POKOT ARCHITECTURE

Transcription

POKOT ARCHITECTURE

UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI
COLLEGE OF ARCHITECTURE AND ENGINEERING
SCHOOL OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE AND BUILDING SCIENCE
BAR 613: WRITTEN THESIS
POKOT ARCHITECTURE
TUTOR: ARCH. NORBERT MUSYOKI
AUTHOR: KAMAU JANET NYAMBURA
B02/0330/2008
2013|2014
i|Page
DECLARATION:
This thesis is my original work and to the best of my knowledge has not been presented in any other University or Institution for the purpose of
awarding a degree.
Author: Kamau Janet Nyambura
Signature: ...............................................................................................
Date……………………………………………………..
This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the examination requirements for the award of the Bachelor of Architecture degree, in the
Department of Architecture and Building Science at the University of Nairobi.
Tutor: Arch. Norbert Musyoki
Signature: ...................................................................................... Date……………………………………………………
Year Master: Arch. Musau Kimeu
Signature: .....................................................................................
Date……………………………………………………
Chairman: Arch. Erastus Abonyo
Signature: ...........................................................................................
Date……………………………………………………
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT:
Thank you Mamlaka Hill Chapel for granting me the opportunity to be a part of the mission work in Kamurio, East Pokot.
Through this, you ignited in me a passion to serve and explore more about the Pokot people. I deeply appreciate your
support even in my research regarding Pokot Architecture. May God bless you in a mighty way.
The wonderful family of Pastor and Mrs David Kitur, who I fondly refer to as Mum and Dad, and my brothers Enock,
Vincent and Emmaus at Kamurio Village. Words cannot express just how grateful I am to you.
To the people of Kamurio and its neighbouring villages and all the countless people who so willingly shared with me the
Pokot values and traditions, I thank you for taking me as one of your own and for your generous hospitality.
The curator of Kapenguria Museum, Mr Kiziili, thank you for allowing me to use the Museum as a source of information
regarding the Pokot community and for facilitating meetings and interviews with key opinion holders in West Pokot. Thank
you Mzee Emmanuel Krop Lotiywa, Mr Abraham Domongole and Mr Samuel Kakuko for availing yourselves.
All my lecturers in the Department of Architecture, thank you for imparting me with knowledge and for giving me guidance
and useful insight in the course of my studies. Special thanks to my tutors Arch Musyoki and Prof Rukwaro and my year
master Arch Musau Kimeu for your invaluable input in my final year.
To all my classmates, architecture class of 2014.
To my best friend, Evans Phillip Njoroge, I am grateful for your tremendous support in good times and especially in bad
times, I thank God for letting you be part of my life.
To my brothers, Christopher Njugi and Bethuel Kimani, thank you for your ever present support.
To my Mum, Mrs Jane W. Kamau, and Dad, Mr Joseph K. Njugi who have made countless sacrifices that I may be where I
am, I sincerely thank you.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title ................................................................................................................................................................................................... i
Declaration........................................................................................................................................................................................ ii
Acknowledgement .............................................................................................................................................................................iii
Dedication........................................................................................................................................................................................ iv
Table of contents ............................................................................................................................................................................... v
List of figures .....................................................................................................................................................................................xi
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................................................... xvi
1.0.
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................................... 1
1.1. Background of study ......................................................................................................................................................... 2
1.2. Problem statement............................................................................................................................................................ 3
1.3. Research objectives .......................................................................................................................................................... 3
1.4. Research questions ........................................................................................................................................................... 4
1.5. Justification of study ......................................................................................................................................................... 4
1.6. Significance of study ......................................................................................................................................................... 5
1.7. Assumptions ..................................................................................................................................................................... 5
1.8. Scope and limitations ........................................................................................................................................................ 5
1.9. Definition of terms .......................................................................................................................................................... 6
1.10.
Organisation of study ................................................................................................................................................. 7
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2.0.
LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................................................................................................. 8
2.1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................................... 9
2.1.1.
Historical background ...................................................................................................................................... 9
2.1.2. Geographical setting ...................................................................................................................................... 10
2.1.3. Climate .......................................................................................................................................................... 10
2.2.
Pokot dichotomy ....................................................................................................................................................... 12
2.2.1. Economic dichotomy ...................................................................................................................................... 12
2.2.1.1. The agricultural Pokot (The corn people) ............................................................................................. 12
2.2.1.2.The pastoral Pokot (The cattle people/ plains Pokot) ........................................................................... 13
2.2.2. Circumcision and age groups dichotomy ......................................................................................................... 14
2.2.3. Material culture dichotomy ............................................................................................................................ 14
2.3.
Planning concepts ...................................................................................................................................................... 16
2.3.1. Homestead level............................................................................................................................................. 16
2.3.1.1. Agricultural Pokot homestead .............................................................................................................. 18
2.3.1.2.Pastoral Pokot homestead .................................................................................................................. 20
2.3.2. Village level ................................................................................................................................................... 23
2.3.3. Settlement level ............................................................................................................................................. 24
2.4.
Political organisation ................................................................................................................................................. 25
2.4.1. Leadership ..................................................................................................................................................... 26
2.4.2. Clan systems .................................................................................................................................................. 26
2.4.3. Religion......................................................................................................................................................... 26
2.5.
Social organisation .................................................................................................................................................... 27
2.5.1. The Pokot family ........................................................................................................................................... 27
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2.5.2. Division of labour .......................................................................................................................................... 28
2.5.3. Birth.............................................................................................................................................................. 29
2.5.4. Circumcision .................................................................................................................................................. 29
2.5.4.1.Female circumcision ........................................................................................................................... 29
2.5.4.2.
Male circumcision ................................................................................................................... 30
2.5.5. Sapana .......................................................................................................................................................... 32
2.5.6. Marriage ....................................................................................................................................................... 34
2.5.7. Burial ............................................................................................................................................................ 36
2.5.8. Rituals ........................................................................................................................................................... 37
2.5.8.1.Ritual of rataw ................................................................................................................................... 38
2.5.8.2.
Riwoi ..................................................................................................................................... 38
2.5.8.3.
Parapara ................................................................................................................................. 38
2.5.9. Raiding ......................................................................................................................................................... 39
2.6.
Significance of animals in the Pokot culture ................................................................................................................ 40
2.6.1. Camels ........................................................................................................................................................... 41
2.6.2. Cattle ............................................................................................................................................................ 42
2.6.3. Goats ............................................................................................................................................................ 42
2.7.
Summary .................................................................................................................................................................. 43
2.7.1. Cultural constants .......................................................................................................................................... 43
2.7.2. Architectural constants ................................................................................................................................... 44
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3.0.
RESEARCH METHODS ............................................................................................................................................... 46
3.1. Research design .............................................................................................................................................................. 47
3.2.
Justification of case study .......................................................................................................................................... 47
3.3.
Sampling design ........................................................................................................................................................ 48
3.4.
Data collection techniques ......................................................................................................................................... 48
3.4.1. Observation .................................................................................................................................................. 49
3.4.2. Interviews ..................................................................................................................................................... 49
3.5.
4.0.
Data analysis and presentation .................................................................................................................................. 50
DATA ANALYSIS ......................................................................................................................................................... 51
4.1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................... 52
4.2.
Economic background ............................................................................................................................................... 52
4.2.1. Pastoral activities ........................................................................................................................................... 53
4.2.1.1. Milk ................................................................................................................................................... 53
4.2.1.2.Meat .................................................................................................................................................. 53
4.2.1.3.Hide .................................................................................................................................................. 54
4.2.2. Agricultural activities ...................................................................................................................................... 56
4.3.
The Pokot family ...................................................................................................................................................... 56
4.4.
Dispute resolution ..................................................................................................................................................... 57
4.5.
Leadership ................................................................................................................................................................ 59
4.6.
Worship ................................................................................................................................................................... 60
4.7.
Raids ........................................................................................................................................................................ 60
4.8.
Ceremonies and rituals .............................................................................................................................................. 62
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4.8.1. Parpara ......................................................................................................................................................... 63
4.8.2. Riwoi ............................................................................................................................................................ 64
4.8.3. Circumcision .................................................................................................................................................. 64
4.8.3.1.Male circumcision ............................................................................................................................... 65
4.8.3.2.
Female circumcision ................................................................................................................ 68
4.8.4. Sapana .......................................................................................................................................................... 70
4.9.
The homestead .......................................................................................................................................................... 71
4.9.1. Site selection ................................................................................................................................................... 71
4.9.2. The homestead layout ................................................................................................................................... 72
4.9.3. The house: construction materials and technology .......................................................................................... 75
4.9.3.1.Ground preparation ........................................................................................................................... 75
4.9.3.2.
Walling .................................................................................................................................. 77
4.9.3.3.
Roofing .................................................................................................................................. 79
4.9.3.4.
The door opening ................................................................................................................... 80
4.10.
Interior fixtures .......................................................................................................................................................... 81
4.11.
Maintenance ............................................................................................................................................................. 83
4.12.
Transformations ........................................................................................................................................................ 84
4.12.1. The homestead .............................................................................................................................................. 85
4.12.2. The pastoral Pokot house .............................................................................................................................. 87
4.12.3. The agricultural Pokot house .......................................................................................................................... 88
4.12.4. Meeting basic needs ....................................................................................................................................... 89
4.12.4.1.
Bathing ................................................................................................................................... 89
4.12.4.2.
Storage ................................................................................................................................... 89
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4.12.4.3.
Sleeping .................................................................................................................................. 89
4.12.4.4.
Sitting ..................................................................................................................................... 89
4.12.4.5.
Working ................................................................................................................................. 90
4.12.4.6.
Cooking ................................................................................................................................. 90
4.12.5. The market place ............................................................................................................................................ 91
5.0.
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................................................................................... 92
5.1. Findings ......................................................................................................................................................................... 93
5.1.1.
Cultural constants .......................................................................................................................................... 93
5.1.2. Architectural constants ................................................................................................................................... 94
5.1.3. Inconsistencies ............................................................................................................................................... 95
5.2.
Comparative study of the pastoral and agricultural Pokot houses ............................................................................... 96
5.3.
Design principles ....................................................................................................................................................... 97
5.4.
Conclusion................................................................................................................................................................ 98
5.5.
Limitations of study................................................................................................................................................... 98
5.6.
Recommendations .................................................................................................................................................... 99
5.7.
Further areas of research .......................................................................................................................................... 100
References ...................................................................................................................................................................................... 101
Glossary ......................................................................................................................................................................................... 104
Appendix 1 ..................................................................................................................................................................................... 105
Appendix 2 .................................................................................................................................................................................... 106
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LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE NO.
fig 1-01;
fig 1-02;
fig 1-03;
fig 1-04;
fig 1-05;
fig 1-06;
fig 2-01;
fig 2-02;
fig 2-03;
fig 2-04;
fig 2-05;
fig 2-06;
fig 2-07;
fig 2-08;
fig 2-09;
fig 2-10;
fig 2-11;
fig 2-12;
fig 2-13;
fig 2-14;
fig 2-15;
fig 2-16;
fig 2-17;
fig 2-18;
fig 2-19;
fig 2-20;
fig 2-21;
CAPTION
CHAPTER ONE
The Pokot region
Counties in Kenya
Network of LAPSSET corridor
Traditional Pokot house (background) and
granary (foreground)
A school structure in Pokot
Organisation of study
CHAPTER TWO
Pokot Region
Pokot homeland
River Kerio
River Wei wei near its junction with the
River Turkwell
Map of Kenya showing arid and semi-arid
districts.
Rainfall distribution in Kenya.
Comparison between highland (agricultural
Pokot) and semi-arid (pastoral Pokot) climate
Tending to the farm
Use of aqueducts to supply water in the fields
Secret storage in caves
Large grain baskets in cave
Gourds for storing milk
Cooking sticks used for making ugali or
porridge (on the right) and a cooking pot
(ter) for making ugali.
Kono-pestle and mortar
Bowl for serving ugali (attupa) and wooden
tools of cutting ugali (saita)
Aleput-milking containers
Nga’char -three legged stool
Chempkombis- - drum used for counteracting
witchcraft and exocising bad spirits from a
seriously sick woman
Kaipapagh-grinding stone
Beer gourd
Logh/ptaraka-beer
gourds
used
for
fermenting alcohol
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fig 2-22;
fig 2-23;
fig 2-24;
fig 2-25;
fig 2-26;
fig 2-27;
fig 2-28;
fig 2-29;
fig 2-30;
fig 2-31;
fig 2-32;
fig 2-33;
fig 2-34;
fig 2-35;
fig 2-36;
fig 2-37;
fig 2-38;
fig 2-39;
fig 2-40;
fig 2-41;
fig 2-42;
fig 2-43;
fig 2-44;
fig 2-45;
fig 2-46;
fig 2-47;
fig 2-48;
fig 2-49;
fig 2-50;
fig 2-51;
fig 2-52;
fig 2-53;
fig 2-54;
Asacha-basket for storing gourds
Tokoghon-honey container
Tuwan-traditional bowl for drinking milk or
cow or goat blood
Mohen-bee hives
Hoe (kopompo) and axe (aywo)
Kadongot-cow bells
Korop-basket like container for keeping ugali
hot
Putting on the siolip on a ki-ruwok-in
The head-dress, siolip
Children play village.
A Pokot house with a metal spoon at door
believed to keep away rain from entering the
house
The Pastoral/ Agricultural Pokot homestead
Plan of an agricultural Pokot house
Section through an agricultural Pokot house
Heavy wooden posts for the wall
Plastering the wall
Author’s interpretation of the special clay pot
Author’s interpretation of the shelf over the
fireplace
Author’s interpretation of the bed
Pastoral Pokot house
Author’s interpretation of the axis in the
homestead
The low narrow entrance
The vertical poles placed in pairs
Horizontal poles placed between verticals
Section though a pastoral Pokot house
How the wall allows for natural ventilation,
natural light and privacy
Plan of a pastoral Pokot house
Interior of the house showing a partitioning
wall and the free standing roof supports
Plan of Pastoral Pokot house at Kapenguria
Museum
Partitioning wall inside the house
Skin used for sleeping on or shelter and a
stool carried on the head while moving
Moving using a donkey
A pastoral Pokot village
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fig 2-55;
fig 2-56;
fig 2-57;
fig 2-59;
A step well
A dance ground
Men’s prayer circle at the kokwa facing
Mount Mtelo
Mount Morpus which is believed to be the
home of Elat, the god of thunder, lighting
and rain
Women singing at a dance at a courtyard
fig 2-60;
A woman bathing her child
fig 2-61;
fig 2-62;
fig 2-63;
fig 2-64;
fig 2-65;
Girls tend to younger siblings
A young child getting animals into their kraal
A woman wearing a belt with cowrie shells
A young uninitiated girl
Author’s interpretation of the position of the
circumcision house
The atela
Author’s interpretation of the menjo house
Initiates leaving their camp
The mothers of Pokot initiates smearing
animal fat on the boys’ masks
An initiate wearing his mother’s jewelry
The half circle with large leaves
Sitting arrangement during Sapana
Preparation of the ox during Sapana
Putting the clay headdress
Pokot women sing and dance at the
conclusion of a Sapana ceremony
Sapana age-set system
Large brass earrings and broad beaded collars
and necklaces showing a woman’s married
status
A married woman’s dressing
Blessing by the father in law
The gourd of milk given to the wife
Ritual of riwoi
Women tying grass necklaces round each
other
Pokot war dance
Decorative scars made by rubbing charcoal or
the sap of a plant into them when the
wounds are fresh
A warrior wearing an ostrich feather
fig 2-58;
fig 2-66;
fig 2-67;
fig 2-68;
fig 2-69;
fig 2-70;
fig 2-71;
fig 2-72;
fig 2-73;
fig 2-74;
fig 2-75;
fig 2-76;
fig 2-77;
fig 2-78;
fig 2-79;
fig 2-80;
fig 2-81;
fig 2-82;
fig 2-83;
fig 2-84;
fig 2-85;
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fig 2-86;
fig 2-87;
fig 2-88;
fig 2-89;
fig 2-90;
fig 2-91;
fig 2-92;
fig 2-93;
fig 2-94;
fig 2-95;
fig 2-96;
fig 2-97;
fig 4-01;
fig 4-02;
fig 4-03;
fig 4-04;
fig 4-05;
fig 4-06;
fig 4-07;
fig 4-08;
fig 4-09;
fig 4-10;
fig 4-11;
fig 4-12;
fig 4-13;
fig 4-14;
fig 4-15;
headdress, the kalacha, a V-shaped man's
cape tied round the neck, and arobet, a
man's frontal cape, tied round the neck and
reaching below the privates, and armed with
the typical spears and shield
Left, adingo(warrior’s belt). Centre from top,
acharkes (finger knife), ngecher(stool), akul
(circular wrist-knife), mal-tin (leather shields
for the akul). Right, legetio (woman’s belt)
A Pokot male wearing the nose plate
(aparparat)
A special arrow for bleeding (teremwa) is
shot into the protruding vein and blood is
obtained
Termite mound
False entrance in termite hill
Herding cattle
Cattle brands of the Baboon Clan
A man reading intestines
How to read intestines
Pastoral Pokot houses
Agricultural Pokot houses
The Pastoral/ Agricultural Pokot homestead
CHAPTER FOUR
Mount Morpus in the background
The two economic activities of the Pokot
Pastoral activities
Agricultural activities
A ‘wild’ camel is tied and milked at the camel
kraal
A ‘calm’ camel can be milked while on the
move
A pair of sandals made from hide
Baby carrier
Belts decorated with beads and cowrie shells
Ceremonial attire (centre) worn by girls
during circumcision period
A child sleeping on a hide ‘mattress’
A hide bracelet symbolising married status
Maize farm
Ugali served in the traditional serving bowl,
tupa
Roles of the men, women and children in a
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fig 4-16;
fig 4-17;
fig 4-18;
fig 4-19;
fig 4-20;
fig 4-21;
fig 4-22;
fig 4-23;
fig 4-24;
fig 4-25;
fig 4-26;
fig 4-27;
fig 4-28;
fig 4-29;
fig 4-30;
fig 4-31;
fig 4-32;
fig 4-33;
fig 4-34;
fig 4-35;
fig 4-36;
fig 4-37;
fig 4-38;
fig 4-39;
fig 4-40;
fig 4-41;
fig 4-42;
fig 4-43;
fig 4-44;
fig 4-45;
fig 4-46;
fig 4-47;
family
Positions taken during a case hearing
Positions taken during a case hearing
Sitting arrangement during a community
meeting
A community meeting in session
People leaving the venue of the meeting
The leader in society
Prayers done facing Mount Mtelo
A warrior’s shield, the hair at the top right
corner is meant to confuse an enemy
Red ochre which is ground into a fine
powder, mixed with fat and applied on a
warrior
A man’s weapons placed in the roof above
the woman’s bed in case of an attack
Major ceremonies in the life of a pochon
Beer gourd
Wooden bowl
Twins during riwoi
The child being attended to by women
Pokot age–sets and their duration period
The male circumcision site
Original circumcision house plan, could hold
up to 300 initiates
Original circumcision house, section
Sowow (mask)
Original circumcision house, elevation
Transformed form of the circumcision house
The author (centre) dressed like a chemerion
Uncoloured neckpiece made from plant roots
worn
by
uncircumcised
girls.
After
circumcision she wears coloured beads.
A chemerion; her way of dressing and its
significance
Layout during the sapana ceremony
The greenery defining space
Aleput, containers made by carving out the
trunk of a tree into a bowl.
The initiate at sapana ceremony
The clay headdress
The clay headdress
The modern hat with the ostrich feather
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fig 4-48;
fig 4-49;
fig 4-50;
fig 4-51;
fig 4-52;
fig 4-53;
fig 4-54;
fig 4-55;
fig 4-56;
fig 4-57;
fig 4-58;
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fig 4-59;
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fig 4-60;
fig 4-61;
fig 4-62;
fig 4-63;
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fig 4-64;
fig 4-65;
fig 4-66;
fig 4-67;
fig 4-68;
fig 4-69;
fig 4-70;
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fig 4-71;
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fig 4-72;
fig 4-73;
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fig 4-74;
fig 4-75;
fig 4-76;
fig 4- 77;
showing the sapana status
A homestead in its context
Sketch showing the strategic location of the
homestead
Interior of the kopo-ngaror
The kopo-ngaror from outside
The cattle kraal
The homestead layout
The homestead fence
Men waiting for breakfast at the aperit
The courtyard as the linking space
A farewell ceremony in the courtyard
Interacting with the community at the
courtyard
Ground that was not properly cleared before
setting out
Setting out
Agricultural Pokot house
The difference in radius between agricultural
and pastoral Pokot house
The complete wall with the ring beam
Foundation for the vertical poles shown in
fig 4-64.
The complete wall with the ring beam
The tapelkwa, tree from which flexible sticks
for walling are obtained
The emt, tree from which flexible sticks for
walling are obtained
The kerelwa tree from which flexible sticks
The rekoknyon tree from which flexible sticks
The chou tree whose bark is stripped off and
used as a rope to tie the ring beam
Step one, the selection of the sticks.
Step two, the removal of leaves and smaller
branches from the stick by using a panga.
Step three, sharpening the stick
Step four, the weaving of the screen
progresses.
Weaving the wall
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fig 4-78;
fig 4-79;
fig 4-80;
fig 4-81;
fig 4-82;
fig 4-83;
fig 4-84;
fig 4-85;
fig 4-86;
fig 4-87;
fig 4-88;
fig 4-89;
fig 4-90;
fig 4-91;
fig 4-92;
fig 4-93;
fig 4-94;
fig 4-95;
fig 4-96;
fig 4-97;
fig 4-98;
fig 4-99;
fig 4-100;
fig 4-101;
fig 4-102;
fig 4-103;
fig 4-104;
fig 4-105;
fig 4-106;
fig 4-107;
figs 4-108;
fig 4-109;
fig 4-110;
fig 4-111;
fig 4-112;
fig 4-113;
fig 4-114;
Interlocking verticals and horizontals
Roof construction from the outside
The detail of how the wall and the roof are
connected
Elements making up the house
Roof construction in progress, interior view
Finished roof from the interior
Finished grass thatch roof
Door of the agricultural Pokot
A closed door
Relationship between the doors and
courtyard at the homestead
Kids kept under the storage area
Interior of the house
Original interior arrangement of the house
Transformed interior arrangement of the
house
Mama Margaret's house, elevation
Mama Margaret's house, plan
A man's weapons above the woman's bed for
ease of reach in case of an attack
The cooking area
Fetching firewood
Mama Margaret's house, section
The woman's bed
Asacha, the storage basket
The pchoru, the kingpost
The man's bed
Heaping soil to prevent water getting into
the interior
An abandoned house
A collapsing house
A collapsed house
Main causes of transformation
The original homestead layout of the Pokot.
The son's house
The cattle sleeping close to Mama Margaret's
house at night
Mama Margaret's homestead layout
The kids' pens
Men's assembly, similar to the aperit.
The granary
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fig 4-115;
fig 4-116;
fig 4-117;
fig 4-118;
fig 4-119;
fig 4-120;
fig 4-121;
fig 4-122;
fig 4-123;
fig 4-124;
fig 4-125;
figs 4-126 to 4-130
figs 4-131 to 4-135
fig 4-136;
fig 4-137;
fig 4-138;
fig 4-139;
fig 4-140;
fig 4-141;
fig 4-142;
fig 4-143;
fig 4-144;
fig 4-145;
fig 4-146;
fig 4-147;
fig 4-148;
fig 4-149;
figs 4-150;
figs 4-151;
figs 4-152;
fig 4-153;
fig 4-154;
fig 4-155;
fig 4-156;
fig 4-157;
The goats early in the morning being released
to go for pasture
The camel kraal.
The second wife's house
The goat's kraal.
Mama Chepkaat's homestead
The third wife's house
Mama Cherop's homestead
A poultry house
The original pastoral Pokot house with a
domed earth roof.
Kids' pen
Wall construction technique
Mama Ruth’s homestead
Kids’ pens
Original form of the pastoral Pokot house.
Definition of the entrance
Support poles
The double wall
Decorated interior wall
The door opening
Exterior earth plastered wall decorated with
plant motifs
The psopony, original form of the farm
house.
The current farmhouse.
Interior, a meeting in session.
The window opening
A house which is being used as a meeting
space
Young men bathing at River Lomut.
Pit latrines in one of the homesteads.
The bathroom, approach
The bathroom, exterior
The bathroom, interior
The asacha used to store gourds of milk in
the house
A modified asacha
A basket woven with reeds used to store a
lady's personal items.
A woven screen placed in between two trees
A woven basket used to hold dishes to dry
after being washed.
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xiv | P a g e
fig 4-158;
fig 4-159;
fig 4-160;
fig 4-161;
fig 4-162;
fig 4-163;
fig 4-164;
fig 4-165;
fig 4-166;
fig 4-167;
fig 4-168;
fig 4-169;
fig 4-170;
fig 4-171;
fig 4-172;
fig 4-173;
fig 4-174;
fig 4-175;
fig 4-176;
figs 4-177;
figs 4-178;
figs 4-179;
figs 4-180;
fig 4-181;
fig 4-182;
fig 4-183;
fig 4-184;
fig 4-185;
fig 4-186;
fig 4-187;
fig 4-188;
Storage shelves in the kitchen.
Granary
Granary
A man sleeping on the traditional headrest.
The traditional bed
Sitting
A bench
Modern plastic seats in use during a meeting.
Bee keeping
Container used to measure and sell honey
after harvesting.
Maize farming
Pottery
Charcoal burning and selling firewood
A shopping centre in Ortum, West Pokot.
Market day at Lomut, West Pokot.
Market day at Kamurio, East Pokot.
Cooking inside the house
Soot at the roof as an result of cooking inside
the house
Blackening of the wall as a result of cooking
inside the house
Stand-alone kitchen for a family, exterior
view.
Stand-alone kitchen for a family, interior
view.
Stand-alone kitchen for cooking for a larger
number of people, exterior view.
Stand-alone kitchen for cooking for a larger
number of people, interior view.
A newly constructed stand-alone kitchen for
a family.
Washing dishes after a meal.
An eatery along the route to Lomut market,
West Pokot.
An eatery at Kamurio market centre,East
Pokot.
An eatery at Lomut market, West Pokot.
Contextual map of the market
A shopping stall on the far end of the market
centre.
A church structure just next to the market
centre.
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fig 4-189;
fig 4-190;
fig 4-191;
fig 4-192;
fig 4-193;
fig 4-194;
fig 4-195;
fig 4-196;
fig 4-197;
fig 4-198;
fig 4-199;
Market stall
Posho mill
View of the market
The main entrance to the market
The market place
Market stall
The market square
One of the sheds in the market
A market stall
People at the market
‘Hotel’ at the market
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xv | P a g e
ABSTRACT:
This research investigates traditional Pokot beliefs and practices that influence creation of space, the transformations witnessed in the
built forms over time and projects the way forward for a regional architecture that blends modern international forces on the built
form with the traditional Pokot architecture. Following literature review, the author deduces both cultural and architectural constants
such as democracy and equity, polygamy, dualism, centrality, privacy and seclusion among other constants. Data is collected through
observation and interview techniques. Free hand sketches, photographs, notes and descriptions help to analyse and present the data
obtained from the field. The author finds out that there are cultural and architectural constants that resonate with what was earlier
established through literature review. However, there are inconsistencies that were established in the field such as the direction of
growth of the homestead among others. The research brings to light five major design principles of the Pokot, namely hierarchy,
dualism, centralism, security and privacy. Recommendations made take into consideration the culture and traditions of the Pokot and
the design principles expressed in their built forms and spaces. qqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqq
xvi | P a g e
1.1.
BACKGROUND OF STUDY
“But I absolutely believe that architecture is a social activity that has to do with
some sort of communication or places of interaction and that to change the
environment is to change behaviour.” (Thom Mayne, year unknown)
The social activities of a people take place in space that is defined naturally or by built
forms that accommodate the necessary functions. The creation of these spaces is
influenced by traditional beliefs and cultural behaviour that has been passed on from
generation to generation as noted by Rapoport 1969. Yet as the years go by, there have
been and continue to be advancements in technology which challenge the creation of
spaces. This does not mean that we should not embrace technology, rather we should
adopt technology but remain true to the traditional attitudes to space and built forms.
This view forms the basis of this study.
Source; Robbins (2010) author modified
The Pokot people have a long history of interaction with their neighbouring
communities, whether peaceful or otherwise, and as a result their culture and tradition
has been heavily influenced by their neighbours. This trend seems to continue up to date
where the Pokot people are seeking to have better living spaces having been influenced
by other people.
This research therefore aims to shed light on the traditional Pokot architecture and to
highlight the salient characteristics of traditional Pokot architecture which appear to be
further eroded as a result of modernisation.
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
FIG 1-01; The Pokot region
The Pokot people are part of the larger Kalenjin community in Kenya. They speak the
Pokot language and are categorised as Nilotes. They are spread out from the Lake
Baringo region in Baringo County all the way across the plains and highlands of West
Pokot County in Kenya to the Karamoja plains in North East Uganda as shown in fig 101.
2
1.2. PROBLEM STATEMENT
West Pokot and Baringo Counties, as shown in fig 1-02, are the main settlement areas
for the Pokot people in Kenya. They are presented with the opportunity to grow and
flourish economically and in every other aspect following the discovery of oil in the
neighbouring Turkana County and the LAPSSET corridor passing through Nginyang as
shown in fig 1-03, which is within Baringo County.
The above mentioned opportunities and many others that are yet to be fully exploited
will eventually lead to changes in the kind of built form seen in the region. This presents
the danger of Pokot architecture being tampered with without being documented to
great depths and thus the risk of extinction.
FIG 1-02; Counties in Kenya
The author seeks to investigate traditional Pokot beliefs and practices that influence their
creation of space, the transformations witnessed in the built forms over time and
probably project the way forward for a regional architecture that blends modern
international forces on the built form with the traditional Pokot architecture.
Source; KVOWRC (2012) Author modified
The objectives of this study are to:
FIG 1-03; Network of LAPSSET corridor
Source; JPC & BAC/GKA JV (2011) author modified
I.
Establish the tradition, beliefs and practices of the Pokot people.
II.
Establish how culture influences the built forms.
III.
Establish the design principles and attitudes of Pokot traditional architecture that
can be applied in modern day regional architecture.
1.3. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
3
1.4. RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Source; Author (2012)
What are the traditions, beliefs and practices of the Pokot people?
II.
How does culture influence the Pokot built forms?
III.
Which design principles employed by the Pokot people in their built forms can be
used to develop contemporary Pokot architecture?
1.5. JUSTIFICATION OF STUDY
The author, having had the opportunity to live among the Pokot people, was keen to
notice a sharp difference between the traditional and the modern way of building as
shown in figs 1-04 and fig 1-05. The author then developed the interest to investigate
the built forms of the Pokot.
There being no in-depth documentation of traditional Pokot architecture, this study will
provide a reference point for the traditional Pokot architecture and its salient
characteristics in years to come in the event that the built forms are tampered with and
become extinct with time.
This study will also serve as a means of preserving the traditional Pokot architecture
which is of significance to the Kenyan culture and traditions.
FIG 1-05; A school structure in Pokot
FIG 1-04; Traditional Pokot house (background) and
granary (foreground)
I.
4
1.6. SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY
This study will provide useful information to future architects and developers within the
Pokot region of Kenya and beyond, with the aim of preserving the identity of the Pokot
built form. It will also be significant in light of safeguarding the people‟s architectural
culture and heritage for future generations.
1.7. ASSUMPTIONS
This research makes the assumption that culture, traditional beliefs and practices of the
Pokot people heavily influence their creation of spaces and built forms.
Mwangi (2001) in his thesis titled “Beyond Vernacular Replication, In Search of a
Regional Identity”, University of Nairobi, did a comparative study of the Pokot,
Samburu and Gabbra traditional architecture. He generally outlined the house form of
the Pokot people, their layout and the difference between the pastoral Pokot and the
agricultural Pokot house.
In this thesis, the author documents the various spaces and built forms of the Pokot
people and explores how culture and climate influences the choice and use of the spaces
created.
This study was faced with the challenge of little known architectural literature about the
Pokot community. Most of the available literature was anthropological.
1.8. SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS
5
The author was faced with the problem of language barrier especially because she is not
a native of the region. There was the risk of distortion of information when an
interpreter was involved, yet the interpreter played a vital role in the acquisition of
information from the Pokot people.
1.9. DEFINITION OF TERMS
Aker – basic lattice work screen of the Pokot done by vertical and horizontal flexible
sticks.
Aperit - Shady places outside the house, in the courtyard, where the young men
(murren) sit, sleep and eat.
Chemerion – name given to a girl during the circumcision period.
Kokwa - a gathering place for male heads of households who make up the local council.
Korok - a unit of physical space as well as a unit of social space among the Pokot.
6
1.10. ORGANISATION OF STUDY
This thesis is divided into five chapters as shown in fig 1-06 and as outlined below:
Chapter one sets the pace of the thesis. It gives the background of the study, problem
statement, research objectives, research questions, justification of study, significance of
study, assumptions, scope and limitations of the study and the definition of terms.
Chapter two covers the literature review. It documents what is already known about
traditional Pokot architecture and Pokot traditional beliefs and practices that influence
their built forms.
Chapter three documents the research procedure undertaken in the course of the study.
It covers data collection methods, data analysis techniques and data presentation
methods.
Chapter five draws conclusions and recommendations that help solve the problem
statement earlier defined in chapter one. This chapter also has the opportunity to
compare, verify or disagree with information obtained from the literature review in
chapter two.
FIG 1-06; Organisation of study
Chapter four analyses and presents the information collected by the author from
conducting a fieldwork research.
7
2.1. INTRODUCTION
“Untutored builders in space and time demonstrate an admirable talent for fitting
their buildings into natural surroundings”. (Rudofsky, 1964)
Rudofsky 1964 states that traditional architecture welcomes the vagaries of climate and
challenge of topography instead of trying to „conquer‟ nature as we do. The author
notes that man, being influenced by his culture and traditions, uses his skills and
available resources to develop a habitable living condition within his given setting. The
Pokot people are no different. They have developed a unique way of dealing with their
natural surroundings, creating spaces which are both functional and comfortable to live
in.
FIG 2-01; Pokot Region
2.1.1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The Pokot originally inhabited the areas East of Mount Elgon, the southern plains of Soy
and the Cherang‟any Hills as shown in figs 2-01 and 2-02.
FIG 2-02; Pokot homeland
Source; U.S. Centre for World Mission (2012)
Beech 1911, Robbins 2010, Fedders 1979 and Schneider 1967 all note that the Pokot
people were formerly called Suk (Sukk, Suku) during colonial times. Other variations
include Pakot and even Pökoot. The Pokot people are highland nilotes. They are the
most northerly of all the Kalenjin groups. Of all Kalenjin groups, they are the most
influenced by non Kalenjin due to their nomadic lifestyle. Their major influence is found
to be the Karamojong of Uganda. The Pokot who live in Uganda are known as Upe or
Karapokot because of their proximity and shared customs with the Karamojong.
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
Source; www.seaturtle.org
9
2.1.2. GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING
The Pokot people occupy six major districts namely West Pokot, North Pokot which
includes Kacheliba Region, South Pokot which borders Marakwet, Central Pokot which
includes Sigor constituency, East Pokot which borders Turkana and Samburu in Kenya
and Karamoja in Uganda.
Source; Beech (1911)
Robbins 2010 further argues that the Pokot settled in the above described region
because of availability of pasture for their animals. The area was however prone to
famine, wild animals, and disease believed to have been brought by the whites. There
were frequent wars between the Pokot and the Maasai, Karamojong and Turkana
because of pasture and water for their animals.
2.1.3. CLIMATE
FIG 2-04; River Wei wei near its junction with the River
Turkwell
The Pokot live in the arid and semi-arid regions of Kenya as shown in figs 2-05 and 206. They however occupy both the highlands and semi-arid areas within the region as
shown in fig 2-07.
FIG 2-03; River Kerio
Beech 1911 and Robbins 2010 suggest that the Pokot region is defined by the
Cherang‟any Hills and the Sekerr and Chemerongit mountain ranges in Kenya and
Mount Kadam in southern Karamoja in Uganda. The rivers Suam or Turkwell, Kerio (fig
2-03), Muruny and Wei wei (fig 2-04) which flow northward to Lake Turkana are also
identified with the Pokot people. Major forests in the region are the Kamatia and
Tangasia Forests.
10
The agricultural Pokots live in the highlands area, above 2000m in altitude. The mean
maximum temperature ranges from 18.3oC to 24.7oC at Kapenguria. The mean
minimum temperature ranges from 8.0oC to 12.9oC at Kapenguria. The mean diurnal
temperature ranges from 10.3oC to 14oC. The daytime temperature is just warm but it
can get cold at night.
The annual mean rainfall ranges from 989mm to 1,222mm at Kapenguria. Heavy rainfall
is often experienced but lasts for short periods and lacks strong winds.
The pastoral Pokot live in a semi-arid land which is synonymous with the savannah
climate. The annual mean minimum temperature is about 16oC. The annual mean
maximum temperature is about 28oC. The region experiences a large diurnal
temperature of about 12.8oC. The nights are cold and the days are hot.
Source; NORKENYA (2012)
HIGHLANDS AREA
SEMI-ARID AREA
Mean max. temperature
18.3 – 24.7 0C
28 0C
Mean min. temperature
8 – 12.9 0C
16 0C
Diurnal temperature range
10.3 – 14 0C
12.8 0C
Mean annual rainfall
989 – 1,222 mm
600 – 900 mm
FIG 2-07; Comparison between highland (agricultural Pokot) and semi-arid (pastoral Pokot) climate
FIG 2-06; Rainfall distribution in Kenya.
Source; Richardson (2011)
FIG 2-05; Map of Kenya showing arid and semi-arid
districts.
Rainfall ranges between 600-900mm annually. Rainfall is usually not continuous over
long periods of time. Seasonal fluctuations are related to the rainfall patterns. Mean
annual relative humidity varies between 43% and 53%. The area experiences strong
winds which have minimal changes in direction.
11
2.2. POKOT DICHOTOMY
Fedders 1979 notes that the Pokot people hold themselves as one people but are
dichotomous in the following aspects:
i.
ii.
iii.
economic dichotomy
circumcision and age groups dichotomy
material culture dichotomy
2.2.1. ECONOMIC DICHOTOMY
Source; Kapenguria Museum (2013)
i.
ii.
Agricultural Pokot (who form a quarter of the Pokot population)
Pastoral Pokot (who form three quarter of the Pokot population)
Beech 1911 and Fedders 1979 argue that originally the Pokot were predominantly
cultivators as shown in fig 2-08 but they shifted to pastoralism. The author however
observes that they seem to be adopting agriculture back as shown in fig 2-09.
2.2.1.1. THE AGRICULTURAL POKOT (THE CORN PEOPLE)
FIG 2-09; Use of aqueducts to supply water in the fields
Fedders 1979 notes that the agricultural Pokot are found at the northern slopes of
Cherang‟any hills. Their terrain limits cultivation, therefore their homesteads are on the
slopes while they cultivate and build granaries at valley bottoms where the soil is more
fertile.
FIG 2-08; Tending to the farm
Barton 1921, Fedders 1979 and Conant 1966 agree that the Pokot people are of two
basic economic groups:
12
Conant 1966 establishes that they still practice pastoralism though to a less extent as
compared to the cattle people.
Irrigation method is used to supply water in their fields by use of aqueducts as shown in
fig 2-09. Peristiany 1954 and Fedders 1979 note that maintenance of the irrigation
system is communal responsibility but the elders have overall control of the irrigation
system. Crops cultivated are mainly sorghum, maize, millets, tobacco and potatoes and
green vegetables. Robbins 2010 adds that the surplus harvest was buried in large pots in
secret caves to ensure the family had enough food for surviving through the times of
drought as shown in figs 2-10 and 2-11.
FIG 2-10; Secret storage in caves
Source; Robbins (2010)
2.2.1.2. PASTORAL POKOT (THE CATTLE PEOPLE/PLAINS POKOT)
Fedders 1979 establishes that Pastoral Pokot houses are of one typology but vary in size
depending on the needs of the family. They are larger than those of the agricultural
Pokots and measure between three to ten metres in diameter.
FIG 2-11; Large grain baskets in cave
Bollig 1992, Conant 1974, 1966, Schneider 1956, 1957 and Fedders 1979 all agree that
the pastoral Pokot stock consists of cattle, sheep, goats, donkeys and sometimes camels.
Robbins 2010 adds that certain gourds of milk are stored for a very long time to be used
during the hot dry season when the cows do not produce enough milk as shown in fig
2-12.
Fedders 1979 notes that the pastoral Pokot settlements consist of clustered homesteads
scattered across the plains. Both Fedders 1979 and Peristiany 1954 agree that each
homestead is made up of a group of extended family members. The senior most man of
the homestead is the head of the settlement.
13
2.2.2. CIRCUMCISION AND AGE GROUPS DICHOTOMY
Fedders 1979 forwards the argument that the agricultural Pokot circumcise their youth
while the pastoral Pokot do not. The initiation process known as Sapana, which the
pastoral Pokot do as their rite of passage, was borrowed from their Karamojong Teso
Itunga neighbours as Fedders 1979 notes.
He also observes that some Pokot people have youths who are circumcised and yet
practise the Sapana ceremony.
FIG 2-12; Gourds for storing milk
Robbins 2010, Bollig 1992, Conant 1974, 1966 and Peristiany 1951 all agree that after
initiation one is allowed to marry and to be married and be active economically. The
author establishes that the bonds created within the age group are close and last a
lifetime up to the time of being elders.
Fedders 1979 notes that the similarity between the agricultural and the pastoral Pokot
material culture brings about unity between the two groups because the crafts and
artefacts are unique and identify with the Pokot people. Bodily ornamentation is
unique, lavish and colourful, especially among the pastoral Pokot as noted by Fedders
1979 and Conant 1966, and is usually a symbol of the social status of the wearer.
FIG 2-13; Cooking sticks used for making ugali or
porridge (on the right) and a cooking pot (ter) for
making ugali.
Fedders 1979 classifies crafts into two groups. Specialised crafts include blacksmithing for
men and pottery for women. Non-specialised crafts as shown in figs 2-14 to 2-28 include
wood carving of headrests, stools, mortars and pestles, honey barrels and gourds.
2.2.3. MATERIAL CULTURE DICHOTOMY
14
Fig 2-19; Kaipapagh-grinding
stone
Fig 2-24;Tuwan-traditional bowl
for drinking milk or cow or goat
blood
Fig 2-20; Beer gourd
Fig 2-25; Mohen-bee hives
Fig 2-16; Aleput-milking
containers
Fig 2-21; Logh/ptaraka-beer
gourds used for fermenting
alcohol
Fig 2-26; Hoe (kopompo)
and axe (aywo)
Fig 2-17; Nga‟char -three
Fig 2-18 Chempkombis- - drum used
for counteracting witchcraft and
legged stool
exocising bad spirits from a seriously
sick woman
Fig 2-22; Asacha-basket for
storing gourds
Fig 2-23; Tokoghon-honey
container
Fig 2-27; Kadongot-cow
Fig 2-28; Korop-basket like
container for keeping ugali
bells
hot
Fig 2-14; Kono-pestle and
mortar
Fig 2-15; Bowl for serving ugali
(attupa) and wooden tools of
cutting ugali (saita)
15
2.3. PLANNING CONCEPTS
The author addresses planning at three levels in this study, namely at the homestead
level, the village level and at the settlement level.
2.3.1. HOMESTEAD LEVEL
Robbins 2010 notes that the homestead grows in an anti-clockwise manner with each
additional wife.
The author understands that the courtyard space is communal and is the most public
space within the homestead. The houses open into the courtyard, thus it becomes the
interlocking space that unites the homestead. The courtyard is also used for entertaining
guests and holding communal dances and ceremonies.
Fedders 1979 establishes that each group of neighbouring homesteads has a council of
elders headed by an elder advisor (ki-ruwok-in) as shown in figs 2-29 and 2-30. His
wealth and wisdom earned him respect. Barton 1921 agrees with Fedders 1979 on the
role of the ki-ruwok-in at the homestead level.
FIG 2-30; The head-dress, siolip
FIG 2-29; Putting on the siolip on a ki-ruwok-in at the
homestead
The author deduces that the homestead consists of the courtyard, cattle kraal and
several houses depending on the number of wives as shown in figs 2-31 to 2-33. The
man does not have his own house. There may be other families, extended relatives or
friends living in the same or nearby homesteads.
16
FIG 2-31; Children play village
FIG 2-32; A Pokot house with a metal spoon at door
believed to keep away rain from entering the house
FIG 2-33; The Pastoral/ Agricultural Pokot homestead
Source; Robbins (2010) Author modified
17
2.3.1.1. AGRICULTURAL POKOT HOMESTEAD
Mwangi 2001 notes that the wives‟ house provides shelter for the wife, the children and
mature girls. The children and the mature girls would move to the other wives‟ houses
alternating with the man as the interior of the house has no partitions that would
otherwise have provided privacy for the husband and wife.
Fedders 1979 and Schneider 1967 record that the granaries remain secure despite their
distance from the homestead. Beech 1911 adds that theft is not common because the
Pokot believe in religion and superstition and fear curses from the elders.
Source; Andersen (1977)
A ceiling spans across the width of the house creating room for storage between the roof
and the ceiling as shown in fig 2-35. The store is accessed through an opening left for
that purpose. Utensils are hung from the wall or ceiling when not in use.
Andersen 1977 describes how the walls are done with heavy wooden posts that are
placed as close together as possible or in pairs as shown in fig 2-36. The spaces left
between the posts are later filled with thinner horizontal branches. The walls are then
plastered on the inside with a mixture of mud and cow dung as shown in fig 2-37.
Mwangi 2001 notes that cow dung increases cohesion between soil particles and keeps
insects away.
FIG 2-35; Section through an agricultural Pokot house
FIG 2-34; Plan of an agricultural Pokot house
Andersen 1977 notes that houses at the homestead are cylindrical and small in
circumference as shown in fig 2-34. They have steeply pitched conical roofs as shown in
fig 2-35 that are thatched with grass obtained from river banks. The grass thatch is
secured by tying it from outside with saplings.
18
A special clay pot for storing water is set on a three pronged branch which is dug into
the ground as shown in fig 2-38. A shelf over the fireplace was held in place by being
strapped to the ceiling as shown in fig 2-39. Beds are made by digging forked branches
into the ground then placing a bed frame on top as shown in fig 2-40.
FIG 2-38; Author‟s interpretation of the special clay pot
FIG 2-39; Author‟s interpretation of the shelf over the fireplace
FIG 2-40; Author‟s interpretation of the bed
FIG 2-37; Plastering the wall
FIG 2-36; Heavy wooden posts for the wall
19
2.3.1.2. PASTORAL POKOT HOMESTEAD
Mwangi 2001 and Robbins 2010 note that the homestead consists of the wives‟ houses
which shelter the wives, children and mature girls as shown in fig 2-41. The children and
the mature girls move to the other wives‟ houses alternating with the man when the
man visits the wife‟s house. The young men (murren) sit, sleep and eat in the aperit, a
shady place outside the house in the courtyard as shown in fig 2-33.
Mwangi 2001 establishes that there is a clear axis from the entrance of the homestead
through the cattle kraal to the entrance of the first wife‟s house as shown in fig 2-42.
The author agrees with Mwangi 2001 that the cattle‟s position at the courtyard
emphasises the importance of the cattle as well as keeps off wild animals and thieves.
FIG 2-42; Author‟s interpretation of the axis in the
homestead
Mwangi 2001 describes the houses as cylindrical with low and narrow entrances. Taylor
1983 is of the opinion that the low and narrow entrance could be a security measure as
an intruder enters the house with a posture that makes him vulnerable to an attack from
the house owners as shown in fig 2-43.
FIG 2-43; The low narrow entrance
FIG 2-44; The vertical poles placed in pairs
Source; Taylor (1983)
FIG 2-41; Pastoral Pokot house
20
Andersen 1977 describes how the walls are constructed with vertical poles placed in
pairs about 25cm to 35cm apart as shown in fig 2-44 with sticks placed between the
poles as horizontals as shown in fig 2-45. Mwangi 2001 suggests that the absence of
windows minimises interior temperature fluctuations. Rapoport 1969 notes that privacy
is a factor that influences the built form and the author suggests that this could have
been achieved by the limited views allowed into the space by the treatment given to the
wall as shown in fig 2-47.
FIG 2-45; Horizontal poles placed between verticals
Andersen 1977 further notes that the roof is gently rounded and supported by roof
beams and free standing roof supports as shown in fig 2-46. Smaller beams are put at
right angles to larger beams. The beams are covered with branches, which are then
covered with grass then a layer of earth, which ensures the house does not burn down
in case of an attack, waterproofs the house and is also a thermal control measure.
FIG 2-46; Section though a pastoral Pokot house
FIG 2-47; How the wall allows for natural ventilation, natural light and privacy
21
The interior space is partitioned by a wall as shown in figs 2-48 and 2-49, which
separates the people from the small stock. Mwangi 2001 however suggests that there is a
fireplace at the centre of the house in order to ensure even distribution of heat at night
and prevent the possibility of the fire burning down the house. The author however
notes that the pastoral Pokot house exhibited at Kapenguria Museum differs from this
opinion as shown in figs 2-50 and 2-51.
FIG 2-48; Plan of a pastoral Pokot house
Robbins 2010 notes that the man is responsible for choosing the site. As the family
moves in search of a new site to settle, they carry their belongings on their bodies as
shown in fig 2-52 but later adopted the use of donkeys from the Karamojong as shown
in fig 2-53. Outside every homestead is the kurket, the shade of a tree where men gather
to talk, eat meat and pray.
FIG 2-49; Interior of the house showing a partitioning
wall and the free standing roof supports
FIG 2-50; Plan of Pastoral Pokot house at Kapenguria Museum
FIG 2-51; Partitioning wall separating animals and people
qqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqqi inside the house
22
2.3.2. VILLAGE LEVEL
Conant 1965, Peristiany 1954 and Mwangi 2001 note that the agricultural Pokot villages
are scattered, though densely populated by people who are related. The villages are also
ill–defined because of the rugged terrain.
FIG 2-52; Skin used for sleeping on or shelter and a stool
carried on the head while moving
The above named also establish that the Pastoral Pokot villages are well defined as
shown in fig 2-54. A village is formed by a group of two to five families, who may not
necessarily be related as kin. Each family would have its main enclosure with a fence
within the larger village fence, the concept of a space within a space. The euphorbia
fences also help trap the dust in the winds from getting into the homestead.
FIG 2-54; A pastoral Pokot village
FIG 2-53; Moving using a donkey
23
2.3.3. SETTLEMENT LEVEL
Conant 1965, 1966 notes that farmers and herders share the concept of korok as both a
unit of physical space and a unit of social space. Among farmers, the korok as a unit of
physical space and korok as an area of settlement may be intertwined. Among herders, a
korok settlement area may overlap one or more korok physical units. The Pokot have a
communal land tenure system.
According to Conant 1965, the korok is an area physically defined by the three common
features of the Pokot environment:
Both farmers and herders tend to locate their main homesteads in the middle of a
physical korok. Secondary households may be spread to facilitate exploitation of the
different potentials of the environment.
Socially, no korok is independent. It depends on adjacent units for persons in activities
such as farming or herding. Among farmers, only three or four clans may live in a korok
and marriage between members of the same korok is prohibited. The pastoral korok has
a great number of kin groups, about thirty to forty clans. Marriage between co-residents
is common.
Prominence or elevation of an area above surrounding land.
Slope so that one end of the area is higher in altitude than the other.
Waterway demarcation, especially of the lateral borders of the area, by the beds
of permanent or intermittent streams.
24
Conant 1974 notes that there are permanent landmarks in the plains korok which serve
as regular gathering places. They include step-wells dug into river courses as shown in fig
2-55, where the dry-season water table remains close to the surface, and the dance
grounds, as shown in fig 2-56, where younger people gather to initiate and maintain
trysting relationships. There is also the kokwa which is a gathering place for male heads
of households, who make up the local council. The kokwa is commonly on the edge of
a river course, in the shade of a tree or grove of trees.
The mountain korok have their gathering places both as dance grounds and kokwa
council areas. The kokwa not only include shade trees, often the giant wild fig tree, but
also rock outcrops on which the members of the kokwa sit while being addressed at a
meeting.
Source; blog.cafod.org.uk
Conant 1965, 1966 adds that on the plains, the korok settlement units lack permanency
from one season to another. However, a family must not settle in places from which
people have moved recently, nor must a person settle alone as he becomes an invitation
to raiders.
2.4. POLITICAL ORGANISATION
Political organisation is divided into leadership, clan systems and religion for the purpose
of this study.
FIG 2-56; A dance ground
FIG 2-55; A step well
25
2.4.1. LEADERSHIP
2.4.2. CLAN SYSTEMS
The Pokot people are organised into clans such as the lion, buffalo, sun, baboon and
other clans as noted by Robbins 2010 and Bollig 2000. Conant 1974 and Bollig 2000
also note that each clan has its own customs about marriage and other rituals. Robbins
2010 adds that each clan also has a specific way of marking their cattle and shaving the
heads of their children as signs of their identity. It is considered sinful to spill the blood
of one‟s own clansman knowingly.
2.4.3. RELIGION
FIG 2-58; Mount Morpus which is believed to be the
home of Elat, the god of thunder, lighting and rain
Robbins 2010, Schneider 1956, Barton 1921 and Beech 1911 all agree that the Pokot
believe in the Supreme Being Tororut. Prayers and sacrifices are made to him as shown
in fig 2-57 during ceremonies, rituals and dances that are organised by the elders who sit
facing Mount Mtelo.
FIG 2-57; Men‟s prayer circle at the kokwa facing
Mount Mtelo
Robbins 2010 and Barton 1921 note that there are no traditional chiefs, but male elders
assume social power and control the family‟s assets. Councils of elders regularly meet to
decide conflicts, oversee rituals and make policy. Egalitarian values encourage generosity
and the distribution of wealth. Conflicts are resolved by the local council of elders called
kokwa. Common feuds include violation of cattle rights, adultery and other violations
associated with women. There is a high degree of cohesion and solidarity in the society
which is partly due to the fact that members of the same clans are scattered over the
tribal area rather than living with each other.
26
Mount Mtelo is the greatest mountain in Pokot land from which all Pokot originated
long ago and where all important decisions are made. Spirits are also believed to reside
there.
Schneider 1967 establishes that the Pokot are superstitious and believe in witchcraft and
other spiritual dark forces. They also have nature deities which consist of the Sun (Asis),
Moon (Araua), Thunder, Lightning, and Rain (Elat), whose home is believed to be at
Mount Morpus as shown in fig 2-58, and some lesser ones such as the Stars (Kokel) and
perhaps the Sky (Yim).
FIG 2-59; Women singing at a dance in a courtyard
Conant 1974 establishes that ritual gathering places for both Pokot herders and farmers
are in the mountains. Each sacred grove is under the control of the oldest male member
of the patriclan longest in residence in the korok where the grove is located.
For the purpose of this study, the social organisation of the Pokot has been divided into
family, division of labour, ceremonies and rituals and raiding.
2.5.1. THE POKOT FAMILY
FIG 2-60; A woman bathing her child
The author deduces that the Pokot family is patrilineal, patriarchal and polygamous. The
number of wives depends on the man‟s ability to pay the bride price for each additional
wife. Conant 1965 observes that community dances as shown in fig 2-59 increase
2.5. SOCIAL ORGANISATION
27
interaction between the younger residents of neighbouring korok, liaisons are arranged,
courtships maintained, and sometimes even marriages result.
According to Robbins 2010, women and men feed apart for fear that one of the former
may be menstrous and therefore unclean. Children may eat by themselves or with the
women. When a boy is considered sufficiently manly, he is admitted to the men's feasts.
2.5.2. DIVISION OF LABOUR
FIG 2-61; Girls tend to younger siblings
FIG 2-62; A young child getting animals into their kraal
The author gathers that among the agricultural Pokot, the men repair water storage
dams and irrigation furrows, irrigate crops and turn the soil. The women plant and
weed fields, construct houses at the homestead and milk the animals. Women and
children help each other tend to the animals, children and the gardens as shown in figs
2-60 and 2-61. Elders in the community have overall responsibility for maintaining
irrigation system and maintaining law and order in the society. Extensive social and
economic networks bond family members, clans and cattle associates.
Among the pastoral Pokot, herders of a korok cooperate in digging step-wells during the
dry season, hunting, scouting and sometimes raiding. The women construct houses at
the homestead and milk the animals. Young children help with milking, herding small
animals as shown in fig 2-62 and household chores. Girls are looked at as sources of
wealth through bride price.
Conant 1965 notes that labour is organized sporadically but contributes importantly to
the personality of the korok as a social unit. It is divided based on the gender and age of
the members.
28
2.5.3. BIRTH
Barton 1921 and Robbins 2010 note that a woman usually gives birth in her house
assisted by women. Upon delivery, the women sing happily to announce the birth of
the child. She is joined by her husband and they stay there together for a given period of
time as dictated by traditions.
Robbins 2010 adds that if the child is unhealthy at birth, the ritual of saana is performed
to purify the mother. The ritual bed known as saana is constructed, spread with ashes
and moved into the mother‟s house. After the ritual, the bed is washed, dismantled and
stored in a good place.
FIG 2-63; A woman wearing a belt with cowrie shells
2.5.4. CIRCUMCISION
2.5.4.1. FEMALE CIRCUMCISION
FIG 2-64; A young uninitiated girl
Robbins 2010 and Barton 1921 note that girls are usually circumcised within a few years
into puberty. Uncircumcised girls usually wear a necklace made of hollow reed grass as
shown in fig 2-64 to denote their uninitiated status. The girls build the circumcision
house on one side of a homestead as shown in fig 2-65.
The author deduces that circumcision is a rite of passage for both males and females by
which the initiates are considered mature members of the society after going through the
rite successfully. The initiate‟s mother gets to wear a belt with cowrie shells as shown in
fig 2-63 to show that her son or daughter is undergoing circumcision.
29
The door of their house faces away from the homestead so that they are able to enter
and leave as quickly and inconspicuously as possible during their three months of
seclusion.
The mothers of the new initiates spread susinion grasses on the ground of the house of
circumcision. After the surgery, the girls sleep directly on top of the grasses, rather than
on skins and cover themselves with koliken, goat skin blankets.
FIG 2-65; Author‟s interpretation of the position of the
circumcision house
Robbins 2010 notes that the girls‟ circumcision consists of six rituals: two before the
surgery, the circumcision itself, and three celebrations following it. All these rituals take
place at the courtyard of the homestead. He describes the rituals in detail in his book
titled „Red Spotted Ox, A Pokot Life‟.
2.5.4.2. MALE CIRCUMCISION
Barton 1921 establishes that circumcision rites among the Pokot do not recur at stated
intervals. The practice is for youths desiring to undergo the rite to approach those who
have been circumcised within recent years and who form the previous age grade. These
intermediaries go to the elders of the tribe, and the elders give their decision whether
the time is ripe.
FIG 2-66; The atela
Once circumcised, the initiate is called a chemerion. After the final ritual, the chemerin
(plural for chemerion) take off their circumcision attire and wear their new skin clothing,
the apron or atela, as shown in fig 2-66, and the back skirt called cheptoro. The girl is
then considered a woman and ready for marriage.
30
Once permission is granted, the youths make a feast for the elders then they go and cut
wood for building the menjo house in which the rites are to take place. The actual
building is done by members of the previous age and takes five or six days. Barton 1921
further explains that the house is large and rectangular enough for up to 200 initiates
with a gabled grass thatch roof as shown in fig 2-67. It is situated in the depths of the
bush and has two doors; the right for those already circumcised (mugaon) and the left
for the initiates (tios).
FIG 2-67; Author‟s interpretation of the menjo house
No fire is allowed in the house. It is off-limits to women and uncircumcised men other
than the initiates (tios). The tios consist of many age groups, from small boys to adult
men. One elder is appointed to tend to the house and several others have the
responsibility of serving the initiates the food prepared and taken by the mothers.
FIG 2-68; Initiates leaving their camp
Source; Masterfile Corporation (1999)
Masterfile Corporation 1999 adds that at the start of Ngetunogh ceremony, the mothers
of Pokot initiates smear animal fat on the boys‟ masks as a sign of blessing as shown in
fig 2-69. Towards the conclusion of the ceremony, an initiate must put on his mother‟s
jewelry for a day before removing the sisal face mask he has been wearing for 2-3
months as shown in fig 2-70. At the conclusion of Ngetunogh, the initiates rush to a
sacred tree and crouch briefly while women and girls hurl abuse at them. They then
meet that evening to feast on a bull. The following day they return home and remove
their ceremonial attire.
Masterfile Corporation 1999 notes that after 2-3 months seclusion, the initiates leave the
camp in single file to celebrate Ngetunogh. Each of them wears a mask, consisting of a
fringe of bark-fibre ropes, laced together, dyed with red ochre, and tied around the
forehead so that the ropes hang down to cover the face as shown in fig 2-68. They must
also wear goatskins and carry bows with blunt arrows until the ceremony is over.
31
2.5.5. SAPANA
According to Peristiany 1951, the Pokot learnt about Sapana from the Karamojong. It is
the most important celebration, more important than circumcision and is necessary for
becoming a man. It takes place within the initiate‟s homestead. The initiates become
eligible for marriage and possess a small wooden neck rest.
FIG 2-70; An initiate wearing his mother‟s jewelry
FIG 2-71; The half circle with large leaves
FIG 2-72; Sitting arrangement during Sapana
Source; Peristiany (1951)
FIG 2-69; The mothers of Pokot initiates smearing
animal fat on the boys‟ masks
Peristiany 1951 describes how in the early morning of the Sapana, the initiate's friends,
with the help of some elders, mark a half-circle (kerket) on the ground with large leaves
and the opening facing Mount Mtelo as shown in figs 2-71 and 2-72. This is situated
within hearing distance of the initiate's home.
32
FIG 2-73; Preparation of the ox during Sapana
The men of the father‟s household prepare clay at an area outside the homestead then
decorate the initiate‟s head using the clay as shown in fig 2-74. Three holes are made at
the top of the clay cap and lined with metal rings to hold ostrich feathers. A very large
black feather is put in the middle and white ones on either side. The atoro decoration is
later applied on the small frontal area on top of the head and three more metal featherholes in the atoro hold a white feather in the middle and a yellow or black one on
either side. The ceremony is concluded by a dance as shown in fig 2-75.
Sapana is a ceremony performed jointly by a number of sub-sets. Its main purpose is to
integrate these sub-sets into a larger age-grouping. There are only two Sapana-sets as
FIG 2-74; Putting the clay headdress
shown in fig 2-76. Each is associated with a name and with the colour of its metal
ornaments; the Zebras wear brass-coloured while the Rocks wear copper-coloured
ornaments. A son must belong to the Sapana-set opposite that of his father. Sapana
normally takes place between circumcision and marriage. Both men and women attend
the Sapana ceremony.
Peristiany 1951 explains that the representatives of the oldest Sapana-set sit under the
trees and face the opening of the kerket. This is the seat of honour as the faces of these
elders are towards Mount Mtelo as shown in fig 2-72. On their right and left sit the
members of the immediately younger sub-sets, and towards the opening of the kerket
men of between twenty-five and thirty take their places. These are the representatives of
the last 'colour section'. Outside the kerket and facing the elders is the aperit which is
reserved for young warriors who were initiated a few years before the present initiation.
Near but not adjacent to the aperit is the ma, the smouldering fire where the ox is
roasted and prepared as shown in fig 2-73. Here sits the initiate together with those
who have made sapana during the same or the previous year. They become members of
the same sub-set. The visitors sit farther away, usually near the initiate's home.
33
2.5.6. MARRIAGE
Conant 1966 notes that negotiations for bride wealth, which happen at the intended
bride‟s mother‟s house as noted by Robbins 2010, are marked by eloquent but shrewd
bargaining done without regard for the wishes of the girl as to whom she would like to
marry.
Robbins 2010 explains how the bride to be is called to stand at the gate of the kraal of
the man‟s homestead. She is presented with an ox and this allows her to enter the kraal
legitimately as a bride.
Source ; Masterfile Corporation (1999)
In the morning of the second night, a ceremony called koiyul is done to welcome the
bride into the man‟s homestead as a wife. He is then allowed to take the bride price, in
form of cattle, to the bride‟s father‟s homestead accompanied by his father. A series of
discussions between the bride and the groom‟s family takes place and thereafter a
ceremony is done to seal the marriage.
Robbins 2010 further ascertains that the second part of the wedding ceremony is where
the groom‟s homestead marries the new bride. The bride and groom sleep in separate
beds until the second part is done. When this ceremony is finished the ritual of the clan
is done. Later, the bride is decorated with ornaments that show her newly acquired
status as shown in figs 2-77 and 2-78.
FIG 2-76; Sapana age-set system
Source; Peristiany (1951) Author modified
FIG 2-75; Pokot women sing and dance at the
conclusion of a Sapana ceremony
34
Masterfile Corporation 1999 adds that a ceremony called koyogho is done when a man
pays his in-laws the balance of the agreed dowry for his wife. This may take place many
years after he marries her. At the conclusion of the ritual, his father-in-law blesses him, as
shown in fig 2-79, and his wife is given a large gourd of milk which she carries home on
her back with her youngest child as shown in fig 2-80.
FIG 2-77; Large brass earrings and broad beaded collars
and necklaces showing a woman‟s married status
FIG 2-78; A married woman‟s
dressing
FIG 2-79; Blessing by the father in law
FIG 2-80; The gourd of milk given to the wife
Surce; Masterfile Corporation (1999)
Source; Masterfile Corporation. (1999)
35
2.5.7. BURIAL
The sons dig a deep grave at the centre of the cattle kraal, make a thatched stick bed
and place the body thereon together with his sleeping mat of hide. The author suggests
that the position of the grave could be an indication of the importance of a man in the
Pokot society as cattle are also very dear to the Pokot. The head of the corpse is rested
on his pillow stool and foods loved by the deceased are placed in the grave by the
body. The body is anchored in position with rocks until it is enclosed like a box. Leaves
and grasses are then spread and a layer of dirt is put on top. The entire grave is covered
with stones, forming a small hill. Some dung from the family herd is put on top of the
mound which the author suggests could probably have a spiritual meaning attached as
cows are also of religious significance to the Pokot. Finally, a zariba of thorns is put to
keep away hyenas and jackals. All this is done the day a person dies and is a family
matter. No outsiders are allowed.
Barton 1921 notes that a man who does not possess cattle is buried in the same fashion
but a short distance from his house. After a month has elapsed a feast is made and the
property is divided amongst the Pastoral Pokot. The village then moves to a new site.
Barton 1921 and Robbins 2010 establish that after a man‟s death, his wives, sons, and
daughters discard all their ornaments, the males remove their headdresses and shave
their forelocks while the females shave the whole head as an expression of grief. The
personal ornaments of the deceased man are divided amongst his friends, the nearest
friend having a preference. Robbins 2010 notes that mourning among the Pokot people
is done in silence.
36
The grave of a woman is dug at the side of the kraal. The author suggests that this could
be an expression of the inferior position assumed by the woman in the society as
compared to the man who is buried at the centre of the cattle kraal. The last born son
of the deceased woman digs the grave and buries her. The ceremony of the black ox
and the distribution of beads marks the completion of the burial of a woman.
Barton 1921 and Robbins 2010 mention that the Pokot are buried on their side so that
the stomach lies towards Mount Mtelo which is believed to be the navel of the Pokot.
Mtelo means a landmark or that which is known of all.
The grave of a woman is dug at the side of the kraal. The author suggests that this could
be an expression of the inferior position taken by the woman in the society as compared
to the man who is buried at the centre of the cattle kraal. The last born son of the
deceased woman digs the grave and buries her.
2.5.8. RITUALS
The author observes that events such as pregnancy, marriage, childbirth, initiations,
death, sickness, natural disasters, murder, and many other events are characterised by
elaborate rituals within the Pokot community. Below are some of the rituals.
Barton 1921 adds that upon the death of a small child, the body is thrown into the bush.
The father shaves the forelock and the mother the sides of the head. No feast is held. On
the death of a grown boy or girl, the body is buried and the formalities are observed,
but no funeral feast is held.
37
2.5.8.1. RITUAL OF RATAW
Robbins 2010 notes that this is done to protect lost cows from the jaws of predators
during the night. The ritual leader, who is the man, calls all people in the homestead
into the kraal where the ritual is done. This ritual can also be used to bring back a lost
wife.
2.5.8.2. RIWOI
FIG 2-81; Ritual of riwoi
Robbins 2010 asserts that this is a large cleansing ritual done after the unusual birth of
babies or twins as shown in fig 2-81. The ritual leader must be someone who has gone
through riwoi before. The ritual is done within the courtyard in the homestead and in
the house of the mother to the babies.
Robbins 2010 ascertains that this ritual is performed for pregnant women to ensure a
successful childbirth. The ritual is done in the woman‟s house after dawn, after which the
rest of the ritual takes place in the kraal.
At the end of the ceremony, the women tie grass necklaces round each other using the
grass which the woman had sat on during her blessing as shown in fig 2-82.
FIG 2-82; Women tying grass necklaces round each
other
2.5.8.3. PARAPARA
38
2.5.9. RAIDING
According to Robbins 2010, before the warriors leave for a raid, an elder performs a
ritual to anoint the warriors. A war dance as shown in fig 2-83 is also performed to
encourage the warriors. The tools of warfare include two eight foot long spears and a
rectangular unpainted rhino hide shield as shown in fig 2-85. Other tools for war are as
shown in fig 2-86.
FIG 2-84; Decorative scars made by rubbing charcoal or
the sap of a plant into them when the wounds are fresh
Source; Masterfile Corporation. (1999)
FIG 2-85; A warrior wearing an ostrich feather headdress, the
kalacha, a V-shaped man's cape tied round the neck, and arobet,
a man's frontal cape, tied round the neck and reaching below
the privates, and armed with the typical spears and shield
FIG 2-86; Left, adingo(warrior‟s belt). Centre from
top, acharkes (finger knife), ngecher(stool), akul
(circular wrist-knife), mal-tin (leather shields for
the akul). Right, legetio (woman‟s belt)
FIG 2-83; Pokot war dance
Robbins 2010 adds that if one kills an enemy, he is considered unclean. A purification
ritual is done for the protection of the warrior as well that of his family and friends.
Decorative scars may also be cut into a warrior‟s body, as shown in fig 2-84 to
symbolise the killing of his enemy. A cleansing ritual is done on the first day of the new
moon after which he is allowed to enter through the kraal gate and resume normal
activities. A final cleansing ceremony is done after one year.
39
2.6. SIGNIFICANCE OF ANIMALS IN THE POKOT CULTURE
Bollig 1992 and Schneider 1957 agree that animals in Pokot culture are regarded as
symbols of wealth. The level of wealth as determined by the animals in order of
hierarchy is as outlined below:
i.
ii.
iii.
iv.
Source; Conant (1966)
The number of stock varies depending on the prevailing geographical and climatic
conditions. Schneider 1957 notes that people in the plains have more stock per adult
man than those living in the highlands. The author attributes this to favourable weather
conditions. The head of the family is in control of the family herd.
A wealthy man is given a certain degree of special treatment but it is not very
noticeable to a non-Pokot, since the Pokot are egalitarian in their way of life and resent
showing excessive preferential treatment. A wealthy man may possibly be addressed as
“echotion” and given special consideration when he attends a feast or visits a home. He
may also wear the nose plate (aparparat) which is a symbol of wealth as shown in fig 287.
FIG 2-88; A special arrow for bleeding (teremwa) is shot
into the protruding vein and blood is obtained
The Pokot people‟s diet mainly consists of milk, meat and blood, which is obtained as
shown in fig 2-88, from the animals they keep. Robbins 2010 adds that termites are also
a delicacy. When rain follows a prolonged dry period, termites fly out of their great
hills, as shown in fig 2-89, for their mating flights. As they return to the nest, they are
trapped in the false entrances as shown in fig 2-90 and eaten raw or fried.
FIG 2-87; A Pokot male wearing the nose plate
(aparparat)
Camels( for the few that own)
Cattle
Goats
Irrigated land
40
2.6.1. CAMELS
Bollig 1992 notes that the pastoral Pokot of Kenya lowlands started to practice camel
husbandry to a large extent in the 20th century. He establishes that camels are significant
to the Pokot in the following ways:
FIG 2-89; Termite mound
They are valuable assets in bride wealth donations
They formalise livestock friendships
They are means of exchange in the local market
They are used as currency which would be exchanged for goats or cattle in times
of need
They supply milk especially during the dry season
Bollig 1992 adds that camels are rarely slaughtered. Reasons for slaughter include:
FIG 2-90; False entrance in termite hill
Ceremonies of the neighbourhood council (kokwo)
During meat feasts of the neighbourhood (asiwa)
Initiation rituals (sapana) for boys
Rich herd owners can afford to slaughter a camel for a curing ceremony (tapa)
Household food( though sheep and goats were more common)
Slaughter for prophet
Food for guest
Slaughter for sale
Bollig 1992 further asserts that camels are milked by women. Each woman milks those
camels which are assigned to her by her husband. The milk is shared between the
women of a homestead only in times of scarcity. Milking is done three times a day; in
the morning, in the evening and 10.00 p.m.
41
2.6.2. CATTLE
Source; www.jambonewspot.com
FIG 2-92; Cattle brands of the Baboon Clan
Cattle are herded by men as shown in fig 2-91 but there is no prohibition against
women handling cattle. Cattle are also marked according to the clan of the owner as
shown in fig 2-92. At night, the mature stock is driven into a thorn bush enclosure
within the settlement while the young and small stock is kept inside the houses.
Schneider 1957 further notes that steers are ever present in ritual and religious events. In
addition, steers are ritually employed in various ways:
at the closing ceremony of circumcision rites
to purify children who are born in abnormal ways
as media for ordeals
during Sapana feasts
2.6.3. GOATS
FIG 2-93; A man reading intestines
Robbins 2010 establishes that goats are the most common source of meat. They are also
the most commonly used during rituals. The intestines are believed to be able to tell
causes or foretell events when read by an expert as shown in figs 2-93 and 2-94.
FIG 2-91; Herding cattle
Schneider 1957 states that the Pokot culture is cattle complex. This means that they have
a strong attachment to cattle, which leads to their use in areas of life which are foreign
among other people who possess many cattle. It involves an extensive religious or ritual
use of cattle. Cattle are the chief form of wealth. They are the most prominent measure
of power, prestige and status and proper animals for feasts or ceremonies.
42
2.7. SUMMARY
Through literature review, the author has established both cultural and architectural
constants of the Pokot people as highlighted below.
2.7.1. CULTURAL CONSTANTS
FIG 2-94; How to read intestines
1. Democracy and equity: The Pokot community is egalitarian. All members are
considered equal and there is no superior person in the society.
2. Polygamy is allowed within the Pokot society, whereby one man can marry
many wives.
3. The Pokot rely mainly on their animals for food and skin. The animals are useful
in their daily lives and also during ceremonies and rituals.
4. Dualism: The Pokot people have a nomadic lifestyle, though some have adopted
agriculture.
5. Centrality: They believe in one superior being called Tororut who is believed to
live on Mount Mtelo. Mount Mtelo is also believed to be the origin of all the
Pokots.
6. Privacy / Seclusion: There is limited interaction between the males and females in
the Pokot society. The woman is also considered unclean during her menstrual
flow.
7. Patrilineal society: The male line is used to trace the descent of members in the
society, including their clans which determine who to marry and what rituals to
perform as some rituals are clan specific.
8. Ornamentation is elaborate and communicates on the social status of the wearer.
Cultural constants derived from literature review are as follows:
43
2.7.2. ARCHITECTURAL CONSTANTS
The agricultural Pokot house is smaller in circumference as compared to
that of the pastoral Pokot house as shown in figs 2-95 and 2-96, probably
due to the need for warmth in the cooler highlands.
The interior space of the house is not partitioned in the agricultural Pokot
house while in the pastoral Pokot house it is partitioned.
5. Centrality: Communal prayers and rituals are held in spaces whose orientation is
towards Mount Mtelo.
6. Privacy / Seclusion: Circumcision of the boys takes place deep in the forest (male
territory) while that of the girls‟ takes place within the courtyard (female
territory). The space for the woman and the man are also clearly defined at the
homestead level as shown in fig 2-97.
FIG 2-96; Agricultural Pokot houses
FIG 2-95; Pastoral Pokot houses
1. Democracy and equity: Due to the egalitarian nature of the Pokot community,
there are no special built forms for leaders.
2. Polygamy: The homestead is formed by the wives‟ houses as shown in fig 2-97.
There is no house made for the man, his space within the homestead is at the
aperit.
3. The importance of animals to the Pokot is architecturally manifested by the
dominance of the cattle kraal within the homestead as shown in fig 2-97.
4. Dualism:
The built form of the pastoral Pokot exhibits a lack of permanency due to
their nomadic lifestyle. The sedentary lifestyle of the agricultural Pokot is
manifested in their more permanent built form as they have to attend to
their fields constantly as shown in figs 2-95 and 2-96.
44
FIG 2-97; The Pastoral/ Agricultural Pokot homestead
Source; Robbins (2010) Author modified
7. Patrilineal society: Settlement was chosen by the man and was influenced by the
availability of pasture and water, first for their animals then for human
consumption, and slope of the land.
8. The homestead grows in an anticlockwise manner with each additional wife as
shown in fig 2-97.
9. Women are responsible for building houses.
45
3.1. RESEARCH DESIGN
This research was carried out using the case study method. A descriptive approach was
taken which involved a detailed study of the built forms and spaces used in the
traditional settlements of the Pokot people. The cultural and architectural constants
within the Pokot society as derived from the literature review in chapter two were
further established at the field.
3.2. JUSTIFICATION OF CASE STUDY
For the purpose of this study, the author chose Kapenguria, Ortum and Lomut areas in
West Pokot County as a representative area to study about the agricultural Pokot.
Kamurio and its neighbouring villages in East Pokot District, Baringo County was chosen
as a representative area to study about the pastoral Pokot.
The above mentioned areas were chosen because of the author‟s ability to access the
areas easily as compared to other regions in the country where the Pokot people live.
The selected regions were also found to have relevant material that would sufficiently
inform this study.
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODS
The main purpose of this study was to understand the traditional beliefs and practices of
the Pokot and how this influenced their built form. The study also sought to examine
the transformations of the built forms and possibly project the way forward.
47
3.3. SAMPLING DESIGN
The respondents were sampled according to their roles within the community and also
depending on their availability and willingness to share information with the author.
The respondents were comprised of staff at the Kapenguria Museum of Kenya, the
residents of ten homesteads in Kamurio and its neighbouring villages in East Pokot
District, elders in the community such as Mzee Emmanuel Krop Lotiywa and Pastor Kitur
among others, and willing respondents at the market places who were eager to share
their culture with the author. Radio presenters, Mr. Abraham Domongole and Mr.
Samuel Kakuko, of the vernacular radio station Kalya Fm in West Pokot who have done
extensive research and continue to educate the masses through the airwaves about
culture and traditions of the Pokot were also valuable informants.
3.4. DATA COLLECTION TECHNIQUES
The study took a cross sectional study approach as the research was to be done within a
limited time frame. Intense fieldwork was conducted between the months of July and
August 2013. Interviews and observation methods of data collection were employed by
the author during fieldwork.
Area sampling method was used to collect the data. This is because the Pokot region is
vast and therefore representative areas were chosen to stand for the larger whole. The
case study research design method enabled the author to collect data using observation
and interviews. The data collected was then thoroughly analysed and constants and
changes were derived.
48
3.4.1. OBSERVATION
The observation techniques used to collect data were:
Free hand sketching on form, building technology and dimensions of house units
in order to understand the spaces provided to accommodate given functions.
Photography by use of a camera.
Taking notes of the key points observed.
The checklist for information that was observed is as shown in appendix 1 under the
following headings:
Planning of a homestead
House unit spaces
Artefacts
Technology
3.4.2. INTERVIEWS
An interview guide was formulated as shown in appendix 2 that had three main
headings:
1.
2.
Space use and its users
Factors influencing the buildings
3.
Changes from past to present
1.
2.
3.
4.
49
The author, being guided by the interview guide, conducted interviews with key
opinion holders in the Pokot society and held focussed group discussions with willing
members of the Pokot community. This gave the author the opportunity to probe
further in order to seek clarification about certain unclear issues.
Through this process, the author was able to capture the ancient layouts and traditions
of the Pokot before most of the transformations happened. Information about the built
forms and culture and traditional beliefs of the Pokot that influence space and the built
forms was also obtained.
3.5. DATA ANALYSIS AND PRESENTATION
The data analysed and presented addressed the issues of building materials and
technology, how and when the spaces created were used and the transformations being
witnessed in the built forms.
Free hand sketches, photographs, notes and descriptions helped to analyse and present
the data obtained from the field. Comparative studies between the agricultural and
pastoral Pokot built forms and the past and the present built forms helped to further
investigate the subject of analysis.
The aim of analysing the data obtained from observation and interviews was to come
up with concepts and meanings that come into play when creating spaces among the
Pokot people.
50
51
CHAPTER 4: DATA ANALYSIS
4.1. INTRODUCTION
Oral traditions, as narrated to by Mzee Lotiywa, give an account of the Pokot as a
people whose origin is in Israel. During their migration from Israel, they reached a
place called Miot where the boys were to be circumcised. Some of the migrants
accepted to be circumcised and were known as the Connie Pokot while others
rebelled and followed the River Nile into Uganda and Mount Elgon Area. The latter
group were known as the Pokot, who were considered the favoured son and were
given all the culture. The Pokot believe that Ilat, the spirit associated with thunder,
lighting and rain lives on Mount Morpus shown in fig 4-01 in West Pokot.
The Pokot also believe that they are actually Israelites, and that the book of Leviticus
in the Bible contains more or less the traditional beliefs and practices that they uphold
as a people.
Pastoral Pokot
POKOT
Agricultural
Pokot
FIG 4-02; The two economic activities of the Pokot
4.2. ECONOMIC BACKGROUND
The Pokot people have two major economic activities namely pastoral and
agricultural activities as shown in figs 4-02 to 4-04.
FIG 4-01; Mount Morpus in the background
52
4.2.1. PASTORAL ACTIVITIES
Pastoral activities are practiced by both the pastoral and agricultural Pokot, but the
pastoral Pokot engage to a greater extent. They rely on camels, cattle and goats for
their daily needs. These animals provide milk, meat and hide.
4.2.1.1. MILK
FIG 4-03; Pastoral activities
Significant quantities of milk are obtained from camels and cows. Camels are milked
three times a day, at 7.00 a.m., 10.00 a.m. and at 10.00 p.m. as shown in figs 4-05
and 4-06. Cows are milked two times a day, in the morning before leaving for pasture
and in the evening after returning to the kraal. Goats also provide milk but in limited
quantities.
4.2.1.2. MEAT
FIG 4-04; Agricultural activities
Meat is obtained from camels, cattle and goats when all other food is not available.
Goats are however the most common source of meat as compared to the camel and
cattle which are usually slaughtered during rituals and ceremonies. Meat can also be
used as herbal medicine to treat a sick child.
Milk is used as food and for barter trade especially in exchange for grain. It is also
used during rituals such as reconciliation and during the acceptance of an adopted
child into a new family.
53
The most precious cattle are used in the naming of children. In the event of adultery
or abuse, the elders may order the errant member to slaughter his most precious cow
as a punishment for his ill behaviour.
4.2.1.3. HIDE
Goat or cow hide is used in various ways. It is used in making honey and ghee
containers, hats, sandals, baby carriers and belts as shown in figs 4-07 to 4-09.
FIG 4-05; A ‘wild’ camel is tied and milked at the camel
kraal
FIG 4-07; A pair of sandals made from hide
FIG 4-06; A ‘calm’ camel can be milked while on the move
FIG 4-08; Baby carrier
54
Hide is also used functionally in its basic form as rpka (serving tray for ugali), basic
body cover, rain coat, mattress, and bracelet or as ceremonial attire as shown in figs 410 to 4-12.
FIG 4-09; Belts decorated with beads and cowrie shells
FIG 4-10; Ceremonial attire (centre) worn by girls during
circumcision period
FIG 4-11; A child sleeping on a hide ‘mattress’
FIG 4-12; A hide bracelet symbolising married status
55
4.2.2. AGRICULTURAL ACTIVITIES
The main traditional crops grown are millet, sorghum and tobacco. The three types of
millet grown by the Pokot are chepkawar, chesapur, which is red and may be eaten
raw, and kamatorngwiny, which takes a short time to mature. Millet is used in
cooking ugali, porridge, yeast and during rituals to appease the spirits. Tobacco is
grown in the highlands.
FIG 4-13; Maize farm
The Pokot people are however growing maize, as shown in fig 4-13, much more
widely than the traditional crops. The maize upon maturity is ground and the flour is
used to make ugali as shown in fig 4-14.
4.3. THE POKOT FAMILY
FIG 4-14; Ugali served in the traditional serving bowl, tupa.
The number of wives depends on the man’s economic wealth, but the average
number is two to three wives. The first wife comes from a recommended family. She is
given five cows which are totally under her charge. Each of the five cows has a
meaning attached to it. One of them is a bull that is given to represent the man’s
ornaments. The others are for milk, as a sign of respect to the husband, the other is
from the mother in law and another is to get the newly wed wife to remove her
underpants.
The Pokot are polygamous in nature. Before a man marries, a clear lineage of the
woman’s clan must be established as there are specific clans that may not intermarry
according to traditional beliefs.
56
house
builder
prepares
food for the
family
milking
animals
help in
house
chores
daughters
are viewed
as a source
of wealth
sons
protect the
homestead
FIG 4-15; Roles of the men, women and children in a
family
Once a woman reaches menopause, she may leave her husband’s homestead and
settle in her son’s homestead in order to allow the man to satisfy himself with younger
women, if her husband agrees.
A child is considered a sacred being and is owned by the community. According to the
Pokot traditions, a child belongs to the man. The man is expected to provide food for
his family. The roles of the men, women and children in the family are as outlined in
fig 4-15, among other roles.
4.4. DISPUTE RESOLUTION
Dispute in the Pokot society may arise due to matters such as marital issues,
distribution of water for irrigation and young men fighting for women.
Elders who are not related or close to either of the parties preside over the dispute
resolution process which is usually under a tree and positioned as shown in figs 4-16
and 4-17. The cause of dispute must be clear.
Both parties present their case then leave for the elders to consult and give their
verdict. They are called back and asked if there are any more comments.
FIG 4-16; Positions taken during a case hearing
When giving the verdict, the elder in charge speaks first followed by a second elder
who passes the judgment. The elders have the final word and it cannot be challenged
by anyone.
child rearing
CHILDREN
owns the
children
herding
childbearing
WOMEN
provides
food for
his family
through
animals
MEN
head of
the home
The woman may later use these cows for barter trade with her neighbours. She may
also practice subsistence farming in order to provide for the family.
57
Community meetings held to discuss issues affecting the society or development plans
are held in a similar setting. Men who have gone through Sapana sit directly under the
tree while younger men, women and children sit further from the tree as shown from
figs 4-18 to 4-20. This brings out the patrilineal nature of the society and highlights the
idea of seclusion that is established by the author in literature review.
FIG 4-17; Positions taken during a case hearing
FIG 4-18; Sitting arrangement during a community meeting
FIG 4-20; People leaving the venue of the meeting
FIG 4-19; A community meeting in session
58
must have undergone
circumcision and sapana
4.5. LEADERSHIP
must be married
The author ascertains that leadership is communal and hierarchical. Leaders in the
community earn respect based on the quantity of wealth they possess, their moral
uprightness, level of maturity and the reputation of his family’s background. The
leader must have undergone the rites of circumcision and Sapana and also married as
shown in fig 4-21.
egalitarian society, where
the leader blends in with
the rest of the people
The leaders blend in with the people and it may be hard to identify one as their dress
code is normal. Their homesteads are no different from the average common person.
Each leader has his role to play and it cannot be overlooked or done by another
person or leader.
respects derived from
wealth, morality, maturity
and family reputation
werkoyon, the prophet, is
the senoir most leader
FIG 4-21; The leader in society
All errors in the society have clearly outlined consequences. If a leader errs, he and the
people of his age group are disciplined by an older age group for his fault and for
disgracing his fellow members.
The following are some of the leaders in the Pokot community and their roles.
The most prominent leader in the community is the prophet (werkoyon). His
authority is recognized even across neighbouring communities. He is responsible for
addressing security issues, briefing other leaders and foreseeing diseases and bad omens
and warning the community. He is also in a position to declare or call off a war
without necessarily giving the cause.
Other leaders include the kapolokyon, chepkeghyon and kirosin.
LEADER
59
4.6. WORSHIP
The author establishes that the Pokot believe in the supreme God Tororut who resides
in Mount Mtelo. He hears his people and is all powerful. Daily prayers are done by
fathers early in the morning before sunrise facing Mount Mtelo as shown in fig 4-22.
Prayers are also offered before eating and during Sapana ceremony for blessings.
FIG 4-22; Prayers done facing Mount Mtelo
Communal prayers are held twice in a year, in April and in August. The people gather
at the totum, a place of worship and dance facing Mount Mtelo. Each village has its
own totum which is an inherited space passed on from generation to generation. It is
usually under a fig tree, simotwo. The participants wear special clothes to the event
and offer sacrifices of cows and goats. The prayers are led by a prophet ( werkoyon)
who can be recognized by the spear that he carries to the event. A session lasts for
about two hours, from ten o’ clock in the morning to twelve noon.
4.7. RAIDS
FIG 4-23; A warrior’s shield, the hair at the top right corner
is meant to confuse an enemy
The author notes that raids are done for economic purpose as a means to increase
wealth and also as a cultural occupation handed down to a hero popular among
people. The Pokot only raid from their enemies, especially the Karamojong and
Turkana. Spies are sent before a raid to monitor the timings and weak points around
All the village cows are taken to the totum. One of the cows is made to go round the
totum four times, binding all people and evil spirits before the ceremony begins. A
cow’s intestines are thrown at people and cows as part of the worship process.
60
the homesteads of their victims. They also get to determine whether to attack in the
bushes or at the homestead.
Before the actual raid is conducted, a prophet is consulted to give a go ahead or
retreat for the raid. Raiders are usually 18 years and above and must have undergone
circumcision. The raiders are expected to be clean before going for a raid, having had
no sex or committed adultery. Protective charms are done with munyan, red ochre,
shown in fig 4-24.
The duration of the raid depends on the distance of the target location and how
tough the enemy is. Men call upon each other to go for a raid. It is a secretly planned
operation never announced to the public. It takes an individual effort to initiate a
raid. When a man is out on a raid, his mother and wife pray over him for safety. The
Pokot may not kill a woman during a raid as they value women. They would rather
abduct a woman and make her a wife than kill her. Raiders are welcomed by women
ululating and are smeared with fat on their bodies as a sign of welcome.
In the event that a Pokot village is raided, the man’s weapons are always ready for
defending his family as shown in fig 4-25. The safety of the people is however more
important than anything else and in case the enemy is stronger, all the people are
evacuated and the animals are left behind for the raiders.
FIG 4-25; A man’s weapons placed in the roof above the
woman’s bed in case of an attack
A reconciliation ritual known as lapai is done when a raider kills a fellow Pokot during
a raid. As a punishment, the raider is fined 120 cows for killing a young man, 84
more cows for killing a young man with children and 40-60 more cows for killing an
old man. He can also be fined 6 cows for each stolen cow.
Currently, there have been efforts to maintain peace between the Pokot and their
neighbours and young men are being encouraged to embrace education.
FIG 4-24; Red ochre which is ground into a fine powder,
mixed with fat and applied on a warrior
61
4.8. CEREMONIES AND RITUALS
parpara
during
pregnancy
riwoi
after delivery
The author observes that the Pokot people have several ceremonies and rituals that
are elaborately done to mark the rites of passage, avert disasters or cleanse the
unclean. Some are done in private while others are done in public. For those that are
done in public, some of them involve the whole community while others are for a
chosen few.
Some of the ceremonies and rituals done for cleansing include lopow, liakat/kikatat,
kilokat, kirelitoto-karan, kinto, tiso and ngughchinogh po sara among others. They
may take place at the homestead, in the bushes or near a river depending on what the
culture dictates. The trees under which some of the rituals are held are also significant
as there are certain traditional beliefs concerning particular trees.
circumcision
Sapana
confirms
position of
honour for
males
FIG 4-26; Major ceremonies in the life of a pochon
At times, the author was hushed when enquiring about the ceremonies and rituals
because some of them, like Ruakat, are done in secret. Ruakat is done by a family to
assimilate a child into his or her new family.
For this study, the author focuses on the ceremonies that mark the rites of passage to
represent ceremonies that may take place through the lifetime of an individual. These
are significant ceremonies in the life of a pochon, some of which are held to date.
They are namely parpara, riwoi, circumcision and Sapana as shown in fig 4-26.
transition from
childhood to
adulthood
62
4.8.1. PARPARA
This ritual is done to a woman who is pregnant for the first time and is the first to be
pregnant in her family. It is held at the husband’s home and is specific to certain clans.
Cleansing prayers are done just before the woman gives birth. If there was any ill
done between clans, the prayers settle the disagreements and prevent it from being
carried down through the new born. The prayers avert any curses or ills that may
affect the pregnancy.
Water and clay are mixed in a wooden bowl, as shown in fig 4-28, and the three
parents present spit into the mixture to symbolise cleansing. The pregnant woman and
her husband also spit into the mixture. The ritual leader then applies the mixture on
both the naked pregnant woman and her naked husband while in the house. Soil from
a live ant hill is also applied on the woman. Kikuyu grass is made into a necklace and
tied around the neck of the woman.
At the end of the ritual, the woman pushes the wooden bowl until its content pours
to symbolise a safe delivery.
FIG 4-28; Wooden bowl
FIG 4-27; Beer gourd
The mother and the father of the pregnant woman, her mother in law and her
husband must be present during the ritual. Honey beer, put in a beer gourd as shown
in fig 4-27, must be present during the ritual to appease the spirits.
63
4.8.2. RIWOI
Riwoi is a special ceremony done three months after delivery to offer prayers of
acceptance to God for the blessing of a child. It is done in cases where during birth,
the legs come out first before the head, or the child comes out with the placenta
entangled or in the event of twins as shown in fig 4-29. The ceremony is done before
the woman has her menstrual flow for the following month.
FIG 4-29; Twins during riwoi
During the ceremony, fat from sheep is smeared on the eyes, hands and legs of the
child as shown in fig 4-30. Beer is also made and a sheep is slaughtered to mark the
ceremony. It is a significant ceremony and food is shared according to what one
brought. Children’s ears are pierced. The young boys and girls and are allowed to play
together and interact; and possibly get suitors to marry in the future.
Circumcision is done for both male and female. There are specific persons within the
community who are known to possess the skill of circumcising. They are sought after
when the time for circumcision approaches.
FIG 4-30; The child being attended to by women
Circumcisers are certified by the elders. Male circumcisers circumcise the men while
female circumcisers circumcise the women. The skill of circumcising is handed down
from generation to generation. The circumcisers should have gone through the ritual
of parpara discussed in 4.4.1., and should be viewed as being able to operate with the
least pain.
4.8.3. CIRCUMCISION
64
4.8.3.1. MALE CIRCUMCISION
POKOT AGE–SETS AND THEIR
DURATION PERIOD
1) Tukoi (1876-1896)
2) Chumo (1896-1916)
3) Maina (1916-1926)
4) Sowo (1926-1936)
5) Kapsakis (1936-1946)
6) Korongoro (1946-1956)
7) Kapkoymot (1956-1966)
8) Kaplelach (1966-1976)
9) Murkutwo (1982-1992)
10) Nyongi ( 1992-2002)
11) Kelimak (2002-2012)
Male circumcision is usually done at the age of eighteen years. There are however
instances when it is done beyond eighteen years. This happens when there are security
threats and for fear of a massacre at the seclusion site, the rite is postponed to a later
date when security is guaranteed.
The initiates are a group of men of almost the same age in neighbouring villages. The
elders determine the age set that the initiates will belong to as shown in fig 4-31. An
age set can be done more than once depending on the elders’ decision.
FIG 4-32; The male circumcision site (Source; Author (2013)
FIG 4-31; Pokot age–sets and their duration period
65
The circumcision site is a one way entry and exit known only to the elders and the
initiates. The elders are responsible for choosing the site. It is totally private, deep
inside the forest next to a mountain as shown in fig 4-32. The choice of site is
influenced by the belief that men are sacred beings therefore whatever they do at the
camp is also sacred and remains a secret. Men are held higher than women in the
society, therefore it would be humiliating for women to witness the process of
circumcision of men. It is also a taboo for women to witness the circumcision of men.
The circumcision house is built by men. The original circumcision house is as shown in
figs 4-33, 4-34 and 4-36, though it has transformed to take the form of the one shown
in fig 4-37. The hut varies in size according to the number of initiates. If a doctor is
required near the site, his house is made far from the circumcision house as he is
viewed as a stranger and must not be close to the initiates.
Food is taken to the initiates by the grandmothers or very young girls and is placed at
a distance from the entrance of the circumcision house as shown in fig 4-32. The
women announce their arrival by singing lest they meet anyone from the camp in the
forest and become unclean. A big ugali is prepared for the trainers (mokoghony) and a
small one to appease the spirits. The food is picked by the elders and taken to the
initiates.
Seclusion lasts for a period of three months during which they
wear the koliko or sikwa. It is a piece of hide made of three
goat skins made by his mother which also functions as the
blanket. They also wear a mask (sowow), shown in fig 4-35,
made of plant fibres when walking about to hide their identity.
FIG 4-34; Original circumcision house, section
FIG 4-35; Sowow (mask)
FIG 4-33; Original circumcision house plan, could hold up
to 300 initiates
66
A ceremony known as kipuno is done during which the house is demolished and a
graduation ceremony is held. The initiates remove the koliko and wear the okom and
beads, if any. They look for a flat place to celebrate. Anointing oil is put at the
forehead and chest by their relatives especially the mothers before they are led to the
public.
The initiates are now considered adults. A cow is given to the initiate as a sign of
respect and honour. He takes a place of instruction in the society and is expected to
be able to marry, manage a family, provide security, be a law keeper in the society
and promote discipline in the society.
FIG 4-37; Transformed form of the circumcision house
FIG 4-36; Original circumcision house, elevation
A special ritual known as poroo or ngortuu may be done for a few of the circumcised
men who are to carry out special responsibilities within the community,for example,
communicating with the spirits to avert a disease. The men are chosen by the elders
based on their discipline. The ritual is done in secret in case anyone who happens to
see it dies, as is believed.
67
4.8.3.2. FEMALE CIRCUMCISION
It is done as a rite of passage from childhood to adulthood for girls who are 18 years
and above. The girl approaches her father for consent to undergo the rite. She cannot
proceed unless the father agrees.
The rite is done to prepare the initiates to take up a woman’s responsibility in a
family. They are taught by old women (mtiren), about sex, childbearing, respect,
cleanliness, food, her roles in the house and about marriage life.
The circumcision hut is built within the compound as a normal hut, but with a small
window through which men can woo the girls inside. There are no age sets for
women. The initiates are about five in number, usually from around neighbouring
homesteads. The initiates, known as chemerion, dress in a special manner as shown
from figs 4-38 to 4-40.
The lapan ceremony is done to mark the end of the seclusion period. The new
initiates may be grabbed by their suitors or old men seeking to have an additional
wife, and married off immediately for a bride price of about 20 cows or more.
68
FIG 4-38; The author (centre) dressed like a chemerion
FIG 4-40; A chemerion; her way of dressing and its significance
Source; Kapenguria Museum (2013) Author modified
FIG 4-39; Uncoloured neckpiece made from plant roots
worn by uncircumcised girls. After circumcision she wears
coloured beads.
Female circumcision is however being done at an age earlier than 18 years. It is
more so done in secret after it was banned because it has been found to be
mutilation of the female genitals which lead to complications during childbirth or
even death.
69
4.8.4. SAPANA
This rite of passage was borrowed from the Karamojong and Turkana people. It confirms a position of
honour for a male in the society and the elders are responsible for choosing the man to be done for the
Sapana ceremony. Unlike male circumcision, sapana can be done for one individual.
The ceremony takes place at the courtyard of the initiate's father. The arrangement is as shown in figs 4-41
and 4-42.
The ceremony involves dances and is attended by all; women, girls and boys. A big bull is slaughtered to mark
the ceremony and honey beer is also present for the men. Red ochre, grey ochre and white ochre are
decoratively put on the initiates head to show his newly acquired status as shown in fig 4-45.
There has been a significant shift towards
the modern hat since they discovered that
there has been widespread eye problems
when the ochre in the headdress shown in
figs 4-45 and 4-46 mixes with sweat and
trickles down to the eyes. The modern hat
has been found to be more hygienic with
time. The colour of the hat depends on
what is available in the market. However,
people of the same generation usually put
on the same colour as shown in fig 4-47.
Fig 4-45; The clay headdress
Fig 4-41; Layout during the sapana ceremony
Fig 4-46; The clay headdress
Fig 4-43; Aleput, containers made by carving out the trunk of
a tree into a bowl.
Fig 4-42; The greenery defining space
The initiate, whose hair has just been plastered with ochre, is the
first to sip the 'warriors' drink', a mixture of blood and milk. His
father is watching him (seated left) while a friend is rotating an Xended stick between his hands to prevent the coagulation of the
fluid. The immediately senior members of the initiate's sub-set are
squatting behind him, waiting for their turn. The calabashes of milk
seen in the foreground were contributed by the women of the
initiate's village.
Fig 4-47; The modern hat with the ostrich feather showing the
sapana status
Fig 4-44;The initiate sipping the 'warriors' drink'
70
4.9. THE HOMESTEAD
The agricultural Pokot and the pastoral Pokot consider the same factors when selecting
and setting out their homesteads. The difference comes about in the choice of
materials and building technology. The agricultural Pokot homestead is more
permanent as compared to the pastoral Pokot thus the materials and technology is
more durable than of the pastoral Pokot homestead. A kurket, the shade of a tree
where men gather to talk, eat meat and pray, is a key factor considered when looking
for a site to settle. Further details are as described in this chapter.
4.9.1. SITE SELECTION
FIG 4-49; Sketch showing the strategic location of the
homestead
The author observes that the availability of water and pasture for the animals is the
key factor when choosing a site for settlement. Early in the morning at about six o’
clock, the man, who is the head of the family, leads his people out in search of a place
to settle. The timing is important as he is able to determine a warm area early in the
morning before the sun comes out. Warmth is a prime factor when it comes to the
well-being of their animals, which are of great importance as established in the
literature review. Warmth promotes breeding and reduces the chances of both the
animals and the people becoming sick.
The man is responsible for selecting the site and setting out the new homestead. The
site chosen for the homestead has a gentle slope that ensures efficient drainage of
water. It is also strategically located to provide shelter from prevailing winds as shown
in figs 4-48 and 4-49. It is a taboo to settle on a site that was previously occupied by
another family. A site that has been previously occupied can be easily identified as it
appears to be a clearing surrounded by bushes. aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa
FIG 4-48; A homestead in its context
71
4.9.2. THE HOMESTEAD LAYOUT
FIG 4-50; Interior of the kopo-ngaror
FIG 4-53; The homestead layout
FIG 4-52; The cattle kraal
Source; All images by author (2013)
FIG 4-51; The kopo-ngaror from outside
72
The homestead is composed of the wives’ houses, the goats and cattle kraal and the
aperit as shown from figs 4-50 to 4-53.
When setting out, the fence defining the homestead area is made first. It is made of
dry thorn bushes to a height of about 2.1 metres as shown in fig 4-54.
FIG 4-54; The homestead fence
Source; Author’s collection.
The homestead has two gates for the sake of security. The main gate is on the right
while the second gate is on the left. The second gate is only used as an escape route in
case the homestead is attacked by raiding warriors. The members of the homestead
are evacuated first as the Pokot value human life more than animals. In the event that
not all the people in the homestead can be rescued, the wives are given priority over
the children.
FIG 4-55; Men waiting for breakfast at the aperit
Due to the nature of their living space, the young men were known to engage in
sexual adventures with girls in neighbouring homesteads at night. Virginity was not
upheld in the society but after marriage, one was expected to be loyal to his or her
partner.
The wives’ houses are positioned in the manner shown in fig 4-53 because the first
and second wife contribute to the man’s acquisition of a third wife and the second
and third wife contribute to the acquisition of a fourth wife.
The homestead is divided into two by use of a fence similar to the perimeter fence.
The cattle kraal is the dominant space within the homestead, emphasising the
importance of cattle to the Pokot. The aperit is the living space used by the men,
young men and boys five years and above as shown in fig 4-55. The men keep vigil
the aperit at night in case of an attack from a raiding enemy. In the event that it rains,
they use hide to shelter themselves from the rain. The location of the aperit also
confirms the role of the men in the family which is to take care of the animals.
73
The preceding wife must accept and host her junior wife for at least one month.
During that period, the new wife gets to learn the way of life of the family as well as
assemble the materials she requires to set up her own house.
The first wife however comes from a recommended family. She is given four cows and
a bull which are totally under her charge. Each of them has a meaning attached to it.
The courtyard is the common space shared by all the members of the homestead as
shown in fig 4-56. It is an important communal space in which ceremonies, rituals and
interactions between members and visitors of the homestead take place as shown in
figs 4-57 and 4-58. The author derives the cultural principle of communalism from the
significance of the courtyard at the homestead, which as an architectural principle is
manifested as the nucleus of the settlement from which all other spaces radiate from.
The issue of privacy is also addressed by the courtyard as it is the most public space in
the homestead and the houses are more private spaces.
FIG 4-57; A farewell ceremony in the courtyard
FIG 4-58; Interacting with the community at the courtyard
FIG 4-56; The courtyard as the linking space
74
4.9.3.
THE
TECHNOLOGY
HOUSE:
CONSTRUCTION
MATERIALS
AND
The woman is responsible for building her own house. She assembles her building
materials over a period of time, slowly accumulating them until the quantity is
sufficient to make a complete house.
It takes approximately one week for a woman to finish building her house. If a group
of about two to three women is involved, it takes a maximum of three days to
complete the house.
FIG 4-59; Ground that was not properly cleared before
setting out
The following is a description of how the house is constructed from the start until it is
complete.
FIG 4-60; Setting out
The ground is cleared off trees stumps, rocks and vegetation, unlike in fig 4-59, using
simple tools such as pangas and hoes. Once the ground is cleared, a stick is pinned at
the centre of the house from which a rope with another stick at its end is tied to it.
The stick is then used to draw out a circle for setting out the house as shown in fig 460.
The radius of the house varies from about 1.8 to 2.5 metres. The radius of the house
contributes to the final character of the house as shown from figs 4-61 to 4-63.
4.9.3.1. GROUND PREPARATION
75
Agricultural Pokot house
FIG 4-61; Agricultural Pokot house
FIG 4-63; The difference in radius between agricultural and pastoral Pokot house
The agricultural Pokot house has a smaller radius. This reduces the volume of air
trapped in the house, keeping it warm despite the outer cool air in the highlands. The
high roof pitch allows for fast drainage of water experienced in the highlands.
The pastoral Pokot house has a bigger radius in order to trap a large volume of air in
the interior and thus provide for cooling. The low roof pitch is a transformation which
will be discussed later in this chapter. It responds to an increase in the amount of
rainfall experienced as a result of climate change. The amount of rainfall experienced
in the lowlands is however lower than that experienced in the highlands, thus the low
roof pitch as compared to that of the agricultural Pokot house.
The agricultural Pokot house has a shorter radius than that of the pastoral Pokot. It
however has a higher wall than that of the pastoral Pokot. The ratio of the wall height
to the height of the roof is 1:1 for both the pastoral and agricultural houses.
76
4.9.3.2. WALLING
horizontal
flexible
sticks
The wall for the agricultural
Pokot house is quite different
from that of the pastoral Pokot.
The wall descibed on this page is
for the agicultural Pokot house.
ring
beam
vertical
poles
FIG 4-64; the complete wall with the ring beam
FIG 4-65; foundation for the
vertical poles shown in fig 4-64.
door
opening
FIG 4-66; the complete wall with the ring beam
FIG 4-72; step one is the
selection of the sticks.
The stick is cut from the
branch of the tree. The
choice stick should be
straight
or
almost
straight with minimal
bends. It should also be
strong
but
flexible
enough.
FIG 4-73; step two
is the removal of
leaves and smaller
branches from the
stick by using a
panga. Several sticks
are prepared in this
manner
and
assembled
for
construction later.
Source; Author
(2013)
The top of the wall is held together by a ring beam as shown in fig 4-66.
The ring beam, and later the roof, is made of sticks that are tied together
by a rope obtained from the bark of the chou tree shown in fig 4-71.
FIG 4-67, 4-68, 4-69, 4-70; the tapelkwa, emt, kerelwa and rekoknyon trees respectively from which flexible sticks for walling are
obtained
Source; author (2013)
FIG 4-71; the chou tree whose bark is
stripped off and used as a rope to tie the
ring beam
FIG 4-74; step three is done for the vertical poles
and for other structures that shall be discussed
later in this chapter. The stick is sharpened on
one end so that it can be driven into the ground
as a vertical and other sticks can be wound
around it as horizontals as shown in fig 4-76.
FIG 4-75; step four, the verticals having been
driven into the ground, the weaving of the
screen progresses. This image shows the making
of the aker, but it is the same technology that is
used in making the wall of the house.
FIG 4-76; weaving the wall
The wall is made by first erecting
vertical poles at intervals of 300400mm
around
the
circumference of the drawn out
circle as shown in fig 4-64.
Horizontal flexible sticks are
then passed into and out of the
verticals in the manner shown in
figs 4-66 and 4-76. The sticks
are locally available from
indigenous trees, some of which
are shown in figs 4-67 to 4-70.
PREPARATION OF THE FLEXIBLE STICKS FOR WALLING
77
The wall for the pastoral Pokot house is rough and rugged as compared to that of the
agricultural Pokot house illustrated in the page above. This can be attributed to their
nomadic lifestyle. They have no sense of permanency in their settlement as they are
always on the move in search of water and pasture for their animals. The house is
therefore temporary shelter from the elements of weather before they move onto
greener pastures.
The wall may vary in terms of appearance but the technique and material remains
constant as shown in figs 4-77 and 4-78. The wall is made by interlocking vertical and
horizontal sturdy sticks as shown in fig 4-79.
In fig 4-77, the verticals are placed at equal intervals round the circumference of the
house whereas in fig 4-78, the verticals are placed randomly. At the foreground of fig
4-78, the wall is made purely by vertical sticks placed close to each other.
The wall allows for free flow of air through the
interior space. Privacy is also guaranteed as it is
quite difficult to see into the inside but those
inside can get a clear view of the outside as
shown in fig 4-79. This is a factor which favours
security at the homestead.
FIG 4-79; Interlocking verticals and horizontals
78
4.9.3.3. ROOFING
Roofing for the pastoral Pokot house has transformed from the dome shape
described in the literature review to the pitched roof. The technique used is the
same at that of the agricultural Pokot.
Structural poles for the roof are
first put in place. They span from
the base of the roof to the apex
where they are tied firmly to the
pchoru (kingpost) as shown in fig
4-82. Shorter sticks are then put to
fill in the spaces from the apex
going down to the base while
being secured by a circular ring of
sticks which is tied on either side
of the slanted sticks as shown in
figs 4-80, 4-81, 4-83 and 4-84.
FIG 4-80; roof construction
from the outside
saplings wound in a
circular manner round
the roof from the apex
as shorter support poles
are added
main roof support
structure spanning
from the base of the
roof to the apex
There is no particular method used to secure the
grass except that as it is laid, it entangles and
becomes firm and secure to the roof. It is however
tied at the apex to ensure there is no leakage and
that the grass is not pulled down by gravity as
shown in fig 4-83.
The thickness of the layer of grass is fundamental in
waterproofing the house. When grass is rained on, it
swells and seals the pores that would have
otherwise allowed water to seep into the house.
ring beam
pchoru
roof
overhang
door
opening
vertical poles
horizontal
flexible
sticks
FIG 4-81; The detail of how the wall
and the roof are connected
construction
in
progress, interior
view
Source;
Author
(2013)
FIG 4-82; elements making up the house
FIG 4-84; finished roof from the interior
The finished roof as shown in fig 485 further improves the thermal
comfort of the interior space. The
double layer of the roof, the sticks
and the grass layer, help trap air at
the roof level which ensures an
almost constant temperature inside
the house as opposed to the high
daytime
and
low
nighttime
temperatures outside.
FIG 4-85; finished grass thatch roof.
Roofing for the agricultural Pokot house is done using grass, preferably dry grass.
Grass is collected from the surroundings over time and stored within the home
until the quantity is enough for roofing purposes. A woman may request another
woman to help put up the roof as it is quite a challenge to do the roof alone.
shorter support poles fill in
the gaps between the main
supports starting from the
apex.
The grass is laid systematically from the base of the
roof to the apex in overlapping layers to a thickness
of about 50mm. The person thatching usually leaves
a path as she goes up which she fills in after reaching
the apex level as she comes down to the base of the
FIG 4-83; roof roof.
79
4.9.3.4. THE DOOR OPENING
Openings in the traditional house are limited to the door. When setting out the house,
the door is made to face away from the direction of the rain. This ensures the interior
of the house is free from rain water.
FIG 4-86; Door of the agricultural Pokot
The door is about 400mm wide and about 1500mm high as shown in fig 4-86. The
size of the door is critical in maintaining indoor comfort levels. Air movement through
the door is minimised especially at night and the house retains its warmth, making it
possible to have a good night’s sleep. An aker made in the manner illustrated in figs 472 to 4-75 is used as a door as shown in fig 4-87 in some of the homesteads at night
or when there are no people around the home.
FIG 4-87; A closed door
FIG 4-88; Relationship between the
doors and courtyard at the homestead
The wives of a Pokot family have their lives socially intertwined. This is architecturally
manifested by the doors of the houses facing the courtyard, which is a shared space, as
shown in fig 4-88.
80
4.10. INTERIOR FIXTURES
The interior arrangement of fixtures for both the pastoral and agricultural house is as
shown in fig 4-91. This arrangement has however transformed into the one shown in
fig 4-92. The original arrangement shown in fig 4-91 no longer exists in the field. The
technique of making the fixtures has however remained constant. The author has
therefore studied interior fixtures according to the arrangement shown in fig 4-92.
FIG 4-89; Kids kept under the storage area
The sum-pa wara no longer exists in the new arrangement. The kids are sometimes
tied to the support poles of the storage area as shown in fig 4-89. The fireplace has
also shifted in position to the opposite side of the pchoru or near the door as shown
in figs 4-90, 4-92 and 4-94.
FIG 4-90; Interior of the house
FIG 4-91; Original interior arrangement of the house
FIG 4-92; Transformed interior arrangement of the house
81
grass tied at the apex to
prevent leakage and
reduce the effect of gravity
on the roof
horizontal
saplings to secure
the roof structure
grass thatch
slanted sticks
on which the
grass is laid
pchoru
roof support
poles
wall plastered on the
interior with mud for
heat insulation
woman/
children's bed
Fig 4-94; Mama Margaret's house, plan
Fig 4-98; The cooking area
The cooking area where the woman prepares food for her
family as she sits on the stool shown next to the fireplace.
The main source of fuel is firewood which the women and
young girls fetch as they return home from their daily
chores as shown in fig 4-JJ.
Goats and lambs can be seen huddling around the fireplace
at night looking for warmth.
Fig 4-99; Fetching firewood
wall
Fig 4-96; Mama Margaret's house, section
Fig 4-100; the woman's
bed on the left of the
house and closer to the
ground. The left side is
taken to be an inferior
side. The height of the
bed is for the sake of the
safety of the children and
also could denote the
lower status of the
woman in society.
Fig 4-101; asacha,the storage basket made from the
bark of trees and decorated with cowrie shells, used
to store gourds.
Fig 4-102; the man's bed to the right of the house is higher
than the woman's bed. The right is viewed as the superior side,
of which the man is also taken to be superior to the woman
traditionally. The height of the bed further emphasises the
authority of the man and is also comfortable for a grown up.
The man's bed is in each of the wives' house and cannot be
slept on by any other person except the man himself. The wife
sleeps on it only when meeting with her husband.
Fig 4-93; Mama Margaret's house, elevation
Fig 4-95; A man's weapons above the woman's
bed for ease of reach in case of an attack
asacha
man's bed
Fig 4-97; the pchoru is the kingpost
in the house which is also used for
hanging items in the house. It is of
cultural symbolic impotance. A
woman would bury the placenta of
her new born child next to the
pchoru to show that the house is the
home of the child and in case of a
dispute between the man and wife,
the man would be the one to move
out, not the wife and her children. It
would also show the central position
of the man in the family.
source; author (2013)
82
4.11. MAINTENANCE
The pastoral Pokot house is demolished once the roof starts leaking and a completely
new house is put up. This is made possible by the fact that the house is temporary and
can be easily abandoned upon migration.
The agricultural Pokot house is constantly maintained as it is built to last for a longer
period of time. Soil is heaped on the outer side of the wall every so often to prevent
water from flowing into the interior space in case of rain as shown in fig 4-103.
FIG 4-103; Heaping soil to prevent water getting into the
interior
In case the agricultural Pokot migrate, the family might decide to carry the building
materials to build their new house or they might leave the house behind as shown
from figs 4-104 to 4-106.
FIG 4-104; An abandoned house
FIG 4-105; A collapsing house
FIG 4-106; A collapsed house
83
4.12. TRANSFORMATIONS
Major changes have taken place in Pokot, from their lifestyle to their built forms and
even their attitude towards certain issues within the society.
The transformation can be attributed to their
interaction
with
neighbouring
communities, climate change and the introduction of formal education as shown in fig
4-107.
Transformation of the built form in this study has been documented at the homestead,
in the pastoral house and in the agricultural house.
FIG 4-107; Main causes of transformation
The changes in lifestyle have been addressed in terms of the different spaces that are
used when meeting the basic needs such as bathing, cooking, eating, storage, and
sleeping. The clothing levels have also changed from the bare minimum pieces of hide
to modern and fuller body cover.
84
4.12.1. THE HOMESTEAD
The homestead is observed to have undergone major
transformations both in the layout and building materials
and technology.
Each homestead appears to have its unique layout and a
reason behind the layout. The reason may be influenced by
culture or other well known factors according to the
members of the homestead as captured in the three
homesteads documented below.
Fig 4-109; The son's house
Fig 4-114; The granary
Camels are kept farther away
from the houses because of
cultural reasons. It is believed that
if the shadow of a woman who is
on her menses or has given birth
less than a week ago falls on a
camel, the camel will die or get
severely sick to the point of
death. The distance is therefore
provided for the woman to assess
herself, if she is ritually clean and
fit enough to handle a camel, as
she approaches the camel kraal.
Fig 4-111; Mama Margaret's homestead layout
Figs 4-108; The original homestead layout of the Pokot.
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SOURCED BY AUTHOR (2013)
Fig 4-110; The cattle sleeping close to Mama Margaret's house
at night
Fig 4-112; The kids' pens
Fig 4-113; Men's assembly, similar to the aperit.
Fig 4-116; The camel kraal.
Fig 4-115; The goats early in the morning being released to go
for pasture.
85
Fig 4-117; The second wife's house
Fig 4-120; The third wife's house
Fig 4-118; The goat's kraal.
This house is surrounded by a
fence in order to keep away
cows from eating the grass thatch
on the roof of the house.
The house as a result has its own
compound defined by the fence
around it.
Fig 4-121; Mama Cherop's homestead
The homestead in fig 4-121 shows the wives' houses arranged
in order from the first wife to the fourth wife consecutively
with the mother to the man house situated opposite the
wives' houses.
The arrangement of the houses may be attributed to the
change of attitude in the society where the man organises to
get an additional wife with the consent of the former wife
but not necessarily her support.
ALL IMAGES ON THIS PAGE SOURCED BY AUTHOR (2013)
Some women engage in
poultry farming. Poultry
houses as shown in fig 4-122
can be seen in homesteads
where poultry farming is
practiced. The house is made
by interweaving flexible
sticks and bending them at
the top to achieve the dome
shape.
Fig 4-119; Mama Chepkaat's homestead
Fig 4-122; A poultry house
86
4.12.2. THE PASTORAL POKOT HOUSE
Fig 4-128; wall
construction
technique
Fig 4-129
Fig 4-125
Fig 4-126
Fig 4-127
Figs 4-124 to 4-129: Mama Ruth's homestead in Chaya village, East Pokot. Each of the houses was observed to be unique in its method of construction as shown, yet appear to have some aspects of the original pastoral Pokot house shown in fig 4-123.
Fig 4-123; The original pastoral Pokot house with a domed earth roof.
ALL IMAGES ON
THIS PAGE
SOURCED BY
AUTHOR (2013)
Fig 4-124; wall construction technique
Fig 4-130
Figs 4-130 to 4-135; THE KIDS' PENS
The pastoral Pokot homestead was observed to have pens in which the kids were
kept. The houses for the kids are as shown from figs 4-130 to 4-135. The form,
materials and technology used also varies as shown in the images.
The form is that of the original pastoral Pokot house with a domed roof and in
some instances earth walls. The pen is brought down once it starts collapsing and
a new one is put up.
It is lifted off the ground to keep away pests and water from getting into the pen. Fig 4-131
Fig 4-132
Fig 4-133
Fig 4-134
Fig 4-135
87
4.12.3. THE AGRICULTURAL POKOT HOUSE
Fig 4-140; The interior
wall is decorated with
white ash and black
powder from the inside
of worn out batteries.
The patterns appear to
have been borrowed
from plant motifs.
The window has also
been introduced at the
fireplace to allow smoke
to get out of the house
as soon as it is produced.
Fig 4-142; Earth plastered wall on the outside
decorated with plant motifs. The door is also made
from an iron sheet and locked with a padlock.
Fig 4-137; Definition of the entrance by earth and use of Fig 4-138; Support poles are put round the circumference
wire to secure the grass thatch roof in place.
of the house to further support the roof because of plenty
of termites in the region which can easily bring a down a
house. The poles are treated with petrol at the base to
further deter the termites.
Fig 4-143; The psopony, original form of the farm house.
Fig 4-139; Nancy, the builder of this house, explained that she used the double wall to keep
the house warm especially at night. The outer wall is made at the high level in order to make it
possible for her to note any termites that may attack her house. The bark from the Chou tree
that was used to tie the ring beam has also been replaced by torn pieces of blue mosquito nets.
The nets are freely provided at the local dispensary, making it an easily available material.
Fig 4-144; The current farmhouse.
Fig 4-145; Interior, a meeting in session.
Fig 4-141; The door opening
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THIS PAGE
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AUTHOR (2013)
Fig 4-146; The window opening
Fig 4-147; A house which is being used as a meeting space. It
has a slightly bigger radius than the original house, 2.36m.
The screen lying against the wall next to the door opening is
used to close the door when need arises.
fig 4-136; Original form of the pastoral Pokot house.
88
4.12.4. MEETING BASIC NEEDS
4.12.4.1. BATHING
Fig 4-148; Young men bathing at
River Lomut.
4.12.4.2. STORAGE
4.12.4.4. SITTING
Fig 4-163; Sitting is usually
out in the courtyard on
the ground, on stones or
on short stools during the
day.
At night, people sit inside
the house on the beds.
Fig 4-156; A woven screen is placed in
between two trees just outside the house
where cleaning equipment is stored.
approach
Long ago, bathing used to take
place at the river. Men would bathe
while taking their animals to drink
water and women bathed while
going to fetch water.
This is trend is however changing.
Bathroom structures are constructed
as shown in figs 4-150 to 4-152.
4.12.4.3. SLEEPING
Fig 4-153; The asacha used to store gourds of
milk in the house
Fig 4-161; A man sleeping on the traditional headrest.
Fig 4-164; A bench whose
support is joined using nails,
but the logs on top may
either be nailed or just
placed on top.
Fig 4-159
Helping oneself was commonly
done in the bushes but the trend is
slowly fading away. Nowadays
some homesteads have pit latrines.
Fig 4-157; A woven basket used to hold
dishes to dry after being washed.
Fig 4-154; A modified asacha
interior
Fig 4-149; Pit latrines in one of
the homesteads.
Figs 4-150 to 4-152; The bathroom
Fig 4-160
The granary varies from homestead to
homestead as shown in figs 4-159 and 4-160
above. It is used to store farm produce.
Some were observed to contain other items
except grains as shown in fig 4-159.
Fig 4-155; A basket
woven with reeds
used to store a lady's
personal items.
Fig 4-158; Storage shelves in the kitchen.
Fig 4-162; The traditional bed lined with animal hide is
still being used. However in some homesteads, bed
sheets and lesos are used to cover oneself while
sleeping. Some also put a mattress on top of the
traditional bed and modern bedsheets and blankets. In
the more developed places, the modern bed is used.
Fig 4-165; Modern plastic
seats in use during a
meeting.
ALL IMAGES ON THIS
PAGE SOURCED BY
AUTHOR (2013)
exterior
89
4.12.4.5. WORKING
4.12.4.6. COOKING
Fig 4-176;
Blackening
of the wall
by soot as
a result of
cooking
inside the
house
Fig 4-169; Pottery
Fig 4-174; Cooking inside the house
Fig 4-166; Bee keeping
Fig 4-175; Soot at the roof as an result of
cooking inside the house
Fig 4-172; Market day at Lomut, West Pokot.
The results of cooking
inside the house as shown
from figs 4-174 to 4-176
are undesirable. This has
led to the construction of
stand
alone
kitchen
structures next to the house
as shown from figs 4-177
to 4-180.
Fig 4-170; Charcoal burning and selling
firewood
Fig 4-177
Fig 4-178
Fig 4-181; A newly constructed stand
alone kitchen for a family.
Fig 4-184; An eatery at Kamurio market
centre,East Pokot.
Figs 4-177 and 4-178; Stand alone kitchen for a family, exterior and
interior views respectively.
Fig 4-173; Market day at Kamurio, East Pokot.
Fig 4-168; Maize farming
Fig 4-171; A shopping centre in Ortum,
West Pokot.
Figs 4-179 and 4-180;
stand alone kitchen for
cooking for a larger
number
of
people,
exterior and interior
views respectively.
Fig 4-182; Washing dishes after a meal.
Fig 4-185; An eatery at Lomut market,
West Pokot.
Fig 4-167; Container used to measure
and sell honey after harvesting.
Cooking has also been
commercialised.
Cooking
sheds made of the local
materials
and
using
traditional technology can
be spotted around market
centres as shown from figs
4-183 to 4-185.
There has also been a shift
from
the
traditional
cooking and serving vessels Fig 4-183; An eatery along the route to
to modern utensils.
Lomut market, West Pokot.
90
4.12.5. THE MARKET PLACE
The market place can be seen as the melting point of
the built form and technology. It has both the
traditional built form and modifications of the
traditional form made in order to accomodate new
functions that need to be housed with time.
Kamurio Primary School
Fig 4-190; Posho mill
Kamurio Mission Station
Fig 4-194; Market stall
Fig 4-197; A market stall
Fig 4-188; A church structure just next to the
market centre.
Fig 4-186; Contextual map of the studied market.
Source; google maps (author modified)
Fig 4-195; The market square
Fig 4-191; View of the market
Fig 4-198; People at the market
Fig 4-189; Market stall
Fig 4-187; A shopping stall on the far end of
the market centre.
Fig 4-192; The main entrance to the market
Fig 4-193; The market place
Fig 4-196; One of the sheds in the market
Fig 4-199; 'Hotel' at the market
Kamurio Shopping Centre
91
92
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1. FINDINGS
This study has established that there are cultural as well as architectural constants used
by the Pokot in creating the spaces that they use to accommodate various functions.
The constants apply to both the agricultural and pastoral Pokot.
1. Polygamy is widely practised among the Pokot. The average number of wives
for a man is four to five wives. The trend is however slowly fading away due
to the introduction of Christianity which advocates for one man one wife
marriage.
2. The Pokot people practice animal husbandry and animals are of great
importance to them. The men are mostly responsible for the animals.
3. The egalitarian society promotes equality even between the leader and his
subjects.
4. The women are responsible for milking the animals, camels, cows, goats and
sheep. Certain traditional beliefs concerning the state of the woman when
handling the animals make her ritually unclean.
5. A metal spoon believed to keep away rain from getting into the house would
be put at the roof on top of the door.
6. Ornamentation is elaborate and communicates on the status of the wearer.
7. The right hand side is significant and is considered the superior side.
5.1.1. CULTURAL CONSTANTS
93
5.1.2. ARCHITECTURAL CONSTANTS
1. The homestead is composed of the wives’ houses in which the man’s bed is
provided in each of the houses. The man does not have his own house.
3. The homesteads of the leaders and that of their subjects resemble each other.
There are no special buildings for the leaders.
4. The camel kraal for instance is located at a distance from the homestead lest the
woman handles the animals while unclean and causes disaster to happen.
5. When setting out houses at the homestead, the doors were made to face away
from the prevailing direction of the rain to avoid rain from getting into the
house.
2. The kraal is the dominant space in the homestead, highlighting the importance
of animals to the Pokot people. The role of the men in taking care of the
animals and providing security for the family is manifested architecturally by
the aperit which is located in the courtyard close to the cattle kraal.
94
5.1.3. INCONSISTENCIES
TRANSFORMED
HOMESTEAD
Surplus harvest was stored in
caves or in granaries far from
the homestead
Granaries are part of the
homestead layout
The location of the wives’
houses follows a strict
pattern dictated by cultural
practices.
The arrangement of the
houses appears
to
be
random and loosely fit
depending on the owner’s
preference.
No camel kraal
Camel kraal included in the
homestead layout
Grows anticlockwise
Grows clockwise
Clear distinction between the
house form of the pastoral
and agricultural Pokot house
The pastoral Pokot house has
adopted the form of the
agricultural Pokot house
Included the children’s play
village
Does
not
include
children’s play village
the
FIG 5-01; Comparative analysis between the traditional and
transformed homestead of the Pokot
The following inconsistencies have been established based on the information
presented in the literature review and that presented in the fieldwork:
1. In literature review, the surplus harvest was stored in caves or in granaries
which were in the farmlands far away from the homestead while in fieldwork
the surplus harvest was stored in granaries within the homestead. This shows a
change of attitude and lifestyle as the Pokot tend to settle closer to their farms.
2. There are major differences between the layouts of the homestead shown in
the literature review and that shown in the fieldwork. The homestead layout
continues to change as shown in fig 5-01.
3. Evolution of the planning of the homestead - In the literature review, the
homestead grows in an anti-clockwise manner. This contradicts the information
obtained in the fieldwork where the homestead grows in a clockwise manner,
towards the right hand side which has been found to be of great significance
among the Pokot.
4. Change is evident in the agricultural Pokot. The house shown in fieldwork has a
loft which was used for storage of household items while that documented in
the fieldwork does not have a loft. Storage is done in the asacha and on the
shelves supporting the asacha.
TRADITIONAL
HOMESTEAD
95
5. The pastoral Pokot house has been found to adopt the form of the agricultural
Pokot house. It is more permanent as compared to its original form. This points
to the adoption of a sedentary life by the pastoral Pokot as they take up
farming as an economic activity.
PASTORAL POKOT HOUSE
AGRICULTURAL POKOT HOUSE
Longer radius than that of the agricultural Pokot
house
Shorter radius than that of the pastoral Pokot
house
Lower floor to ceiling height than that of the
Higher floor to ceiling height than that of the
Gentle roof slope
Steep roof slope
Domed earth roof
Conical grass thatch roof
Wall constructed by vertical and horizontal
heavy wooden posts
Wall constructed by heavy vertical wooden
posts and flexible horizontal sticks
Interior wall may not necessarily be plastered
with earth
Interior wall, and at times exterior wall,
plastered with earth
5.2. COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE PASTORAL AND AGRICULTURAL
POKOT HOUSES
96
5.3. DESIGN PRINCIPLES
Major design principles of the Pokot are established from this study despite the
transformations witnessed. They are:
2. Dualism - Spaces are related to the gender of its users. The feminine spaces are at
the house and the farm while the masculine spaces are at the aperit , the kokwa and at
the kurket. The cattle kraal and courtyard assume a neutral position as both men and
women have equal access.
3. Centralism - The houses at the homestead open towards a common space which is
the courtyard. Centralism is also expressed at the house units by the pchoru.
4. Security - This is brought out by the two gates to the homestead and the design of
the door to the individual house units. The position of the aperit at the homestead
apart from being a cultural issue also addresses the issue of security as the men guard
the homestead from the aperit.
5. Privacy - The courtyard is the most public space. The level of privacy increases as
one moves to the house units. The wall and the door of both the pastoral and
agricultural Pokot houses address privacy by providing limited views to the interior
space.
1. Hierarchy - The dominant space at the homestead is the cattle kraal and all other
spaces are arranged as servant spaces around the kraal. The arrangement of the wives’
houses at the homestead also expresses hierarchy.
97
5.4. CONCLUSION
The information generated from this study is aimed at providing a reference point for
the traditional Pokot architecture and its salient characteristics in years to come. It also
presents issues that are significant in the development of a regional architecture in the
Pokot land.
The Pokot people are spread over a vast area, from Baringo County to West Pokot
County and into the Karamoja region of Uganda. Due to the time limit given to
conduct the research, the study was limited to Kamurio and its neighbouring villages in
East Pokot, Baringo County and parts of West Pokot County such as Kapenguria,
Ortum and Lomut areas.
Cultural beliefs of the Pokot did not allow the author to access some of the sites such
as the male circumcision sites even though they were reachable.
The time period which the author undertook field study clashed with the timing for
the major cultural ceremonies such as sapana, thus the author was not able to capture
the ceremony first hand.
5.5. LIMITATIONS OF STUDY
98
5.6. RECOMMENDATIONS
Taking into consideration the culture and traditions of the Pokot and the design
principles expressed in their built forms and spaces, the author recommends the
following:
2. The layout of any built form developed should lay special emphasis and
significance of the functions or users of the spaces towards the right.
3. Choice of materials - the materials used in the traditional built forms are
sustainable and respond well to the prevailing climatic conditions. They
however fall short when it comes to developing large scale projects that are
beyond the scale of the traditional house. Local materials such as bricks, loose
rock and rammed earth, all of which are sustainable, should be considered.
4. Regionalism – future developments should consider the Pokot view to space
and their culture and tradition in order to come up with projects that the locals
can identify with and be proud of.
5. Design principles inferred by Pokot cultural constants should be adapted,
namely centrality, dualism, hierarchy, privacy and seclusion.
1. Ornamentation of the built forms should be done keenly and consciously such
that it reflects the Pokot’s elaborate and purposeful ornamentation of the
body.
99
5.7. FURTHER AREAS OF RESEARCH
This study focused on the traditional way of life and built forms and spaces of the
Pokot people, both pastoral and agricultural Pokot. In future, further research can be
undertaken among the Pokot but focusing on:
An analysis of the traditional Pokot built forms in other areas of West or East
Pokot apart from those studied by the author.
A comparative study of the built forms of the Pokot and other communities
living in similar conditions and leading a similar lifestyle to that of the Pokot.
An analysis of the built forms of upcoming projects within the Pokot
community in terms of form and symbolism, their climatic performance and
significance to the Pokot people.
Human thermal comfort performance of the traditional built forms of the
Pokot.
10
0
REFERENCES
Andersen, K.B. (1977). African Traditional Architecture. Nairobi: Oxford University Press.
Barton, J. (The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland,
Vol.51 (Jan. - Jun., 1921), Notes on the Suk Tribe of Kenia Colony, Pp. 82-99. Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.
Beech, M.W.H. (1911) The Suk; Their Language And Folklore. Oxford: Clarendon Press
Bollig, M. (2000). Staging Social Structures: Ritual and Social Organisation in an Egalitarian
Society. The Pastoral Pokot of Northern Kenya, Journal of Anthropology, 65:3, 341-365.
Published online: 02 Dec 2010, University of Cologne, Germany.
Bollig, M. (Nomadic People’s, number 31, 1992). Commission on nomadic peoples, East
Pokot camel husbandry, Pp34-50.
Conant, F.P. (American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 67, No. 2 (Apr., 1965). Korok: A
Variable Unit of Physical and Social Space among the Pokot of East Africa, Pp. 429-434.
Conant, F.P. (Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 3, Kidnapping and Elopement as
Alternative Systems of Marriage (Special Issue) (Jul., 1974). Frustration, Marriage Alternatives
and Subsistence Risks among the Pokot of East Africa: Impressions of Co-Variance, Pp. 314327. The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research.
Denyer, S. (1978). African Traditional Architecture. Nairobi: Heinemann Educational Books
Ltd.
REFERENCES
Conant, F.P. (Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B, Biological
Sciences, Vol. 251, No. 772, A Discussion on Ritualization of Behaviour in Animals and Man
(Dec. 29, 1966). The External Coherence of Pokot Ritual Behaviour, Pp. 505-519. The Royal
Society.
101
Fedders, Andrew. (1979). Peoples and Cultures of Kenya. Nairobi: Transafrica Book
Distributors.
Guarav, G. P. (2013). Traditional Borana Architecture. University of Nairobi.
JPC & BAC/GKA JV ( Lapsset Corridor And New Lamu Port Feasibility Study And Master Plans
Report, Volume 3 (May 2011) Lapsset Corridor Master Plan And Development Plan.
Kirimi, S.M. (2008). Human Thermal Comfort in Samburu Buildings, The Case of Wamba
Town. University of Nairobi.
KVOWRC. (2012). Kenya-County-Map, Accessed 4 Jul 2013. URL: www.herstorycentre.org.
Masterfile Corporation. (1999). Stock photos, illustrations and vectors to buy and download,
Accessed 8 Oct 2013. URL: http://www.masterfile.com/stock-photography/image/86203366283/A-close-up-of-a-Pokot-woman's
Mwangi, S.G. (2001). Beyond Vernacular Replication, In Search of a Regional Identity.
University of Nairobi.
NORKENYA. (2012). Northern Kenya Caucus, Accessed 6
http://nkcaucus.blogspot.com/p/program-and-areas-of-activities.html
Jul
2013.
URL:
Oliver, P. (1969). Shelter and Society. London: Barrie and Jenkins.
Oliver, P. (2003). Dwellings: The Vernacular House World Wide. London: Phaidon Press
Limited.
REFERENCES
Peristiany, J.G. (Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Jan.,
1954) Pokot Sanctions and Structure, Pp.17-25. Cambridge University Press on behalf of the
International African Institute.
102
Peristiany, J.G. (Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Oct.,
1951). The Age-Set System of the Pastoral Pokot: Mechanism, Function and Post-"Sapana"
Ceremonies, Pp.279-302. Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African
Institute.
Peristiany, J.G. (Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 21, No. 3 (July,
1951). The Age-Set System of the Pastoral Pokot. The "Sapana" Initiation Ceremony, pp.188206. Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African Institute.
Rapoport, A. (1969). House Form and Culture. New York: Prentice Hall Inc.
Richardson. (2011). Malnutrition, Malaria and the Mycobacterium , Accessed 9 Jul 2013. URL:
http://malnutritionandmalaria.blogspot.com/2011/12/malnutrition-kenya-usaid-activity.html
Robbins, P. (2010). Red Spotted Ox, A Pokot Life. Copenhagen: IWGIA.
Rudofsky, B. (1964) Architecture without Architects. New York: Doubleday.
Schneider, H. K. (Journal of the Folklore Institute, Vol. 4, No. 2/3, [Special Issue: African
Folklore] (Jun. - Dec., 1967). Pokot Folktales, Humour, and Values, Pp. 265-318.
Schneider, H. K. (Man, Vol. 56 (Aug., 1956). The Interpretation of Pakot Visual Art, Pp. 103106. Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.
Taylor, J.S. (1983). A Shelter Sketchbook, Timeless Building Solutions. Vermont: Chelsea Green
Publishing Company.
U.S. Centre for World Mission. (2012). Joshua Project, Accessed 1 Jan 2014. URL:
www.unreachedresources.info
REFERENCES
Schneider, H.K. (American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 59, No. 2 (April 1957), The
Subsistence Role of Cattle among the Pakot and in East Africa, Pp. 278-300. Wiley on behalf
of the American Anthropological Association.
103
GLOSSARY
Agricultural - a people whose main economic activity is farming.
Ki-ruwok-in - an elder advisor
Korok - a neighbourhood, a cluster of homesteads.
Kurket - the shade of a tree outside every homestead where men gather to talk, eat meat or
pray
LAPSSET – Lamu Port Southern Sudan Ethiopia Transport.
Pastoral – a people whose main economic activity is looking after domestic animals.
Pchoru – central kingpost in the agricultural Pokot house
Pochon – an individual belonging to the Pokot community
Sapana – significant ceremony among the Pokot denoted by a clay headdress
Tios – male initiates
Tororut - the Supreme Being
Traditional architecture – the direct and unself conscious translation into physical form of a
culture, its needs and values, as well as the desires, dreams and passions of a people.
(Rapoport, 1969)
GLOSSARY
Tupa – bowl for serving ugali
104
APPENDIX 1: FIELDWORK CHECK LIST
1. Planning of a homestead
Settlement location
Homestead composition
Courtyard concept
Cattle kraal
2. House unit spaces
Asacha
Kotoromot
Nokogh
Sum-pa wara
Kawatan
pchoru
4. Technology
Building materials
Building technique
Craftsmanship
Roof profile
Wall profile
Floor profile
APPENDIX 1
3. Artefacts
Utensils
Furniture
Decoration
105
APPENDIX 2: INTERVIEW GUIDE
I.
Space use and its users
a. The dwelling
b. People in authority
c. Ceremonies and rituals
d. Dispute resolution
e. Worship
f. Cattle raids / battle
g. Animals
II.
Factors influencing the buildings
a. Building technology and materials
b. Climate
c. Defence
d. Economics
e. Religion
f. Site
g. Social
1. Basic needs
2. Family life
3. Privacy
4. Social interactions
III.
Changes from past to present
APPENDIX 2
The questions in this document are divided into three sections:
106
a.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
The dwellings
What was considered a family?
Were there variations of the normal family and what were the differences?
How did the normal family set up their group of houses?
For the families that were considered different, how were their group of houses
different from the normal family?
Who lived in each of the houses?
What determined the position of a house in the homestead?
Which of the houses was constructed first and why?
Who did the construction and why?
b.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
People in authority
Did the Pokot community have leadership structures in the olden days?
Who were the leaders in the society?
What made them earn respect in the society?
Where were the houses of the above named people in authority located?
Were their houses built differently from the other people’s houses?
How different were they from the other people’s homestead?
Who built the leaders’ houses?
c.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Ceremonies and rituals
Were there any traditional ceremonies in the community? Name them.
Who were involved in each of the above named ceremonies?
Where was each of the above named ceremonies held?
Were there any traditional rituals in the community? Name them.
When were the above named rituals performed?
Where were the above named rituals performed?
Who were involved in the rituals?
APPENDIX 2
I. SPACE USE AND ITS USERS
107
APPENDIX 2
d. Dispute resolution
1. Did the community have any disputes among its people? What about with other
communities?
2. What were the causes of dispute?
3. Where were the disputes resolved?
4. How were the disputes resolved within the community?
5. Who led the dispute resolution process?
6. How were errant members punished?
7. Were there separate courts for men, women and the youth?
e. Worship
1. Traditionally, did the community believe in a Supreme Being/ god?
2. Where did people meet for worship?
3. How did people get to the place of worship?
4. Was there a particular way to dress to go to the place of worship?
5. Who led the worship?
6. Where did the worshippers face and why?
7. What was given as offering to the god?
8. How long would the worship session last?
f. Cattle raids/battle
1. In the past, were there any cattle raids within or from neighbouring communities?
Why?
2. Were there any rituals done before a raid began?
3. Who took part in the cattle raids?
4. Were there any special clothes/artefacts/charms carried by the raiders as symbols of
protection?
5. How long would a cattle raid take?
6. Did the community hold special rituals/prayers to ask for safety for the raiders to their
god?
7. What was done upon the safe arrival back home of the cattle raiders?
108
3.
4.
5.
6.
II.
a.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
What happened in cases when the raiders died while in the raids?
Were the cattle from the raids treated any differently from the rest of the cattle?
Were the cattle raiders given any special position in the society?
If yes to the above question, what positions were they?
What happened when another community attacked you?
Animals
Where were animals kept at night?
Were there special places for some of the cattle, for example the old, the young, the
big, the expectant, the weak?
Where were the camels kept?
Where were the sheep and goats kept?
What would lead to the slaughter of cattle?
What would lead to the slaughter of a camel?
FACTORS INFLUENCING THE BUILDINGS
Building technology and materials
What were the building materials used?
Where did you get the building materials?
What was used to transport the materials from the source to site?
Was the building erected gradually on site or were there parts of the building that
were made separately and later fixed in place to complete the building?
What influenced the choice of the building materials, availability, religious beliefs,
prestige, customs and traditions?
Who does the construction, family or community and to what extent does each
contribute?
Are there rituals or rites that are performed before the construction process begins?
What are the materials used for a normal persons house?
What are the materials used for a prophets or elders house?
What causes the difference in the choice of materials if any?
APPENDIX 2
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
g.
1.
2.
109
2.
3.
c.
1.
2.
d.
1.
2.
e.
1.
2.
3.
4.
How were the building materials used protected from rot and insects?
How long do the houses last?
Are there ways in which the houses were reinforced after a period of time?
Climate
How does the house respond to the following climatic factors?
i.
Temperature
ii.
Wind
iii.
Humidity
iv.
Rain
v.
Light
Has the traditional house changed with the changes in climate?
How does climate affect the following?
i.
Orientation
ii.
Structure
iii.
Plan
iv.
Material
Defence
Are there traditional beliefs and curses that are used to threaten thieves and intruders?
Are there aspects of the house that are specifically designed to keep off intruders e.g.
the entrance to a house?
Economics
What were the economic activities the community took part in?
How does the economic activity (e.g. farming, pastoralism) influence the type of
houses built?
Religion
Are there sacred corners or features of the homestead?
Are there sacred items in the house?
Are there sacred spaces in the house?
Are there special beliefs towards houses of religious leaders?
APPENDIX 2
11.
12.
13.
b.
1.
110
Who builds the houses of the religious leaders?
Is there a sacred direction which buildings should face?
Site
Who owned the land?
What influenced the choice of a site?
What was the attitude towards land, e.g. is it viewed as sacred?
Is there land within the community that is reserved for particular functions e.g. burial,
sacred water sources or for historical relevance?
g. Social
01. Basic needs
1. Where and how are the following basic needs met?
a. Cooking
b. Eating
c. Sleeping
d. Bathing
e. Helping oneself
f. Sitting
g. Working
h. Storage
02. Family life
1. Who is the head of the family, the mother or the father?
2. How many wives is a man allowed to marry?
3. How many husbands is a woman allowed to marry?
4. What are the roles of the following in the family:
i.
man
ii.
woman
iii.
Son
iv.
Daughter
APPENDIX 2
5.
6.
f.
1.
2.
3.
4.
111
03. Privacy
1. Which are the spaces within a homestead where anyone can access?
2. Which are the spaces within a homestead where only particular people can access?
3. Which people have access to the above named spaces?
4. How do the entrances of houses within a homestead relate to each other?
5. Are the walls of the houses see through of completely solid?
6. To what extent do strangers mingle with the host?
04. Social interactions
1. Where are the meeting places for the following:
i.
Men
ii.
Women
iii.
Young men
iv.
Young women
v.
Family
vi.
Elders
III.
CHANGES FROM PAST TO PRESENT
APPENDIX 2
1. What is your view to the new ways of building?
2. What features of the traditional houses would you not like to see removed from the
new buildings coming up?
112

POKOT ARCHITECTURE

Transcription

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