NICOLAS POUSSIN, C1594-1665: THE LATE

NICOLAS POUSSIN, C1594-1665:
THE LATE MYTHOLOGICAL LANDSCAPES: THE
LAST SYNTHESIS
by
ROSEMARY ANN WATKINS
• B. A., University of Manitoba, 1951
B. L. S. (Honors) University of Toronto, 1955
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
in the Department
of
Fine Arts
We accept this thesis as conforming to the
required standard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
August, 1969
ii
In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s
thesis
an advanced degree at
in p a r t i a l
f u l f i l m e n t of
the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h
the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t
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Columbia,
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for
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that
Study.
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representatives.
thes,is
It
for f i n a n c i a l
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gain s h a l l
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Department of
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tAXjlL
The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h
Vancouver 8, Canada
Da t e
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iii
ABSTRACT
Galileo's confirmation of Copernican cosmology was one of the major
cultural problems of seventeenth-century Europe.
Which was right?
The
reasoned experiments of science, or the faith of the Roman Catholic Church,
which condemned such cosmology as contrary to Holy Writ?
Nicolas Poussin, the classical French painter in Rome, offered his
personal solution to this dilemma in his final paintings, mainly landscapes,
usually mythological, but always allegorical.
From antique, sixteenth-
century and Campanellan thought, particularly Stoicism, he depicted the
order and harmony of Creation by means of allegory.
He concluded with
Campanella that contemplation of the Copernican universe offered a means
of spiritual growth..
To Poussin, the Stoic Divine Reason behind Nature became the sign
of eternal salvation offered by God to those who accepted union with Him.
In particular, he.felt that this union depended upon Man*s use of the
Christian sacraments to obtain the grace needed to act in co-operation
with God.
This fusion of religious feeling with philosophical conviction
caused an exquisite integration of form with complex allegorical content,
in an intense unity characteristic of the age of the Baroque.
The masterly
classical freedom and precision of Poussin s final manner adapted a l l
1
pictorial elements i n order to arouse delectation, or spiritual delight,
in the person who perceived his pictures.
vii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
For help in doing this thesis, I wish to thank especially the following persons:
f i r s t , those people working at this University, particularly
Professor George Rosenberg, Executive Secretary, Department of Fine Arts,
my faculty advisor, his assistants and associates; Miss Melva Dwyer, Art
Librarian, and a l l her assistants, especially Mrs. Diana Kraetschmer;
Professor James Russell of the Department of Classics; Professor Leslie
Miller of the Department of German; Mrs. Joan Seiby, Head of the Humanities
Division of the Library, and her assistants; Mrs. Yandle of the Special
Collections Division, and hers.}
I am also indebted to*
the staff of the Art and Music Section of
the Vancouver Public Library; my parents for much encouragement and the
provision of a typewriter to reproduce this thesis; Miss Pauline Olthof
who has kindly helped me proof-read ity in addition to my parents.
Any errors or omissions of acknowledgment or in the body of this
thesis are my responsibility.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
'(,. .
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I.
THE BACKGROUND FOR THE LATE LANDSCAPES:
POUSSIN'S LIFE, WORK AND HUMAN CONTACTS
r i .
3
Aim of this Chapter
3
Poussin's L i f e ; His Early Mythological Allegories;
His Religious Fainting
3
Poussin's Main Patrons and Friends i n
His Last Years
21
Paul Freart de Chantelou
21
Charles Lebrun
23
Cardinal Camillo Massimi
. . . . 24
Abb6 Claude Nicaise
25
Michel Passart
26
Pbintel
26
Commendatore Cassiano dal Pozzo
28
Due de Richelieu
31
Jacques Stella
33
Giovanni Domenico Campanella
35
CHAPTER II. POUSSIN AS A LANDSCAPE PAINTER
The influence of Claude Lorraine
CHAPTER III.
PICTORIAL ANALYSIS
40
45
47
Aim of this Chapter
Landscape with Polyphemus
Landscape with Orpheus and Eurydice
Landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe
Birth of Bacchus
Landscape with Orion
Landscape with Hercules and Cacus
Landscape with Two Nymphs and a Snake
The Four Seasons,
Spring /
Summer
Autumn.
Winter
Apollo and Daphne
47
49
57
69
75
82
85
92
94
101
103
106
109
113
CHAPTER IV.
POUSSIN'S IDEAS ON RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY
121
CHAPTER V.
POUSSIN'S IDEAS ON PAINTING AND HIS METHOD OF WORK . . . .129
CHAPTER VI.
Page
141
FOUSSIN'S LATE STILE
CHAPTER VII. CONCLUSION
149
ABBREVIATIONSi
155
WORKS CITED IN BRIEF IN THE FOOTNOTES
FOOTNOTES BY CHAPTER: INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I
.157
.158
CHAPTER II
179
CHAPTER III
.182
CHAPTER IV
.203
CHAPTER V
.
CHAPTER VI . . . . . '
BIBLIOGRAPHY (with some annotations)
.206
. .210
.211
APPENDIX: FELIBIEN'S DESCRIPTION OF THE FOUR SEASONS (translated). . . .221
vi
LIST OF TABLES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
TABLES!:: I. PICTURES OF POUSSIN IN POZZO'S COLLECTION
ILLUSTRATIONS:. PLATE I.. LA GIRANDOLA
Page
32
.64
PLATE II. THE CASTEL SANT'ANGELO
65
PLATE III.POUSSIN»S DRAWING OF THE
MILVIAN BRIDGE
66
1
INTRODUCTION
The late landscapes of Nicolas Poussin (cl594-1665) are a richly
expressive, imaginative and personal synthesis of form and content.
This
synthesis, analogous to the intense organic unity of poetry, i s epitomized
in three ways in the phrase ut pictura poesis. "as i s painting, so i s
p o e t r y , w h i c h came to mean "as i s poetry, so i s painting."
indicates the poetic quality of the late landscapes.
First, i t
Secondly, i t recalls
the formal, philosophical, and literary inspiration Poussin drew from
classical and early Christian antiquity to paint them. Lastly i t signifies
his digestion of a l l the aspects of Renaissance art theory implicit i n this
saying by the seventeenth century, to the extent that Poussin invested this
simile with deep meaning.
z
However, in'"the final period of his art, Poussin
went beyond the humanistic attitude to painting connected to this dictum to
depict a view of the world more representative of his century.
The grandeur
of sentient nature becomes pre-eminent. Mythological figures represent
natural activity.
in significance.
Human beings are apparently puny, i n size although not
I believe that Poussin was accepting Copernican cosmology
as interpreted by the philosopher Tommaso Campanella, his contemporary. Also,
the importance of depicting nature expressed by Leonardo da Vinci in his
3
Treatise on Painting;? which Poussin had helped illustrate, appears to have
influenced his acceptance of such philosophy. While fully expressing creative
and destructive Nature, Poussin shows forth in his final paintings the primary,
and eternal significance of the actions of God for Man.
2
In order to appreciate the mythological landscapes painted by Poussin
between 1658 and 1664, i t i s essential to understand the main events of his
l i f e , particularly his last years, for "one cannot understand the artist
without becoming acquainted with the man."^ It is necessary to know those
people in Paris and Rome with whom he was connected, whom he served, and
who were sympathetic to his artistic aims,
especially at that time.
Since his late landscapes are a synthesis of his earlier work, a review
of his development in drawing and painting clarifies his final art.
The
sixteen-thirties are embryonic in his total artistic development, while the
sixteen-fifties and sixties show a moving and novel contribution to the
landscape genre moderately influenced by Claude Lorraine, as well as by
Leonardo-da Vinci's work.
This is demonstrated by a s t y l i s t i c and icono-
graphical analysis of Poussin s late works, including a few earlier transi1
tional paintings related to them in form and theme.
follows.
A three-fold discussion
A consideration of Poussin's ideas on painting and his method of
work show how the rich fusion of form and content in these paintings reflects
a deeper conception of the nature of his art.
This new depth i s related to
his ideas on philosophy and religion, both ancient and of his own time,
explained in the preceding chapter (see Contents).
A l l his ideas—on
religion, philosophy and art—dynamically determine his late style, a richly
expressive, imaginative, personal synthesis of content with form.
3
CHAPTER I
THE BACKGROUND FOR THE LATE LANDSCAPES:
POUSSIN'S LIFE, WORK AND
HUMAN CONTACTS
Aim of t h i s Chapter
This chapter gives a biography of Poussin concentrating on h i s l a t e
life.
I t discusses his development of mythology for allegory before that
time.
I t comments upon h i s treatment of r e l i g i o u s topics.
Finally i t
contains biographies of the main patrons and friends of his old age.
Because Poussin's l a t e landscapes appear to express ideas held by his
contemporary, the Dominican f r i a r Tommaso Campanella, the chapter
concludes
with a biography of t h i s philosopher.
Foussin's L i f e ; His Early Mythological A l l e g o r i e s ; His Religious Painting
The s e l f - p o r t r a i t s of Nicolas Poussin (<L 594-1665) show us what he
looked l i k e at t h i r t y - s i x and at f i f t y - s i x .
r e l y on the verbal description of B e l l o r i .
likeness of himself while he was i l l i n 1630
For h i s s e n i o r i t y we must
He drew a Rembrandtes.crue
(figure 94)•
Bernini commented
that the s e l f - p o r t r a i t of 1649-1650 i n Ghantelou's possession was a good
likeness-.' — B e l l o r i said h i s f r i e n d
was
t a l l , well-proportioned and of a rare temperament; h i s complexion was
somewhat olive-colored, and his black h a i r was mainly whitened by age.
His eyes were almost sky-blue; h i s sharp nose and broad forehead made
his modest face look noble...-,«.., ...his clothing was not splendid but
severe. 2;
B e l l o r i believed Poussin's character was r e f l e c t e d i n his appearance, so
well shown also i n Chantelou's picture (plate 197) for he described Poussin
as wise, noble i n thought, shy of frequenting the aristocracy, but treating
4
a l l his friends of whatever rank with the simple hospitality offered in his3
modest home. This i s a thumbnail sketch of an artist who, contrary to the
customs of his century, worked independently for private patrons in Rome
for most of his l i f e . ^
-
Poussin's peasant upbringing around Les Andelys, Normandy, his birthplace^ was enriched by study. Mancini notes
After M. Poussin had learned Latin and acquired a good knowledge of ,
histories and fables, he dedicated himself to the study of painting..
Bellori, another seventeenth-century biographer reports "his early knowledge
7
of the Latin language, even though i t was not perfect."
g
Bardon confirms this imperfect knowledge of Latin..
By a recent study,
But current bibliograph-
ies show existence of translations into French,.- ; Italian, or both, of Latin
9
works, especially antique ones.
Bellori also relates that in later l i f e
-10
Poussin "knew Italian as well as i f he had been born in Italy..
Therefore,
antique, medieval and contemporary writings originally i n Latin could be
read i n French or Italian by Poussin.
His
art education prior to 1624 i s described by Bellori.
He was i n -
spired to go to Paris for this training i n 1612 by Quentin Varin who visited
Les Andelys that year to paint pictures for one of i t s churches.
But a l -
though we know l i t t l e of his activities between 1612 and 1624, Bellori records he became dissatisfied with contemporary French art in Paris.
therefore studied antiquities and Renaissance masters."^
He
Antiquities there
12
were chiefly a few casts from molds brought back by Primaticcio from Italy.
13
The royal collections were rich i n Renaissance painting except Venetian.
However, according to Bellori, the artist learnt more by copying engravings
of Raphael and Giulio Romano paintings than he did from formal instruction.^
15
The leve of Raphael remained with him.
His contact with the Italian poet Marino, who was i n Paris t i l l 1623 at
5
16
the French court was most significant i n furthering Poussin's painting career.
Marino lodged him, invited him to Rome, and before 1624 commissioned drawings,
Bellori thought these were illustrations of Marino's Adone.^? Actually, they
were Poussin's f i r s t attempt to illustrate the Metamorphoses of Ovid, which
inspired him to more poetic and philosophical paintings as he matured. The
"Marino"' drawings show Poussin's classical tendency i n the economy and clarity
18
with which he treats each incident, for example, Polyphemus, Acis and Galatea.
After several attempts to get to Rome with interim v i s i t s to Florence,
19
20
Venice, and Lyons, Poussin reached Rome, March 1624..
Between 1624 and I63O i n Rome, Poussin advanced his artistic education,
endured personal and professional hardships but met lifelong friends and
patrons.
Bellori says that he furthered previous anatomical studies by
reading Vesalius and by attending dissections performed by a noted French
surgeon.
He obtained information on geometry and perspective from the
21
publications of Alberti and Durer,.. and from the manuscripts of Padre Zaccolini.
22
Until 1631 he drew from the model i n the studio of DOmenichino.. He must have;
familiarized himself with the works of antiquity i n Rome, for one of his bestknown works of this period uses the Meleager Sarcophagus of the mid-second
century A. D. for a model.
This i s the Death of Germanicus. However, he
studied, observed, analyzed and annotated as well as sketched, according to
Felibien, so that we have no large body of authentic drawings of ancient worff.
His early biographers say that among the moderns i n Rome he was especially
impressed with the Flagellation of St. Andrew, by Domenichino, and the Titian
Bacchanals, done for the Este family, then i n the V i l l a Eudovisi.
25
26
His personal hardship was two-fold:
sickness from which he recovered I63O.
poverty from lack of commissions;
27
28
Professionally by I63O he was serving a small clientele of amateurs.
Failure with large church commission^ but success in pleasing individuals, as
6'Cardinal Francesco Barberini with his 1627 Death of Germanicus influenced
this decision apparently./
From before I63O to 1651' he worked under the
aegis of the Cardinal^ secretary, Gassiano dal Pozzo,^ "the most cultivated
and learned of a l l Italian art patrons."' ^
Through Pozzo he possibly met
33
Tdmmaso Campanella.. •
By 1630 he had made or renewed contact with the"LyoEB-born Parisian
34
painter Jacques Stella (d. 1657) his lifelong friend and patronConcerning Glaude:> Sandrart says
Another time we went on horseback, Poussin, Claude Gelle'e and I, as
far as Tivoli, i n order to paint or draw landscapes after nature..-^
Abraham Brueghel wrote from Rome April 22, 1665, the year of Poussin's death
At present he tPoussinn does nothing more except sometimes he drinks
a l i t t l e glass of good wine for pleasure with my neighbor, Claude Lorraine^
Poussin and Claude evidently remained friends for l i f e . ^
In 1630 Poussin
wed his well-beloved spouse, Anne-Marie Dughet (d. 1664) i n the Roman church
38
of S. Lorenzo i n Lucina.
del
He settled for l i f e on the Via Paolina (now Via
Babuino) near the Piazza di Spagna.39
Finally by I63O he had rejected the baroque manner of his famous
contemporary, Cortona, for a classical s t y l e . ^
Between I63O and late I64O, Poussin worked in Rome. Here he continued
to build up a clientele and reputation which caused his o f f i c i a l invitation
of 1639 to royal employment i n Paris.^"
A2
He continued to treat mythology and religious subjects classically..
He developed mythological allegory,^ inspired in form and content by Titian''s
Bacchanals, the paintings of Raphael, the Carracci and Domenichino, as well
as antiquity, for example, sarcophagi.^4
Ovid, Tasso and Philostratus.^
Hisichief literary sources were
The principle behind his work was the;
humanistic concept of the purpose of painting as instruction.. The intellectual circle of Pozzo including Campanella encouraged this art especially i n
7
Z.6
the early l630's./
at that time.
For Pozzo favored Titian, whose style influenced Poussin
Moreover, Pozzo and his friends were undoubtedly aware of the
seventeenth-century allegorical uses of mythology to express; four things:
in
moral conduct; natural phenomena; philosophy;; and Christian mysteries..
Blunt believes that' the use of allegory to suggest good moral conduct
determined Poussin's selection of stories from Tasso"s Gerusalemme Liberat'a
painted i n the mid-1630's. In the Allegoria prefixed to editions of 1581
and some subsequent reprints, Tasso stated that the stories symbolized the ,
order of things. The tale of Rinaldo and Armida i s an allegory of the
48
victory of Reason over Concupiscence..
Since, according to Stoicism, Reason
was the governing principle i n the universe and was intended to be i n Man,
Poussin selected stories i n accord with Stoic and Christian ethics..
The Kingdom of Flora. 1631 (plate 6 5 ^ i s a three-fold allegory:
the
cycle of natural growth and decay; l i f e and death in human beings, also under
Divine Reason; Christian resurrection.. In this anthology of Ovid, Poussin
50
paints a l l those persons changed into flowers i n the Metamorphoses.
Furthermore, content and style show Poussin i s expressing the philosophy
behind the stories.
This philosophy i s Stoicism, stated i n the f i r s t and
last part of the Metamorphoses, as well as in other ancient writings. From
51
Stoicism Campanella derived his philosophy..
Apollo, representing the sun,
the source of l i f e in nature, Divine Reason^and therefore Christ, according
to Campanella's theology, presides at the top.
of gardens and f e r t i l i t y .
On the l e f t i s Priapus, god
Below Apollo, i n the middle, i s Flora, in green,
personifying the growth caused by the sun.
Other figures represent death and
dissolution into earth and water before the change into flowers; for example,
in opposition to the upright Priapus and Flora i s Ajax leaning on his sword
to the l e f t .
He becomes the hyacinth.
Narcissus i s next to him, apparently
drenched with water from the fountains behind Priapus.
He gazes at his own
8
r e f l e x i o n i n a pot o f water a s he k n e e l s b e s i d e s the p o o l .
;
Opposite Ajax
s t a n d s H y a c i n t h u s , a c c i d e n t l y k i l l e d by A p o l l o , w h i l e C l y t i e , who l o v e d
52
A p o l l o unhappily, i s behind N a r c i s s u s .
Death i s connected t o u n c o n t r o l l e d
p a s s i o n , f o r example, A^jax was mad; and C l y t i e c o u l d n o t master h e r l o v e
for
Apollo.
Thus P o u s s i n i s r e p r e s e n t i n g the S t o i c b e l i e f i n the o r d e r
and harmony o f Nature i n c l u d i n g human n a t u r e under D i v i n e Reason.
Secondly,
he p a i n t s t h e e x i s t e n c e o f b i r t h and death i n Nature as a c y c l e o f c r e a t i o n
and d i s s o l u t i o n i n which f i r e ,
t h e most r e f i n e d p r i n c i p l e , i s the essence o f
l i f e , w h i l e water and e a r t h a r e r e l a t e d t o death.
This i s Stoicism.
he speaks o f metamorphoses, i n which one form o f l i f e
Lastly
becomes another.
In
t h i s p i c t u r e the f i g u r e s a r e metamorphosed i n t o f l o w e r s , a s s o c i a t e d w i t h
53<
death and r e s u r r e c t i o n i n C h r i s t i a n iconography.
The r e s u r r e c t i o n o f
C h r i s t o c c u r r e d i n s p r i n g l i k e t h e Roman f e s t i v a l o f t h e F l o r a l i a .
Thus
a l l e g o r y , synthesis, and s y n c r e t i s m appear i n P o u s s i n s 1631 p a i n t i n g o f
|:
the Kingdom o f F l o r a .
guarnera,^
As t h e p a i n t i n g was commissioned
by t h e crook V a l -
i t i s l i k e l y i t r e p r e s e n t s Poussin"s own t h i n k i n g s t i m u l a t e d
by h i s p a t r o n Pozzo and t h e p h i l o s o p h e r
Campanella.
To express the m a n i f o l d a l l e g o r y as c l e a r l y a s p o s s i b l e , Poussin w i s e l y
chose a c l a s s i c a l s t y l e .
own grandeur.
He had n o t y e t d e c i d e d t o l e t Nature express i t s
I n s t e a d he arranged a b a l a n c e d c o m p o s i t i o n o f a l l e g o r i c a l l y -
m y t h o l o g i c a l f i g u r e s , i n s c u l p t u r e s q u e forms, p r o f i l e o r f u l l - f a c e , w i t h
bright l o c a l color i n cool clear l i g h t ,
sidiary.
t r e a t i n g t h e background
The calm happiness o f F l o r a , who dances,
as sub-
p e r s o n i f i e s the a l l e g o r -
i c a l theme o f hope; suggested by the f o r m a l treatment o f t h e o t h e r p a r t s o f
the p i c t u r e .
55
The Bacchanals f o r C a r d i n a l R i c h e l i e u c o n t a i n complex a l l e g o r y .
commission
The
was arranged by t h e Marchese Pompeo F r a n g i p a n i i n 1635-1636, and
two o u t o f t h e f o u r which F o u s s i n completed b e f o r e 1639 were: shipped t o
9
Richelieu May I636?
6
These two were:. Triumph of Bacchus (plate 89)
Triumph of Pan (''plate 88).
and
H will deal with the f i r s t one only. The
Triumph of Bacchus i s a bas-relief-like procession below another chariotborne Apollo. His association with Bacchus i s made plain i n his.form; except
for the hand bearing the thyrsus he i s copied after the antique sculpture of
the Farnese Apollo (figure 269).
the l e f t behind Bacchus.
The thyrsus i s aligned with the trees to
Furthermore, a centaur, half-man, half-beast,
l i f t s a torch toward Apollo on the right.
Below him rests an aged river god..
Opposite, beneath Bacchus, a baby crawls up carrying the grapevine associated
with the god.
Other figures, such as Hercules with the tripod he stole from
Apollo, emphasize that dimity rather than Bacchus. Below Apollo the twin
59
mountain suggests h i s haunt Parnassus. ' So, although Blunt avers that
60
the picture agrees with Lucian's Dionysus.
I think Poussin i s interrelating
gods to express allegory.
This i s supported by Poussin's-,use of two preparatory drawings (figures
126 and 127) which show an Indian triumph of Bacchus.^
1
This approach was
rare i n Poussin s time; i t appeared often on Roman sarcophagi (figure 125).
1
So did depictions of putti performing the rites of the Bacchic mysteries :
(figures 64, 65), evidently indicating these were helpful to the dead in the
after-life.
But i n the painting there i s no elephant or giraffe.
Any fren-
zied action i s subdued. Bending figures incline to Bacchus. His stillness
on the l e f t i s balanced on the right by two "frozen"' dancers.
And looking
at him i s the reclining river god.
Bacchus-Apollo thus claims attention.
Therefore the painting appears
62
to be allegory. Its meaning i s suggested by the late antique Trinitarian
view of Apollo. Hissheavenly position i s obvious; his earthly connection to
Bacchus i s evident;: the putto appears to suggest his association with the
63:
underworld.
This i s reinforced by Hercules who holds the tripod of Apollo,
10
i s i n the Bacchic procession and yet was famed for his descent to the underworld as well as his translation to heavenly immortality by f i r e .
The paint-
ing appears an allegory of the seasonal f e r t i l i t y of nature under the sun,
but reflections on the nature of man and his destiny may also be inferred
i n i t . We can agree with Bernini, who i s reported to have said to Chantelou
i n 1665 while standing i n front of one of the Bacchanals, "Truly this man
6A
has been a great inventor of stories and fables.
Regular natural cycles—the seasons, the alternation of night and day—
11.
65
are also expressed by other mythological paintings i n the 1630's. Cephalus-.
and Aurora (plate :%)
i t emphasizes day.
signifies night and day.
The swan of Apollo i n
Fhaethon begging the Chariot of Apollo (plate 69/^relates
to both cycles, for i n i t appear the sun, the four seasons, the zodiacal
c i r c l e and Time.
Consequently,, from I63O to I64O, Nicolas Poussin developed allegorical
mythology upon the renaissance belief that a painter must delight to instruct.,
F i r s t he modified the color, l i g h t and landscape background of Titian's
Bacchanals.,
Then he; turnedsto classical art—antique, Renaissance and of his
own time—for the c l a r i t y of the f r i e z e - l i k e composition, the sculptured form,
full-face or profile.^ with appropriate gestures, using clear l i g h t together
with the bright l o c a l color appropriate to his theme. Classical and a l l e gorical l i t e r a t u r e provided sources and v e r i f i c a t i o n for his depictions.
Added accuracy was obtained from study of drawings and text of a book on
Roman r e l i g i o n . , ^
Though concerned with natural cycles and phenomena, he
showed interest i n the nature, moral conduct and destiny of man.
Constrained
by humanistic classicism, his mythological allegory was stated i n human forms
and their activity} he did not allow Nature to predominate visually as well
as i n meaning. But he l a i d the groundwork for the complex synthesis and
syncretism of his l a t e mythological landscapes.
I t i s evident that he
11
chose mythology,-not only because h i s contemporaries understood i t s language
69
i n story or allegory, but also because i t offered the r i c h e s t p i c t o r i a l
p o s s i b i l i t i e s for a painter, whether i t was treated i n a baroque or c l a s s i c a l
way.
This development of mythological allegory was e s p e c i a l l y relevant to
Poussin's l a s t work.
At the same time, he expanded his range of subjects again
70
a f t e r 1633 to include r e l i g i o n and ancient history..
Since Roman Catholic
b e l i e f i s mixed with philosophy and love of legendin Poussin s l a t e work, i t
1
i s helpful to consider h i s e a r l i e r r e l i g i o u s and history painting.
and the Schoolmaster of E a l e r i i (plate 121)
Camillus
ows Poussin's interest i n Roman
72
h i s t o r y and legend as well as i n Stoic philosophy..
I t s theme i s the
n o b i l i t y of the Roman general Camillus who refuses to take advantage o f an
enemy's treachery.. As i n the Triumph of Bacchus, the story i s explained
p i c t o r i a l l y from l e f t to r i g h t by the general seated i n p r o f i l e pointing
to the enchained schoolmaster, facing us.
Spectators—the entourage or the
c a p t o r s — g e s t i c u l a t e appropriately or watch the action.
The simple "'back-
drop" background just indicates the setting but i t s general silhouette builds
up to the seated Camillus.
As Stoic v i r t u e combined with Roman legend and
mythology appears i n the Landscape with Hercules and Cacus. cl659-1661.Poussin's l630's h i s t o r y paintings prepare us to understand h i s l a t e mythol o g i c a l landscapes.
About
I 6 3 6 ,
Poussin began to paint the f i r s t of two series; of the seven
Roman Catholic sacraments.
ings.
He depicted each sacrament twice i n fourteen paint-
The f i r s t set (plates 130 to 13.6) finished 1642 i n Paris was for
Cassiano dal Pozzoj the second (plates 154
73
to
I64S
A0JL60)
was done i n Rome
1644,.
f o r Paul Fr^art de Ghantelou.
Completion of the Pozzo series was delayed by Poussin's service i n Paris
for Louis XIII.
This was from l a t e I64O to September I642.
Royal service had
12
other disadvantages.
Appointed First Painter, Poussin suffered from the
intrigues of persons who coveted this honor or who had enjoyed i t , for
example, Simon Vouet.
Poussin was also assigned work for which his Roman
experiences had not prepared him properly, for example, frontispieces for
Horace, Vergil; a decorative scheme for the Louvre Eong Gallery; and altarpieces, such as that for the Jesuit Novitiate i n P a r i s . ^
compensations;
There were
good pay and comfortable lodgings i n the Tuilleries gardens
75
made pleasanter by the courtesies of Chantelou;
meetings with intellectuals
y
76
who admired Foz.zo, such as Naude, Bourdelot and Patin;
social relationships:
77
with friends such as Jacques Stella and Jean Lemaire;,, contacts with French
78
bourgeo'isie who continued to patronize him t i l l his death.
However, Poussin was unhappy i n Paris.7^ In 1642 he l e f t for Rome
supposedly to fetch his wife. He never returned. The royal pension ceased
80
for a time,
but those who had compelled him to come to Paris a l l died
between 1642 and 1645? Louis XIII, Cardinal Richelieu, and Monseigneur
Sublet de Noyers, Superintendent of Buildings, i n whose department Chantelou
was a secretarial assistant.
Thus Poussin was able to stay in Rome t i l l
his death in 1665, continuing to serve Italian and French patrons.
The sacraments upon which he worked from
83
rarely represented i n art before this time..
I636
to
I648
were a subject
The Reformation of the six-
teenth century had questioned the value of the sacraments for human salvation; Protestantism stated salvation depended on faith in the mercy of
God i n imputing to fallen Man Christ's merit.f^'
ful.
85;
Some sacraments were help-
Roman Catholicism declared the sacraments were the means of grace by
86
which salvation became possible, keeping a l l seven.
Thus Poussin went to
the roots of his faith in depicting this subject..
His depiction was original.
It stressed early Christian practice,
for example, i n the f i r s t Confirmation ('plate 130) to the right of the
13
altar burns the Paschal candle, indicating Easter Eve, when such a sacrament
87
was administered i n the Early Church,.
Poussin used the triclinium^ for the
Eucharist ('plates 131, 159), and for Penance (plates 132, 157) i n order to
be archeologically accurate to the Roman antiquity out of which his Church
88
was born.
Such accuracy and f i d e l i t y to the customs of the Early Church
rather than to popular liturgy of his period would not have been welcomed in a
church commission.
contemplation.
I t therefore indicates pictures painted for private
Also, antique dress and architecture suggest the timeless
significance of these sacraments..^
Finally there may be syncretic references
to ancient pagan religion, for example i n the second-series painting of the
Ordination (plate 158) to Greek religion i n the"E," the f i r s t letter of the
word .'Ei'f.' meaning "thou art" i n Greek. For although this indicates the
!/
1
Christian theme, Christ's statement "Thou art Peter,"' the rock upon which
Me would build his Church,."Erwas also put at the gate of the shrine of Apollo
at Delphi.. In the painting the E"is on a stone monument to the right hand
-
90
of Christ.-
So Poussin appears to be saying that sacraments-have always been
a means of salvation.
Had he also, using Campanellan theology, equated the
Divine Reason, represented by Apollo, with Christ?
Thea classical manner of the sacraments becaomes more articulate than i n
the l630's mythologies. There i s also a development i n psychological drama
and meaning between the f i r s t and the second series. "Ideal human nature in
91
action," especially the theme of these paintings, compels clarity in background
as well as foreground.
In the front plane, sculptural figures i n antiqueV
draperies, grouped with more freedom but s t i l l parallel to the canvas show
their reaction to the central action by expression and rhetorical gesture,
for example, Ordination (plate 158). ' Their draperies are bright spots of clear
92^
red and brilliant gold against the brownish backgrounds.. These backgrounds,
chiefly interior architecture,are symmetrical and severely iumple. They
forced Poussin to deal with the problem of light which he solved through
adapting ideas from Leonardo s Treatise on Painting; for example, the
,!
three light sources in the f i r s t Eucharist (plate 131) throw a shadow on
93
the pavement, a device new in Poussin's work.
The characteristics described are common to both series, but more
developed i n the second, which represents an,advance i n clarity and richness
of classical style, together with more complex meaning.
The increase i n
depth of meaning and clarity i n style may be seen by comparing the two
depictions of the Eucharist (plates 131, 159).
Pozzo's version of the
late l63.0's i s a simple representation of the East Supper, symmetrically
arranged, with the disciples lying on a triclinium which i s parallel to the
picture plane upon i t s longest side.
blesses the bread and wine.
They respond i n various ways as Christ
The.scene i s an interior lighted as described,
with Doric pilasters dimly visible behind the triclinium.
Evidently i t only
represents one event because the twelve, disciples are a l l present; the figure
leaving to the l e f t must be a servant.
The Chantelou depiction of about ten
years later has intimations of the washing of the disciples' feet which
occurred before the meal,., by the placement of a basin to the right.. On the
l e f t , Judas i s leaving, suggesting Christ's coming Passion.
Though Christ
i s central, he i s surrounded on four sides by the rest of the reclining
disciples i n a scene which i s better l i t by one hanging lamp, more alive by
reaction through gesture and expression to what He i s saying, "One you shall
betray me," combining that dramatic moment with the transcendental reality
of the institution of the sacrament.
Thei Chantelou version i s f u l l of figures
more amply modelled than those i n the Pozzo picture;; Poussin carefully foreshortens those in front so that the composition for Chantelou i s i n the form
of a double r e l i e f .
Pilasters,; scarcely visible i n Pozzo's Eucharist, are
clearly articulated; Poussin adds a curtain behind Christ to enhance the drama^
15
94
in which the figures occupy a larger part than i n the Pozzo picture.
In the two sacraments which are set outdoors, Baptism (plates 136,
156) and Ordination (plates 134» 158) Poussin progresses from a simple
second plane of trees and h i l l s to a landscape with several planes also
containing water, varied architecture and distant mountains.
The 1647
Ordination (plate 158) i s the best example of this ordered articulation
of background.
This i s topographically related to the foreground because
the right-hand tomb i s like those outside Jerusalem (figure 271) where
the story occurrel?
It i s also thematically connected to the Ordination
by the meaning of the monument bearing the'El'
What relevance do the sacraments series have for Poussin s last
1
"synthesis"?. First, i n his late works, Poussin expresses concern with
the essential belief'; of his Church:, the salvation of man through i t s
96
sacraments, of which Baptism and the Eucharist are the most necessary.
Secondly, his style as well as his subject demonstrates his interest i n
timeless reality.
Showing^but subordinating warm color to clearly-
defined forms, he garbs the figures and sets the action in the most
appropriate antiquity—early Roman Christian—even suggesting that preChristian mysteries used the same method of salvation.
Thus, as i n the
1630's mythologies there i s a syncretism which appears especially i n the
many-faceted!meaning of the Four Seasons.
Poussin even strives for
topographical accuracy i n attempt to make a l l parts of his composition
contribute appropriately to the main theme, another aspect of his late
style.. Thus the closer fusion of more complex form and meaning i n the
second series i s leading to the rich synthesis in Poussin's late manner.
After the seven sacraments, Poussin produced even more severely
classical and monumental religious compositions with multiple meanings
97
until his death, for example, the 1657 Annunciation (plate 23'5).
16
But i n I648 he began to paint landscapes novel i n their synthesis of
background with the tiny foreground figures who are the keys to the
pictorial meaning. No other painter of classical landscapes had carried the
humanistic principle of decorum (or fitness to the subject) so far as did
Nicolas Poussin i n paintings like these.
Since his humanisticapproach i s
evident i n a l l previous painting, why would Poussin, i n the middle of
producing paintings on the principles of poetic tragedy emphasizing human
action, dwarf human forms i n size i f not i n significance?
F i r s t l y , he did not do so i n a l l his work. Poussin was never primarily
98.
a landscape painter..
Between I648 and 1651, while he was doing his f i r s t
famous landscapes, Poussin produced many classically-treated religious,
mythological and historical paintings, i n which human figures dominate i n
size, significance and activity, whether the background i s an interior, as i n
99
the Judgment of Solomon^ 1649 (plate 199)
or an exterior, as i n the
100
Holy Family with the Bath Tub. 1651 (plate 209) * i n Goriolanus., cl647-l651
(plate 174) £°or i n Achilles among the Daughters of Lvcomedes. 1648-1650
(plate 175) J "
0 2
What he did do in these landscapes was to express Stoicism, an ancient
philosophy particularly concerned with the conduct of l i f e , which includes
the belief that Divine Reason i s shown i n the order and harmony of nature as
103
much as i n human virtue..
Poussin's treatment of the Kingdom of Flora..
I63I, appears to express this idea allegorically through an Ovidian anthology,
but scarcely with the high seriousness which the theme warranted.
The
Gampanellan philosophy he may also have expressed in his 1631 painting was.
an extension of the natural philosophy of the Stoics.
Moving i n Rome and
134
Paris
i n intellectual circles who understood antique and Neo-stoicism,
and expressing i t s ideas i n his correspondence, especially as a philosophy of
105
life,
Poussin would be satisfying his own tastes as well as that of his
17
clientele by producing such landscapes.
This was his artistic intention.
From 1642 until his death Poussin worked quietly i n Rome, living with
108
his wife on the Via Paolina i n a simply-run house with no servants.
Bellori says:;
He followed a very regular way of l i f e , for there are many who paint at
their whim and go on for a short time with great enthusiasm, and then
grow exhausted and leave their brushes for long periods, whereas Nicolas
was i n the habit of getting up early and taking an hour or two's exercise*
sometimes walking in the town but almost always on the Monte della
Trinita, that i s to say, the Pincian, which was not far from his house
and to which there led a short slope made pleasant by trees and fountains, and from which there unfolded the most beautiful view of Rome
and i t s lovely h i l l s , which, with the nearby buildings, made i t , as i t
were, a stage set. There he talked with his friends i n curious and
learned discourses. Returning home, he at once set about painting
t i l l midday and, having eaten, continued painting for several hours; and
so he achieved more by continued application than another painter by
practical s k i l l . In the evening he went out again and walked below the
h i l l i n the Piazza d i Spagna , to meet foreigners who used to gather
there.. He was almost always surrounded by friends who accompanied him,
so that those who, on account of his fame, wished to see him or to speak
with Mm in a friendly way found him there, since he always admitted
to his company any man of worth. He listened willingly to others, but
afterward his own discourses were weighty and were received with attention. He very often talked about art and with such experience of the
matter that not only painters but other men of intelligence came to
hear from his mouth the finest reflections on painting, which he made
not with the intention of instructing, but as occasion demanded. As
he had read and observed much, no topic arose in the conversation which
he had not mastered, and his words and ideas were so just and so well
ordered that they seemed rather thought out than made spontaneously.
The cause of this was his fine mind and his wid?e reading, not only, I
say, of histories and fables and the branches of learning i n which he
excelled, but i n the other liberal arts and i n philosophy. In this
he was well served by his- early knowledge of the Latin language, even
though i t was not perfect, and he knew Italian as well as i f he had been
born i n Italy. He was penetrating in understanding, discreet i n choice,
and retentive in memory, and these are the most desirable gifts of
intelligence.
c
2
The pattern of l i f e Bellori describes included freedom from politics,
a personal choice motivated by Poussin' s S t o i c i s m . T h i s meant he was
;
not directly at the mercy of Papal changes, although i t i s possible that
Pozzo's lack of commissions after 1651 i s related to his smaller income
after the death of Pope Urban VIIE (Barberini) i n 1644 when the other
Barberini fled, and the new Pope Innocent X was not friendly to Pozzo's
18
11 *i
pursuits.
On the other hand, the presence i n Rome from 1658 t i l l after
U$65. of Cardinal Camillo Massimi (unemployed due to the change of pope 1655)
may have helped Poussin in his last paintings, because in 1658 Massimi
112
assumed the role^of Pozzo i n Roman patronage after the latter's death 1657.In spite of Massimi s earlier commission for two paintings between
r
113
16A2 and 1645,. ' as well as some landscapes for Pozzo, Poussin's patrons
J
after 1642 were chiefly French. Between 1644 and 1648 he did Chantelou's;
set of the seven sacraments.
In the period 1648 to 1651, people like
Pbintel and Chantelou's brother Jean obtained works from him.^"^^ 1651
was the year he completed his last commission from Pozzo."^"^
Between 1653 and his death i n 1665 his patrons for single works
were mainly those who had ordered pictures before, such as Chantelou,
and Jacques Stella., However i t was Nicolas Fouquet who i n 1655 to 1656
gave Poussin his main commission for the decade—the herms for Fouquet's
chateau at Vaux-le-Vicomte, while the Due de Richelieu ordered the Four
Seasons, done 1660 to 1664.
His last unfinished work, the Apollo and
116
Daphne of I664 was a gift to Cardinal Massimi.During the last years of his l i f e , Poussin received adequate payment
for his work, although he did not enjoy the prosperity of his contemporary
117
Claude..
Poussin, however, held an internation^reputation.
1663 testimony
of this i s given i n the journal of the traveller Monconys who accompanied the
young Due de Chevreuse to Rome* Balthasar de Monconys reports the Due wished
to spend his last day i n that city with Poussin, the most illustrious person
to grace painting, equal to Raphael i n design but surpassing him i n story
118
and i n organization.
Others approached the painter with less honorable intentions.
In the
last few months of his l i f e an importunate Norman relative "this miserable.
19
119
rustic without a brain"*" descended for inheritance upon the enfeebled
painter, widowed October I664V. " The'nephew, was sehChome^without inheritance.
Of his wife's death Foussin had written to Chantelou
She died when I had most need of her help, having l e f t me heavy with
years, paralyzed, f u l l of infirmities of a l l sorts, a stranger and
without friends (for i n this City there are none of them).1^0
Foussin may also haa been ..bothered by N whom he mentions i n a letter of
January 1665 as a man who "writes on the works of modern painters and
121
their lives.
His style i s turgid
. "' It would have been a tactless
time to seek a biography from a dying man wracked with pain to the degree
he could no-longer work. Dor i n July, I665 he wrote to the Abbe'Nicaise
I have quitted the brushes forever.. ., . . . I have nothing more at
present than to die, i t will be the only remedy to the evils which
a f f l i c t me. God grant i t will be soon, for l i f e weights too much
on me..
The i l l health from which Poussin suffered had showed a symptom that
1235
must have alarmed i n I 6 4 I — t h e trembling of his hand*.
This i s especially
124
visible i n the late drawings for Apollo and Daphne jT^it. i s also recorded
125
by Fellbien i n his description; of the Four Seasons, I66OWL664.
In
August-September 1646 he was l a i d low by illness; this was only one of various
attacks.
As Thuillier puts i t
The admirable serenity found in his last works was attained only
through the most cruel physical suffering.
Foussin himself i n 1660 wrote to Chantelou
I do not spend a day without, pain and the trembling of my limbs?;
increases with the years..
Poussin died November 19, 1665> after' severe: suffjerMg^it-lss said
he received the sacraments of his Church as a perfect Christian and C a t h o l i c
128
He: was buried from the church of his marriage, S.. Lorenzo i n Lucina.
Thus /Foussin's mature and late paintings are eloquent testimony to hisChristian and Stoic practice of the cardinal virtue of fortitude. -
20
From 1642 on, religious and classical subjects predominated i n Poussin's
work, whether i n figure compositions or i n landscapes.
In religion he
emphasized the basic doctrines of his Church concerning salvation, using the
New Testament for many paintings but reverting to the Old for the Four
Seasons-; In classical themes he usually depicted an incident in the l i f e
of a Stoic, hero i n which reason governed the passions, for example,
129
The Continence of Scipio... ' But the use of Ovid gradually predominated
until his last unfinished work, Apollo and Daphne; iss a complex meditation
beginning from the Metamorphoses;, thathehad illustrated before 1624 in Paris..
Poussin altered the drama and color of the figure compositions i n the
early l650's.
Gestures are exaggerated}; expressions are intensified, yet
there i s more calm and less sense of actual action.
backgrounds have mathematical precision.
The* architectural
The color i s fresco-like.. "For.'
130
example.. St.-Peter and St. John Healing the Lame Man (plate 222) contains
a l l these characteristics.
In landscape, the r i g i d geometry of architecture and Nature combined
with formal clarity and very cool color i n the 1648 Phocion compositions,
for example, yields to shapes nearer Nature, composed i n a more spacious,
freer, balanced harmony. Architecture becomes less conspicuous.
Finally,
manner and meaning fuse intensely i n the religious and mythological allegory
of the Four Seasonsa- supreme synthesis of philosophy and feeling magnificently overcomes physical weakness.
21
Fbussin's Main Patrons and Friends i n His Last Years
Poussin painted i n Rome under the aegis of Gassiano dal Pozzo/ (d.l657),
131
then Cardinal Camillo Massimi.
Paul Freart de Chantelou.
asked for pictures.
By 1639 he was corresponding regularly with
Though these men were his chief patrons, others
The lives of such patrons, especially those who com-
missioned his late work are summarized in the following pages.
These were:
Jacques Stella; the Due de Richelieu; Passart;, Pointel;; and probably Charles
Lebrun. Since the Abbe. Nicaise i s suggested as the source for the complex
132
iconographical programme of the Four Seasonsthere i s a biography of him.
I conclude with Campanella, the Dominican friar whose form of Stoicism isa key to understanding Poussin's late landscapes.,
133
Paul Freart de Chantelou. 1609-1694
The friendship cultivated by work and correspondance from 1639 with
this usually patient, devoted French c i v i l servant, less learned than Pozzo,
13Z.
1640.-
made Chantelou, i n addition, the artist's main patron after
Born at
Mans, the youngest of three brothers, Jean, the elder and Roland the oldest
who took the surname "de Chambray,''. Chantelou was the son of the chief provost
135
of Maine..
He must have received the usual
classical education, for he
appreciated a reference to the eagles on Mount Taurus taken from Plutarch s
,i
136
Moralia-., even although i t was muddled up i n Poussin"s letter..
There are
many other classical references i n Poussin's'icorrespondance which he; evidently
expected Chantelou to understand.:
'
With the appointment of his relative Monseigneur Sublet de Noyers as
Superintendent of Buildings i n 1638,
Chantelou found employment in that
department as clerk or secretary to Noyersi?^?' In 1640 Chantelou was sent
138
to Rome to persuade Poussin and Cortona to come to Paris..
139
with Poussin.
He succeeded
Despite,.the disgrace of Noyers 1643^ preceding his 1645 death,
22
Chantelou does not seem to have lost employment entirely.
However, i n 1645
he had a temporary honorary appointment with the Prince c f Conde^ known as
the Due d'Enghien.. ^
1
1
In 1647 Poussin addressed him as Councillor and
Master of the Ordinary Hotel of the King, a remunerative post which he lost
142
for a time, but regained by 1657•
In 1656 he had married Mme.
de Mont-
mort, who had control over the Chateau of the Loir through her f i r s t husband
This;-.post f e l l to Chantelou.
In his capacity as Maitre d'Hc^bel he enter-
tained Bernini i n Paris, l665> making a journal of that artist's v i s i t
144
published i n the nineteenth century.
Besides his Roman v i s i t , Chantelou sometimes travelled with the Court,
for example to Nimes,, i n 1642, where he saw the Maison Garreei?"^'^
,Hisr;philosophy of l i f e appears to have been Stoicism, his religion,
Roman Catholicism.?"^ He was not p o l i t i c a l l y active except i n expressing
/147
aversion to Mazarin i n accepting a post with Conde..
Hiss friendship with Pointel was tinged with jealousy of Poussin 3i
y
services to the banker."*'^
Chantelou lived on the Rue Saint-Thomas-du-Louvre,,: where ;he remained
/». 149
until after Poussin s death.
1
Later he had a house at Reuilly near Trone..
In these he kept his excellent picture collection, the best Poussin one i n
Paris at that time.
It included such masterpieces as the Self-Portrait
(plate 197) and the Seven Sacraments (plates 154 to 160;),. each under a l i t t l e ;
150
curtain, a device Poussin approved.
He;also owned The Israelites Gathering
the Mannai ("plate 128)., a Holy Family (plate 219), The 'testacy of St. Paul
(plate 145) probably a Conversion of St. Paul, now lost, a small wax model of
the Vatican Sleeping Ariadne^(figure 27) and two paintings originally commissioned by his wife:'. The Holy Family in Egypt (plate 231) and Christ and
151
the Woman of Samaria (plate 239).
Poussin had also done a Baptism (plafre.
171) for his brother Jean, while de Chambray had lauded Poussin i n one of his
23
152
books*
Thus the Chantelou family patronized Poussin.
The correspondence records Poussin serving as an agent in Rome after
1642 chiefly for the acquisition of antique;sculpture.
Poussin received funds
153*
for this, rendering periodic accounts of his purchases i n a scrupulous:manner..
Thus we are given added information into the activities of the artist.. But
we are most indebted to Chantelou for his preservation of the letters, upon
each of which he made a succinct summary.. For Poussin s letters give-us not
l!
only the views of the artist on politics, philosophy, morality,, religion,.
current events and art,, but by content and expression permit us to form a
154
picture of the personality of Poussin,.
155
Charles Lebrun.. 1619-1690
This French painter,, who held the positions of First Painter to the
King, Director of the Royal Furniture Factory and the Royal Academy of Paint156ing, among other posts, lived in Paris on the Rue des Fosses-Saint-Victor..
Tto this Neo-stoic, reason was a set of rules limiting the imagination, not
157
inspiring i t .
J
Strangely i t was probably he who commissioned the mysterious
. 158
Landscape with Two Nymphs^and a Snake of l6'59.-
I. have found no record of
other Poussin paintings owned or commissioned by him.. His interest i n Poussin
was connected with his desire to reform the Royal Academy; he used Poussin's
159
ideas and practice^to do so i n collaboration with Colbert in the early l660's.
It was the classical figure paintings i n which Poussin adopted Raphael's forms
and color closely that impressed Lebrun. He favored the concept of ut pictura
poesis.. as well as classicism, praising the Israelites Gathering the Manna
finished 1639 for Chantelou for its use of classical sculpture, where ideal
160:
beauty was to be found..
of 1659?.
Was he surprised when he received the landscape
24
Cardinal Camillo Massimi, 1620-1677
161
Despite the coarse, surly appearance depicted in a Velasquez, 1649
portrait of him,
162
' Cardinal Camillo Massimi, who received Poussin's last
/
163-'
unfinished work, the Apollo and Daphne,as a gift from the artist i n I664,
was reputed to be a cultivated, attractive man.
16A
Fbrn into one of Rome's
oldest and most distinguished families, he received a sound humanist edu165
cation,..
supplemented by drawing lessons from Poussin, who probably gave
him the 1630 self-portrait drawing (figure, 9 4 ) . I n I64O he came into a
good inheritance;; Haskell seems to infer that this was indirectly from
Vincenzo Guistianini, the famed antiquarian and amateur, whose tastes
Massimi shared. He frequented court circles upon the elevation to the
papacy of Innocent X (Pamfilij) after 1644> making two commissions for
incidents from the l i f e of Mosessfrom Poussin
which were; completed around
168
1645..
By 1647'he had come, into possession of the "Marino" drawings of
169
:
1
the Metamorphoses;.done by Poussin i n Paris..
He; became Patriarch of
Jerusalem i n 1653, Papal Nuncio to Spain, l654> but politically unsuccessful
there 1655 to 1658 because his policies differed from the new pppe^ Alexander VII., He returned to Rome^l65.S to remain unemployed until 1670,, but.
enabled to devote time to intellectual pursuits, taking over the patronage
170
extended by Gassiano. dal Pozzo who had died i n 1&57.
At this time he:
possibly obtained the f i r s t version of the Arcadian Shepherds (plate 56)
171
as well as Midas Washing at the Source of the Pactolus (plate 57)..
During Poussin"s late years, Massimi was his closest friend among Roman
17 2
;
art patrons.,
" Bellori reports Massimi visiting the artist's home> although
173'
no date i s given...
' Poussin must have used Massimi's library often between
174
1658 and I664 to help; paint his last works.
An inventory of Massimi's possessions upon his death shows paintings,
25
drawings:, coins, manuscripts i n Hebrew, Greek and Latin, together with
copies of Justin (a Christian Stoic writer)\ Lactantius, Cicero, Seneca,
Valerius Maximus, the Bible i n Hebrew and Syrian and books on astrology.
The drawings were:
the self-portrait, the Coloring of Goral,^^ the "Marino""
illustrations, and a preparatory study for the worship of Priapus by the
Bacchantes and Fauns."'
_77
His library and the collection of Poussin works he owned confirm his
learned, discriminating tastes.
Enjoying a long, close and apparently warm
relationship with Poussin, he was i n an emotional and intellectual position
to aid the artist in his final work. He was also free of Church responsibilities.^ It i s possible that his support may have been one factor in encouraging
the last rich synthesis of form and content in Poussin's painting.
The.-Abbe •••'Claude Nicaise, 1623-1701
Friedlaender believes that
It i s possible that Poussin did not formulate this theological program
tfor the Four Seasons, I66O-I664a himself, but that i t was suggested by
one of the learned French clerics who frequented Poussin's house during
his last years.
Nicaise i s reported by Felibien to have been a particular friend of Poussin's
in his last years, and to have composed his epitaph. According to Felibien,
the Atbe was known by his merit and the understanding he had of belles—
180
lettres."'
The Abbe', Canon of Ste.-Chapelle at Dijon, who later retired to Villey
181
near Is-sur-Tille, spent many years i n Rome pur .suing his two avocations: art
182
biography and,antiquarianism>
His Vi6r<des Artistes was never published.
A. letter to Felibien from Poussin refers to the turgid style of N who wrote
on modern painters."*" ^- Was this a reference to Nicaise?
8
The two extant
Poussin letters to Nicaise arer adviee to obtain a copy of one of Poussin's
works i n the Chantelou or Cerisier collections in Paris, as Poussin was too
26
i l l to oblige (he was working on Winter, howevermisinformation that the
185
artist has stopped painting altogether and awaits death.
Thus,
evidence in the letters i s inconclusive concerning the -friendly relationship between the cleric and painter recorded by Felibien.
Furthermore, i t
i s possible that Poussin, using Cardinal Massimi's library and his own
previous reading either decided upon the program of the pictures himself, or
asked Cardinal Massimi's help with it,- or that of Holstenius, Barberini '
librarian.
Michel Passart (or Passard, P a s s a r ) ^
1
According to Bellori
Nicolas worked willingly to satisfy the noble genius of this lord, very
fond of painting anda infinitely learned in this art. '
t
This lord was the Master of Accounts, later General of Finances, who lived
188
on the Quai de l a Megisserie, Paris. Poussin worked for him in later l i f e ,
189
keeping in regular touch by letters now lost..
He commissioned two notable
190
Stoic subjects: the Testament of Eudamidas (plate 224) and the f i r s t version
^91
of Camillus and the Schoolmaster of Falerii (figure 173). The puzzling
.192
v
Landscape with a Woman Washing Her Feet (plate 195) was likely painted for
him.
To the patron who also collected many of his works, Claude dedicated
his etching of the Dance of the Four Seasons to Time. -3 It seems l i k e l y
19
that even i f he did not program the subject of the Landscape with Orion
(plate 237) this allegory was certainly painted with his tastes for Stoic
194
thought and allegory in mind.
Pointe!
made periodic trips to Italy. Bonnaffe' records two to Rome, one^ in 1645/46
This banker from Lyons,
settled i n Paris on the Rue St.-Germain,
when he formed a close friendship with the artist, with whom he corresponded
195
196
197
and 1655, when he came to buy art for himself and the Due de Crequi'. Blunt
199
says his banking took him to Naples, and perhaps S i c i l y .
Feiibien records his passion for Poussin paintings. Pointel
had so great a passion for the works of his friend that very far from
selling them, he did not wish to be deprived of them even for a day-^OO
Between 1647 and 1651 the artist completed twelve paintings for him.
These were*
• Moses Trampling on Pharoah's Crown (plate 165) Between 1642 and 1647.
The Finding of Moses (plate 169). 1647;.
ELiezar and Rebecca (plate 170), 1648.
Landscape with a Man Killed by a Snake (plate 182), I648.
The Judgment of Solomon (plate 199), 1649.
The Holy Family with Ten Figures (plate 208), 1649.
Landscape with Polyphemus (plate 190), 1649?
Self-Portrait (plate 196), 1649Calm (plate 193), 1651.
Storm (plate263 J, l651»; original lost; engraving only remains.
Christ Appearing to the Magdalene (see Catalogue R4l)
Landscape with St. Francis (plate 186) no date. 203
In his letters to Chantelou, Poussin shows affection for Pointel to
the point that i t i s necessary to reassure Chantelou that the self-portrait
of Poussin he will receive i s a better likeness than the one painted for
•
204
Poxntel..
T>
+
Blunt believes that the Landscape with the Man Killed by a SnaTce
represents an incident at Fondi, near Naples since comparison with an engraving of the town shows that the background resembles i t , while such an
accident occurred during the f i r s t v i s i t Pointel made to Rome. There i s
a gap i n Poussin's correspondence with Chantelou, April 7 to June 3> 1647.
Poussin does not explain an absence from Rome to which he returned June 1
as noted by Ee^Libien.
In addition the June 3 letter i s the one i n which
205
Poussin refers to the return of the "heretic" Pointel to Paris.
Blunt
postulates Poussin and Pointel took a t r i p down the coast, not mentioned
to Chantelou because of the jealousy Chantelou had shown over the Rebecca
painted for Pointel.
From the iconography of the Landscape with the Man
Killed by a Shake.-, Blunt concludes that Pointel's commissions to Poussin
28
were quite definite.
He also suggests that a Sicilian trip prompted the
PDA
commission of the Landscape with Polyphemus.
207
The Commendatore Cassiano dal Pozzo, 1588-1657
His contemporaries felt that this "most cultivated and learned of a l l
Italian art patrons"' was a hard, reserved and cold man as Bernini caricatured
208
him, i n spite of his European reputation for scholarship.
Poussin's
209
correspondence confirms this.
He always addresses Pozzo in the body of
the letter as"Your Most Illustrious Lordship's Establishment.' The one
letter to Pozzo"S brother, Carlo Antonio, the executor of Poussin's 1643
will i s warmer. Poussin reports Pozzo's death briefly to Chantelou a few
months after i t s occurrence.. Thus his long relationship with the artist
was a formal one.
The Turin-born^^ Cassiano was the son of a c i v i l servant to the Grand
Duke of Tuscany. He received his liberal education living mainly in the
home of his uncle, the Archbishop of Pisa.
patron, archeologist and town planner.
This man was a diplomat, art
211
Pozzo was trained as a lawyer..
By 1609 or 1612 following the deaths of his uncle and the Grand Duke,
212
Cassiano moved to Rome.
Between that time and l622 he established himself
there. By 1622 he was intellectually accepted. He belonged to the Accademia
213
dei Lincei, a scientific society active t i l l I63O..
In the 1620's he joined
21A
the other two important accademies: the Umoristi and Crusca.
Through Alessandro Orsini he obtained lifer;employment Vith Cardinal
;
Francesco Barberini.
His various posts, such as secretary, gave him a moderate
215
income.
In 1625 and 1626 he accompanied the Cardinal to Paris and Spain
respectively. His French stay included a v i s i t to Fontainebleau, where he
216
admired the Leonardo works moderately.
On his return to Rome he settled
217
218
permanently on the Via Chiavari ' possibly i n the Palazzo Peruzzi.
29
His younger brother Carlo Antonio and the latter's wife lived with the
219
batchelor Pozzo. Here he accumulated a library.
Here he created a
museum with a zoological collection of skeletons, anatomical drawings,
precious stones, mechanical instruments and rare living birds and plants,
i t i s said. Carlo Antonio his brother was keen on birds, while Cassiano
220
favored flowers which he also cultivated at a v i l l a at Nervi..
As
well, Cassiano collected coins, medals, sculpture, paintings and graphics..
Though interested in reports of rare natural occurrences which .came' i n froin
a l l over Europe,, his f i r s t love was Roman antiquity. By his modest income
he created a "paper museum" the Museo Cartaceo, of prints and drawings
1
relating to the following:., ancient religions, which he carefully classified
as false opinions of the ancients on the Deity and sacrifices;; ancient
social l i f e and customs; Roman history and fable on reliefs and triumphal
arches;: ancient statues, vases and utensils;, figures: from ancient manuscripts and mosaics, for example, Vergil, and the Palestrina Nilotic scenes
mosaic.
He i s said to have employed, artists l i k e Poussin and Cortona on this
221
project which amounted to twenty-three bound volumes;.
This intense involvement in antiquity coupled with interest in science
222*
including the new astronomy of his? friend Galileo
gave Cassiano Europe^wide scholarly contacts. Thus his home became the intellectual and cultural
223
centre of Rome t i l l his death.
Although he was a " c i v i l " servant who kept out of p o l i t i c s , ^ * his
fortunes were influenced by changes i n Roman government. When Pope Urban VIII
(Barberini) died 1644, the flight of his relatives diminished
Cassiano s
1
income, although I have no information that he was discharged by them. The
new pope Innocent X (Pamfilij) was hostile to his pursuits. In 1655 his friend
Eabio Chigi became Pope Alexander VII.
who died 1 6 5 7 .
2 2 5
This did not benefit the sick Cassiano
30
His apparently life-long employment by a Cardinal did not signify
a devout Roman Catholic.
A morally upright, basically orthodox believer,
as seen by his Seven Sacraments commission to Poussin, cl636-l642> his.
interest i n antiquity and science led to opinions that at that time would
not have been considered correct by his Church,, for example, he was Secretary
of the Eincei at a time when his friend Galileo, also a member, was being
tried for heresy.^
6
Antiquity interestedhim in early Christian practices.
He even thought of Julian, the Apostate Emperor, as a source of information
227
on these.
Undoubtedly he saw parallels between Christianity and ancient
228
religions. Syncretism was characteristic of his circle.
Poussin's
229
monumental Annunciation of 1657 i s therefore a f i t t i n g tribute to him.
Considering the propinquity of the Holy Office, prudence must have been
hi ai> watchword.
His-philosophy; was Christian Stoicism. He won the epithet, "a mind
contemptuous of Fortune! He followed the late antique Stoic practice of
230
avoiding politics.
Although Cassiano patronized scientists, his connection with artists,
231
particularly Poussin, was a major preoccupation of his l i f e .
Conditioned
232
1
by antiquity, he preferred classicist art, which seemed closest to i t to himIt may have been his interest in ancient religion which prompted his preference for Titian, whose Bacchanals were then i n Rome; or he may simply have liked
the sensuous, colorful, landscaped Venetian painting. He enjoyed Leonardo's
work, owning two, one a copy of the Mona Lisa.
His. interest in scholarship, science and art combined in preparing the
manuscript of Leonardo da Vinci's Treatise on Painting for publication from
1635.
He employed Poussin to illustrate i t , but had others embellish these
drawings. When Chantelou came to Rome to fetch Poussin i n 164.0,- the i l l u s trated manuscript was delivered to him.
Chantelou'^ brother H. de Chambray,
31
had i t published, with a French translation, in Paris i n 1 6 5 1 , ^ about the
2
year Poussin painted the large Leonardo-inspired Landscape with Pyramus
23/
and Thisbe for his patron.
Although Poussin considered himself "'a pupil, i n hiss art of the house
and museum of the Cavaliere dal Pozzo, "235 +j^ patron helped him most by
e
commissioning
about f i f t y paintings, l i s t e d insofar as they were identified
236
in 1958 i n a table on the succeeding page.
This table should be used i n
conjunction with the 1966 Catalogue by Blunt l i s t e d i n the bibliography of
of this thesis.
A l l these commissions l i k e l y helped Poussin to modify his
style as he deepened his thought i n the stimulating cultural milieu of
,
23*7Pozzo"s establishment, particularly i n the period up to 1640.
Armand-Jean de Vignerod Duplessis, Due de Richelieu, 1629-1715.
The great nephew of Cardinal Richelieu commissioned Poussin's last
complete work, the Four Seasons. I66O-I664.
Blunt calls this a "belated
gesture on the part of the nobility toward the artist, whose reputation
was now established throughout Europe," by a distinguished figure in
1
239
Parisian society.
He was a cultivated man who had a library and a
printing establishment.. In 1656 he: was responsible for the publication
2/0
+
of the Richelieu Bible.
Poussin paintingsi
By 1664 he had already bought seven other
Thee Plague at Ashdod; The Virgin Appearing to St.
James; a Bacchanal; a pioture of the blind at Jericho;; a Moses story; a
large landscape;, and an ecstacy of St. Paul.
These, together with the
Four Seasons were sold to Louis XIV; as part of twenty-five pictures lost in
a wager with the
king i n 166%
After this, the Due began to collect paintings
241
again, specializing i n Rubens upon the advice of Roger de Piles.
Al-
though he was a cultivated man, the Due's other interests seemed primary,
so that he relied upon outside advice for the purchases he made. Therefore
32
TABLE I
POUSSIN E T LA FAMILLE DAL .POZZO
r?
29
APPENDICE
T A B L E A U X D E POUSSIN DANS L A COLLECTION D A L POZZO
Designation
GROUPE
A :
Peintures
pouvant etre
identifiers
et localisees
Autoportrait
S Catherine
Sacrifice de Noe
Renaud et Armide
5. Mars ct Venus
6. Aurore et Cephale
7. S Jean Baptisant
8. Extreme-Onction
9. Confirmation
10. Penitence
11. Ordination
12. Mariage
13. Eucharistie
14. Bapteme du Christ
15. Petit paysage
1.
2.
3.
4.
tc
l
16.
»
»
17. Pyrame et Thisbe
18. Eliezer et Rebecca
GROUPE B :
Peintures
ayant un titre
precis
GROUPE C :
Sujets
designes
de facon
vague
Emplacement
actuel
Date
probable ( )
a
Hovingham
- ex-coll. Cook
Tatton
Harrach
• • • Boston
Hovingham
Belvoir
•
; v. 1624-5
v. 1628
- »
. »
v. 1629-30
:
.
.
»
»
»
annees 1630
fin des an. 1630
detruit en 1816
Belvoir
»
»
' ' '••
Washington
. coll. Leon
»
»
1
;
c
Francfort
coll. Blunt
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
Le Christ au Jar din des Oliviers
La Samaritaine
(Triomphe de) Bacchus et d'Ariane
Bataille avec Porus sur un Elephant
Paysage avec les FuneraiU.es de Phocion
»
» la femme qui se lave les pieds
»
» l'homme qui fuit un serpent
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.'
31.
32.
33.
Venus
Un Sacrifice
Bacchanalc
»
'
1642*
A
v. 1645 .
»
1651*
v. 1650-53
2
3
i
.;!
'.
6
6
7
8'
»
»
.'
Une Perspective
Une Chasse
La Vierge
34-40. 7 autres petits paysages (cf. n. 15 et 16, groupe A)
41. Copie des Noces Aldobrandines
9
10
11
(a) L'asteriqne designe une date certaine. Les autres dates sont fondees sur le style ou les
references dans les textes.
33;
i t i s l i k e l y he commissioned the Eour Seasons because he wished a painting
:
by an artist then fashionable, as Blunt suggests, not because he was especially concerned with what the artist would paint for him.
Jacques Stella.
1596-1657
3
2
This Parisian painter-collector i s an example of the intimate friends,
for whom Poussin painted most of his la.ie work.*^ He was the most celebrated
244
member of a Lyonnais family of painters,, engravers and c o l l e c t o r s * ' ^
He may
24.5
have inherited a taste for landscape from his father who did these.
24.6
In 1620,,Stella^went to Florence,,
2A.7
fluence on his art,r*'
a v i s i t which had lifelong i n -
From there he moved to Rome, where,, enriching h i s
;
style under the influence of Domenichino and the Garracci, he remained 1 6 2 3
248J
to
Around
l634o
1623
he was producing large religious decorations, but
gained a good living through numerous book illustrations and l i t t l e pictures.
In 1 6 3 4 Richelieu retained him in Paris, gave him lodgings in the
Louvre,, a pension and t i t l e of Painter to the King.
He was employed upon
projects similar to Poussin'^ assignments:, frontispieces, a composition for
the Jesuit Novitiate, and two retables for the Chapel of St. Germain, but hxsi
f r a i l health interferred with his work. After I64O, he became a. pale shadow
to- Poussin, l i v i n g unmarried with relatives in the Louvre galleries until
his death, producing his best-loved work, the Pastorale, known from
249
gravmgs*.
His work i s cool.
en-
It includes a delicate series of childhood games
connected with the children's Bacchanals done by Poussin when he f i r s t
250
reached Rome..
It is.apparent from a: drawing of the Erotes playing with
a hare loved by Menus because i t can be f e r t i l e a l l the year that Stella was
interested in mythological allegories of f e r t i l i t y , one aspect of the Birth
of Bacchus;.which Poussin painted for him in 1 6 5 7 .
251
He was also aware of
3fc
the connection of the Bacchic mysteries with the underworld and with l i f e
after death.
His niece did an engraving of Stella's Putti Flaying (figure
257) showing one of them holding a Bacchic mask' signifying the terrors of
252
the underworld,
I. feel that there are allusions of this kind to birth,
death and resurrection i n the Birth of Bacchus which would have pleased
Stella.
As Poussin was a close friend, he would have adapted the painting
to Stella's taste whether the latter made any specific suggestions or not.
253
Stella was a close friend of Poussin as the Correspondance shows.
Felibien preserved fragments of letters from Poussin to Stella, begun
254 255
after Stella's return to Paris..
'
There are also complimentary ref-
erences to Stella i n letters from Poussin to others, for example,. "M..
Stella,-painter, my friend,"'•
and "I forgot to t e l l you I know Stella
257 *
58
well.,"
He:acalls Stella's family an "honest group of faithful Lyonnais.'*
259
0
Bellori refers to Stella as Poussin's "very kind) friend.."'
Felibien, who
260
2
saved the correspondence said Stella had a singular esteem for Poussin.
He:; showed i t in the collection of drawings and paintings he made.
Claudine Bouzonnet Stella's 1693 inventory revealed the following items
s t i l l owned by the family;, seventeen drawings, five paintings of the
Crucifixion, Moses striking the rock, St. Peter and St. John healing the
lame man,. Venus and Aeneus, and bathing women. Stella had originally owned
;
a Hercules and Dejaneira, an ecstacy of St. Paul, an Apollo and Daphne, a
261
Rinaldo and Armida i n addition to the Birth of Bacchus and a reclining Danae..
Although his original purchases, commissions and their current locations
are not stated i n this biography, the items cited offer evidence that Stella
commissioned Poussin paintings until 16'57..
3-5262
Giovanni Domenico Campanella, 1568-1639»•
1
This Italian philosopher from Calabria entered the Dominican order
263
in adolescence i n admiration of Albertus Magnus and St. Thomas Acquinas..
His teacher in science and philosophy was Telesio, who based his ideas on
sensory perception.
Telesio held nature animate, that i s , everything in i t
possesses some sensation.
This i s panpsychism.
To Telesio, l i f e in animals
and plants, together with natural phenomena, for example, rain, was explainable by the unified action of heat and cold on inert matter.
4
Campanella surpassed Telesio in identifying heat with the Stoic
spiritus., or soul of the world, deriving from the the sun; he connected
the earth with cold and corruption.
265
Interaction of heat and cold pro-
duced a l l created things.
This- theory i s poetically stated in his City of the Sun.
Its i n -
habitants
assert two principles of the physics: of things below, namely, that
the Sun i s the father, and the Earth the mother; the air i s an impure
part of the heavens; a l l fire i s derived from the sun. The sea i s the
sweat of the earth, or the fluid of earth combusted, and fused \ri.thin
i t s bowels; but i s the bond of union between air and earth, as the blood
i s of the spirit and flesh of animals. The^world i s a great animal, and
we l i v e within i t as worms l i v e within us.
Campanella's physics i s closely related to Stoic physics from which the
~
267
Stoics developed their theology, psychology and ethics..
The four Stoic
elements are earth, water, air and f i r e .
Earth and water are passive, fire
and a i r active. Fire i s the basic source of l i f e * because a l l the other
elements, air chiefly, contain some degree of warmth, even the grossest one,
268
earth.
Change i s either an upward process to fire or a downward one to earth.
Just as the mind i s the governing principle in the human being, the
Stoics felt that the creative fire giving l i f e , present in the sun, sky or
269
aether could be deemed Divine Reason..
Other names for i t were:: Logos.
Soul of the World, Divine Providence, God,, and Nature.
270
So divinity was
3<5
immanent i n the universe, but the universe was not a l l divine.
Thus the
271
philosophy was not m a t e r i a l i s t i c
Campanella's emphasis on the sun, and his interpretation of i t i s
close to Stoicism, for example, the City of the Sun inhabitants
contemplate and know God under the image of the Sun, and they call i t
the sign of God, His face and l i v i n g image, by means of which light,
heat, l i f e and the making of a l l things good and bad proceeds.
Beyond a l l other things they venerate the Sun, but they consider no
created thing worthy the adoration of worship. This they give to
God alone, and thus they serve him . . . 272
273
Campanellan theology identified Universal Reason and Christ..
Stoic psychology and ethics, seeing man with part of the fire i n hiss
mind or soul dominating his body was connected to i t s physics. For man,
as part of God, i s happiest when he follows cheefully the decrees of Divine
Reason; i t i s his duty to do so.
supreme good, virtue.
By such rational activity, he attains the
The passions are irrational, so they must be controSe'd.
The four cardinal virtues, or states of mind were: wisdom (prudentia);;
justice;; courage (fortitudo) and soberness (temperantia)(as opposed to
unhealthy infatuation or h i l a r i t y . It was a matter of argument amoag the
Stoics as to whether wisdom or courage was the primary virtue, containing
275
a l l the others. Paragons of Stoic virtue were Diogenes and Socrates, who
276".
acted from inner conviction; there was a certain value i n outer conformity to
277'
onei's station i n l i f e .
Stoicism was not a narrow philosophy, for i t saw
278
a l l men as citizens of one cosmos,
an idea attractive in the seventeenth
century fresh from national and religious division. It was related to the
279
humanisfaccand classical education a l l received.
Finally i t had a clear
code of conduct,.
Campanella's system never reached the synthesis of Stoicism. His
theology differed from i t because he believed that metaphysics was the
280
governing principle, that i s , the Divine Mind and ours may be analogous,
37
;
but the Divine Mind knows much more. He therefore accepted the fact that
theological truth was revealed in Holy Scripture and by the Church, who had
281
the last word even i n cosmology..
Erom his theology he believed that
A l l things which separate themselves from their principles by going
from innate knowledge to knowledge derived from outside do so because
they seek some end. Once this end i s attained, they return to their
principles. The end i s twofold; one is known to them;; the other i s
only known to the Prime Cause, which uses them as instruments. Thus
the end sought by water which rises from the spongy earth t i l l i t i s
above the tops of the mountains i s i t s own preservation, dilation, and
extension; but the end sought by GOd i s the irrigation of plants, the
refreshing of the earth, and the draining of the water toward the lower
areas, which are essential to the l i f e of plants and natural things.
Inithe same way, the end sought by the heat of the sun i s i t s expansion,
which leads to the destruction of cold, but the end of God i s the
generation of plants, of waters, of metals, and of animals, within
which heat i s later retained by a will added from outside. Once this
function i s performed, i t s natural will causes i t cheats to rise again
and return to the sun.£82
Analogous to the Stoics, Campanella saw the laws of nature similar to
those governing human behavior..
We know not what we do, but God knows, whose instruments
we are.283
He thought four things benefitted man, and thus should order his
conduct:: individual self-preservation, perpetuation through children,
renunciation of fame, and an eternal l i f e with God where man shares i n
284
infinite being.
These appear to have been accepted but not stressed
in Stoicism.
Stoicism,; believing i n Providence, accepted the idea of destiny, fate,
or fortune. Erom this they tolerated astrology.
So did Campanella i n
286
moderation..
But i t was Copernican astronomy as taught by Galileo that
287
he supported as-being i n accord with Holy Writ;
He believed i n spiritual
2885
and intellectual progress l i k e St. Thomas Acquinas whom he admired.
follow enquiry into the universe of Copernicus and Galileo. In making
Thus he repeatedly expressed the idea that spiritual enlargement would
this declaration he followed the example of the Psalmist and Prophets,
38
'
as well as that of the Classical writers and fathers;who had found in
contemplation of the cosmos a source of religious groxrth and exaltation.
But Campanella applied the ancient precedent to the new heavens of an
heretical astronomy soon to be condemned and proscribed by the Roman
Church. In doing so, he marched in the vanguard of his age. It was
in fact,;,not until after Newton and the Principia that an appreciable
number of men turned consciously to the new universe for spiritual
enlargement. '
No doubt Campanella felt this was especially valuable as he believed
the end of the world was being announced not only by the approach of
the sun to the earth, but by a l l sorts of heavenly and earthly anomalies
and c a t a s t r o p h i e s t h e Protestant heresies
^®
His best-known among his many writings are:
De Sensu Rerum.. 1620;;
Metaphysica; The Defense of Galileo. 1622; The City of the Sun.: written 1602,,.
• 291
published 1623. Many of these were composed in prison in Spanish-governed
Naples where he was confined 1599 to 1626', f i r s t on charges of conspiracy,
292'
then heresy..
After pleading Pozzo by letters for Papal release^ he came
to Rome;1626 to I634 under the protection of Pozzo*s employer, Cardinal
293'
29/
Francesco Barberini..
Ke helped Pope Urban VIII astrologically. ^
295
When a Calabrian conspiracy caused Spain to demand his extradition, the
7
pope, obtained the aid of the French Ambassador, Naude* and Patin to transfer
296 •
Campanella to Paris,,
where the Dominican died 1639.
2
9
7
In 1642--, one of
these men had Poussin take back to Pozzo publications of Campanella's works.
298
As Poussin and Campanella were in Rome associated with Pozzo from 1626
to l634» Poussin probably learnt Campanellan ideas straight from the philo299
sopher whose motto was "I shall never be silent."'
The City of the Sun
emphasized the instruction of youth in science,, most valuable to education,
300
by painting, so that this book would be the one of greatest interest to Poussin.
In Paris Poussin contacted Naude* and Patin; in Rome he was patronized by
Pozzo. A l l could have explained Campanellan ideas to him.
It i s reasonable
to suppose that Poussin became familiar with the philosophy of Campanella by
301
one of these means because i t is- a key to his late landscapes, i f not to his
39
e a r l i e r mythological allegories,,as w e l l .
V
40
CHAPTER I I .
POUSSIN AS A LANDSCAPE PAINTER
A l t h o u g h P o u s s i n was n o t c h i e f l y a landscape painter,."*" n a t u r e p r e dominates
i n h i s p a i n t i n g s o f I648 t o 1651 and 1658 t o I664.
Emphasizing
the l a t t e r p e r i o d I d i s c u s s P o u s s i n ' s development, c o n c l u d i n g w i t h h i s
r e l a t i o n s h i p t o Claude L o r r a i n e , t h a t o t h e r c l a s s i c a l
seventeenth-century
F r e n c h p a i n t e r o f s i m i l a r renown, l i v i n g i n Rome.
Poussin' developed a b i l i t y t o d e p i c t n a t u r e i n s e v e r a l ways.
He
s t u d i e d o t h e r a r t : - the a n t i q u e ; f r e s c o e s then i n Rome;3* Raphael s f o l l o w e r s *
:
e s p e c i a l l y P o l i d o r o da Caravaggioj; T i t i a n ;
and Claude L o r r a i n e .
r
the C a r r a c c i ;
Domenichino;
He drew from n a t u r e f o r p a i n t i n g and book i l l u s t r a t i o n . ?
H e r i s s a i d t o have experimented w i t h pure landscape p a i n t i n g from I624 on./*
He i n c r e a s i n g l y made the backgrounds o f f i g u r e c o m p o s i t i o n s f i t the s u b j e c t ,
i n agreement w i t h h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the a r t i s t i c p r i n c i p l e o f decorum,
10'
o r s u i t a b i l i t y , connected t o t h e t h e o r i e s o f u t n i c t u r a
I b e l i e v e t h a t t h e main m o t i v a t i o n
poesisi
behind h i s l a n d s c a p e s was S t o i c
p h i l o s o p h y , p r o b a b l y even by I648 the v e r s i o n o f Campanella.
God, o r C h r i s t i s D i v i n e Reason.
Nature, o r
I t s o r d e r and harmony may i n s t r u c t and
d e l i g h t more s a t i s f a c t o r i l y than t h e dramatic a c t i o n s o f i m p e r f e c t man.
I n the " h e r o i c " o r " c l a s s i c a l " l a n d s c a p e s o f 1648 t o 1651,
1
dwarfed man, he f i r s t
though
Poussin
s e l e c t e d v i r t u o u s persons so t h a t the o b s e r v e r might
r e a d from t h e conduct o r s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e i r ^ c e y ? - f i g u r e s - t o t h e o r d e r
o f the l a n d s c a p e , Nature, w i t h which t h e i r conduct was i n harmony.
"Live'
a c c o r d i n g t o N a t u r e , " t h e S t o i c dictum, meant a l l y i n g o n e s e l f w i t h the
r
11.
c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t r e a s o n which governed the universe.-
T h i s i s what t h e
1
figures in the 1648 landscapes are doing or have done... I can think of no
more-' severely,,didactic treatment of landscapes
Contact with Campanella s1
ideasson the value of painting for instruction could have affected Pbussin's
didactic;: approach.
Hbwever,, the serious* severe;:unity of I648 i s in accord
with Pbussin"s l636-to-l648 work on the Seven Sacraments, incorporating
basic Roman Catholic belief, salvation of man by means of grace received i n
them. Such deep thought united with mature--artistic consideration, already
evident i n that series, to produce the 1648^0-1651 landscapes.
This
happened l658/io I664 i n a greater degree because;by then Poussin had fused
his religious'beliefs completely with his philosophy, mirrored i n the expressive unity of his late landscapes.
His major landscapes were*,
from I648 to 1651 r
Landscape with the Body of Phocion Carried Out of Athens,; I648 (pLate 176)
Landscape with the Ashes of Phocion Collected by his Widow, I648
(plate 1773
Landscape with Diogenes,; 1648 (iplateel88.)
Landscape with a Man Rilled by a Snake. I648 (plate 182)
Landscape with a Roman Road. 1648 (plate 184)
Landscape with a Man Washing His Feet at a Fountain, no date (plate 185)
Landscape with Polyphemus. 1649 (plate 190)
Landscape with a Woman Washing Her Feet., 1649 (plate 195)
Landscape;?with Orpheus and Eurydice. 1650 (plate 191)
Landscape with a Storm. cl651 (plate 263)
Landscape with Pvramus and Thisbe. cl651 (plate I87)
Landscape with St. Francis.- no date (plate 186)
Landscape with Buildings. 1651? (plate 193) (probably the "Calm," a
companion to the Landscape with a Storm listed above.
1
/ a
from 1658 to 1664,
Landscape with Orion. 1658 (plate 237)
Landscape with Two Nymphs and a Shake. cl659 (plate 240)
Landscape with Hercules and Cacus. cl658-l660 (plate 241)
The Four Seasons. 1660 to I664 (plates 242 to 245)
(related to these late landscapes are ThecBirth of Bacchus. 1657 (plate
23.6) and the unfinished Apollo and Daphne. CI664 (plate 251) '
3
Although Poussin"s major landscapes were done from I648, experiments
preceded them. This germinal stage of experiments has three periods o
42
ending 1635, 1642-and 1648 respectively.
Up; to l635» there i s evidence of pure landscapes?—drawings and paintings.
Felibi en says that i n the early Roman years Poussin made studies of landscapes, trees and light effects in that city.-^
Sandrart mentions a v i s i t
15
to Tivoli with Poussin and Claude to draw and paint from nature..
An X-ray
of a fragment of an Adoration of the Golden Calf, , dd&ed before 1627 shows a
16
landscape of the Colosseum beneath i t .
Roman guide books refer to small
17
landscapes by Poussin i n his prima maniera»
Between September, 1629 and
March, 1630, Pozzo was trying to get landscapes for a Florentine friend,
Galli.
His f i r s t letter explains that Poussin cannot do one as he i s sick.
18
The last letter says Pozzo will have two done' for G a l l i .
Iin his figure compositions up to 1635, Poussin began to develop landscape backgrounds.
The art which influenced him f i r s t was that of Titian;
then he referred to classical painting—antique, Renaissance, and contemporary.
He was stimulated by Pozzo's interest i n Titian, nature, and scholarship.
By 1635 Poussin had established three characteristics of his later landscape
painting;
the generalized location of his landscapes in Rome, i t s environs,
the Campagna and the south-west Italian coast from Rome to Naples^lhe%\
combination of landscape with mythology and religion;, moderately clear articulation of space.
Examples of these characteristics can be seen in luma Pom-
"pihus and the. Hymph Egeria, cl633 (plate 132) and The Virgin Protecting
the City of Spoleto. cl635 (plate 95)..
In 1635 after Domenichino l e f t Rome and as Pozzo helped by Poussin
worked on Leonardo's T r e a t i s e ^
21
increased further.
20
the artist's interest in landscape backgrounds
For example, for the f i r s t time he introduced architec-
ture in the Saving of the Infant Pyrrhus. cl637 ( plate 112).
!
In this paintr-
ing he also began matching the color with the time of day as recorded in his
22'
literary source, here Plutarch..
He combined architecture and landscape
43
effectively in the 1638 Finding of Moses (plate 124).
In 1639 he used
landscape alone to give ample space for the IsraelitesllCathering the Manna
(plate 128).. He was possibly trying to be archeologiaally accurate in the
pyramid i n the Finding of Moses because he was working on the Pozzo Seven
Sacraments. - cl636 to I642. Hbwever, the Ordination (plate 134) and Baptism
(plate 136), finished 1642* <. show landscape s t i l l often a backdrop*.
23
Pbussin's serious concern with pure landscape began after 1642.
Eis return to the patronage of Pozzo, for whom he then painted his earliest
extant landscapes may be partly responsible.
This i s suggested by an
unusual description of the Parisian spring, in a I642 letter to Pozzo,
eulogizing the budding trees and the l i t t l e birds beginning to rejoice by
their song.^
-
The three Fbzzo landscapes '^ are; poetic, yet the diagonals
2
connecting the planes parallel to the canvas relate them formally to those
26
of 1648.
Two religious landscapes containing St. Matthew and St. John
respectively (plates 150-151) adapt this compositional formula to serious
subjects*.
During this entire experimental period Poussin drew from nature,
apparently stressing light and shade, but actually interested i n form..
The^; stress on light and shade came from his use of a bistre wash, a
technique learnt- from Dutchmen in Rome> for example, i n the Aventine (figure
x28
239J.
Beneath the dramatic chiaroscuro of this drawing appears the formal
organization of a Poussin painting.- This i s verified by a comparison with
the drawings of Glaude, which show more tonal nuances i n the wash, therefore
29
more emotional expression. Numerous studies of trees also stress Poussin"s
concern with the details of form beneath the chiaroscuro treatment, for
example, Eive Trees (figure 234)•
Finally his drawings of architecture, for
example The Arch of the Goldsmiths (figure 235) firmly define form.
Foussin's landscapes of I648 to 1651.develop from didactic Stoicism
t
• 44
through alle;gory to acceptance of varied aspects of nature.
In 1648, for
example, the Socrates-like.;Stoic hero Phocion-^ i s the key to the rigidly
architectonic, cool-colored composition with the archeological accuracy to
antiquity Poussin had sought i n the Seven Sacraments.
Nature appears as: she
should be, not as she i s , from the foreground tree to the background support
of the architecture.
Diogenes, another Stoic hero was famed for asceticism,
even St. Francis was as distinguished by devotion to poverty as to natmtali
creation.32
1650, Poussin tried allegory,, notably i n the Orpheus composi-
tion; the "keys"' are the figures of Orpheus and the smoking castle.
It i s
d i f f i c u l t to decipher the meaning. By 1651, however, Calm. Storm and Pyramus;
and Thisbe depict different aspects of nature.
Poussin"s letter on the last
shows that he i s working from the landscape to the figures, for he wishes to
depict the effects of a storm.
Thesinfluence was Leonardo..
Just as- Poussin
had i n I639 turned to that Treatise for variation i n emotional expression in
the Israelites Gathering the Manna, so now he varies the face of nature
according to Leonardo"s direction.
Formally he-is trying to follow a less
rigid structure to reflect the actual aspects of nature better;; there i s s t i l l
calm enclosure from his firmly classical and Stoic approach to nature as well
as to painting.
From the 1648 Phocion
t
therefore, where the figures are the key to the
landscape, Poussin reached Pyramus where the landscape i s the key to the figures.
Midway i s Orpheus, an allegory understood through connecting the castle to him.
Poussin's feeling for decorum, expressed in the Seven Sacraments, challenged
34
by antique example
made him attempt to depict the varied aspects of nature
under Leonardo"s clear direction.
I f Stoic philosophy motivated dwarfing man so that Divine Reason could
be shown through Nature, Poussin's experiments had led him to realize the
complex character of i t s order.
Furthermore, attempts to enrich the landscapes
45
by allegory did not result in a composition, in which the meaning was clear.
In addition, Pozzo, who had commissioned Poussin's f i r s t landscapes of the
sixteen-forties, asked for no more after 1651.
Therefore Poussin reasonably
put aside landscape to express his ideas through figure painting.
It was a figure painting, a mythological allegory of natural f e r t i l i t y ,
with deeper implications of l i f e , death and resurrection which i n 1657
became the forerunner to Poussin's late landscapes following natural forms,
subordinating architecture.
This was the Birth of Bacchus painted for
Stella the year he and Pozzo died.
The next year, 1658, Massimi returned to
take over the patronage extended to artists by Pozzo; he did not commission
any late landscapes but was given Poussin"s last mythological allegory, the
Apollo and Daphne, by the artist who found i t impossible to finish -it.before
his death.
Like the Birth of Bacchus, i t deals with the order of Creation,
with suggestions of Christian salvation.
The grandeur of nature i n the late landscapes i s no enigma i f one
considers the Stoic thought and practice in landscapes of 1648 to 1651.Also relevant i s the artist's systematic search for fitness, so that a l l
parts of his painting might be adquate expressions; contributing to the
whole work as much as possible.. Natural forms thus properly dominate allegories
of natural order, such as the Orion, depicting the cycle of rain-formation
by which the earth becomes f e r t i l e .
In the Eour Seasons, a synthesis i s madei
between the grandeur of sentient nature and the salvation of man primary to
Poussin's belief.
To express.this belief more satisfactorily he?returns
again to the forms with the richest associative meaning to himself and his
century—the human forms of antique mythology—for his final unfinished 1664
Apollo and Daphne given to Massimi.
Poussin and Claude were life-long friends.
It i s probable that Claude s
landscapes influenced Poussin, just as Poussin's themes were picked up; by
r
46
36
Claude.
For there are s t y l i s t i c affinities to Claude in Poussin's late:;
landscapes, although Poussin uses some characteristics of Claude's manner
to express complex allegorical meaning. First, the treatment of space i s
more Claudian, employing his normal method, but new i n Poussin's work.
This i s the construction of the picture around a central area of rest i n
the middle distance,, often an oval body of water, for example, Poussin's:.
Landscape with Two Nymphs and a Snake.. The landscape around i t i s built
up like a r e l i e f map on a horizontal plane. This seems to begin i n the
landscapes of I648 to 1651, for example, the Landscape with Orpheus and
Eurydice of 1650.
I find that this i s combined with a more sensitive use
of atmospheric perspective, for example, Summer... The result i s a sense
of spacious depth nearer to the i n f i n i t y i n Claude"s paintings, a depth
most apparent in the Four Seasons and the Apollo and Daphne., the last
works.
It i s most appropriate to their themes.
In the use of light,
Poussin like Claude chooses a specific time of the day.
The Four Seasons.
representing dawn,,noon, twilight and night are the best example, but one
can also see early morning i n the Birth of Bacchus and in the Hercules and
Cacus.
While, however, Claude's intention i s to express the changeability
and form-dissolving effect of light, Poussin uses light to define form i n
order to reveal allegorical and literary significance; for example, the
changing times of day i n the Four Seasons
represent the eternal order and
harmony of the universe; a timeless meaning, not an expression of a moment
in time. Literary accuracy places the time of Hercules' action at sunrise,
one?reason for the reddish light.
Finally, Poussin's late landscapes express;
the majesty of nature, even more grand than shown by Claude, but in something
37
of the same humility i n which Claude reacted before the Roman Campagna.
47
CHAPTER III
PICTORIAL ANALYSIS
Aim of this Chanter
Chapter III analyzes twelve paintings by Poussin.
These are:
f i r s t , paintings believed transitional to the late landscapes,
l
Landscape with
Friedlaender
2. Landscape with
Friedlaender
3. -Landscape with
t
Folyphemus. 1649? for Pointel (plates 190, 192a and
colorplate 42)&
Orpheus and Eurydice, cl650 (plates 191, 192b and
colorplate 41)
Pyramus and Thisbe. cl651 for Pozzo (plate 187)
secondly, a mythological figure painting which may precede the late
landscapes,
4.
Birth of Bacchus , 1657, for Stella (Plate 236, Friedlaender colorplate
45)
1
thirdly, the late landscapes,
5.
6.
7.
Landscape with Orion, 1658, for Passart (plates 237, 2-38)
Landscape with Hercules and Cacus. cl659-6l (plate 241)
Landscape with Two Nymphs and a Shake, 1659, probably for Lebrun
(plate 240J
8. to 11. Four Seasons-, 1660-64, for the Due de Richelieu
8. Spring (plates 242, 246)
9. Summer (plates 243, 247)(Friedlaender colorplate 469
10. Autumn (plates 2 4 4 , 248)
11. Winter (plates 245, 249)(Friedlaender colorplate 47)
fourthly, the final unfinished mythological figure painting,
12; Apollo and Daphne. I664, given to Massimi (plates 251 to 254 and
Friedlaender colorplate 48)
I have attempted a chronological order.
Opinions differ upon
the dating of the Landscape with Polyphemus^. Mahon, with whom I agree,
thinks i t was painted about 1660. ' I. have also accepted his date of
cl659-61 for the Landscape with Hercules and Cacus^which Blunt thinks
a reasonable alternative to the date of cl655 which i s given i n his
48
5 My catalogue follows his chronology;
Catalogue.
I state why I believe
that the Landscape with Polyphemus should be dated differently i n my
analysis of that picture..
The Birth of Bacchus and the Apollo and Daphne;, although not
landscapes, are included because they are mythological allegories of
the ideas behind natural creation.
The Catalogue of 1966 by Blunt i s the source for a l l information
except medium, discussion of commission, style and iconography.
Friedlaender's recent book provides some color plates with medium and
size i n inches.^
Commission discussions are brief, based on biographies in Chapter I.
In analyzing style, I have sometimes referred to planes i n describing a
late landscape i n which the organization may be freer.
convenience i n discussing parts of the painting.
This has been for
In the iconography, there
i s , i n addition Mo re-evaluation, some new interpretation, especially i n
the Landscape with Orpheus and Surydice. the Landscape with Polyphemus,
and the Landscape with Hercules and Cacus.
49
Catalogue 175
Plates 190, 192a
FNP colorpiate 42
Landscape with Polyphemus
Sizer
150 x 198 cm. or 58 1/4 x 77 1/2'".
Medium: o i l on canvas.
Location:
Leningrad.- Hermitage.
Commission:
Painted i n 1649 for Pointel, according to Felibien, IW, 59-
Dating: Although Sir Anthony Blunt accepts Felibien's 1649 date, I
feel that style,: iconography, a late drawing and Pointel's second v i s i t
of! 1655 recorded by Bonnaffej"agree with Mahon's opinion that this landscape should be dated about 1660.
History:
1
After the painting had been bought by Catherine II of Russia,
i t was paired with the Landscape with Hercules and Cacus acquired by
the same lady.
Through her i t reached the Hermitage.
/ '2
Drawings: Figure 2$5.jj af three nymphs being spied upon by satyrs i s
dated in the l660's.
Blunt does not relate i t to this painting.
3
Engravings:
one.
Copies:, eight.^
Commission Discussion:
Blunt believes that a S i c i l i a n trip by the banker
Pointel, a close friend and avid patron of Poussin after the mid-1640 s|:
may have inspired the subject of the painting.
Pointel had already received
the Landscape with a Man Killed by a Snake, which includes a background
view of Fondi, near Naples, which patron and artist may have visited together.^
Although the topographical aspects of this painting seem limited, Poussin
evokes antique associations with S i c i l y which would have been most satisfying
to Pointel.
Style 1
This, will be shown i n the iconographic analysis.
This landscape i s organized around the quiet area, formed by a- plain
upon which figures are active i n agriculture.
It has complete spatial unity
1
in recession into depth enhanced by aerial perspective, from the foreground
with six small claar mythological figures to the l i t t l e bay with blue
50
mountains i n the background.
Behind the area with the tiny figures working
the land are two rocky crags; into the most distant one blends a gigantic
figure.
He i s framed at the top of the canvas by a careful balance between
the nearer mountain on his l e f t and a great tree to the right growing out
of the plain.
These two forms together with the nearly level plain form a
firm geometrical horizontal-vertical structure behind the spacious composition.
There i s , however, a slight diagonal movement, on two levels:
from the reclining l e f t foreground figure across the plain to the bay; from
the mountain ridge to the bay, where the sea i s .
I believe this i s relevant
to the iconography of this painting, i n particular to i t s allegory.
Another suggestion of deeper than ordinary meaning i n this unhappy
love story i s i n the rsize and shape of the rocky crags* which have l i t t l e
resemblence to Sicilian mountains.
large and luxuriant;
man i s minute.
The right-hand tree-is exceedingly
i n contrast the mythological figures-'are small'while;
To top i t a l l , the giant appears fused vlth the mountain.
To make us view the whole panorama of the landscape, Poussin has
placed the two protagonists, the giant, Polyphemus, and the nymph, Galatea
as far as possible from one another vertically as well as i n recession
into the picture.
Typical of Poussin's late landscapes, these mythological
figures, particularly the foreground ones, are not too easy to identify.
However, the expression of Galatea, one of relaxed, calm happiness, puts
;
her beyond the ordinary passions associated with the Ovidian love tale.
The same i s true of Polyphemus, who i s not even looking at her.
These
figures thus appear to be keys to the allegory connected with natural
forms suggested by their unusual size and depiction. .
Ilight i n this picture has several functions. It appears to be,-noonday~ >
light, which casts a clear glow over the painting.
Secondly, i t mutes
the mountains, including the giant on them, giving greater depth to the
51
landscape.
Thirdly, i t makes the small mythological figures i n the
foreground as clear as possible through the way i t i s used to model
form.
Fourthly, the light reveals a color-scheme, suited to the .
subject by the predominant green, but warm and bright through the
bronzes of the land combined with the blue of the heavens.
The mood,
or Mode, as Poussin would have put i t , i s one to arouse exaltation,
a deeper feeling than we would experience i f he had merely depicted
the Ovidian love tale.
Iconography
There appear ~, to be three aspects to this picture.
evokes a l l the major myths of S i c i l y .
First i t
Secondly, i t i s an allegory of
the v i t a l l i f e of the earth, as seen i n Campanellan Stoic natural
philosophy.
Thirdly, i t shows a primeval age of man when a l l was
peace and harmony. As the Louvre exhibition catalogue puts i t
la.this composition, as i n many others of the end of his career,
Poussin has mixed with the evocation of a myth a profound allegorical
thought. It represents a vast landscape of Sicily with high mountains
and a sunny bay. The Cyclops Polyphemus, enamoured of the nymph Galatea,
plays for her on his pipe seated on a rocky summet.
But, at the same time, the picture represents the f i r s t ages i n the
l i f e of men. The Cyclops in the rear, symbolizes the epoch which precedes the discovery of agriculture, when men lived only from the the
fruits of the earth. Nearer, i n the second plane, i t i s the age
following; men work the earth, digging a garden, guarding their flocks.
The nymphs i n the foreground symbolize the secret forces of Nature,
her serene fertility.7;
8
9
Poussin"s sources were: Ovid's Metamorphoses. Vergil s Georgicsr
r
Theoeritus^Appian'"and Campanella's City of the Sun?" For the likeness of
2
Arethusa he may have consulted Goltzius' book on Greek coins.-^
The classical
-sourGes
gave Poussin a l l the elements of the painting;
Campanellan Stoicism explains their particular combination i n i t .
According to Ovid the Cyclops Polyphemus i s described as sitting on
a wedge-shaped promontory washed by the sea.' He carries a pine trunk for
52
a staff, and a pipe of a thousand reeds, which he tried to use to win Galatea-.
In his song he speaks of seasons, apples, grapes, fruit of the arbute-tree,
flocks, many being in the valleys, in the woods, others safe in their cavern.,folds.
He also speaks of himself having a cave.
A l l these are in the picture.
In wooing Galatea, he speaks of his one eye, excusing i t on the grounds of
i t s size and the fact that the sun has but one eye, yet sees a l l on earth.
He says "'I fear you alone, 0 Nereid cGalatea^your anger i s more deadly than
14
the lightning-flash."
Such a flash belonged to Jove.
1
why she prefers Acis.
He then asks Galatea
Now the narrator of this wooing i s Galatea herself who
says "all the mountains felt the sound of his " Folyphemus^ rustic pipings;
f
the waves felt i t too.
I, hiding beneath a r-dck and resting in my Acis'
arms, at a great distance heard the words he sang and well'remember them."
1
Well she might, for the Cyclops made no light declaration of love.
His-
song ends "For oh, I burn, and my hot passion^ thus scorned, rages more
fiercely within me;
a l l his violence.
I seem to carry Aetna in my fereast, borne thither with
16
Ardyou, Galatea, do not care at a l l . "
Polyphemus i s thus a fiery figure poetically connected to the sun;
Galatea is a seen, nymph.
But where is Acis?- Which nymph is Galatea, or is
she in the picture?
IV
18
There is a difference of opinion between Friedlaender and Blunt upon
the identification of the middle-bluer-clad nymph.
To Friedlaender, and to
me, she i s Galatea, the personage with the greenish-blue hair, even although
she does not agree with Ovid's description by Polyphemus, "0 Galatea,
whiter than snowy privet-leaves. ;'Her dress is the color of the ocean.
m
She i s not wearing the wreath of reeds used for river nymphs.
Friedlaender
also points out that Raphael's depiction of Galatea in the Farnesina fresco
in Rome, which Poussin would assuredly have seen does not show Galatea as whiteskinned either.
I do not know about the color of her skin ;jh.: the Carracci
5
3
Farnese ceiling fresco, but i t i s certain that in that depiction, as in the
ancient fresco of the House of Lxvia, which Poussin may have known, Galatea
is i n the sea.
That i s where Blunt thinks she i s , in the sea to the right,
in the direction in which Polyphemus i s facing. He thinks the central
nymph's hair color is.to be taken as resembling the reeds around, and therefore, a l l three, with satyrs, represent f e r t i l i t y .
I-agree with his connection
of them a l l with f e r t i l i t y .
20
To Friedlaender, Acis i s the youth with the white skin and girlish
appearance on the l e f t of the central nymph, Galatea.
This i s because
a greyish urn, the symbol of a river god, i s beside him, and because Ovid
21
describes him as just over sixteen and beautiful. ' Blunt does not mention
Acis.
If one compares the two figures on either side of Galatea, i t seems
unlikely that the l e f t one i s male.
I believe that i t i s possible to see in the painting the evocation
of several myths connected with S i c i l y , aside from that of Polyphemus-'and
Galatea, and that these additional myths contribute to the allegorical
meaning of the picture.
As the Ovidian story suggests, the region i s near mount Aetna.
i s a certain topographical likeness between what may be the Cyclops?
There
cavern
and the famous Ear of Dionysius in the Syracusan quarries, known in the six~
22
teenth century.
Aetna was the traditional home of the Cyclops, sons of Uranus
(heaveij and Gaea;;(earth) and associated with thunder, lightning and thunderbolts?^ A, map of S i c i l y shows Aetna to be near Syracuse on the~jfe.st of the
island.
According to Ovid, Syracuse i s the setting for part of the story
of Proserpina and Ceres, a"bay of the sea between Cyane and Pisaean Are«24
thusa,; i t s waters confined by narrow points of land, as in Poussin's picture.
At Henna, i n the Sicilian interior, Pluto had abducted Proserpina.
But he
took her down to the underworld via the founCtain of Cyane at Syracuse;
4.;
5
Cyane then became a river, upon which floated the girdle of Proserpina,
giving evidence to the bewildered Ceres as to where her missing daughter
was.
The fountain Arethusa was also involved in this tale, for i n her
escape fom another country via the underworld she had seen Proserpina;
she begged Ceres to restore f e r t i l i t y to Sicily, which happened when
25
Proserpina returned annually. Syracuse i t s e l f was a city founded from Corinth
by the Bacchiades (sons of Bacchus) i n two p a r t s . ^
It seems to me that the left-hand nymph i s Syracusan Cyane, said by
27
Ovid to be the most famous of the S i c i l i a n nymphs. She holds in her hand a
chain, I think, possibly the girdle of Proserpina.
Below her i s the greyish
urn, signifying her transformation into a river, and also her lawful union
29
with the river god Anapis.
In her stream the p"apyrus from Egypt flourished,
giving the name Papireto to i£° This would account for her skin being white.
On the right of the blue-clad nymph, i s another figure grasping her. I f
31
we compare her profile with that of the famous Deraareiton of Syracuse,
there i s a striking similarity. In addition, although Ovid says she has
32
green locks, Vergil says "Arethusa thrust out her golden head; -
.."
!
However, I believe that the two nymphs have golden hair to connect them
poetically as Ovid did with the Proserpina-Ceres myth.
Both these nymphs
on either side of Galatea are evocative of S i c i l y ' ^ most mysterious myth,
one connected with the seasons, suggested i n the plain i n the picture.
The wreaths symbolize the fact they were both married, i n contrast to
33
Galatea.
As for the satyrs, although they represent f e r t i l i t y , they may also
evoke the city of Syracuse where this myth had a connection, for Bacchus
was attended by .satyrs, and here are two, matching the two nymphs and the
two parts of the city.
Quite suitably this whole front scene takes place in myrtle bushes,34
55 i
sacred to Venus, for i t was Venus, sitting on Sicilian mount Eryx, sacred to
her, whose desire to dominate the world andjisr anger at the virginity of
goddesses like Minerva that led her to command Cupid to put an arrow through
the heart of Pluto, and so start the rape of Proserpina i n S i c i l y ^
5
In Ovid
this story was told by the Muse Calliope, who began "Ceres was the f i r s t
to turn the glebe with the hooked plough share;, she f i r s t gave corn and
kindly sustenance to the world; she f i r s t gave laws.
A l l things are the
3-6
gift of Ceres; . . ."' This allusion to Venus might account for the white
birds, the doves sacred to her, or these might be seagulls or quails:,
37
connected with Ortygia, the "quailey place ,' where Arethusa was at Syracuse.
1
This s t i l l does not account for Galatea, or Acis.
In Idyll 6 of
38
Theocritus, we are made to feel that the two protagonists of this story,
of which Galatea i s one, will never unite.
But I do not see this i s
applicable i f one takes their allegorical meaning.
I think Galatea i s
the blue-clad nymph who may appear turned away from Polyphemus as he i s ;
not observing her because the two personify two of the Stoic elements,"' .
-Pblyphemus, fire, the most refined one, connected with rational order,
and the active principle i n creation; Galatea, water.. I f they were
united both would lose their nature.
But Galatea's expression suggests
union.. I think Campanellan Stoic physics explains her altitude and~location..
It also indicates why she has two other nymphs around her, both with
underworld associations. And i t accounts for the predominance of nature
over dwarfed man in this picture.
Finally i t shows why Acis i s not
necessary here.
They assert two principles of the physics of things below, namely,
that the Sun i s the father, and the Earth the mother; the air i s an
impure part of the heavens; a l l fire i s derived from the sun.
The sea i s the sweat of the earth combusted, and fused within i t s
bowels; but i s the bond of union between a i r and earth, as the blood
i s of the spirit and flesh of animals. The world i s a great animal,
and we live within i t as worms l i v e within us.
56
In t h i s painting Poussin therefore uses mythological figures, such as
Polyphemus, associated with a i r , f i r e and the sun, and Galatea, with 4&e
sea, to indicate the reason for the creative l i f e apparent i n the painting,
for example, i n the tree on the r i g h t .
He stresses the ever-current impor-
tance of the myth by the placement of Galatea i n the
mid-foreground,-
and Polyphemus i n the upper part of the picture, framed by the ;trei ~ . '
and the other pinnacle. 'Secession}of mountains and the s l i g h t r i s e of the
p l a i n towards the sea underlines the allegory i n the picture.
The more complex significance I have assigned to the nymphs
beside Galatea , d_©§8 not prevent us, from connecting the painting to the
:
primeval ages of man.
For they are associated with the seasonal myth
which Ovid classes wljhthe S i l v e r a g e ^ Behind them on the p l a i n , spring
a c t i v i t y , ploughing, i s taking place.
A s i l v e r urn l i e s beside one,snymph«,\
In the "background, Polyphemus i s associated with a more heavenly state::
of man
i n the Golden ageP~ Perhaps there i s a hint of the bronze age i n the
urn, f o r men were not impious yet, says Ovid.*
The antique poet usually connected with t h i s land, famous•throughout
the world for i t s f e r t i l i t y , was the pastoral poet and c i t i z e n of Syracuse?,
43Theocritus.
I believe he i s the wreathed r e c l i n i n g figure on the l e f t , ,
i n the foreground, watcfeing the pastoral and bucolic a c t i v i t i e s on the p l a i n .
There i s one version of the Polyphemus-Galatea t a l e which Poussin might
have knox«i, since he was interested i n the h i s t o r y of Romef^ According to
Appian, the two got married, giving b i r t h to sons, one of whom'was father of
the G a u l s ^ Since t h i s picture was painted for a Frenchman from what had once
been part of Roman Gaul*^ d i d Poussin use t h i s version to express, not only
the f e r t i l i t y of nature dependent on t h e i r union, but also as a pleasant
conceit for Pointel?
57 '
Landscape with Orpheus and Eurydice:
Size:
Catalogue 170
Plates 191, 19?b
FNP colorplate 41
120 x 200 cm. or 43 7/8 x 78 3/4"'..
Medium;: o i l on canvas.
1
Location:
Paris.
Louvre.
Commission:: Not the picture mentioned as commissioned by Charles Lebrun,
1659, by Felibien (IV, p. 66) as tarst, Fe'libien does not say what the subject of this commission was, and secondly, the preparatory drawing, nov
in the British Museum (CR, IV, p. 47, no. 284) has on the recto a study
f o r a Holy Family which can be dated to 1650.
Date:- cl650..
History:
Bought for Louis XIV in 1685, according to his royal account books.
Drawings: twoj one mentioned under Commission a&ove. of a smoking castle;
one i n Paris ^;MSole des Beaux-Arts, entitled The Fonte Molle in the Roman
r
Campagna. illustrated plate 15, of Scherer:
The Marvels of Ancient Rome
(See' Thesis Bibliography)
Engravings: ..one, described in Catalogue 170 entry.
Copies:
four, described in Catalogue 170 entry.
Commission Discussion:- The commissioner i s unknown. I speculate that this
painting i s a memorial to Pietro Testa.
This artist, employed by Pozzo,
committed suicide in 1650 by throwing himself into the Tiber. He had
painted landscapes in a style based on Poussin's earlier Titianesque manner.-*
-
Style:
picture.
The composition recedes by four planes parallel to the surface of the
The f i r s t is bounded on both sides by trees and/or rocks. It
contains minute mythological figures.
The second i s a reach of river,
very like the quiet centre of the late landscapes.
tiny figures.
On the far side play
Plane three i s a sequence of buildings, including a bridge.
The castle on the l e f t dominates.
mountains which form plane four.
The largest peak i s to the right of the
58
This painting lacks the amount of depth, the degree of aerial perspective, and the complete fusion of planes developed later by Poussin. However, formal clarity i s gained in several ways. First, the figures are
grouped around the quiet, nearly oval reach of river.
Their arrangement,
gestures and gazes cause the eye to move from Eurydice to Orpheus to the
right s t i l l l i f e , and from there through the playing figures to the lighted
castle.
Secondly, there i s a careful counterbalance of parts, helped by
Poussin's use of light.
It i s the natural light of early morning, which
emphasizes Orpheus and the castle, leaving the foreground rocks and the
background peak in comparative darkness, except for two white stones on top.
Therefore, light and shadow link planes one, three and four.
the castle.
Orpheus balances
This balancing of two elements i s continued i n minor pictorial
details, for example:
twin smoke spires on the castle; twin peaks on the .
mountain; two muses; Orpheus and Euryidice; Hymen and the fisherman;
two groups of figures on either side of the boat in the middle of the river;
twin trunks on trees at both sides.
Because "two" i s repeated so much, one:
!
expects i t signifies the theme. It does.
So does the color.
This i s apparent i n the generally subdued total •
scheme as well as i n details, for example, the bright part of the sky, the
blue lake, a green patch of sunlit grass, figures garbed in lemon yellow,
bright red, gold, maroon and blue.
The relation of the color scheme and
such details to the composition will be clear from the iconographical analysis.
For this landscape i s a model of decorum (or suitability) i n that a l l
parts-?»-figures, setting, light and color i n i t — f i t .
Therefore, I agree with
Sir Anthony Blunt when he claims that this picture i s
one of Poussin's calmest and most harmonious landscapes, which sets
forth in visible terms the sweetness of Orpheus' music
perhaps using the Hypolydian, a softer mode..
L59
There is.? classical dignity through the use of light as noted by Friedlaender.•
But the motifs of the smoking castle and the central figure of a woman recoiling from a snake contrast with the seated lyre-player and the smooth lake
to give an ominous feeling to the harmony. I have tried to account for
this feeling.
The Landscape with Orpheus and Eurydice leads to Poussink's late work
in several wssys. First, i t i s an early experiment i n combining mythological
allegory with pure landscape.
Secondly, i t shows "judgment i n every part."^
Thirdly, the background i s as significant to the manner and meaning of the
painting as the tiny foreground figures.
Fourthly, natural forms, as i n the
right peak, are as prominant as the architecture they will dominate in
Poussin's late landscapes.
phoses
J
Fifthly, Poussin returns to Ovid's Metamor-
'
Iconography;
This painting i s an allegory of l i f e and death.
In i t Poussin
says two things: i n the midst of l i f e i s death; i n the midst of death i s
life.
5
The allegory i n the picture i s suggested as follows:
f i r s t , the
figures i n the f i r s t plane do not correspond i n action or dress'tp any one
artistic or literary version of the tale of Orpheus and Eurydicef secondly,
the myth took place i n Greece whereas the third plane is; a condensed view of
Rome. Thirdly, the condensation i s unusual.
Poussin has made the tower of
the Milizie stand near the right end of the Milvian bridge, while he depicts
the Gastel Sant' Angelo at the l e f t end of it;;
fourthly, the light f a l l s as
strongly on the smoking castle as on Orpheus.
This castle appears in l ) the
only compositional sketch extant for this painting 2) a more complex a l l e gorical drawing of the Rape of Euro pa belonging to Poussin''s late period.
In short, I found that the relationship of parts apparent i n the form
became meaningful only when the picture was viewed as an allegory.
60
7/
Pbussin's sources for this allegory were multiple: Ovid? the
Aldobrandini Wedding fresco j; Roman history and legend;, a book on ancient
q
10
wedding customs, and l a s t l y La Girandola.
This fireworks display from
the Castel Sant' Angelo was performed on festive occasions.
1650 was the
Jubilee year i n Rome. Thus Poussin could have seen the spectacle;, and made
his own drawing of i t , or he could have used an engraving of i t such as that
in Lafreri's Speculum.^
Although the two drawings are architectural, I shall explain the a l l e gory working from the foreground figures to the background mountain. The
basis i s Ovid's tale of the marriage of Orpheus to Eurydice, as recorded i n
the Metamorphoses
Thence through the boundless air Hymen, clad i n a saffron mantle, departed
and took his way to the country of the Ciconians, and was summoned by the.
voice of Orpheus, though a l l in vain. He was present, i t i s true; but
he brought neither the hallowed words, nor joyous faces, nor lucky omen.
The torch also which he held kept sputtering and f i l l e d a l l eyes with
smoke, nor would i t catch f i r e for any brandishing. The outcome of the
wedding was worse than the beginning; for while the bride was strolling
through the grass with a group of naiads in attendance, she f e l l dead,
smitten i n the ankle by a serpent's tooth.
In the centre we see Eurydice recoiling from a serpent.
or wreath customary i n ancient weddings.
She wears no veil
The daylight coming from the east
13
to the west side of the Tiber on which the Castel Sant' Angelo was located
says this i s the morning after the wedding night. Let us look further at
Eurydice.
She i s dressed in pale yellow, like ripening corn.
She has just
dropped a basket of flowers, as she recoils from the snake to the l e f t .
The naiads are with Orpheus, not with her.
She may be Eurydice, but she i s
also associated in the lack of v e i l , color of dress, basket and imminent
departure to the underworld with Proserpina, upon whom the f e r t i l i t y of the
earth depended.^
Next to her on the right appears Hymen. His undertunic of maroon i s
like that i n the Aldobrandini wedding representation of him.
Over i t he
61
wears a garment, not a toga, as i t i a on backwards.
a Roman,
The yellow he may
Therefore he i s not
have used for the wedding i s under the s t i l l
at the r i g h t , another i n d i c a t i o n the ceremony i s done.
garb i s s i g n i f i c a n t .
The color of his
He wears maroon suggesting profane love.
white mantle i s over i t ; he i s also wreathed l i k e Orpheus.
combine sacred and profane love.
and i n h i s gaze.
But his blue-
He appears to
But sacred predominates i n idress, xjreath
He i s looking at Orpheus.
Although Apollo i s associated with the l y r e , the connections
instrument with Orpheus are t r a d i t i o n a l l y strong.
playing was
life
done at the wedding, not a f t e r i t .
i n playing the l y r e .
of t h i s
Furthermore, the l y r e -
J
So Orpheus i s the one involved
He i s wreathed, wearing bright red over gold.
This
colored costume and accessory as well as the l y r e r e l a t e s him to his father
Apollo* god of the sun, Divine Reason, the Stoic f i r e which germinates
Creation.
Now
He appears to represent^in addition,sacred love.
an unsystematized r e l i g i o n had become connected to Orpheus—the
Orphic mysteries.
The basic beliefs behind these were: l ) earthly conduct
determined ones destiny;, 2)saving f a i t h and sacraments absolved one from s i n
1 6
These were Poussin s primary Stoic and C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s .
1
The mythological t a l e of Orpheus, according to Ovid, had three aspects:
he v i s i t e d the underworld i n an unsuccessful attempt to get Eurydice back;
after t h i s , he took up homosexual love, which caused the women of h i s country
whomr.he scorned,to tear him to pieces; his soul happily rejoined Eurydice,-'-'''
18
His l y r e was
put among the stars,
I believe Poussin was
his r e l a t i o n to Apollo as well as to the Orphic mysteries.
caused h i s death also r e l a t e s him to Hadrian, who
Sant' Angelo i n the rear of the painting.
drowned.
was
seeing Orpheus i n
But the conduct which
buried i n the Castel
For Hadrian lovea Antir.ous,
Poussin had made a measured drawing of the statue of
In front of Orpheus are two female figures.
who
Antinous.
Supposedly they are
Eurydice"s naiads, but they are not looking at her.
They appear to be Muses.
Perhaps the one nearest Apollo, facing us i s Calliope, Muse of Epic Poetry,
Orpheus'' mother and Apollo"s love.. She i s i n blue, wreathed.
The other may
' 19
be Eratoy Muse of Love Poetry, whose symbol was the lyre.
She i s maroon, not
wreathed, and turned from us.. I associate Calliope with sacred love, Erato
with profane love.
The attention to Orpheus stresses the importance of sacred
over profane love.
Now Orpheus, who had multiple divine associations " i s said to have
taught mysterious truths concerning the origin of things and the immortality
of the soulo" ^ He was also represented!in the catacombs as a figure sym2
bolizing the Christian Logos that overcomes the heart of a stone.^-
On
the l e f t i s a fisherman who points to the dark stones and looks at the mythological scene.
On the right i s a s t i l l l i f e .
The wreaths, suggest the wedding i s done;,
they are together over the yellow associated with ancient weddings, either
with Hymen or with the veil of the bride.
The basket of food with the l e f t
pot," a purifying jug are regular wedding accessories.
i s ambiguous, but i t looks like
The right container
the Magi s t i l l - l i f e s in Foussin' s 1648
Holy Family on the Steps (plate 172).
!
It i s located beneath a tree which
divides into two trunks shortly above the base.
Beneath i t i s the blue robe
symbolizing the water given together with fire to the bride by her husband
after the o f f i c i a l ceremony was over.
It signified their wedded l i f e .
The
red robe connected with fire i s on another tree}; two quivers, symbolic of
23
Apollo and Biana^
who were among the guardians of marriage,are•beside i t .
Beneath i t are the flowers, traditional in the bride's father's house..
The separation of the red robe from the blue,- equal to the physical separation
of Eurydice from Orpheus i n the painting combines with actual separation
imminent in the death of Eurydice from snake-bite.
In
between.
the second p l a n e a r e two s e t s o f f i g u r e s p l a y i n g , w i t h a boat i n
The p l a y i n g f i g u r e s have a double meaning:
people who do n o t
understand, b u t f o r whom t h e a l l e g o r y has s i g n i f i c a n c e ; ; f e s t i v e
activities
s i g n i f y i n g the wedding was performed afr an i n a u s p i c i o u s time a c c o r d i n g t o
Roman r e l i g i o n .
The boat i s p r o b a b l y p a r t o f the f e s t i v i t i e s but one cannot
h e l p c o n n e c t i n g i t w i t h t h a t which took s o u l s . t o the underworld,
especially
because i t i s a dark form r i g h t above E u r y d i c e , and j u s t below the b a t t l e
tower
on the canvas.
The Landscape w i t h Orpheus and E u r y d i c e . t h e r e f o r e , c o n t a i n s complex
a l l e g o r i c a l r e f l e x i o n s on l i f e
fertility
par
and death.
These range from a l l u s i o n s t o
i n E u r y d i c e - P r o s e r p i n a ( t h e e a r t h ) and O r p h e u s - A p o l l o ( t h e sun) as
o f t h e n a t u r a l o r d e r i n c l u d i n g man.
results i n real l i f e ,
I t i s suggested t h a t apparent death
both i n n a t u r e a n d f o r humanity.
Orpheus appears t o 0
s i g n i f y the e t e r n a l s a l v a t i o n o f man through good conduct combined w i t h use o f
sacraments, a Roman C a t h o l i c concept a l s o expressed i n a n t i q u i t y .
The. two e x t a n t drawings r e l a t e d t o t h i s p i c t u r e a r e o f t h e background.
One i s t h e C a s t e l S a n t " Angelo, smoking.
An e a r l i e r t o p o g r a p h i c a l
drawing
24
of
1491 v e r i f i e s i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n e v i d e n t i n the Speculum.
drawing shows t h e M i l v i a n B r i d g e .
the
The second
I f one? combines these two b u i l d i n g s w i t h
M i l i z i e tower, t h e a r c h i t e c t u r e symbolizes l i f e ,
death and r e s u r r e c t i o n ,
themes i m p l i c i t i n the treatment o f the m y t h o l o g i c a l f i g u r e s .
The C a s t e l Sant'Angelo was l ) t h e home o f the popes, head o f P o u s s i n " s
Church, and t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f C h r i s t by whose death and r e s u r r e c t i o n
C h r i s t i a n i t y had been e s t a b l i s h e d ,
2) t h e tomb o f t h e H e l e n o p h i l e Emperor
?
H a d r i a n , whose conduct has a l r e a d y been d e s c r i b e d .
By the b a t t l e o f t h e
M i l v i a n B r i d g e , C o n s t a n t i n e e s t a b l i s h e d C h r i s t i a n i t y as the o f f i c i a l
religion
of the Roman Empire. H i s - d e f e a t e d r i v a l Maxentius-. drowned i n t h e T i b e r , ^
T h i s b r i d g e u n i t e s the Cas.tel S a n t Angelo w i t h the tower o f t h e M i l i z i e
2
,:
64
PLATE I
2 0 A .
T H E
C E L E B R A T I N G
G I R A N D O L A
T H E
A T
T H E
A N N I V E R S A R Y
C A S T L E
O F
T H E
O F
S A N T ' A N G E L O
E L E C T I O N
O F
A
P O P E
From an engraving by Ambrogio Brambelli in Lafreri's S p e c u l u m , 757.9.
New York, Metropolitan
Museum of Art
T h e text e n g r a v e d b e l o w this p l a t e , m a d e a b o u t a h u n d r e d years after the first
r e c o r d e d d i s p l a y o f the girandola, describes it as ' a s i g n o f j o y w h i c h is p e r f o r m e d i n
R o m e , a n d w h i c h is c a l l e d " t h e w h i r l i n g o n e " . . . . It w o u l d seem t h a t a l l the stars
i n h e a v e n are f a l l i n g to e a r t h , a t h i n g v e r i l y m o s t a m a z i n g , a n d v a s t l y m a r v e l l o u s
to sec. . . . T h a t it m a y be u n d e r s t o o d b y a l l , this d r a w i n g o f it is n e w l y p u b l i s h e d
w i t h every diligence.'
65
.PLATE I I .
2 0 I . T H E C A S T L E AND B R I D G E OF S A N T ' A N G E L O FROM D O W N S T R E A M ,
A B O U T I 49 I
Drawing by the Anonjmus Escurialensis. Madrid, Escorial Collection
The drawing shows the monument just before the extensive alterations carried out
by the Borgia Pope Alexander V I , at the end of the fifteenth century. The bridgehead across the Tiber is heavily fortified by towers and walls; once across the
bridge one was already in the Castle.
The third of the bridge's ancient arches is covered here by medieval structures.
66
PLATE III
15. T H E P O N T E M O L L E IN T H E
ROMAN
CAMPAGNA
Drawing by Nicolas Poussin (French). Paris, Ecole des Beaux Arts
Poussin's d r a w i n g of this historic bridge just north of R o m e demonstrates his
accuracy of observation and his ability to convey the essentials of a scene in simple
form. T h o u g h it underwent some repairs and alterations i n the nineteenth century,
the bridge today is immediately recognizable i n the drawing of three centuries ago.
Aside from its picturesque quality this bridge has the added interest of age
and association. Its four central arches, dating probably from 109 B.C., are among
the oldest of any bridge i n the neighbourhood of R o m e . A n d it was near this
ancient Pons M i l v i u s that the rival emperors, Constantine and Maxentius, fought
their decisive battle for control of the E m p i r e i n A.D. 312, ending in the defeat of
Maxentius and his drowning i n the T i b e r .
6?
i n Pousssin"s p i c t u r e .
The tower appears to r e i n f o r c e the idea of c o n f l i c t .
I t i s l o c a t e d immediately above the f i g u r e s of Eurydice and Hymen (god of
marriage), i n the p a i n t i n g . F i n a l l y there i s the problem of the smoke apparently coming from the ( )
of.
Castel.
I believe Poussin was representing L a G i r a n d o l a .
also possible that the smoke comes from the mountains..
the double pl.umes; and what mountains.
;
But i t is;
The problems ares
Vesuvius, the nearest volcano,
had errupted i n 1631, but i t has-only one c r a t e r .
served several purposes i n Poussin's p a i n t i n g .
2 7
Moreover, the Girandola
F i r s t , i t represented a
c e l e b r a t i o n , s u i t e d to the idea of weddings performed at an inauspicious'
28
time.
Secondly, i t took a" spectacle for which Rome was then famous.
This together with the C a s t e l i t s e l f plus the M i l v i a n Bridge and the M i l i z i e
tower : were aspects of Rome known by everyone then.
ever-current r e a l i t y .
Thus- the a l l e g o r y had ani
This r e a l i t y concerned l i f e and death.
The m u l t i p l e
a s s o c i a t i o n s with these well-known facets o f the E t e r n a l C i t y thus enhanced
the a l l e g o r y begun i n the myth.
They may w e l l have been the s t a r t i n g point
for i t i n the mind of the a r t i s t who kept and reused the smoking c a s t l e
drawing again l a t e r i n l i f e .
F i n a l l y I b e l i e v e that Poussin used the t w i n - l i g h t e d peaks to the
r i g h t mountain i n connection with the mythology.
For a.hypothetical triangle?
down i t s sides takes i n a l l the mythological d e p i c t i o n i n c l u d i n g the fisherman.
This mountain could be a s p e c i f i c one, such as the C a p i t o l i n e ' on which
2 9
J u p i t e r and Juno had temples on the south summitj the Ave.ntine\ upon which
30
Hercules, another guardian of marriage had put up the Ara Maxima.
But i t may be that the mountain i s disposed i n the p i c t u r e to represent the
d i v i n e order of Nature associated with the the C h r i s t i a n order o f s a l v a t i o n
by ^sacraments.
Since the idea of eternal s a l v a t i o n i s i n d i c a t e d by the foreground
68
combined with the" bacground of the painting, the harmony, though ominous, i s
calm.
A l l the pictorial elements combine; to contribute to the manner and
meaning of the painting.
I found the allegory in this mythological landscape was d i f f i c u l t to
decipher.
In his late style, Poussin incorporates myths with contrasting
significance.-to suggest the opposition of l i f e and death more clearly than he
does i n this picture.
In-the landscapes such as the Four Seasons, there i s
a deeper fusion naturally expressed between the foreground and the background
of the picture.. Thus i n treatment of subject as well as of style, this i s a
transitional painting.
69
Catalogue 177
P l a t e 187
Landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe
Sizes.
192.5 x 273.5 cm., or approximately 6 1/2; x 9 f t .
Medium::. O i l on canvas?
Location:.
Erankfurt-am-Main.
Commission:
Stadelsches K u n s t i n s t i t u t . .
Painted for Cassiano dal Pozzo i n or s h o r t l y before 165L
(Correspondance, p. 424)
Dating:;
cl651.
H i s t o r y : Purchased by the Museum at Frankfurt i n 1931.
Drawings: One i n the Musee Bonnat at Bayonne, CR_III, p. 42, no. 225.
Engravings: one—see Catalogue 177i for d e t a i l s .
Copies::
One—see Catalogue 17(7 for d e t a i l s .
Commission D i s c u s s i o n :
I believe Cassiano dal Pozzo had considerable say i n
Poussin"s f i n a l p a i n t i n g for him.
1
The reasons are as f o l l o w s .
F i r s t , Cassiano
was keenly i n t e r e s t e d i n natural phenomena. (This i s a p i c t u r e of a storm).
He prompted Poussin"s work i n landscape:
he i s believed to have attempted to
get landscapes from Foussin i n 1630; i n l642> he commissioned Poussin''s f i r s t
serious experiments i n the genre.
Thirdly, he was deeply i n t e r e s t e d i n both
the a r t and the w r i t i n g s of Leonardo da V i n c i .
This painting uses them.
I t was completed i n the year Leonardo's Treatise was f i r s t published.
Cassiano had compiled the I t a l i a n v e r s i o n , i l l u s t r a t i n g i t with the help
of Foussin.
F o u r t h l y , the picture r e f l e c t s Pozzo's taste for the romantic.
The t a l e of Pyramus and Thisbe i s a
ftomeo-Juliet-style
love story from the
Metamorphoses of Ovid, which also gives the myth behind the mulberry tree"s
red b e r r i e s as r e l a t e d to the l o v e r s .
Ovid was the source used by Foussin
for h i s e a r l y Titanesque l 6 3 0 ' s paintings done under Pozzo's aegis.
Fifthly,
the mixture of a n t i q u i t y with botany would have pleased Cassiano, for
under a drawing of a hyacinth i n h i s c o l l e c t i o n , he recorded t h e ' A l " o n the
petals as symbolizing the o r i g i n (j.n the blood o f Ajax) o f that flower.
S i x t h l y , Cassiano preferred c l a s s i c i s t a r t .
Seventhly, he i^as sympathetic
to the r a t i o n a l S t o i c i s m which brought P o u s s i n to d e p i c t the harmony of Nature
under i t s a p p a r e n t d i s o r d e r .
He had communicated w i t h Campanella, who
believed
in the e d u c a t i o n a l v a l u e of showing such n a t u r a l phenomena in p a i n t i n g , , '
c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t s p i r i t u a l groxrth o c c u r r e d
from c o n t e m p l a t i n g
Creation as i t was r e v e a l e d in t h e l i g h t of C o p e r n i c u s '
These i d e a s would not
be unknown to C a s s i a n o , and
one to t e l l P o u s s i n of them.
discovery.
he may
For s u r e l y the d w a r f i n g
the whole
w e l l have been the
of man
i n this painting
a r o s e n o t o n l y from a n t i q u e S t o i c i s m , but a l s o from awareness of the immens i t y of Nature as compared to Han,
F i n a l l y C a s s i a n o was
made c l e a r e r by such cosmology.
an a n t i q u a r i a n .
He would have been p l e a s e d to own
work p a i n t e d a f t e r the example of A p e l l e s , t h e most famous p a i n t e r
a
of
antiquity.
T h i s was
the l a s t pure l a n d s c a p e which P o u s s i n p a i n t e d f o r some y e a r s .
The l e t t e r s i n d i c a t e a f o r m a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between P o u s s i n and h i s g r e a t e s t
Roman p a t r o n .
Thus i t i s l i k e l y t h a t C a s s i a n o c a r e f u l l y s p e c i f i e d to
what h i s e x p e c t a t i o n s
Poussin.
vrere.
The p a i n t i n g t h a t he got must have dominated h i s l a r g e c o l l e c t i o n
of
2: .
P o u s s i n ' s work by i t s dimensions and b r i l l i a n c e - u n t i l h i s death in 1657.*
Re; c o u l d p r o b a b l y
Style?
commission no more because of h i s d e p l e t e d
income.
A l t h o u g h t h e r e appears an o v a l q u i e t l a k e , around which some f i g u r e s
move, r e c e s s i o n i s by p l a n e s p a r a l l e l to the s u r f a c e ofthe p i c t u r e .
f i r s t c o n t a i n s a r e p o u s s o i r t r e e to the l e f t , w i t h two
right.
ing
The
The
s m a l l f i g u r e s to
the
second p l a n e has f i g u r e s d r i v i n g t h e i r herds from a l i o n a t t a c k -
on the l e f t . ''The
The f o u r t h has
t h i r d p l a n e i s the l a k e , w i t h a t r e e on the f a r r i g h t .
s m a l l b u i l d i n g s which r i s e each s i d e to e n c l o s e
s i t i o n to some e x t e n t .
the compo-
A t r e e is prominent near the centre. P l a n e f i v e is a
v i e w of h i l l s afeove the l a k e .
T h i s l a n d s c a p e is t r a n s i t i o n a l to Poussin's f i n a l works in f i v e
formal
71
ways.
The
c o m p o s i t i o n i s f i r s t t e n d i n g ' t o be o r g a n i z e d around the c e n t r a l
lake.
S e c o n d l y , t h e r e i s more; depth.
T h i r d l y , l e s s e n c l o s u r e appears.
F o u r t h l y ; n a t u r a l forms predominate over f i g u r e s as w e l l as a r c h i t e c t u r e ^
F i n a l l y , i t contains
a c a r e f u l r e l a t i o n o f l i g h t and
B l u n t s u g g e s t s t h a t the t o t a l t r e a t m e n t may
modef
c o o l c o l o r to" the theme*
be i n the H y p o l y d i a n , or t r a g i c
:
The
treatment of l i g h t i s unusual.
i l l u m i n a t e s the f o r e g r o u n d f i g u r e s .
The
I t i s a glow from the l e f t w h i c h
background i s v a r i o u s l y l i t .
The l e f t townscape i s i n s i l h o u e t t e , the r i g h t i s b r i g h t .
Generally a l l i s
dark.
The
T h i s s u g g e s t s e i t h e r a storm o r a p p r o a c h i n g n i g h t .
i s p l a i n from the l i g h t n i n g
storm
subject
r u n n i n g d i a g o n a l l y from the l e f t f o r e g r o u n d t o
the r i g h t r e a r above the h i l l s .
S u i t a b l y ^ the r e s t o f the sky i s i n k y b l u e . "
The
c o n t a i n s modulated tones o f y e l l o w i s h and p i n k i s h b u f f .
touches o f r e d .
Generally
clear l e f t
There are
horizon
also
the harmony o f hues i s c o o l .
Iconography:. We know P o u s s i n was
t r y i n g t o r e p r e s e n t a n a t u r a l phenomenon
from h i s l e t t e r t o S t e l l a , a p a i n t e r f r i e n d i n P a r i s , s a y i n g
t h a t he had made f o r the C a v a l i e r d e l Pozzo a g r e a t l a n d s c a p e i n w h i c h ,
he t o l d him, I t r i e d t o r e p r e s e n t a tempest on the earth,, i m i t a t i n g as
b e s t I c o u l d the e f f e c t o f an impetuous wind, or a i r f i l l e d w i t h o b s c u r i t y ,
rain,., f l a s h e s o f l i g h t n i n g , and o f l i g h t n i n g s w h i c h f a l l i n many p l a c e s ,
not w i t h o u t d i s o r d e r t h e r e . A l l the f i g u r e s t h a t one sees t h e r e p l a y
t h e i r r o l e a c c o r d i n g to how the weather goes: some f l e e through the
d u s t , and f o l l o w the wind w h i c h c a r r i e s them; o t h e r s on the c o n t r a r y ,
go a g a i n s t the wind,aad walk w i t h t r o u b l e , p u t t i n g t h e i r hands b e f o r e
t h e i r eyes. On one s i d e , a shepherd r u n s and abandons h i s f l o c k , seei n g a l i o n w h i c h , h a v i n g thrown c e r t a i n herdsmen t o the e a r t h , i s ;
a t t a c k i n g others,,, som o f whom defend themselves and o t h e r s spur t h e i r
oxen, and t r y t o save t h e m s e l v e s . I n t h i s d i s o r d e r , the d u s t r a i s e s
g r e a t e d d i e s . A dog, q u i t e f a r away, b a r k s , w i t h h i s h a i r b r i s t l i n g ,
not d a r i n g t o approach. I n the f r o n t o f i the p i c t u r e one sees Pyramus
dfead and l y i n g on the e a r t h , and b e s i d e him T h i s b e who abandons h e r s e l f
to g r i e f .
6
F o u s s i n ' s s o u r c e s for. t h i s p a i n t i n g were:
the example o f A p e l l e s ;
7
t h e a r t and w r i t i n g s o f Leonardo da V i n c i , s p e c i f i c a l l y . t h e B a t t l e - o f
^
' 8
Q
A n g h i a r i and the T r e a t i s e on P a i n t i n g ; Ovid's.• Metamorphoses;; P a L j a d i o ;
;
7
721
a book on a journey to the Holy Land, i l l u s t r a t e d ; ^
Carapanellan Stoicism.."
According to Pliny, Apelles painted what could not be depicted:
storms, thunder, lightning.. Poussin wishes, l i k e many seventeenth-century
painters, to emulate, even to surpass antiquity.
Here was an opportunity
in Cassiano"s commission.
Poussin adapted his depiction of a storm from Leonardo's Treatise
on Painting. The section reads:
How to represent a storm. If you wish to represent a storm well,
consider and place before your mind the effects of the wind, blowing
over the surface of the sea and the earth, as i t removes and carries
with i t those things which are not firmly imbedded in the mass of the
earth. In order to represent the storm well f i r s t of a l l paint the
clouds, torn and rent, swept along by the course of the wind, together
with the sandy powder l i f t e d from the seashores; include branches and
leaves, raised by the powerful fury of the wind, scattered through the
air,, as well as many other light objects. The trees and grass are bent
against the earth, seeming almost as i f they were trying to follow the
course of the winds, with their branches twisted out of their natural
direction, their leaves battered and turned upside down. Some of the
men there have fallen and, wrapped in their clothing, are almost
unrecognizable because of the dust, while those who are s t i l l standing
are under some tree, hugging i t so the wind will not tear them away.
Others, with their hands before their eyes because of the dust, are bent
down to the earth, and their garments and hair stream i n the direction
of the wind.
The turbulent and tempestuous sea i s f i l l e d with whirlpools of foam
between the high waves, with the wind raising the thinnest foam, amid the
striving air, i n the fashion of a thick, enveloping mist. Depict some
of the ships in the painting with torn s a i l , the pieces flapping in the
air with some ropes torn apart, some masts broken and gone overboard, the
ship cracking up and broken by the tempestuous waves, while men shout
and cling to the wreck of the ship.
You will paint the clouds pursued by impetuous winds, beaten against
the high crests of the mountains and enveloped among them, whirling about
like waves dashed on the rocks, with the air i t s e l f terrifying because of
the dark shadows created in the air by dust, mist and thick clouds.
Thenbasic difference between Poussin's depiction and Leonardo's
description i s not the ommission of the whirling clouds, but the representation of harmony inthemi.dst of disorder. Trees, animals, and people are
disturbed; i t i s a catastrophe. . Nevertheless, the calm central lake,, cyclical
in shape,indicates that such phenomena are part of a rational order, however
disorderly, and terrifying they may be i n effects upon .;Nature and Man.
Leonardo's r e l a t i o n of p a i n t i n g to nature was expressed elsewhere i n
the Treatise
How'he who disparages p a i n t i n g loves neither philosophy nor nature
I f you disparage p a i n t i n g , which alone can portray f a i t h f u l l y ^ a l l them's
v i s i b l e works o f nature, you c e r t a i n l y disparage a discovery which
considers a l l manner of forms with subtle and philosophic a t t e n t i o n :
the sea, places on l a n d , p l a n t s , animals, grass, flowers, a l l of which
are surrounded by shadow and l i g h t . Truly t h i s . is-, a. science and the
l e g i t i m a t e daughter of nature, since p a i n t i n g i s born o f ' n a t u r e . To
speak more accurately, we could say the grandchild of nature, for a l l
v i s i b l e things are bora of nature and/painting i s born o f these.
Therefore,; we r i g h t l y c a l l painting the grandchild of nature and
r e l a t e d to God. 1
Pbussin''s l a t e treatment of nature showed a« "'subtle and philosophic
attention*to natural forms;, awareness o f shadow and l i g h t (for example,
i n the Four Seasons, 1660-4 (plates 2*42-245) J, the b e l i e f that from Nature
woe born a l l created things;, the idea that p a i n t i n g was an intense expression o f the order of the natural world by which man could experience del e c t a t i o n , or s p i r i t u a l e x a l t a t i o n .
In substance as w e l l as; i n function
Poussin r e l a t e d p a i n t i n g to God c l o s e l y i n h i s l a t e period, as seen i n h i s
166'5 l e t t e r as w e l l as i n h i s work. T:agree with B i a l o s t o c k i that besides Leonardo's theory and p h i l o sophy of nature, h i s i n t e r e s t i n mathematics and perspective, and h i s
f a i t h i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of understanding the world v i a the f i v e senses could:
have been a source for Poussin's deepened concept of r e a l i t y and a r t i n h i s
old a g e . ^
The extant preparatory drawings show i n t e r e s t i n Leonardo's a r t for t h i s
painting.
They are quick sketches:
two men on horseback attacked by l i o n s ;
the shepherd next on the r i g h t who drives o f f h i s herds.
Poussin incorporates Leonardo's famous cartoon i n the l i o n attack for
three reasons t- h i s patron* s a n t e r e s t i n Leonardo' a r t ; expression of the:-tragic
destiny governing men"s l i v e s ; which r e l a t e s . t o the story of Pyramus and
15
Thisbe t o l d by Ovid..
74
Babylonian
tree,
and
sitting
point
departed,
t h e r e , by
upon the
Thisbe
Thisbe
cloak,
dead,
her
dropping
a lioness.
tearing
i t
returned
describes^ him.
since
as
Thisbe
The
animal,
bloody
with
to
night.
She
came
because
she was
haviag
quenched
jaws.
his
picture
moves
k i l l s
at
cloak,
with
the
The.'story
lover
her
he k i l l e d h i m s e l f
Thisbe
picture,
met
Pyramus
sword,
shows,
to
find
a Romeo-Juliet
trysting
terrified
i t s
while
thirst,
found i t .
and withdrew
to
the
her
came
Thinking
i t .
At', t h i s .
dead l o v e r ,
conclusion not
as
Ovid
shown i n
the-
herself..
S h e ? spoke:> a n d f i t t i n g t h e p o i n t b e n e a t h h e r b r e a s t , s h e f e l l
forward
o n t h e s w o r d w h i c h w a s s t i l l warm w i t h h e r l o v e r s b l o o d .
Her prayers
touched the gods and touched the p a r e n t s ; f o r the c o l o u r o f the m u l b e r r y
f r u i t i s d a r k r e d when i t i s r i p e , and. a l l t h a t r e m a i n e d f r o m b o t h
3
funeral
In
pyres
P'oussin s
The
the
painting,
, !
foreground,
rests
a
, ;
in
a common
urn.. "'
the
trysting
tree
1
must
be
the
one ; o n
Thisbe
is
appropriately
symbolized
of
which
:
the
left
of
the
mulberry.
faithful
reconstruction
love
of
of
the
Pyramus
Temple
for
of
Bacchus:, (god
fertility)
in
was
17/
later
in
the
turned
the
into
fourth
lion.
plane,
To
appropriate
the
the
to
church
on
right
the
of
S.
Costanza..
a hypothetical
on
tragic
the
end
same
of
diagonal
plane
the
It
just
story.
appears
with
the
on
dead
above.Thisbe
Its
form was
the
left
Pyramus,,
i s
and
a shining
chosen as
tomb,
near-
18
eastern
Thisbe
from
outside
was B a b y l o n i a n .
related to
The
It
those
is-! the
painting
novel
him
i s
to
not
let
subject
between, the
natural
to
in
1
in
a pilgrimage
architecture,
active
within
the
men,
careful
union
forms
express
the
makes
compositions
t o ~ 166%*^
this
of
1648
record
of
laws
cl65l
and
' because
animals,
Natural
i t s
them,that
"heroic"
o f a r o u n d 1658
seen
figures,
forces
attempt
landscapes
Thus
the catesttrophic
man,- s h o w i n g
painting
Jerusalem
trees
Order.
contert and
of
nature^,
landscape
the
are
more
a
form.
dwarfing
transitional
"'Ideal"
75
Catalogue 132Flate? 236'
The Birth of BacchusSize:
II4.5 » 1674-5. cm. or 48 5/16' x 70 l/2"
Medium:
FNP colorplate 45
!
Oil on canvas..
Location:
Cambridge;, Mass. Harvard University.
Commission:
Fogg Art Museum.
Painted for Jacques Stella-in 1657 (Felibien IV/, 65).
Date:; 1657 .
7
History: Presented by Mrs. Sachs to the Museum i n 1942 .
Drawing: One in the Fogg Art Museum also, illustrated on page 190 of
Walter Friedlaender, Nicolas Poussin, 1966'.
)
Engraving:
One made from the drawing, not the painting, so that the en-
graver put a: halo about Bacchus" head, and showed Apollo who does not
appear i n the painting.
The-upper right group' of Jupiter and Hebe was
also misunderstood;, i t became a Venus and Cupid i n the engraving.^
Copies:
Eight, and pictures on the same subject in six separate sales
are recorded by Blunt in the catalogue entry for this painting.
Commission Discussion: Jacques Stella.(d. 1657) a Parisian painter
friend of Poussin shows i n his own art an interest i n the allegorical
significance of the subject.
Style: Poussin has presented this mythological allegory as a figure painting
in which a l l parts are linked formally and iconographically to the figure
of the baby Bacchus i n the right front,. He i s being handed te a nymph,
seated i n the foreground water, by the standing figure of Mercury.
The
curved form of the group around the baby i s echoed twice, once by the background of vine-cover.ed rocks and trees through which the rising sun penetrates,
and at second time i n the curved cloud formation to the upper right where
Jupiter l i e s attended by Hebe. The nymphs in the l e f t foreground form a t r i angle of figures, standing, sitting, then reclining parallel to the picture ,pl an e
x
7&
and nearest the baby. While they are reacting by gesture and/or gaze to
his arrival, a second triangular formation of two figures on his right
seems unaware of him.
of the picture.
Beyond them a mountain forms the most distant part
Slightly above them and the child, Pan plays his pipes
in ai tree.
:
By gaze or gesture or both, the majority of the mythological figures
welcome the nex;-born Bacchus.- Those who actually receive him look especially
happy. Mercury who delivers him relates the child to Jupiter and the pipeplaying Pan by pointing to them.
Although this i s a composition stressing figures grouped in a- loose
semi-circle about a quiet pool, natural forms interrelate with them.
The:;
figures are in or around the pool of water. A rocky, treed cavern behind
them silhouettes their forms, while including one of them. Two natural
devices break the sense of enclosure created by this cavern:
the distant
mountain to the right treated with careful aerial and geometric perspective;
the two areas of light,one ofwhich breaks through the trees above the cave.
These devices make the composition more spacious, airy and bright. Sunlight '
appears to focus on the baby, or the baby i t s e l f gives off light.
The light on the l e f t i s sunrise;, consequently irrational light
defines the forms of a foreground nymph; as well as a figure on the right.
Although the cave i s a dull green, the different hues i n varied tones
on the figures enliven the picture.
of Mercury.
Conspicious i s the flame-colored robe
Besides this, bronze, gold, blues, turquoise, light green to a
pearly white brighten the scene.
The greenish-tinged flesh combined with pale-
colored dress on the two right-hand foreground figures i s in strange contrast
to the warmer, more intense hues associated with the majority of figures.
Iconography- This painting i s a thiee-fold allegory.
aspect of a l l creation including man,
It explains the dual
resulting from the infusion of divine
IT
life
(or i d e a l form) i n t o matter; i t c o n t r a s t s l i f e w i t h death,
e v e n t u a l r e s u r r e c t i o n through v i r t u o u s conduct
combined w i t h the use
the sacraments;, i t s t a t e s t h a t a l l k i n d s o f l i f e
whether the s e a s o n a l one o f n a t u r e i n which man
one i n which man
has a p a r t i c u l a r share.
suggesting
of
c o n t i n u e i n an o r d e r l y p a t t e r n
p a r t i c i p a t e s , or the
The main way
spiritual
i n which we know
a l l e g o r y i s i n t e n d e d i s t h a t P o u s s i n puts the myth o f N a r c i s s u s and Echo
which has no l i t e r a r y r e l a t i o n s h i p t o t h a t o f the s t o r y o f Bacchus i n the
r i g h t hand two
f i g u r e s o f the f o r e g r o u n d .
Fy- c a r e f u l use o f m u l t i p l e sources
t h e y a r e f u s e d i n t o the p a i n t i n g i n meaning and manner i n the b e s t p o s s i b l e
way.
P o u s s i n ' s l i t e r a r y sources probably were:
Philostratus' I m a g i n e s C o r n e d
Ovid's Metamorphoses-?;
( C o n t i ' s ) Mythologia.;,
Campanellan S t o i c i s m ;
6
perhaps Macrobius' S a t u r n a l i a .
I t was
a popular s u b j e c t i n a n c i e n t art,- f o r example, on the S a l p i o n
Vase a t Gaeta ("figures 131a,
b) which F e l i b i e n says P o u s s i n admired so
g
much. " There was
a l s o a f r e s c o o f the s u b j e c t i n the P a l a z z o d e l "Te a t
9
Mantua.
who
I n P a r i s , P o u s s i n had s t u d i e d p r i n t s o f the work o f G i u l i o Romano
had done t h a t s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y f r e s c o . F o r d e t a i l s , the f i g u r e
the e:ctreme l e f t
i s a v a r i a n t o f the person l e f t
on
o f Pei tho i n the a n t i q u e
A l d o b r a n d i n i Wedding f r e s c o ; , the a n c i e n t P a l e s t r i n a mosaic o f N i l o t i c
11
scenes may have i n s p i r e d the swimming women t o the l e f t , t h i n k s F r i e d l a e n d e r . .
A l s o the c u r t a i n behind the nymphs r e c e i v i n g Bacchus i s q u i t e l i k e the water12
fall
i n Domenichino"s Judgment a f Midas.;
The-Bacchic
d e p i c t e d on a n c i e n t s a r c o p h a g i , s u g g e s t i n g the triumph
M y s t e r i e s were o f t e n
of l i f e
over
death.
As w i t h most o f P o u s s i n ' ^ l a t e m y t h o l o g i c a l p a i n t i n g s , Ovid"s Metamorphoses i s P o u s s i n ' s main source.
A c c o r d i n g t o Ovid, Bacchus, son o f
J u p i t e r and the m o r t a l Semele l o s t h i s mother b e f o r e h i s b i r t h when she
was
reduced t o ashes through f o l l o w i n g the s u g g e s t i o n o f the j e a l o u s Juno
78
to ask to see:Jupiter in his f u l l glory.
her.
Uhe fire of his presence consumed
Jupiter sewed Bacchus into his thigh t i l l the child was ready for birth,
13
then'rgave • him to Ino, Semele"s sister to carry to the nymphs of Nysa, who hid:
him in their cave.'.
Although Mercury replaces Ino in Poussin"s painting Poussin
follows Ovid in showing the nymphs receiving Bacchus, with Jupiter reclining
in the sky after the delivery, receiving a cup from Hebe,, probably wine.
Philostratus" version under Semele is: as follows;
Bronte thunder stern of face and Astrape lightning, flashing light
from her eyes, and raging fire from heaven that has l a i d hold of a king'S3
house, suggest the following tale, i f i t i s one you know., A cloud o £
fire encompassing these breaks into the dwelling of Cadmus as Zeus
comes wooing Semele; and Semele apparently i s destroyed.. But Dionysus
c Bacchus i s born, by Zeus ^Jupiteru , so I believe, in the presence
of the f i r e . . And the form of Semele. i s dimly seen as she goes to the
heavens, where the Muses will hymn her praises: but Dionysus leaps forth
as his mother"s womb is rent apart, and he makes the flame look dim,
so b r i l l i a n t l y does he shine l i k e a radiant star. The flame, dividing,
dimly outlines a cave for Dionysus morecharming than any in Assyria and
Eydiaj: for sprays of ivy grow luxuriantly about i t and clusters of ivy
berries and now grape-vines and stalks of thrysus which spring up from
the willing earth, so that some grow in the very f i r e .
We must not be surprised i f in honour of Dionysus the Fire is crowned
by the Earth, for the Earth will take part with the Fire in the
Bacchic revel and will make i t possible for the revellers to take
wine from springs and to draw milk from clods of earth or from a rock
as from living breasts. Listen to Pan, how- he seems to be hymning
,,
Dionysus on the crests of Cithaeron, as he dances an Evian fling , . ..
c
3
c
3
;
1
This version l ) reinforces Jupiter"s presence in the painting 2) partly
15
explains the shining halo around Bacchus in the preparatory drawing
3)
sets the scene beside a cave which is fertile with the ivy over the baby
4) suggests^Bacchus'
birth i s a combination of fire and earth which leads
to f e r t i l i t y in nature 5) accounts for the presence of Pan above Bacchus
in the tree.
Poussin also used Philostratus for the setting of the Echo-Narcissus
story beside a pool i n a grotto because in Ovid"s version the tale took place;
"> 16
in a "coppice that would never suffer the sun to warm the spot..
Philostratus' section on Narcissus he says
In
.79
The p o o l p a i n t s N a r c i s s u s , and t h e p a i n t i n g r e p r e s e n t s both t h e p o o l
and t h e whole s t o r y o f N a r c i s s u s . A y o u t h j u s t r e t u r n e d from t h e hunt
stands over a p o o l , drawing from w i t h i n h i m s e l f a k i n d o f y e a r n i n g and
f a l l i n g i n l o v e w i t h h i s own beauty; and, as you see> be sheds a radiance-i n t o t h e water.
The cave i s s a c r e d t o Achelous and t h e Nymphs, and t h e
scene i s p a i n t e d r e a l i s t i c a l l y ... .. n o r i s t h e p o o l w i t h o u t some
c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e B a c c h i c r i t e s o f Dionysus^, s i n c e he has made i t
known t o t h e Nymphs o f t h e w i n e - p r e s s ; a t any r a t e , i t abounds i n
c l u s t e r s o f grapes and t h e t r e e s t h a t f u r n i s h t h e t h y r s i , and t u n e f u l
b i r d s d i s p o r t themselves above i t , each w i t h i t s own n o t e , and w h i t e
f l o w e r s grow about t h e p o o l , n o t y e t i n blossom, b u t j u s t s p r i n g i n g up
i n honour o f t h e youth..
Now- B e l l o r i c l a i m e d t h a t P o u s s i n i n c l u d e d Echo and N a r c i s s u s i n t h i s
18
p a i n t i n g because i t was n e a r l y t h e n e x t t a l e i n Ovid"s Metamorphoses,
t h i s i n s p i t e o f h i s apparent r e c o g n i t i o n o f P o u s s i n s use o f P h i l o s t r a t u s
t!
19
f o r complex t h e m a t i c o r g a i z a t i o n s as w e l l as f o r i n d i v i d u a l m o t i f s .
s
20
Eeli.bi.en o n l y mentions t h e commission.
But t h e couple so c a r e f u l l y s e t by t h e p o o l where Bacchus was born
r e p r e s e n t f r u s t r a t e d l o v e , s t e r i l i t y and d e a t h .
0vid*%ays Echo's l o v e
f o r N a r c i s s u s was u n r e q u i t e d ; she p i n e d away u n t i l o n l y h e r v o i c e remained;
f o r t h e y s a y a l l h e r bones were t u r n e d t o stone..
Nemesis h e a r d o f N a r c i s s u s '
mocking o f Echo''s l o v e , and t u r n e d N a r c i s s u s " l o v e t o h i s own image i n a
p o o l , where a t l a s t he d i e d , and where h i s body had been t h e y found flowers'w i t h w h i t e p e t a l s and a y e l l o w centre.. Because t h e body o f N a r c i s s u s appears
w i t h t h e f l o w e r s i n t h e p a i n t i n g , P o u s s i n m o d i f i e d both O v i d and.""
stratus f o rthis detail.
Philo-
P l a c e d so c l o s e t o Bacchus i n t h e P o u s s i n p a i n t i n g , ,
t h e f i g u r e s form a d r a m a t i c c o n t r a s t t o t h e i d e a s o f l i f e r e p r e s e n t e d i n t h e
r e s t o f the p i c t u r e .
Such a c o n t r a s t appears i n t h e l a t e drawing o f t h e
Rape o f Europa ( f i g u r e 252), a p r e l i m i n a r y s t u d y f o r an unexecuted p a i n t i n g ,
as w e l l as i n t h e A p o l l o and Daphne,.-I664 ( p l a t e 2-51).
M e r c u r y i s n o t i n Ovid's o r P h i l o s t r a t u s ' v e r s i o n o f t h e B i r t h o f B a c c hus.
F o r t h i s most c o n s p i c i o u s f i g u r e P o u s s i n may have t u r n e d t o Gomes, o r
he c o u l d have u s e d Campanellan S t o i c p h i l o s o p h y prompted by t h e c o n n e c t i o n
8©
made between Earth and Fire i n Fhilostratuso
In i t , Mercury would symbolize
the heavenly fire from the sun which impregnates matter, the earth.
Comes just
noteswhat was common knowledge—Mercury was the link between gods and men.
However, Comes may have clarified the significance of/Bacchus as well
as that of the nymphs who received him, for i n his Mythologia he says
Of Bacchus.
Moreover what ancient fables say about Bacchus i s also connected with
physical matters, when they t e l l that he was nourished by the Nymphs.
For, since the nymphs are the matter i n natural things, they receive
the form and foster i t . For Dionysus cBacchusjis the virtue of the
sun in relation to generation, which performs the function of the male
in the works of nature. Hence they record thath the phallus or male
member was dedicated to him, with those sacrifices which they called
Canephoria.
Of the Nymphs.
But because there i s nothing which i s whole useful, and since the greater
part of food i s not turned to the profit of the body, nor i s the whole
substance of water used i n the generation of animals, but part i s
absorbed into the embryo and part into i t s nourishment—as appears above
a l l - i n eggs—they (the ancients) called those parts of the seed or water
by means of which generation takes .place by the name of the Nymphs.
Hence the Nymphs are called fruitful, and are said to nourish men and
a l l animals and to be the goddesses of shepherds and the presiding
deities of fields. By this they also mean that through them (the nymphs)
matter i t s e l f i s transformed into individual natural things.
He>also saw. Fan as a symbol of the divine and the terrestrial as Pan was
23-
half-man, half-beasti
Thus, although the Natural Order includes death as symbolized by Echo
and Narcissits, the.main theme i s l i f e .
Apollo who i s not directly related to
the myth either appears i n the painting i n - the form of the sun rising
between the cleft i n the trees aibove the cave.
drawing.
This i s a refinement on the
Poussin suggests here the relationship Campanella had made between
the sun and l i f e i n creation.
Divine Fire.
The-; sun,
image of the Deity, contains the
It i s the equivalent to the Soul of the World.
refinement i s the air, Jupiter.
Next to i t i n
So Bacchus, born out of the fire that
consumed Semele, sheltered by Jupiter, the air, also an active principle, i s
the virtue of the sun i n respect to generation. The passive elements with
81
which this virtue unites are signified by the nymphs,, connected with water and;
the earth who assist creation because they nourish Bacchus.
Fittingly they
are inr.a pool, with a background of rock.
Creation as the union of divine andirferrestrial elements i s expressed
in other ways. First i t i s signified by the figure of Pan, to whom
Mercury points.
The relationship of Bacchus to the Divine Fire incandescent
in the sun i s made even clearer by having Mercury, the messenger of the gods,
clad i n a flame-rcolored robe,, deliver Bacchus to the Nymphs. Finally Bacchus
himself i s half-divine, half^human, resulting from the union of the god
Jupiter with the mortal Semele.
Since Bacchus i s the child representing the virtue of the sun and since
the sun i s the image of the deity, according to Campanella, Bacchus isthus equivalent to Christ, as the drawing suggests.
The; nymphs show a
suitable exaltation in receiving him.
This i s more than an allegory of physical phenomena as declared by
Campanellan Stoicism, 'For Campanella had identified Christ with Divine Reason
seen in the,Order and Harmony of Creation* Echo, and Narcissus(in watery blue
l a i d flat on the earth) are dying or dead.- They represent the degenerative
process of the natural order.
They also symbolise self-centred, unreasoning
2-4
passion..
A moral as well as a natural allegory may be drawn from their
presence in the picture.
Bacchus.is boto Christ and Stoic Divine Reason, the --
virtue after which Christians and Stoics strive. He i s not only the spiritual
25
form of the new l i f e as in spring,
but the regenerative force in human
nature as well as the personage i n both pagan and Christian thought whose
activity and death led to human salvation ending i n eternal l i f e .
This mystery
was represented on the sarcophagi showing Bacchic rites which Jacques Stella
had drawn.
It i s to be hoped that he received this joyous message of hope
before he died.
82
Landscape with Orion
Size:
Catalogue 169
Plates-; 237, 238
119 x 183 cm. or approximately 4. x 6' f t .
Medium: O i l on canvas?
Location:
New York. Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Commission:. Painted for Passarti ( B e l l o r i , p. 455; Felibien IV, p, 66)
Date:. 1658, according to Felibien,
History:
Bought by the Museum i n 1924,
No drawings-, engravings or copies are mentioned i n the catalogue entry.
Commission Discussion:. Passart, Master of Accounts i n Paris was an
i n t e l l e c t u a l patron of Foussin "s.latesyears who was enthusiastic about
Stoic philosophy and a l l e g o r y . I f he did not program the subject Foussin
painted, i t was certainly done by the a r t i s t with Passart"s tastes i n mind.
Style:
A balanced composition suggests the harmony of the phenomenon of
nature of which this painting has been found to be an allegory. Around
the quiet form of the-central portion c f ground resembling the:surface of
the earth i n the Creation scenes-in the Eoggie.of the Vatican by Raphael
are-grouped natural forms, together with the large mythological figure of
the giant, Orion.
Thissgiant, together with the clouds on which there
stands the tiny figure of Diana, Iss balanced by the l e f t foreground tree>which is: disproportionate i n size and luxuriance of foliage.
A. certain
dynamic i s created by the giant stepping diagonally into the picture-towards
the mountain i n the mid-background. The clouds above him parallel this
diagonal motion, indicating a relationship between heaven and earth.. The
allegory i s also signified by a cycle - consisting of the giant, the clouds,
the f e r t i l e l e f t tree, and then the barren foreground stumps. The dull
l i g h t combined with cool coloring is,suited to the subject.
83
Iconography:. Poussin' s literary sources appear to have been: Comes
!
0>
Mythoiogia,
"X'
i
Lucian"s Haturalis Historiae; ' Campanella's City 'of the Sun»
J
ideas of Campanella expressed best in one passage of the Metaphysica.5
His artistic models included Raphael's Vatican fresco of God separating water
and earth for the shape of the earth in the middle of the picture,,
Neither Bellori nor Felibien realized that this i s an allegory of the
formation and f e r t i l i z i n g effect of rain-clouds.
-
Possibly this allegory
was inspired by the second rampart of Campanella"s Cltyr of the Sun on which
there were paintings concerning the element of water.'
were popular i n France at that time.
Campanella"s ideas
They corresponded with Poussin' s own.
!
The story goes that Orion
a giant hunter was blinded by King OEnopeion- cof Chdosi , Warned by an
oracle that the rays of the rising sun would bring back his sight,,
he wandered through the forests, bending his steps towards the east.
He prayed to Hephaistos cVulcanj from whom he received Cedalion in order
that, perched on his shoulders, this servant could guide his steps,
Orion was loved by Diana. Poussin represents her f u l l of compassion
(.according to the Louvre exhibition description—to me she looks
impassivej as-, she contemplates from the heights of the sky the blind
hunter who,, meanwhile, one day, victim of a ruse, she will k i l l by an
arrow.?
;
For the detail of Cedalion, the figure on Orion's back, Poussin used
Lucian's Naturalis Historiae."*"^ He;made Vulcan (god of f i r e ) ^
point out
the way to Chios, as Comes suggests, not as Lucian records, however. The
sight of Orion was restored by Apollo, god of the sun.
The giant Orion had three fathers according to Euphorion's version
used by Comes. These were: Neptune (Water); Jupiter (Air) and Apollo.
;
These are the factors i n the making of rain as Comes says'
Through the combined power of these three gods rises the stuff of wind,
rain, and thunder that i s called Orion. Since the subtler part of the
water which i s rarefied rests on the surface, i t i s said that Orion had
learned from his father how to walk on the water. When this rarefied
matter spreads and diffuses into the air this i s described as Orion having
because this matter must pass right through the air and? ascend to the
highest spheres and when the matter i s diffused throughout that sphere
i t somehow feels the power of fire languishing. For anything that i s
moved with a motion not of i t s own loses i t s power which diminishes as
i t proceeds.
Orion i s kindly received by Vulcan, approaches the sun, finds his
former health restored and thence returns to Chios—this naturally signifies nothing else but the cyclical and mutual generation and destruction
of the elements.
They say that he was killed by Diana's arrows for having dared to
touch her—because as soon as the vapors have ascended to the highest
stratum of the air so that they appear to us as touching the moon or the
sun, the power of the moon gathers them up and converts them into rains
and storms thus overthrowing them with her arrows and sending them downward^ for the power of the moon works like the ferment that brings about
these processes. Finally, they say that Orion was k i l l e d and transformed into a celestial constellation—because under this sign storms,
gales,, and thunder are frequent,13
F
From Campanella"s Metaphysica i s a section relevant to the O r i o n . ^
A l l things which separate themselves from their principles by going
from innate knowledge to knowledge derived from outside do so because
they seek some end. Once this end i s attained they return to their
principles. The end i s twofold;, one i s known to them; the other i s
only known to the Prime Cause, which uses them as instruments. Thus the
end sought by water which rises from the spongy earth t i l l i t i s above
the tops of the mountains i s i t s own preservation, dilation, and
extension; but the end sought by God i s the irrigation of plants,
the refreshing of the earth, and the draining of the water toward the lower
areas, which are essential to the l i f e of plants and natural things..
In the same way, the end sought by the heat of the sun i s i t s expansion,
which leads to the destruction of cold, but the end of God i s the
generation of plants, of waters, of metals, and of animals, within which
heat i s later retained by a will added from outside. Once this function
i s performed, i t s natural will causes i t h e a t to rise again and return
to the sun.
c
3
The':Landscape with Orion, an allegory of rain-formation, embodying
Stoic and Campanellan thought,-is>painted in a style suited to signify i t s
meaning by organization, '.use of natural forms, treatment of figures, l i g h t ,
and cool color-scheme.
85,
Catalogue 158
Landscape with Hercules and Cacus
S i ae:
Plate-24I
156 . 5 x 202 cm. or 5 x 7 ' f e e t approximately.
Medium:
O i l on canvas.
Location:
Moscow.. Pushkin Museum of Fine A r t s .
Commission:
Dating:
Unknown.
e i t h e r \'01655 (Blunt) .or>• c l 6 5 9 - 6 l (Mahon) on s t y l i s t i c grounds.
History:
Because t h i s p a i n t i n g was bought for Empress Catherine II. of
Russia, i n 1772 along with the Landscape with Polyphemus, the two have
often been paired j . and i t has; been f e l t that they should be
dated-together..
Blunt does not agree, for reasons c i t e d under Catalogue 150 entry on
Diogenes, which I have recorded i n at footnote to the Landscape with P o l y phemus.- a n a l y s i s .
I accept Mahon's dating which Blunt believes i s also
a p o s s i b i l i t y for theLandscape with Hercules and Cacus.
that i f e i t h e r
However, I f e e l
-this p a i r should be dated e a r l i e r , on thematic,grounds
I would place t h i s p a i n t i n g before the Landscape w i t h Polyphemus.
Drawings:
none:-;
Copy* - One?. > 1928, sold i n Budapest anonymously, l a c k i n g the figures-.of
Hercules.-and G-acug.. ; '
Style:.
Typical o f Poussin's l a t e manner, an oversized natural form dominates ,
5
the composition above a quiet centre, around which other natural forms
balance i t i n a free manner..
T h i s ; s t r e s s e s the grandeur of nature.
The.
unusually dominant form i s an enormous crag, l i k e those i n ancient and medieval paintings
I t i s l o c a t e d on the upper r i g h t .
On i t s slopes, hardly
v i s i b l e , are ^giaratrrfigures. . One has l a i d low another.
huge c a t t l e to the r i g h t of them.
water, surrounded by t r e e s .
combine with a sheer c l i f f ,
There are also two
Below the crag l i e s a quiet reach of
These, i n clumps i n the centre and on the r i g h t ,
topped by a withering tree on the l e f t , t o keep
an equilibrium with the mountain.
Their darker, distinct forms help this
balance with the relatively pale rocky crag.
In the foreground, beside
myrtle, glow four tiny nymphs,•one of whom points to the mountain, while another
regards the withering tree on the l e f t c l i f f .
Since the river god- on the
l e f t of them i s less visible than they are, they appear an afterthought i n
the painting.
Water-wanders from the foreground through the quiet river i n
which minute figures are active, punting a boat i n the centre. A distant
view of mountains shown more r e a l i s t i c a l l y appears behind the river to the
l e f t of the t a l l crag.
The disposition of figures i s typical of the late landscapes and
mythologies.
Poussin separates Hercules on the mountain from Diana in the
foreground, the figures who are the main representatives of the Order of
Uature.
Thus we must survey the whole landscape into which, like keys, they
are integrated.
Light comes as a sunrise glow from the l e f t rear.
suited to the subject, as I shall relate.
The use of i t i s
It enhances space by the aerial
perspective Poussin adopted i n a modified way in his late compositions.
It bathes the whole painting i n a reddish glow appropriate not only to the
time of day, but also to the heroic battle which has taken place on the
mountain} Irrational light makes the tiny nymphs i n the foreground shine
whitely.
style.-
The limited number of hues i s another feature of Poussin s late
,:
It combines with natural forms to emphasize•.their grandeur.
Iconography:.
This painting has rich associations.
It i s an allegory of
the Order of Nature governing Creation besides which individual men appear
insignificant.
The Divine Reason embodied in these laws, however, stresses
Courage as a Cardinal Virtue i n the conduct of human behavior.
This painting
is also an allegory of Courage—in l i f e , through death to immortality. I t
declares that good i s victorious over e v i l .
It i s finally a meditation on the
87/
legends of early Rome when there was peace and harmony.
Poussin"s sources appear to have beens
Vergil's Aeneid;
2>
Livy"s
History of Rome;^ a> book on ancient Roman religion, perhaps DM. Choul;r
Ovid's Eastif, Campanellan Stoic philosophy.. One of his a r t i s t i c models
may have been the river god before the Palazzo dei Senatori i n Rome, or the
so-called Marforio i n the same city^' Another was the Cumaean Sybil by
Michelangelo on the Sistine Ceiling..
The;allegorical meaning i s suggested by the huge size of the mountain
upon which Hercules defeats Cacus.
There are also nymphs in the foreground
who are not easy to connect with this incident.
The story of Hercules and Cacus as told by Mvy
and Vergil i s as fol-
lows." Cacus, a giant, who lived i n a cave with a hidden entrance on the
7
Aventine h i l l i n Rome caused the ground to reek with new blood from his
slaughter of the inhabitants,, then ruled by the Pelopppnesian exile,
9
10
Evander, admired for his knowledge of letters.
Hercules, who had just
completed the tenth l a b o r
11
by k i l l i n g the three-headed Geryon, was on his
way back with G'eryon's cattle..
;
He took a nap during which Cacus stole
some of the beasts, hiding them i n his cave. ^
1
Hercules awoke, says Livy,
at the f i r s t v s x r a a k - o f dawn, and saw some of the cattle were missing.
hidden i n the cave lowed, and so revealed their presence. ^
1
Those
Poussin
was combining Vergil's account with Livy's version, because in Livy Cacus i s
just a shepherd, with human form; i n Vergil, he i s half-man, half-beast.
Moreover, Livy says Hercules k i l l e d him with his club, which i s what looks
like happened in the picture, rather than the colorful Vergilian account of
throttling a fire-belching monster and dragging- forth the shapeless carcass.
It i s , however, l i k e l y that Bbussin used Vergil"s account of the
Aventine mountain quoted by Blunt, for i t i s nothing like the actual h i l l
in Rome.
86
Now f i r s t look at this rocky overhanging c l i f f , how the masses
scattered afar, how the mountain-dwelling stands desolate, and
crags have toppled down i n mighty ruin! Here was once a cave,
receding to unfathomed depth, never visited by the sun s rays,
dwelt the awful shape of half-human Cacus; and ever the ground
with fresh- blood. -'
,!
are
the
where
reeked
1
When the cattle revealed themselves by lowing in the hidden cave, Hercules
decided to get into i t .
There stood a pointed rock of f l i n t , cut sheer away a l l around, rising
above the cavern^s ridge, and exceeding high to view, f i t home for the
nestlings of foul birds. This, as i t leaned sloping with the ridge to
the river on the l e f t , he^cHerculesa shook,, straining against i t from
the right, and, wenching i t from i t s lowest roots, tore i t loose;
then of a sudden thrust i t forth: with that thrust the mighty heaven
thunders, the banks leap apart, and the affrighted river recoils. But
the den of Cacus and his huge, palace stood revealed, and deep below,
the darkling cave lay open.
The story i s a legend about the founding of the Ara Maxima in Rome,
as Vergil makes clear through Evander's, statement to Aeneas-; This i s also
17:
stated by Ovid in his Easti,
victory site.
-1
as well as by Livy,
0
O
the-altar being on the
It i s obvious that Poussin used ancient literature for the setting
asawell as the account of Hercules' and Cacus-.!'' battle.
But what about the;
foreground figures, and the l i t t l e swimmers together with the boat in the
river?' According to Livy"s narrative, Cacus, a shepherd,was killed;;
Hercules was then accused of murder.
But Evander s mother, Carmenta,
r
was a prophetess who acted like:the Sybil before the latter came to Italy.
She informed Evander who Hercules was.
Evander addressed him "Hercules,
son of Jupiter, hailj ' and went on to t e l l how Carmenta had prophesied he
1
would join the company of the gods. Hercules:did join them after he had
burnt to death on Mount Aetna;, during this ordeal his immortal part was
119
rescued by Jupiter and admitted among the other immortals. ' Carmenta
appears to be the nymph who looks towards the dead tree-> which symbolizes
death i n other late landscapes, for example, Autumn. I66O-I664 (plate 244).
She has a face like the Cumaean Sybil of Michelangelo's Sistine Ceiling.
The river she i s i n i s the River Tiber, mentioned by Livy, which Hercules
'89
swam across before grazing h i s c a t t l e .
The r i v e r god i s Father Tiber,
probably drawn a f t e r one of those sculptures i n front of the Palazzo dei
S'enatori i n Foussin"s time, ot a f t e r the r i v e r god
from the V i a d i
20
Marforio, also on the C a p i t o l .
From the quiver and arrows i t i s suggested
that the other figures are Diana and her nymphs.. When Servius Tullus, a
legendary king of Rome, concluded a league with the L a t i n federation, a
temple to Diana was b u i l t on the Aventine.
The-Latins, according to Livy,
were following the example of the Asian States who had j o i n t l y b u i l t a temple^
to Diana at Ephesus.
Just as the Diana of Ephesus was connected with f e r -
t i l i t y , so the Romans connected Diana with i t as i n Horace;"s Carmen
22S'aeculare..
to b i r t h
c a l l i n g her Lucina, and seeing her as one a s s i s t i n g i n bringing
(Ilithyia)
2 3
Hercules,, by height and size, dominates t h i s landscape painting.
i s also fused with the mountain.
Why?
He
L i v y gives us a clue as to Poussin''s
f e e l i n g when he says at the end of h i s narrative of the i n s t i t u t i o n of the
Ara Maxima
This, out of a l l foreign r i t e s , was the only one which Romulus adopted,
as though he f e l t that an immortality won through courage, of which
t h i s was the memorial, would one day be his own reward,
Sb Hercules i s symbolic of a major Stoic and Christian virtue, and the
painting an allegory of, Sourage.
To- the Stoic,. "Courage appears i n i t s highest development i n the
24
face of tyranny and death.."'
This i s an allegory of Courage as the
tyranny vanquished i s suggested by the action of the painting;; courage
facing death i s i m p l i c i t i n Hercules'' story and possibly symbolized i n the
painting by the withering tree, balancing the mountain,,; and pointed out by
the nymph-like foreground figure who may be Carmenta, the prophetess.
pain, the courageous person answers
To
" I f I can bear i t , i t w i l l be light;,
25
;
i f I cannot bear i t , i t cannot be long," a quotation from Seneca,
1
But Courage has two sides,, passive and active.
The active side, Greatness
of Soul, is: shown by the undertaking of great enterprises, as in the painting.
In summary, Cicero said
The virtue of Courage i s charcteristically Stoic, and may be considered,
like, i t s counterpart Wisdom, as the foundation and source of a l l the
virtues; the knowledge of good and evil can only be attained by the
soul that i s duly strung to vigorous resolution,^
The second significance of the painting i s a victory of good over evil,.
The legend of Hercules and Cacus has always meant this in art as well as in
mythology, '
A l l the figures are integrated into larger natural forms.
They act
as keys to reinforce the idea that an allegory of Natural Order l i e s behind
these immense shapes*
character.
The rock-like background may
suit Hercules''" courageous;
But his: position in the;painting at the top reminds us he was
1
one;
of the immortals, divine, exercising the. Reason seen in his virtuous conduct*
Hercules may,
i n his position in the painting, signify the strength of Divine
Reason in the Natural Order.
Such Divine Reason is.; associated with Fire,
as was Hercules, the primal creative active force.
active.
Hercules has just been
It i s supreme, but i t must be associated with the passive principle
connected with the earth, and water, signified by the goddess of f e r t i l i t y ,
Diana:.,; > in her place lower i n the order of Stoic elements..
Hercules and Diana are related in that worship of both i s connected to
28
the Aventine, and in that both are deities guarding marriage..
This i s an
allegory of Natural .Creation,; signified by the two key figures.
The distance;
between these figures increases the pictorial tension^r.for we are meant to look
over the whole natural Creation, in which man in the middle i s minuscule, as
Campanella. said he
was.
The minuscule men in the middle may,
however^ reinforce the idea of the
Golden Age-after the lawless state when men were completely united with nature;
For Evander speaks of a later peace under Saturn, following a time when such
29
primeval people inhabited that region.
Finally Poussin has evoked two myths concerning the origins of Roman
religion, one.the Ara Maxima, set up by Hercules, the other the TTemple to
Diana, a subject pleasing to the antiquarian tastes of his time, as well as
30
reflecting his own interest i n such legends..
92
Landscape- with Two Nymphs
Catalogue 208
Plate 24O
and a Snake
Si ze: - 118 x 179 cm. or approximately 4 x 6 f t .
MediumJ
O i l on canvas?
Location:
Chant-illy.
Commission:
Muse'e Conde".
Probably painted for Charles Lebrun i n 1659, as suggested by
Felibien (IV/, p.. 6 6 ) who says Poussin did a landscape that year for Lebrun.
:
Only Wild'questions the authenticity of this painting.
Dating:: 1 6 5 9 .
Eistoryr
The date of acquisition by the Musee i s not given.
Drawings:
None.- •
Engravings-:
One—for details, see Catalogue entry 208.
Copy: One:—-for details, see Catalogue entry 208.
Commission Discussion:
I believe that i f Charles Lebrun was the person who
bought this landscape, i t must have-been because he wished to own a Poussin,
not because he wished the special treatment of a landscape by Poussin,
according to such specifications as might have been suggested by Pozzo for his;
painting from the artist,''"
Style:- Light dominates-;this spacious landscape i n which there i s a. free
relationship of the different parts.
Poussin nelies>as i n his other paintings;
of landscape i n this period,upon natural forms, arranging them around the s t i l l
l'ake.i and
:
only introducing two buildings .masked i n trees on the upper l e f t of
the composition.. The pinnacle formed by these i s balanced by three foreground
trees j, to the right.
From these trees a diagonal path winds to the central
lake, giving added emphasis to i t , , despite a waterfall i n the l e f t background*
There-is no exaggeration of natural forms except perhaps in the size of the
snake, although the-composition emphasizes nature*
This; suggests-topography,.
which must be connected to a< fetid laker, because the composition shows i t
surrounded by a relatively bare tract of land. The figures in the picture
93
consist of two foreground nymphs watching a snake swallowing a bird,, and a
figure not trying to fish i n the lake next to which he i s standing,; as well
as a few other tiny forms on the far side of i t . Thus., composition, figure
disposition, and the presence of the snake combine to suggest the idea of
destruction i n connection with the lake.
Iconography::
l i f e i s death.
The theme of this painting may be stated as:
i n the midst of
This refers to the natural order..
Poussin's sources-'were the Nilotic scenes mosaic from Palestrina
(figure^SDa) and the decipherment of one of the words near the serpent used
2'
in the picture by Athanasius Kirchner..
Kirchner misread the word on the
raosaicSas AANTEC to mean the name of a lake inhabited by water snakes which
1,
poisoned the water and k i l l e d a l l the fish .and frogs."
Thus, the lake is;
shown without too much foliage other than grass directly adjacent to i t ;
a l i t t l e figure near i t does not fish;,, while the snake swallowing the bird
is:> the ihdese. to the location.
for- fertility.-
The-two nymphs - are Pous sin s. frequent symbol
,!
Here they represent l i f e beside which is; death,, the serpent,
also symbolized by the fetid lake i n the midst of many well-lighted trees and
shrubbery.
94
Catalogue 3 to 6
Plates' 242 to 249
FNP oblorplates 46, 47
for Summer and Winter
respectively.
The Four Seasons
Size.;
each 118 x,l60 cm. or 46 1/8 x63"'
Medium: O i l on Canvas.
Locationt- Paris.
Commission:
Louvres
Painted between 1&60. and 1664 for the Due de Richelieu
(Felibien IV, R . 66')
Dating: last works-to be finished by Poussin.
History:
Bought 1665 by Louis XIV/..
Drawings: See entries for each Season.
Copies:
-
Paintings of these subjects i n a sale described in the catalogue
were attributed to Foussin.
C ommi s si on Di s cus si on :.^' Th e - Due de Richelieu probably commissioned these
paintings because i t was fashionable at that time to own works" by Poussin.
The next year he sold them to the ling., Advised by Roger de Piles, he
then began to collect works by Rubens.- I f any learned cleric- had a share i n
helping Poussin to fuse-the religious and classical aiillusions into these
landscapes*., I feel that i t i s most l i k e l y to have been his long-time warm
- \
,/
friend the intellectual Cardinal Camillo Massimi.
Hbwever, because of the-
1
painters ability already demonstrated] in earlier works to make complex
syntheses of philosophical and allegorical meaning whether he vas depict^og
a> religious or mythological subject, Massimi s role could have^ been practical.
,!
support and encouragement to the aged and infirm artist.
I am inclined to
reject the Abbe-iNicaise as having had any hand i n this work,- although he i s
said to have frequented the painter's household i n Poussin"s declining years?
Style: I t ' i s true that i f one sees in these four pictures the force and the
beauty of the genius of the painter, one also notices i n them the
weakness of his hand. '
Such wassthe opinion of Poussin's seventesenth-century biographer Felibi
3
9
5
But posterity appears to have? overlooked the weakness, seeing the force and
beauty, for example*. Diderot i n the eighteenth century; Delacroix and Turner
in the nineteenth;; finally Sir Anthony ' Blunt's 1966" appraisal of them as1
being "among the noblest examples of his late landscape style*,"' ^
Poussin arranges the natural forms around a quiet centre.
In Spring
this is' the Tree: of Knowledge;; in Summer, the cornfield; i n Autumn., another
huge tree; above a-- pool li In Winter, however, a l l the water is-quiet. The
centre i s a waterfall in which a boat upsetsj; suitably the forms are built
about this f a l l , implying catastrophe.'
Thus Poussin adapts-his pictorial
organization to the meaning of the painting.
A firm geometric structure underlies the paintings; however close they
may appear to the topography of nature,. For example, in Summer.- the deep
recession i s by fused planes parallel to the canvas, as i s emphasized by
the line of standing corn.
In Winter.• wings of rock prcstirude to separate
the frontal area of water irom the back.. The centre waterfall i s parallel
to the plane of the picture.- In the same painting the right-hand rocks;
combined with the swimming figures form , a- right-angled triangle on that
side of the painting..
In the set there appears a poetic relationship' of forms.
The l e f t
side of the picture in Spring i s similar to the right side in Winter.
For in the f i r s t appears the Tree of Life,- in the last the evergreen olive,
connected with final Salvation. Even i f these two elements are unnoticed,
because they are against rock, one cannot help being aware of the comparison
between a f l o w i shing tree and one with f r a i l or sparce foliage which occurs
both in Summer and Autumn. In a l l four pictures there i s a distant mountain..
In Summer and Autumn, i t i s centrally located;, in Winter to the left,- in
Spring to the right.. The mountain i s always related to significant activity
in the delineation.. For example, i t is-directly beyond Boaz and Ruth in . ,
96.
Summer; i t i s beneath GocV's f l i g h t i n S p r i n g ; i n Winter i t i s behind the
w a t e r f a l l wheres people appear about to drown; i n Autumn', i t i s above the
Spies,
This device i s a development from the Landscape with Orpheus and
Eurydice., cl650 (plate 191
Natural forms are u s u a l l y treated vith
s c i e n t i f i c accuracy as to s i z e
r e l a t i v e to t h e i r d i s p o s i t i o n i n the p i c t u r e or as to t h e i r state respecting
the season.
Where there i s unusual l u x u r i a n c e , as i n the tree i n Autumn, or
f r a i l growth, l i k e the one i n Summer, a l l e g o r y i s i n d i c a t e d .
has r e f i n e d h i Sr. exaggeration.
But Poussin
The u n n a t u r a l l y l a r g e , extraordinary crag
i n the Landscape with Hercules and Cacus-, about 16 59-1661 (plate-241)
replaced by a more subtle structure of rocks i n Winter.-
is
The' rocks on both
sides of that p i c t u r e seem topographically accurate> yet Poussin makes the
r i g h t s i d e , which seems to be connected with the a l l e g o r y of s a l v a t i o n ,
much more prominent..
I n a l l the paintings the s i z e and d i s p o s i t i o n of figures v a r i e s
according to the subject and meaning'of, the p i c t u r e . . In Siaring, Sumner
and Winter, i n which man was or could be i n a state of grace through thesacraments,- the figures are dwarfed i n t o the landscape,, i n the proportion
i n which they would appear normally i f i seen from where the viewer i s .
I n Autumn. however, the figures o f the two Spies are the same s i z e as those
i n a f i g u r e composition.
This may be r e l a t e d to Maa l i v i n g under the?law.
of Hoses, d i v i n e l y i n s p i r e d , but man-formulated,, unlike-; the dispensation
of C h r i s t , the Saviour, as Poussin saw him.
A r c h i t e c t u r e i s also most
prominent aaa-thisa.painting among. all those i n the Seasons set.
v
I think
t h i s i s connected to the theme of Man l i v i n g under a man-made law.
As to d i s p o s i t i o n , ; two examples suffice,?
l a Spring, there are two sources-
or areas o f l i g h t , one each side o f the Tree of Knowledge.
The t i n y figures
of Adam and Eve are so placed that they catch the l i g h t from the l e f t ,
helping to create-a sense of movement around'the tree from l e f t to right up
to God,. Ih Winter, the movement of the figures swimming or climbing up on
to the right rock indicates'the deeper meaning that I shall show i s behind;
this painting.
The set varies in treatment of light as well as i n warmth of tone.
Spring appears l i t by the f i r s t light of the sun, and to be^relatively cool
3in the? predominance of the green of the foliage and other vegetation which
makes up most of the painting.
Summer is-warm, bright gold, as i f the sun
on the corn were at noon. Autumn has a greyish hue, the figures casting
long shadows not seen in Summer. Winter, the darkest of a l l is; cold gr.ey;blue-'. in tone a l l over, a.scene like that of Poussin"s Landscape with Pyramus
and Thisbe of ±6'.% (plate 187) of a storm with a story i n i t located, in time
at night.
This.use of light i s pisrt of the allegory.
Poussin also uses light for subtle aerial perspective, as i n the
mountain i n Summer and for definition of forms,. whether a natural source
is-available for this or not,, for example, the foreground figures in Winter.
In a l l ways this set i s an example of Poussin s Theory of the Modes„.
r
The emotion to be aroused in the viewer depends upon the judicious*organization
of a l l the elements of the picture.
I t shows.his feeling for the grandeur of
the Divine Order apparent for man i n Creation,
He:signifies his acceptance
of the empirical approach of Leonardo to Nature, made: by God.
He; is. parallel
in painting to Campanella who felt study of the grandeur of Natural Creation
as>further revealed by Copernicus led to spiritual exaltation.
Form richly
fuses with meaning.
Poussin apparently used many literary, artistic and personal sources :.'
5
for helping the production of this set. The literary ones were: The Bible,
using Genesis for Spring,, Ruth for Summer, Numbers for Autumn and a combination of St. Matthew with Genesis for Winters but also making references to
J
98
6
other parts as-,necessary; classical ..writers including 0vid''s Metamorphoses;
works of the Early Church Fathers, such as Tertullian, whose views were close;
.to the Stoic opinion that Divine Reason was immanent i n Creation, and who
discussed the sacraments..
His a r t i s t i c sources were:., the Arch of Titus, with the horses i n the
triumphal procession drawn by Foussin^
Roma Sbtteranea? by Bosio plus his>
own v i s i t s to the catacombs, for example perhaps to the Crypt of St. Janu-
1.0.
arius, which associates Christ with the four seasons i n a-paintingf
Michelangelo"s fresco of God separating water from the earth, the source for
a drawing by Poussin;"''"'' Raphael's Creation frescoes i n the same place, the
12i
Vatican;;
Bernini s St. Theresa in the Cornaro Chapel, Rome, and his Longinus;
11
;
13
in St. Peter' s;;
Antonio Carraooi"s fresco of the Deluge i n the Quirinale
or a print of± it$;, ^ an illustrated Holy-Land pilgrimage book, such as II
!
15
Devotissimo Viaggio di Gerusalemme, by, Zuallardoj;
books? of the Plantin
16'
Press with their sixteenth-century mark of a vine connected with Christ*.
He could have drawn on the following persons for helpr- Cardinal
17
Massimi and his library;,
Lucas. Holste (Hblstenius), the Barberini librarian
18
19
and his employer"s library;;
the opinions of Tommaso Campanella.,
v
Iconography* ' i n the Four Seasons. Poussin relates the Christian-Stoic.
concept of Divine Harmony i n the Natural Order to his'Roman Catholic faith
in the final salvation of man through sacraments, especially those of hisChurch,
He does this by presenting the Order of Nature in the most obvious
cycles i n which i t occurs:-
a) the seasons b) the times." of day.
These are
related to salvation by the early Christian FatherSKfor
Speaking to those who deny the resurrection of the dead, Theophilus of
Antioch appeals to the signs . , . that God puts within their reach i n
those great phenomena of Nature, the beginning and end of the seasons,
and of day and night.. He goes so far as to say:' "Is there not aresurrection for the seeds and the fruits?" For Clement of Rome, *day and
night show us the resurrection: the night descends,, ithe 6ay breaksj the
day departs and night arrives.." V ^1
. .99
The same writer believed salvation occurred in winter.as i n Poussin^s
po
painting.
Hanfmann confirms the view that the seasons in Christian belief
f i r s t symbolized resurrection, then later, after the Peace of the Church,
their cycle; equalled the Universe.
Poussin combined the Renaissance and
Baroque^ tradition of portraying the seasons as antique gods, not done i n
antiquity, with early and medieval Christian tradition i n philosophy and
art..
23
In Poussin"s Four Seasons ; he viewed the variety of this harmony seen
1
in different aspects of natures. Spring, benign; Summer, rich;: Autumn, somberand fruitful;; Winter,, awful.
a new personal way:
Into these he fused the four states of man i n
Spring,, before Han needed any law;,- Summer, the gift
of grace by Christ superseding the law of Moses;; Autumn, Man before this..
grace was given,; living under the law of Moses; Winter, the Last Judgment
24
including final salvation by Baptism.
Poussin did this: by Old Testament stories.
He:related these f i r s t to
the New Testament, then to mythology.. Thus Spring ±Si an allegory of theoriginal and the final state of man. It is.also a: paean to Apollo, Christ,
25-
or Divine Reason through whom creation occurred^;
Summer i s the union of.
Christ with his Church, signified constantly for i t s members i n the Sacrament;
of the Eucharist.. From the Old Testament story of Ruth and, Boa-z, which had
come to signify this Christian meaning, Poussin also relates the painting
to the Ceres-Proserpina myth, part of the Eleusinian Mysteries for eternal
l i f e in ancient times.
Autumn i s the second element of the Eucharist,., the
wine or blood of Christ,, supplementary for Catholic l a i t y because Christ i s
f u l l y present i n either species. This; association i s derived from the
story of the Spies bringing back grapes and other evidence to Moses of the
nature of the promised land of Canaan. The grapes used also suggest Bacchus
whose mysteries were considered a way to salvation as shown on ancient
- 1G0 .
sarcophagio
Finally,; Winter, the Old Testament Flood, which in the New
Testament Isi described as the form of the Last Judgment,, becomes an allegory
of final salvation for those who avail themselves of the sacrament of Baptism..
For the waters of destruction are also those of regeneration,- as this primary,
most necessary Roman Catholic sacrament stressed.
Allusions are made to
the division of evil from good by the serpent on the l e f t , for i t i s the
26
Python of the Flood described by Ovid, later slain by Apollo, Divine Reason.
27
On the right,, the evergreen tree, the olive of the f i r s t flood, ' a symbol
no
of hope to .Noah, i s the tree sacred to Athena, Goddess of Wisdom the29
' - highest Stoic Virtue..
7
It i s to this side the swimming "baptized"' figures
move.
In these complex allegorical landscape paintings, Poussin subordinated
Stoic ancient and recent thought to Christian beliefs in resurrection to
express a faith shared with Campanella that contemplation of the Universe
produced spiritual exaltation.
101
Spring, or the Earthly Paradise
Drawings: one i n the Musee Conde', Chantilly, of God the Father probably after
an engraving of the same separating the earth from the sea in the Sistine Chapel
fresco by Michelangelo.
Engravings : two—for details see Catalogue entry 3«
Copies:
two—for details see Catalogue entry 3
;
Iconography:
30
De:T0lnay^' agrees with me that this painting does not
contain the serpent usually found in depictions of Adam and Eve in the
Garden of Eden.. Furthermore, neither of the coupler are ashamed of their
31
nakedness,,
which i s what happened after they had, under the influence of
the serpent, eaten of the fruit of the Tree;.of Knowledge of Good and E v i l
which stood i n the centre of the Garden of Eden.
3 2
i ; think that Foussin,
wishing to stress* the state of Paradise,; l e f t out the serpent, which had
strong connotations of evil for him, as can be seen i n Winter, and other
late landscapes.. There is,iiere fore no death in this harmonious landscape,
unless the basically cross shape of the central tree group above Adam and
Eve suggests-.; i t . .
There were, of course, two notable trees in the Garden, The. Tree of
34
Knowledge already mentioned, and the Tree of Life.
Poussin follows Genesis
closely i n that there are only two fruit trees i n the picture. By comparing
the fruits of the one on the l e f t to the pomegranates carried by the Spies
35
in Autumn, i t i s the Tree of Life which grows there.
the sunlight reminiscdnt of the Birth of Bacchus.
From the l e f t comes
There i t symbolizes the
generative power of the sun.. Here i t represents a synthesis: Apollo, the
Sun, Creative power,, Divine Reason, and Christ whom Campanella equated.. But
the Gospel of St. John says both Christ and God the Father were involved i n
36'
creation..
I t lights on Eve, whom Adam so named because she was the mother
of a l l living. ^'
3
Also foreground water and myrtle suggest the generative
102
power of the earth fertilized by the warmth of the sun.
God the Father
in the upper right corner, appears to have been taken more from:the Raphael
creation of Sun and Moon than from Michelangelo's fresco, despite Poussin's
33
drawing from i t .
Foussin did this because the original source is. more:
closely associated with the meaning of his own painting,, and not, as De.
39
Tolnay suggests,. because the-French preferred Raphael.. He i s paying no
attention to the human pair, but moves toward the sun.
Why?
It i s
probable that Poussin i s saying that God the father in association with
Christ i s the source of light and life." And'his; Raphaelesque: image; in the;
painting confirms the association of the light with decunj*® as suggested
by its.,association with the Birth of Bacchus-. Nature and man are; combined
here as part of the l i f e of the universe. It i s indeed" Paradise., Nevertheless , the feeling of the light and movement revolving around the Tree
1
of Knowledge of Good and Evil at which Adam and Eve innocently gaze- i s
perhaps more pregnant with the idea of immanent change than any minordepiction of a serpent.
The cycle moving from the human to the divine;
immortal level i s suggested by placing God the Father on the upper right,
so that final immortality, the end of Man may be indicated i n Spring..
But it' i s certainly the state of man before arylaw was needed, as W i l l i -
41
bald Sauerlander suggested.
I. think that this i s confirmed by the
fact that the Tree of Life i s on one side and God and the bright 'mountain
are on the other, so that one cannot say, as i n Winter that one side appears
associated with salvation, the other with death.
103
Summer, or Ruth and Bbaz;
Drawing:- Poussin may have re-used his
Engravings--and Copies;?
Iconography:
-
cl640>-45' Triumph
of Titus-, (figure 179)
:
one-of each—see Catalogue entry 4 for details.
The.'richness, of nature i s suggested by the harvesting of the;
corn, the main activity i n the picture.
The-;bright, warm light, without.
:
cast shadows shows i t i s noon..
7
,
42
Felibien says the picture represents-the story of Ruth and Bbaz.
The widow Ruth,, a model of faithfulness in f r i e n d s h i p ^ had followed her
1
Hebrew mother-in-law Naomi to Bethlehem even although Ruth was a Moabitess,
They arrived at the beginning of the; barley harvest.
Ruth received permission
from Naomi tb go to glean i n the fields of Naomi"s relative , Boaa..'^' Boaz,
-
came from Bethlehem,, and asked who Ruth was.
After the servant in charge
of the.reapers had told him, Bbaz-permitted Ruth to continue?reaping after
his maidens.
He said that when she was thirsty she could" go to the vessels
-
and drink what the young men had drawn. After falling on her face and bowing to the ground, Ruth thanked him when she learnt why he would protect
her.
B'Oazi told her to come and eat some bread and to dip- her morsel i n the
wine.. In the end, Ruth became the wife of Boaz.
From their offspring came:
the lineage of David, the ancestor of Christ.
The picture shows Boaz. questioning the servant about Ruth, permitting
her to glean i n his fields.
A l l the figures are accounted for by the Biblical
narrative except for a man driving a team of horses to the far right.
Other
accessories, such as the food, also f i t into the Old Testament story.
The: main personages l e f t to right are Bbaz, Ruth and the servant in
charge of the reapers.
Bbaz; points to Ruth, clearly indicating she will become his wife.
Ruth^s gesture i s one of submission to this fact.. However, the union of
Ruth and Bba'z: had more significance by the seventeenth century than an Old
104
Testament wedding. As they were the ancestors of Christ,: in medieval times
Boaz was seen tb represent Christ, and Ruth, his.bride, the Church. Ruth"s.
posture and costume reinforce this identification.
submissively like the Virgin in Poussin' s 1657
!
She spreads both hands;
Annunciation (plate
235)
Then her dress i s a pale version of Boaz' bright garments.
The connection with pagan mysteries of salvation^ y be made from
m a
the sheaves afobutJoith, signifying Geres, goddess of earthly f e r t i l i t y ,
the passive principle in Creation.
Boaz: too has multiple meaning.
By dress as well as gesture his; bright
garment connects him to Apollo, or god of the sun, or of Divine Reason,, whom
Campanella saw as Christ,; and as the active principle in natural Creation.
By the story and his gesture* he is••• connected to Ruth, his.-future bride.
He also seems to bless.the harvest.. This suggests the corn represents; the:
body of Christ.
For Christ says "I am the bread of l i f e ... . i f anyone
eats of this bread he will l i v e forever."^
The idea of the natural form—the corn field—representing the sacrament of the Eucharist in which the body of Christ is-blessed: i s reinforced
a l l over the picture.
First, the recession i s the deepest in the Four Seasons set, indicating
depth of meaning by such a manner.
Secondly, the noon meal i s leavened bread and wine.
It i s on a table
;
with a red robe over a piece of wood with a cross piece, on top of which i s
a scythe.
The meal echoes the Eucharist, the red suggests Christ's passion,
and the scytheftlme and death which he endured before resurrection.
Bow the s t i l l l i f e and the figures of Ruth with Boaz are shaded by a
huge tree.. It i s a bit like the Tree' of Knowledge of Good and E v i l in Spring
but there i s no fruit, since i t i s yet summer, and since the fruitfulness of
the earth i s suggested by the corn.
The tree suggests the growth possible
105
4.8
under the Christian order of Grace.
In contrast, the background right
tree i s f r a i l . . Below i t i s a figure driving horses like those from the;
triumphal procession on the Arch of Titus.. Titus l a i d low the Temple at
Jerusalem.
Such a f r a i l tree, running up to the buildings above;seems to
suggest that the Mosaic order i s constrictive.
Who but a Roman would be driving such a team?
His;dress i s just like-
that of Boaz." servant next to Ruth on the right of the foreground.
This ;
1
servant now-'takes on another meaning,. His gesture, dress, and spear suggest
he i s the Centurian, Longinus'^ i n charge of the Crucifixion, who f i r s t
7
recognized Christ as the Son of God,
He bows his head to Boaz.—and also
thus to Christ..
So a l l the main forms and figures have a triple Eelationship—to
antiquity, to the Old Testament Story and to the salvation of Man i n the
Sacrifice of the Mass, i n which the core is.the Eucharist, represented here
by the central f i e l d of corn being blessed by Bbaz-Christ,
106'
Autumn, or The Spies with the Grapes from the Promised Land.
Drawing: A copy of. a lost original for the whole composition (CR, IV,
p. 53, no. AI43)
Engravings:^ two—see Catalogue entry 5 for details.
Copy: one—see Catalogue entry 5 for details.
Iconography:
The sombre yet fruitful aspect of Autumn appears i n the barren
landscape in which two men carry a huge cluster of grapes, and in which a
woman plucks fruit from a tree behind them. Cast shadows from the front
figures indicate twilight.
The remaining allegory i s easier to understand
from the story of the Spies who carry the grapes.
so
The- story comes from the Book of Numbers in the Old Testament.
There,
Moses is. recorded as sending twelve•• spies, one? from each of the twelve
tribes to "'spy out the land of Canaan."• He instructed them to "go up. into
the Negeb yonder, and go up into the h i l l country, and see; what the land i s ,
and whether the people who dwell i n i t are strong or weak ,. .... " ending
with the exhortation, "Be of good courage, and bring some:of the fruit of
the land,"'
The time was the "season of the f i r s t ripe grapes, , . . they came-to
the Valley of Eshcol, and cut down from there a branch with a single cluster
of grapes, and they carried i t on a pole between two of them; they brought
also some pomegranates and figs."
!
Subsequently there was an upset among the
Israelites because ten of the spies brought back unfavorable reports. However, Joshua, the son of Nun, and Caleb, the son of Jephuraie-h retorted that
i t was "an exceedingly good land*"' Through God.''s-command the opinion of
these two men was accepted,. They lived.. The other spies were put to death.
The:Bible does not specify Joshua and Caleb as the men who brought
back the grapes, figs and pomegranates.
Poussin's painting.
But this i s not necessary to
He shows the Spies as described i n the Bible bringing
107
back, the evidence of the land flowing "with milk and honey.."'51 The drawing
indicates their principal importance.
Although there are two trees in th9
background, both f e r t i l e y e t no woman is;walking towards one of these trees,;
nor is-another lady picking fruit off. the same tree.
Even the terrain i s less
enclosed than that of the finished painting, in which Poussin depicts better
the desert and h i l l country through which the Spies;passed.
They walk in the
painting towards the light.
The connection with Christian salvation as well as with the mysteries
of Bacchus i s made f i r s t through the grapes and pomegranates carried by the
Spies.
These are evidence of God"s promise to the Israelites; the: grapes
(from which the sacramental wine of the Eucharist i s made)* combined with the;
pomegranates • (signifying immortal life), symbolize; the Eucharist as the means
of- eternal salvation according to the institution and, promise of Christ.
Now
grapes were also the symbol of Ba.cch.usj> in the Vigenere translation of
Philostratus which Poussin probably used, a parallel i s drawn between the
Christian and Bacchic mysteries, especially the Eucharist.. Such a parallel
had been drawn by the early Christian writer Clement of Alexandria..
This
writer/saw i n the new life-springing from Bacchus" member after the god's death
a. pagan statement of death and resurrection., Clement also believed that the
52
pomegranate sprang.from Bacchus' bloody
this acted as evidence of the
salvation promised by his mysteries to antiquity, related to immortality
through their appearance on sarcophagi.
The Christian associations- in this? picture go- beyond' the symbol of
eternal salvation by the Eucharist i n the fruits carried by the Soies.
53
Behind them rises a great,fcuit-laden tree. ^" A woman picking apples stands
on a ladder which appears to rise from the grapes. Here this tree signifies
the growth possible through partaking of the Eucharist, the blood as well
as the body of Christ.
108
A. woman picks i t s -fruits.
She i s a Christian taking advantages of the
redemption offered in the death and resurrection of Christ,, by the Eucharist..
There i s another woman walking toward the tree.
Sauerlander thinks;
she represents the Synagogue, shown as blind i n medieval times; this- i s
r
because the linen from her basket possibly obscures her vision.. Blunt
believes this i s uncertain because he cannot be sure that the cloth
5L
blinds her.
I. think the cloth makes i t difficult for her to see* She",
i s l a d e n with fruit,, representing man after the F a l l , his will weakened
by i t according to Catholic doctrine.
Her vision could then partially^be
saved.
Between her and the tree i s a pool. A. tiny background man points
to i t .
This.signifies the Baptismal immersion, the f i r s t sacrament
necessary to redeem Man. from the weakness of the) F a l l .
7
Then, confirmed, he
can partake-of the^ Communion with Christ through the Mass..
The,barreness i s i n agreement with the Old Testament Story. I f its;
barr.eness emphasized by the fruitless tree on the l e f t has Christian
significance, i t may mean the inability of Man to save himself without";
',
the use of sacraments and without following any law, even that of Moses.
For the Spies are carrying the fruits of the Promised Land through the
desert i n obedience to Moses' command from God..
Through such obedience,-
the: Jewish people-provided the milieu:- for Him whom Christians accept as1
the Savior. This"; relationship i s indicated by the combination of the spies.'
activity with the f r u i t f u l tree behind them, as well as by the various
allusions- in the fruits ,., which they are bringing back to Moses. Such an
7
interpretation would agree with Poussin s reasonable Stoicism*
r
109
Winter, or the Deluge
Drawings:. none-j
E n g r a v i n g s o n e — s e e Catalogue entry 6'' for details..
Copies-:
five—see Catalogue entry 6 for details.
Sourcesr
The-Quirinale^fresco of the Deluge by Antonio Carracci may have
offered formal inspiration to Poussin i n its; actual state'or through an
55?
engraving.
Iconography:.
The five meanings of this painting are: first,; Winter ('this
i s apparent from the lack of foliage on the trees combined with the barren
rocks);,- seconds- Night (this-can be deduced from the nearly uniform dark colorscheme, which i s like that of the Landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe, containing a story v/hich took place at night, as well as the. relationship of this;
painting to the times of the day indicated by the other three- Seasons:)',;:
third, the Deluge;: fourth, the Last Judgment; f i f t h , final salvation by Baptism.
As, the last three meanings require a longer explanation, there i s ; a separate
discussion of each.
First, the Deluge.. The-; atmosphere suggested by the color-scheme^
reinforces the:-:many other signs of the Flood i n the painting.
These are:
the amount of water in the foreground, with people attempting to save themselves; the background water submerging buildings except the Ark on the:: l e f t ;
the evergreen olive tree;; on the right rock;,^ < the Python of the Flood as
J
described by Ovid on the left.57
The suggestion of the Last Judgment comes from references i n the Gospel
of St. Matthew..^ '
For as the lightning comes out of the ;east,. and shines; as far. as
so will be the coming of the Son of Man. .. .- . Immediately after
tribulation of those days, the sun will be darkened and the moon
give it'sBlight, and the stars will f a l l from heaven . . . But as
days of Noah,, so will be the coming of the Son of man.
?
the west,
the
will not
were the
The Second" Coming-i's: not only indicated by ,the lightning i n the sky,
110
above a l l the signs of the Flood; there i s a division, of the painting in
;
the foreground.
On the l e f t side, there i s the serpent, the Christian
and Poussin s personal symbol of e v i l , also the Python of the Flood, slain
,s
59
by Apollo-, according to Ovid.
On the l e f t , also, the l i t t l e figures-, i n
the boat being upturned by the waterfall look as i f they are about to die.
One of them points to the lightning which streaks across the sky from the
left..
Although Poussin represented the Old Testament and Antique Deluge-,
he?; appears to have seen these prefiguring New Testament events, for the
Ark of the original Flood i s in the l e f t rear, very d i f f i c u l t to see.
To the right, however, there appear, even i n the death of winter
combined with the complete destruction of the Dsluge, signs of life*.
In the background there i s the evergreen olive tree which i n winter gives-3
the needed y i e l d . ^
It i s associated, as-already stated, with Athenaf
'goddess of Wisdom,
the highest Stoic cardinal virtue, foundation of a l l
63
the restf;
1
the olive tree; Is also'connected., with the Mount of Olives j
64
where Christ's Passion began, and the Cross; was said to be of olive wood..
It: is:;thus.a tree rich i n associations with salvation.
More apparent is,the fact that the l i t t l e figures in the water, in
the boa-t parallel to the canvas appear to have reached a place of safety on
the right even although the Deluge i s not over.
They are turning away from
the serpent who winds his;way to the l e f t on i t s rocky crag.. The light on
these figures i s irrational, or supernatural. I also see i n the rock at
the right side a poetic evocation of the side where stood' the Tree of Life
in Spring.
The man about to f a l l from the l e f t boat i s counterbalanced by
the man helping the woman and child to safety on the right..
Concerning immersion i n water as a means of salvation, a recent writer
reports-
Ill
Uipnn the cosmological no less than upon the anthropomorphic plane,
immersions i n the Waters signifies, not a definitive extinction, but a
temporary re-entry into the indistinct, followed by a new creation,
a new l i f e or a new man, according to whether the nature of the event
in question i s cosmic, biological or soteriolOgical. From the point
of view of structure, the "deluge i s comparable to a "•baptism," and
the funerary libation to the lustrations of the newly-Born, or to the
ritual bathings i n the Spring that procure health and f e r t i l i t y .
In whatever religious context we find them, the Waters invariably
preserve their function: they dissolve or abolish the forms of things,
"wash away sins," are at once purifying and regenerative. It i s their
lot both to precede the Creation and to re-absorb i t , incapable as they
are of surpassing their own modality—that i s , of manifesting themselves in forms.°5
11
1
Irenaeus, an early Christian writer sees the Deluge ... an image
of salvation by Christ and of the judgment on sinners. Noah's survival
through the Flood was seen as analogous to the immersion and ascent from
the waters i n Baptism.
Through Baptism, Man regains resemblance to God,
according to Tertullian, De Baptismo V.
He, Man returns to the original
innocence which he had before the F a l l , l i k e that of Adam and Eve in
6 6
Poussin's Spring.
Thus Poussin i s painting i n the spirit of the Early Christian
Fathers, as Blunt suggests,
6 7
probably with Holstenius help.
1
68
T e r t u l l i a n ^ also states that water was the f i r s t
seat of the Divine Spirit, who then preferred i t to a l l the other
elements . . . It was water that was f i r s t commanded to produce
l i v i n g creatures . . . i t was water which, f i r s t of a l l , produced
that which has l i f e , so that we should not be astonished when, one
day, i t would bring forth l i f e in baptism. In the formation of man
himself, God made use of water to consummate his work . . . a l l natural
water thus acquired, by ancient prerogatives with which i t was honoured
.'i
at i t s origin, the virtue of sanctification in the sacrament, provided
, that God be invoked to that effect. As soon as the words are pronounced,
the Holy Spirit, coming down from Heaven, hovers over the- waters, which
i t sanctifies by i t s fecundity :•: _ «rber.s /thus-sonctified^are? -tn' their
turn impregnated with sanctifying virtue:. . . That which formerly healed
the body, today cures the soul; that which procured health in time
procures salvation in eternity . . . '
;
Winter, Night, the Deluge, the Last Judgment, and salvation for
eternal l i f e by Baptism are implicit in the somber luminosity of this
painting revealing i t s desolate forms.
These forms, however, signify
112
the paradox of Spring.
beginning.
In that picture was the idea of an end in the
In Winter, i t i s the idea of a beginning at the end.
Apollo and Daphne
Catalogue 131
Plates 251 to 254
FNP colorplate 48
Size:- 155 x 200 cm., or 6l x 79 1/2"'
M e d i u m O i l on canvas
Location:;
Pari s.
Commission:
L ouvr e.
none.
Bellori (p. 444) relates that i t was given as a gift
unfinished i n 1664 to Cardinal Camillo Massimi, because the artist knew he;
could not vrork any longer, and would not be able to finish i t .
Dating:
I66O-I664.-
History: Acquired by the Louvre in 1869,
Drawings:
Nine out of ten of these are illustrated figures 261 to 268,
271
in Blunt s Nicolas Poussin.
1
Engravings: none
Copies: none
Recipient:. Foussin gave this mythological work to Cardinal Camillo Massimi
1
probably because he knew-'this long-time intimate friend was capable of
appreciating i t .
It may also have acknowledged the Cardinals help, perhaps:
with the Four Seasons.
Style:
This figure composition arranges the mythological beings in an oval
around a quiet pool.- The long sides of the oval are parallel to the picture
plane.
A large, clearly-defined oak on the l e f t i s balanced'by a wood
containing a cavern on the right.
To the l e f t behind the figures is a herd
of cattle guarded by a dog in the centre of the picture. In the distance i s
a tiny mountain with twin peaks.
Depth i s by fused planes parallel to the canvas, with careful attentionto perspective..
Such perspective depth i s enhanced by the use of light, as in the
muting of the tone of the mountain.. Light mainly models forms. Even
although i t appears^through the leaves of the oak, to give more atmosphere^
to the picture, i t s clear, even quality enhances the.clarity of the.foliage.
The cool color-scheme i s based on earth t'one.s.:
:
green, reddish-brown,.,
blue;. Bright primary hues are used in the draperies on the figures.
The ; treatment of. figures places; the protagonists-* Apollo and Daphne:,
on opposite sides of the canvas.
Hence one is- forced to view-the whole
:
canvas to understand the meaning of the picture.
The composition appears
quiet because the interaction among the figures i s by gaze more than by
gesture.. However, both are employed, so that the ultimate effect i s a
complex net of cross-tensions.. However, the untroubled a.nd even exalted
expressions on the faces of many of the figures supplemented by the balanced
compositional
structure of the picture around the quiet pool gives, an, im-
pression of s t i l l harmony to this painting, surmounting the tensions within
iti.
Iconographyt-
Poussin s main literary sources for this picture appear to
,!
2
3;
have been: Ovid"s Metamorphoses-;:.' Fausanias- description of Greece;;;
-
,;
Callimachos" Hymn to Delos;^:Philostratus" ImaginesZ"inano"s treatise,
ft'
II Sogno Overo della Poesia;
Campanellan philosophy*
His a r t i s t i c source's
were possibly illustrations i n Philostratus and a book on Greek coins by
Gbltzius;/ the Farnese seated Apollo..
His-contemporaries, were not! aware? that Poussin"s painting i s an allegory
of:, the divine order and harmony of Creation, especially i t s fertility, under'
the sun; Godls loving desire to save recalcitrant Man by union with him..
For Bellori described the picture as
Apollo^ enamored of Daphne., The love of Apollo for Daphne: arose from
his. contest with Cupid to prove which was the more s k i l l f u l with the
bow.. Apollo sits, already wounded by C.upid"s arrow, and gazes lovingly
at Daphnej seated opposite him, with her arms round the neck of her
father, the river Peneus, beside a cave.. Meanwhile Cupid aims at her
a lead-pointed arrow so that she shall not love him cApolloa but fleehim. -As a joke the painter has shown behind Apollo the crafty Mercury
who robs him and steals a golden arrow from his quiver. The^fair-haired
godj. transfixed with love for the newly seen beauty, does not notice..
;
-
. 115
. :
:
Between them are nymphs?lying naked on the banks of the stream;, one; of
these wrings;out her wet hair*?
There are many indications of allegory i n this painting.
First, both
painting and preparatory drawings show different stories connected with,
Apollo.- These different tales are a l l welded into one unified composition,
even although not. apparently connected to the main incident.. Even i f one;
reads the main tale in Ovid, Poussin has departed from his own previous
depiction of the subject for Marino in not showing Apollo physically pursuing
Daphne.- Here i s m c apparent flight.
Apollo looks-like a relaxed master of
the situation, while Daphne cowers frozen with her eyes closed on the
extreme opposite, or right side of the canvas, both i n the front plane, in
profile and parallel to the surface of the"picture.
Thirdly, there i s Bellori"s
'Soke]' Fourthly, a dim figure appears dead at the back of the painting.
Then, finally, the painting i s divided into two" parts.
shown the creative aspects of Apollo.
On the l e f t are
For example, there i s the most careful
delineations ofi the wonderfully f e r t i l e oak, as well as-the cattle,, The^
mythological figures around Apollo appear particularly happy. On the
right, however, i n addition to the reluctant Daphne-who i s later changed
into a lower form of l i f e , there i s another dead figure.
The- auxiliary
persons look pale besides the group about Apollo.
The-; dramatis personae are (left to right) :
li...
Mercury stealing the quiver beside Apollo.
Blunt believes that since
9
no classical source gives an exact account of this incident
the artist
has used another such theft, for example, the pilfering of an arrow from
Apollo by Mercury when the latter was-a child as a basis for stating the '
fact that the planets borrowed light from the sun.
The arrows- of Apollo were;
seen by Zinano as representing the rays of the sun."^
2.. A Muse? i n blue:-, with an oak wreath, holding on to the oak tree; as she
sits above and behind Apollo.
not identify her.
She looks peacefully at Mercury.
Blunt does
She may be the Muse Calliope;of Epic Poetry,, who vas loved
by Apollo and gave him a son Orpheus.^
1
Her relationship to Apollo was
happy and fruitful^., However, this identification does not explain why
she
i s looking at Mercury.
3.
A. Tree Nymph. Blunt identifies her as Melia, in gold,, sitting in the
oak..
She looks in the direction of Daphne. Poussin has'adapted her form
from that of a Hellenistic coin of Gortyna (figure 2!70) which he could
have seen in Gbltzius'' book.
The coin depicts the figure of Europa,
later raped by Jupiter, just aSoMelia, according to Pausanias, vas raped
by Apollo-.
This; daughter of Oceanus was associated with oak trees, and the
fertilization of trees by rain in CallimachusJ'lHymn to Delos.
Her clothing,
12
gold> i s suitable, for honey was' d i s t i l l e d from the oak in ancient times..
4.. Apollo;
Classicized in form after the manner of the Farnese•seated
Apollo (figure 269) his-depiction is.a-free adaptation of this-'statue>
for Poussin had by this-time refined his. compositions to the; degree; that
he did not' place the antique forms just as they were into his;compositions,
any/more;than he did with borrowings from other sources.
He; has chosen
the Farnese Apollo, I think, because the form was most suited to his' theme:
the order and harmony of the \miverse under the Divine; Reason represented
by that'.god.
The Farnese Apollo carries'alyrej he i s not shooting at a-
lizard,- as in one of the early drawings.
Apollo iss draped in bright red, . symbolic of the Stoic divine f i r e *
;
On his right i s the quiver, but his bow i s not'.in the picture,, unless;
Cupid has i t . . His l e f t arm rests upon the lyre, apparently motioning to
Cupid.
Behind him he has-, coiled around the? tree the Python of the Flood,
13
>
which he slew, according to Ovid , just prior to falling in love=*with Daphne^
his f i r s t love.."^ The reason that the tree i s the oak,is not only its-
117f e r t i l i t y , but also the fact that until Daphne had been "immortalized"
1
by
15
her change into the laurel,, it', was not connected with Apollo.I believe
1 (r
that the suggestion of f e r t i l i t y in the. oak, such as that by Plutarch,,
caused Poussin to put the oak in the picture so carefully, beside the
17
god of the sun, also the god of reason, prophecy,, poetry, music and medicine..
18
His-, face glows with love, for Daphne, indicating that, as Ovid records,
Cupid has struck him with a gold-tipped arrow, in order to make him love;
her..
In the background are herds, including a goat.
This i s reminiscent
of the service Apollo did as shepherd for Admetus, a time during which the
19
animals were especially fertile.. Apollo's dog guards them.
Beyond the herds i s twin-peaked Mount Parnassus, sacred to Apollo
on
and the Muses,,
It i s not connected with either side of the canvas.
It may simply symbolize the whole theme of union of two forces essential
to Creation on a physical or spiritual level.
5.-
The
two 1 left-hand nymphs reclining i n the foreground.
Although Cupid i s the king-pin of Ovid''s tale, I will f i r s t deal with
the two nymphs who recline in the foreground, one in blue, one wringing her
21
wet hair out, a gesture signifying f e r t i l i t y .
direction of Apollo, their faces rosy
They both look in the
as i f ui.t\\ a glow from his garment.-
As Apollo- had loved other nymphs happily, i t i s o^uite possible that these:
represent some of them, perhaps Gyrene, who gave birth to the bee-keeper
2-22
''
'
23
Aristeius, or Clymene, the mother of Phaethon..
But these are-not
identified',. Foussin suggests identifications, a s i n M e l i a , but i s not
absolutely clear about them, so that they can function flexibly as symbols
of creation and regeneration on the physical and on the spiritual level.
Oh the physical level, they are symbols of the passive principle connected
with water and the earth, which,, i n unity with the sun, symbolized by
2-4
Apollo, produce a l l created things.. On the spiritual level they represent
118'
Human souls who accept unity with Christ, symbolized by Apollo* because
25
according to Campanellan thought, Divine Reason and Christ were synonymous.
ThuSjin his final painting Poussin incorporates ideas similar to the
physics:-and the theology of Campanella.6'.-
Cupid, according to Ovid, i s shooting a lead*iipped arrow into Daphne;
2fi'
to make her refuse the advances of Apollo,'•• to remain',-a virgin.
If we
look across at Daphne?we can see that she acts as i f she had been hit by
that arrow already, for she i s dressed like Diana,. She;also clings to Peneus
27
her river-god father, asking for metamorphosis to protect herself..
I f one considers this? anachonism as part of the spiritual allegory, i t would
possibly fit.,
Cupid'.may be using A.pollo s how and an arrow which is-of a
,!
spiritual nature}- as= an aotion representative of the love of Christ for
the obdurate human soul,, .Sihano's allegory includes this idea,. Cupid
28
represents divine generation.. Here he is. under the aegis of Apollo..
7v Right-hand nymphs.. The opposite side of the canvas which i s set in
the Thessalian Vale of Tempe, according t^'Ovid,. ' includes four nymphs? who
cluster about Peneus, Daphne.l's river-god father.. Two of them resemble the
Graces.
They are much paler than those about Apollo, and equally d i f f i c u l t
-toi identify.. They seem to be willing to receive the benefits, of Apollo,
although some distance from him-.
It is-as i f they are l e s s aware of what:
these benefits .will mean,, or are persons who have not yet enjoyed them.
I think this would account for the fact that Cupid seems;to be aiming his;
arrow at them,, as much as at Daphne. They are?in contrast to her in that
they attempt to see, while she refuses.
8.. Daphne., on the extreme? right has here eyes closed because she i s determined
not to see' the light of spiritual and physical regeneration centering i n Apollo.
30
• 9.. Hyacinthus is- the dead figure i n the background,,- i t is-believed, because
119
He i s the other unhappy love of Apollo* referred to in Lucian"s Dialogues of
' ••
31
the Gods..
-•
There i s an analogy between Daphne and himself,,also in the fact
that neither were related to Apollo in a way. which could be f r u i t f u l physically.It'is: no surprise that Hyacinthus is'dead,, while-Feneus' gesture toward the
ground indicates., the degeneration which will happen to Daphne.
Foussin
appears to be stating by his:; selection of two figures mythologically related
to Apollo that creation i s a process of union between two opposites^'on the
natural or the spiritual level.
He appears to me to have selected a figure;
composition for his last allegorical work to stress•the'relationship ofMarr
to this fact of Creation.
According to Stoicism, the natural order exhibited a constant flow
up and down,. Hp. meant a process in which the grossest element earth
became water,, then air, finally fire;. The downward cycle-also existed,
3 2
in reverse,/
To" Heracleitus, an early Stoic,, the dynamic of the process
wassanalogous to human love, creation taking place by the attraction of
opposites,, hence.; the sense of division of the picture into two parts>,
grouped around Appllo and Daphne respectively,, and the placement of these
main figures as far as possible from one another across the canvas.
Tb-Heracleitus, the basic union was between fire and water with earth,. He33
only saw three?elements..
This.is suggested'on the l e f t side of the
canvas both generally and specifically.. For the divine f i r e represented
by lAppllo has creatively united with a water deity who wrings out her hair,
suggesting f e r t i l i t y , and with the nymph Melia, who i s connected with the
f e r t i l i t y of trees.
However, the constant attraction i s present,binding
the water nymph Daphne^whose opposition Indicates that in the process the
water loses i t s essential nature.. For her refusal \there is-only the
downward path to earth and death, suggested by her father's pointing finger.
120
Said Heracleitus
For i t i s death to souls to become water and death to water to 1 . ,
become earth. But water comes from earth, and from water, soul,/
Hyacinthus isithe lowest part of this cycle of "love" signified
1
by Cupid, active i n the area of Apollo.^
He? is-; the earth, inert and!
gross;., then come water deities, leading up to the fiery-robed figure
of Apollo.
The:: Apollo- and Daphne myth i s an allegory of the natural
order of Creation and its-• f e r t i l i t y , best understood i n terms of the
Stoicism of Heracleitus i n this painting..
The source of Poussin''s knowledge of Heracleitus?
Apparently
parts:; of i t were i n the commentaries-; and references made by Vigenere:
36
in his translation of the Imagines of Philostratus.
37
I. think ZInano"s treatise, although helpful i n comprehending the
f e r t i l i t y allegory,- as I have mentioned, Is-most useful i n suggesting
the spiritual allegory behind it.., Zinano saw Apollo the Sun as the
Image of the" Creator, just as Campanella did.
Python Zinano saw as;
Lucifer, Cupid divine generation, and Daphne human reproduction.
she, l i k e Cupid^ has a double meaning—she is;also-humanity
But
fleeing
the benefactions of God.
If. this is-compared with Campanellan thought, as I have done,
Poussin appears to be portraying
the actions of the Savior, Apollo,
for Daphne, or Man.. So this final allegory i s one of human salvation.
I believe that although he used mythological figures—they had the richest
associations for himself and his patrons—the artist was declaring that the
grandeur of Gbd"s work for Man w a s e-scpressed not only i n the Order of
Creation,, but i n the active love of Christ for the obstinate human being.
This was a reasonable conclusion to the l i f e work of Poussin.
121
CHAPTER IV
POUSSIN'S IDEAS ON RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY.
Poussin's letters, biographies, and painting, including his treatment
of nature in the late landscapes, show he was a Christian Stoic.
I deal f i r s t
with his Christianity,, then his Stoicism, explaining their fusion in his old
age*
His letters combine occasional warm piety with, sardonic comment upon
the popular devotion encouraged by what he thought inferior church government. But to the Roman Catholic Christian, the sacraments of the Church
are:means of salvation which work no matter vihat the character of the priest
or the recipient.
So Poussin retained the almost orthodox Roman Catholicism
apparent in his painting, remaining .a member of .that "Ghurch. This,is shown
by three things * his marriage and burial from his parish church,
1
2
S. Lorenzo i n Lucina; hiss last will accepting Catholic belief;, his receipt
of the last rites of his Church upon his death.
3
He uses warm piety to express friendship in a letter to' Chantelou of
l644^in which Noyers' replacement i s mentioned. Poussin says
God omnipotent hold you always in his protection and make you
prosperous in a l l sorts ©f good things.A
There are more examples of frank disillusionment with contemporary
church government which also encouraged superstitious piety.
Concerning
Pope Urban VIII, who died I644, Poussin writes to Chantelou
It i s said here that his Holiness i s not well.
God give us a better.5
If we lose him,
When the conclave to choose Urban's successor met, Poussin commented
May God will that we be better governed in respect to the incoming
1-22
one than by the past one.
Concerning Innocent X's expedition of I 6 4 9 , Poussin remarked to Chantelou
The pope makes a harvest, and gathers grapes for the Duke of
Parma i n the Duchy of Castro,7
where an archbishop had been murdered.
His only written comment on the
Jubilee year of 1650 when a l l the I t a l i a n towns contributed to f e s t i v i t i e s
i n Rome i s a remark on the p o s s i b i l i t y that the Pope would give ceremonial
g
shearing to a c r u c i f i x from Florence which was growing a beard.
His
c r i t i c i s m of the papacy extended to lower members of the church heirarchy.
When shipping the Extreme Unction he-declared that Chantelou would obtain
9
i t without being sick at the hands of a p r i e s t , but from a Lyons courrier.
Since he received the l a s t r i t e s himself, he was probably trying to be
witty here;, perhaps no condemnation of the clergy i s intended.
There does not appear to be enough evidence to l i n k Poussin firmly
10
with any order or movement within h i s Church.
Poussin's paintings witness concern with the salvation of man,
heart of r e l i g i o n .
1 1
the
A l l h i s Old Testament themes, except f o r one,, are types
of salvation according to Christian thought of the early and middle ages.
The exception i s the I 6 4 9 Judgment of Solomon i n which Poussin shows wisdom,
one of the four Christian/Stoic cardinal v i r t u e s .
His New Testament subjects
are the major events i n the l i f e of Christ the Savior* the Nativity, the
Holy Family, the Baptism, and the Passion.
His depiction of the seven sacraments i s the clearest evidence that
Poussin was a Roman Catholic Christian.
To the Roman Catholic, the sacraments
are the means by which people receive the divine grace necessary to salvation.
12
By Christ's i n s t i t u t i o n and promise they contain the grace they s i g n i f y .
Protestants hold that salvation depends upon the mercy of God i n imputing
13
to f a l l e n man Christ's merit to the believer.
Sacraments are important,
but
secondary to this "justification by f a i t h ^ and there are not seven of
1
them. Even to the Roman Catholic, two sacraments are especially necessary:
Baptism, the absolutely essential primary sacrament; and the Eucharist,
an act of consecrating bread and wine so that the body of Christ i s substant i a l l y present entirely and permanently i n either one of these elements.
For
this reason, communion was dispensed to the congregation i n the bread
wafer only.
The Eucharist, the core of the Mass, i s seen as a perpetuation
15
of the sacrifice of Christ on the Cross.
In Poussin's Four Seasons, he goes further than i n his eleven years'
work on the Seven Sacraments series to express the basic tenets of his faith.
Summer i s an allegory of the Eucharist; Winter. when the deepest destruction
is apparent holds the significance of the f i r s t essential sacrament for
salvation, Baptism.
These Seasons'are also a summary of his painterly
expression of his religion because he works from Old Testament subjects to
suggest New Testament salvation, for .example, i n Summer. Ruth and Boaz,
Old Testament figures, represent Christ and his bride, the Church, which
dispenses the sacraments for salvation.
Although he was basically an orthodox Roman Catholic, Poussin believed
that ancient religious mysteries had contained the same principles of
salvation by sacrament perpetuated by Roman Catholicism.
in the Ordination.
This i s suggested
In the Four Seasons, the religious allegory i s enriched
by mythological associations;
Ruth, the Church, the Bride of Christ, has
wheat sheaves around her. This was also the symbol of the f e r t i l i t y goddess
Ceres.. Therefore, this:;could be a reference to the Eleusinian mysteries,
because the Ceres-Proserpina (Demeter-Persephone) story played a part in
them.
These mysteries guaranteed everlasting l i f e , just as: did the Christian
sacrament of the Eucharist, i f one made proper use of the grace given through
it.
124
The most remarkable
synthesis of ancient (here Stoic) religious-.
JUdea-ss with C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s about salvation appears i n Foussin's l a s t
painting.
Poussin represents the actions of God for man.'
God here;
is.- Apollo,, Divine Reason or Nature, wtiich, according to Stoic philosophy,,
governed the? universe.
To Campanella-Universal Reason was Christ. "
- "Since Poussin shows influence of h i s natural philosophy, Poussin may
well have known of his -theological b e l i e f .
:
In the painting, Man iss
represented by the reluctant Daphne, the victim of an unreasonable
passion to remain independent
of him by keeping herself v i r g i n .
But the
Divine Reason of Stoicism, the Creator i n C h r i s t i a n a l l e g o r i c a l terms
and C h r i s t i n Campanellan theology, i s v i c t o r i o u s with o t h e r s s i f not
with Daphne.
Therefore, Poussin's unfinished painting affirms h i s f a i t h
i n the f i n a l salvation of humanity, through the reasonable love of God!
for
Man.
In the Four Seasons, h i s l a s t pure landscapes, the treatment
g l o r i f i e s nature, minimizing the s i z e but notJthe; significance of man.
The.; size of these figures could be a recognition of the em-nirical r e l a t i o n ship between the universe and man,
who i s minuscule.
In this Poussin would
be; accepting the: cosmology of Copernicus, G a l i l e o and Campanella..
So,
although the Four Seasons is.an allegory of salvation through the sacraments
of the Church, they s i g n i f y Poussin's acceptance of t h i s cosmology.
also show that Poussin agreed with Campanella who
They
said
A. t i n y glimmer i s a l l we know. Therefore wisdom should be sought i n the
whole book of God, which i s the world, where more truth always may be
discovered.
The world i s wisdom i n material form and shows us more-as we have
more capacity.-1-6
Campanella followed the t r a d i t i o n of the psalmists, the prophets,
c l a s s i c a l writers, and early church fathers..
He-: agreed with them a l l that
125,
17
contemplation of Creation was a source of religious growth and exaltation.
Poussin himself summarizes his final aim in painting not as delight, but
18
as delectation, something which has deeper religious connotations.
Poussin's late landscapes therefore appear to express the Christian
Stoicism of Campanella.
He accepted Campanella's synthesis of Stoicism*
empiricism, Christianity, and Copernican cosmology, together with the belief- r
that Nature i s panpsychic.
Or he reached a conclusion similar to that of
the Dominican friar from personal meditation provoked by the intellectual
milieu of Pozzo and Massimi.
Poussin s Stoicism i s so amply revealed in his letters, by his bio1
graphers and through his paintings that i s i s easy to conclude that Stoicism
was the mainspring of his l i f e , as i t was for many of his contemporaries.
I believe that especially in his late years, Christian Catholic doctrines
of salvation offered hope not present in Stoicism. Stoicism encouraged
fortitude i n his final personal adversities.
workings of Nature,
It helped him understand the
But the ultimate salvation lay in the hands of God, not
in antique philosophy.
The truth claimed by Stoicism to l i e within myth
could express Christian reality.
This change in the value system of the
artist to me explains the form and content of the late landscapes, as well
as the final unfinished mythology.
W$y did Poussin accept Stoicism?
Poussin shared with his contem-
poraries a deep veneration for antiquity generated in the seventeenth
century by the classical education common to European society.
This
education gave Europeans divided by creed and nationality a cultural means of
communication.
The antique cosmopolitan philosophy of Stoicism^in which man
was a part of one society under the kingship of Zeus, Divine Reason, farored
20
idealized monarchy or the rule of the best man.
It provided a politcal
ideal for the seventeenth-century autocracies, a concept of unity beneath*
126'
political and religious diversity, and i t put Reason uppermost, i n
agreement with the scientific advances of the time.
Thus the whole
21
Stoic philosophy was held in esteem i n the seventeenth oentury.
Originating in the teachings of Z.eno in the Athenian Painted
22
Stoa in the fourth century B. C ,
Stoicism developed during Roman
times through the writings of Seneca, the philosopher, and Marcus Aurelius,
Roman Emperor, A. D. 161-180. The latter sought fortitude,against the
23
evils of his circumstances in i t s ethical principles,
which were
'&etv3cchment from the outside world, whatever might occur, and the
maxim "follow nature,"^ which meant allying yourself with the collective
right reason of mankind and the providential course of the world. As
has been shown, Stoics saw the world as an organic whole, animated and
directed by intelligence.
principle was matter.
God was the active principle; the passive
These were the inseparable aspects of reality,.
which was four-fold, f i r e being the element associated with divinity
25
and creation.
By Roman times the Stoics saw myths, not as false-
hoods, but as hiding kernels of truth about the natural world. Thus
26
mythology for them became allegory.
During the preceding century,vStoic ideas had permeated French
literature i n the writings of Montaigne, Guillaume du Vair and Pierre
27
Charron.
These Neo-Stoics inspired the so-called "libertins? or
advanced liberal thinkers, such as Naude, with whom Poussin was in contact
,
. 28
in Paris.
B
Poussin's temperament predisposed him to accept the Stoicism of
the seventeenth century from antiquity, his,own countrymen,and Campanella.
In his letters he wrote
My nature constrains me to search out end to love ordered things,
fleeing confusion, which js to me as contrary and inimical as i s
light to obscure shadows.
127?
From the letters i t i s also plain that Poussin believed Stoicism
offered the best method of conducting one's l i f e .
He wrote to Chantelou
But i f a l l your actions are conducted by the way or reason, you
„
can do nothing which will not have a truly virtuous end. (italics mine?
for thereby
The repose and tranquility of mind which you can possess are good
things which have no equal.
3
for
If you would consider a l l things without passion, they will not ever
rebound upon you within yourself. (italics mine)
3
As by temperament Poussin accepted Stoicism, so by temperament,
education and artistic capacity, Poussin was not fitted for large Church
commissions.
He therefore made a virtue out of necessity, living in the
33
modest "Stoic" manner described by Bellori and prudently keeping apart
34
1
from politics, a late Stoic practice recommended by Seneca. As
.Poussin.,-
put i t
It i s a great pleasure to l i v e in a century in which such great
events take place, provided one can-take shelter in some small corner
to watch the comedy at one's ease.
Apart from his temperamental love of peace and order, because he was in
a sense "in business" for himself, he could share his French patrons.'
concern over political disturbances, as seen in hie-letters and paintings.
.36
He writes of the "beastly quality and inconstancy of the masses;" he paints
pictures of Phocion, a Socrates-like martyr to mob rule in ancient tipes,
about the time of the Fronde in Paris, 1648-50.
Indeed, Stoicism i s the key to most of Poussin's painting.
First
this i s evident in his subjects*,In history, he depicts Stoic heroes—
Phocion, Diogenes, Camillus.
He uses mythology usually as allegory to reveal
Stoic concepts of Man,. anS/or the natural world, which he believes i s governed
by Reason despite the apparent confusion therein. Secondly, to paint these
128
pictures he r e f e r s to h i s t o r i a n s of ancient times, such as L i v y , or
antique mythological writers l i k e Ovid who accepted Stoic philosophy.
Thirdly, he treated such topics with the meticulous care of a reasonable
man
being j u s t to himself and h i s patrons.
For, from Reason, according to Stoic thought, Steffi
cardinal v i r t u e s :
the four
Prudence, Fortitude, Temperance and J u s t i c e .
The
practidie of these was an i n t e g r a l part of Poussin's l i f e whether i n r e l a t i o n ships with friends and patrons, i n dealing with personal problems, or with
work.
For an example of the f i r s t , we have h i s steady r e l a t i o n s h i p to J
Chantelou, including not only the f a i t h f u l performance of commissions, but
also friendship retained u n t i l Poussin's death.
Poussin could not always
show the uncomplaining f o r t i t u d e l e f a Stoic i n t a l k i n g of h i s personal
d i f f i c u l t i e s , f o r example i n the death of h i s wife, but he labored to
produce h i s l a s t masterpieces under the professional handicap of an
increasingly trembling hand.
He went about h i s work with diligence giving
37
the paintings the care that enabled him to say "I have neglected nothing.'"
l e t t h i s was done without intemperate haste, as h i s many l e t t e r s to c l i e n t s
requesting t h e i r patience;also show.
Even h i s choice of his l i f e ' s work —
the production of small masterpieces—was
education and a b i l i t i e s .
a wise one i n view of h i s age,
These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c Stoic q u a l i t i e s are r e -
f l e c t e d i n the increasingly d i r e c t c l a r i t y of h i s correspondence, as well as
i n the severe, i n t e l l e c t u a l approach to h i s a r t . But i t was t h i s l i f e l o n g
pattern of patient Stoic "reasonable" a c t i v i t y which permitted thelast
5
synthesis of h i s r e l i g i o u s convictions with h i s Stoic concepts of the
D i v i n i t y of Reason behind Creation.
129
CHAPTER V
POUSSIN'S IDEAS ON PAINTING AND HIS METHOD OF WORK
Stoic Reason governed Poussin's l i f e .
of his art was a rational process.
Stoicism i n his old age.
Consequently the production
His religious beliefs fused with his
The reasons for this have been suggested.
result was a deeper and broader concept of what painting was.
The
That this
development occurred,can be seen by comparing notes preserved by B e l l o r i
1
with a 1665 letter by Poussin.
In the notes, Poussin had defined painting as
simply the imitation of human actions, which, properly speaking, are
the only actions worthy of being imitatedj other actions are not imitable in themselves, as principal parts, but incidentally, as accessories;
in this manner one can imitate not only the actions of animals but a l l
natural things.
2:
In other words, Poussin i s repeating the idea of Aristotle,"ideal human
nature in action," the subject of poetry and painting, according to the
theory of ut pictura poesis.
Aptly he copied the definition exactly from
Torquato Tasso's Discorso del Poema Eroico. with one exception:
the f i r s t
word, "poetry," becomes "painting" in Poussin's note.
Poussin used Tasso neither for subjects nor for theory in his last
4
years.
His letter to de Chambray of 1665 declares painting i s
an imitation with lines and colors on any surface of a l l that i s to be
found under the sun. Its aim i s delectation, (italics mine) •*
To early Christian writers such as St. Augustine, the great spectacles
of nature were the primary source of, true delectation. St. Bonaventura,
who derived his ideas from that Saint explained that delectation was the
deepi delight of the soul in evil or good. A soul in a state of grace would
130
delight i n good, become beatified and so be united with God.
6
This was
one of the four things which benefitted Man, according to Campanella.^
Therefore, Poussin extended the principle of ut picture poesis—instruct
through sensuous delight—to emphasize arousing feelings of spiritual
exaltation as well.
In the f i r s t definition, Poussin declared that the representation
of a l l natural forms i s of minor importance; i n the second, painting
represents " a l l that i s to be found tinder the sun."
1
Thus he aims to
depict the world including Man rather than to treat i t as an accessory to
human actions.
These were "the only actions worthy of being imitated,"
according to his f i r s t definition.
The reference to the sun suggests
Poussin's sympathy with the viewpoint of Campanella, who saw the sun as
a symbol of God as well as the source of l i f e i n Nature.
As well as being a deeper and broader definition of painting,
Poussin's 1665 declaration summarized his ideas on art in the same way as
his late paintings synthesized his earlier work. The definition, which
has a simplicity lacking in the notes,
Man Capable of Reasoning Can Learn."
8
continues with "Principles Every
These are items necessary to vision
as the seventeenth century understood i t : light, boundaries, color,
distance, instrument,and a transparent medium. By instrument, Poussin
must have meant the human eye.
Of course these elements of vision are
related to those of representation.
Then the painter's innate genius
selects, disposes, and embellishes a subject "with judgment in every part,"
so that i t can acquire the best form.
As Poussin puts i t
about subject matter, It must be noble and not have taken on any
common quality so that the painter may show his spirit and industry.
It must be chosen so as to be capable of taking on the most excellent
form. The painter must begin with disposition, then ornament, decorum,
beauty, grace, vivacity, costume, vraisemblance and judgment i n every
part. These last qualities spring from the talent of the painter and
cannot be learned. They are l i k e Vergil's Golden Bough which none can
131"
9
find or pick, unless he i s guided by destiny.
The simplicity of the basic definition i s also present i n the above
description of what a good painting should be. ^ Two examples are: the
1
mention of line and colorj the relation of subject to form.
In the 1665 letter line and color are-.l)part of painting;2)the
elements of vision.
A verbose statement of line and color as part of painting
appears i n the Notes
On the Bounding Lines of Drawing and Color
A painting will appear elegant when i t s extreme elements join the nearest
by means of intermediate ones in such a fashion that they do not flow
into one another too feebly nor yet with harshness of line and colors;
and this leads one to speak of the harmony or discord of colors and of .
their bounding lines.
Similarly, Poussin makes a complex optical distinction between prospect (simple vision) and aspect (vision with comprehension) i n an earlier
12
letter to Noyers.
The 1665 definition relates subject to form closely because a noble
subject, necessary to challenge the painter's ability and industry, must
be selected so as to be capable of the most excellent form.
This comment
may be compared with a much longer note entitled On Certain Forms of The
Grand Manner. On Subject Matter. On the Conceit. Oh Composition and On
Style which begins
The grand manner consists i n four things: the matter, that i s , the
subject, the conceit, the composition and the style. The f i r s t thing
that i s required, as the foundation of everything else, i s thatV the
matter and the subject should be something lofty, such as battles,
heroic actions, religious themes . . .
1
3
Much later, Poussin gets around to style.
Though copied; from elsewhere, these notes are one source for Poussin's
views on painting. A second i s his letters.
According to Bellori,who
preserved them, Poussin planned a treatise on painting. ^ In 1650 i n a
1
letter to Chantelou Poussin reported that he was beginning to make notes
132
on painting, but thought i t best not to publish them yet. Felibien
reports that after Poussin's death, Poussin's secretary, Jean Dughet
wrote to Chantelou denying that Poussin had ever written such a book, '*
1
although Poussin had said many times that he would do so. Therefore,
Poussin, nearing death, must have used the opportunity of the 1665
thank-you letter to Chambray for another book on painting to express
ideas of his oan on this a r t . ^
1
His late mythological landscape painting, including the religious
Four Seasons set,show that he has f i n a l l y fused philosophical with
religious belief i n order to express his aim—delectation.
Particularly
in the Four Seasons and the Apollo and Daphne the "noble subject"
challenged the artist to adapt i t diligently to a "most excellent form."
He continued to use the reasoned approach of previous periods, showing
"^judgment i n every part? But the appeal of his art i s to the whole human
being, body, mind and spirit, not just to the mind. He communicates the
depth of his convictions by the formal organization of the composition.
In spite of the deeper conception of his art, expressed in his late
statements and paintings, Poussin's ideas originated in the Renaissance
equation between painting and poetry, summarized in the saying, ut pictura
17
poesis.
During the middle ages the painter was regarded as a craftsman,
practicing a mechanical art, while a poet was seen as enriching the mind,
thus his art was l i b e r a l .
18
status of the artist.
This distinction affected the socio-economic
As knowledge of classical literature increased and
the classical treatise by Aristotle on poetry was rediscovered in 1500^
painters saw a way out of this dilemma^which lowered the dignity of their
profession, by the implicit equation of poetry and painting made by three
ancient authors* Aristotle i n his Poetics. Horace in his Ars Poetica and
the saying of Simonides quoted by the ancient historian Plutarch that
133
painting was mute poetry, poetry a speaking picture.
This * equation was
succinctly summarized in Horace's book as ut pictura poesis. that i s , "as
is painting, so i s poetry."
Avidly artists translated i t "as i s poetry, so
1
is painting."
A whole canon of concepts of painting, i t s subject, style,
and the preparations for doing i t arose out of this apparently simple saying.
Horace's ut pictura poesis was actually part of a plea for liberal
criticism of poetry. He believed poetry was either l i k e the detailed style
of painting, needing close scrutiny, or l i k e the broad, impressionistic
style, requiring view from a distance.
In the Poetics of Aristotle are also
found the elements of Renaissance and seventeenth-century attitudes to
painting.
Aristotle wrote that painters as well as poets imitate human
nature i n action, but that painting f u l f i l l e d i t s highest function when i t
depicted superior human l i f e .
(Poussin's note defining painting,,already
discussed^shows he accepted this idea which Alberti and Leonardo partly
upheld;, ihtheir writings)..
If superior or representative or ideal human nature was to be imitated,
two ways were possible.
There was the manner of Zeuxis, the fifth-century
B. G. Greek painter^ who depicted Helen by selecting the best parts of several
women models.
Then there was the method of Apelles, a fourth-century B. C.
Greek, considered the greatest painter of antiquity, who selected the most
beautiful model available.
But the late sixteenth century did not believe
i t was as fortunate as Apelles, although Dolce, a c r i t i c , mentions both
methods. However, by Poussin's period the view prevailed that in their
statuary the ancients had already obtained a l l perfection of art, and i t
could be used to learn the ideal nature of man to put i t s principles into
19
practice discreetly. A l l artists, Baroque or Classicist, agreed on this.
Poussin, the Classicist, i s said to have maintained the value of Zeuxis
20
method;
1
Bernini, says Baldinucci, thought the Zeuxis story was a fable
"because the beautiful eyes of one woman do not f i t with the beautiful mouth
of another.
21
Baroque Bernini retained therefore the Neoplatonic view from
Mannerism that the source of ideal beauty was God, not external nature syn22
thesized.
Tbe difference appears i n their use of antique models.
Poussin
used to sketch an idea, and intensify and idealize the human action by
classicizing the figures through the use of antique model studies, for
23
example, his Apollo and Daphne, i n which he used the Farnese Apollo.
Bernini commended the study of the same before l i f e sketching to the
French Academy, so that these ancient or esteemed masters might give eyes
to the students who would from their prior study learn how to perceive
the beauties of the subject i n l i f e which they were doing.^
But Bernini
himself thought that once the antique was understood, i t should be put to
' *25
one side, just as he did with portrait drawing;; through divine inspiration
he could render alive the portrait oif mythological subject he was depicting
26
in marble.
Bernini and Poussin knew the same models; but Bernini
27
showed more interest i n Late Hellenistic l i k e the Laocoon,
while Poussin
preferred antique r e l i e f s , as on sarcophagi, and Neo-Attic works. Thus,
although he extolled the Barberini Faun, a Late Hellenistic sculpture,
28
he neither drew nor painted any figure i n his oeuvre after this model.
Thus Poussin, the Classicist, like Bernini, the Baroque artist,was
aware of antique sculpture, but not using i t i n the same way, nor stressing
29
the same models.
Another aspect of the anology drawn between painting and poetry^ from
which this discussion of a r t i s t i c borrowing from antiquity was a slight
digression, was the nature of invention.
Novelty i n painting was seen
as a good and new disposition or expression of a subject, not necessarily
use of an entirely original subject, for example Pbussin's note 6n Novelty^
and his treatment of the Four Seasons.
This accounts partly for the
135
borrowing from antiquity.
Of course, the subject for painting, since i t had
to be ideal human nature in action,must be either religious, historical,or
mythological.
Thus,it i s necessary to account for Poussin's landscape painting,
in terms of his philosophy, for i n his figure painting he carefully observed
a l l the tenets of the ut pictura poesis theory.
To depict sacred or profane history or mythology, knowledge was
necessary, said Horace.
There arose from his dictum^and the writings of
other ancients such as Cicero, as well as from Renaissance treatises the
concept of the painter as a learned man, knowing not only the rules of
perspective and the facts of anatomy, but also widely read in history,
the poets, geography, climatology, the manners and customs of various countries as well as religious and ecclesiastical literature including theology
and the lives of the saints.
The education of Poussin, with access to
Pozzo's paper museum included a l l these.
Furthermore, ue have the testimony
of Bellori that Poussin used his working knowledge of Latin together with
his Italian and French to become widely read.
There i s also a specific
reference in a letter of 16 4l» Poussin reports that he i s reading up on
the lives of Saints Ignatius and Francis Xavier for a subject for the
31
Jesuit Novitiate.
-Besides reading, the painter was encouraged to cultivate the acquaintanceship of learned men. Pozzo and Massimi are certainly examples of them*
Finally his knowledge of human nature was to be as extensive and as
intensive as possible i n order that he might express the emotions of
representative human beings in the most effective way, selecting the
bodily movements or gestures most suited to these,-as Quintilian had advised the orator to do when making a speech.
poetry and oratory was to instruct by delight.
For the end of painting,
Mythological allegory
was considered the best way of doing this in painting as in l i t e r a t u r e .
32
The aim 6f<instruction was furthered by use of gestures which made the painting readable just as i f i t were a speech or a poem.
gesticulates with two-fold meaning.
Thus Boaz i n Summer
Poussin declared i n h i s l e t t e r s that
he wished h i s patrons to t r y to treat h i s pictures i n that way.
For ex-
ample, concerning the I s r a e l i t e s Gathering the Manna, of the l a t e 1630's,
i n which he took p a r t i c u l a r care with the expression of the emotions,
supplementing
o r a t o r i c a l techniques with the advice of Leonardo, he asks
Chantelou to "read the story and the picture i n order to see whether each
thing i s appropriate to the subject."33
In h i s writing, Horace set up a standard of selection which suggested
that an a r t i s t ^ t o i n s t r u c t by delighting^must make certain a l l aspects of
h i s composition were decorous or suitable to the subject, just as Poussin
had asked Chantelou
to check i n the Manna.
For example, the young epitome
of female beauty, Helen of Troy, was not to be shown with withered hands.
Poussin retained t h i s idea i n his 1665 d e f i n i t i o n of painting, as well as
throughout h i s work.
aspect of decorum.
Antique sculpture was believed to incorporate t h i s
This concept of f i t n e s s i n age, sex, dress, location
as well as gesture, stressed i n Poussin's 1665 l e t t e r as well as i n h i s l a t e
painting, was also connected by Horace to a moral notion of decency, emphas i z i n g the need to make the work of a r t conform to standards of propriety and
religion.
As a r e s u l t of the Counter-reformation, t h i s aspect of decorum
was e s p e c i a l l y stressed i n the l a t e sixteenth century.
Poussin's extant
correspondence,, together with h i s work, shows he was aware of t h i s aspect
of decorum.
He conformed to i t .
The idea that learning produced the best painters remained i n
seventeenth-century thought, as can be seen from the comment of the
English d i a r i s t and t r a v e l l e r , John Evelyn, who
were learned men,
said that the best painters
good h i s t o r i a n s , generally s k i l l e d i n the best a n t i q u i t i e s
137
"such as Rubens, Poussin and Bernini." It was only l a i d low in later times.
Although the concept of ut pictura poesis explains the freedom in
treating mythological subjects, for example, from Ovid, which arose in the
Italian Renaissance and continued from then on, the content and organization
of paintings were also influenced by what was known about ancient painting.
35
Pliny the Elder's Natural History was especially influential.
This Roman,
who died in the A. D. 79 ceruption of Vesuvius devoted two chapters of his
work to sculpture and painting. The ancient painter described by iELiny
who most influenced Poussin appears to have been Apelles, who refused to do
frescoes, specializing in small easel pictures. He i s said by Pliny to
36
have painted what could not be depicted:
storms, thunder and lightning.
A l l these were attempted by Poussin in his landscapes, especially Winter «
and the Landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe. For, according to Felibien
He formed a l l his thoughts on what he had read of the paintings of
the ancient Greek painters 37
This explains not only the many paintings for which Poussin referred
apparently to Philostratus' Imagines, a book describing actual pictures
by Greek painters, but also Poussin's original contribution to art theory—
38
his idea of the Modes, which he adapted from Greek musical theory by way
39
of a then-current treatise on harmonics. Poussin's theory of the Modes was original in extending the idea of
expressing emotion by appropriate gesture and expression to a way of treating
the whole painting. The relationship between music and painting which he
established became not only a nineteenth-century commonplace, but also the
basis for some early abstract paintings C1909-1912.
To Poussin the word "mode"
means actually the rule or the measure and form, which serves us in our
productions. This rule constrains us not to exaggerate by making us act
i n a l l things with a certain restraint and moderation; and consequently,
1
1.3.8
this restraint and moderation is nothing more than a certain determined
manner or order, and includes the procedure by which the object is
preserved in its essence.40.
This statement appears a complicated version of the idea of "judgment in
every part." The Modes of the ancients, Poussin continues, were a combination
of the elements of painting to arouse a certain emotional reaction in the
spectator, for "the ancient sages attributed to each style i t s own effects.
Because of this they called the Dorian Mode stable, grave and severe," and
1
applied i t to subjects of that nature. They connected the Phrygian Mode
with pleasant and joyous things because i t contained more minute modulations
and "a more clear-cut aspect" than the other Modes, but Poussin also
defines i t as "intense, vehement, violent and very severe, and capable of
astonishing people,"' concluding unexpectedly "the subject of frightful
wars lends itself to this manner." Tragedy i s connected with the Lydian
Modej suavity and sweetness are the characteristics of the Hypolydian Mode,
which f i l l s the souls of the spectators with joy. It is thus suitable to
subjects of divine glory and paradise, while the festive .Ionic.-Mode is
applicable to Bacchanalian dances.
The theory of the Modes has various aspects. It i s an example of
£1)
Poussin's particular admiration for Greek antiquity.
J
It expresses his
reasoned Stoic approach to painting. It i s the clearest statement of
Poussin's practice of varying the style of his paintings to suit the subject.
It i s an extension of the idea of Decorum^applying i t to the whole composition to organize i t .
Its relation to the use of color in painting is
secondary, but i t explains why Poussin took such care to vary that
pictorial element, particularly in his last finished paintings, the Four Seasons.
In the late paintings, color is subdued to stress form. This < \
is suggested in the 1665 letter^ in which very l i t t l e emphasis is placed on
139
color, whereas the artist was to strive for the "most excellent form."
Poussin believed "colors i n painting are a snare to persuade the eye like
the charm of the verse i n poetry." however, as his later letter declared,
color was an integral part of the painting to be subordinated to the whole
picture,in which the subject was uppermost i n the mind of the painter.
Color can then be used as a key to the pictorial meaning.
While Bellori records Poussin's wide reading,^and Felibien the
continual notebook study£53andrart offers the best summary of Poussin's
method of work
j,
He was learned in discourse and always had with him a l i t t l e book i n which
he noted everything in words or i n line. When he was planning some work,
he read carefully a l l the available texts and pondered over them. Then
he made a couple of sketches of the composition on paper c for 'example,
the Apollo and Daphne studiesj and i f he was painting a history, he
made l i t t l e wax figures i n the nude i n the proper attitudes, as he
needed them to represent the whole story, and set them up on a smooth
board, marked out i n squares. Then he added to them draperies of wet
paper or thin taffeta, as he wanted them to be, and equipped them with
strings so that they could take their correct place in relation to the
horizon. From them he painted his works with colors on canvas. In this
process he also often made use of the l i f e , and l e f t himself the leisure
to do so. For he often set to work, and then l e f t off and went walking,
but a l l the time thinking well and pertinently of his work. And so he
regulated his l i f e as seemed to him right and proper for his art. ^°
This pattern^also recorded by other biographers, suited Poussin's
slow, careful approach to his art. For he f e l t that
'lhe things i n which there i s perfection should not be seen quickly
but with time, judgment and intelligence. I t i s necessary to use
the same means to .judge them well as to do them, (italics mine) 4-7
This i s certainly a portrait of a S;toic rationalist approach to art, however
Poussin modified his conception of painting.
His approach was confirmed by
Bernini who said of Poussin i n 1665 that he was a painter who worked from
his mind.^
What was Poussin's aim i n his last period, apart from his intention
to give spiritual delight? To Chantelou^his close friend_,this independent
painter had previously written "I shall put forth my efforts to satisfy
140:,
art, you and me.,,49
141
CHAPTER VI
POUSSIN'S LATE STYLE
Poussin integrated his Roman Catholic beliefs with his Stoic philosophy
i n his late period.
This had four results.
First, he deepened his artistic
aim from instruction by sensuous delight to delectation.
subjects "capable of taking the most excellent form."^"
Secondly he chose
In this form, he
planned the whole "disposition," adding accessories with "judgment i n every
part."
Thirdly^ he took the form from Nature herself, supplementing i t by
mythological figures dwarfing men.
harmony of Creation.
Poussin's concern was the order and
He wished to show i t s immutable laws to give spiritual
exaltation to the people who perceived his painting.
Fourthly^ the exsquisite
interrelation of formal elements dominates the depth of content within the
painting.
There appears a rich poetic expression new i n Poussin's work.
I think of Winter especially.
Such paintings have long been admired for their
form although their complex meaning has until lately remained hidden. A
s t y l i s t i c evaluation therefore seems a f i t t i n g conclusion to a thesis on
the last work of Poussin; i t necessarily explains his contribution to the
landscape genre.
When i n 1648 Poussin seriously experimented with pure landscape to
express divine natural order, he f i r s t built the composition around the tiny
figure whose reasonable virtue was the key to his subject. The most formal
a r t i s t i c exemplar was Domenichlno, who learnt from the Carracci.
men followed Titian i n landscape.
These
Out of this tradition, motivated by
Stoicism, Poussin developed his own landscapes.
These were organized in
142
planes parallel to the surface of the picture.
Architecture was prominent i n
the pictorial construction because Poussin combined i t with nature to
articulate the second plane of the painting.
the composition.
This plane almost enclosed
The distant view of mountains was minor.
However, a device used by Claude proved a better way for Poussin to
express the cyclical order of Creation. In the landscapes of around 1650 to
I664, there appears frequently a quiet area, usually an oval body of water,
2
parallel i n i t s length to the plane of the canvas.
The Landscape with
Orpheus and Eurydice. cl650 (plate 191) i s an early example; the Apollo
and Daphne. 1664? (plate 251 although an allegory of Natural Order using
mainly human forms,is the final example of this means of construction.
The s t i l l area suggests the calm harmony behind Nature.
not water.
(plate 190).
Sometimes i t i s
It may be a plain, as in the Landscape with Polyphemus. 1649?
I t may be a spherical shape l i k e the globe in a Creation fresco
by Raphael, as i n the Landscape with Orion. 1658 (plate 237).
a flat wheat f i e l d , as i n Summer, I66O-I664 (plate 243).
It may be
But i t i s usually
present in the paintings, forming a centre around which the composition i s
put together geometrically.
behind the Natural Order.
This geometry also expresses the principles
It remained firmly present underneath the fused
pictorial planes parallel to the canvas, just as pure mathematical forms
underly natural shapes, for example, in the cornfield i n Summer. I66O-I664
(plate 243).
But Poussin gradually modified recession by planes parallel
to the picture surface with architecture mixed with landscape to a balance of
natural forms alone around the quiet centre. This was a better expression
of the orderly cycles of Nature.
A beginning was made i n the 1648-1651
period as i n the Landscape with Orpheus and Eurydice. cl650 (plate 191)
Here the castle i s juxstaposed with a mountain.
In the Landscape with
Pyramus and Thisbe. cl651 (plate 187). Poussin diminished the architecture
143
because the trees showed the effects of a storm better.
The Landscape with
Orion. 1658 (plate 237) i s an exceptionally good example of this organization,
^because the great tree adequately balances the giant whose activity w i l l make
i t fertile.
Similarly i n the Landscape with Polyphemus. 1649? (plate 190)
a mountain and a tree on either side frame the giant at the top of the picture,
who incorporates the divine creative f i r e .
Poussin understood the immensity of Natural Creation. He expressed i t
in his pictures by greater, more spacious depth.
The enclosure present i n
the Landscape with Orpheus and FAtrydice. cl650 (plate 191) subsides i n the
Landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe. cl651 (plate 187) to disappear in Summer.
1660-1664 (plate 243).
Since Poussin wished to explain the order and harmony of Nature, he
modified the "disposition" of figures i n the landscapes.. This i s easiest
to see i n the two mythological compositions i n which Nature i s present but
figures predominate, the Birth of Bacchus. 1657 (plate 236), and the Apollo
and Daphne. 1664? (plate 2-51"). In both these Poussin modifies his figure
arrangement from the frieze-like disposition of the Triumph of Bacchus.
I635-I636 (plate 89) to a curvilinear sequence around the central pool of f;
>
water.
This relates the figures to the orderly natural cycle which they
represent. Whether Poussin depicts such order and harmony primarily by figures
or by landscape, his disposition of figures i n the late mythological compositions expresses the grandeur of Creation.implied by the geometrical
spaciousness of the landscapes.
In several pictures Poussin places the
protagonists a long way from one another.
In the Landscape with Polyphemus.
1649? (plate 190),the Cyclops i s i n the upper background fused into a mountain;; Galatea i s i n the low foreground.
A plain i s between them. The
distance between them compels one to survey the whole picture of ^Mature.
In the Apollo and Daphne, I664? (plate 25l),Apollo i s on the far l e f t ,
144
Daphne on the extreme right of the picture*- with the same results upon the
viewer.
In the Birth of Bacchus. 1657 (plate 236), the large figures of
the Nymphs with Bacchus in the low foreground are related to the tiny figures
of Jupiter with Hebe in the high heavens.
The Four Seasons. 1660-1664, returns to a classical frieze-like arrangement of figures since most of the action takes place on the plane parallel to
the canvas, for example Summer (plate 243)» Autumn (plate 244)*
Only in
Winter, ('!plate 245) does Poussin break away from this more classical disposition.
The natural forms predominating in Poussin's late landscapes are not
scientifically accurate in size or shape, for example, the rocky crags in the.
Landscape with Polyphemus. 1649? (plate 190),,as well as in the Landscape
with Hercuie3 and Gacus. ?1659-1660 (plate 241), are unlike the mountains
of Sicily or Rome, the respective locations of the two paintings.
The
foreground tree in the Landscape with Orion. cl658 (plate 237),is exaggerated in size and luxuriance of foliage.
Such treatment indicates an allegory
behind the mythology.
Figures are treated in four ways. Usually men are small compared to
Nature or to the mythological figures who represent her functions. In the
compositions the main figures are usually related to one another by gesture
and/or gaze. The landscapes up to 1660 include a second plane of figures who
do not seem to be aware of background or foreground activity, for example,
in the Landscape with Orpheus and Eurydice, cl650 (plate 191), there are
l i t t l e figures swimming; in the Landscape with Polyphe^aias. 1649? (plate 190),
they are active in agriculture. Man is dwarfed by Nature.
For Natural Order
is represented better by landscape supplemented by mythological figures.
\yJhe
associations the viewer will make with this will show the artist's intent
to depict the ideas behind natural.phenomena. In the 1660's the plane of
145
apparently irrelevant figures is replaced by figures whose activity i s
unusual. For example, in Summer. I66O-I664 (plate 243)5
a
m a n
°l * ^
a<
n
a
tunic drives five or more horses into the wheat fields} in Winter. 1660-1664
(plate 245)j the figures on the right a l l strangely appear to be reaching
safety in spite of the Deluge.
The third way in which the figures are treated i s in the relative clarity
of the identification. Raphael, when using allegory, usually placed the
appropriate attributes beside the figure. Poussin in his last synthesis >
achieves a multi-faceted . meaning in the parts of the composition by lessening the emphasis on this sort of prop. In Summer. I66O-I664 (plate 24.3)»
Ruth is certainly the prospective Jewish Bride.
way he points to her.
She is gathering corn.
iates her with Ceres, goddess of fertility.
Boaz indicates this in the
But this corn also assoc-
So pagan meaning enriches a
figure who is also the Bride of Christ. Such meanings extend the significance of the painting to the Eleusinian Mysteries,in which the myth of Ceres
and Proserpina played a part.
These were the pagan means to immortal l i f e ,
just as Christ personally, through his union with the Church which administers
the sacrament of the Eucharist, his body and blood, gives the grace necessary
to eternal salvation to the Roman Catholic Christian. Therefore, Poussin
sacrificed
absolute for relative clarity in his treatment of a subject^just
as his contemporaries did. His final aim of arousing spiritual delight in
> the viewer by an intensive unity of parts in the painting^ is not far removed
in spirit from the high degree of unity created by his Baroque contemporary,
Bernini. The best example is the Cornaro Chapel. Here architecture^,
sculptural, and painted forms are intermingled in a representation
in the hidden source of light, the dove of the Holy Spirit.
culminating
This;character-
istic of Poussin's late painting is well illustrated by his treatment
of figures in the Four Seasons. 1660-^.664 (plates 242-245).
146'
Fourthly, Poussin"s classicized figures exhibit a relaxed,calm happiness,
for example, Apollo i n the Apollo and Daphne. J.664? (plate 251)»or Galatea,
i n the Landscape with Polyphemus. 1649? (plate 190).
passions which distress ordinary people.
signified.
They seem beyond the
Thus their symbolic meaning i s
Thus also they express the exaltation i t was Poussin's aim to
arouse i n the viewer.
Poussin's treatment of light enhances the forms of his late landscapes
in several ways. F i r s t , i t helps express the extent of Creation by a more
refined aerial perspective, adapted from antique frescoes, Titian or Claude.
Poussin, however, never destroys^ , only mutes the tone of distant forms, for
example, the mountain i n the Birth of .Bacchus. 1657 (plate 236). He varied
light most sensitively to suit the subject, as in the Four Seasons. 1660-1664
(plates 242-245).
For example, i n Autumn (plate 244)(twilight),he surely
adapts the cast shadows from Leonardo's direction.
Winter (Night)(plate 245)j
i s a development of the Landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe. cl651 (plate 187)^
in which Poussin had followed the description of a storm by Leonardo in his
Treatise on Painting.
Usually Poussin depicts morning light, for example
in the Landscape with Hercules and Cacus. ?l659-l66l (plate 24l), because this
agrees with his literary source.
Attempts to match light with the theme, as
in the Birth of Bacchus. 1657 (plate 236)^and Winter. I66O-I664 (plate 245)y
sometimes forced him to use irrational light to define form; -for example,
the l e f t foreground nymph i n the Birth of Bacchus, and the right figures
in Winter.
But these three uses of l i g h t — f o r aerial perspective, for
modelling form and for fitness to theme—-all point to the subject, uppermost i n Poussin's mind in his 1665 definition of painting.
Coolness of color combined with an encaustic mat finish suggests
Poussin's reference to frescoes, including antique ones, in his late paintings.
3
But "judgment i n every part"' i s an adequate definition of Poussin's treat-
147?
ment of color i n them.
The most important aspect to Poussin i s i t s f i t n e s s
to the ©abject i n t o t a l scheme as well as i n p a r t i c u l a r d e t a i l .
For example,
i n the color scheme of the Landscape with Orion. cl658 (plate 2 3 7 ) , a d u l l ,
cool green predominates.
i z i n g the earth.
This i s suitable for an a l l e g o r y of r a i n f e r t i l -
In the depiction of Summer,
i s a c o l o r i s t i c warmth culminating
appropriate
1660-1664
(plate 243)» there
i n the glowing golden corn.
to the f i v e - f o l d significance of the painting.
i s the Eucharistic s a c r i f i c e .
the bread o f l i f e .
v
This i s
One of- i t s meanings
The golden corn symbolizes the body o f Christ,
The same painting shows Ruth dressed i n similar hues to
Boaz, her future husband.
But she i s a pale shadow of him.
This i s suitable
because Boaz also represents C h r i s t , whereas Ruth i s his Bride, the Church.
This f i d e l i t y i n c o l o r i s t i c d e t a i l enables one to use i t as one key to the
p i c t o r i a l meaning, for example, i n the Landscape with Orpheus and Eurydice
cl650 (plate 191),
his
color suggests that Orpheus should be i d e n t i f i e d with
father Apollo, for he i s dressed i n red and gold, whereas the paler
lemon yellow o f Eurydice s dress associates her with the earth, the r i p e n 1
ing corn of spring.
From Poussin's reduction of hues, combined with usually
subdued colors we are aware of h i s emphasis on form.
However, who can dispute
the f i t n e s s o f his color scheme f o r Winter,
(plate
I 6 6 O - I 6 6 4
2 4 5 ) ?
The
dark, cold dampness of the Deluge i s f u l l y expressed i n the dominant steely
greys.
But bright-colored garments on the t i n y figures at the r i g h t give
l i f e to the sombre hue of the whole painting.
Secondly, they are suitable
to i t s meaning—an allegory o f salvation.
Poussin exhibits the following q u a l i t i e s common to the l a t e style of
a r t i s t s . ^ He uses cross tensions instead of overt action, creating an
equilibrium.
He maintains an i n t r i n s i c unity.
There i s a dynamic behind his
compositions which organizes them with expressive c l a r i t y .
follow his deeper and broader concepts of r e a l i t y .
For his forms
F i n a l l y a new l y r i c a l
148
quality appears i n his painting.
Unlike many aged a r t i s t s , Poussin retained attention to d e t a i l , carefully
ordering everything into a free, diversified composition.
Said Louis
Fouquet i n 1655
Although i t i s said his trembling hand doesn't make his work so beaut i f u l , i t i s yet a slander, and he works better than he has ever done
and more precisely, z
Although we m-jjist accept Poussin's increasing enfeeblement seen i n his drawings and stated by Felibien,^
I feel that the comment of Fouquet reflects
the impression the l a t e landscapes leave with us.
In his l a t e style, Poussin
has not only fused form with content; he has also given us an excellent
demonstration of his concept of the Modes, his most original contribution
7
to the theory of a r t .
149
CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSION
In his last years, Nicolas Poussin was moved by a desire to instruct
in a deeply spiritual manner. Through exquisite integration of form with
content, according to his theory of the Modes, he infused his late landscapes and mythological figure compositions with richly expressive, multifaceted meaning, in order to make them allegories of the harmony of Creation
signifying the final salvation of Man.
This intense organic unity, akin to that #f poetry, and typical of
the art of Poussin's century, was this artist's solution to
a major cul!
tural problem—a deep-rooted uncertainty caused by the apparent polarity
between reason and faith.
Steeped in antiquity, the main means of cultural communication i n his
time, Poussin's orderly personality accepted i t s most cosmopolitan philosophy—Stoicism—because
i t deified Reason. This Stoicisin was not only
the backbone of his method of work; i t gave him also a tool to express
awareness of the importance of science, especially Copernican cosmology,
because to the Stoics, myths were allegories of natural phenomena,
governed by an intrinsic order and harmony.
Trained in the Italian art principles of ut pictura poesis. Poussin's
paintings were mainly religious and historical figure compositions.
Thus
i t i s necessary to see his landscapes as an expression of his Stoic conviction that the border and harmony of Nature was perhaps a better reflection
of the Divine Reason governing humanity than the activity of heroic human
153
beings.
In painting h i s landscapes to show t h i s Order, i t i s reasonably possible
that Poussin not only followed antique and contemporary Stoicism, but was
also influenced by the ideas of the Dominican philosopher, Tommaso Campanella.
Poussin's paintings from 1630
appear to show the Stoicism of t h i s f r i a r
who
was e s p e c i a l l y interested i n the sun as the source of l i f e i n Nature.
Our primary documents f o r the connection between the two men are, however,
the l a t e mythological paintings, mainly landscapes, of Nicolas Poussin.
Apparently neither Poussin's extant correspondance, nor h i s biographers, such
as F e l i b i e n or B e l l o r i , mention contact with Campanella, who
died i n Paris i n
1639.
Campanella endeavored to integrate antique Stoic physics with the
concept of the universe as revealed by Galleo and Copernicus from a b e l i e f i n
s p i r i t u a l progress taken from St. Thomas Acquinas who had e a r l i e r worked out
a synthesis of reason with f a i t h .
To Campanella the new discoveries of science
were b e n e f i c i a l to the s p i r i t u a l growth of Man.
Poussin began to experience i n l a t e r l i f e a new humility regarding
the immutable laws of nature as well as the eternal truths of h i s f a i t h .
In h i s pictures there appeared the subordination apparent i n Campanellan
thought of the marvel of Creation to the wonder of human salvation.
I believe that the influence of Poussin's l a t e work on succeeding
landscape painting stemmed as much from h i s excellent c l a s s i c a l style
"with judgment i n every p a r t , a s •from the pantheism underlying such judgment
with which h i s most impressive compositions, f o r example, Winter, were
created.
art
In Poussin's l a t e years h i s reasonable philosophy of l i f e and
coalesced with enlightened r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g to form a dynamic i n v i n c i b l e
against formidable physical weakness including a trembling hand.
The a r t i s t Poussin was always more a r t i c u l a t e i n painting than i n
151
writing.
This i s shown by his letter of 1665 about his art, defining the
aim new in his late painting, that of delectation or spiritual delight.
Likewise, his late works are a much clearer demonstration of his principle
of using a l l pictorial elements for emotional expression than his somewhat
confused explanation of the concept behind such work which he called the
theory of the Modes.
Chapter I of this thesis discusses Poussin's l i f e interweaving i t with
the artist's early allegorical treatment of mythology as well Las with his
painting of religious subjects. In this f i r s t chapter,I also demonstrate
the relative independence of Poussin, unique in his century i n Roman
Catholic countries. This was made possible by the patronage of the
illustrious intellectual Cassiano dal Pozzo, the naturalist and antiquarian
secretary to Cardinal Francesco Barberini.
Pozzo, whose home was the cul-
tural and intellectual centre of Romp, offered Poussin, besides commissions,
continuing intellectual and a r t i s t i c education through his museum and friends
(as Poussin himself declared). Among these was Cardinal Massimi who took
over Pozzo's patronage upon the latter*s death i n 1657.
Pozzo was a sun
around which persons like Campanella also revolved. Poussin's final painting,
with i t s allegorical complexity, combining antiquity, Stoicism and syncretic
religion in landscape was his most eloquent tribute to the "education"
provided by this unusual patron.
In late l i f e , Pozzo, impoverished by change in Papal government, limited
his commissions; , but through Parisian royal service, I64O-42, Poussin had
enjoyed close contact with Paul Freart de Chantelou, who from the mid-1640's
became, with other Frenchmen, his best patron as well as a firm friend. The
bulk of Poussin's extant letters are to this French c i v i l servant.
In Paris, Pozzo's Neo-Stoic intellectual friends had kept in touch with
152^
Poussin^
but men o f moderately c o m f o r t a b l e means l i k e Chantelou a f t e r w a r d s
became h i s l i f e - l o n g p a t r o n s .
Those who commissioned
d e s c r i b e d i n t h e f i n a l s e c t i o n o f Chapter I .
h i s l a s t paintings are
These b i o g r a p h i e s a r e f u r t h e r
e v i d e n c e o f t h e unusual freedom o f t h i s a r t i s t t o s u i t h i s p i c t u r e s t o h i s
a r t i s t i c i d e a l s , h i s own t a s t e s , a s w e l l as those o f h i s buyers.
Chapter I
c o n c l u d e s w i t h a b i o g r a p h y o f Campanella whose p h i l o s o p h y e s p e c i a l l y
influ-
enced P o u s s i n ' s l a t e m y t h o l o g i c a l and l a n d s c a p e p a i n t i n g .
A d i s c u s s i o n o f l a n d s c a p e i n Chapter I I shows t h a t t h e e x p r e s s i v e
d e p i c t i o n o f P o u s s i n ' s l a s t y e a r s was t h e f r u i t o f f o u r t h i n g s :
Stoicism;
f o r m a l s e n s i t i v i t y t o Nature i t s e l f ; c o n t i n u e d experiments i n the l a n d s c a p e
genre; t h e i n f l u e n c e o f o t h e r c l a s s i c a l a r t i s t s , from a n t i q u e A p e l l e s ,
Renaissance Raphael and Leonardo t o contemporary
Claude L o r r a i n e , f o r example.
An a n a l y s i s o f twelve p a i n t i n g s CI65O-I664 m a n i f e s t s P o u s s i n ' s d e v e l o p i n g a b i l i t y t o f i t form t o d e p i c t t h e r e l e v a n c e o f t h e essence o f N a t u r a l
Order t o the e t e r n a l s a l v a t i o n o f Man, however minute he may appear by
Copernican cosmology.
T h i s c h a p t e r on P o u s s i n ' s l a n d s c a p e s and m y t h o l o g i e s
a l s o shows how h i s i n c r e a s i n g l y j u d i c i o u s use o f l i t e r a r y and a r t i s t i c sources /,
e n a b l e d him t o i n c o r p o r a t e such complex a l l e g o r y so s a t i s f a c t o r i l y w i t h i n h i s
paintings.
The r o o t o f P o u s s i n ' s f i n a l approach t o Nature i n h i s Roman C a t h o l i c
S t o i c i s m i s d i s c u s s e d i n Chapter I V ; Chapter V demonstrates
t h a t the d e v e l o p -
ment p e r c e p t i b l e i n t h e p a i n t i n g s o f 1 6 5 0 t o I 6 6 4 was r e f l e c t e d l e s s c o h e r e n t l y
i n P o u s s i n ' s w r i t t e n e x p r e s s i o n o f h i s deeper concept o f p a i n t i n g , as w e l l
as i n h i s t h e o r y o f the Modes.
I t i s also evident that h i s f i n a l
painterly
s y n t h e s i s was t h e r e s u l t o f h i s p a t i e n t S t o i c r e a s o n a b l e approach t o h i s a r t ,
done f o r t h e sake o f a r t , h i m s e l f and h i s p a t r o n .
Chapter V I a n a l y z e s the manner i n which P o u s s i n f r e e d form t o m i r r o r
153
most expressively the multi-faceted meaning by which he endeavored to arouse
spiritual exaltation in those persons whom he hoped would try to perceive
his painting. His late style therefore i s not mystical vaguenessj i t is
divine precision.
Such precision provokes two questions: why was such meaning apparently
unperceived by Poussin's early biographers who not only knew him personally
but were deeply interested in his art?
secondly, are other Poussin land-
scapes and mythologies also allegorical?
This thesis does not answer, the second question in any detail, but does
attempt to deal with the first.
Concerning the meaning hidden beneath the
paintings, i t must be remembered that Poussin was not only painting independently for a group of close friends, such as Massimi, who understood what he
meant, but that also, like Campanella, he was expressing concepts in advance
of his time. The Church had officially condemned Copernican cosmology after
the trial of Galileo in 1616.
Not t i l l much later did men generally come
to regard Natural Order as a source of inspiration. Secondly, in his attempt
to enrich his meaning, Poussin sacrificed absolute for relative clarity.
Thus, most persons saw and enjoyed the surface conceit without carefully
considering the formal construction of the painting to the degree that they
realized that allegory was intended. Thirdly, Poussin's earlier work was
clearly based on the ut pictura poesis concept, a well-defined Italian art
theory. This theory, with many of his paintings, passed to France, where
that Italian dogma provided a firm basis for instruction in the French
Academy. That Poussin had deepened his own concept of painting was unperceived. Thus, inadvertently, Poussin somewhat defeated his own purpose
by the poetry of his late landscape painting. For emotionally, people
responded immediately to their magnificient manner because i t reflected the
intense sincerity of the inner philosophic-religious spirit in which he
created them.
155.
ABBREVIATIONS i.
WORKS CITED IN BRIEF IN THE FOOTNOTES?
AAF
Archives de l'Art Francais.
ABf
Art Bulletin.
Actesr;
Erance. Centre National de l a Recherche Scientifique.
Nicolas Poussin:. Ouvrage Publi^ sous l a Direction de
Andre" Chastel. Paris. 19-21 Septembre. 1958. 2 vols.
Paris:- Centre National de l a Recherche Scientifique, I960..
AF
Art de France.
BM
Burlington Magazine*
BNP
Blunt, Sir Anthony. Nicolas Poussin. Bollingen Series,
XXXV.7.. 2 vols. New York:. Pantheon Books, 1 9 6 7 .
Vol. 1, Text, contains figures;; Vol. II, Plates.
A l l references to figures or plates in this thesis
refer to this work, unless otherwise specified.
BSP
Bulletin de l a Societe Poussin.
Catalogue
Blunt, Sir Anthony. The Paintings of Nicolas. Poussin:
a Critical Catalogue. London:-- Phaidon Press, 1966'-,
Correspondance
Poussin, Nicolas. Correspondance de Nicolas Poussin.
Fublie d'apres les Originaux par Ch. Jouanny.
Sbcie'te de l'Histoire de l M r t Francais, n.s., t.5.
Paris: F..De Nobele, 1911.
*
A l l citations to letters and other documents in this work
are given the number assigned by Jouanny;- where page
references occur, they are for footnotes only.
GR
Poussin, Nicolas. The Drawings of Nicolas Poussin.
Edited by Walter Friedlaender and Anthony Blunt.
London. University. Warburg Institute. Studies, V, I-4.
4 vols. London: Warburg Institute, University of London,
I953-I963*
Vol. 5 in preparation.
Exposition Poussin (Louvre)
Paris. Musee National du Louvre. Exposition Nicolas Poussin.
Preface, Germain Bazin; Catalogue, Sir Anthony Blunt;
Biographic, Charles Sterling; Documents de Laboratoire,
Madeleine Hours. 2d ed., corrigee. Paris: Musees Nationaux,
I960. Citations in this thesis are by catalogue number.
156
FNP
Friedlaender, Walter. Nicolas Poussin; a New Approach.
The L i b r a r y of Great Painters. New Yorkr Abrams, 1966.
GBA
Gazette des Beaux-arts.
Internati onal
L a t i n American Art and the Baroque Period i n Europe. V o l . I l l of
Actsr Studies i n Western Art of International Congress of the
History of Art, 20th, New York, September 7-12y. 1961.
4;vols. Princeton, N.J.,: Princeton University Press, 1963".
JWCI
London. University. Warburg I n s t i t u t e .
and Courtauld Institutes..
Journal of the Warburg
JW1
London. University.
Institute.
Journal of the Warburg
Warburg I n s t i t u t e .
Lettres• Poussin, Nicolas. Lettres et Propos sur l'Art.. Textes Reunis .
et Presente's par Anthony Blunt. C o l l e c t i o n M i r r o i r s de l ' A r t . .
P a r i s : Hermann, 1964.
MJBK
Miinchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst.
Revue des Arts.
ZKG:.
Z e i t s c h r i f t fur Kunstgesohichte.
157
FOOTNOTES
INTRODUCTION
From Horace.
Ars Poetica.
For example, t h e concept o f t h e p a i n t e r as a l e a r n e d and u p r i g h t
man, and t h e u s e o f m y t h o l o g i c a l a l l e g o r y t o d e l i g h t and i n s t r u c t .
See R e n s s e l a e r W r i g h t Lee, U t P i c t u r a P o e s i s ; t h e H u m a n i s t i c Theory o f
F a i n t i n g (New Ybrk: N o r t o n , 1967) f o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h i s s u b j e c t and
the s o u r c e o f t h e q u o t a t i o n from Horace c i t e d , .
F i r s t p u b l i s h e d 1651.
^""bn ne s a u r a i t comprendre 1 ' a r t i s t e sans c o n n a i t r e l'jhomme.
S i r Anthony B l u n t , " I n t r o d u c t i o n , " ' L e b t r e s j j p.. 9.
158
FOOTNOTES
CHAPTER I
EMR.
1
p.. 172 and colorplate 37.
2Sir Anthony Blunt, "Temoinages sur Poussin, Lettres, p. 179, citing
in French translation Bellori, Le Vite^ For identification of Bellori and his
relationship to Poussin, see my footnote 7. As Bellori was both a friend and
a believer i n an art theory which held the painter should a learned and v i r tuous man, the thumbnail sketch of Poussin's nobility may^be a bit biased.
See Poussin's remarks on Scarron, Correspondance 145 of 1647.
111
3
Ibid.
^BNP.
5
I, 172.
Ibid... I, 8.
^ENF, p. 15, quoting i n English translation from Giulio Mancini,
Considerazioni sulla Pittura. a two-volume work completed about 1626.
Mancini, who was personal physician to Pope Urban VIII, wrote a brief note
on Poussin in his book.
7
BNP, I, 172,quoting i n English translation from Giovanni Pietro
Bellori, Le Vite de' Pittori, Scultori ed Architetti Modern! (Rome, 1672;)
who was one of the two main biographers of Poussin. Elizabeth G. Holt,
comp. and ed. of Michelangelo and the Mannerists; the Baroque and the
Eighteenth Century, Vol. II of A^Documentary History of Art, Doubleday
Anchor Books (Garden City, N . i . l Doubleday, 1958), pp. 93-4, reports
that this Roman biographer (1615-1696) was an intimate friend of Poussin,
writing the Vite with the artist's help. He dedicated i t to the founder
of the French Academy. The introduction to the book translated in Holt
shows Bellori's preference for classicist art.
8
Henry Bardon, "Poussin et l a Litterature Latine," Vol. I, Actes,
p. 126 shows how in Correspondance 194 Poussin uses an Italian version of
the Latin classic by Quintilian because Poussin reproduces an error in that
version. However, he apparently checked the Latin original i n another part,
improving upon the Italian translation.
9
For example the Catalogue of the British Museum, London or that of
the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
10
BNP, I, 172, quoting Bellori..
p. 9, according to Bellori.
159
12
I b i d . , p . 31, b u t P o u s s i n ' s l e t t e r t o Pozzo.../'. o f
C o r r e s p o n d a n c e 40,
says no s t u d i e s from t h e a n t i q u e were
i n Paris i n that year.
1
3
i b i d . ,
p.
33.
p.
34.
I64I,
possible
a n d unknown
14
Ibid.,
15
Blunt,
as
saying
beautiful
"Temoinages
sur Poussin," Lettres.
the Transfiguration
paintings
^3y
these
i n Rome.(in V o l . 4
p.
184
t w o a r t i s t s ^ was
c f h i s work,
p.
quotes
Felibien,
one o f t h e most
477)
16
BMP
I.
37, 39, 50.
17
Ibid.,
p.
39.
18
I . b i d . . , p . 45 a n d f i g . 38,
19
,
Ibid..,
Poussin's
p.
36;
Venetian
p.-44.
•
F N P , p.
18, q u o t i n g M a n c i n i
i n English
translation
for
visit.
20
Jacques
XI,
Thuillier,
" h i s presence
550.,
"Poussin,
i n Rome
N i c o l a s , " Encyclopedia of World A r t ,
i n M a r c h 1624,
i s
documented."
5
21
BNP... I ,
2
2
57.
Ibid.
23
F N P , . p . 18, f i g . 6.
T h i s sarcophagus i s now i n t h e C a p i t o l i n e
Museum, Rome.
S i r Anthony B l u n t , , "Introduction, ^ I n t e r n a t i o n a l , p. 5
l i s t s P o u s s i n ' s f a v o r i t e antique models as : the Antinous, the Salpion
Vase, the Aldobrandini Wedding, the Sleeping Ariadne and the Farnese
Seated Apollo.
I n J W C I . (1944)» p.. 162, f o o t n o t e 10, t h e s a m e a u t h o r n o t e s
Poussin's i n t e r e s t i n the P a l e s t r i n a mosaic o f N i l o t i c scenes discovered
I63S, a n d m u c h a d m i r e d b y P o z z o .
1
;
24
F N P , p p . 18-19. A n d r e ' F e l i b i e n ' ' s s u b s t a n t i a l b i o g r a p h y o f P o u s s i n
appeared i n the E n t r e t i e n s sur l e s V i e s et s u r l e s Ouivrages des plus
E x c e l l e n s P e i n t r e s Anciens et Modernes, avec l a V i e des A r c h i t e c t e s ,
f i r s t p u b l i s h e d P a r i s , 1666-1688 i n 5 v o l s .
( C a t a l o g u e . , p . 185, i t e m 44}
I t s a u t h o r (1619-1695),an h i s t o r i a n a n d a r t c r i t i c , w a s c o n s i d e r e d a s a n
o r a c l e o f good t a s t e i n t h e most b r i l l i a n t p e r i o d o f L o u i s X I V s
century.
H e w a s i n R o m e 1647-1649 a s s e c r e t a r y t o M a r q u i s d e F o n t e n a y - M a r e u i l w h o w a s
a m b a s s a d o r t o t h e H o l y S e e . He m e t P o u s s i n , C l a u d e a n d o t h e r Romans o n t h i s
visit.
S e e - Y v e s D e l a p o r t e , " A n d r e ' F e l i b i e n _ern I t a l i e (1647-1649): S e s
V i s i t e s V P o u s s i n e t C l a u d e L o r x a i n . " G B A , L I ( A p r i l * 1958), 193-214- F e l i b i n n ,
B e l l o r i r r - ^ J w e l l ^ a s . M a n c i n i a n d Sanb^aTT a r e t h e m a m c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t n e s s e s
o n P o u s s i r f whom t h e y k n e w w e l l .
B N P , I , 58-9.
160;
Thuillier, "Poussin, Nicolas," 550.
BNP, I, 55, 99.
27
28
I b i d . , 100.
29rbid., 63 and FNP.. colorpjate 4. The Martyrdom of St. Erasmus.
1628-1629, an altarpiece for St. Peter's Rome (now i n the Vatican Pinacoteca),
Poussin' s only public picture i n Rome was cool^ received, says Sandrart
according to Sir Anthony Blunt, Art and Architecture i n France. 1500 to 1700.
The Pelican History of Art, Z4 (Harmondsworthr Penguin Books, 1953), p. 160.
BMP. I, 100 reports failure to obtain a second church commission i n 1630.
!
3
°BNP. I, 73, 77.
31
Ibid., 100-1. Poussin had received commissions from Pozzo from 1624
according to Sheila Somers-Rinehart, "Poussin.et l a Famille dal Pozzo,"
Vol. I, Actes, p. 29.
3.2
Francis Haskell, Patrons and Painters: a Study of the Relations
between Italian Art and Society i n the Age of the Baroque (New York:
Knopf, 1963), p. 4 4 . A biography of Pozzo appears at the end of my
chapter I.
•
33?
.
•
BNP, I, 3.28. A. Dominican f r i a r whose natural philosophy'- appears to be
expressed particularly i n Poussin s late landscapes. A biography of him
appears at the end of my chapter I.
34
,
Ibid., 56 , 302. A. biography appears at the end of my chapter I.
Ibid...; 5§, declares Felibieri?;s testimony of Poussin's admiration of the
Salpion Vase, the Font at Gaeta Cathedral near(Naples, suggests a Naples
v i s i t also indicated by Pbussin's testimony i n the 1631 t r i a l ofValguarnera.
,:
35
Blunt, "Temoinages sur Poussin," Lettres. p. 176 translating from
Joachim von Sandrart's Teutche Academie der edeln Bau-Bild-und Mahlerey
Kunste, ed. Peltzer, p. I 8 4 . Blunt, ibid.» p.-175 describes Sandrart as
a mediocre German painter whose information i s important as he knew Poussin
in Rome 1628 to 1635 before other biographers,'/(excluding Mancinijjthe
Teutche Academie was f i r s t published 1675.
1
3.6
Ibid., p. 186 and footnote 9.
Ruffo, who possessed other Poussinsi
BNP,. I. 56.
Abraham Bruegel, agent to Don Antonio
37
•^Ibid., 55. One of Anne Marie's brothers, a landscapist, took Poussin's
surname, calling himself Gaspard Poussin; the other, Jean Dughet, became
Poussin's secretary. Poussin was fond of Anne-Marie. In a letter of I642,
Correspondance ; 71i,.
-,he calls her his well-beloved spouse. Wills of 1643
and 1665, Correspondance 82, 212 respectively, suggest a childless union.
I have seen no other mention of offspring.
t
161
39
FNP, p. 16; Blunt, "Temoinages sur Poussin," Lettres, p. 176, footnote
1.
^Blunt, Art and Architecture, p. 159.
BNP, I, 156-7. Among the clients was Cardinal Richelieu for whom
Poussin did four Bacchanals after." 1636. I believe that Poussin was pressured
into accepting the summons not only through being a subject of France, but
also because Cardinal Francesco Barberini, related to Pope Urban VIII, 1623I644, who was Pozzo's employer, wished "it.
41
^ F o r example, in mythology, the Triumph of Flora. c.l627 (Paris, Louvre)
BNP, II, p i . 23, a version of the Kingdom of Flora. 1631 (Dresden, Staatliche
Kunstsammlungen) BNP II, p i . 65, FNP, colorplate 17.
43
However, many pictures appear to be simple mythological illustrations,
for example, The Nurture::of Bacchus, between I63O and 1635 (London, National
Gallery) BNP II, p i . 60, which depicts the story told i n Apollodorus,
Bibliotheca, 3 . 4» 3 , according to BNP, I, 123,- without extraneous elements.
Lilian's subjects inspired Poussin, for example Poussin's Richelieu
Bacchanals. But Poussin reinterpreted Titian's iconography as,for example,
in the Andrians, cl632 (Paris, Louvre)(pi. 68), on the principle of Ut pictura
poesis that invention consists of a new treatment of an already-used subject..
The reinterpretation was also motivated by a different philosophy. %& Poussin,
the f e r t i l i t y of nature was important; he also wished to express antiquity
accurately. So he used Philostratus' Imagines. 1 . 25 (then available in a
French edition) which relates how through the gift of Bacchus the Island of
Andros became saturated with wine flowing forth from a river for the Andrians.
In Titian's Bacchanal (fig. 57) the river god i s i n the right rear in
miniature; i n Poussin's painting he i s a major figure, wreathed, carrying
grapes, seemingly impersonating the divine Bacchus signifying fertile nature.
Similarly Poussin treats Apollo the sun god as the source of l i f e i n nature,
rather than as a symbol of beauty and truth, as Titian did. This idea i s
related to Titian's neo-Flatonism, whereas Poussin may be expressing Campanellan
Stoic natural philosophy. As i n subject, so in manner, Poussin adopts elements
of Titian's style—color, light, and natural background—but modifies these.
The color i s less broken, the golden light gives way to the clear noon of the
Kingdom of Flora, and the landscape becomes an accessory to set the scene more
clearly,-.than i n the "Marino"' drawings. Compositionally, Poussin retained a
simpler structure near classical r e l i e f , rather than the complex organization
of Titian's Bacchanals. He told his biographers that the sensuous and colorful
Venetian treatment seemed too superficial to him, so that he turned to classical
models^-antique, Renaissance and contemporary. The reaction away from Titian's
style became pronounced after 1633 perhaps under the influence of Domenichino,
who was in Rome l634/5» although it',had appeared firmly before he arrived.
45
Ovid, Metamorphoses and Ovid, Fasti, works of Augustan Rome; Torquato
Tasso, Gerusalemme Liberata, editions published 1581 and after with an
Allegoria prefixed (BNP I, 148) and Philostratus, Imagines, another antique
classic, probably, i n the illustrated editions published 1609 on under t i t l e :
Images ou Tableaux de Platte Peinture des Deux Philostrates Sophistes Grecs,
trans, by Blaise de Vigenere, and provided by him with learned glosses as well
162.
as references to other ancient authors, Ovid, Hyginus, Horace and Lucian.
See BNP, I, 3 5 0 and Bardon, "Poussin et l a Litterature Latine," p. 1 2 6 .
46
BNP,
1,
103.
47
Ibid., 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 1 5 2 - 3 . Poussin's f i r s t patron Marino wrote a section
entitled Musica i n his Picerie Sacre (Turin, 1 6 1 4 ) .
It stated that the gods
symbolize Christian figures somewhat imperfectly, for example: Hercules, the.
battle with the Devil; Deucalion. Noah; Orpheus. the descent into Hell.
Marino called them falsehoods applicable to the truth. Likewise Pan, the
Greek shepherd deity, was identified with Christ, the Good Shepherd by
Rabelais and other sixteenth-century humanists. Bacchus, was connected with
Christianity i n several ways. His death, and the source of new l i f e i n his
member carried away i n a basket were seen as symbolic of the idea of death
and resurrection, a legend i n the Vigenere translation notes on the Imagines..
Vigenere.; also saw a parallel between Bacchic mysteries and the Christian
Eucharist. Adonis was seen as a resurrection symbol i n the seventeenth cen«»
tury through knowledge of On the Syrian Godde_s_s ascribed then to Lucian.
^ Ibid... 148.
8
49
In the Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden, Also FNP, colorplate 1750
The same series of transformations are described i n Ovid's Fasti as
connected with the Roman feast of the Floralia in May.
BNP. I, 328.
5 1
52
ENP. p. 1 2 6 .
53
: ;
BNP. 1 , 117-118. Adonis, symbol of resurrection, is also in the
painting, whereas Ovid, Metamorphoses. 1 0 , 1 6 4 , calls Hyacinthus immortal.
%NP.
p.
126.
-^BNP. I, 152. "hymns of praise of the Bacchic mysteries, but they
may contain an element of . . . syncretism," with Christian mysteries.
1
5°BNP. I, 1 3 5 5 R&ie' Pintard, "Rencontres avec Poussin," Vol. I, Actea,
pp. 32-5 gives commission details.
copy of this exists i n the Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City.
5 % n the Morrison Collection, England.
59Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology (London: Hamlyn, 1959), p. 127..
60
T
I, 137.
The sixteenth-century mythographer Cartari also des-
cribes i t .
Ibid. 136.
f i g . 126 in the Royal Library, Windsor; f i g . 127 in the
1 6 3
Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City.
Charles Dempsey, "The Classical Perception of Nature.in Poussin''S5
Earlier Works."' JWOI. XXIX ( 1 9 6 6 ) , 219-249 gives a thought-provoking analysis-'
of this allegory. The trinitarian aspect of Apollo i s dicussed on p. 2 3 0 , and
the Triumph of Bacchus, pp. 24I-244.. Because Poussin included four seasons
in a painting of this period as well as in his last finished masterpiece,, I
feel that Mr. Dempsey i s mistaken i n believing"Poussinis suggesting three
seasons are indicated in this painting. The author's work i s connected
to his 1 9 6 3 dissertation on Nicolas Poussin and the Natural Order, in the
University Library at Princeton, N.J., available on microfilm, according to
Dissertation Abstracts. XXVI ( 1 9 6 6 ) , 9 7 4 .
0,i
63,
See footnote 4 7 on the association between Bacchic and Christian
mysteries i n the seventeenth century.
^Blunt, "Temoinages sur Poussin," Lettres., p. 188, quoting from
Voyage du Cavalier Bernin en France, by Poussin's friend Paul Freart de
Chantelou.
6 5
'
BEP, I ,
1 2 2 .
66'-
In the Wbrsley Collection, Hovingham Hall, Yorkshire.
67
In the Staatliche Museen} West Berlin.
6 8
BNP. I, 1 4 1 and fig. 1 3 2 . i l l u s t r a t e s a sheet in the Musee Conde',
Chantilly, containing notes and drawings by Poussin from Guillaume du Choul,
Discours sur l a Religion des Anciens Romains ( 1 5 5 6 ) available in French
and Latin editions.
69
Because the education given to any European student whatever
his nationality was classical. For an illuinating discussion of this,
see Douglas Bush, Classical Influences in Renaissance Literature. Martin
Classical Lectures, Vol. XIII (Cambridge, Mass.:- Harvard University Press,
1 9 5 2 )
70
Blunt, Art and Architecture, p. 1 6 2 ;
In the Louvre, Paris; BNP. I,, index l i s t s other versions. Painted
for Phelypeaux de l a V r i l l i e r e , BNP I, 1 5 0 - 1 5 1 . Correspondance. p. 4 V
footnote 3 ? i d e n t i f i e s him as the French Secretary of State, born 1599, died
1681, an amateur of painting. Its presence in Paris must have enhanced
Poussin's reputation there, and perhaps had some influence on his royal
summons of 1 6 3 9 .
7 1
1 6 3 7
Poussin's Stoicism i s discussed i n Chapter IV of this thesisf
the biography of Campanella at the end of this chapter discusses Stoicism
in a l l its.aspects..
72
BNP, I, 1 5 4 . A. sheet of studies for the Richelieu Triumph of Pan
has on i t a study for a mourning figure in the Extreme Unction. CR,III,
pp. 2 4 f f . , no. 188. This dates the planning of the f i r s t series to C I 6 3 6 .
73
16 4.
The f i r s t series i s scattered and incomplete. Confirmation, Eucharist.
Extreme Unction., Ordination and Marriage are in the collection of the Duke
of Rutland, Belvoir Castle,Gfentham, Leicestershire; Baptism i s i n the
National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. The original of Penance i s lost,
but a copy exists i n the Lew Sonn Collection, New York. The second series
i s a l l i n the National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh, on loan from the Duke
of Sutherland. Biographies of Pozzo and Chantelou appear at the end of
this chapter of the thesis.
74
T h u i l l i e r , "Poussin, Nicolas," 552-.
IB-
Ibid.;, Correspondance 21 to Carlo Antonio dal Pozzo, Cassiano's
brother, speaks of this residence as "a l i t t l e palace . . . i n the middle
of the Tuilleries Gardens." Holt, Michelangelo and the Mannerists: the
Baroque and the Eighteenth Century, translates most of this letter, p. 147.
Correspondance 30 to Chantelou thanks him for the surprise gift of a hogsr
head of wine.
76 '
BNP, I , 208-13. The primary document for these meetings i s the
letter written to Cassiano dal Pozzo in May, 1642, by Abbe Bourdelot, recording Poussin's attendance at a recent dinner party given by Bourdelot
in Pozzo's honor, together with MM. Naude', Patin, Richer, doctors and learned
men,. Gassendi, a philosopher, and the painters Lemaireand Remy Vuibert.
77
Ibid., 208. Jean Lemaire who had known Poussin in Rome worked
with him as a principal assistant on the Louvre Long Gallery. A separate
biography of Stella appears at the end of this chapter of the thesis.
78
BNP, I, 213-215 and Correspondance, pp. 268-269,footnote.
These were: Paul Freart de Chantelou and his wife of 1656, Mme; Montmort;.
Jean Freart de Chantelou, Paul's younger brother; Pointel, a Parisian banker
from Lyonsp; Cerisier, a Lyons silk merchant; Reynon, another Lyons silk
merchant; Lumagne (or Lumague) a Parisian banker from Switzerland; Mercier,
Lyons Treasurer;; Jacques-Auguste II de Thou, f i r s t President of the Chamber
of Enquiries; Melchior de G i l l i e r , King's Councillor; Hennequin de Fresne,
Master of the Royal Hunt. Besides these middle-class men of reasonable
means, Poussin was also patronized by three rich financiers—Louis Phelypaux
de l a V r i l l i e r e , Nicolas Fouquet, Cardinal Mazarin—and four aristocrats—
the Due de Richelieu (great nephew of the Cardinal), and the three French
Ambassadors to the Vatican..
79
y
'Lettres, pp. 58-9, contains one from Gabriel Naude to Cassiano
dal Pozzo of April 18, 1642, explaining the difficulties under which Poussin
was working and his intention to return to Rome.
80
Pierre:-du Colombier, "Poussin et Claude Lorrain," Vol. I, Actes,
pp. 41-56, tels the pension was reinstated but not the date when i t was.
81
BNP. I, 158;; biography of Noyers, Correspondance, p. 5, footnote 4«
82-:
Correspondance 44, "A. Monsieur de Chantelou, Commis de Monseigneur
de Noyers, en Court,"'a letter of August 23, 1641.
33BNP, I, 186.
165=
84
James Pounder Whitney, The History of the Reformation (London:
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 194-0),; p. 172V
85
3., J.. Kidd, The Counter-reformation. 1550-1600 (London:
for Promoting Christian Knowledge,, 19333,. P- 6 4 .
Society
86
Whitney, Reformation, p. 183; Kidd, Counter-reformation, p. 67.
^BNP., 1, 1 8 9 .
88!
lipid... 188: and Correspondance 109 to Chantelou. "I' am on the
point of beginning a second picture for you, that of Penitence where there?
will be something new;, especially the lunary triclinium which they call
Sigma will be accurately depicted there." Correspondances. p. 272,
footnote li, explains that the triclinium was an assemblage of three couches
used for eating in a reclining position i n ancient times.
89
I.bid.. 187..
1
7
3Ibid... 201.
9Q
91
A, dictum related to Aristotle's comparison of painting and poetry
in his Poetics. Its meaning for seventeenth century painting i s discussed
by Rensselaer Wright Lee, Ut Pictura Poesis: The Humanistic Theory of Painting (New York:: Norton, 19W\
92?
BNP, I, 155 says the color of the f i r s t series i s cool; FNP
colorplates 29 and 30 of the second series Extreme Unction- and Eucharist
respectively show the color warmth I describe.
93:
BNP,, I., 15% At this time Poussin was helping to illustrate the
Treatise for Pozzo. It was'published early 1650's.
94-Blunt, Art and Architecture,, p. 167, 243, footnote 217.
95
BNP, I, 204-5 says Poussin's source for such archeological accuracy
could have been illustrations in books reporting pilgrimages to the Holy Land,
for example, Giovanni Suallardo, II Devotissimo Viaggio di Gerusalemme(Rome, 1587)
.
'
:
96
This i s orthodox Roman Catholicism according to the Council of Trent,
1545-1563, which set forth the beliefs of Roman Catholics as distinct from
Protestants.- The Eucharist was defined as an act of consecration of bread
and wine.so that the body and blood of Christ are substantially and wholely
present permanently i n either element. The.Mass, of which i t i s the core, is?
thus a perpetuation of Christy's sacrifice on the Cross. Kidd> Counterreformation,, pp. 70-71 and Whitney, Reformation, p. 196'>explain these
doctrines.
97'
FNP, p. 188 and colorplate 4 4 , . in the National Gallery, London.
The especially cool color of this late religious composition may relate to
166
i t s : possible use as part of a monument to Cassiano dal Pozzo who died 1657 v
and was buried i n S. Maria Sbpra Minerva, a Roman church also above the-;
ancient sanctuary of I s i s . I t has been suggested by J.. Costello, i n
Studies i n Honor of Walter Kriedlaender (1965) that St. Mary, whose pose
resembles Bernini"s St. Theresa i s intended to represent also Minerva and
I s i s . Perhaps this would account f o r the yellow and d u l l red predominating
i n her garb, unlike other Poussin pictures of the Madonna. I f J . Costello
i s r i g h t , this painting i s an excellent example of the syncretism so d i s c r e e t l y present i n Ordination, and also used i n the Four Seasons.
98
Michael Kitson, "The relationship between Claude and Poussin i n
Landscape, ZK£>. XXIV/ (1961), 142i
9%n the Louvre, Paris. FNP colorplate 33, P'i I64 relates B e l l o r i
says Poussin considered this h i s best work. I t was done f o r Pointel.
I t s symmetrical disposition of action, reaction and emotion i s enriched by
v i v i d l o c a l reds, golds, blues, and greens i n varied tones, a development
following Raphael's Roman period o i l paintings, according to BNP.. I, 2:57.
I h the Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University. FNP. p, 170
and colorplate 36'shows the same emphasis on v i v i d color i n the red, white
and blue o f the Madonna with the gold on St. Elizabeth. There i s a warm
i n t e r r e a c t i o n between the:Virgin, the frightened C h r i s t - c h i l d and the
amused St. Joseph. Although the Holy Family are seated against a stone wall,
to the l e f t and r i g h t are a lake beyond which appears mixed trees and a r c h i tecture, possibly Rome on the l e f t , the Campagna on the r i g h t .
1 0 0
1 0 1
I n the Hotel de V i l l e , Les Andelys.
102L
In the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
103'
^BNP, I, 176, c i t i n g Seneca, Be Consolatione ad Helviam 8,
translates "Wherever we s t i r , the two resources which are the f a i r e s t of a l l
attend usi nature, which i s universal, and virtue*which i s our own. Such
was the design,, believe me, of whatever force fashioned the universe, whether
an omnipotent god, or impersonal Reason as a r t i f i c e r of vast creations* or
divine S p i r i t permeating a l l things great and small with uniform tension,
or Fate with i t s immutable nexus? of i n t e r r e l a t e d causes . . . This world,
than which Nature has wrought nothing greater or handsomer, and the human mind,,
i t s most magnificent portion, which contemplates the world and admires i t , are
oui.'- 'own forever."
10A
LbicL,v,
1
y
211-212. Naude, Bourdelot, Patin and Gassendi, those ad-
mirors of Pozzo who kept i n touch with Poussin i n Paris conducted t h e i r
a f f a i r s on the Stoic p r i n c i p l e s of philosophy i n Plutarch, Cicero and Seneca.
They were also aware of the ideas of Neo-Stoic French writers of the sixteenth
century, for example, Montaigne.
^IM.d., I&7-I68U Poussin expresses both Stoic and Neo-Stoic ideas
i n h i s letters.- He stresses resignation i n misfortune, a Stoic commonplace,
for example when Chantelou suffers through the disgrace of Noyers, Poussin
writes, Correspondance<111. that i t i s necessary to accept the w i l l of God
who orders things thus, and fate w i l l s they should happen t h i s way.
He i s
probably r e f e r r i n g to Montaigne i n the Correspondance 162 l e t t e r to Chantelou1(
167
when he says that only great wisdomr. or great simplicity can exespt a man
from the storms of fortune, which a f f l i c t the ordinary person. He reflects
both the Stoic Seneca and the Neo-Stoic du Vair i n his opinion upon the
stupidity and inconstancy of the masses of people^ expressed i n Correspondance 174 to Chantelou, 1649, and quoted BNP. I, 170, the theme of his Phocion
landscapes.
106
The clientele listed footnote 70 as French bourgeoisie favored
the "peace, order and good government" principle of Stoicism which would!
permit the businesses i n which they were?involved to run smoothly. Popular
revolt, condemned by Stoicism, was also condemned by, them as well as by Poussin.
1
107
A f u l l discussion of Poussin's landscapes appears i n Chapter II,/
of this thesis.
108
BNP, I, 171 from Bellori.
1 0 9
I b i d . . I, 171-2 translating Bellori, be Vite. pp. 435ff.
Ibid. 172-173:. also Correspondance 168 to Chantelou of 1649
expresses the Senecan Stoic attitude of withdrawal from publie l i f e in the
words "Meanwhile i t is.-: a great pleasure to l i v e i n a century like this
where so many great things happen, provided one can take cover in some
l i t t l e corner to see the comedy at one's ease,"
1
•^"Haskell, Patrons, pp. 112-113. Few Pozzo commissions to Poussin
date after 1644*
1 1 2
113
n
I b i d . , Ri 117
BNP. I, 248.
4lbid.
1 1 5
ll6
H .askell, Patrons, p. 113*
landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe.
BNF, I, 302; and Thuillier, "Poussin, Nicolas,"
553.
117
Colombier, "Poussin et Claude Lorrain," pp. 52-3.
A comparison of
inventories of their possessions after death shows this.
118
Ibid.. p, 53; Catalogue, p. 185.records Monconys diary as written 1663I664 and published in three volumes at Lyons, 1665-1666 under t i t l e :
Journal des Voyages. Also Pintard, "Rencontres avec Poussin,"pp. 44-45.
119
Correspondance 211 to Chantelou, March 16655. Ibid... p. 465, footnote 1 citing Passeri, Le Vite de' Pittori. 1772, translated, reads: "In the
spring of 1665, there came to Rome a close nephew motivated, as much as he l e t
i t seem, by the greedy desire to be the inheritor of what his uncle had acquired,, and who acted so indiscreetly and impertinently that he cPc-ussin^
receiving l i t t l e satisfaction, sent him back to Andelys in September of the
same year." The last will was made September 21, 1665.
The nephew was
168
disinherited, Correspondance pp. 464-465, footnote 3.
2
8 o r r e s pondanc e 208, November, 1664 to Chantelou.
^^Correspondance 209; and p. 456, footnote 4, which identifies the
Abbe Nicaise, who may be the N referred to,as a particular friend of Poussin's.
" ^ettres, p. 166.
L2
12=p
Thuillier, "Poussin, Nicolas,"' 553i
1 2
| N P , 1, p. 339, f i g . 262 for example.
125
ENP. p. 193 "Certainly one sees in these four paintings s t i l l the
form and the genius of Poussin, but one also remarks the weakness of his
hand." From the Entretiens. See Appendix I. to this thesis.
12
T h u i l l i e r , "Poussin, Nicolas," 553.
1
125
correspondance - 202.
128
Correspondance. • pp.. 465-466, footnote 2j citing Passeri.
The Will i s Correspondance 212/; evidence of the funeral location i s cited
ibid., pp. 480-481, footnote 1.
129
,
BNP. I, 161.
Generosity conquers physical desire.
130
In the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
131
Haskell, Patronspp. 112-113.
132/
tt
FNP. p. 193 suggests one of the learned French clerics who frequented,
Poussin"s house during his last years."' I do not know of any other than
Nicaise.
133
Holt, Michelangelo and the Mannerists: the Baroque and the Eighteenth
Century., p. 124. Holt speaks of Chantelou and Noyers remaining i n Rome I64O1643. This i s not evident from the Correspondance. B1P. I, 157 says "the
two friends arrived i n Paris i n the middle of December I64O.."
134
Blunt, Art and Architecture, p. l65»i Correspondance. p. 336, footnote
1.. I wonder about Chantelou's intelligence. Poussin evidently thouglt him
capable of understanding the Seven Sacraments. Moreover, Poussin's early
letters are repetitive. On Correspondance 56 there i s a Chantelou comment
"this letter i s worth being looked at."
135
Edmond Bonnaffe', Dictionnaire des Amateurs Francais au Xf*I*I Siecle
(Paris: A. Quantin, 1884), p. 54»
*
1
:
e:
;
169
^Correspondance 56. Chantelou summarizes on the letter "he makes
a neat comparison as to why he does not write to M. de Noyers at all."'
137;
Ibid... pp.
,
,
5^6, footnote 4; Bonnaffe,
Dictionnaire, p.
54;?..^
Many letters i n the Correspondance address him as "Commis" ox clerk.
138
Ibid,,; 17,: the dispatch of Chantelou by royal command via Noyers;,
19, mentioning Cortona as a substitute for Duquesnoy, the Flemish sculptor
invited to Paris with Poussin.
139
BSE, I,
157..
140
Correspondance, pp. 5-6, footnote 4.
,125 and p. 310, footnote 2; Blunt, Lettres. p. 106.
350, footnote 2\,
143.Ibid.» p; 2£f, footnote 1.
;
144
Holt, Michelangelo- and the Mannerists;, the Baroque and the Eighteenth
Century., p. 124. The Journal was f i r s t published i n GBA'.. XV-XXXT (1877-1885).-
145
Correspondance 56- of l642 comments on this v i s i t .
"^fks Stoicism i s suggested by Poussin's letters advising him constantly/
to behave stoically, for example,, Correspondance 162-: from Poussin on the loss;
of a friend./of. Chantelou"s. I t may be argued that thisr reflects-Poussin's
philosophy, not Chantelou's, but I doubt i f that patient" c i v i l servant would
have put up with so much of such advice unless he approved of the principles
behind i t . Chantelou's religious beliefs are suggested by his commission of
the seven sacraments, He seems to have shared Poussin' s scepticism about the
church; hierarchy even i f he accepted i t s basic doctrines. He seems not to
have-been Jesuit-minded like Noyers, or pious like Bernini.
B l u n t , Lettres. P. 106, footnote 61. Mazarin had disgraced Noyers;
Conde was against Mazarin.
^Gorrespondance 157, 1647, "you swear I have served M Pointel with
more love and diligence than you.'"
;
!
U
r
149
Bonnaffe, Dictionnaire. pp. 54-55.
15Q
1
Blunt, "Introduction" Lettres. p. 11; BNP. I, 216..
151
BNP. I, 213-214.
152
...
Correspondance* p...-454, footnote 2: Idee de l a Perfection de la -..,.
1
170
Peinture . . .. (Mans* Jacques Ysambart, 1662)
153Ibid., 137, for example.
154
Blunt, "Introduction," Lettres. p. 10.
Bonnaffe, Dictionnaire. p. 171.
15
| b i d . , pp. 171-172;
1 5
|NPJ
I,
176,
158
,
Gatalogue 208 reports Felibien as saying Lebrun got a landscape in
1659.
1 5
6NF, I,
357.
160
Ibid., 230.,
161
Haskell, Patrons, pp. 115, 118.
162L
Ibid.. p. 116i
1633
BNP I, 302.
l6
4
Haskell, Patrons, p. 116.
165
Ibid.., p. 115.
166'-
BNP, I, 98-99. Now in'the British Museum, London.
167
M s k e l l , Patrons, p. 115.
168
BNP,. I, 248. These were: Moses Trampling on Pharoah"s Grown
(2nd version) (pi. 166) and i t s companion Moses Changing Aaron's Rod into
a Serpent (pl..l67). Both are now i n the Louvre, Haskell, Patrons, pp.
114-115 describes them as learned, severe with harsh colors and s t i f f rhetori c a l formulae i n the depiction of the drama of the events. PI. 166-depicts;
an incident never commissioned by Fozzo. According to BNP, I, 180, fsatnote
13, the scene was depicted i n the Speculum Humanae Salvationis. as well as
being i n Josephus, of which Massimi had a copy. The transformation of
Aaron's rod i s also connected with salvation because i t symbolizes Baptism,
according to Ambrose, De Sacramentis 4- 1.1, as referred to by"B1R. If* 180,
footnote 14.
Such commissions suggest Massimi's taste for the erudite and
unusual. In the late l640's he also commissioned unusual mythological
subjects from Claude, for example, A Coast View with Apollo and the Gumaean
Sybilfc. iccording to Haskell, Patrons, p. 116.
171
169
Sir Anthony Blunt, The French Drawings in the Collection of His
Majesty the King at Windsor Castle (Oxford & London: Phaidon Press, 1945),.
p;. 32 states that Felibien saw the drawings i n Massimi's collection i n his
Roman v i s i t , 1647-49.
170
Haskell, Patrons, p. 117.
171
Ibid.; The Arcadian Shepherds i s the one i n the Devonshire
Collection, Chatsworth; the Midas Washing at the Source of the Pactolus i s
that i n the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New Yorl^ according to Catalogue 16'5.
172
BNP., I, 326.
1733
Ibid.. 171.
174
Haskell, Patrons, p. 117.
175
•BNP, 1, 207j i n the Vatican library. He deciphered Hebrew as a
relaxation, says Haskell, Patrons, p. 116, while Nuncio i n Spain.
176
BNP II. 119, and footnotes 34, 35.- The Coloring of Coral,
as Bellori calls i t also shows Perseus, Andromeda and Medusa. The subject
i s unusual. It i s related by Ovid, Metamorphoses, 4» 740ff. and
Philostratus. Imagines, i n the VigSnere translation, 1614 edition, p. 261.
Claude painted the subject for Massimi 1673, Liber Veritas 184.
177'
Ibid., 326 reflects the artist's and patron's interest i n
f e r t i l i t y and s t e r i l i t y as appears in one level of the allegory i n
the Apollo and Daphne. Such drawings and paintings were done for
close friends.
178
,
Bonnaffe, Dictionnaire. p. 230.
179
FNP, p. 193,' Walter Friedlaender, "Poussin"s Old Age,"' GBA. LX
(1962), 258jhe names Nicaise offering no proof.
180
Correspondance, p. 456, footnote 4» citing from the Entretiens.
7
181
Bonnaffe' Dictionnaire, p. 230.
Blunt, Lettres, p. 162, footnote 15j Bonnaffe, Dictionnaire, p. 230
reports his antiquarianism and a voluminous correspondence in the Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris.
183
,
Correspondance.209 (Jouanny notes the work on the Deluge
finished 1664, nov/ i n tfi'e Louvre)
184
^ LIbid...
e t t r e s ,207.V
pv. 166.
18
172
186
Correspondance p. 75, footnote 1, also letter 37 and
Bonnaffe*, Dictionnaire, p. 242.
t
187:
Ibid.., p. 75, footnote 1 citing Bellori..
188
Ibid., pp. 75-6, footnote 1.
12
8
BNP, I, 216, footnote 22. The exception i s the l630 s Camillus..
,!
190
Now i n the Royal Museum of Fine Arts, Copenhagen. Dated by Blunt
on s t y l i s t i c grounds to the period 1654-1665.
191
The painted versions date late 1630's. They are in the Eouvre,
Paris and in a private collection in the same city. The drawing of the
f i r s t version i s i n the British Museum,, London; the painting i s lost.
192?
In the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa; Ernst H. Gombrich,
"The Subject of Poussin's Orion." BM. LXXXI.V/ (February,1944), 37.-41
states Bellori reports two landscapes painted by Poussin for Passart.
This may be the one, besides the Orion which i s recorded by Felibien.
1933
Bonnaffe, Dictionnaire... pp.. 242-3r BNP. I, 334, footnote 8..
194
Painted 1658... Now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
1
New York.
195
No source gives his f i r s t name or dates.
^BNP. I, 214.
19
197
Bonnaffe^, Dictionnaire*. p. 257. The second v i s i t ' i s dated 1665
by BNP, I, 215, footnote 20.
198
BNP, I, 216, footnote 22-'says although the letters are now lost (the
Demasso family had some in the late eighteenth century) references in Poussin's,
letters to Chantelou confirm regular contact.
199
BNP,.. I, 294.
^^Correspondance, p. 358, footnote 1, quoting from the Entretiens,. p.
342 by Felibien.-
201
I suggest that the Landscape with Polyphemus, said by Felibien to
have been painted 1649 was actually commissioned 1655. The evidence is-.
Bonnaffe''s dating of the second trip, coupled with the manner and meaning
of the painting. See Chapter III of this thesis.
202
BNP.. I. 214, 257.
173
2033
Ibid., • 293, footnote 5, a suggestion from Sterling in
Exposition Foussin (Louvre) that this i s the fourth landscape Bonnaffe'
records. He uses Felibien who calls this item Landscape with Three; Monks.
Entretiens. IV, p. 150.
204, 205:>
Corre spondance, I48 of 33 June, 1647 to Chantelou, "You will verysoon see at Paris one of your intimates who returns from here. He i s one
of those heretics who believes that your Servant Poussin has some talent
in painting that i s not common.-" Chantelou's summary on this letter
reads i n part:, "he speaks of the return of M. Pointel, one of the heretics
who loves his work . . .. On Correspondance 172" of 20 June2l649»
Chantelou notes "that he has finished one of his portraits and that he
begins the other and he will send me the one which comes out best.."'
In Correspondance 157 of December 22, 1647 Poussin wrote to Chantelou,
"You swear I have served M Pointel with more love and diligence than you.
206>
1
m
r
,n
BNP, 1. 286-8, 293-4.
207, 208
Haskell, Patrons, pp. 98, 113, 44, 100.' Peiresc. called/him
"the flower of my good friends."' That Frenchman was running a similar
establishment at Aix, helped, however, by private means,. See Sir
Peter Paul Rubens, Letters, trans, and ed. by Ruth Saunders Magurn
(Cambridge, Mass. :• Harvard University Press, 1955) for information
on Peiresc.
209
Correspondance 22' i s an example of Poussin's form of address;;
ibid. 21 to Carlo A;" dal Pozzo is.Poussin's f i r s t report of his Paris
reception, including the remark made by ai courtier, "Now Vouet has met
his match." IbicU. 22 i s Poussin's more formal report to Cassiano.
Ibid. 82 i s Poussin's 1643 Will. Ibid. 199 of December 24, 1657 ""
says "Our good friend M l e Chevallier du Puis cPozzoo i s dead and we
work on his sepulchre.." Ibid., p. 445, footnote 21 reports Pozzo died
October 22,. 16755V Sheila Sbmers-Rinehart, "Poussin et l a Famille dal
Pozzo," Vol, I, Actes. pp. 22-3, discusses the pestering of Poussin by
Pozzo in Paris. She also gives a discussion of the letters, paintings
and drawings done for Pozzo by Poussin.
210
Haskell, Patrons, p. 98.
211
BNP. I, 100.
212
Ibid.,. 384; Sbmers-Rinehart, "Foussin et l a Famille dal Pozzo, "
p. 19, dating Pozzo's arrival in Rome as 1612;; Francis Haskell and
Sheila Somers-Rinehart, "The dal Pozzo Collection: Some New Evidence,"'
EM (special issue) CII (i960), p. 318. Their source i s Pozzo's earliest
biographer,Urhano d'Aviso.
213:
Haskell, Patrons, p.. 99.
1
r
1
1
:
^^Haskell and Somers-Rinehart, "The dal Pozzo Collection: Some
New Evidence," p. - 318..
:
174
215
Haskell, Patrons, p. 99.
216
Ibid., p. 100... He liked the careful rendering of plant l i f e i n
the Leda and the Swan.
217Ibid...
218
Somers-Rinehart, "Poussin et l a Famille dal Pozzo,"' p. 19.
219
Haskell, Patrons, pp. 99, 100.
220
Somers-Rinehart, "Poussin et l a Famille dal Pozzo,"' p.- 20 speaks
of Carlo's interest in birds;- BNP, E, 117, footnote 28 says Pozzo also had
a v i l l a at Nervi for the cultivation of fruits and flowers..
H a s k e l l , Patrons, pp. 101-2; The classification of the paper
museum was described by Baldinucci i n aT728 publication. Carlo Dati
reported twenty-three volumes i n 1664, but Carlo Antonio dal Pozzo
claimed there: were more;, Those extant are in the British Museum, London,
and in the British royal collections. It has been found d i f f i c u l t to
attribute any drawings i n them to Poussin* further investigations may,
reveal some,. The coin collection may also have contained Greek as well
as Roman items, says BNP. I, 343, footnote 36..
222
Haskell, Patrons, p. 98 says Pozzo probably met Galileo i n
Florence, renewing friendship with him i n Rome. BNP. I, 101, gives
data on Pbzzo"s position i n the Lincei group to which Galileo belonged
while the latter was being tried for heresy.
221
223
Haskell and Somers-Rinehart, "The dal Pozzo Collections
Some New Evidence,"' pp. 318-19- Foreigners, especially French, were
welcomed.
224.
Haskell, Patrons. p.. 98.
225
Ibid.. pp. 112-113.
226
BNP. 1, 101.
227
Ibid./,, 109. 228
BNP,-1, 117.
229
FNP. p. 188..
The:;Virgin, also signifies I'sis and Minerva.
230
BNP.. I, 173, footnote 56.
231
Haskell, Patrons. p. IO4.. ."Poussin . ... was Cassiano's closest
175
protege., He probably met the painter through Marcello Sacchetti, to whom
Marino had introduced Poussin, or through an. introduction by Sacchetti to
Cardinal Francesco Barberini, Pozzo's employer, BNP. I , 54.
,,!
232
Haskell, Patrons, pp. 103-4;: Rubens, Letters, p. 407 states;
his admiration of antiquity. Studies of architecture show that both
Baroque and Classical artists turned to the antique for their inspiration,
according to Sir Anthony Blunt, "Introduction.'" International, p. 11.
Pozzo's preference for Classicist art was for i t s rational quality.
233
Ibid., p. 106i, Poussin's illustrations were embellished with
backgrounds i n architecture and landscape by Charles Errard. Perhaps
this i s why the manuscript was delivered straight to Chantelou, as i t
seems the changes were only known to Poussin after the 1651 publication,
when he wrote a complaining letter to Abraham Bosse, Correspondance 185.
Blunt, Lettres. p. 46, footnote 38 reports Chambray's oversight of the
1651 publication; Correspondance. p. 34, footnote 1 says he was Chantelou's
brother.
234
Correspondance 188:.
235
BNP. L, 101, quoting Filippo Baldinucci, Notizie de' Professori
del Disegno da Cimabue in qua' ... . .. Vol. IV (6 vols.; Florence, 16811728), p. 480 i n translation.
2^6
Haskell, Patrons, p. 105.
l a Famille dal Pozzo," 'pf.29..
Table by Somers-Rinehart,
"Poussin et
B J £ , I, 207-8, 1 2 3 (footnote 50), 315, 317. In Rome through
Pozzo, Poussin also had access to the Barberini library
and i t s learned librarian Lucas Hoste (Holstenius). Pozzo was the
connection between Pousin and the learned libertins.:he met in Paris, for
example, Bourdelot, as a letter from the latter to Pozzo shows. Pozzo
was also the means whereby. Poussin could have met Tommaso Campanella i n
Rome under the protection of Pozzo's employer, Cardinal Francesco
Barberini. It was Pozzo"s patronage that Cardinal Massimi continued
in 1658. BNP. I, 325 connects the two patrons.
237
238
Bonnaffe, Dictionnaire, p. 2 7 4 .
239
BNP. I,
21Si
^ ^ P a r i s , S. Martin.
Bonnaffe*^ DictionnsiitSft. ,.p. 274-6;; Claude Eerraton, "La Collection
du Due de Richelieu au Muse'e du Louvre,GBA, XXXV (June, 1949),. 437-448;;
BNP, I , 92, records Bernini"s admiration of the Virgin Appearing to St.
James (pi. 48) when he saw i t in the Duc' s collection before the sale,
probafoly because this 1629 work now i n the Louvre, Paris, was one of Poussin"s
most Baroque experiments nearest Bernini's style.
!
176'
242
Blunt, Lettres, p. 28, footnote 1; BNP, I, p. 429.
243;
BNP... I. 326V
Bonnaffe, Dictionnaire, pp. 297-9..
245
Jacques Thuillier, "Poussin et ses Premier Compagnons Francais
a. Rome," Vol. I, Actes. p. 97*
246
BNE. I. 36.
1
247"'.
, Thuillier, "Poussin et ses Premier Compagnons Francais a Rome,"
PP.-98--9.'
-*
248.'
BMP, I , 36 , 56...
249
Thuillier, "Poussin et ses Premier Compagnons .Francais-; a Rome,"'
pp.. 99, 102-4..
' *»
°Ibid... p. 108-9.
25
251
BNP. I, 108, footnote 14; 106, 302.
ibid., 324 and footnote 24.
253
Examples are cited in the paragraph.
254
Correspondance, p. 3, footnote 2. A l l originals of foussin letters
to Stella^ have been lost. Fragments preserved in the 1706' edition of the^Entretiens by Felibien.
255
BNP, I, 36..
^^Correspondance 60 to Pozzo, 1642..
2 5 7
l b i d . . 155 to Chantelou, 1647.
258
Correspondance. p. 3, footnote 5.
2 5 9
lbid.
^°Bbnnaffe.? Dictionnaire. pp. 297-9.
2
26l
Ibid. The Crucifixion was painted for President Thou; Moses Striking
the Rock i s in England, a different version from M. de G i l l i e r ' s one. St.. ,
Peter and St. John Healing a Lame Man was painted for Mercier of Lyons.
The Hercules and De.ianiera had been purchased by Chantelou; M. de Boisfranc
had bought the Birth of Bacchus, the Ecstacy of St. Paul and Rinaldo and
Armida., President Tambonneau, the Apollo and Daphne. The information here
cited should be verified with the 1966 Catalogue i f further inquiry into
j
177
Stella's collection i s desired.
262
Frederic R.-White, "Tommaso Campanella, " In Famous Utopias of
the Renaissance,. introduction and notes by Frederic R. White (New•York:
Hendricks House, 1955 cl946),; pi. 155..
h
263;
Grant McGolley, "Introduction,"' i n The Defense of Galileo, by
Tommaso Campanella, for the f i r s t time trans, and ed. with introduction
and notes,. Smith College Studies in History."XOIi, nos. 3-4 (April-July, 1937)
(Northampton, Mass.: Department of History of Smith College, 1937),- p. i x .
B., M.. Bonansea, "Telesio, Bernardino," New Catholic Encyclopedia ,
XIII, 981-2.
:
0
265
BNP. I.,- 3328.
266'
Tommaso Campanella, "The City of the Sun,"' i n Famous Utopias
of the Renaissance,, p. 203.
^ A.„H. Armstrong, An Introduction to Ancient Philosophy, Beacon
Paperback no. 149 (2d ed., rev.";; Boston:; Beacon Press, 1949),; p. 120.
268
E . Vernon Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York: The Humanities Press,
1911),>RP. 173,= 179-181, 194..
2
26
7
^Ibid.„ pp. 184-186..
270
Armstrong, Ancient Philosophy, p. 123; and Arnold, Roman ..Stoicism,
Pf. 185..
271
Arnold, Roman Stoicism, p. 185.
272
Campanella, "The City of the Sun,". p.. 202.
273
Bonansea, "Campanella, Tommaso,"-Hew Catholic Encyclopedia. I I ,
1110-1111..
274
Armstrong, Ancient Philosophy, pp. 125-6.
275
Arnold, Roman Stoicism, pp.., 286, 306-8, 312, 316..
276
Armstrong, Ancient Philosophy, pp;. 116-117, 128.
;
2 7 7
I b i d . , pp. .127-8..
I b i d . ^ p. 128.
Bush, Classical Influences, pp; 29, 21-22i
McColley,, "Introduction," i n The Defense» by Campanella, p. xi;, i n
Tommaso Campanella, "The City of the bun " the chief ruler i s Metaphysic.
2 7 8
279
280
5
9
178.
281
McColley, "Introduction," i n The Defense, by Campanella,-. pp.
xxxLv, xiv..
1
282'
BNP, I, 330 and footnote 4 quoting i n translation from
Campanella s Metaphysica. Bk. XVI, ch.. 2, art., i i i , f t . i i i .
1
283
Campanella,, "The City of the Sun," p.. 204.
284
1
McGolley,. "Introduction," in The Defense, by Campanella,
!
p; x i .
28 *?
Armstrong, Ancient Philosophy,, p. 125.
286'
Campanella, "'The City of the Sun,"' p.. 204.
287/
McGblley, "Introduction," in The Defense, by Campanella,
p. xx.
1
2
8
8
T V A
Ibid.. p. xxxvi.
289 ^.
Ibid., p.. xxxvii.
T
A
290
Daniel Pickering Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic from
Ficino to Campanella, Studies of the Warburg Institute?, Vol. 22: (London:
Warburg Institute, University of London, 1958),- p. 236,
291
These works, written i n Latin, are listed by White, "Tbmmaso
Campanella," p. 156, except the Metaphysica.
7
1
292
Bonansea, "Campanella, Tbmiaaso,.^ 1110-1111.,
293
BNP. I,; 327.
2 9
% i s k e l l , Patrons, p. 40 and its;footnote 3,
295
McColley, "Introduction,"' i n The Defense, by Campanella, p.. xj;
BNP, I, 328.
296
297
298
BNP
>;
I, 327-8..
I.bid.
Naude^ according to BNP. I, 328.
299
White,.-'Tbmmaso Campanella," p. 155. "Eumquam tacebo.
1
Mi
nQj_^y f jfae Sun- does not say that the paintings used myths.
saw myths as concealing kernels of truth about the natural world. Mythology
was for- Stoics 'allegory.
-^-Probably also in his earlier mythological allegory as I have suggested.
3.00r[Tj
ie
111
D
179
CHAPTER II
POUSSIN AS. A. LANDSCAPE FAINTER
Michael Kitson, "The Relationship between Claude and Poussin i n
Landscape. »• ZKG, XXIV> no. 2. (1961), 142.
2>.
Sir Anthony Blunt, "The Heroic; and the Ideal Landscape in the Work
of Nicolas Poussin, "• JWB1, VO: (1944), 154.
%3P, I, figs*. 220, 229. The former contains a rock arch which
Poussin may have adapted for the l e f t rock in the Israelites Gathering the
Manna, finished 1639.- The Golden House of Nero also had frescoes with
landscape i n them.
4/
Iffidj.,, 1, figs.. 227-8, two frescoes by Polidoro in San Silvestro
al Quirinale, Rome. Tiny figures, for example, St. Catherine, appear in
these two religious landscapes.
5'
Ibid... I, 226. Especially the Titan Bacchanals i n the sixteenthirties. John Shearman, "Les Dessins de Paysages de Poussin," , Vol. I,
AC tes. p. 183* says Jean Dughet, Poussin's secretary, listed 52 engravings
after landscapes and other works by Titian, owned by Poussin.
1
&
Ibid.. I, 274', footnote 7 says 242 engravings of Carraeci work
were found i n Poussin's possession on his death. Some were probably
landscapes. For Poussin used the Carraeci elements of landscape as
well as their method of organizing these, as can be seen by comparing the
lunette of the Flight into Egypt (fig. 223) with Poussin"s;Phocion
landscape (pi. 176). i n both the natural elements are trees, rocks, water
and mountains. To these are added much architecture and few figures, quite
smalijs, The pictures are arranged i n planes parallel to their surfaces;
this means of obtaining recession i s assisted by diagonals, for example,
calm water. The figures are placed upon the f i r s t and second planes.
Behind them the combination of natural forms with architecture gives a firm
horizontal-vertical structure, and almost encloses the composition. Glimpses,
of distant mountains appear behind this enclosure. Light, cool and even,
defines rather than dissolves form. L i t t l e sky i s visible above the landscape
elements described.
77
IMd... 1, 57, 127. Poussin drew in Domenichino' s studio t i l l 16.31..
This master returned to Rome for the winter of 1634/35. A comparison of
Poussin's Phocion landscapes with Domenichino's Hercules and Achelous (fig*
221) would show how Foussin was also influenced by this follower of the
CarraGci. Poussin makes good use of the water-fall i n his Winter£ pi. 245\
8L . .
Sheila; Somers-Rinehart, "Poussin et l a Famille dal Pozzo," Vol. I,
Actes. p. 26 mentions Ferrari's Horti Hesperides. a botanical work for
which Poussin did a drawing. (It'was published Rome, 1646). BNP. 1, f i g .
:
180
237, Poussin's drawing of the Tiber Valley i s said to have been the basis
for the panorama i n the background of his Landscape \jith a Boy Drinking
from a Stream (pi. I47).. There are no whole paintings by Poussin which are
of an existing place.
9
Sheila Somers-Rinehart, "Cassiano del Pozzo (1588-1657)* Some
Unknown Letters. "' Italian Studies. XVI (1961), 44.
10
The second Seven Sacraments series finished I648 show this well.
Ordination (pi. 158) i s a good example of the fusion of an outdoor setting
featuring architecture with the theme.
11
Douglas Bush, Classical Influences in Renaissance Literature.
Martin Classical Lectures, Vol. XIIE~fCambridge, Mass.: Published for
Oberlin College by Harvard University Press* 1952), p. 58.
12
BNP, I, 257 l i s t s most of these.
J
Ibid.. I, 313-, 316, 332.
14
Kitson, "The Relationship between Claude and Poussin i n Landscape,"
1
p. 145.
15
/
Sir Anthony Blunt, "Temoinages sur Poussin." Lettres. p. 176..
16''
Somers-Rinehart, "Cassiano del Pozzo (1588-1657): Some Unknown
Lett9ars,J pi. 44. The subject -. o£ the; fragment i n uncertain^^Ibid., p.- 45.
18
I b i d ; p i 43..- "'son di parere di fargliene far due di mano di Monsu
Pusino, venendo questi stimati superiori di maniera alia di Filippo e;
etiandio di Pauolo Brillo, saranno di spesa dai quindici in venti scudi
l'uno, della misura delle prospettive.." Galli's collection i s not recorded
as having landscapes by Poussin in i t .
BNP., I„ 2 6 8 ,
!
,r
1
1
%bid... I, 155 and footnote 105. Leonardo influenced Poussin in three;
ways 1635 to I64O:: Poussin learnt about light and shadow as seen in the
Eucharist (pi. 131)H movements described by Leonardo appear i n the Pyrrhus
(pi. 112} and the Israelites (pi. 128) i s Poussin's f i r s t attempt to use
Leonardesque gesture to express emotion. It i s not until 1651 that Poussin
applied the Treatise to the Pyramus and Thisbe landscape for Pozzo. But
Leonardo's empiral views together with his relation between nature and God
may have influenced Pbussin's late treatment of landscape. See Chapter III
of this thesis under Landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe for a discussion of
this point.
2
21
119.
Denis Mahon, "Reflexions sur l e Paysages de Poussin,'" AF, I (1961),
22,:
BNP., I. 270..
Ibid...I,272;.
23
24
Correspondance 120..
181
25
BNP, 1, 272. These were: Landscape with Travellers Resting;
Landscape with a Boy Brinking from a Stream;; Landscape with a Man Pursued
by a Snake (pis. 146-148)
26,"
Blunt, "The Heroic and the Ideal Landscape in the Work of Nicolas
Poussin," p. 156..
1
27
Ibid.
28
BNP I, 280..
29
John Shearman, "Les Dessins de Paysages de Poussin,"' pp.. 180-1.
30
Blunt, "The Heroic and the Ideal Landscape in the Work of Nicolas
Poussin," p. 158 explains the story of Phocion, itssprobable political
significance, and i t s archeological accuracy.
1
31
A. H. Armstrong, An Introduction to Ancient Philosophy, Beacon
Paperback no. 149 (2d ed. rev.Boston:; Beacon Press, 19490," p. 117.
3.2"
Michele Gantarella, The Italian Heritage (New Yfork: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, 1959),> p. 9. He wrote a famous canticle of the sun.
33
See; Chapter III of this thesis.
34
Blunt, Lettres:; p. 148, footnote 45 mentions Apelles described by
Pliny as painting what was unpaintable, for example, storms, thunder,
lightning...,
35
Blunt, "The Heroic and the Ideal Landscape i n the; Work of Nicolas
Poussin," p. 168,. states that Poussin "in his old age moves into an untrodden
world, where the myths of Ovid take on new meaning as symbols of natural laws*,
a world outside time and space, a world perhaps more nearly ideal in the
Platonic sense than i n any other paintings of inanimate nature."'
36
BNP, • I, 119 and footnote 34. Perseus and Andromeda, Galled by Bellori
!Ehe Coloring of Coral was a subject drawn by Poussin in the 1630's and painted
by Claude for Cardinal Camillo Massimi in 1673.
37
Ibid.,1.296 , 314.- Besides the article by Michael Kitson already mentioned,
another by Pierre Colombier l i s t e d in the Bibliography of this thesis discusses
the relationship between Claude and Poussin.
182
• CHAPTER III
Aim of this Chapter
1
Sir Anthony Blunt, Nicolas Poussin. Bollingen Series, XXXV. 7,
Vol. II (2? vols.; New York* Pantheon Books, 1967) i s the source for
plates l i s t e d , except those in color.
2
'
Walter Friedlaender, Nicolas Poussin; a New Approach,; The Library
of Great Painters (New York: Abrams, 1966) i s the source for color plates.
^Catalogue;, 175.
4-I.bid.
158
5
Sir Anthony Blunt, The Paintings of Nicolas Poussin:
Catalogue (London: Phaidon, 1966)
6
a Critical
Ibid.
'Baiter Friedlaender,. Micolas..Poussin:.
of Great Painters (New"York: "Abrams, 19661
A New Approach, The Library
183
Landscape with Polyphemus
Edmond Bonnaffe' Dictionnaire des Amateurs Francais au XVII
e
Siecle (Paris:- A Quantin, 1884), p. 257. BNP, I, 215, footnote 20 dates
this as 1665. According to Catalogue 150, the arguments for late date are:
l ) more luscious treatment of nature 2) the same green tonality of the late
work 3) occasional inaccuracy of Felibien; the argumants for his dating are:
1) not the same earthy heaviness i n treating nature as in the late work
2) considerable variation in the treatment of nature 1648-1651 3) likeness
to the cl650 Diogenes in subject amd.by a drawing known to be a work of that
period 4) Felibien was usually accurate.
BNP, I, 341.
2
3, 4
See Catalogue 175 for details
BNP, I, 294.
5
See p. 27 of this thesis.
Exposition Poussin (Louvre) no 89.
Ovid. Metamorphoses. 13.'738-869, for the Polyphemus-Galatea
ibid., 5 for the Proserpina myth.
story;
9
Vergil. Geoigics. 4.
10
Theocritus was the poet chiefly connected with extolling pastoral
Sicily, according to Professor James Russell, Classics Department, University
of British Columbia, private interview, June, 1969._•!:•!"Appian. Roman History. II. 2.
,,,
"I'^Tommaso Campanella,"The City of the Sun,' i n Famous Utopias of the
Renaissance, introduction and notes by Frederic R. White (New York:
Hendricks House, 1955, cl946), pp. 153-204.
'
\ p
'
'
•
—
BNP. I, 343, note 36 suggests Greek as well as Roman coins could
have been in Pozzo's collection; i t i s more possible that Poussin could
have seen the coin I later refer to in Hendrik Goltzius' Numismata Graeciae
Universae (Antwerp, 1644) cited in BNP. I, 343, footnote 26 as a work
certainly known i n Rome.
l4
0vid.
Metamorphoses. 13. 857-8.
1 5
I b i d . 13. 785-8..
16
i^-*
13. 867-869.
184
18
BNP, I, 299.
19
Ovid.
Metamorphoses.
20
FNP, pp. 182, 184-5.
21
Ovid. Metamorphoses.
13. 789.
13.
753-4-
L u i g i Bernabb Brea, Musees et Monuments de S i c i l e : Museums and
Monuments i n S i c i l y (Novara: I.stituto Geografico de Agostini, I960), p. 54.
2 2
23
Charles M i l s Gayley, The C l a s s i c Myths i n English Literature and A r t ,
based o r i g i n a l l y on Buifinch's "Age of Fable*" (1885), accompanied by an
i n t e r p r e t a t i v e and i l l u s t r a t i v e commentary \Mw ed., rev. and enl. ; New York:
B l a i s d e l l , 1911), p. 4.
24
Ovid.
Metamorphoses. 5. 409-18.
25
Ibid. 5.
26
Ibid. 5.
2 7
l i n e 642 c a l l s Ceres goddess of f e r t i l i t y .
407-8.
I b i d . 5. 412.
28
l e n i s Mahon, "Reflexions sur l e s Paysages de Poussin.'TAF. I (1961),
p. 124 gives a colorplate d e t a i l of the central nymphs.
29
FNP, p. 184;
Ovid,
Metamorphoses.
5. 417-18..
30
Edward A.Freeman, The History of S i c i l y from the E a r l i e s t Times,
Vol. I, The Native Nations: The Phceiician and Greek Settlements (Oxford:.
Clarendon Press, 189l), p, 365; also S i r Edward Maunde Thomson and others,
"Papyrus," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1967, XVII, 298.
31
Raymond V. Schoder, Masterpieces of Greek Art (2d ed, rev. ; Greenwich,
Conn.: New York Graphic Society, pp. 61-62; s
]_
footnote 13.
32
V e r g i l . GeoEgics. 4. 420-1.
ee
a
s o
m
y
33
Ovid. Metamorphoses 5. Livy. Ab Urbe Condita L i b r i . 24. 6.
"^Harold N. Moldenke and Alma L. Moldenke, Plants of the Bible (Waltham,
Mass.: Chronica Botanica, 1952), pp. 142, 144«
^-bvid.
3 6
Metamorphoses. 5. 336-340 and passim.
I b i d . 5. 340-5.
-^Gayley, Classic Myths, p. 484» Freeman, History of S i c i l y , Vol. I,
pp. 3|3-4.
185).
38
Theocritus, ed. with a t r a n s l a t i o n and commentary by A. S. F. Gow,
Vol II (2 v o l s . ; 2d ed. ; Cambridge:. University Press, 1952), pp. 118-20.
39
^Campanella, "The C i t y of the Sun,"* p. 203.
^°0vid.
41 Ibid.
Metamorphoses. 1. 125-128,
"^kbid.T.
V
A3
A'. S. F. Gow, "Introduction." The Greek Bucolic Poets, trans, with
b r i e f notes (Cambridge: University Press, 1953), p. xix, refers to Theocritus
Idd. x i . 7, x x v i i i . 1'6;.
^ ^ e n r y Bardon, "Poussin et l a L i t t e r a t u r e Latine," Vol. I, Actes,
p. 131.
^ Appian.
Roman History.
^ P o i n t e l was from Lyons.
I I . 2.
186'
Landscape with Orpheus and Eurydice
''"Francis Haskell, Patrons and Painterss. a Study of the Relations Between Italian Art and Society in the Age of the Baroque ('New York: Knopf,
1963;-),,. p. 112; BNF,,!, 102, 357.
BNP, I, 296. The idea of the Modes i s discussed in Chapter V of
this thesis. It was a manner of varying the treatment of a l l the elements of
a painting i n order to express the emotion suited to the subject.
p. 180.
4-BNP, Ii, 372-:
% b i d . , 286. "'straightforward treatment of a myth;;" FNP. p. 180 agrees,
1
%argaret R. Scherer, The Marvels of Ancient Rome (New York and London:
Published by the '.Phaidon Press for ...the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1955), pi.'
16.
7
Ovid. Metamorphoses.. 10. 11, and passim j; Vergil. GeoEgicsr. 4
presents a version of the story i n which a huge serpent bites Eurydice in t a l l
grass a-s she flees Aristeius. Aristeius obtains this story from a seer i n
his cave, as the unfortunate death of Eurydice has: affected his bee-keeping.
I do not think Vergil's version was used by Poussin.
8
Mary Hamilton Swindler, Ancient Painting from the Earliest Times:;
to the Present Period of Christian Art (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1929), pp. 329—3.0.,. says that the fresco appears to represent the moment i n
the Roman wedding ceremony before the bridegroom enters. The bride is.
the veiled figure in the centre. Beside her, the partly-draped, wreathed . <
figure is . Pei tho ((that -.is,.. Persuasion) or Aphrodite. Hymen i s the figure
on the right of the nuptual couch, wreathed and partly robed i n dark red.
However, this figure has often been interpreted as the bridegroom.
9
BNF. I, 141, mentions Poussin made notes and drawings from Guillaume
du Choul's Discours sur l a Religion des Anciens.Romains (1556) available
in French or Latin. These are in theriMusee Gonde', Chantillv, f i g . 132 of BNP..
E.
:
•*-°S'cherer, Marvels, p. 128 and p i . 204.
-^Ibid. The engraving was; dated 1579.
12
Ovid.
Metamorphoses. 10.. 1-10.
•^-Scherer, Marvels, pp. 51, 390, p i . 4.
14
Ovid.
Metamorphoses.
„ ,.
5. 391-395 and 385-6.
187^
15
C h a r l e s M i l l s Gayley, The C l a s s i c Myths i n E n g l i s h L i t e r a t u r e and i n
A r t , based o r i g i n a l l y on B u l f i n c h ' s "Age o f Fable"' (1855),(-accompanied by
an i n t e r p r e t a t i v e and i l l u s t r a t i v e commentary (New ed., r e v . and e n l . ;
New
York, B l a i s d e l l , 1911), p. 451..
16"
E. Bickerman, "The O r p h i c Blessing,"'JWI, I I (1938-9), 368.
Orphism
was dbnnected w i t h metempsychosis; BNP, I , 118 says t h i s i d e a i s a l s o i n the
l a s t book o f the Metamorphoses.
17
Ovid..
Metamorphoses. 10
and
11.
18
Gayley, C l a s s i c Myths, p.
168.
" ^ l i r Paul H a r v e y . - e d w The O x f o r d Companion to C l a s s i c a l L i t e r a t u r e
(Oxford?, Clarendon P r e s s , 1946),- pp. 280-281,. a l s o O v i d . Metamorphoses.
5 and 11. 18, f o r C a l l i o p e ' s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h A p o l l o and Orpheus.
20
Gayley, C l a s s i c Myths, p. 451
^ B i c k e r m a n , "The O r p h i c B l e s s i n g , " p.
368.
M a r y Johnston, Roman L i f e (Chicago:. S c o t t , Foresraan, 1957), pp.
132r-137 g i v e s an account o f t h e i r wedding customs. G r e a t h o l i d a y s were
not c o n s i d e r e d a u s p i c i o u s days f o r weddings. A l l o f May and the f i r s t h a l f
o f June were a l s o u n l u c k y .
1
2 2
233
F r e d e r i c k C. Grant, A n c i e n t Roman R e l i g i o n (New York: The L i b e r a l
A r t s P r e s s , 1957), pp. 182-184 c i t e s Horace. Carmen S a e c u l a r e . i n t r a n s lation.
I t connects Diana w i t h L u c i n a and c h i l d b i r t h .
24
Scherer, Marvels, p i .
2
^Ibid..
201.
&iZ&y.
128.
^ I b i d . , , p.
27
George K i s h and Guiseppe Imbo, "Vesuvius."' E n c y c l o p a e d i a B r i t a n n i c a .
1967,
XXII, 1022V
% ' c h e r e r , M a r v e l s . p>. 128.
I t was s o - c a l l e d because o f the
o f f i r e w o r k s , some o f which M i c h e l a n g e l o i s s a i d t o have designed.
2
pinwheels
^i'bid.. 37.
foot high h i l l .
P o u s s i n would be t a k i n g a r t i s t i c l i c e n s e w i t h the 168Moreover the temples would have been on the o t h e r s i d e .
30
" Vergil.
Book (New York:.
A e n e i d . a new t r a n s l a t i o n by P a t r i c D i c k i n s o n , A Mentor
New American L i b r a r y , 1961), p; 1774
188
Landscape-; with Pyramus and Thisbe1
See:-'. Chapter I of this thesis for a biography of Cassiano dal
Pozzo as well as of Campanella,, BMP.. I, 122, footnote 4O containsthe reference made by Pozzo on the hyacinth.
2
Sheila Somers-Rinehart,
Vol. I, Ac.tes. p. 27.
"Poussin et La Famille dal Pozzo,"
:
3
Roger Fry, "Pyramus and Thisbe by Nicolas Poussin," BM, XLIII
(1923), 53: claims the figures of Pyramus-and Thisbe are heavily handled,
while.'the sizes of the cattle i n the second plane are out of proportion.
This over-emphasis on the size of natural forms i s characteristic of
Poussin's late work, in "which he i s trying to stress the grandeur of nature.
:
BNP, I, 296.
4
% r y , "Pyramus and Thisbe by Nicolas Poussin,"' p. 53»
^Correspondance 188 quoting Felibien, Entretiens, e"d. 1685, p. 408.
77
Sir Anthony Blunt, Lettres, p. I 4 8 , footnote 4-5, from Pliny,
Naturalis Historiae. 3*5.
^Leonardo da Vinci, Treatise on Painting (Codex Urbinus Latinus 1270,
trans, and annotated by A.. Philip McMahon, Vol. I (Princeton, N. J.:Princeton University Press, 1956), p. 114. The section i s no, 281 from
pt, 2< of the Treatise.
9BNP, I , 236..
^jtri-d.., 205, footnote 77'and fig, 171. Possibly the book was Giovanni
Zualla-rdo' s II Devotissimo Viaggio di Gerusalemme-('Rome, 1587)
!
"''^See Chapter I of this thesis for a discussion of this topic.
i 12
/V
;
Leonardo, Treatise, p.. 5, sect. 6 of pt.. 1.
BNP, I, 371-372.
^JJa-n.Bialostocki, "Une"; Idee de Leonard Realisee par Poussin,"
RA, IV (S'eptembre, 1954), 133...
13
15'
Ovid, Metamorphoses. 4. 55-166,
l6
I"bid. 4. 16'2-166
189
BMP, i : , 205, footnote 77 and f i g . 171..
19
The term "heroic" has been used by Blunt to describe landscapes
l i k e that of 1648, containing the S t o i c hero Phocion, i n which the
landscape seems to be b u i l t up around the key f i g u r e of a virtuous man;;
the word "Ideal" he applies i n an almost P l a t o n i c sense to c l a s s i f y the
d e p i c t i o n of n a t u r a l forms supplemented by mythological ones i n which Poussin
attempt to express the idea of a n a t u r a l law ever-present behind changing
phenomena
1
190;
The Birth of Bacchus
BMF
1
<
I, 318, footnote 15.
*Tor a biography of Stella, see Chapter I of this thesis.
6vid.
3
Metamorphoses.
3.
286-319-
^Dora Panofsky, "Narcissus and Echo; Notes on Poussin's Birth of
Bacchus-- in the Fogg Museum of Art,"' AB,, XXXI (1949), 118: probably in the
French ed.. trans, by Blaise de Vigenere, published in numerous editions
from 1609 on under t i t l e : Images ou Tableaux de Platte Peinture des Deux
Philostrates Sdpbiistes Grecs;. illustrated and furnished with references to
Ovid, Hyginus, Horace and Lucian according to Henry Bardon, "Poussin et
l a Litterature Latine,"'Vol. I, Actes, p. 126. BNP I, 35Q says there were
also learned glosses,.- for example, Vigenere emphasized the parallel between
Bacchic mysteries and the Eucharist, according to BNP, I, 152-3.
Another translation into French of the Imagines oFTRilostratus was made
1587, says Panofsky.^
Natales Comes, Mythologia (l6l2) as cited i n translation by Sir
Anthony Blunt, "The Heroic and the Ideal Landscape i n the Work of Nicolas
Foussin." JWCI. VII (1944$,, p. 166'.. But Panofsky, "Narcissus,and Echo:
Notes on Pbussin"s Birth of Bacchus i n the Fogg Museum of Art," p.. 117i
declares that i t i s not necessary to suppose Poussin knew this handbook
because "nymphs are recognized as goddesses of f e r t i l i t y , charitable
helpers of man, beast and hero, and fostermothers of young gods: i n distress;
from time immemorial. ! Moreover, the section on the Nymphs* and the seciipn
on Bacchus are in quite different parts of that book.
!
:
,r
6''
BNP. I. 319, footnote 17, Macrobius.Saturnalia, 1. 22. 7' offers a
reason why Fan looks at Echo, withwhom he f e l l i n love, symbolic of the
love of the Sun (Pan) with the Harmony of the Spheres (Echo).
7/BNF, I, 316, footnote 10.
Ibid.. 56 and footnote 15..
9lbid., I 4 6 - I 4 7 .
10
See Chapter I of this thesis for Poussin's education i n Paris before
he came to Rome.
11
FNP. p. 190.
12
Panofsky, "Narcissus and Echo: Notes on Poussin's Birth of Bacchus?
in the Fogg Museum of Art, p. 117.
13
Charles Mills Gayley, The Classic Myths in English Literature and
Art, based originally on Bulfinch's "Age of Fable" {lB5Si) accompanied by
an interpretative and illustrative commentary (New ed., rev. and e n l . N e w
ni
;
r
19:1
New York: Blaisdell, 1911), p. 482, says Dionysus, the Greek name for
Bacchus i s a combination of the Greek for God, Dios and Nysa, an immaginary
Thracian vale.
^Philostratus.
Imagines. 1. 14.
115.In the drawing, Bacchus looks like the Christ Child. I do not
know i f their births were connected but according to seventeenth-century
syncretism based on a tradition beginning with early Christian writers the
legend of Bacchus killed, bub with his member carried away in a basketfc
symbolized the idea of death and resurrection, BNP, I, 152-153.
16
Ovid.
Metamorphoses? 34 412.
VP
'Philostratus.
Imagines
23.
FNP, p. 864
Richard W. Wallace, "V.enus at the Fountain and The Judgment of Paris:
Notes on Tiro Eate Poussin Drawings i n the Louvre,"< GBA. LV (i960). 11.
footnote 1, p i . 18.
20 _^
FgP, p. 197..
l8
19
^Ovid.
Metamorphoses
3. 396-510.
22.
Sir Anthony Blunt, "The Heroic and the Ideal Landscape in the
Work of Nicolas. Poussin,"' JWDI. (1944), p. 1664
23
I b i d . . p.. 1674.
24
BNP, I, 319, footnote 17.; ::;See my footnote 6. I connect Echo
with degeneration, rather than harmony.
25
Gayley, Classic Myths, p. 506. This i s reinforced by Poussin's
connection of morning light with Spring in the Four Seasons of 1660-4.
192?
Landscape with Orion
1
For
a biography of Passart, see Chapter I of this thesis.
•BNP, I, 316: Natales Comes, Mvthologia (Eyons, l605), p. 872ff.
;
3
l b i d i , 330: Lucian. Naturalis Historiae.
35. 96.
^Exposition Poussin (Louvre), no.113. "In speaking of the City of
the Sun, Campanella describedthe pictures ornamenting the seven ramparts
which surround the town. The subjects of the second level a l l belong to
the element of water, and among them are found compositions which symbolize
the origin of rain,, hail . . . "
I
^Poussin could have learnt of this concept from friends or patrons.
BNP, I, 330, footnote 44, which cites Tommaso Campanella, Metaphysica.
bk. XVI, ch. 2, art. I l l , pt. I l l , i n translation.
6' BNP. I, 330, footnote 7; Ernst H. Gombrich, "The Subject of
Poussin's Orion.! BM. LXXXIV (February, 1944), 37-A1.7
See footnote 4.
n
g
Exposition Poussin (Louvre). no. 113*
9lbid. This i s a free translation.
10
See footnote 3.
"'"Charles Mills Gayley, The Classic Myths in English Literature and i n
Art, based originally on Bulfinch's "Age of Fable"' (1855), accompanied by an
interpretative and illustrative commentary (New ed., rev. and enl..j, New York,
Blaisdell, 1911), p. 24. Vulcan was god of earthly f i r e , son' of Juno and
Jupiter. The use of Vulcan as a guide to the heavenly source of such heat
i s poetically suitable.
12'
I, -316, footnote 9 says Comes changes Merope to Aerope to make
the identification with air easier.
13
I b i d . , 316.
14
Ibid., 330, footnote 44.
193;
Landscape with Hercules and Cacus
"'"The glow may be the red ground of the canvas showing through, though
no one mentions this. The color-scheme, attuned to the subject, i s an
example of Poussin"s theory of the Modes, discussed in Chapter V of this
thesis.
2
Vergil,
Aeneid.
8. 190-272;
•%ivy. AbffiefeebConditaL i b r i . 1. 74
^BNP, I, 1A1 and f i g . 132i. GuiBaume du Choul, Discours sur l a Religion;
des Anciens Romains (1556).- The drawing i s in the Muse'e Conde', Chantilly.
;
5
0vid.
;
Fasti.
1.. 53.
6
Margaret R. Scherer, Marvels of Ancient Rome (New York and London:
Published by the Fhaidon Press for the Metropolitan Museum of Art 1955),
p;. 137, p i . 216, pi. 222;
7
Charles Mills Gayley, The Classic Myths i n English Literature and Art,
based originally on Bulfinch s "Age of Fable""(1855) accompanied by an
interpretative and illustrative commentary (Nextf ed., rev. and enl.f New York:
Blaisdell, 1911), p. 221.
f
;
|f
8
Vergil.
9
Livy,
Aeneid.
8. 195-197.
A,b Urbe Condita L i b r i . 1. 7/4
10,bid.
11
Gayley, Classic Myths, p. 219.
Vergil..
Aeneid.
8.
201-4.
13>
Ibid.j also Livy.
Ab Urbe Condita Libri. 1. 7.
"^Livy, Ibid.
15
BNF, I, 330, from Vergil.
Aeneid.
8.
I6l.bid.
BNP. I, 321 and footnote 24.
17
l8
19
Livy.
Ab Urbe Condita Libri.
1. 9.
Gayley, Classic Myths, p. 227.
I84ff.
Stt"
'Scherer, Marvels., pp. 137, 139, pis. 216, 222..
^Livy.. Ab Urbe Condita Libri.. 1. 45. and Thomas Keightley, .
The Mythology of Ancient Greece and Italy.-('2d ed., considerably enl, and
improved;; London:! Whittaker, 1838), p. 520„
Frederick C.Grant, ed., Ancient Roman Religion (New York: The
Liberal Arts Press,,. 1957),; pp.- 182-5.x
23;
Gordon J... Laing, Survivals of Roman Religion (New York: Cooper
Square Publishers, Inc., 1963),:. p. 92.
^E. Vernon Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York:
1911), p.- 308..
2
The Humanities Press,
% b i d . , Seneca. Ep.. 24.. 14.
:
26 * •
s
137.
"Obid. Cicero.. Tusc. Disp. Iv.. 24, 53.
27
Exposition Poussin (Louvre)., no. 108.
28
Mary Johnston, Roman Life (Chicago: Scott, Fpresman, 1957), pp. 13229-Vergil.
Aeneid.. 8.
314-325..
3-%enry Bardon," Pous sin et l a Litterature Latine," Vol. I, Ac tes., p.
1
131.
195
Landscape with Two Nymphs and ai Snake
•^For a biography o f Lebrun,. see chapter Ii o f t h i s
thesis.
BNF. I , 3l4»
K i r c h n e r was "a l e a r n e d German J e s u i t who l i v e d a t the:.
Collegib-Romano and was known i n t h e c i r c l e o f C a s s i a n o d a l Pozzo and
Francesco F a r b e r i n i . "
2
:
3
Ibid.
196
The Four: Seasons
•''See: C h a p t e r I o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r b i o g r a p h i e s o f t h e Due de
R i c h e l i e u , C a r d i n a l C a m i l l o Massimi and t h e Abbe" N i c a i s e . I would l i k e
t o ammend my r e f e r e n c e t o M a s s i m i as a s s i s t i n g P o u s s i n i n h i s l a s t y e a r s .
No doubt he d i d . But t h e s p e c i a l i s t i n t h e e a r l y Church F a t h e r s was
H'olstenius (Lucas H o l s t e ) t h e B a r b e r i n i L i b r a r i a n ; , , i f P o u s s i n had access,
t o t h i s l i b r a r y and t h e h e l p o f H o l s t e , i t must have been i n v a l u a b l e t o
him i n t h e p a i n t i n g o f W i n t e r e s p e c i a l l y .
Walter E r i e d l a e n d e r , "Poussin's O l d Age," GBA, L X (1962), 258.
A n d r e F e l i b i e n , E n t r e t i e n s s u r l e s V i e s e t s u r l e s Ouvrages des
plus; E x c e l ! e n s P e i n t r e s A n c i e n s e t Modernes. avec l a V i e des A r c h i t e c t e s , ,
Tome IV; ('Nouv. ed.., r e v , , c o r r . , & augm. des C o n f e r e n c e s de l'Academie-.
R o y a l e de P e i n t u r e & de S c u l p t u r e .. . .. ; Trevoux: S,. A... S.., 172-5), p. 67,
3
;
4'
Catalogue-. 3-6 v
5
Not i n t h e o r d e r o f books as i t appears i n t h e R e v i s e d Standard
V e r s i o n ; b u t perhaps o t h e r v e r s i o n s i n c l u d e t h e same books i n a d i f f e r e n t
o r d e r . L i k e l y P o u s s i n was s e l e c t i n g what he needed r a t h e r than worry
about i t s l o c a t i o n i n t h i s Book.
E s p e c i a l l y f o r Winter.
O v i d i n c o r p o r a t e s an account o f t h e Deluge
i n Bk, I o f t h e Metamorphoses.
Tertullian.
De Baptismo. f o r example.
See.-my a n a l y s i s o f W i n t e r .
8
For d e t a i l s , see s e c t i o n on Summer
^BNP,, I , 332, f o o t n o t e 1 says A n t o n i o B o s i o , Roma S b t t e r r a n e a (Rome,
1651) h a d e n g r a v i n g s upon pp. 231 and 309 o f V o l . I o f t h e Four Seasons
i n t h e Cemetery o f S t . C a l i x s t u s .
-
1ft.bid..., 333,
footnote.'3;.
ee S p r i n g f o r d e t a i l s . .
12'
Ibid.
"'"Sbe Summer f o r d e t a i l s ,
" ^ e e W i n t e r 5for d e t a i l s .
i b l i s h e d Rome, 1587.
f a r o l d N. Moldenke and Alma L. Moldenke, P l a n t s o f t h e B i b l e : ( W a l tham, Mass.J C h r o n i c a B o t a n i c a , 1952),. g, 238 g i v e s an i l l u s t r a t i o n o f t h i s
mark.
1
197
17
Discussed under- the section on the Commissioner of the Four Seasons
and i n Chapter I of this thesis.
18
BNP,
207, says Hblstenius (ikicas Holste) was a specialist
in the Early Fathers, and the Byzantine historians as well as an editor of o
twenty classical works.
19
See. Chapter I conclusion for these,
BW. I, 332-4.
^feircea Eliade, Images and Symbolst Studies in Religious Symbolism,,
trans., by Philip Hairet (London: Harvill Press, 196l), p. 159.
2
22
BNP, r,
333..
23
George M.„ A. Hanfmann, The Season Sarcophagus in Dumbarton Oaks,
Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 2> X (Cambridge, Mass.:- Harvard University Press,
1951), PP. 277^8% e basic decipherment of this allegory in the Four Seasons was
made by Willibald Sauerlander,, "Die Jahreszeiten: Ein Beitrag zur
Allegorischen Landschaft beim Spaten Poussin, " MJBK, 3
Folge, VII' (19561,
l69ff.- cited by Blunt i n his Catalogue;' 3r6... In his evaluation of
Sauerlander's article i n BNP, 1,, 332-4, Blunt feels Sauerlander makes
too much of Jesuit influence on Foussin, It i s probable that Sauerlander
explains why the picture of man under the Mosaic Law follows that of him
under Grace. Did Catholic doctrine and/or early Christian representations
eauseo> this pattern?
•
;
2
:
te:
:
25
To me this i s one of the most remarkable expressions of Campanellan
Stoic-Christian thought i n Foussin"s work. For in i t the Stoic and Christian
LogOS are united, for example, John l ; l - 5 (R.. S. V..) where'.'Word"' i s a translation of the Greek Logos;• It. reads: "In the beginning was the Word,,
and the Word was with God and'-the Word was God,. ^He-was in the beginning
with God;, ^all things were made through him, and without him was not anything
made that was-made..^ In prim was l i f e , - and the l i f e was the light of men,.
-'The light shines in the" darkness, and the darkness has not overcome i t , "
The last part of this statement i s applicable to the ideas behind Winter.
3
r
26
Ovid. Metamorphoses. 1. 430-444, also illustrated by Ernst Lehrner,
Symbols, Signs and Signets (Cleveland: The World Publishing Co., 1950),,
p. 85, no. 438.
G!enesi.s 8v IV (R. S..V.)
27
28
,
Arnold Whittick, Symbols, Signs and their Meaning (London: Leonard
Hill,. I960), p. 160;. and Charles Mills Gayley, The Classic Myths i n English
Literature and Art*, based originally on Bulfinch''s "Age of Fable,"' (1855)
accompanied by. an interpretative, and illustrative commentary (New ed., rev.
and enl.;, New lork: ^Blaisdell, 1911), P«- 23.
;
198
29
E.. Vernon Arnold, Roman' Stoicism (New York:
1911),. p» 306,.
2624.
The Humanities Press,
30Charles de Tolnay, "Poussin, Mi'chel-Ange et Raphael,"' AF, II (l96'2:),
31
Genesis 1:25>(R. S. V.)
32
33
I b i d . 3:7 (R.. S. V.)
;
:
Ibid... 2:9 & JA3 (R. 8. V.)
^T.;bid. 2;;9 (-R..S. V.)
3
^Pomegranates were symbols of eternal l i f e ,
^John 1:1-5.; (R. S..V;.)
3
% e n e s i s 3;:20.
:
De Tolnay, "Poussin, Michel-Ange et Raphael,"' p 262,
0
39
Ibid.,
°I.bid.
^BNP, I, 33.2-334;; see my"note 24',
4
^ See Appendix I. for a translation of Felibien's description of the
commission,.. iconography (hot including the allegory, wliich he- missed) and
style of the Four Seasons,
2
43:
Ruth ltl6'-17/ CR.-- 3., V.,) "Entreat me not to leave you or to return
from following you;; for where you go.s I wOlgo and where you lodge I will
lbdge.;fyburr people.^ shall be? my people.', and your God, my God;, where you die;
I will die, and there will I be buried. May the Lord do so to me and more*
also i f even death parts me from you." This,was a Stoic virtue,, as Poussin's?
Testament of Bndamidas (plate 2-24) proves..
:
^"Ruth 2?:2> (R.„ S..V.). "Let me go to the f i e l d , and glean among the ears
of grain after him i n whose sight I shall find favor.."
1
Eleusinian Mysteries by which one gained immortality,
46
j!ohn 6:48, 51 (R. S.. V.)
47"
^ Whittick, Symbols, p. 255,
48;
•BNP, I, 33.2 says the tree has been suggested as a representation of
the Church.
urc
^ Longinus and Ruth both seem to be adapted from sculptures by Bernini.
9
199
50
' Numbers -\\ and 14 (R../S. V.)
^IMd.. 14:8 (,R... S. V.)
52
BNFL, .152-153 and footnote 90.
53^
FNP. p.. 193i
does Friedlaender.
I. cannot makeso rigid an 'identification of the treess as
'^M?JL I, 334, footnote %,
^Bologna, Mostra dei Carraeci, 1956* Mostra dei Carraeci: Catalogo
Critico a Qura di Gian Carlo Cavalli c e t alp con Una Nota di Denis Mahon..
Saggio Introduttivo di Cesari Gnudi.l Settembre-31 Octobre. 1956V Bologna,'Falaaao d e l l ArchiP-innasj n f''3i ed. : Bologna;-; Edlzionjj. Alfa. 1958) .• p i . 119
and no. 249 of the catalogue being a drawing connected with this fresco.
Ti
56
Genesis 1:8 (R. S. V.)
57
-"Ovid, Metamorphoses. 1. 430-444 illustrated in Lehrneir.. Symbols,
p. 85, no. 438.
Matthew 24:27^ 29, 37 (R... S„ V.)
58
59
Whittick. Symbols, p. 262 i n De Baptismo.
;
60
BNF. I, 333-, footnote 2, according to the early Christian writer
Mincius Felix i n his Octavius 6-8.
^Whittick, Symbols, p. 160,
0<
Gayley, Classic Myths, p. 23.
•^Arnold, Roman Stoicism, p. 306.
l i t t i c k , Symbols, p. 158 making i t rich i n associations with
salvation.•
6'5
'TEliade, Images, p. 152V,
^ I b i d . , p. 155.
67
BNF, 1, 334, footnote 6;
% M d . , , 208..
^lertullian.
in translation.
70
De Baptismo.
ELiade, Images, p. 153-.
III-V" cited by Eliade, Images,, p.- 153
200
Apollo and Daphne
''"For a biography o f Massimi, see Chapter I of t h i s thesis.
^Ovid,
Metamorphoises-i
Ic 452-552. et passim.
3-BNP«. IT,. 347 and footnote 43.
Pausanias.Description of Greece.
9.
10.. 5.4
Ibid. , 343.
=
;
^Probably i n Blaise de Vigenere J s French t r a n s l a t i o n because these;'
contain references t o Heracleitan Stoic physics,, which appear to es^plain
t h e ; - f e r t i l i t y aspect of this allegory best, as well a s - r e l a t i n g a l i t t l e ^
to the s p i r i t u a l allegory..
:
!
6'
BNP, I , 373-3.79, c i t i n g and t r a n s l a t i n g Gabriele Zinano, I I Sogno
Overo d e l l a Poesia (Reggio Emilia, 1590),- pp.. 31-41
• Ibid., 343,> footnote 26'r Hendrick Goltzius,
Uhiversae- (Antwerp., I644)
Numismata- Graeciae
8'
5sbid.., 336, from B ' e l l o r i " s V i t e , p.. 444•
% 10
Ibid.., 351-2.
Philostratus.
Imagines; 1.26 on Hermes' b i r t h
reads as follows-:- Hermes ••"•l&akes h i s stand behind A p o l l o , and l e a p i n g "
l i g h t l y on h i s back, he q u i e t l y u n f a s t e n s A p o l l o * s bow and p i l f e r s i t
u n n o t i c e d , b u t a f t e r he has p i l f e r e d i t , he does n o t escape d e t e c t i o n . .
T h e r e i n l i e s the c l e v e r n e s s o f t h e p a i n t e r ; , f o r he m e l t s t h e wrath o f A p o l l o
and r e p r e s e n t s him a s d e l i g h t e d . . But h i s l a u g h t e r i s - : r e s t r a i n e d , h o v e r i n g a s
i t were over h i s f a c e , a s amusement conquers wrath." Was t h i s the source
i n the back o f B e l l o r i ' s mind when he d e s c r i b e d t h e painting?. I t i s a l s o
p o s s i b l e t h a t ' P o u s s i n used one o f t h e engravings on t h i s s u b j e c t i n t h e
Vigenere:; t r a n s l a t i o n o f P h i l o s t r a t u s . . Or he may have known o f an ambiguousr e f e r e n c e i n Horace. Odes. Bk, 1, X t o Mercury, perhaps through t h e r e f e r e n c e s '
i n V i g e n e r e t o t h i s author which accompanied t h e t r a n s l a t i o n , a c c o r d i n g t o
Henry Bardon,"Poussin e t l a L i t t e r a t u r e L a t i n e , " ' V o l . I , A c t e s , p,126.
It i s B l u n t who i n BNP, -1, 350,. connects B e l l ' o r i " s "joke"- w i t h Philostratus'.,,
story*..and r e l a t e s the c o n n e c t i o n o f Apollo's arrows t o t h e sun!s r a y s ey
" ^ C h a r l e s M i l l s Gayley, The C l a s s i c Myths i n E n g l i s h L i t e r a t u r e and i n
A r t , - based o r i g i n a l l y on B u l f i n c h ' s "Age o f F a b l e " (1855), accompanied by an.
i n t e r p r e t a t i v e ; a n d i l l u s t r a t i v e commentary (New ed,., rev., and e n l . ; New York:-- •
B l a i s d e l l , 1911),.- pp. 1 1 , 112..
!
1
.Jsaaanei
1
12BNP,.. I , 343, 344, 3.47 and f o o t n o t e s ; a l s o O v i d .
D3
Ovid.
l4
Ibi'd ..
:
Metamorphoses.. 1». 441-444..
1.
452-,.-
Metamorphoses.' 1 1 1 . . .
201
15
Ibid., I, 347, especially footnote 44*
-^Ibid., I, 347 citing Plutarch's l i f e of C. Marcius %
Arnold Whittick, Symbols, Signs and their Meaning (London: Leonard H i l l , I960),,
p. 199, gives other reasons why this tree i s so prominent in the composition,,
as does Ovid. Metamorphoses 1 445-451; 452 T455.According to Whittick,, sacred to Ceres,- goddess of f e r t i l i t y , and the
traditional home of tree nymphs or dryads, i t was considered by the Greeks
to have i t s roots in Hades, and by the Christians to be the tree of Mary,
Mother of Christ, with i t s branches uplifted i n prayer. It cured a l l . diseases,
human and animal,, and was especially connected to Jupiter,, as by Ovid,
Metamorphoses,. I, 106' "and acorns fallen from the spreading tree of Jove."
It was also connected with Apollo, because after he slew the Python, before
he met Daphne, he instituted the Pythian games in honor of his victory over
the-serpent,. The victors were crowned with oaken garlands..
;
1
17
Sir Paul Harvey, ed., The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature
(Oxford: Clarendon Press^ 1946)» P» 34.
1 8
Ovid.
Metamorphoses.-
I,. 463-474*
^BNF,, I, 346.. He adds Apollodorus and Macrobius as connecting
Apollo I S/J service t'o Admetus with f e r t i l i t y . Callima.chus says the cows
and goal's were especially fertile.. The drawings include butting goats
and bulls, probably with this in mind.
20
Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology (London; Hamlyn, 195.9), p. 127.
^BNP, I, 119-120 and footnote 39; 348, footnote 46... Blunt believes •
that i n Apollo and Daphne this gesture i s associated with the power of the
sun to dry up dampness as well,. The f e r t i l i t y symbol i s from i t s use i n
other Poussin paintings and on amulets of the seventeenth century.
22
438.
Ovid. Metamorphoses. Vol. II index (Loeb Classical Library), p..
Also Vergil.. Georgics. 4.
23
Ibid..
'•See. Chapter I for a biography of Campanella comparing his views with
Stoicism.
25
Ibid.
Ovid.
27
Metamorphoses.
I.. 463-474.
Ibid.. I,, 474-6 , 483-8,, 545-7.
2f
W,
Ovid.
I,. 379.
Metamorphoses.
I.
568-70..
202
3G
BNF, I., 337, 349.
31
Erwin Panofsky,. "Foussin"s Apollo and Daphne in the Louvre,"' BSP,
3T Cahier (Mai, 1950),, 3B.. Panofsky sees i t as a picture of the unhappy
loves of Apollo, but there seems to be a more complex meaning evident in the
form as well as in the content. The parallel between the unhappy loves of '
Apollo i s also drawn i n the Viganere.translation of Fnilostratus.
e
32
See?Chapter I for a biography of Campanella discussing Stoic ghysics.
M F , I, 348-9.Xbid.., 349.
33
3/|
3.L. .
Ibid.,,
Ibid, 3.50. In the section on Scamander there are references to
Heracleitus' comparison of cosmic tensions attuned^as are the bow and the
lyre,; which in Poussin's painting SEce^a major key to the allegory, for
Apollo- holds the lyre, out of a l l the instruments he could ha.ve been
associated with, while the action of Cupid with the bow represents the
Cosmic harmony as Heracleitus saw i t analogous to human love.
37
BNF, I, 350, 373-9.
203
CHAPTER IV
^BNP,
I, 55, Correspondance, p. 479,
footnote 3.
^Correspondance. p. 469 in the last will summarizes Roman
Catholic beliefs at the beginning.
Ibid.. pp. A65-6, footnote 2 cites Passeri " i l rendit l'ame \
son createur apres s'Stre conforte de tous les sacraments de l'Eglise
comme parfait chre'tien et catholique.' '
3
7
^Correspondance 101".
^Ibid. 105; in footnote 2, p. 262 Jouanny notes that Pope Urban VIII
was favorable to France and a patron of the arts. Sir Anthony Blunt,
Lettres. p. 29, footnote 92, says that his nephews were the ones who governed
particularly poorly.
6lbid. 113.
7
I b i d . 171 and p. 400, footnote 7.
I b i d . 180; Blunt, Lettres. p. 144, footnote 35. This was Poussin's
only written comment, but the fireworks celebration which l i k e l y took
place at that time on the Castel Sant' Angelo appear to be used in. the
Landscape with Orpheus and Eurydice.
8
9
I b i d . ... 119.
^BNP, I, 177. He was, however, aware of the ideas of various movements.
It i s possible that.the I646? letter to Stella, Lettres. pp. 113-14, which
says "I could not resist the serious and afflicting thoughts with which i t
i s necessary to f i l l the mind and the heart to succeed in these;subjeete;
the subjects were the Crucifixion and the Carrying of the Cross. Most likely
this represents Poussin's usual thorough approach to his subject; however,
i t may also suggest he had tried the Jesuit exercises, or knew-of them.
n
BNP. I, 179. I do not think the few Biblical references in Poussin's
letters s i g n i f y ^ his lack of sympathy with the Roman Catholicism of his
day because there are very few Biblical quotations in Rubens' letters-(he )
was a pious believer). Both men reflect the spirit of their century i n
references to classical writers, since antiquity offered a link between
Europeans because of the common classical education.
11
7
^•James Pounder Whitney, The History of the Reformation. Published
for the Church Historical Society (London: Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, 1940), p. 183; B. J. Kidd, The Counter-reformation. 1550-1600.
a Publication of the Literature Committee of the English Church Union
(Londoni Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1933), p. 67.
2
1
3 l b i d . p. 172.
204.
Kidd, The Counter-reformation, p. 6 4 .
IS
x
^Ibid., pp. 70-71; Whitney, The Reformation, p. 196.
•^Tommaso Campanella, The Defense of Galileo, for the f i r s t time
trans, and ed., with an introduction and notes by Grant McColley, Smith
College Studies in History, XXII, nos. 3-4 (April-July, 1937) (Northampton,
Mass. J: Department of History of Smith College, 1937), pp. 25, 41.
17
'See Chapter I of this thesis for a discussion of Campanellan philosophy.
i ft
The meaning of delectation i s discussed in Chapter V of this thesis.
•*-%ouglas Bush, Classical Influences in Renaissance Literature.
Martin Classical Lectures, Vol. XIII (Cambridge, Mass.: Published for
Oberlin College by Harvard University Press, 1952), pp. 21-22, 29.
20
A. H. Armstrong, An Introduction to Ancient Philosophy, Beacon
Paperback no. 149 (?2d rev. ed.; Boston: Beacon Press, 1949), p. 128.
21
Bush, Classical Influences, pp.
48-49.
22
Sir Paul Harvey, ed., The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature
(Oxfordi; Clarendon Press, 1946), p. 407.
23
24
2
I b i d . . p. 260.
Bush, Classical Influences, p. 58.
%arvey, ed., The Oxford Companion.. - p.n; 407.
26
E. Vernon Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York: The Humanities Press,
1958), pp. 112, 151. Arnold explains how etymology helped Stoic myth interpretation.
27
28
BNP. I, 212.
I b i d . . 211-12.
?-':,Sir Anthony Blunt, "Introduction," Lettres, p. 1 0 ; Correspondance -59.
30Correspondance 105 of 1644.
2
^ I b i d . 84 of 1643.
3 2 l b i d . 176 of 1649.
33see Chapter I of this thesis, p. 17.
^Arnold, Roman Stoicism, pp. 113, 114* 116. Seneca advocated i t
but did not practice i t enough so that he was obliged to commit suicide A.
D. 65^after being charged with treason.
r
205
Correspondence 168 of 1649, Blunt, Lettres. p. 134, footnote 8
says this idea i s similar to that of Guillaume du Vair.
^ I b i d . 174 of 1649.
37
Blunt, "Temoinages sur Poussin,"Lettres, p. 187, citing
Bonaventure d'Argonnej whom Blunt says on p. 186, footnote 10 i s the
pseudonym for Vigneul-Marville, born 1634» who probably became
acquainted with Poussin between 1655 and 1663,before he entered holy
orders i n France. Vigneul-Marville put this comment on Poussin i n his
Melanges d'Histoire et de l a Litterature Recueilles (Rouen, 1699-1700), I,
p. 1 4 0 .
206
CHAPTER V
•^BNP. I, 361-6, reprinted in translation as well as the in Italian
from G. P. Bellori, Le Vite de Pittori. Seultori et Architetti Moderni
(Rome, 1672), pp. 4 6 O - 4 6 2 . Blunt also gives the sources from which Poussin
took the notes, as far as these are known. Bellori entitled them Poussin's
Observations on Painting, perhaps not realizing they were notes from other
works. The notes were made under eleven headings: On the Example of Good
Masters; Definition of Painting and of tbaImitation Proper to I t ; How Art
Surpasses Nature; How the Impossible Constitutes the Perfection of Painting
and Poetry; On the Bounding Lines of Drawing and Color; On Certain Forms of
the Grand Manner. On Subject Matter. On the Conceit. On Composition, and
On (Style; On the Idea of Beauty; Of Novelty; How to Make up for the Poverty
of a Subject; Of the Forms of Things;; Of the Charms of Color. Tasso,
Quintilian, and Lomazzo are some of the authors from whose works Poussin
made notes. Bellori claims he saw them i n Poussin's writing i n the library
of Cardinal Massimi, and obtained them from the Cardinal via Pierre Le
Maire. Poussin was not an intellectual genius, says Blunt, so that the
notes that are simple and direct, for example, that on color, probably do
represent his own views, rather than a view with which he concurred by
making a note of i t from someone else's book. Blunt also believes that
Poussin made such notes in order to f u l f i l the intellectual expectations
of his century. See S i r Anthony Blunt, Poussin's Notes on Painting,
JJJI, I (1937-1938), 344-350.
1
BNP, I, 361.
2
^Ibid. The saying from Aristotle in the same paragraph as this
reference will be discussed later i n this chapter.
^•Catalogue.
See the end of C&apter I of this thesis for a biography of
Campanella.
8see my footnote 1 above for the reasons.
^BNP. I, 372. Blunt says on p. 355, footnote 74, that he has made
a free translation of a somewhat obscure letter, in which the underlined
words are d i f f i c u l t .
10
13
BNP. I, 355.
-Ibid.. 362.
•*- Correspondance
2
13
BNP. I, 363-4.
61.
207
^Correspondance, p. 4I9, footnote 1 in the Vite; Sir Anthony Blunt,
Temoinages sur Poussin," Lettres. p. 180.
I b i d . 2I4.
1 5
16
BNP. I, 371. Poussin begins the letter, "After such a long silence
on must at last try to arouse oneself while the pulse s t i l l faintly beats."
He died November, 1665. The book he received was Freart de Chambray's Idee
de l a Perfection de l a Peinture. Poussin says in the letter "I have dared
to set down here briefly what I have learned about i t cthis beautiful arts
apparently his own ideas, neither a commentary on de Chambray's book, nor
on Junius' De Pictura Veteran (Amsterdam, 1637) which he also mentions.
l Rensselaer Wright Lee, Ut Pictura Poesis; The Humanistic Theory
of Painting (New York: Norton, 1967) i s the source for the succeding discussion unless otherwise noted.
XP
7
18
Elizabeth Gilmore Holt, comp. and ed., Michelangelo and the Manneri s t s : the Baroque and the Eighteenth Century. Vol. II of A Documentary
History of Art. Doubleday Anchor Books All4b (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday,
1958), pp. 225-226, footnote 2. In Spain until 1677 the artist could not
be knighted and was subject to a tax.
1 9 i r Anthony Blunt, "Introduction," International, p. 4.
S
Rudolf Wittkower, "The Role of Classical Models i n Bernini's and
Poussin's Preparatory Work." Internati onal, p. 49.
20
1
^ F i l i p p o Baldinucci, The Life of Bernini, trans, from the Italian
by Catherine Engass (University Park and London:; Pennsylvania State
University Press, 1966), pp. 76-77.
Wittkower, "The Role of Classical Models in Bernini's and Poussin's
Preparatory Work, ibid.
22
23
Ibid.
^•Paul Freart de Chantelou, Diary of Cavalier Bernini's Journey i n
France, excerpts trans, in Vol. II of A Documentary History of Art, comp.
and ed. by Elizabeth Gilmore Holt, p. 131.
25
•'Baldinucci, Life of Bernini, p. 78.
fittkower, "The Role of Classical Models i n Bernini's and Poussin's
Preparatory Work,"'ibid.
27Blunt, 'Introduction? International. p. 4.
28
I b i d . . p. 10.
29
I b i d . . p. 11.
30
BNP. I, 365.
208
31
For B e l l o r i ' s testimony, see BNP, I, 172;,Correspondance AO, to
Chantelou of 16A1.
Douglas Bush, C l a s s i c a l Influences i n Renaissance L i t e r a t u r e .
Martin C l a s s i c a l Lectures, V o l . XIII (Cambridge, M a s s . P u b l i s h e d f o r
Oberlin College by Harvard University Press, 1952), pp. 23-25.
32
33
Correspondance 11.
34.
Bush, C l a s s i c a l Influences, p. AA.
-*Mary Hamilton Swindler, Ancient Painting from the E a r l i e s t Times
to the Present Period of Christian A r t (New Haven: Yale University Press,
19291, pp. 232-233.
3
•^Pliny. The Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of A r t , trans,
by K. Jex-Blake, The Argonaut Library{o£ A n t i q u i t i e s (Chicago: Argonaut,
1968). The following sections says 79." Apelles of Ros exceeded a l l
painters who came before or after him. 96. He also painted the unpaintable, f o r example, l i g h t n i n g , thunder and thunderbolts. 118. No fresco
was to be seen i n the house o f Apelles.
^Correspondance« P» 373, footnote 1, c i t i n g F e l i b i e n , Entretiens,
t. I I , p. 351.
38
BNP. I, 226.
" ^ I b i d . 369-\7£ from Correspondance 156 to Chantelou, 1647. S i r
Anthony Blunt, L e t t r e s . p. 124, footnote 91 says Poussin somewhat inaccura t e l y a n d i n a muddled f a s h i o n c i t e d part of Gioseffe Zarlino's
I s t i t u z i o n i Harmoniche (Venice, 1553) a celebrated t r e a t i s e on music often
reprinted. BNP. I, 226, gives approximately the same information.
Perhaps t h i s t r e a t i s e had come to Pbussin's attention through Domenichino
or Pozzo who knew G. B. Doni, another celebrated musician.
c
a
H o l t , Michelangelo and the Mannerists* the Baroque and -foe Eighteenth Century, pp. 154-156, t r a n s l a t i n g Correspondance 156 of 1647 to
Chantelou, also translated i n BNP. I , pp. 367-370, A l l quotations from the
"Modes" l e t t e r are taken from Holt.
A 0
^BNP, I , 232-233. Poussin "wholeheartedly supported the Greeks."
This i s seen i n h i s selection o f Neo-Attic models, f o r example, Antinous;
and i n Passeri's l i f e of Duquesnoy, a Flemish sculptor with whom Poussin
l i v e d and worked before h i s marriage, (BNP. I, 54)• Passeri says that
Duquesnoy admired the grandeur, n o b i l i t y , majesty and beauty o f Greek work,
and that Poussin encouraged this admiration because he wanted to v i l i f y the
L a t i n manner.
^Correspondance 146 of 1647.
Poussin states "I am not at a l l one of
those who i n singing takes the same tone a l l the time, and I know how to vary
when I wish." S i m i l a r l y , Correspondance, p. 352, footnote 1 c i t e s Felibien,
Entretiens I I , p. 328, "He took great pains to treat d i f f e r e n t l y a l l the
subjects he represented; not only I n d i f f e r e n t expressions bu.t> even by diverse
2P?
ways of painting, one more delicate, the other stronger; i t i s why he was
very contented when the care he had taken in his work was recognized."'
^ BNP. I, 366.
3
^ I b i d . . 161, footnote 13, a quote from Bellori's Le Vite. p. 438,
trans, by me as "Having read Greek and Latin history, he noted down the
subjects and then made use of them when the need arose."' Also Ibid.. 172.
45
Ibid., 224. "He was always studying wherever he might be. When he
walked i n the streets he observed the actions of a l l those he met, and i f
he saw one which seemed to him of interest, he noted i t in a book which he
always carried with him for this purpose," from Entretiens. IV, 14.
^BNP,
I, 242.
^Correspondance 56.
^Blunt, "Temoinages sur Poussin," Lettres. p. 188.
A9
Correspondance 147. pp. 448f., as cited i n BNP. I, 312.
210
CHAPTER VI
BNP» I» 371-2.
o
Chapter II> of this thesis discusses this topic.
BNP. I, 372.
Friedlaender, "Poussin's Old Age," GBA, LX (1962), 249-263;
Erwin Panofsky, "Poussin's Apollo and Daphne i n the Louvre," BSP, 3
Cahier, (Mai, 1950), 27-41 contain discussion of the problem of an "old-age"
style i n any artist, including Poussin.
3
Walter
1
r e
^Correspondance. p. 447, footnote 1.
&FNF, p. 193. "Certainly one sees in these four paintings Four Seasonsi
s t i l l the form and the genius of Poussin, but one also remarks the weakness
of his hand."
r
Chapter V of this thesis discusses Poussin's theory of the Modes.
211
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alfassa, P. "Poussin et l e Paysage."
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Alpatov, Michael. "Poussins Landschaft mit Hercules und Cacus in Moscau
(Zum Problem der Heroischen Landschaft)."Walter Friedlaender zum
90. Geburstag: Eine Festgabe seiner europaischen Schuler, Freunde und
Verehrer. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1965.
This article i s upon the form rather than upon the iconography
of this painting, according to Professor Leslie Miller of the Department of German, University of British Columbia, who kindly scanned i t
for me,,. June, 1969.
Appianus,of Alexandria. 'Put/Mack*
Applan's Roman History. With an English
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t \ rtt
I believe that the relevant section i s IX, ?7Wfrg.<Wifrh fo' Tllupd
that i s , On Macedonia and Illyricum.
^
:
1
Armstrong, A. H. An Introduction to Ancient Philosophy. Beacon Paperback
no. 149. 2d ed., rev. Boston: Beacon Press, 1949.
Arnold, E. Vernon. Roman Stoicism: Being Lectures on the^History of
Stoic Philosophy with Special Reference to i t s Development within
the Roman Empire. New York: The Humanities Press, 1911.
Baldinucci, Filippo. The L i f e of Bernini. Translated from the Italian
by Catherine Engass. University Park and London: Pennsylvania State
University Press, 1 9 6 6 .
First published Florence, 1682.
Bardon, Henry. "Poussin et l a Litterature Latine." Vol. I. of Nicolas
Poussin:; Ouvrage Fublie' sous l a Direction de Andre Chastel. Paris.
19-21 Septembre. 1958. France. Centre National de l a Recherche
Scientifique. 2 vols. Paris:. Centre National de l a Recherche
Scientifique, I960, pp. 123-132.
Berger, J. "Poussin and De Stael: a Comparison."
GLXXIII (January, 1967), 18*25.
Studio International.
Berger, Klaus. "Poussin's Style and the 19th Century." Gazette des BeauxArts. XLV (1955), 161-170.
212
Bialostocki, Jan. "Uhe Idee de Leonard Realisee par Poussin."
Arts. IV (1954-), 131-136.
Revue des
"Poussin et l e 'Traite* de l a Peinture de Leonard: Notes sur
l'Etat de l a Question." Vol. I of Nicolas Poussin: Ouvrage Publie
sous l a Direction de Andre Ghastel. Paris. 19-21 Septembre. 1958. France.
Centre National de l a Recherche Scientifique. 2 vols. Paris: Centre
National de l a Recherche Scientifique, I960, pp. 133-140.
1
v
Bible.
The Holy Bible Containing the Old and New Testaments.
version. London: Nelson,. 1952.
Rev. standard
Bickerman, E. "The Orphic Blessing." Journal of the Warburg Institute.
London. University. Warburg Institute, II (1938-1939), 368-374.
Blunt, Sir Anthony. Art and Architecture in France. 1500 to 1700.
The Pelican History of Art, Z4. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1953.
. The French Drawings in the Collection of His Majesty the King at
Windsor Castle. Oxford & London: Phaidon Press, 1945.. "The Heroic and the Ideal Landscape i n the Work of Nicolas Poussin."
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes. London. University.
Warburg Institute, VII (1944), 154-168.
. "Introduction.! Latin American Art and the Baroque Period in
Europe. Vol. I l l of Acts: Studies in Western Art of International
Congress of the History of Art, 20th, New York, N. Y., September 7-12,
1961. 4 vols. Princeton, N, J . : Princeton University Press, 1963,
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1
. "Introduction." Lettres et Propos sur l'Art par Nicolas Poussin.
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l'Art. Paris: Hermann, 1964, pp. 9-18.
, Nicolas Poussin. Bollingen Series, XXXV. 7. 2 vols.
Pantheon Books, 1967.
. The Paintings of Nicolas Poussin:
Phaidonj 1966.
New York:
a Critical Catalogue. London:
. "Poussin's Notes on Painting." Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes. London. University. Warburg Institute, I
(1937-1938), 344-350.
. "Temoinages sur Poussin." Lettres et Propos sur l'Art par
Nicolas Poussin. Textes reunis et presentes par Anthony Blunt.
Collection Mirroirs de l'Art. Paris:' Hermann, 1964, pp. 175-189.
This short collection of primary source material i s of inestimable
assistance in compiling a biography of Poussin, or in studying his
method of work.
Bonansea^B^M^
"Campanella, Tommaso."
New Catholic Encyclopedia, II,
213
Bonansea, B. M.
981-2.
"Telesio, Bernardino."
Mew Catholic Encyclopedia, XIII,
Bonnaffe', Edmond. Dictionnaire des Amateurs Francais au XVII Siecle.
Paris: A. Quantin, 1884.
6
5
Brea, Luigi Bernabb. Muse^s et Monuments de S i c i l e : Museums and Monuments
in Sicily. Novara: Istituto Geografico de Agostini, I960.
Bush, Douglas. Classical Influences in Renaissance Literature. Martin
Classical Lectures, Vol. XIII. Cambridge, Mass.: Published for
Oberlin College by Harvard University Press, 1952.
Campanella, Tommaso. "The City of the Sun," in Famous Utopias of the
Renaissance. Introduction and notes by Frederic R. White. New York:
Hendricks House, 1955, cl946, pp. 153-204.
. The Defense of Galileo. For the f i r s t time translated and edited
with introduction and notes by Grant McColley. Smith College Studies
in History, XXII, nos. 3-4 (April-July, 1937). Northampton, Mass.:
Department of History of Smith College, 1937.
First published 1622.
Introduction: pp. v i i - x l i v .
Cantarella, Michele. The Italian Heritage.
and Winston, 1959.
Clark, Sir Kenneth. Landscape into Art.
New York: Holt, Rinehart
London:: Murray, 1949.
Colombier, Pierre du. "Poussin et Claude Lorrain." Vol. I of Nicolas
Poussin: Ouvrage Public sous l a Direction de Andre Chastel Paris.
19-21 Septembre, 1958.
France. Centre National de l a Recherche
Scientifique. 2 vols. Paris: Centre National de l a Recherche
Scientifique, I960, pp. 47-56.
1
f
Cotgrave, Randle. A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues.
Reproduced from the 1st ed., London, 1611, with introduction by
William S. Woods. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press,
1950.
An invaluable help in translating the letters of Poussin not
included in the 1964 selection by Sir Anthony Blunt.
Delacroix, Eugene. Essai sur Poussin. Preface et notes de Pierre Jaquillard.
E*crits doc. Peintres, 17. Geneva: Cailler, 1966.
Delaporte} Yves. "Andre Felibien en I talie (1647-1649): Ses Visites"*a
Poussin et Claude Lorrain." Gazette des Beaux-Arts, LI (April, 1958),
193-214.
Dempsey, Charles. "The Classical Perception of Nature in Poussin's Earlier
Works." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes. London.
University. Warburg Institute, XXIX (1966), 219-249.
. Nicolas Poussin and the Natural Order.
Princeton, N. J . :
214
Princeton University Press, 1963.
A' 287-page microfilmed Ph.D. dissertation; abstract i s i n
Dissertation Abstracts. XXVI (1966), 974. The order no. i s 64-6259.
De Tolnay, Charles. "Poussin, Michel-Ange et Raphael."
(1962), 260-262.
Art de France. II
Dorival, Bernard. "Expression Litteraire et Expression Picturale du Sentiment
de l a Nature au XVII Siecle Francais." Revue des Arts. I l l (1953), 4453.
e
5
Eiselen, Frederick Carl, and Lewis, Edwin, eds.
tary. New York:. Abingdon Press, 1929.
The Abingdon Bible Commen-
Eliade, Mircea. Images and Symbols: Studies in Religious Symbolism.
Translated by Philip Mairet. London: Harvill Press, 1961.
Felibien, Andre*. Entretiens sur les Vies et sur les Ouvrages des Excellens
Peintres Anciens et Modernes. avec l a Vie des Architectes. Tome IV.
Nouv. e"d., rev., corr. & augm
Trevoux: S. A. S., 1725.
Ferraton, Claude. "La Collection du Due de Richelieu au Musee du Louvre."
Gazette des Beaux-Arts. XXXV (June, 1949), 437-448.
France. Centre National de l a Recherche Scientifique. Nicolas Poussin:;
Ouvrage Public' sous l a Direction de Andre Chastel. Paris. 19-21
Septembre. 1958. 2 vols. Paris: Centre National de l a Recherche
Scientifique, I960.
Vol. I i s a series of papers about Poussin problems; Vol. II
contains a compilation of primary source material on him. The main
articles I have found useful i n Vol. I are separately l i s t e d in this?
bibliography. In the footnotes, the citation appears^as Actes.
Freeman, Edward A. The History of S i c i l y from the Earliest Times. Vol. I,
The Native Nations: The Phoenician and Greek Settlements. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1891.
Friedlaender, Walter.
Great Painters.
.
Nicolas Poussin: a New Approach.
New York: Abrams, 1966.
"Poussin's Old Age."
The Library of
Gazette des Beaux-Arts. LX (1962), 249-263.
Fry, Roger. "Pyramus and Thisbe by Nicolas Poussin." Burlington Magazine.
XLIIL (1923), 53.
Gayley, Charles M i l l s . The Classic Myths in English Literature and in Art.
Based originally on Bulfinch's "Age of Fable" (1855), accompanied by
an interpretative and illustrative commentary. New ed., rev. and enl.
New York: Blaisdell, 1911.
Gombrich, Ernst H. "The Subiect of Poussin's Orion."
LXXXIV (February, 1944), 37-41.
Burlington Magazine.
2T5
Grant, Frederick G., ed.
Arts Press, 1957.
Ancient Roman Religion. New York: The Liberal
The Greek Bucolic Poets. Translated with brief notes by A. S. F.
Cambridge: . University Press, 1953.
Gow.
Hanfmann, George M. A. The Season Sarcophagus in Dumbarton Oaks.
Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 2. 2 vols. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1951.
Harvey, Sir Paul, ed. The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature.
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946.
Haskell, Francis. Patrons and Painters: A Study of the Relations Between
Italian Art and Society i n the Age of the Baroque. New York: Knopf,
1963.
, and Rinehart, Sheila. "The dal Pozzo Collection: Some New
Evidence.Burlington Magazine (Special Issue) CII (July, I960),
318-327.
Hawkes, Jacquetta.
v
Man and the Sun.
London:,- Cresset Press,
1962.
Hibbard, Howard. Bernini. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1965.
Holt, Elizabeth Gilmore, comp. and ed. Michelangelo and the Mannerists?
the Baroque and the Eighteenth Century. Vol. II of A Documentary
History of Art. Doubleday Anchor Books A114b. Garden City, N. Y.:
Doubleday, 1958.
Horatius Flaccus, Quintus. The Odes of Horace: the Centennial Hymn
Translated by James Michie. Introduction by Rex Warner. The
Library of Liberal Arts, 202. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963.
Johnston,'Mary. Roman Life.
Chicago:
Scott, Foresman, 1957.
Kamenskaya, Tatiana. "Fragment Inedit d'une Lettre de Poussin au Musee
de r'.limitage: Essai de Commentaire." Gazette des Beaux-Arts. LXII
(Decembre, 1963), 345-348.
This fragment proves the authenticity of Poussin's letter of
1650 stating he plans a treatise on esthetics.
Kauffman, Georg. "Poussins Letztes Work." Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte.
XXIV (1961), 101-127.
Unfortunately this article was not available to me; I include i t
as an item for reference on the last period of Poussin.
Keightley, Thomas. The Mythology of Ancient Greece and Italy. 2d ed.,
considerably enl. and improved. London: Whittaker, 1838.
Kidd, B. J. The Counter-reformation. 1550-1600. A Publication of the
Literature Committee of the English Church Union. London: Society
for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1933.
216
Kish, George and Imbb, Giuseppe.
1967- XXII, 1022.
"Vesuvius."
Encyclopaedia Britannica.
Kitson, Michael. "The Relationship Between Claude and Poussin in Landscape."'
^ e i t s c h r i f t fur Kunstgeschichte. XXIV (1961), H2-162.
Laing, Gordon J. Survivals of Roman Religion.
Publishers, Inc., 1963.
New York:: Cooper Square
Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology. London:." "Haalyn, 1959.
Lee, Rensselaer Wright. Ut Pictura Poesis:
New York:; Norton, 1967.
Lehner, Ernst. Symbols. Signs &; Signets.
Co., 1950.
the Humanistic Theory of Painting.
Cleveland:
The World Publishing
Leonardo da Vinci. Treatise on Painting (Codex Urbinus Latinus 1270)
Translated and annotated by A Philip McMahon. Vol. I, Translation.
2 vols. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1956.
The 1651 edition i s also i n the library at the University of
British Columbia.
Licht, Fred Stephen. Die Entwicklungen der Landschaft i n den Werken von
Nicolas Poussin. Basle and Stuttgart, 1954*
This work, unavailable to me, contains comment on almost a l l the
late landscapes.
Livius, Titus. Ab Urbe Condita Libri:; The History of Rome. Translated
with introduction by Canon Roberts. Everyman's library, edited by
Ernest Rhys. History. 6 vols. London: Dent, 1912.
Mahon, Denis. "Poussiniana: Afterthoughts Arising from the Exhibition."
Gazette des Beaux-Arts. LX
(1962), 1-138.
1
. "Reflexions sur les Paysages de Poussin."' Art de France. I
Tl96l), 119-132.
Michelangelo Buonarroti. Michelangelo: Paintings. Sculptures. Architecture,
by Ludwig Goldscheider. Complete 4th ed. London: Phaidon Press, 1962.
Moldenke, Harold N. and Moldenke, Alma L.
Mass.: Chronica Botanica, 1952.
Plants of the Bible. Waltham,
Ovidius Naso, Publius. Fastorum L i b r i Sex: , The Fasti of Ovid. Edited with
a translation and commentary by Sir James George Frazer. Vol. II.
5 vols. London:; Macmillan, 1929.
. Metamorphoses. With an English translation by Frank Justus
Miller. The Loeb Classical Library. 2d ed. 2 vols. London:
Heinemann, 1956-1958.
217'
Panofsky, Dora. " N « r m s s n s »nri Koinm
Notes on Poussin's B i r t h of Bacchus
i n the Fogg Museum of A r t . " A r t B u l l e t i n . XXXI (1949), 112-120.
Panofsky, Erwin. E a r l y Netherlandish Painting;- i t s O r i g i n s ,and Characters
V o l . I . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1953.
Contains a u s e f u l discussion on iconography and how to deal
w i t h complex a l l e g o r i c a l meanings, pp. 141-143.
• "Poussin's Apollo and Daphne i n the Louvre."
Societe Poussin. 3
Cahier (Mai, 1950), 27-41.
1
B u l l e t i n de l a
r e
Paris.
Muse'e National du Louvre. Exposition N i c o l a s Poussin:
Preface,
Germain Bazin; Catalogue, S i r Anthony Blunt; Biographies Charles
S t e r l i n g ; Documents de Laboratoire, Madeleine Hours. 2d e'd., c o r r .
Paris:; E d i t i o n des Musees Nationaux, I960.
P h i l o s t r a t u s , F l a v i u s . Imagines, bound with C a l l i s t r a t u s ' Descriptions.
With an E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n by Arthur Fairbanks. Loeb C l a s s i c a l
L i b r a r y . London: Heinemann, 1931.
P i n t a r d , Rene'. "Rencontres avec Poussin." V o l . I of Nicolas Poussin:
Ouvrage P u b l i e sous l a D i r e c t i o n de Andre Chastel. Paris.19-21 Septembre.
19_5j8_. France. Centre National de l a Recherche S c i e n t i f i q u e . 2 v o l s .
P a r i s ; Centre National de l a Recherche S c i e n t i f i q u e , I960, pp. 31-46.
P l i n i u s C a e c i l i u s Secundus, C. The Elder P l i n y ' s Chapters on the H i s t o r y
o f A r t . Translated by K, Jex-Blake. The Argonaut L i b r a r y of A n t i q u i t i e s .
Chicago: Argonaut, 1968.
Poussin, N i c o l a s . Correspondance de N i c o l a s Poussin. P u b l i e d'apres l e s
originaux, par Ch. Jouanny. Socie'te' de l ' H i s t o i r e de l ' A r t Francais,
n. s., Tome V. Paris:: E. de Noble, 1911.
*
, The Drawings of Nicolas Poussin: Catalogue Raisonee. Edited
by Walter Friedlaender.and Anthony Blunt. Studies of the Warburg
I n s t i t u t e , e d i t e d by E. S a x l , V o l . V, 1-4. London: Warburg I n s t i t u t e ,
U n i v e r s i t y of London, 1939-1963.
V o l . V i n preparation.
. L e t t r e s et Propos sur l ' A r t . Textes reunis et presented par
Anthony Blunt. C o l l e c t i o n M i r r o i r s de l ' A r t . P a r i s : Hermann, 1964.
Rose, H. J . Ancient Roman R e l i g i o n . Hutchinson's U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y . World
R e l i g i o n s , no. 27. London: Hutchinson's U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , 1948.
•
Gods and Heroes o f the Greeks.
London: Methuen, 1957.
Rosenberg, Adolf. R a f f a e l : des Mejsters Gemalde i n 203 Abildungen.
M i t Siner biographischen e i n l e i t u n g von Adolf Rosenberg. K l a s s i k e r
der Kunst i n Gesamtausgaben, 1 Bd. 3»&ufl. S t u t t g a r t und L e i p z i g :
Deutsche V e r l a g - a n s t a l s t , 1906.
Rubens, S i r Peter P a u l .
L e t t e r s . Translated and edited by Ruth Saunders
218
Magurn. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1955.
Sauerlander, Willibald. "Die Jahreszeiten. Ein Beitrag zur Allegorischen
Landschaft beim Spaten Poussin." MtShchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden
Kunst. Dritte Folge VII (1956), I69-I84.
This i s the classic article on the allegory i n the Four Seasons.
Unfortunately, I have not been able to see i t , but have used the
explanation in S i r Anthony Blunt's 1967 work on Poussin, l i s t e d
elsewhere i n this Bibliography.
Scherer, Margaret R. Marvels of Ancient Rome. New York and London: Published.
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1
1
221
APPENDIX
FELIBIEN'S DESCRIPTION OF THE FOUR SEASONS
In I664., however, he finished for the Due de Richelieu four
landscapes, which he had begun as early as the year 1660.
They represent the four seasons, and in each there i s a subject
taken from Holy Scripture. For Spring, i t i s Adam and Eve in
the terrestrial Paradise. For Summer, Ruth, who, having arrived
at Bethlehem with her mother-in-law Naomi at the time of the harvest, collectsT , ears of corn in the f i e l d of Boaz. For Autumn,
there are two of the Israelites whom Moses had sent to spy out
the land of Canaan, and to bring back fruits, who return laden
with a bunch of grapes of extraordinary size. And for Winter,
he painted the Deluge. Although this last i s ; a subject which
does not provide anything agreeable, because i t i s only water,
and people who swim i n i t , he treated i t nevertheless with such
art and science that there i s nothing better expressed. The
sky, the air and the earth are only of the same color. The men and the
animals appear a l l drenched with rain. The light does not permit
one to see through the density of the water which f a l l s with such.
abundance that i t deprives a l l the objects of the brightness of
day. It is true that i f one sees s t i l l in these four pictures
the force and the beauty of the genius of the painter, one notices
there also the weakness of his hand.
Andre Fl'libien, Entretiens sur les Vies et sur les Ouvrages des
Excellens Peintres Anciens et Modernes; avec l a Vie des Architechtes. Tome IV
(nouv. eel., retfc, corr. & augm. des Conferences de l'Academie Royale
de Peinture & de Sculpture . . .; Trevoux: S. A. S., 1725), pp. 66-67.