support from SVP in the past than non-incapacitated respondents. In terms of income and expenditure the average amount received in benefit is calculated at £140 for this group, while £130 is spent on average on weekly expenditure, such as bills, food, fuel, transport and school costs. Debt commitments indicate that £67 is the mean amount of overall debt in the transgenerational group based on the number of respondents indicating their debt payments (n=76). 30% reported having a Credit Union loan, which Page 22 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty suggests the same percentage are members of a Credit Union. Social security loans, specifically the Social Fund loan, has been received by 71.4% of the transgenerational group, based on the information that they are currently undertaking repayments. 3.3 Housing Respondents’ housing status, both in terms of accommodation type and ownership type, was established. The standard and condition of houses were identified through items relating to ‘central heating’, ‘insulation’, ‘ownership of a garden’ and ‘awaiting repairs’. Within the Multiple Measures of Deprivation the domain of housing was represented by indicators of housing stress such as: housing in disrepair, houses without central heating and housing without insulation. Questions relating to each of these were incorporated within the questionnaire in order to provide a description of the status of houses inhabited by the SVP client base. Indicators of housing distress Overall, 81.7% of homes have central heating, 76.3% are insulated, 86.9% have a garden while 32.5% are awaiting repairs to the property. In terms of ownership type, 13.1% of Housing Executive tenants reported an absence of central heating in their home, representing the largest percentage without central heating. A similar pattern emerged for lack of insulation (13.3%), not having a garden (6.0%) and awaiting repairs (22.8%), with Housing Executive tenants representing the largest percentage of clients in relation to each of these housing indicators. The average length of time respondents are waiting for repairs to be carried out on their property is fifteen months, with 32% of this group waiting two years and more. One individual reported to be waiting ten years for work to be done to their house. Fuel poverty The calculation of fuel poverty was based on the definition adopted by the Family Expenditure Survey (NISRA, 2001), where households spend more than 10% of their income to obtain a satisfactory level of heating, which is 20ºC in the living room and 18ºC in other occupied rooms. Based on this measure, 79% of respondents who gave complete information relating to income (n=196) spend 10% or more on fuel. Page 23 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Of the figures available for fuel poverty, more Housing Executive tenants (83%), than homeowners (77%), private tenants (29%) and housing association tenants (50%) experience fuel poverty. Based on the data, 94% of respondents who have no central heating are in fuel poverty as are 81% with no insulation and 70% awaiting repairs to be completed on their property. Expenditure on fuel The results suggest that fuel costs account for 10-30% of total weekly expenditure for respondents in this sample (see Figure 4), with the more expensive fuel types, such as coal and electricity serving as the main sources of fuel. An average of £27 per week is spent by households on fuel. A breakdown of expenditure on fuel indicates that more money is spent on coal by households per week (£17.55) than other fuel types; oil (£12.52) and gas (£7.97). Weekly electricity costs are on average £12 per week. Comparing Northern Ireland annual fuel costs with projected annual fuel costs for this sample, indications are that SVP clients are more reliant on solid fuel as a heating fuel and are spending more annually than the Northern Ireland average (Figures 5-6). Figure 4: Percent of weekly expenditure spent of fuel 50 40 30 20 10 0 5-9% 10-20% 21-30% Page 24 31-40% 41-50% OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Annual expenditure on fuel (comparisons with Northern Ireland) Figure 5: SVP representatives’ projected annual fuel costs 1000 912 800 651 624 600 414 400 200 0 Gas Figure 6: Oil Sold Fuel Electricity Annual heating costs – Northern Ireland domestic fuels 1000 800 747 674 631 600 519 400 200 0 Gas Oil Sold Fuel Electricity Transgenerational group - housing The majority of respondents in this group live in terraced or semi-detached houses and live in property owned by the Housing Executive. Indicators of housing distress highlight that 14.2% of individuals have no central heating, 16.7% have no insulation, 11.5% have no gardens and 28.4% are awaiting repairs. (see Table 9). As the most common ownership type, Housing Executive rented houses had the largest number of respondents living in properties with no central heating, no insulation, without a garden and awaiting repairs. Page 25 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty 6% of respondents experiencing poor housing conditions live in houses which have three of the four indicators of housing distress as assessed in this study, 22% occupy houses which have two indicators and 71% report that their home has one of the indicators. In each case, the largest number of houses are Housing Executive rented. Table 9: Indicators of housing distress Indicators Valid Percent No central heating 14.2 No insulation 16.7 No garden 11.5 Awaiting repairs 28.4 Fuel poverty Based on the measure for fuel poverty mentioned previously, 63% of the transgenerational group spend more than 10% on fuel. One of the contributing factors to fuel poverty is the energy efficiency of the dwelling, with lack of central heating and insulation adding to the difficulty of maintaining a satisfactory level of heating. Of the transgenerational respondents experiencing fuel poverty, 56% have no central heating, while 47% have no insulation. A smaller number report being without both central heating and insulation (11%), all of whom are Housing Executive tenants. In terms of ownership type, 66% of Housing Executive tenants in the transgenerational group are in fuel poverty, with 61% of private rented tenants spending 10% or more of their income on heating, while all of the owner occupied respondents and only one of the housing associations tenants are in fuel poverty. These figures are based on available data for weekly fuel expenditure and weekly income. Fuel type is an important factor in fuel poverty with expensive heating systems adding to heating costs. Overall, 90.3% of transgenerational respondents indicated the amount spent weekly on electricity, while 60% provided the amounts spent weekly on coal, 23% had purchased oil and 14% gave costs associated with gas heating. Page 26 OFMDFM Equality Directorate 3.4 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Transport and transport disadvantage This section explores the transport patterns of respondents in relation to the types of transport used, the extent of private transport, quality of service and the impact of transport inadequacies in disadvantaging respondents. Car ownership and access to a car Overall 31.6% of the sample has access to a car; for 19% this access is to a car owned by either themselves or their partner, while 32.3% hold a driving licence and 67.7% do not have a driving licence. Having access to a car and holding a driving licence are significantly associated. Similarly, having access to a car was significantly associated with being part of a motability scheme. Employed or incapacitated respondents were significantly more likely to have a driving licence and have access to a car (Figures 7-8). Figure 7: Proportion within economic status who hold a driving license 50 40 30 20 10 0 Employed Unemployed Figure 8: Retired Incapacitated Proportion within economic status with access to a car 50 40 30 20 10 0 Employed Unemployed Retired Incapacitated Page 27 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Conversely, 18-30 year olds and transgenerational respondents were significantly more likely not to have a driving licence. Housing ownership and access to a car Lack of access to a car referred more often to tenants than homeowners, predominantly Housing Executive tenants, followed by private renting tenants (Figure 9). Housing Executive tenants were also significantly more likely not to have a driving licence. Figure 9: Lack of access to a car by housing ownership Housing association tenant (9%) Private tenant (14%) Home owner (11%) Housing executive tenant (66%) Transport options Overall, respondents rated the transport options in their local area as ‘good’. Transport costs 42.2% of the sample stated how much they spent on public transport per week (£8.67), while 17% reported expenditure related to private transport (£18.53). 5% of respondents’ income is spent on public transport costs, which accounts for 7% of total weekly expenditure. 11% of incomes goes towards private transport costs, which represents 12% of total weekly expenditure. Transport choices Based on the responses received, travelling to places by foot (67.3%), family car (35.1%), bus (13.5%) or taxi (10.3%) are the most common forms of transport used on a daily basis. On a weekly basis, this changes to getting a lift with someone (26%), a taxi (22.4%) or taking the bus (23.3%). Page 28 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Perceptions of public transport Figure 10: Convenience of service Figure 11: Frequency of service 80 80 69.2 70 70 62.3 60 60 50 50 40 30 40 37.7 30.8 30 20 20 10 10 0 0 Poor Good Poor Good Figure 12: Cost of service Figure 13: Personal safety 80 80 70 70 60 60 50 48.8 51.2 63.9 50 40 40 30 30 20 20 10 10 36.1 0 0 Poor Poor Good Good Cost of public transport was viewed more negatively by respondents than other issues. Although there was a general positive rating of public transport in terms of frequency of service, convenience of service and personal safety (see Figures 10-13), differences across area councils were noted. Transgenerational group – transport 76.3% state that they do not have a driving licence, while 31.1% report having access to a car. Weekly expenditure on transport differed between private (£22.97) and public transport (£7.17), with a larger percentage relying on public rather than private forms of transport. The quality, frequency and cost effectiveness of public transport was assessed and it emerges that while 56.8% rated the frequency of services positively (good and very good), 33.7% believed it is either poor or very poor. Similarly, Page 29 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty 63.4% rated the convenience of service positively, while 16.7% reported this to be either poor or very poor. 43.6% stated that the cost of public transport was either good or very good, with 33.3% rating it negatively. In terms of personal safety, 44.1% believed they had few concerns about their safety on public transport, while 33.3% felt personal safety was addressed in a poor or very poor way. 3.5 Access to services In order to explore the accessibility of key services within respondents’ areas of residence, the frequency of accessing these services was established, followed by respondents’ perception of their availability in their local community. It emerged that the statutory services accessed most frequently were a GP, a health visitor and a social worker. 31% who indicated they accessed a GP surgery did so fortnightly or more often, 33% went on a monthly basis, while 36% accessed a GP surgery at different times, generally out of necessity. The most common transport method of accessing statutory services was by foot, by car or through a home visit. (The latter category may be explained by the finding that a social worker and health visitor were accessed quite often by respondents, the nature of these services makes home visits more likely.) Accessing services through public transport indicated differences between areas in relation to individuals making trips that involved more than one public transport connection. Availability of services Based on the NI Measures of Deprivation, the following are indicators of deprivation of geographical access to key services: access to a post office, GP surgery, A&E hospital, dentist, optician, pharmacist, library, museum and social security or T&EA office. Following this classification and based on the responses received, access to a museum was most often not available, followed by an A&E hospital. Overall, the ratings for each of the services are generally ‘good’, with the exception of museum, which has more negative ratings than any other item, although it also had the lowest response rate of the items listed. Within the categories, access to a pharmacist had the highest percentage ratings for ‘very good’. At the other end of the scale access to a museum and an A&E hospital were rated most frequently as ‘very poor’ (Table 10). Page 30 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Table 10: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Respondents’ rating of key services in their local area Percentage Key services Very Very Not poor Poor Good good available Total Post Office 5.0 10.9 61.6 19.9 2.6 100.0 GP’s surgery 6.1 10.8 56.1 19.6 7.3 100.0 A&E hospital 22.9 22.3 35.5 9.2 10.1 100.0 Dentist 4.8 14.2 59.6 15.7 5.7 100.0 Optician 5.3 14.6 58.6 15.3 6.2 100.0 Pharmacist 4.4 6.8 60.4 26.0 2.4 100.0 Library 5.5 11.9 54.3 19.9 8.4 100.0 Museum 31.6 14.0 11.0 5.1 38.2 100.0 Social Security Office 16.3 21.4 45.4 8.0 8.9 100.0 Transgenerational group - accessibility and availability of services A number of services and key elements of the environmental infrastructure (e.g. street lighting, street cleaning, parks, public phones, traffic safety measures) were rated by respondents. The overall ratings across the services listed indicated that children's play space is rated most negatively (35.4%), followed by access to a museum (34%), access to parks (28%) and games or sports facilities (25%). The inclusion of access to a museum in the list is derived from its status as an indicator on the multiple measures of deprivation, under environment, where it is used to assess cultural deprivation. Furthermore, access to an A&E hospital, to public phones and a community centre were rated as very poor by 20% or more of respondents. In contrast, access to a church (40%), a primary Page 31 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty school (38%) and a pharmacist (27%) were rated most positively by respondents. The lack of availability of these services was also explored and it emerged that museum (39.8%), zebra crossings (21.2%) and respite care in emergencies (20%) were most likely to be not available to respondents. Some caution should be exercised with respect to some of these results as a smaller number of respondents gave ratings for museums, zebra crossings and respite care in emergencies. It emerges that a larger percentage of respondents rated access to a pharmacist as better than access to a GP's surgery, with fewer also stating lack of availability of a pharmacy than a doctor's surgery. It is interesting to note the frequency of attendance and availability of both types of services, given the finding in the health section that 64% are currently attending a doctor, hospital or clinic and are taking medication. The impact of location on the availability and accessibility of services indicated that key services rated most negatively or not available, such as access to parks, children's play space and games/sports facilities, varied across both rural and urban areas. 3.6 The Social Environment Respondents’ concerns about their local environment in terms of key issues such as crime, child safety, vandalism and speeding traffic were explored in this section, alongside individuals' experience of crime. Overall, the largest number of responses was given in relation to speeding traffic, crime and child safety. 92.8% of respondents expressed the greatest level of concern about speeding traffic (‘very concerned’ and ‘concerned’), while 88.5% were concerned about child safety. For the purposes of the research, respondents were informed that child safety referred to road safety. Concerns about crime against the individual in the local neighbourhood was reported by 80.4% of respondents. Less concern was reported in relation to scruffy/neglected buildings or gardens and in relation to absence of pavements (Table 11). Page 32 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Table 11: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Respondents concerns about their local environment Percentage Very Not Not at all concerned Concerned concerned concerned Child safety Crime against the individual Pavement safety Absence of pavements Litter/rubbish/ dumping Vandalism Graffiti Scruffy/neglected buildings Scruffy/ Neglected gardens Speeding traffic Bullying/harassment Total 57.1 47.0 32.9 25.3 31.4 33.4 34.6 23.8 8.9 15.5 28.2 38.7 2.6 4.1 4.3 12.3 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 36.7 46.5 38.2 24.7 33.7 34.2 31.8 33.0 24.0 16.1 26.0 35.2 5.7 3.2 4.1 7.1 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 21.4 65.0 49.5 32.9 27.8 24.1 39.3 6.0 21.3 6.3 100.0 1.2 100.0 5.2 100.0 Experience of crime Respondents often experienced more than one of the crimes listed on the questionnaire (see Figure 14). Overall, 62% of the sample has experienced at least one crime, with 26% suffering two or more crimes. Of the group who reported crimes, 42.4% experienced one crime, 29% endured two crimes, 13% suffered three, 8% experienced four, 4% reported five crimes, one person suffered six different crimes and 1.8% experienced seven of the crimes listed. The group who experienced four or more crimes tended to be in the 31-40 age group, female with dependants, single or single parent status, unemployed and living in Housing Executive accommodation. Page 33 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Figure 14: Number of crimes experienced by respondents 2% 4% 1% 1 crime 8% 2 crimes 13% 43% 3 crimes 4 crimes 5 crimes 6 crimes 7 crimes 29% Table 12 outlines the proportion of individuals who reported experiencing each of the separate crimes. 18.6% of the sample have endured violence against the person (excluding assault, a category that can include intimidation, harassment and sexual crimes). Similar numbers report experiencing criminal damage (18.3%) and burglary (18%). Additional analysis suggests that unemployed people were significantly more likely than employed, retired or incapacitated to have experienced criminal damage. Table 12: Respondents' experiences of crime Valid Percent Violence against person excluding assault Criminal damage Burglary Common assault Serious assault Theft of a car Theft from a car Burglary from a building other than a dwelling Note: Individuals could respond in each category Page 34 18.6 18.3 18.0 14.2 12.2 7.7 6.7 3.3 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Transgenerational group – social environment Respondents were asked to rate how concerned they are about issues affecting their community and local environment, such as child safety, vandalism and speeding traffic. Of the items listed, speeding traffic (70%) and bullying/harassment (58%) emerged as the issues transgenerational respondents are most concerned about in their local area of residence, followed by child safety (53.8%), crime (46.7%) and vandalism (46.5%). Items shown to be of less concern are absence of pavements (40%), scruffy/neglected gardens (40%) and scruffy/neglected buildings (35.6%). These findings are not surprising given that a large percentage of people reported they experienced crimes such as violence against the person (excluding assault, which includes intimidation and harassment, criminal damage and burglary). Issues such as vandalism, scruffy/neglected buildings or gardens are used in the Multiple Measures of Deprivation (Noble, 2001) to assess environmental deprivation and have been rated by these respondents as things they are concerned about in the local area, particularly vandalism. Concerns about speeding traffic and child safety (referring to road safety) can be related to respondents' perceptions of traffic measures used within their community. Over 50% of reported views about traffic measures were negative (‘very poor’ and ‘poor’). Similarly, children's play space was rated most negatively overall by respondents and may contribute to the concerns individuals have about traffic and child safety in their local area. 3.7 Health This section of the questionnaire is concerned with the examination of respondents’ current health status, family history in relation to health, attendance at a health care service and medication being taken as a result of an illness. In addition, the GHQ12, a standardised instrument designed to measure health and well-being, was embedded within this section. It emerges that 54.4% of the sample have experienced a serious illness in the last five years, referring to either themselves or their family. 55.4% have a history of illness in their family, ranging from heart related problems, cancer, asthma to diabetes. Angina, high blood pressure and heart disease were reported most frequently by respondents in terms of family history of illnesses, followed by cancer and asthma. Page 35 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Currently, 50.8% reported experiencing a physical or mental health problem, which related to themselves or their family, with 63.8% stating that they are attending a doctor, hospital or clinic for their condition. A further 65.5% are taking medication for their complaint. Respondents’ families were most likely to have suffered from heart related problems, cancer or asthma were the illnesses respondents’ families were most likely to suffer from over the last five years. Depression and other mental health problems figured quite highly, as did other illnesses such as kidney problems, back pain and broken bones. Current medical problems tend to relate to either depression or other mental health issues, including alcoholism, anxiety, schizophrenia and obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD). Respondents most often reported that either they themselves or their family were suffering from one or more of these conditions, explaining why most respondents stated that they are currently attending a doctor’s surgery, clinic or hospital to receive medical support for depression or other mental health problems. Linked to this is the finding that 65.5% are taking medication, predominantly anti-depressants, followed by other types of tablets, inhalers and painkillers. The average length of time that medication has been taken is 5.8 years, ranging from 2 months to 50 years. Furthermore, 92% are registered with a dentist. Social support 75% of SVP clients in this sample accessed SVP for friendship and support. This is the second most frequently reported reason why support is sought, perhaps indicating a lack of social support from within their own extended family or community. The highest percentage of respondents seeking social support from SVP were in the 31-40 age group, while fewer clients aged 18-21 accessed Society services for friendship and support. Standardised Instruments Standardised instruments were employed in the survey with a view to exploring the typical collective status of SVP clients on a number of important psychosocial dimensions. Page 36 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The General Health Questionnaire (GHQ12) In line with the Northern Ireland Health and Social Well-being Survey (2001) the scores from the GHQ12 were recoded into the three broad categories of ‘Happy’, ‘Not Depressed’, and ‘Depressed’: this approach is taken in order to facilitate comparisons across the SVP sample and the Northern Ireland Health and Social Well-being Survey sample. The Northern Ireland Health and Social Well-being Survey (NISRA, 2001) is a large-scale study conducted by the government’s Central Survey Unit on behalf of the Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety and is designed to achieve a representative sample of adults aged 16 years and over living in Northern Ireland. The survey was conducted in 2001 and comprised a random sample of 5,000 private postal addresses. The results of the survey are based on a total sample size of 5,205 individuals (Health and Social Well-being Survey, NISRA, 2001). It is evident in Figure 15 that a substantial number of SVP respondents fall within a range which could be best characterised as ‘depressed’. Indeed, following the classification scheme employed by the government survey, it has emerged that the largest percentage of the SVP sample is defined as ‘depressed’. Furthermore, the lowest percentage of the current study’s respondents appear in the ‘Happy’ grouping. Perhaps some of these findings are not surprising considering that they are derived from a group who are likely to be economically and socially disadvantaged. Figure 15: Showing the distribution the GHQ12 collapsed into the three categories. 50 45 40 32 30 23 20 10 0 Happy Not Depressed Page 37 Depressed OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Figure 16 displays the percentages for the SVP survey and the Northern Ireland Health and Social Well-being Survey. Here it is quite clear that extremely large differences in proportions occur between the sample, which is representative of the Northern Ireland population in general, and the SVP client sample. In relation to the ‘Depression’ grouping in Figure 16, it is evident that more than double the percentage of respondents from the SVP sample are in this grouping compared to the Northern Ireland sample. A similar observation, except in the opposite direction, is that less than half of the SVP sample percentage are classified as ‘Happy’ compared to the percentage occurring in this classification for the Northern Ireland Health and Social Well-being sample. Overall, the profile of percentages across the samples is striking as illustrated in Figure 16. Figure 16: Showing GHQ12 scores for SVP clients and NI Survey data. 60 SVP 50 50 NI 45 40 32 30 29 23 21 20 10 0 Happy Not Depressed Depressed The GHQ12 data derived from this survey provide a vivid and striking illustration of the psychological disposition of SVP clients. Recalling that the primary purpose of the GHQ12 instrument is to assess the general extent of psychological well-being, it is perhaps distressing to realise that the prevalence of psychological morbidity in SVP clients, as evidenced by this standardised psychometric instrument, is extremely elevated relative to the general population. Self-esteem: The Rosenberg Self-esteem Scale The distribution of scores for the Rosenberg Self-esteem scale suggests that individuals in the sample are widely dispersed in terms of self-esteem scores – Page 38 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty some individuals score towards the lower end of the scale, while others report high levels of self-esteem, but most fall around the middle of the scale. In general, the distribution of scores is fairly normal in form, although it is somewhat negatively skewed. The most typical value in this distribution is a self-esteem score of approximately 35 (mean = 35.32). As possible values range from 10 to 50, this suggests that SVP respondents, in the main, report a slightly favourable Rosenberg Self-esteem scale score. However it should be noted that a substantial number of the sample tend to score towards the lower end of the self-esteem scale. In comparison to other similar studies the SVP sample are slightly lower than other typical values found. For example, the West of Scotland Study (McIntyre et al., 1998), which involved a communitybased sample, produced a mean self-esteem score of approximately 39 (transformed). The General Self-efficacy Scale (GSE12) The overall profile of GSE scores suggests that respondents in the SVP sample, on average, exhibit a relatively medium level of self-efficacy. Overview of the relationships across the standardised scales This section explores the relationships between the scores obtained on the standardised instruments. Inferential statistics were used to determine if the relationship between scale scores is statistically significant. The correlation between GHQ12 and self-esteem has a Pearson’s correlation coefficient of r = –0.627 (p<0.001). Since this value is negative it indicates that there is an inverse relationship between GHQ and self-esteem: those individuals who score high on the GHQ, score low in terms of self-esteem. Similarly, the Pearson’s correlation coefficient for the relationship between GHQ and self-efficacy is statistically significant (r = –0.431; p<0.001), and in a direction that indicates that high scores in relation to GHQ are associated with low self-efficacy scores. The correlation between self-esteem and self-efficacy is strong and positively correlated (r = 0.68; p< 0.001). The standardised instruments used in this study provide findings that are both salient and informative. In general, a substantial proportion of SVP respondents report GHQ12 scores that are in a range indicative of mental health problems such as depression and anxiety. Moreover, it is evident that for those individuals who score high on the GHQ12, their levels of self-esteem Page 39 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty and self-efficacy occur towards the lower end of each of these constructs. In total, these findings point to the fact that many of the SVP clients are currently experiencing a poor state of psychological health and well-being. Transgenerational clients - health Health status of respondents and family history of illnesses is explored in this section through a number of questions. It emerges that 60.7% of individuals in this group or their family have had a serious illness in the last five years. Heart related problems are reported most frequently by clients, followed by depression or mental health problems, cancer and arthritis. 63.6% stated that there is a history of illness in their family. A similar pattern for family history of illness emerges, whereby, cardiac related illnesses, cancer and depression or mental health problems are reported most often by respondents. Asthma however, emerges as the third most likely illness to have a history within families. Current state of health 64% of the transgenerational group were attending a hospital, GP, clinic or alternative medicine therapist at the time the questionnaire was completed. Of this group, 46.3% reported that the current problem relates to depression or other mental health issues. A much lower number indicated that they are suffering from heart related illnesses (9.8%), followed by alcoholism (7.8%) and blood pressure problems (7.8%). The same number of respondents reported that they were taking medication for their current medical condition. Type of medication is closely related to reported current medical condition, as anti-depressants were reported most often as the type of medication being taken by respondents (44.4%), followed closely by painkillers (33.3%). The average length of time taking the reported medication is 5.5 years. Respondents who are currently seeking medical help for their condition are more likely to be in the 50+ age groups. Finally, in relation to dental care, 90.3% are registered with a dentist. 3.8 Education and Educational Disadvantage Each client’s educational history was explored through his/her record of achievement, progression, attendance and exclusion. The attitude of respondents to education and the importance of education in employment were also examined. Page 40 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Respondents were provided with a list of qualifications and asked to indicate which they have obtained. These ranged from CSE level to third level qualifications. Individuals with no qualifications were also identified. Educational achievement Overall, 46.4% reported that they did not have any qualifications. The 2001 Census Figures state that 41.6% of the NI population have no qualifications. Of those who reported obtaining school based qualifications, CSEs were reported most often by respondents (38.7%) (see Table 13). This was followed by O levels (34.1%) and GCSEs (29.7%), indicating that respondents were most likely to hold Level 2 type qualifications. A range of respondents indicated that they had various occupational and vocational qualifications, including City and Guilds, BTEC, GNVQ and NVQs. Since the greater percentage had acquired City and Guilds and NVQs, namely occupational qualifications, it suggests that these respondents did not proceed to the vocational BTEC or GNVQ awards which may offer opportunities for progression to higher education. Furthermore: • Individuals who were 50+ years of age were significantly more likely than younger age groups to report having no qualifications. • In terms of current status, married or widowed respondents were significantly more likely than any other group to report not having qualifications. • Respondents without qualifications were significantly more likely not to have taken the transfer test than those who either passed or did not pass the test. In comparison, respondents with qualifications were more likely to have passed the transfer test. Page 41 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Table 13: Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Respondents reporting qualifications Qualifications Valid Percent CSE 38.7 O level 34.1 City & Guilds 24.3 Technical qualification 6.1 GCSE 29.7 A level 16.9 As level .8 BTEC 7.5 GNVQ 6.0 NVQ 20.7 Degree 5.3 Masters .8 None 46.4 In addition to the information in Table 13, a total of 51 partners were identified in the education section through responses to the number of qualifications their partners had obtained. 68.6% of this group had no qualifications. Of the 31.4% with qualifications, 20% had CSEs, while smaller numbers obtained O levels, GCSEs and NVQs. Family patterns of educational achievement suggest that sons and daughters of respondents are the most likely family members to have obtained qualifications, the main qualification being acquired at GCSE level. 24% of respondents with no qualifications reported at least one family member has qualifications. 12.6% referred to a second family member with qualifications, 7% listed a third member, while 4% reported that a fourth family member had qualifications. As before, the qualification type tended to be at GCSE level, followed by O levels. Patterns of progression and participation Individuals who have qualifications were significantly more likely than those without qualifications to have progressed to Further Education. Employment patterns indicate that the majority of respondents are currently not working and Page 42 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty are registered unemployed, incapacitated or retired. This applied whether respondents went straight to work after leaving school or progressed to Further Education (Table 14). 94% of respondents who are currently employed and went to Further Education have qualifications. Only one individual in that group reported having no qualifications. 25% of this group are transgenerational in terms of support accessed from SVP. Overall, an individual who has been to Further Education after leaving school, is currently in employment and has qualifications, tends to be female aged 31-40 who is single with dependants. Table 14: Employment pattern of respondents after leaving school Status when left school Currently Employed Currently Unemployed Currently Retired Currently Incapacitated Straight to work (68.9%) 12.6 64.3 10.4 12.6 Further Education (14.4%) 27.1 62.7 6.8 3.4 Unemployed (13.7%) 4.3 91.3 4.3 Family patterns of progression 14.4% of the sample progressed to Further Education after leaving school. Family patterns of progression indicated that 2.2% of respondents’ mothers and 1.3% of respondents’ fathers participated in Further Education, while 10.2% referred to sons’ involvement and 9.4% referred to daughters’. Of the respondents who progressed, 18.3% indicated that one other family member (predominantly sons or daughters) had participated in Further Education, while 3.3% reported the involvement of two and three family members. 28.3% of the progressing group passed the transfer test as did 23% of family members. Educational expenses A total of 35 respondents indicated that they paid for school meals and spent on average £14 per week. 77% of children in this sample have free school meal entitlement. Furthermore, £8 was spent on average per week in households reporting expenditure on other school costs (n=113), ranging from £1.00 to £30.00. Page 43 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Employment status and educational achievement None of the 18-30 year old respondents without qualifications are in employment. This age group represents 25% of the sample; however only 11% are employed, 64.8% have qualifications and 35.2% have no qualifications. Employed clients without qualifications are all 31 years of age or over. A similar pattern is shown for incapacitated respondents with respect to qualifications. 93% of respondents in the employed group who progressed to Further Education after leaving school have qualifications. In comparison, 84.6% of respondents without qualifications in the employed group went straight to work after completing compulsory education. Attitudes to education A trend in the results suggests that respondents without qualifications were more likely to rate education and the value placed on it by them as 'not very important' or 'not at all important'. Similarly, individuals with qualifications were more likely to rate the value of education as either 'quite important' or 'very important'. Age differences revealed that respondents in the 22-50 age range considered education to be 'very important' to themselves and their family. The importance of education and its role in employability is recognised by a large percentage of this sample; 82.2% believe it is very important while a further 15.1% see it as quite important. A trend in the data suggests that the incapacitated group were more likely than employed, unemployed or retired respondents to rate the value of education as not very important in terms of their family’s employment. Attendance and absenteeism Respondents were asked about their children's attendance at and absenteeism from school. It emerges that 18% of boys and 21.9% of girls are absent from school a few times a month or more often. Overall, this represents 20% of respondents’ children who are not at school as often as a few times a week and possibly a few times a month. A total of 62 households (23%) in the sample reported that their child or children were absent from school at least a few times a month. Figure 17 indicates that 36 families have one child who is absent for this amount of time, 17 families report that two children are not at school at least a few times a month, 6 families have three children, 1 family has four children and 2 families Page 44 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty have five children with this attendance pattern. 95% of households with children absent from school a few times a month or more often have FSM entitlement. Family background of these families indicates that only 4.8% of respondents are employed, while the remainder are either unemployed or incapacitated. In addition, 14.5% progressed to Further Education after leaving school, 16% became unemployed after completing compulsory education and 69.7% went straight to work. 38.7% report having qualifications, while 12.9% passed the transfer test. Of the group reporting qualifications, 20.8% also passed the transfer test. 53.7% of households with one dependant reported absenteeism for that child at least a few times a month or more often. 26.9% related to absenteeism for households with two dependants, 11.1% referred to households with three dependants, 2.6% for four dependants and 7% for households with five dependants. In terms of exclusions, 3 children in the sample are currently excluded from school, while 5 reported exclusions in the past. One boy who is currently excluded also reported past exclusions. The attendance record of this boy indicates absences from school a few times a week, with approximately 10 exclusions in the last 2 years. Further information about his background can be found in the section on transgenerational respondents. Figure 17: Number of families with children absent at least a few times a month. 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1 2 3 Children Page 45 4 5 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty It is likely that if young people go into unemployment and inactivity at 16-17, there are greater chances of becoming long-term unemployed when older. In this sample, 12.7% who became unemployed when leaving compulsory education are currently economically inactive and have on average not been participating in the labour market for approximately 9 years (ranging from 5 months to 26 years). Transgenerational group – education Educational status A total of 46 (40.3%) in the transgenerational group reported to have at least one qualification. Of this subgroup, 47.8% have one qualification, 39.1% have two, while 10.9% reported having three qualifications and one individual possessed four qualifications. 54.4% stated that they had no qualifications (59.6% if missing data is included, i.e. 6 who did not state anything). 69% of the trangenerational group have Free School Meal (FSM) entitlement (number of respondents with dependants in receipt of Income Support or job seekers allowance). Of this group, 33.3% have GCSEs, while 58.3% have no qualifications. Age differences in terms of no qualifications found that 25.6% are under the age of 30 (1.4%: 18-21, 24.2%: 22-30). The 22-30 age group has the largest percentage of respondents in the transgenerational group without qualifications (see Table 15). Table 15: Transgenerational clients’ educational achievements Qualification type Valid Percent CSE O Level City & Guilds Technical qualification GCSE A Level AS Level BTEC GNVQ NVQ Degree No Qualifications 28.6 26.5 20.8 4.9 32.7 11.4 2.5 2.4 4.8 23.4 4.8 54.4 Page 46 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Progression Respondents who did not enter Further Education after leaving full-time education were significantly more likely to have no qualifications than those who progressed to Further Education. Similarly, respondents with no qualifications were more likely to go straight to work or become unemployed than progress to another level of education (see Figure 18). Figure 18: Progression route of transgenerational respondents with and without qualifications 50 40 30 After leaving school 20 Go straight to work 10 Further Education Become unemployed 0 No qualifications Qualifications Selective schooling Respondents in this group tended to report that they did not pass the transfer test or did not sit it. This pattern is repeated for respondent's partner, mother, father and partner's mother and father. A comparable number of respondents' children passed, did not pass or did not sit the transfer test. A similar number of individuals with (54.2%) and without (49%) qualifications in the transgenerational group reported to have not passed the transfer test. Attendance and absenteeism Respondents were asked about attendance and absenteeism of their children at school. On a rating scale, a total of 19.4% of respondents’ sons were absent from school a few times a month or more often. Of this group, 41.1% were absent from school as frequently as a few times a fortnight, a few times a week and in one case, almost daily. The attendance pattern of daughters was less frequent, with 30% absent at least a few times a month or more often. In this group, 16.7% were absent from school a few times a fortnight, while 83.3% missed school a few times a month. 76.5% of boys absent from school Page 47 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty a few times a month or more often had a parent with no qualifications as opposed to 23.5% who have a parent with qualifications. Children experiencing this level of absenteeism who have parents with no qualifications are all entitled to FSM. For girls a reverse pattern emerged; 44.4% absent from school a few times a month or more often had a parent with no qualifications, while 55.6% of these girls have a parent with qualifications. Background to a pattern of exclusion One of the respondents in the transgenerational group reported that they have a child currently excluded from school, with three individuals reporting that they have had children with exclusions in the past. The child currently excluded is a 15 year old boy who has been excluded in the past; reported 10 exclusions, lasting up to 4 months, were reported. The reason given for the current exclusion is 'bad temper', with 'bad temper, language and attitude' explaining previous exclusions, both in terms of the school's and parent's reason for the exclusion. The educational history of this boy's family is that his mother has no qualifications, went straight to work after leaving school, as did her mother and father, and did not pass the transfer test. His mother has also reported that he is absent from school a few times a week. He has FSM entitlement and lives in an urban location. The support received from SVP has been listed as support for alcohol/substance misuse and friendship, with the respondent's mother receiving financial support from the Society over a 10 year period. 3.9 Aspirations The prospect of a brighter future is articulated through the aspirations voiced by different individuals in this sample, in terms of their own future, their career or employment status and their children’s future. The mechanisms or processes that would enable this to occur have emerged from an understanding of what is needed to improve their current situation, through an awareness of and often, their experience of, the barriers that prevent them from being socially included: better health, income, housing, education and environment. Since these factors operate at an individual and multiple level to create and maintain disadvantage, respondents’ aspirations reflect their desire to escape one if not all of these levels, through equipping themselves with Page 48 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty better standards of educational qualifications, leading to improved financial security, standard of living, housing, health and transport. Aspirations for self Multiple responses were given by individuals regarding the aspirations they held for the future in relation to their own life. Respondents often combined aspirations for happiness and peace of mind with better health, gaining employment and improved income. Desire for an overall improvement in their standard of living or current situation was often related to hopes for better levels of education, leading to better job opportunities and improved income. Better housing was defined, quite often, in relation to living in areas which were safer and quieter. "An improvement in living and social conditions, living in a debt and stress free environment" Key themes to emerge therefore were: • Health • Housing • Education • Environment • Employment • Peace and happiness • Better standard of living An acceptable definition of standard of living may vary from one respondent to another. In one case this may mean a better income, a new house and new car, however for others the ‘standard’ may be much more modest, for example: "To live in comfortable accommodation with central heating" Page 49 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Despite the finding that generally respondents had positive aspirations for the future, which may vary in degree, some individuals expressed a lack of hope for any change to their current situation, as one client stated: "Reality dictates a future of struggling to get by" Career aspirations "Get Further Education in order to get a good salaried job" Fewer respondents (n=220) indicated aspirations they had for work or careers. For those who responded, returning to work or finding a job was the most frequently cited aspiration in relation to career or employment status. In order to achieve this, respondents recognised the need for education and better standard of qualifications which not only enabled them to access the labour market but would increase the likelihood of better paid jobs. "To improve my skills by doing a short course in the future" Responses can be categorised in terms of: • Returning to work or securing employment • Improving current work situation • Returning to education • Continuing with education • Improving income standards • No aspirations for career/job The lack of aspirations in relation to career or job was often explained in terms of barriers such as child care, health and education that would prevent respondents from either returning to work or maintaining a career. Aspirations for children "To realise their full potential in life through education, not to be dependent on benefits" Page 50 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The responses strongly suggested that respondents wanted the best for their children through educational achievement, leading to improved job opportunities, better incomes and enabling them to build better lives. Respondents’ awareness and understanding of the connection between education and employment was reiterated throughout the responses to this question. The desire for their children to lead happy and peaceful lives in safe environments described a main pattern in the responses given. Patterns in responses often referred to: • Better education • Securing employment • Better standards of living and opportunities • Happiness and peace • Health Often respondents indicated that they did not want their children to replicate the ‘mistakes’ they had made, and avail of the opportunities made to them through better education and jobs: "Good education, not to throw away opportunities and not make the same mistakes as myself" However, some respondents did recognise the barriers that existed which would prevent their children from progressing, despite their best wishes that their children would progress in education and go to university. "I want her to progress, but the reality is, I could not afford to send her there" Aspirations for partner "You marry nothing, you get nothing" A smaller number of respondents reported any aspirations they held with respect to their partner (n=88). These could be categorised as follows: • Better employment prospects Page 51 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty • Improved health • Happiness • Better standard of living • No aspirations/negative aspirations In relation to health, respondents referred mainly to problems with alcohol, depression or mental health difficulties. Respondents who did not have any positive aspirations for their partner indicated that they would prefer their partner to stay out of their lives or to contribute more positively to the lives of their children. "To get work and be there more for the children" Transgenerational clients’ aspirations This section provided respondents with an opportunity to discuss their aspirations for themselves, their work/career, their children and their partners. A converging of aspirations across the group suggests that individuals shared similar views on the things they aspire to for themselves and their family. Health, happiness, employment, children’s well being, financial security, housing and the social environment represented key elements of respondents’ future desires. Similarly, returning to work, improving income or financial status, education or training all figured in the aspirational requests of individuals with respect to their careers or employment status. In addition, the barriers to employment, such as childcare, family commitments and health, were reported as reasons why returning to work or pursuing career choices are unlikely to be a reality. Aspirations for respondents’ children centred on doing well at school, obtaining qualifications, progressing to further or higher education, securing employment, being happy, healthy and having a better quality of life and opportunities than their parents. Educational success was linked very much with job security when respondents discussed their aspirations for their children, resulting in better houses and an improved quality of life. Finally, a smaller number commented on aspirations they held for their partners. These were dominated by hopes for better employment, health and happiness. In relation to health, it emerges that five of the nine respondents Page 52 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty who made reference to improvements in their partner’s health specifically referred to alcoholism or depression. A number of respondents indicated that they did not have any aspirations for their partners or that lack of involvement in their lives would be a positive step. 3.10 Respondents in employment Details of individuals who report being employed are provided in terms of contract type, number of hours worked, length of time in employment, salary per week, transport to work and previous employment history. A total of 47 individuals reported being in employment to some degree, with two in this group having two jobs. One of these individuals holds two permanent part time posts (single parent female aged 41-60 with one dependent) while the other has a permanent full-time and part-time job (single male aged 31-40 with no dependants). The demographic profile of this group has been summarised in Table 16. Table 16: Demographic information for the employed group Variable Gender Age Current status Affiliation Dependants Valid Percent Male Female 18-21 22-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61-70 Married Single Widowed Separated Divorced Single parent Protestant Catholic Mixed None Yes No Page 53 13.0 87.0 4.3 17.0 46.8 23.4 4.3 4.3 17.4 21.7 6.5 19.6 10.9 23.9 2.2 93.3 2.2 2.2 85.1 14.9 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The largest percentage of employed respondents is in permanent part-time posts (38.8%), followed by permanent full-time (25.3%). The mean number of hours worked in this job is 22.56 per week with 5.5 years representing the mean length of time in the post. The average net salary is reported by respondents to be £118.95 per week (ranging from £10 to £298). The average income per week for permanent part-time positions is £80.63, while permanent full-time is £168.33. Respondents travel on average 5 miles to get to work and most often get there on foot, in their own car or by bus, taking on average 18 minutes to travel to work. Housing In terms of housing ownership, 53% are Housing Executive tenants and 28% are owner occupiers in either terraced or semi-detached houses. 26% have no central heating, 23% have no insulation and 37% are waiting for repairs to their homes to be completed. 41% experience fuel poverty, i.e. where 10% or more of their income is spent on fuel costs. Fuel type impacts on fuel expenditure and it emerges that within the employed group 89% reported electricity cost, 58.7% stated coal expenses, 34.8% gave amount spent on oil heating, while 13% reported fuel expenditure relating to gas systems. Income derived from state benefits 93% of employed respondents receive at least one state benefit in addition to any income obtained from employment. Of this group, 55.8% receive one benefit, predominantly Child Benefit, while 25.6% get two benefits, with smaller numbers receiving three or four benefits. In relation to Working Families Tax Credit, 45.6% were availing of this, of which 66.7% had permanent full-time or permanent part-time contracts. Debts 76% of employed individuals have debt commitments. 34.3% have two debts, while 25.7% have one debt and 22.9% have three. Payments to a catalogue were the most likely form of debt, followed by Social Fund Loan and Credit Union repayments. The average debt commitment of an employed person is £31 per week. Based on an average income of £165.49 (salary + state benefit), this represents 18.8% of the weekly income. Page 54 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty SVP support The average length of time an employed respondent has been accessing SVP support is 4 years, ranging from 3 months to 20 years. Finding out about the services offered by the Society came through a friend (51.2%) or their church (20%). Similarly, making initial contact took place through a friend (33.3%) or by a local SVP member making contact with the person (24.4%). Financial assistance dominated the type of support received by employed individuals (80%), followed by friendship (54%). The extent of the support varied, with a larger number (35%) accessing only one type of service, while 26% availed of two. Two people were receiving all the support SVP offered within their provision of services. The main type of voluntary support accessed by employed respondents was derived from SVP, while accessing the GP, health visitor and social worker were the main statutory services utilised by this group. A significant association between employment status and transgenerational status is identified, with respondents who are not employed significantly more likely than employed individuals to have family members who have accessed support in the past. Similarly, individuals who reported that they are incapacitated are more likely to have family members who have accessed support from SVP in the past than non-incapacitated respondents. Education and employment status 65.2% of employed respondents indicated that they had at least one qualification. It emerges that CSEs and NVQs are the most frequently reported qualifications by individuals in this group. 33.3% reported having one qualification, while 36.7% have two, 16.7% stated they have three different qualifications and 13.3% have four qualifications. Employed individuals with qualifications tend to be non-transgenerational, in that, family members have not accessed SVP services, with 26.7% identified as transgenerational. All but one of this group receive financial support from SVP. A total of 34.8% progressed to Further Education after leaving school, while 63% went straight to work and only one person became unemployed. Of the group that progressed to Further Education, 75% had qualifications and 25% passed the transfer test. Overall, 17.4% of the employed group passed the transfer test, 87.5% obtaining qualifications. In terms of employment patterns, Page 55 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty the 63% who went straight to work after leaving school, reported being employed at the time the survey was completed. The 34.8% who progressed to Further Education constituted the other part of the employed group. This is in comparison to the unemployed group, where individuals were more likely to become unemployed immediately after leaving school than progressing to Further Education. Becoming unemployed after completing compulsory education was more likely to be reported by unemployed respondents than any other group. Transport Respondents in the employed group are significantly more likely to hold a driving licence than unemployed, retired or incapacitated individuals. Similarly, employed and incapacitated respondents are significantly more likely than retired or unemployed clients to have access to a car. Overall, 40% of employed individuals have access to a car, while 49% have a driving license. Health Differences in responses related to health suggest that employed individuals were least likely to have any current physical or mental health problem than unemployed, retired or incapacitated respondents. Similarly, employed clients were least likely to be attending a doctor and taking medication. Employment status and Standardised Instruments This section is concerned with SVP clients who self-reported as either employed or unemployed. It should be noted that statuses other than employed or unemployed exist in the sample (e.g. retired and incapacitated), but the focus of this section is on these two groupings only. A series of inferential statistics were conducted in order to explore the differential performance of employed and unemployed groups in terms of their scores on General Health questionnaire, the Rosenberg Self-esteem questionnaire, and the General Self-efficacy questionnaire. In part, this section aims to provide insights into the contributory nature (if any) of employment status on the psychosocial health and well being of SVP clients. In the entire sample a total of 47 clients were employed and 237 were unemployed. Obviously, there is a substantial difference in terms of group size; consequently some caution needs to be exercised when interpreting the inferential statistics in this section. In order to compensate for group size Page 56 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty discrepancies, which might violate the assumptions associated with parametric statistics, nonparametric statistics were also performed. Employment status and General Health Questionnaire 12 This subsection compares the unemployed and employed respondents in terms of the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ12). From the analysis it is evident that on the GHQ12, the unemployed group has a higher mean score than the employed group, with the standard deviations similar across the two groups. A significant mean difference is evident between the unemployed and employed groups in terms of scores on the GHQ12. From these results it can be inferred that the unemployed group score significantly higher on the GHQ scale compared to the employed group. This indicates that individuals who are unemployed are experiencing greater psychological distress than the employed. Employment status and Self-esteem This subsection compares the unemployed and employed respondents in terms of scores on the Rosenberg Self-esteem scale (RSE), with higher scores on the RSE illustrative of higher self-esteem scores. It emerges that little difference exists between the means of these groups. Furthermore, inferential statistics (t-test and Mann-Whitney) also demonstrated that there was no significant difference between the unemployed and employed groups in terms of Rosenberg Self-esteem scores. These results suggest that regardless of whether SVP clients are employed or not, their self-esteem scores are fairly comparable. Employment status and Self-efficacy This subsection compares the unemployed and employed respondents in terms of scores on the General Self-efficacy scale (GSE12). Like the RSE scale, higher scores on the GSE reflect higher levels of Self-efficacy. The employed group has a higher mean score on the General Self-efficacy scale relative to the unemployed group. This suggests that the unemployed group has somewhat less confidence in their ‘ability to organize and execute the courses of action required to manage prospective situations’, at least when compared to those respondents that are employed. To establish if this difference is statistically significant, a t-test and a Mann-Whitney test were applied to the data. The results show that there is a significant statistical difference between the unemployed and the employed in terms of self-efficacy. Page 57 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Summary of employment status and well-being for SVP clients Figure 19 presents the mean scores for the employed and unemployed groups in terms of their Self-efficacy, Self-esteem, and the General Health Questionnaire scores. Figure 19: Shows the mean score for each construct by employment status 50 45 41 40 36 35 30 26 28 Status of client 20 Employed 10 Unemployed 0 Self-efficacy Self-esteem GHQ12 It is clear from inspecting the mean scores in Figure 19 that the unemployed group scores, on average, in a direction which suggests that the respondents are experiencing greater psychological disadvantage than the employed group. Specifically, the unemployed group scores less in terms of Self-efficacy and Self-esteem, and also reports a higher mean score on the General Health Questionnaire. Statistical analysis revealed that the unemployed group scored significantly different to the employed group on two of these three constructs, namely, the General Health Questionnaire and the General Self-efficacy Questionnaire. Overall these results indicate that while the SVP clients are disadvantaged as an entire group, the unemployed subgroup suffers poorer psychological health and well-being. Page 58 OFMDFM Equality Directorate 4.0 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Qualitative Interviews In this section, the discussion is presented under the headings of government departments that are charged with responsibilities in the particular area under review. It should be noted, however, that the issues raised by respondents necessarily range across departmental interests. Methodology Respondents, when initially presented with the face-to-face structured interview (questionnaire) were informed that they might be contacted to see if they wished to participate in a follow up semi-structured interview. Respondents were selected in line with a sampling frame based on demographic variables which were mapped onto the structured interview sampling frame. The interviews were carried out by SVP members who were trained by the researchers; the interview procedure involved two members of SVP, one of whom took responsibility for asking the questions. The answers were tape recorded and transcribed or written down during the interview if the respondent did not wish it to be recorded. The responses were analysed to identify commonalities and patterns across the interviewees in relation to the central themes of the study and any other issues that arose. The interviews carried out have clearly demonstrated the transgenerational disadvantage and social isolation experienced by this group of respondents. Factors such as economic deprivation, low levels of fortitude and self-esteem, educational underachievement, poor levels of personal health and familial illnesses [including psychiatric well-being] were reported to contribute to the social and cultural difficulties experienced by families living with poverty. Respondents all reported hardship, which was explained both in terms of low levels of income and diminishing echelons of social capital. The majority of interviewees were female and unemployed with dependants. A significant number were lone or single parents (9 respondents). Survival strategies have often developed in coping with entrapment but the isolation felt by most respondents (21), meant that they viewed the future as bleak, mainly as a result of the circular nature of poverty. One respondent said that they could not see a future given the ‘vicious circle’ they found themselves in. Deprivation is viewed by all respondents in terms of financial security, though it is worth noting the range of factors which appear to contribute to the overall needs of those at risk. Individuals are learning to cope with the difficulties of poverty. Page 59 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The cost of coping, however, would appear to have many effects. The contributing factors and effects are quite similar in many cases. Education Education emerged as a central theme in terms of: wishing for a high level of education for children, including access to higher education; identifying lack of education as a barrier to employment; wishing for education for self; identifying personal lack of education as a reason for the current situation. "You are trying to stress for them [children] a good education and good jobs" "An education would give you hope to go out and get a job" "We are going through our immigration appeal and this needs to be successful so we can be free to work and study" While there is limited data on the progress of immigrants from ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland, there may be a concern that, without appropriate support being available, immigrants might be locked into a pattern of transgenerational poverty. In particular, it is important that the educational needs of both children and adults are addressed. "Lack of education and opportunities are the main barriers to a better life" "For my son I would not like to have to worry about the future and education" "…not having enough education so I can’t really get a job…..I would love to work with children" "I know a job with low pay is not the answer so I want to go to night classes to get some qualifications so I can get a better paid job." "Lack of qualifications would be the main barrier [to improving life]" "I want nothing but the best for my family, especially my eldest girl who wants to go to university" Page 60 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty "Personally I can see a change in the immediate future. I have returned to school and have successfully gained NVQs in child care" "I want the best for [child’s name] and I will see that she gets a good education and goes to university" "Leaving school too early without qualifications [cited as a major cause of current situation]" "There are loads of things I would like especially when the girls come in and say they would like things or go on a school trip…." "You need qualifications even to get a job" While the importance of education was recognised, there was also an acute awareness of the barriers to becoming educated, both for the parents and the children. In particular, school attendance was viewed as requiring expenditure to an extent that was not reflected in the benefits received and parents grieved over their consequent inability to ensure that their children participated in the full range of school activities. There was an accompanying concern that the self esteem of their children might be adversely affected by stigma. "It is like being on a diet, you have to allow a wee treat now and again so maybe you have to allow not to pay that, to have the treat and get the girls something for school" "I hope the loan system is abolished so they [children] won’t be in debt. I don’t want them to go abroad after uni and I would like to go back. But it is hard to get transport, the times you do have to travel to get to a college. Maybe it would be easier to bring the smaller courses into these areas so you don’t have to travel. I hope to have financial support to do these courses. Files and books etc cost a lot of money" DSD & DE Many of the issues relating to education may assist in informing a range of government departments as respondents consistently emphasised the link, as they perceived it, between achieving educational potential and having the necessary resources to do so. Since there is now a high awareness of the Page 61 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty importance of education, parents are now deeply concerned that their children (and themselves) are enabled to gain appropriate qualifications and experience the social benefits of schooling. Their concerns go beyond simply satisfying the statutory requirements for attendance, and significant involvement with the education system is now being desired. Delivering improvement will require considerable interdepartmental co-operation since the barriers articulated by respondents fall within the remit of a number of different departments. At the most basic level, parents were concerned that their children were able to attend school without suffering any stigma that might be attached to them through revealing the financial status of their families. The increasing requirements of schools in terms of parental expenditure on their children were cited. It was accepted that this was a complex area since some expenditure was, strictly speaking, optional but parents felt that there was pressure for to conform. [Sources of help] "As far as the DHSS are concerned some sort of fund for kids, even if it is paid straight to the school, for school trips or uniforms. You can get a certain amount but you get £50 per child but you pay this for a blazer, so how do you pay for everything else. That is a bit of a laugh. Even if you had to pay a small amount back. I know some parents would take it and drink it so even if they give it to the school to stop, but I would not do anything with it like that, so this might help this" "…the only way I would struggle would be at the likes of when they are going back to school, their birthdays and things like that" "My big worry would be school uniforms when you are buying two of each. I had a new school bag to buy and that would stress you out as you are trying to get this or that and another. I had to borrow money off a friend to get the two uniforms. So I am worried about paying that back now" "If you knew about school trips you need to save a bit for a couple of weeks to scrimp and save to get them away" Page 62 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty "You don’t get grants for uniforms for primary school children but you do for secondary…the government is not giving me enough to live on. Trying to pay for clothes, trips, shoes and everything else" "I used to get a grant for school uniform which is compulsory but they won’t give a grant because they say it is not compulsory but it is. I buy something similar if I can" "[Child’s name] needs things and uniforms for school. She will have money to take in for milk, P.E. etc over the next few weeks. I don’t get any help with those either. £1 may not seem a lot – but it is when you don’t have it" There is, clearly, concern about the provision of uniform grants to families on the grounds that the definition of ‘compulsory’ is contested by government, particularly in relation to primary schools. It would appear, however, that primary schools are increasingly specifying uniforms for the pupils. While the uniforms may consist of a sweater and skirt/trousers, it should be noted that the sweater usually has a logo imprinted and this may mean that it is not possible for parents to ‘shop around’ for best value. In secondary schools, specification of particular forms of blazer (eg pure wool) and school emblem may mean that, again, the cost is much greater than the value of any grant awarded. There may also be requirements for further items (special ties, physical education clothing, clothing for practical classes). Consequently, it is necessary for the government to review the position on grants for uniforms and for schools to reconsider school policy on uniforms. It should be noted that one reason often given for school uniform policies is that differences among children are minimized; in fact the parents are concerned that the opposite is the case as the uniform specification involves costs that are higher than the usual costs for a particular garment. The solution given by one parent was to purchase garments similar to the required clothing. Again, children may well be sensitive to garments that are less expensive as the small differences are apparent to them. There are, also, demands being made on families with regard to a range of expenses for school which parents have to meet from a limited income. It may be claimed that these expenses, or some of the expenses, are voluntary but items such as school milk may be difficult for children to bypass without significant loss of face. Since the cost of items accumulates with the number of children from any given family, the costs can Page 63 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty be significant and one concern is that the parent, usually the mother in this study, is undergoing personal deprivation to fund the children. It may now be appropriate to instigate a review of the actual cost of school attendance so that benefits or grants can be adjusted and schools can be informed regarding the impact of particular requirements on all pupils. If policies on inclusion are to be effective, then it is important to consider the effects on children of being perceived as ‘different’ if they attend a school where most children are in uniform and they are not. Children can be identified as being ‘different’ by other children if they have a different appearance and such children could find themselves excluded from association with other children. In addition, children who are unable to fully participate in the curriculum or in extra-curricular activities may be adversely affected firstly through an ability to experience the educational benefits of these aspects of schooling and secondly by developing self concepts of themselves as lacking capability. Participation in contemporary society and work increasingly requires that citizens have a wide range of social skills as well as intellectual achievements. Failure to develop appropriate social skills may adversely affect the opportunities for pupils to acquire the necessary confidence in themselves to enable them to acquire a complete education. Research has shown that employers are becoming more demanding in terms of requiring academic, technical and interpersonal skills from applicants: "Employers across all sectors are consistent in reporting what may be termed a lack of work readiness skills in sections of the workforce. These include basic skills of literacy and numeracy, interpersonal and communication skills; basic IT skills; plus attitudes to work, motivation and personality" (The NI Skills Monitoring Survey 2002). In this context it is, therefore paramount that all pupils are given opportunities to avail of the curricular and extra-curricular activities provided by schools and colleges. The issue of access to computers and the internet for children who require these facilities in order to obtain information for school work was a source of concern for respondents. Page 64 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty "Having a computer isn’t a problem at the minute because they are too young, but when they get older that will be a problem" "I am doing a course and my brother gave me a computer but I have no printer" "Computers and breaks" [Things you are missing out on] "I couldn’t afford a computer" "We do have a computer but can’t access the internet as it is too expensive" "[Child] would love to have a computer and the internet - but it is impossible for me to do that. Sometimes I could cry, I feel that I am not as good a provider as say some of my neighbours " "If the kids want to use the internet or computer they would have to go to a friend’s house or the library. We would love to have it but can’t afford it" The increasing use of computers and the internet for study appears to be pointing towards a situation where students will find it necessary to have access, especially given the curricular trend for students to research topics, even at the primary level of education. Currently, as one respondent indicated, it is possible to have access if you are a member of a public library. The problem faced by many parents is that it may be difficult to access the library owing to transport difficulties and this may be compounded greatly in rural areas where distances are likely to be large. From a policy perspective it would appear that interdepartmental action would be required if the two forms of access, physical and electronic are to be enhanced. The DE may wish to consider the potential for locating access points in appropriate neighbourhoods; there is the potential for synergy if the access points were located in accommodation that also served other functions such as homework club or breakfast club. It has been possible for the Housing Executive to make accommodation available for socially desirable purposes in areas of disadvantage in the past, and collaboration with DE in Page 65 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty relation to the establishment of these facilities should be considered. It is also necessary to pose questions concerning whether benefit levels should reflect the need for families to become involved in the networked society. DSD and DE SVP has enabled clients to join a Credit Union by acting as guarantor when the family did not have the capital to deposit in order to become a member. This is an important issue to consider since respondents found the Credit Union service to contribute positively, not only to their immediate financial needs, but to their planning for the future, providing practical financial education. "The thought of having no money to pay every bill but the Credit Union has been my saving, the interest is low and when there is something the girls want you can go there. But you have to be careful you don’t go overboard on that too, but you get nothing for nothing, you still have to pay it back and then a bill comes in on top of that." The respondent, in this case, recognised that the Credit Union is not a panacea but also appreciated the opportunity to plan and have some degree of control over her finances. The liaison between SVP and the Credit Unions is, clearly a source of strength and an area that needs to be noted and supported by government agencies in order to address financial exclusion; this issue has become increasingly important as financial institutions move out of disadvantaged areas and vendors increasingly require transactions to be made through bank accounts and are imposing premiums on purchasers who do not have access to services such as direct debit or electronic ordering. Many factors have contributed to the difficulties experienced by those in poverty. Poor housing conditions, fuel deprivation, housing expenses, low levels of educational attainment and unemployment are among the most frequently reported. There are however many hidden expenses which affect the familial struggle with poverty: school uniforms and other clothing costs, school lunch costs, school events and trips, family illnesses and medication/treatment expenses, travel costs and access to public transport (e.g. at weekends and during summer holidays), availability of social resources, cost of therapeutic facilities and care for those with illnesses. Page 66 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Some respondents suggested that the ‘lack of money’ becomes the ‘struggle’ in terms of ‘making ends meet’. It would seem that added financial difficulties evolve as individuals (usually the mother) try to ‘stretch’ their resources by constructing effective budgeting techniques; for example one respondent said she would ‘plan for bills’ and another said she could ‘cope’ because she ‘doesn’t spend money’. Credit is a service, which a significant number of people require when coping with the stress of deprivation, particularly in meeting the demands of children. One respondent explained that she survives by ‘robbing Peter to pay Paul’, whilst another said she just says ‘no to the kids when they want something’ rather than follow the ‘debt trap’. It is apparent that the SVP shop is viewed as a source of assistance in that it enables respondents to make vital purchases that would have been beyond their reach. The shop can also be a source of social support: "I go in even for a chat and a nosey around" There are many voluntary shops in existence but they appear to exist mainly to generate income for the organisation to dispense. While this is clearly a worthwhile aim, it should be noted that a key purpose of the SVP shops is also to provide low cost items (clothing, renovated ‘white goods’, basic furniture) for clients. In the past there were a range of shops selling used goods and ‘pawn shops’ that also afforded a form of credit in working class areas. Given the disappearance of this sector, and given the government’s commitment to sustainability (e.g. see the Agenda 21 policy framework) it would appear that a policy of providing support for charitable retail outlets designed to directly serve disadvantaged populations should be considered. Currently there are constraints on the service that can be offered owing to the regulation surrounding charitable institutions. One view, from the Society, is that SVP may launder clothing that is supplied but any alteration made to the clothing (e.g. adding a school badge, mending) could be construed as a breach of the conditions surrounding charitable status. The effects of social isolation and deprivation are most significant in the aspirational responses across this study. Individuals show little affiliation with, and value for, the situation they find themselves in and often see no way out, whilst demonstrating some hope for the future of their children. One respondent said, for example, that ‘it all comes down to money at the end of the day’ and that improvement would only come if she had ‘more money’. Page 67 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The role of government in improving access to financial services should be reconsidered in the light of the potential for encouraging membership of Credit Unions. SVP has assisted by providing the necessary deposit for clients to join a Credit Union; given the low rate of default by members of Credit Unions (see Co-operatives and Disadvantage, OFMDFM, 2001) there would appear to be relatively little risk for government in offering this service in appropriate circumstances. In addition, it may be appropriate for DE and DEL to consider the role of Credit Unions in curricular programmes in schools and colleges concerned with domestic financial management. DHSSPS All the respondents mentioned health problems and even when they stated at the beginning of the interviews that they had no problems, it emerged at a later stage that there were health issues, with depression and stress being invariably cited. From the perspective of health professionals dealing with disadvantaged populations, it is important to note the mental as well as the physical effects of poverty. As well as coping with their own health problems, respondents reported that they frequently had to care for dependants with poor health. Five families had a child with asthma and one parent, also, suffered from asthma. Ten of the respondents were on medication for stress, one was attending a psychiatrist, one attended a psychologist and one attended a ‘stress clinic’ and emphasised that no medication was involved. Health issues were inseparable from the living conditions experienced by respondents as the pressure of lack of finance and the consequences inevitably led to chronic stress. This suggests that a holistic concept of health is required if the health issues cited are to be addressed. The problems affecting respondents require actions from different statutory agencies (health, housing, education, police, transport) and, also, from communities to secure co-operation for implementing change in collaboration with voluntary bodies working on the ground in the heart of the most disadvantaged areas. "The stress is just like a black blanket over you…As a big family we have had two suicides and two brothers’ deaths, one two weeks before my husband [died]..The stress works on your body, taking the cold spots…It comes out in bad temper also. I think stress is a killer. It leaves your body open to everything. To have a helping hand and every now and then…Nobody can guarantee anything but someone to sort out the monsters…Somebody who will say you are ok, there are others like you. Page 68 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Stigma is something you fight all the time. It is something I have had to work at since becoming a single mother, you don’t have anyone to discuss things with." "You would think it would only be stress during the day but I go to bed and lie there worrying so it is a constant stress, you don’t have a night’s sleep. I do shout at the kids when I am stressed and it is not their fault, they are only asking what other kids are wanting." DHSSPS, DSD, DE The conditions giving rise to these problems of poor physical and mental well-being appear to be related to housing issues, including fuel poverty and the constant fear for personal safety. "I get so down in the dumps, especially when I walk into someone else’s house and see how nice they have it and I can’t even afford a tin of paint. When I go out on a Thursday and get my money but pay everything out I am left with a couple of pound and it really depresses you. Me myself I have no social life unless there is someone to take me out as I can’t pay my own way…I really want to get out and mix with others. It is bad being in the house all day." "Sometimes I don’t sleep well because I put myself into debt with HP and that, so especially at Christmas when I do this, I wouldn’t sleep well. How am I going to juggle and pay this. I asked for extra help with the rent, I was very stressed, a bit of overeating, tearful and emotional. I have been up to the GP several times but I don’t like to waste their time because I feel there are other people who need the doctor more than me. I went down to a counsellor at [X mental hospital] at one time because I thought I was losing my mind. I thought I was going mad. I don’t really have anybody to talk to except my mother, but I wanted to talk to an outsider. I haven’t had any heating since before the summer, because of the money. It is terrible. Even in winter I go to bed early and put an extra duvet on the bed and my son goes to bed too for body heat." "There is no bath for the baby..[partner] has a bad back and legs…There is also living in the middle of the town with all the noise, windows getting smashed and places getting broke into, worrying if your pram is going to be stolen as you have to leave it downstairs". Page 69 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Fear of crime tended to constrain the movement patterns of respondents and this, in turn reduced the possibilities for social networking, friendship and community support, especially since respondents tended to be female single parents. Consequently, a constant theme was the loneliness experienced by having to deal with a family without support. This feeling was exacerbated by being incarcerated in the house owing to lack of money, lack of confidence, experience of stigma, exclusion from networks, childcare responsibilities and transport expense or inadequacy. Parents with impoverished social networks who are restricted in terms of their capacity to move around their environment may be likely to have fewer opportunities for improving their social skills, which, in turn, may inhibit their ability to pass on such skills to their children. Given the importance of these skills in terms of education and the contemporary employment market there is the possibility that both parents and children may be locked in a cycle of increasing exclusion. Clearly there are a range of issues impacting on health that require a collaborative approach in terms of providing a safer environment, improved physical access to facilities and opportunities for community networking. Health concerns are, then, social, political and economic issues and the support of community networks should be considered as an essential aspect of policy rather than a peripheral matter. Health professionals who work in the community are in a key position to identify persons at risk of ill health owing to the pressure of poverty and the capacity to effect partnership across bodies working in communities with the poor should be recognised as a key professional competence. The informal links between health professional and SVP demonstrates the potential for collaboration between statutory and voluntary sectors. In terms of the preparation of professionals to work in the community (medical practitioners, nurses, physiotherapists, occupational therapists, social workers and health visitors) it would be helpful if training programmes were reviewed to enhance the capacity of professionals to be aware of the extent to which voluntary work exists and how it might best be supported. "My Health Visitor would be good enough to me and I would talk to her…The Health Visitor contacted them [SVP] and they were very quick to come back to me…It is the personal touch and confidentiality with them, you are not just a number." Page 70 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The health of parents is not helped by the privations listed in relation to lack of proper diet. "I would sit them down to a dinner and turn around and have beans on toast myself so they can have food. It is hard to make things stretch" "If mummy wasn’t cooking for me it would be spuds and beans [for dinner]" "In summer it is difficult as the food bill soars as they are in the house" The responses raise concerns about the welfare of mothers as well as children and the ubiquitous stress which is reported may be intensified by the lack of adequate nutrition. The final comment suggests that it is necessary to rethink the policy of only offering school meals during the school terms as lone parents are being placed under the burden of providing a meal, perhaps for a number of children on slender resources. There would seem to be a strong case for the provision of school meals during holiday periods since these families would be entitled to free school meals during term time or taking account of this need in terms of benefit payments. It should be noted that SVP provides ‘breakfast clubs’ for children and there is a body of evidence, including that from SVP members to suggest that this form of provision is very beneficial both in terms of enhancing nutrition and creating a positive attitude towards school among the children. In addition, there is a case for supporting projects designed to ensure that affordable fresh food is available in communities. Currently there are a range of small scale projects in this area being supported by local councils, Education and Library Boards and Health Education bodies. SVP is currently involved in efforts to establish food co-operatives in disadvantaged areas. While it may be appropriate to review these initiatives, this should be done with the intention of ameliorating nutritional levels on a statutory basis, as is the case with free school meals. The Civic Forum has already drawn attention to the need to closely examine the nutritional value of school meals, given the development of a ‘snack’ culture in some schools and to insist on appropriate standards of provision. Currently concerns have been raised about the physical fitness of children in the light of evidence that there is a decline in fitness, an increase in the Page 71 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty incidence of obesity and a diminution in the autonomy accorded to children through being confined within homes owing to concerns for child safety. Parents reflected this concern in their regrets that they could not assist their children to participate in active pursuits and they, themselves were confined through their circumstances. "Around this area there is very little for children to do and be outside. The swimming pool is too far away and it would mean buses and taxis which I cannot afford. I would love to take them to the park but that is really for older children. I know my two oldest would love to go swimming but I am a single mum and it doesn’t work". "I would just love to have a house where my child could go out and play in the garden. You can’t go out here as it is on the main road". "I never get out and have not been to the cinema in years or leisure centres or anything like that". "I haven’t had a proper holiday in years and my only social life is a trip to the bingo once a week. I mostly sit on my own at night and watch TV". Respondents noted the beneficial effect of exercise on children and themselves. "Being left with the two boys that is where my stress has come from. I am still on them and take one a day of the antidepressants. If I am out and about with the boys down to the beach it makes me feel better and it doesn’t cost anything. The boys don’t go on about sweets or anything". The lack of money, however, has led parents to circumscribe their lives so that they become house-bound. "I would miss out on holidays because I don’t really get holidays and nights out are few and far between, because of the two small children…..I really don’t have the money so I don’t go out much shopping to be honest because I don’t like saying no [to child with disability] and I hate to see him crying, other than to do groceries I don’t go out". Page 72 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The issue of exercise has to be considered in relation to access to facilities, affordability, motivation, social networking and knowledge of what is available. While this inevitably becomes a health concern, there is a clear requirement for interdepartmental collaboration to address community involvement, transport, education (for parents and children) and provision of affordable facilities for leisure and exercise purposes. In effect it is necessary to move from a position where immediate needs are perceived as requiring government action to a position where the future health and well-being of a generation can be assured by the provision of such facilities. Many facilities already exist (e.g. leisure centres, school/college/university facilities, private health and fitness centres) and it is important to consider how this infrastructure can be adapted to meet the needs of those most likely to suffer physical or mental health problems, caused or exacerbated by lack of exercise. In particular, during the summer months, educational facilities may be under-utilised at a time when many parents would benefit from being afforded access, for themselves as well as their children. Social Support In terms of policy development it is informative to note that, while a range of material necessities were cited as being valued in relation to SVP assistance; the most frequently cited type of assistance was the social contact which was often long term and regarded by many respondents as friendship. In terms of addressing the needs of respondents in a holistic manner, a starting point is to consider the importance of the social contact. In general, statutory support is provided in respect of many problems identified but there may be the assumption that resolving an individual problem should signal the termination of the support. The research has revealed that many respondents suffer from ongoing loneliness and lack of social contact and wish for personal support to be provided over a lengthy period of time. Since the social contact may be a key factor in ensuring health and providing the basis for effective involvement in education, it is important to consider how the statutory sector can work together with voluntary bodies to improve systems for personal support. The comments from respondents made it clear that health professionals are, currently, working to collaborate with SVP and it would be useful if this form of joint working could be supported through explicit policy and practice. Page 73 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Individuals, in many cases, reported the associated personal support they required in helping them to cope with the difficulties of poverty, highlighting in a large number of cases the importance of ‘company and advice’ and ‘friendship’. For example one respondent suggested SVP’s advice and friendship was like a ‘life line’, whilst another respondent explained the importance of the professional ‘friendship’ that had developed and offered ‘complete confidence’. The degree of trust and the resources, both in terms of aid and social networking, offered by SVP, suggests a form of support that appears to help sustain individuals during the impact of hardship; for example one respondent reported "Thank God I don’t need them (SVP) as much now and they call as friends… I don’t like to ask too often. I feel that I would love to be able to repay their kindness….He (SVP volunteer) doesn’t judge or make any suggestions and I find myself more positive and encouraged….." The material support is cited by respondents in conjunction with the personal affirmation they have received. "It [SVP support] is perfect. They have become very good friends. This is the first year I have got a lend of money and we got to Corrymeela through SVP. The heating if it wasn’t for SVP I would not have heating and the Christmas hamper and stocking fillers. I can’t see how this could be improved." "I don’t feel intimidated when you visit in pairs as you are very friendly people. I’m a shy person but I feel I can talk to you like to you now." "I still love it that someone calls if I don’t need money. I want to thank everyone and tell them how much they have helped me." "They helped me more than social workers and they get things done, ringing the Housing Executive and other things like filling in forms." "I am very grateful to SVP especially for their friendship, to have the knowledge I could call on someone and it would be in complete confidence is very reassuring." "SVP is a life line as I frequently visit the shop and find it wonderful for providing clothes for the children and myself. I appreciate the low cost of things there and how much it means to get out as I get out so little." Page 74 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty "I often think that the Society could view themselves better or highlight themselves a bit more. I always think the advert on TV is a bit dreary and no one should be that desperate before they go and get help. Even if there was five minute clips, or start a programme, a show on the side to give advice with parenting, cope with bereavement, filling in forms. All this hush hush about being involved with the Society but I am not like that. You automatically think it is just for Catholics, but Protestants are helped too…..I don’t hide it. I let them know and these are our future, I want them to know that SVP helped me. I think it should be more open and more publicity about it." "..they don’t make you feel that you are a nobody, you don’t make me feel, ‘look at her’, although I would be embarrassed. You just come in and talk away and it is so friendly an atmosphere. Maybe other organisations would make me feel uptight and ashamed of myself because I don’t have the money." Limitations on social activity and social networking among the group can result in low levels of social capital and subsequently a lack of individual empowerment [and control]. One respondent added that her health problems were ‘really due to loneliness’. It is apparent that social isolation may have a range of detrimental effects on respondents and, where the respondent is a parent, possible consequences for the health and general development of the children. Conclusion One common theme articulated by lone parents was the concept of stigma as they considered that they were stereotyped and undervalued as persons on account of their status. This seemed to be the case whether the parents had become lone parents through the decease of a partner or the break-up of a relationship. This suggests that respondents feel that the basis of the stigma is no longer moral but, rather, economic and the nexus of economic values has superseded traditional forms of social judgement. In other words, the notion of being poor has been reconceptualised in a context where lack of finance is viewed as a personal deficiency so that groups, such as lone parents are subject to exclusion on account of their financial status. The emergence of different types of family poses challenges Page 75 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty to the education system in terms of ensuring that the curriculum and education policies are guided by an understanding that many families are under considerable stress. Equally such families will wish to have their image reflected within curriculum materials so that the stigma they feel, through being considered different, may be diminished. While respondents have limited control over their circumstances, they have valuable insights into methods for improving their position. It would be helpful if the disadvantaged and their advocates had opportunities to contribute to the development of the policies of statutory bodies and shape the practices of professionals. The prevalence of social isolation, in a society where the concept, or the myth, of friendly communities has been pervasive, suggests that there have been far reaching changes in the development of community relationships and the values and ideologies that have been espoused within our society. The voices of the socially excluded are likely to be overlooked because they are struggling to exist and are probably the least likely groups to be in a position to make their views heard. The challenges to be faced are as much to do with addressing the complacency of communities in the face of persistent and enduring poverty that is affecting their neighbours. The respondents are constrained by a range of factors such as the need for child care, difficulties in accessing facilities owing to cost and transport issues, the constant need to survive and the personal isolation and solitude that has been imposed on them, with the resultant negative impact on their health and well-being. They are willing, however, to do what is in their power to make progress and have clear ideas concerning how they can be assisted. Page 76 OFMDFM Equality Directorate 5.0 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Discussion SVP support While there is a significant group of clients that is transgenerational in the sense that their families have accessed SVP previously, it would appear that most clients have a relationship with SVP which has endured over a lengthy period of time. Furthermore, the fact that nearly half the sample have sought an emergency visit suggests that the clients are experiencing a significant lack of control over their lives. It is clear that clients require personal support as well as financial help; the personal support requested has included practical assistance (form filling), advocacy and friendship. The data from other sections show that many clients are isolated, their marginalisation compounded by depression, onerous caring responsibilities and fear (of crime and of harm to children). The SVP service provides a link to normality and has the potential to help re-connect clients with society through the provision of support directed towards enabling clients to become more capable of managing the challenges they face. In relation to statutory support for the SVP service, there are opportunities to strengthen advocacy through the provision of direct communication channels to statutory agencies. In practice, researchers noted that SVP members have worked, over the years, to establish such channels on an informal basis but have, often, been confounded when persons within agencies change roles and the new appointment has no knowledge of previous relationships that have been built up. What is needed is a recognition of the value of advocacy and for such relationships to be supported within statutory agencies. Income The extent of poverty may be gauged by the high level of unemployment and the duration of unemployment which suggests that long term exclusion from the workforce is a reality for many. For clients in work, the low average wage levels, which have to be enhanced by family tax credit in many cases, suggest that the financial incentive to seek employment may be weak. While debt is a feature of modern society, the reliance on ‘catalogues’ with the consequence of high repayments, suggests that the promotion of financial inclusion measures should be a priority in terms of policy. The fact that much debt relates to the Social Fund raises issues concerning the rationale for this means of supporting people in need and a consideration of the return to the previous system whereby payments could be made in circumstances of great need. Page 77 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty There is potential for collaboration between statutory bodies and SVP in relation to financial exclusion. Given the high rate of Credit Union membership (42.8%) it is apparent that the respondents inhabit communities where the concept of community finance is understood. Many families may be unable to join a Credit Union because they are in debt (possibly in respect of a Social Fund loan) and are not able to make the initial required savings. The SVP has assisted clients in this position by providing a guarantee for a loan, thus enabling clients to have access to affordable finance. This is an area where statutory bodies have a role to play in supporting the voluntary sector in guaranteeing loans for people who wish to join Credit Unions. The low rate of default on Credit Union loans means that the risk to government finance would be marginal and, in any case, a risk assessment could be carried out via a pilot scheme whereby a statutory body established a collaborative project with a voluntary organisation. If respondents were unemployed or incapacitated they were more likely to have experienced transgenerational poverty and this suggests that priority should be accorded to assisting respondents to access worthwhile employment. Transport and access to services The association between being male, employed and more likely to have a driving licence suggests that the predominantly female clients surveyed may have restricted employment opportunities owing to lack of a licence and access to a car. In particular, the transport concerns of clients in the Omagh district council area should lead to a consideration of the implications for clients in rural areas who are constrained by lack of appropriate transport options. In addition, however, the position of respondents in areas such as North Belfast whose trajectories across the area they inhabit may be severely constrained by perceived sectarian boundaries should be considered. The differential between men and women in relation to possession of a driving licence suggests that women view the possibility of access to a car less positively than men. In this respect access may be gendered insofar as woman are less likely to have access to a car in a society where, increasingly, key aspects of modern life (shops, cultural centres, employment) are out of reach. Restricted access means limitations on choice, and in the case of shops, may mean inability to purchase fresh food and the requirement to pay higher prices. The relatively good access to pharmacists suggest that the possibility of Page 78 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty locating further essential services at the same site should be explored since it could be helpful to the clients. It is important to note the need to make more than one transport connection to access a service since women with young children and persons with disabilities may be disadvantaged in these circumstances. Equally the requirement for two connections in an urban area such as North Belfast, caused by the existence of differentiated living zones, indicates how spatial separation entails costs (human and financial) in respect to the provision of services. The rural areas requiring two connections may require clients to make journeys of long duration and may disincline clients from accessing services. Housing and the social environment The results suggest that persons who are already experiencing considerable disadvantage, those who are transgenerational, are single parents and have house repair problems are the most likely to experience crimes such as assault or burglary. Since fuel poverty is also a pressing problem, the potential for stress on families is apparent. It is not clear why there should be a relationship between ‘waiting for a repair’ and experiencing crime but one explanation may be that disrepair reduces the security of homes. Since most of the respondents were female, it is important to consider how such a social environment would impact on their welfare given that many have caring responsibilities. The high level of concern relating to speeding traffic and the safety of children suggests that this is foremost in the minds of parents and there may be implications in terms of the restrictions placed on the movement of children and the stress experienced by parents. This data should be considered in conjunction with the data presented on health which illustrates that the high level of mental health problems and the nature of the social environment may be a central factor in relation to the pressure experienced by female parents. Since social isolation has been cited by respondents as a major problem, it may be that the perceived dangers of the immediate social environment leads to a loosening of social bonds and results in individuals being confined within their homes. Health The clients have reported problems relating to persistent and enduring ill health, both physical and mental. The reported family histories of health Page 79 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty difficulties suggest that addressing health will require responses that recognise the deep-rooted and historical nature of these problems. The depth and breadth of the problems is indicative of a range of factors that are impacting on the clients, including environmental, educational and familial factors. Regarding the extent and duration of illness and the use of medication, it is important to consider the need to assist clients to progress, where feasible, to a position where they may realistically begin to have greater control over their health. The presence of OCD may suggest that many clients feel themselves to be controlled by conditions that restrict their capacity for personal autonomy. Respondents were concerned about the effects of alcohol abuse in their lives, often on the part of their partners, and this may be an important contributory factor to the development of stress and depression. This may be an issue to be addressed through community health programmes but there are also environmental and planning issues related to the existence of alcohol outlets across the communities. The large numbers of respondents receiving incapacity and severe disablement allowances (31.1%) points to a context where respondents may have difficulties regarding mobility and the consequent need for support in becoming more independent. Since the service most commonly accessed was a health service, it would appear that health professionals are in a key position to assist clients who, in many cases, may have little social contact apart from visits from the SVP. The information on social support suggests that the need for this form of support is crucial. Given the complex links between self esteem, social contact, poverty and physical isolation, there may be scope for the health service to consider the extent to which the service is able to promote and encourage social networking for clients. Currently, statutory and voluntary bodies promote networking and support for clients through day centres though this is usually restricted to certain priority categories of client. It is suggested that the scope of health service provision be broadened to include consideration of social support for wider groups of clients. This activity would probably be most effectively achieved through interdepartmental collaboration, working across departments such as DE, DEL and DSD. For example, further education colleges, through adult education provision could provide venues for an interdepartmental facility, or in other areas, Page 80 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty schools, while DSD could consider the provision of advice on housing and benefits issues. It should be noted that the information in most of the sections has the potential to provide insights into the development of stress and depression. Fear of crime can restrict the physical movement of clients and consequently close down opportunities for social networking; transport difficulties can, likewise, enforce isolation while also inhibiting access to services. The isolation that can develop may have a negative impact on the physical and mental health of respondents and initiate a cycle of ‘learned helplessness’ where respondents feel themselves to be trapped and incapable of planning improvement to their lives. The relatively good access to pharmacists suggest that the possibility of locating further essential services at the same site could be helpful to the clients. There has been experimentation with the delivery of diagnostic services through communication systems, and pending the outcomes of the evaluations of these initiatives, there may be potential for delivery of some services through this modality. The potential for collaboration between health bodies and schools has been recognised through the establishment of the ‘health promoting schools’ initiative. Since the respondents tend to have relatively good access to schools, the possibilities of locating services in schools should be further explored, particularly where there is potential for providing health information to parents targeted at their specific problems. The results from the GHQ12 have demonstrated that addressing issues such as depression and related mental health problems should be a priority, especially in relation to lone parents who are coping with multiple deprivation. The finding that employed respondents may have better mental health and better perception of self efficacy than those who are unemployed suggests that it is important that this issue is further investigated. It may be that respondents are able to become employed because they are less disadvantaged in some way or it may be that employment confers some advantages in terms of mental well-being. It is possible for both of these propositions to be true insofar as those who are able to obtain employment have better mental health and this further improved by being employed. The finding has to be noted in the light of the relative modest earnings of the employed which is suggestive of an interpretation that additional income is minimal. It may be that employment Page 81 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty confers a sense of self worth or connects respondents to social networks that reduce the possibility of isolation. Education Education is perceived by the younger clients as being essential for progression to the workforce and the findings suggest that educational underachievement, for the younger members of this population, means exclusion from the workforce. Attention should be paid to the finding that incapacitated persons did not rate education highly and this may suggest a degree of alienation from the education and employment systems. In the light of the needs of these respondents and the recent legislative framework relating to the human rights of people with disabilities, this issue should be noted. It is clear that education is important for single female parents who wish to be employed and it may be, therefore, that ‘education poverty’ should be recognised as a crucial deficit that may disable single parent families from participating in society. The possession of qualifications gained at school, at any level, is related to progression to further education which, in turn, enhances opportunities for employment. It is important, therefore, that attention is directed towards ensuring that no one leaves school without any qualifications, even if the award is at minimal level. Given other findings relating to the possible isolation of respondents owing to lack of access to services, bullying/harassment, crime and poor health, it is important to consider how the education system can assist in helping to retain pupils within social networks. This may entail a broader conception of the aims of education; but as the notion of the ‘health promoting school’ initiative is supplementing the more formalised health education curriculum, through the involvement of communities, it is necessary to consider a broader role for schools. Clients, particularly younger clients, with dependants hold a more positive view of education than other clients and the high overall recognition of the importance of education suggests that clients will respond to initiatives designed to improve educational achievement. In relation to absence from school, habitual patterns of intermittent absence have been identified. While the small number of school exclusions is to be noted it may be that educational authorities are more likely to be aware of Page 82 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty these pupils rather than those who are absent on an intermittent but persistent basis. The pattern of absence indicates that these pupils are likely to be in single parent households where there is FSM entitlement and the custodial parent is likely to be unemployed or incapacitated. The fact that respondents reported the information indicates that they are aware of the situation and, given the relatively positive view of education, suggests that further investigation concerning why the pupils are not attending should be initiated. It has been noted that there is a trend for absentee girls to be more likely to have parents with qualifications (the opposite being the case for boys). This raises a concern that girls are being disadvantaged as their potential is not being reached owing to the value placed on their right to education. The characteristics of the families of absentee children should be considered in relation to the kinds of measures that might be taken to improve attendance. The sporadic nature of the absenteeism is such that such children may be overlooked, which would be unfortunate as they may eventually reach a stage where they become excluded from school. The current focus on excluded children should, then, be extended to include consideration of sporadic but persistent absentees. Since 76.9% of families can be considered as income deprived, generally, have FSM entitlement, and have limited access to a range of services and suffer from fuel poverty and housing difficulties, proposals that have been mooted regarding the imposition of financial penalties on parents of absentee children would be counterproductive. There are a wide range of options open to educational authorities in relation to assisting children who are absent or underachieving in these family circumstances. Since the families have FSM entitlement, there could be crossdepartmental action to ensure that the families are aware of their entitlement since the provision of adequate nutrition should be a priority. Equally the current diverse range of initiatives (originating from a range of bodies, including local councils and health agencies) targeted at ensuring that schools provide access to fresh food should be the subject of central policy decisions. It is important to recognise that poverty can create barriers to school attendance and participation in learning. In the case of intermittent absentees or excluded children, there should be a review of the reasons why the children Page 83 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty do not attend. It should be noted that family financial problems may affect school attendance; since SVP is frequently required to provide assistance to enable parents to purchase school uniform and other items (PE clothing, sports equipment, school visit costs, books, everyday clothing such as shoes). The issue of the cost of schooling requires consideration and the authorities should review what appears to be the increasing costs faced by parents. It is important that educationalists review the pattern of absence relating to girls which may give rise to the concern that girls are being held back from attendance for reasons that are not entirely clear. If it is the case that girls are providing assistance to their families or earning additional income on the ‘black economy’ this matter should be pursued since parents may be directing girls into caring roles that interfere with their education and may be prematurely closing off possible future employment options. Aspirations It is clear that clients have reflected on their position and those who perceive the possibility of improving their lives have considered the levers available to them and their dependants. It is recognised that secure employment is central to a better future and that this is dependant on either a return to education for the client or full participation in education for dependants. There is an aspiration for higher education for children but the recognition of barriers may suggest that clients are pessimistic in their assessment of the opportunities for their children. Policy development should take account of the positive nature of the aspirations raised by the respondents. It is apparent that respondents have a relatively strategic view of the steps required if their situation is to be improved. This points to a consideration of how statutory and voluntary bodies can, jointly, develop responses to poverty that enable families to breach transgenerational barriers. For the respondents there is a recognised need to live in a safe environment and participate in secure employment and, equally respondents know that there are barriers to full participation in the education system. Given the restricted mobility of many respondents, the potential for utilising resources in the communities should be closely examined. The possibilities of setting up centres for community health and education, homework study and internet access should be considered. The centres could Page 84 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty be located in schools where appropriate, or in Housing Executive properties. It is important, therefore, that there is further investigation of the perceptions of the clients to determine to what extent the perceived barriers exist and what can be done to assist the transition of the children to higher education. Recent government policies on higher education, the consequent public debate and the opinions of young people who may have recently experienced financial difficulties may have enhanced a feeling of powerlessness regarding this issue. In relation to health, the positive aspirations of the clients suggest that they would respond to support which is designed to improve their overall health. Conclusion The study has shown that, in order to address transgenerational poverty, it is necessary to commence by seeking the views of the poor and those who are close to them. There have been improvements over the years in the lives of the respondents and their families in terms of educational achievement and the potential for accessing health services. It has been claimed (National Children’s Bureau, 2003:1) that "Poor education is the key vehicle through which poverty is passed on from one generation to another – and good education can be the most effective means of helping to counteract the damaging effects of poverty". The respondents are aware of the mechanisms for improving their lives and aspire to better education for themselves and their children and to improved health and better accommodation. The barriers they face are debt, social isolation, lack of access to services and poor health, in particular depression and mental health problems. The relatively long term use of medication, while reducing stress, may inhibit possibilities for growth and development for individuals and their families and may encourage transgenerational use of such medication. There is strong potential for statutory bodies to engage with voluntary organisations such as SVP to work collaboratively in addressing poverty. It has to be borne in mind, however, that voluntary organisations may have built credibility across communities by ensuring that requests are dealt with in a confidential manner; equally the independence of voluntary organisations from government control has enabled entry to areas where it may be difficult for government representatives to receive full co-operation from inhabitants. Collaborative approaches would need to be carefully constructed and managed if the potential for synergy in addressing poverty is to be realised. It Page 85 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty is crucial, however, that there is close collaboration with voluntary organisations working face-to-face with people in communities who are aware of needs at first hand. Indeed it may be worth considering whether government bodies should undertake a radical review of current collaboration with voluntary bodies in order to identify which bodies have close contact with communities and which bodies have a large proportion of voluntary to salaried members. The voluntary/salaried ratio could provide policy-makers with an important source of information on voluntary organisations. It is also important that government explores methodologies for the identification of information on poverty that derives data directly from persons living in poverty. For example, the recent report, A Regional Strategy for Social Inclusion (Civic Forum, 2002) appears to have drawn data mainly from a range of organisations and a number of government and university staff with inputs from a small number of focus groups. 5.1 Key Challenges Respondents were predominantly female and this indicates that efforts to deal with poverty are being managed by women, many of whom are lone parents. These women face a range of barriers, the most important of which are the need for additional income, child care and personal support. Benefits – the benefits received by respondents are diminished by the burden of Social Fund Loans and catalogue loans which add to the difficulties faced by those living on benefits. Since the respondents live in areas where Credit Unions have a strong profile, consideration should be given to offering guarantees to Credit Unions so that respondents may have alternatives sources of credit and can be assisted with financial management. Health – the issues of mental health and depression need to be addressed as systemic problems rather than discrete medical problems. This will require considerable collaboration among government departments and between the statutory and voluntary sectors. The negative influence of alcohol abuse is noted by respondents as a factor which has caused health problems and contributed towards financial difficulties. There would appear to be need for a programme of support to be offered to persons who are abusing alcohol and their families. Page 86 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Social isolation has arisen as an issue which is central to the health of the respondents and also to their participation in communities. Policies designed to improve services should be shaped within an understanding that connecting the poor to one another and to other members of their communities should be pursued as a central pillar of policy. Social exclusion – the socially excluded have valuable insights into methods for improving their situation, however their isolation means they are probably the least likely group to be in a position to make their views heard. As a result, their opinions are often overlooked and there is a strong case for Departments and Agencies to engage more with the disadvantaged and their advocates, to ensure they are given the opportunity to contribute to policy development. Education – a very positive aspect of the report is the finding that many young people perceive education as being essential for progression to the workforce. Single female parents also recognise that education is an important step on the road to employment. Departments should therefore recognise ‘Education Poverty’ as one of the factors which may prevent single parent families from participating in society and attention should be directed towards ensuring that no one leaves school without any qualifications even if the award is at a minimum level. The focus on inclusion in education should be extended beyond the concern with the pupils who have been formally excluded to those who are intermittent attenders, since these pupils may either escape the attention of schools or may become at a later stage, formally excluded. Particular attention should be paid to girls from lesser disadvantaged backgrounds who may be engaged in waged or unwaged labour within families or communities and who may, as a consequence, underachieve or be prematurely directed towards gendered, low wage, forms of employment. The families have shown a recognition of the need for education for children and parents and this understanding provides a strong platform for the introduction of measures designed to improve the level of education across communities. The adults will require flexible forms of education, ease of access both from the point of view of physical access and educational access. This may mean that the initial stages of entering education could be through local programmes that attract adults through the provision of child care and the Page 87 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty prospect of fulfilling social interaction. Since primary schools may be a possible focus for such programmes, given their level of accessibility, the option is opened up for parents to develop a greater understanding of the education their children are receiving and a better knowledge of how to support their children. This is unlikely to happen if the adult provision in the school is severed completely from the management of the school, a possible outcome at the moment given the separation of responsibilities between DE and DEL. Transition from access level to formal training should be carefully managed with the recognition that parents and mothers in particular, will require strong support in progressing to a training organisation environment. This would require a reconsideration of the funding formulas currently used to determine the resource allocation at such organisations. There should be an examination of the financial implications of school policies, particularly in relation to clothing, sports equipment and other items that may involve expense for parents. While schools often do not require that pupils participate in external activities (eg. visits) that involve costs for parents, there is a risk that the self esteem of pupils will suffer as a result of being perceived as different by other pupils. The National Children’s Bureau (2003: 3) has noted that "Poor children can be denied access to school trips; they can face problems in affording school uniform; they can suffer stigma from insensitive approaches to school meals; they can feel socially excluded". Bullying and harassment is a serious problem for the respondents and lone parent families may be particularly vulnerable in this respect. The origins of the problem need to be further explored but there is a need for schools to ensure that poverty does not become a reason for being bullied. Transport and access to services – there are a number of barriers which prevent services being accessed by the public. In rural areas these include the lack of (or infrequent) public transport, while in urban areas access may be restrained by perceived sectarian boundaries and interfaces. Departments should consider the feasibility of providing a number of essential services on the same site, which could benefit women with young children and people with disabilities. Page 88 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Disabilities – while the positive attitude of many young people towards education is encouraging, Departments should be concerned with the fact that many incapacitated persons did not rate education highly, which may suggest some alienation from the education and employment systems. Further research into this issue should be considered. Public safety – concern about the perceived high level of crime suggest that the fears of the respondents needs to be addressed through an investigation into the reasons for this perception. It may be that the official reporting categories need to be reconsidered since problems involving harassment may not be fully reflected as respondents may not be aware of the legal status of the events. Fear can restrict movement and can contribute to social isolation and lack of confidence and it may be as important to examine the expressed fears as the actual reported incidences of alleged offences. Statutory-voluntary policy – the scope for collaboration between the statutory and voluntary sectors should be investigated in order to enhance the delivery of services and assist access to services. Collaboration should be targeted to reflect the need to support voluntary organisations that are actively and intimately involved with people in communities in areas where there is acute poverty. It will be important that co-operative methods of working are carefully developed to take account of possible community suspicions regarding statutory intervention and to preserve the confidentiality that is so closely safeguarded by bodies that are working at the cutting edge of poverty. Page 89 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty References Abramovitch, R., Feedman, J.L., Pliner, P. (1999). Children and Money – Getting an Allowance, Credit Versus Cash, and Knowledge of Pricing, Journal of Economic Policy, 12, 1, 27-45. Acheson, D. (1998). Independent Enquiry into Inequalities in Health, London, The Stationery Office. Acheson, D. (1998). Independent Inquiry into Inequalities in Health, London, HMSO. Bandura, Albert. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of control, New York, W.H. Freeman. Billis, D. and Glennerster, H. (1998). Human services and the voluntary sector: towards a theory of comparative advantage, Journal of Social Policy, 27, 1, 7998. Bosscher, R.J. and Smit, J.H. (1998). Confirmatory factor analysis of the General Self-Efficacy Scale, Behaviour Research and Therapy, 36, 339-343. Bulmer, M. (1986). Neighbours: the work of Philip Abrams, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Byrne, B. M. (1996). Measuring self-concept across the life span: Issues and instrumentation, Washington, DC, American Psychological Association. Cabinet Office, Social Exclusion Unit, (1998). Bringing Britain Together: a National Strategy for Neighbourhood Renewal, London, Cm 4045. Cattell, V. (2001). Poor People, Poor Places and Poor Health: the Mediating Role of Social Networks and Social Capital, Journal of Social Science and Medicine, 52, 1501-1516. Civic Forum, (2001). Regional Strategy for Social Exclusion, Belfast, Civic Forum. Page 90 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Cohen, R., Coxall, J., Graig, G., Sadiq-Sangster, A. (1992). Hardship Britain, Being Poor in the 1990s, London, CPAG Ltd in association with FSU. Coleman, J.S. , Burk, J. (1991). Foundations of Social Theory, (review) Rural Sociology, Winter 1991, Vol.56, No.4, p.717 Colquhoun, A., Lyon, P., Alexander, E. (1996). Feeding Minds and Bodies: The Edwardian Context of School Meals, Journal of Nutrition and Food Science, 31, 3, 117-124. Cronbach, L.J. (1960). Essentials of Psychological Testing, New York, Harper and Row. Department of Education (2002). Northern Ireland Education Statistics, Bangor, Rathgael House. Department for Education and Employment (2000). The Education (Nutritional Standards for School Lunches) (England) Regulations 2000, Statutory Instrument 2000, No. 1777, London, The Stationery Office. Dickinson, J., Emler, N., (1996). Developing Ideas about Distribution of Wealth, in Lunt, P., Furnham, A., (Eds), Economic Socialization: The Economic Beliefs and Behaviours of Young People, Cheltenham, Edward Elgar. Dorling, D. (1997). Death in Britain: How local mortality rates have changed – 1950s to 1990s, York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Department for Work and Pensions, (2001). Opportunity for All: Tackling Poverty and Social Exclusion (Third Annual Report), London, The Stationery Office. Evason, E., Woods, R., Jordan, J. (1995). Poverty, Charity And The Social Fund In Northern Ireland, Report To The Nuffield Foundation, Coleraine, University of Ulster. Faith (1985). Faith in the City: The report of the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Commission on Urban Priority Areas, London, Church House. Page 91 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Gadsden, V. L. (1995). Children of Poverty: Research, health, and policy issues, Garland Pub, New York. Goldberg, D. and Williams, P. (1988). A User's Guide to the General Health Questionnaire, Windsor, NFER-Nelson. Gregg, P., Harkness, S., Machin, S. (1999). Child Development and Family Income, York, The Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Gregory, M. (2000). Employment and Labour Markets: Some Issues for the New Millennium, International Journal of Manpower, 21, 3/4, 160-176. Hanvey, C., Philpot, T. and Deakin, N. (1998). The role and working of voluntary organisations, International Social Work, 41, 1, 121-122 Hanvey, C., Philpot,T. and King, ME. (1997). Sweet charity - The role and workings of voluntary organisations, British Journal of Social Work, 27, 6, 985986. Harrison, J., Barrow, S., and Creed, F. (1998). Mental health in the North West region of England: associations with deprivation, Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 33, 3, 124-128. Jacobs, J. (1960). The death and life of American cities, cited in Cattell, V., 2001, Poor People, Poor Places and Poor Health: the Mediating Role of Social Networks and Social Capital, Journal of Social Science and Medicine, 52, 1501-1516. Jarman, J. (2001). Explaining Social Exclusion, International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 21, 4/5/6, 3-9. Kawachi, I., Kennedy, B.P., Lochner, K. and Prothrow-Smith, D. (1997). Social Capital, Income Inequality and Mortality, American Journal of Public Health, 87, 9, 1491-1498. Kempson,E., Bryson, A., Rowlingson, K. (1994). Hard Times? How Poor Families Make Ends Meet, in Shropshire J, and Middleton S, (1999), Small expectations: Learning to be Poor?, York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Page 92 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Kumar, V., (1993). Poverty and Inequality in the UK: The Effects on Children, London, National Children’s Bureau. Leach, S. and Wilson, D. (1998). Voluntary groups and local authorities: Rethinking the relationship, Local Government Studies, 24, 2, 1-18. Levitt, I. (1988). Government and Social Conditions in Scotland 1845-1919, in Colquhoun, A., Lyon, P., Alexander, E., Feeding Minds and Bodies: the Edwardian Context of School Meals, Journal of Nuitrition and Food Science, 31, 3, 117-124. Lucifora, C. (1999). Wage Inequalities and Low Pay: the Role of Institutions in the Labour Market, in Gregory, M., Salverda, W., Bazen, S., (Eds), Labour Market Inequalities: Problems and Policies toward Low Wage Employment an International Perspective, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Lunt, P. (1996). Introduction: Social Aspects of Young People’s understanding of the economy, in Shropshire J, and Middleton S, 1999, Small expectations: Learning to be Poor?, York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation. McIntyre, S., Ellaway, A., Der, G., Graeme, F. and Hunt, K. (1998). Do housing tenure and car access predict health because they are simply markers of income of self esteem? A Scottish study, Journal Of Epidemiology and Community Health 52, 10, 657-664 McMahon, W. and Marsh, T. (1999). Filling the Gap: Free School Meals, Nutrition and Poverty, Child Poverty Action Group, London. Middleton, S., Ashworth, K. and Braithwaite, I., (1997). Small Fortunes: Spending on Children, Childhood Poverty and Parental Sacrifice, York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Middleton, S., Ashworth, K. and Walker, R., (1994). Family Fortunes: Pressures on Parents and Children in the 1990s, London, CPAG. Milligan, C. (1998). The impact of health and social care restructuring – the voluntary experience, Social Science & Medicine, 1998, 46, No.6, pp.743-753 Page 93 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty National Children’s Bureau (2003). Child Poverty and Education, Briefing Paper. London, End Child Poverty National Council for One Parent Families (2001). Lone Parents and Employment, London, NCOPF. NCH and The Countryside Agency, (2001). State of the Countryside Report 2001, updated to take account of the Foot and Mouth Outbreak, Countryside Agency Website, 2002. Nickell, S. and Bell, B. (1995). The Collapse in the Demand for the Unskilled and Unemployment across the OECD, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, Spring. NISRA (2001). Census of population in Northern Ireland, Belfast, McAuley House. NISRA (2001). Labour Force Survey, Belfast, McAuley House. NISRA (2001). Northern Ireland Family Expenditure Survey, Belfast, McAuley House. NISRA (2001). Northern Ireland Health and Social Wellbeing Survey, Belfast, McAuley House. Noble (2001). Northern Ireland Multiple Measures of Disadvantage, Belfast, McAuley House. Nolan, B. (2001). Moving Targets: Measuring and Targeting Child Poverty, the Economic and Social Research Institute, Dublin, in New Economy, IPPR, 2001, Measuring Child Poverty, DWP, The Stationery Office, 2002. Northern Ireland Economic Council (2000). Economic Outlook. Belfast: NI. O’Boyle, E.J. (1996). Transitions in to and out of Poverty, International Journal of Social Economics, 25, 9, 1411-1424. OECD (1996). International Adult Literacy Survey, UK, OECD. Page 94 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty OFMDFM (2001). Co-operatives and Disadvantage (2001), Belfast, OFMDFM OFMDFM (2001). New Targeting Social Need, http://www.research.ofmdfmni.gov.uk/povertysummary/index.htm ONS, The Stationery Office, (2000). Mental Health of Children and Adolescents in Great Britain, London, The Stationery Office. ONS, (2002). Trends in Life Expectancy by Social Class 1979-1999, ONS Website. Osborne, S.P. (1998). The innovative capacity of voluntary organisations: managerial challenges for local government, Local Government Studies, 24, 1, 19-40. Osborne, S.P. and Driscoll, C. (1999). Voluntary organisations and innovation in public services, Local Government Studies, 25, 3, 93-94. Ove Arup (2000). The Implications of Segregation for Transport within Northern Ireland, Belfast, Community Relations Council for NI. (Issue 2, June). Oyemade, U. J. (1985). The rationale for head start as a vehicle of the upward mobility of minority families, American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 55, 4, 591602. Perkins, D. D. (1995). Speaking truth to power: empowerment ideology as social intervention and policy, American Journal of Community Psychology, 23, 5, 765-794. Putnam, R.D., (1995). Tuning in, tuning out: The strange disappearance of social capital in America, Political Science and Politics, 28, 664-683. Putnam, R.D., Leonardi, R., Nanetti, R.Y. (1993). Making Demoncracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy, Politische Vierteljahresschrift, May 1994, Vol.35, No.2, pp.374- 375 Roberts, K. (2001). Unemployment without Social Exclusion: Evidence from Young People in Eastern Europe, International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, 21, 4-6, 118-144. Page 95 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Rosenberg, M. (1965). Society and the Adolescent Self-Image. Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press. Rowntree, B.S. (1902). A Study of Town Life, in Colquhoun, A., Lyon, P., Alexander, E., Feeding Minds and Bodies: the Edwardian Context of School Meals, Journal of Nuitrition and Food Science, 31, 3, 117-124. Schorr, L. B. (1991). Children, families and the cycle of disadvantage, Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 36, 6, 437-441. Schorr, L. B. and Schorr, D. (1988). Within our reach: breaking the cycle of disadvantage, New York, Achor press. Schorr, L.B. (1994). Effective programs for children growing up in concentrated poverty, England, Cambridge University Press. Sherer, M., Maddux, J.E., Mercandante, B., Prentice-Dunn, S., Jacobs, B., and Rodgers, R.W. (1982), The Self-Efficacy Scale: Construction and validation, Psychological Reports, 51, 663-671. Shropshire J, and Middleton S, (1999). Small expectations: Learning to be Poor?, York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Singh, S. (1985). Perceived self-efficacy and intellectual performance of socially disadvantaged students, Journal of Social Psychology, 125, 2, 267268. Standard Occupational Classification (2), (1995) in Shropshire J, and Middleton S, 1999, Small expectations: Learning to be Poor?, York, Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Teague, P. and Wilson, R. (1985). Social Exclusion, Social Inclusion, Belfast, Democratic Dialogue. The NI Skills Monitoring Survey 2002. http://www.delni.gov.uk/docs/pdf/skillssurvey2002.pdf Page 96 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty The Society Of St. Vincent De Paul (1998). Response To the Green paper On The Community And Voluntary Sector And Its Relationship With The State, Belfast, St. Vincent de Paul. Whyte, J. (1992). Disadvantage and unemployment: a longitudinal study of psychosocial variables, Irish Journal of Psychology, 13, 2,, 193-209. Whyte, J. (1993). Longitudinal correlates and outcomes of initial reading progress for a sample of Belfast boys, European Journal of Psychology of Education, 8, 3, 325-340. Williamson, A., Scott, D. and Halfpenny, P. (2000). Rebuilding civil society in Northern Ireland: the community and voluntary sector’s contribution to the European Union’s Peace and Reconciliation District Partnership Programme, Policy and Politics, 28, 1, 49-66. Wood, A. (1994). North-South Trade: Employment and Inequality, Oxford, Oxford University press. Page 97 Printed by Central Print Unit OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Page 98 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty APPENDIX 1. Personal interview questionnaire 2. Interview schedule Page 99 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Page 100 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty St. Vincent de Paul “The Millennium Project” STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL The St Vincent de Paul Society are undertaking a research project aimed at developing policies and interventions which will help the Society to meet the needs of their clients, by providing effective support at a number of levels, while promoting individuals’ sense of independence. Your responses will form an important part of the project and will increase the Society’s understanding of their clients’ needs. We would be grateful if you could take the time to go through the questionnaire and complete the questionnaire as fully as possible. We would like you to know that your responses will be treated with the strictest confidence and will not be seen by anyone other than the researchers involved in the project. © St. Vincent de Paul Page 101 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Page 102 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 1: Background details Q1 Name and address County Q2 Postcode Age Under 18 51-60 Male ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ 18-21 61-70 70+ Sex Q4 Current status (may tick more than one) Divorced Q5 Female Co-habiting Single parent ❑ ❑ ❑ 41-50 ❑ Single ❑ ❑ Widowed ❑ Separated ❑ Other Please specify Ethnic Origin White Bangladeshi Mixed ethnic group Q6 ❑ ❑ 31-40 ❑ Q3 Married ❑ ❑ 22-30 ❑ ❑ ❑ Chinese Black Caribbean Irish Traveller ❑ ❑ ❑ Black African Black Other ❑ ❑ ❑ Pakistani Indian ❑ ❑ Other Please specify Community affiliation: Protestant ❑ Roman Catholic ❑ Mixed ❑ None ❑ No ❑ Other ❑ Please specify Yes Q7 Do you have any dependants? Q8 How many dependants do you have? Q8a Relationship Age Who they live with D1 D2 D3 D4 D5 D6 D7 Page 103 ❑ What they do mainly If NO fi Q10 fi FT or PT OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q9 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Have any of your children been in, or are they currently in foster care? Yes Insert Dependant From Date ❑ No To Date fi fi fi Q10 Do you have caring responsibilities for others? Yes ❑ No ❑ Yes ❑ No ❑ Yes ❑ No ❑ Q10a Do you receive Invalid Care Allowance for your caring responsibilities? Q10b If no, do you think you should be entitled to Invalid Care Allowance? Q10c Who do or did you care for? From Date To Date fi fi fi Q11 Do any other immediate family members have caring responsibilities for others? Yes ❑ No ❑ Yes ❑ No ❑ Yes ❑ No ❑ Q11a To the best of your knowledge, do they receive Invalid Care Allowance? Q11b If no, do you think they should be entitled to Invalid Care Allowance? Q11c Who is the Carer? Who do they care for? From Date To Date fi fi fi Page 104 ❑ OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Q12a Accommodation type Detached house Semi detached house Terraced house Flat Multi-storey Flat (Over two stories) Maisonette Bungalow Bed sit Hostel Sheltered dwelling Dwelling adapted for a disability Sub tenant in furnished accommodation Sub tenant in unfurnished accommodation Lodger Living in a caravan Owner Executive Private Housing occupied rented rented association ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Q12b Please tick which accommodation type applies Sharing NIHE accommodation Sharing with an owner occupier Living in B&B or private hotel Living in residential accommodation Care home for children A prison A hospital A traveller’s halting No fixed abode Other, please specify: Page 105 ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q13 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Accommodation aspects How many bedrooms are there in your home? How many storeys does your home have? Does your home have central heating? Yes Is your home insulated? Yes Does your home have a garden? Yes ❑ ❑ ❑ Q14 If rented accommodation, how long is the lease for? Q15 If rented accommodation, are you waiting for repairs to be carried out? Yes If yes, how long are you waiting for the work to be carried out? ❑ Years No No No ❑ ❑ ❑ Years No Months ❑ Months Brief details of repairs requested: Q16 Do you have a driving license? Yes ❑ No ❑ Do you have access to a car? Yes ❑ No ❑ Yes ❑ No ❑ Who owns the car? Are you part of the Motability Scheme? Q17 How would you rate the availability of the public transport options in your area? Transport options Q18 Very Poor Poor Neither Good Very Good ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ How frequently would you use the following forms of transport? Bus Train Voluntary bus service Assisted transport Lift given by someone else Family car Motor cycle or scooter Bicycle On foot Taxi ‘Black taxi’ Almost Daily A few times a Week A few times a Fortnight A few times a Month A few times a Year Never ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Page 106 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q19 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty For the PUBLIC TRANSPORT you use most frequently, how poor or good are these aspects? Frequency of service Convenience of service Cost of service Access for the disabled Personal safety Very Poor Poor Neither Good Very Good ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Other Page 107 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 2: Employment details Q1 Employment status Please state YOUR current job or jobs and contract-type and the hours worked LAST week JOB 1 Permanent full-time Permanent part-time Temporary full-time Temporary part-time Training/New Deal Supported Employment Work Track Voluntary unpaid Incapacitated Retired Unemployed Q2 ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ JOB 2 Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ JOB 3 Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Other Please state your PARTNER’S current job or jobs and contract type and the hours worked LAST week JOB 1 Permanent full-time Permanent part-time Temporary full-time Temporary part-time Training/New Deal Supported Employment Work Track Voluntary unpaid Incapacitated Retired Unemployed ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ JOB 2 Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ JOB 3 Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Other If both you and your partner are unemployed fi Section 3, Q1 Page 108 ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours Hours OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q3 How long have you and your partner been in your current employment? Yourself Q4 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Years Months Your partner £ Jobs Jobs YOUR PARTNER Job title Duration of job Years Months Duration of job Years Months How far approximately do you and your partner have to travel to get to work? Yourself Q8 Your partner Please state what these jobs have been and how long each lasted: YOURSELF Job title Q7 Months How many jobs have you and your partner had in the last five years? Yourself Q6 Years Approximately, what is the salary/wage of your current job and your partner’s current job (net PER WEEK)? Yourself £ Q5 Your partner Miles Your partner Miles How often do YOU use the following means to travel to work? Bus Train ‘Black taxi’ Private mini bus or van On foot Own car Life in someone else’s car Motor cycle or scooter Bicycle Taxi Work mainly at home Almost Daily A few times a Week A few times a Fortnight A few times a Month A few times a Year Never ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Other Page 109 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q8a Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty How often does your PARTNER use the following means to travel to work? Bus Train ‘Black taxi’ Private mini bus or van On foot Own car Life in someone else’s car Motor cycle or scooter Bicycle Taxi Work mainly at home Almost Daily A few times a Week A few times a Fortnight A few times a Month A few times a Year Never ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Other Q9 On average, how long does it take to get to work? Yourself Minutes Your partner Please move to Section 4: Income and expenditure details Page 110 Minutes OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 3: Unemployment details Q1 How long have you and your partner been unemployed? Yourself Q2 Years Months Your partner What was your and your partner’s last job? Yourself Q3 Years Your partner What were the reasons for your and for your partner’s last job ending? Yourself Your partner Page 111 Months OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 4: Income and expenditure details Q1 What benefits are you and your partner in receipt of? Tick if YES 1. Attendance Allowance 2. Child Benefit 3. Disability Living Allowance 4. Disability Working Allowance 5. Guardian’s Allowance 6. Hospital Personal Allowance 7. Housing Benefit 8. Incapacity Benefit 9. Income Support 10. Industrial Injuries Disablement Benefit 11. Invalid Care Allowance 12. Jobseeker’s Allowance 13. Maternity Allowance 14. Pneumoconiosis, Byssinosis and Miscellaneous diseases Benefits Scheme 15. Retirement Pension 16. Severe Disablement Allowance 17. Social Fund 18. Statutory Maternity Pay 19. Statutory Sick Pay 20. War Pensions 21. Widowed persons allowance 22. Widowed pension 23. Widowed mothers allowance 24. Workmen’s compensation supplementation 25. Other, please specify below: Yourself Your partner Amount and length of time receiving benefit Amount and length of time receiving benefit Amount received Mths/ Yrs Tick if YES ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Page 112 Amount received Mths/ Yrs OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q2 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty What other sources of income do you and your partner have (e.g. personal pensions)? Yourself Your partner Q3 Do you receive working families tax credit? Q4 Family outgoings PER WEEK ❑ Yes No ❑ Rent £ Sky/Cable £ Fines £ Mortgage £ Ground rent £ Pocket money £ Electricity £ Travel (own car) £ House insurance £ Gas £ ‘Public’ transport £ Life insurance £ Coal £ School meals £ Holidays £ Oil £ Other school costs £ Laundry £ Other fuel £ Clothing £ Prescriptions £ Housekeeping £ Personal expenditure £ Telephone £ Rates Other, please specify: £ £ £ Q5 Credit/debt commitments Tick if YES Credit Card One Credit Card Two Credit Card Three Store Card One Store Card Two Store Card Three Catalogue One Catalogue Two Catalogue Three Hamper Catalogue One Hamper Catalogue Two Hamper Catalogue Three Rent arrears Mortgage arrears ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Page 113 Amount paid per week Amount outstanding £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Tick if YES Rates arrears Fines arrears Maintenance arrears Electricity Oil Coal Gas Other Funeral directors Hire purchase payments Loan cheques Social fund loans Money lenders loan Credit Unions Clubs in shops Bank loans Other loans, please specify: Other debt/credit commitments (please specify:) ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Page 114 Amount paid per week Amount outstanding £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 5: Health We should like to know if you have had any medical complaints and how your health has been in general over the PAST FEW WEEKS. Please answer ALL the questions and choose an answer which you think most nearly applies to you. Remember that we want to know about present and recent complaints, not those you had in the past. PLEASE CIRCLE THE RESPONSE. Have you recently….. Been able to concentrate on whatever you’re doing? Better than usual Same as usual Worse than usual Much worse than usual Lost much sleep over worry? Not at all No more than usual Rather more than usual Much more than usual Felt that you are playing a useful part in things? More so than usual Same as usual Less useful than usual Much less useful Felt capable of making decisions about things? More so than usual Same as usual Less useful than usual Much less useful Felt constantly under strain? Not at all No more than usual Rather more than usual Much more than usual Felt you couldn’t overcome your difficulties? Not at all No more than usual Rather more than usual Much more than usual Been able to enjoy your normal day-to-day activities? More so than usual Same as usual Less useful than usual Much less useful Been able to face up to your problems? More so than usual Same as usual Less useful than usual Much less useful Been feeling unhappy and depressed? Not at all No more than usual Rather more than usual Much more than usual Been losing confidence in yourself? Not at all No more than usual Rather more than usual Much more than usual Been thinking of yourself as a worthless person? Not at all No more than usual Rather more than usual Much more than usual More so than usual Same as usual Less useful than usual Much less useful Been feeling reasonably happy, all things considered? Page 115 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q1 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Have you or your family (your mother/father, your partner’s mother/father and your offspring) had any serious illness(s) in the past 5 years? Yes No Please provide details: ❑ Q2 Is there a history of specific illness(s) in your family? No ❑ Do you or any member of your family presently have any physical or mental health problems? Yes No Please provide details: ❑ Are you or have you been attending a doctor, hospital, clinic or alternative medicine therapist for any reason? Yes No Please provide details: ❑ Are you or have you been taking medicines, inhalers, tablets, ointments or injections? Yes No Current medication ❑ Yes ❑ ❑ Please provide details: Q3 ❑ Q4 ❑ Q5 ❑ What type of medication is it? How long have you been taking this medication? Years Months Weeks For how long did you take this medication? Years Months Weeks How long ago did you stop taking this? Years Months Weeks Previous medication What type of medication is it? Page 116 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Yes Q6 Are you and your family registered with a dentist? Q1 Which VOLUNTARY services do you or your family use? Section 6: Access to services Type of Service Q2 Weekly Fortnightly Monthly No ❑ Duration (for how long was the support provided? Months/Years) Frequency of support Daily ❑ Other Which STATUTORY services do you or your family use? Type of Service Duration (for how long was the support provided? Months/Years) Frequency of support Daily Weekly Fortnightly Carer Community psychiatric nurse Day centre District nurse Employment Scheme (via Disablement Employment Advisor) Foster care GP Health visitor Holiday/short term care Home help Incontinence advisor Laundry service Meals on wheels Occupational therapist Physiotherapist Rehabilitation service Residential care Paediatric services Respite care Sitting service Sleeping in service Social worker Podiatry/Chiropody Dietician Speech & lanuage therapist Other: Page 117 Monthly Other OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q3 Generally, how do you access the statutory services you mentioned? Home visit By foot By car Lift with someone Q4 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ By public transport (1 connection) By public transport (2-3 connections) By transport (4+ connections) Other, please specify: ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ What services do you presently not access but feel you or your family need support from? Page 118 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 7: Environment Q1 Using the scale provided, please rate the following in your area? CIRCLE YOUR RESPONSE Very poor Poor Child care service 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Pre school education Accessibility of pre school education facilities 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Children’s play space 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Street lighting 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Street cleaning 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to parks 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Community centre 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Health centre 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Day centre service 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Church 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Sports, games facilities 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Primary school 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to public phones 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access a post office 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to a GP surgery 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to an Accident and Emergency hospital 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to a dentist 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to an optician 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to a pharmacist 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to a library 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to a museum 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Access to a Social Security Office or Training and Employment Agency 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Respite care in emergencies 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Zebra crossings 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Traffic calming 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Pedestrian crossings 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Bank/Building Society 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Credit Union 1 2 3 4 5 [ ] Page 119 Don’t know Good Very Not good available OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Other, please specify Q2 Q3 1 2 3 4 [ ] Using the scale provided, to what extent would you be concerned about the following in your immediate area of residence? CIRCLE THE RESPONSE. Very concerned Concerned Neutral Not concerned Not at all concerned Child safety 1 2 3 4 5 Crime against the individual 1 2 3 4 5 Pavement safety 1 2 3 4 5 Absence of pavements 1 2 3 4 5 Litter/rubbish/dumping 1 2 3 4 5 Vandalism 1 2 3 4 5 Graffiti 1 2 3 4 5 Scruffy/neglected buildings 1 2 3 4 5 Scruffy gardens/landscaping 1 2 3 4 5 Speeding traffic 1 2 3 4 5 Bullying/harassment 1 2 3 4 5 Other, please specify: 1 2 3 4 5 Have you or your partner ever personally experienced any of the following? Yourself Yes No Burglary in a dwelling Violence against the person (excluding assault) Common assaults Serious assaults Theft of a vehicle Theft from a vehicle Criminal damage Burglary in a building other than a dwelling Q4 5 How do or would you feel about supported housing in your area? Page 120 Your partner Yes No OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 8: Education Q1 Q2 What educational qualifications have you and your partner obtained? Yourself Your partner CSE CSE ‘O’ Level ‘O’ Level City & Guilds City& Guilds Technical qualifications Technical qualifications GCSE GCSE ‘A’ Level ‘A’ Level ‘As’ Level ‘As’ Level BTEC BTEC GNVQ GNVQ NVQ NVQ Degree Degree Masters Masters None None Other Other What educational qualifications have other members of your family obtained (your mother/father, your partner’s mother/father and your offspring)? Please specify family member: Please specify family member: CSE CSE ‘O’ Level ‘O’ Level City & Guilds City& Guilds Technical qualifications Technical qualifications GCSE GCSE ‘A’ Level ‘A’ Level ‘As’ Level ‘As’ Level BTEC BTEC GNVQ GNVQ NVQ NVQ Degree Degree Masters Masters None None Other Other Page 121 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q2a Q3 Q4 Q5 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Continue for other family members if necessary. Please specify family member: Please specify family member: CSE CSE ‘O’ Level ‘O’ Level City & Guilds City& Guilds Technical qualifications Technical qualifications GCSE GCSE ‘A’ Level ‘A’ Level ‘As’ Level ‘As’ Level BTEC BTEC GNVQ GNVQ NVQ NVQ Degree Degree Masters Masters None None Other Other How important is education to you and your family? Very important Quite important Neutral Not very important Not at all important Don’t know ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ How valuable do you believe education is for your family’s employment? Very important Quite important Neutral Not very important Not at all important Don’t know ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ After leaving school did: You Go straight to work Your partner Go straight to work Your mother Go straight to work Your father Go straight to work Your partner’s mother Go straight to work Your partner’s father Go straight to work ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Further Education ❑ Further Education ❑ Further Education ❑ Further Education ❑ Further Education ❑ Further Education Become unemployed Become unemployed Become unemployed Become unemployed Become unemployed Become unemployed ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ LIST SONS/DAUGHTERS Go straight to work Go straight to work Go straight to work ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Further Education ❑ Further Education ❑ Further Education Page 122 Become unemployed Become unemployed Become unemployed ❑ ❑ ❑ OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Go straight to work Q6 ❑ Further Education ❑ Become unemployed ❑ Have you or your children passed the transfer test? Yourself Your partner Your mother Your father Your partner’s mother Your partner’s father Yes No Did not sit the test ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ LIST SONS/DAUGHTERS If you or your family did not sit the test, please give details: Q7 How often have your children had days off from school last year (excluding school holidays)? Son 1 Son 2 Son 3 Daughter 1 Daughter 2 Daughter 3 Almost Daily A few times a Week A few times a Fortnight A few times a Month A few times a Year Never ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Page 123 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q8 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Are any of your children currently excluded from school? Yes ❑ No ❑ How long has the exclusion lasted? Reason(s) given by the school: Reason(s) as you understand it: Son 1 Son 2 Son 3 Daughter 1 Daughter 2 Daughter 3 Page 124 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q8a Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Have any of your children been excluded from school in the past two years? Yes ❑ No ❑ Number of exclusions: How long the exclusion lasted? Reason(s) given by the school: Reason(s) as you understand it: Son 1 Son 2 Son 3 Daughter 1 Daughter 2 Daughter 3 Page 125 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 9: Aspirations Q1 What do you hope for in respect of yourself? Q2 What do you hope for in respect of your work or career? Q3 What do you hope for in respect of your children? Q4 What do you hope for in respect of your partner? Page 126 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 10: Self-esteem, coping and social isolation Several statements which people have used to describe themselves are given below. Read each one carefully and decide the extent to which the statement applies to you. There are no right or wrong answers. For each statement, encircle the rating which best describes how you think/feel MOST OF THE TIME. Work quickly through the items and ensure you respond to each of the items. PLEASE CIRCLE THE RESPONSE. On the whole I am satisfied with myself. Strongly Agree At times I think I am no good at all. people. I certainly feel useless at times. on an equal plane with others. I wish I could have more respect for myself. Agree Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree Strongly Strongly Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree Strongly Strongly Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree Strongly Strongly Strongly Agree Strongly Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree Strongly Agree I take a positive attitude toward myself. Disagree Strongly Agree I feel that I am a person of worth, at least Disagree Strongly Agree I am able to do things as well as most other Uncertain Strongly Agree I feel I do not have much to be proud of. Agree Strongly Agree I feel that I have a number of good qualities. Strongly Strongly Strongly Agree Strongly Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree Agree Uncertain Disagree Disagree All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. Strongly Agree Page 127 Strongly OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Please respond to each of the following items by circling; Strongly Agree, Agree, Neutral, Disagree, Strongly Disagree. There are no right or wrong answers. Try to avoid neutral if possible. PLEASE CIRCLE THE RESPONSE. If something looks too complicated I will Strongly not even bother to try it. Agree I avoid trying to learn new things when they Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly look too difficult. Agree Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree When trying to learn something new I soon give Strongly up if I am not initially successful. Agree Strongly When I make plans I am certain that I can make Strongly them work. Agree If I can’t do a job the first time, I keep trying Agree When I have something unpleasant to do, Agree When I decide to do something, I go right Agree Failure just makes me try harder. When I set important goals for myself, I rarely When unexpected problems occur, I don’t handle them very well. I feel insecure about my ability to do things. Disagree Disagree Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Strongly Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Strongly Strongly Agree problems that come up in my life. Neutral Strongly to work on it. I do not seem capable of dealing with most Agree Strongly I stick at it until I finish it. achieve them. Strongly Strongly until I can. Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Strongly Agree Strongly Strongly Agree Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Strongly Agree Strongly Strongly Agree Page 128 Disagree Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Section 11: Details of St Vincent de Paul’s support Q1 How long have you been accessing St. Vincent de Paul’s support? Approximately: Q2 Years Months Weeks How did you find out that St Vincent de Paul could provide help or support? Advertisement Member of my family T.V. and radio ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ Through a friend Through my church Other Please specify: Q3 Initially, how did you or your family contact St Vincent de Paul? I phoned the head office They contacted me ❑ ❑ I phoned my local representative Through a friend Other ❑ ❑ ❑ Please specify: Q4 What was the initial reason for being in contact with the St. Vincent de Paul Society? Q5 In what areas or in regards to what issues do St. Vincent de Paul’s provide support to your or your family? Marriage breakdown Help with applications/form-filling Alcohol and substance abuse related problems Other, please specify: ❑ ❑ ❑ Financial problems Bereavement Friendship or support Advocacy Page 129 ❑ ❑ ❑ ❑ OFMDFM Equality Directorate Q6 Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Has your mother or father or other family members accessed support from St. Vincent de Paul in the past? Yes ❑ No ❑ If yes, which members of your family accessed support? (please specify:) Family member Q7 Type of support Duration of support (months/years) Have you had reason to have an emergency visit from SVP? Yes How long ago was this? Years OR Months Is this the emergency visit What was the main reason for the emergency visit? Page 130 ❑ No Weeks ❑ ❑ OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Interview schedule We have recently finished completing questionnaires with SVP clients from across the Northern Region. As I said on my visit with the questionnaire you may be asked if you are willing to take part in another stage of the study to help the society understand more fully the needs of their clients. We are very pleased that you are willing to talk some more about different issues in your life. There are questions about a number of different things and we hope we can give you an opportunity to talk to us about these issues. I will ask the question and a tape recorder will be used to record what you are saying solely for the purpose of making sure we have taken on board everything you have said. This will be used only for the research study and no other purpose. You will never be identified by name in any way and the tape will be destroyed after dictation. It will be absolutely confidential in the same way the questionnaire was confidential. We are very pleased that you are taking part in this so that your response and the responses of others can be heard by the society so that the society is fully aware and understands the needs of their clients. I am going to begin and go through the different questions. This should take no longer than one hour. Theme: Social Exclusion • Due to your circumstances, do you feel you are missing out on anything? We are thinking about things like: (Prompts) – Holidays – Short breaks – School trips – Social activities – night out; going to cinema; leisure centres – Having a computer or internet access – Respite care Theme: Current situation • Do you find yourself struggling on day-to-day basis to make ends meet? • How do you cope on a day-to-day basis? Theme: Aspirations/Future • Do you think you current situation or circumstances will continue? (If yes, ask client in what way is their current situation going to improve?, if no, follow with next question) • What do you think needs to happen for your situation to improve? Page 131 OFMDFM Equality Directorate Addressing policy implications of transgenerational poverty Theme: Physical Health • Do you feel that your physical health suffers due to your current situation? – What kind of symptoms would you have? – Do you or your family have any recurrent medical problems? – Would you visit the GP/Hospital frequently in relation to this problem? • Visit Dentist NB: Family refers to mother, father, partner’s mother, father and offspring. Theme: Stress • Do you feel stressed due to your current situation? – In what ways do you feel stressed? – Would you visit the GP/Hospital frequently in relation to feeling stressed? – What might help you feel less stressed? Theme: Perceived cause underlying current circumstances • What do you think are the major causes of your situation? Theme: Barriers • What do you think are the major obstacles stopping you from getting out of your current situation? Theme: Sources of ‘Help’ you would welcome • What sources of help do you think you need to enable you to improve your current situation? (e.g., from DHSS, local council, local clergy) Theme: SVP support: We would like your view of the society • What do you think of the support you currently receive from your local SVP members? • Would you like to make any suggestions that you feel would improve the support you are receiving from the society? This is the end of the meeting. Can I thank-you again for taking part and giving us so much of your time. Just to say that I am going to seal this tape and put a number on it so that your name will not be known or ever used in any reports. It will only be heard by the member of the research team who dealt with the questionnaires. after the tape has been dictated it will be destroyed. The tape should then be sealed in a enveloped in front of the person and returned to SVP Head Office. Page 132