Community Histories 1950–1975

Transcription

Qikiqtani Truth
Commission
Qikiqtani Inuit Association
A note from QIA
This is a working draft designed to demonstrate the content
and layout of this final report and the future publication. Some
proofreading changes have yet to be made, and the final version of
the book will be printed in full colour with a professional paperback
binding. The Qikiqtani Inuit Association is committed to producing
this book in the highest-possible print quality. We have provided this
working draft in an effort to make this important material available
to this meeting. Please excuse any errors or omissions, and rest
assured that these will be corrected in the final printed version.
Qikiqtani Truth
Commission
Qikiqtani Truth
Commission
Contributors
Published by Inhabit Media Inc.
www.inhabitmedia.com
The work required to plan, research, and write the studies published in this
book occurred in two phases.
Inhabit Media Inc. (Iqaluit), P.O. Box 11125, Iqaluit, Nunavut, X0A 1H0
(Toronto), 146A Orchard View Blvd., Toronto, Ontario, M4R 1C3
Design and layout copyright © 2013 Inhabit Media Inc.
Text copyright © 2013 Qikiqtani Inuit Association phase 1
qikiqtani truth commission
(2007 to 2010)
Photography copyright © 2013 Library and Archives Canada, Northwest Territories Archives,
and Tim Kalusha
The QTC phase included most of the research, producing a research database, drafting background reports, indexing testimonies, and writing the
All rights reserved. The use of any part of this publication reproduced, transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, or stored in a retrievable system,
without written consent of the publisher, is an infringement of copyright law.
Commissioner’s report and two special studies.
Project Management
We acknowledge the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program.
Madeleine Redfern, Executive Director, QTC, with advice and support from
Printed in Canada
Joanasie Akumalik, QTC staff.
ISBN 978-1-927095-62-1
Historical Services
Commissioner James Igloliorte; Terry Audla, Executive Director, QIA; and
Julie Harris, Contentworks, Inc., Coordinator; Dr. Philip Goldring, Ph.D.,
Senior Historian; Ryan Shackleton, Historian, Contentworks, Inc.; and
Joan Bard Miller, Information Manager, Contentworks, Inc.
QTC Research Strategy and Background Studies
Madeleine Redfern; Philip Goldring, Ph.D.; Julie Harris; Ryan Shackleton;
Frank J. Tester, Ph.D.; and Francis Levésque, Ph.D.
|v
vi | Qikiqtani Truth Commission: Community Histories 1950–1975
Contributors | vii
Linguistic Support
Inuktitut Translation
Carole Cancel, Ph.D.; Jay Arnakak; and Joanasie Akumalik.
Jay Arnakak; Mali Curley; Julia Demcheson; Veronica Dewar; Elisapee
Ikkidluak; Emily Ilinik; David Joanasie; Leonie Kappi; Pujjuut Kusugak;
QTC Final Report: Achieving Saimaqatigiingniq
Nina Tootoo; and Blandina Tulugarjuk.
James Igloliorte, Commissioner; Madeleine Redfern, Executive Director;
Brian Cameron, Ph.D., Editor and Writer; and Jay Arnakak, Inuit Advisor
Authors
and Linguistic Support.
Julie Harris; Philip Goldring, Ph.D.; Madeleine Redfern; Natascha Morrison; Alice Glaze; Teresa Iacobelli, Ph.D.; Francis Levésque, Ph.D.; Berna-
Analysis of the RCMP and Inuit Sled Dogs (2006) Report
dette Johnson; Joan Bard Miller; and Brian Cameron, Ph.D. (Introduction).
Madeleine Redfern; Philip Goldring, Ph.D.
Research Support
The Official Mind
Linda Radford, Ph.D.; Pamela Gross; Anna Gilmer; Gail Cummings; and
Philip Goldring, Ph.D.
Hugh Goldring.
phase 2
qikiqtani inuit association
(2011 to 2013)
Publishing and Art Direction
Neil Christopher, Inhabit Media; and Ellen Ziegler, Inhabit Media.
Graphic Design
Marijke Friesen.
QIA managed the completion of the full set of QTC studies, as well as the
preparation of materials for publication.
Copy Editing
Laura Legge.
Project Management
Bethany Scott, QTC Project Manager, QIA; and Navarana Beveridge, Ex-
Reviewers
ecutive Director, QIA.
Mary Akavak; Olayuk Akesuk; Joanasie Akumalik; Larry Audlaluk; Stevie
Aulaqiaq; John Amagoalik; Paul Amagoalik; Madeleine Cole; Yvonne Earle;
Historical Services
Louise Flaherty; Rutie Gardner; Peter Kattuk; Sandra Kownak; Zacha-
Julie Harris, Contentworks, Inc., General Editor and Coordinator of Re-
rias Kunuk; Mikidjuk Lyta; Annie McGowan; Rita Mike; Jerry Natanine;
search and Writing; and Philip Goldring, Ph.D., Senior Historian.
Yvonne Niego; Philip Paniaq; Abraham Qamaniq; Madeleine Redfern; Colin
Saunders; Bethany Scott; and Craig Welsh.
Acknowledgements
T
here are many people who deserve thanks for their part in the work
of the Qikiqtani Truth Commission and in the development of these
reports.
Heartfelt gratitude to the Inuit Elders and community members whose
memories and words are the foundation of this work.
Past and present Qikiqtani Inuit Association boards of directors, especially those who were members of the Dog Slaughter and Relocation
Committee.
Commissioner James Igoliorte and QTC executive director Madeleine
Redfern for their work in making known this part of our history and bearing
witness to the stories of this region.
Julie Harris and the staff at Contentworks, Inc., especially Joan Bard
Miller. Without their tremendous effort and dedication to this project, these
reports would not exist.
Philip Goldring for his expertise and guidance.
Mark Poirier at SHOK Media for his work in creating the video record
of the Commission.
Neil Christopher and the team at Inhabit Media for their part in the
development of the QTC books.
All of the community members who provided valued and valuable
feedback as the work developed.
The team of translators who put in countless hours to create the Inuktitut
versions of these reports. Qujannamiimmarialuk.
Finally, thank you to the staff at QIA, each of whom supported this
project in big and small ways.
| ix
Supporters
Dedication
The work of the Qikiqtani Truth Commission would not have
been possible without the financial support of the following
organizations:
This book is dedicated to the Inuit of the Qikiqtani region.
May our history never be forgotten and our voices be forever
strong.
Nunavut Tunngavik Incorporated
Makivik Corporation
Walter and Duncan Gordon Foundation
First Air
Air Inuit
Unaalik Aviation
Kenn Borek Air Ltd.
Government of Canada, Aboriginal Affairs and Northern
Development Canada
A Note on Photographs
A picture can be worth a thousand
words, however . . .
Visual representation, through film and photography, is not objective. The
viewer has no idea what occurred in the moments just before or just after
a photo was taken, nor are they privy to what was left on the cutting-room
floor. The context in which a photo was taken can affect or change what the
viewer feels when they engage with the photograph. During his review of
the community history of Resolute Bay, John Amagoalik, executive advisor
at the Qikiqtani Inuit Association, recounted a story that drives this point
home.
The woman in this photograph is my mother. This photograph
was taken when Governor General Vanier visited Resolute in the
late 1950s or early ’60s. A few weeks before he arrived, they came
around to all of our homes and told our mothers that the children
had to be clean-looking when Vanier arrived. If that meant sewing
new kamiiks or parkas, so be it.
The day Vanier arrived, they came into our home and ordered
my mother to go out and play music for him. And they ordered us
children outside to dance.
Readers are asked to be mindful of the fact that what you think you
see in these historical photographs does not reveal the context in which the
photograph was taken.
| xiii
xiv | Qikiqtani Truth Commission: Community Histories 1950–1975
Also, it should be noted that most of the photographs that appear in
the QTC books are from national or territorial archives. Many will seem
familiar to readers. Where the information was available, names of those
who appear in the photographs have been included. If you notice an error
or omission, please contact QIA so that corrections can be made for future
editions of these books.
Table of Contents
list of tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii
foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
COMMUNITIES
Arctic Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Cape Dorset . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
Clyde River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Grise Fiord . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Hall Beach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Igloolik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Iqaluit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Kimmirut . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269
Pangnirtung . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301
Pond Inlet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341
Qikiqtarjuaq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371
Resolute Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 397
Sanikiluaq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435
endnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
qtc interviews (2008–2010) . . . . . . . . . . . . .
qia interviews (2004–2006) . . . . . . . . . . . . .
references . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
463
481
495
503
List of Tables
Cape Dorset
Cape Dorset Sources of Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
Iqaluit
Reported Population at Iqaluit Including Apex,
1941–1969 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248
Pangnirtung
Population of Ilagiit Nunagivaktangit in
Pangnirtung Area, 1954 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312
Sources of Income of Cumberland Sound Inuit in
1950–1951 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318
Pond Inlet
Community Timeline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343
Source of Inuit income at Pond Inlet,
1950 and 1959 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356
Changes in Where People Lived . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359
Resolute Bay
List of Families Relocated to Resolute in 1953 . . . . . 412
List of Families Relocated to Resolute in 1955 . . . . . 417
Foreword
A
s President of the Qikiqtani Inuit Association, I am pleased to
present the long-awaited set of reports of the Qikiqtani Truth
Commission.
The Qikiqtani Truth Commission: Community Histories 1950–1975
and Qikiqtani Truth Commission: Thematic Reports and Special Studies
represent the Inuit experience during this colonial period, as told by Inuit.
These reports offer a deeper understanding of the motivations driving government decisions and the effects of those decisions on the lives of Inuit—
effects that are still felt today.
This period of recent history is very much alive to Qikiqtaalungmiut,
and through testifying at the Commission, Inuit spoke of our experience of
that time. These reports and supporting documents are for us. This work
builds upon the oral history and foundation Inuit come from as told by
Inuit for Inuit to Inuit.
On a personal level this is for the grandmother I never knew, because
she died in a sanatorium in Hamilton; this is for my grandchildren, so that
|1
2 | Qikiqtani Truth Commission: Community Histories 1950–1975
they can understand what our family has experienced; and it is also for the
young people of Canada, so that they will also understand our story.
As it is in my family, so it is with many others in our region.
The Qikiqtani Truth Commission is a legacy project for the people of
our region and QIA is proud to have been the steward of this work.
Aingai,
E7-1865
J. Okalik Eegeesiak
Preface
President
Iqaluit, Nunavut
2013
M
any people, including Inuit and other scholars, have recognized that too much Canadian writing about the North hides
social, cultural, and economic turmoil behind lovely photo-
graphs, lists of individual achievements, and nationalist narratives. In more
recent years, this has been changing. Newer histories, including this QIA
community-driven initiative, are putting Inuit experiences at the forefront,
explaining what happened to people in a wide historical sense and in their
frequent face-to-face exchanges with incomers.
From the outset, the QTC was determined to create a lasting legacy that
could be used to support further research. It set out to create three parallel
sets of records: a collection of historic textual materials organized in a database; digitally preserved oral testimonies with summaries; and customized
histories from oral and textual sources of evidence. For this work, the QTC
determined that it needed experienced professional historians who could
connect stories from present-day witnesses to Inuit voices in documentary
sources, and to written records produced by the government, researchers,
and others. The purpose was to devise narratives linking Inuit knowledge
|3
Preface | 5
and experience with the kinds of evidence more generally used by the wider
In 2012, after the Commission had issued its final report, the QIA’s
Canadian research community. The Qikiqtaalungmiut who commissioned,
board of directors and President Okalik Eegeesiak chose to complete the
funded, and managed the work expected that it would be within the main
twenty-two histories and thematic studies. During this QIA phase, we re-
streams of Canadian scholarship, using a wide variety of sources. They were
ceived valued guidance from QIA executive director Navarana Beveridge
adamant that the goal was to communicate a better understanding of the
and QTC project manager Bethany Scott.
past, not to assign blame or find fault.
This project is part of the robust and intellectually stimulating tradi-
With only a few exceptions, as listed on the contributor’s page, these
tion of studying Canadian “colonialism” in the North as something other
histories represent the collaborative efforts of a team that was responsible
than simple manifest destiny. Many share our view that Aboriginal rights,
for research, information management, and writing. Work for the QTC be-
public memory, and government accountability have to be near the centre
gan at the end of 2007. We surveyed numerous archival collections, copying
of studies of Canada’s past. In preparing the histories, we were very aware of
from them abundantly and scanning the results for inclusion in the QTC’s
the important precedent set by the community approach used by the Inuit
database. We read the literature of Inuit studies deeply and widely, focusing
Land Use and Occupancy Project (ILOUP), a team effort led by Milton
especially on individual communities. We spoke to QIA board members,
Freeman and Inuit Tapirisat of Canada (now Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami) in
attended several QTC hearings, and viewed video records, translations, tran-
the 1970s. While the scope of the QTC was smaller and more condensed
scripts, and notes from the 342 testimonies. We also interviewed academic
than the ILUOP, it also sought to underline the distinctiveness of groups in
researchers and talked continuously and repeatedly with Inuit experts.
Qikiqtaaluk within a larger Inuit identity. ILUOP researchers who testified
More personally, we tried to examine how our own training, motivations,
to the QTC, notably Freeman himself, Hugh Brody, and George Wenzel,
and biases affected the way we read, listened to, and used the historical
had a direct impact on our work. In other ways, we also took insights from
record. At a critical time in our work, a conference on “Sharing Authority”
the Life Stories of Northern Leaders series and the other contemporary
at Concordia University highlighted the principles and challenges of having
scholars not already mentioned above, including Nelson Graburn, Shelagh
social scientists employ evidence from community narrators—we hope that
Grant, Bill Kemp, Peter Kulchyski, Louis McComber, Ann McElroy, and Pe-
we have respected best practices.
ter Usher. Their publications gave us confidence and factual grounding for
Throughout the QTC phase of the work, from 2007 to 2010, the his-
reporting and explaining events.
torical research and writing team was kept informed and challenged by the
Canadians generally want truth and reconciliation to proceed together.
QTC’s executive director, Madeleine Redfern. We also had regular commu-
Many people understand that bad processes and harsh consequences can
nications with Commissioner James Igloliorte, QIA executive director Terry
occur, even where there was no desire to do harm. The QTC histories fo-
Audla, and other QIA staff, especially Joanasie Akumalik. We were also
cus on Inuit experiences, but there is much more to say about the events
helped and queried by colleagues in numerous disciplines, such as Yvonne
and people who were working in the region in the service of the state, the
Boyer (Aboriginal law), Carole Cancel (linguistics), Francis Lévesque (an-
churches, or private ventures. There are shared histories as well as separate
thropology), Marianne McLean (history), Linda Radford (education), and
histories that are necessary to keep dialogues going. Everyone involved in
Frank James Tester (social work and history).
this project hopes that the QTC histories will serve as a springboard for
others, especially Inuit, to return to the testimonies and the thousands of
archival documents in the QTC database to carry on with the important
work of incorporating Inuit knowledge and perspectives into curriculum
products, scholarship, and creative works.
In 1976, the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Report described its researchers’ desire “to provide an explicit statement—by the Inuit—of their
perception of the man–land relationship.” In 2013, the QTC histories have
a similar purpose concerning the relations of people with their government.
It is a more fluid relationship than the one linking Inuit to their land, but it
is important, and will be for years to come.
Introduction
Lastly, we accept, and regret, that such histories always contain errors,
omissions, and misinterpretations. We encourage readers to bring them to
the attention of the QIA for future printed and online editions, and to assist
anyone who wants to use the histories in their own work.
I
n 2007, the Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA) commissioned a unique
Julie Harris
Philip Goldring
Ottawa, 2013
initiative: an Inuit-led and Inuit-funded inquiry into the profound
changes that were imposed on Inuit in the Qikiqtaaluk region between
1950 and 1975. Before this period, Qikiqtaaluk Inuit lived in more than
one hundred small, family-based groups that moved seasonally to use
the resources of the land around their ilagiit nunagivaktangit.1 By 1975,
almost all Inuit lived in thirteen government-created permanent settlements. The speed and scope of the changes, over which they had little
or no control, led to unnecessary hardship and poor social, health, and
education outcomes for Inuit. The Qikiqtani Truth Commission (QTC)
was tasked by the QIA with creating an accurate history of decisions and
events that affected Qikiqtaaluk Inuit between 1950 and 1975, and to document the impacts on Inuit life.
1 “Ilagiit nunagivaktangit” is the Inuktitut term for “places used regularly for hunting,
harvesting and gathering.” Implicit in this meaning is the concept of home before the
settlement period. It replaces the misleading English term “camp” that was formerly
used to describe such places.
|7
Introduction | 9
The QTC investigation had three components. The first was to interview
Each of these community histories begins with a discussion of the
Qikiqtaaluk Inuit who had experienced many shocks during their lives in this
landscapes that sustained people who now live in the hamlet or city, and
period, as well as their children, who continue to endure the consequences
considers the local conditions that led people to move away from full-time
of these changes. In 2008 and 2009, the QTC visited all thirteen Qikiqtaa-
hunting and trapping. The histories are organized into three time periods.
luk communities, where residents were invited to testify about their experi-
The first is “Taissumani Nunamiutautilluta,” which means “when we lived
ences. Inuit living in Ottawa were also interviewed, as well as several retired
on the land.” The second is “Sangussaqtauliqtilluta,” which means “the time
RCMP officers, government officials, and academic researchers. Including
when we started to be actively persuaded (or made to) detour (or switch
interviews already conducted by the QIA in 2004, the Commission collected
modes).” The final time period is “Nunalinnguqtitauliqtilluta,” which means
about 350 testimonies, all of which are preserved in the QTC database.
“the time when we were actively (by outside force) formed into communi-
The second component was the collection and review of accessible
archival and secondary sources on the period. This included examinations
ties.” The story of each community within these time periods is different,
but there are many common elements.
of relevant records from Library and Archives Canada, as well as the Archives
of the Northwest Territories, the RCMP, the Hudson Bay Company, and
Anglican and Roman Catholic bodies. Thousands of these documents were
digitized for the QTC’s research database.
The third component was the production of scholarly histories with
Taissumani Nunamiutautilluta
input from local and QIA reviewers to supplement the QTC’s final report,
Over the centuries, Inuit have thrived in a difficult climate, using their
“Achieving Saimaqatigiingniq,” and provide a reference for researchers in
intimate knowledge of the land, weather patterns, astronomy, and the
the future. The histories weave together firsthand Inuit testimonies and
animals of the land and sea that supplied them with food, clothing, and
evidence collected in the QTC’s database to paint portraits of the thirteen
shelter. Inuit lived with their kin in a number of ilagiit nunagivaktangit
Qikiqtaaluk communities. Each one considers events and issues of particu-
that were carefully chosen to take advantage of local wildlife conditions.
lar importance to that community’s story.
As described by one Elder, Louis Alianakuluk, in 1974: “If I were asked by
The Qikiqtaaluk region covers a wide geographical area, with a diver-
a [Qallunaaq], ‘Are you happy with your land?’ I’d tell him that I was very
sity of terrains and climates. The northernmost community, Grise Fiord
happy with it. It has animals and you can see for miles. It seems barren,
on Ellesmere Island, is situated in a dramatic landscape of mountains and
but if you travel, you see animals. Seeing live animals gives the greatest
fiords, and is one of the coldest communities on earth, with the sea frozen for
joy to Inuit.”
ten months of the year. Sanikiluaq, the southernmost community, is located
Until very recently, mobility was an essential characteristic of Inuit
in a large archipelago of low, rocky islands in Hudson Bay where summer
life. Jacopie Nuqingaq of Qikiqtarjuaq described his life on the land to the
temperatures average around 10 degrees Celsius. Such variations, with ac-
Qikiqtani Truth Commission (QTC) in this way:
companying differences in availability of game, have helped shape quite
distinct ways of life.
Introduction | 11
We never stood still in one place, we were always moving. We
the RCMP, and missionaries. For almost all Inuit, these were at first not
lived in an iglu near Clyde River . . . There is a lot of wildlife up
places to live permanently but temporary gathering places where they could
there. Because of the wildlife, we migrated with the wildlife to get
trade, attend religious services, receive basic health care, and then return to
the food we needed. In that area, as a child, I went to that camp
their life on the land.
to hunt. We would come here the following year to Qikiqtarjuaq
. . . my father never stood still. That is how our men were, that
was their role.
The first regular contacts between Inuit and Qallunaat took place in
Sangussaqtauliqtilluta
the nineteenth century, when whalers began making yearly visits to the
In the early 1950s, the Canadian government began to take a new interest
region. These visits introduced Inuit to European goods and technologies,
in Qikiqtaaluk. During the Second World War, the American government
and changed the hunting, settlement, and mobility patterns of many groups.
had built air bases to transport aircraft to Great Britain. In 1953, families
They also exposed Inuit to new diseases, including influenza, measles, and
from Inukjuak in northern Quebec and Pond Inlet in Qikiqtaaluk were
venereal disease.
moved to Resolute and Grise Fiord in a controversial government reloca-
In the twentieth century, the advent of fox trapping further reshaped
tion scheme that caused severe hardship to the families involved. This was
the traditional seasonal rounds of many Inuit. The Hudson’s Bay Company
followed by the construction of DEW (Distant Early Warning) Line stations
(HBC) established trading posts throughout the Qikiqtaaluk Region, which
to protect against the perceived threat of Soviet bombers. The DEW Line
Inuit would visit regularly to trade furs for rifles, ammunition, and other
resulted in the establishment of year-round settlements at Hall Beach and
southern goods. Anglican and Roman Catholic missionaries also arrived in
at Qikiqtarjuaq, and the growth of Iqaluit (then Frobisher Bay) as an Amer-
Qikiqtaaluk in the early twentieth century, often in concert with traders. In
ican and Canadian military base, and later as a government administrative
addition to evangelizing, they introduced literacy to Inuit.
centre.
Another significant Qallunaat presence starting in the 1920s was the
Military requirements were not the only reason for government atten-
RCMP. Officers at RCMP posts had four major roles: asserting Canadian
tion to the North. A concern for what southerners called the “welfare” of
sovereignty over the region; enforcing laws; overseeing relations between
Inuit had developed during the Second World War, when stories about poor
traders and Inuit; and patrolling by boat and dog team to provide basic
living conditions of Inuit near the American bases had received widespread
services, keep track of people, and report on game conditions. Up to the
press coverage. Many officials were concerned that Inuit were vulnerable
late 1950s, they were committed to encouraging Inuit to remain on the land
to starvation and required protection, particularly after the collapse of fur
with limited contact with traders and missionaries, and little need for
prices in 1949, when the income from furs was reduced by 85% and the cost
government services.
of goods doubled.
Ten of the thirteen present-day community sites in Qikiqtaaluk were
The responses to the perceived vulnerability of Inuit were inconsistent.
established as Qallunaat enclaves before 1965, mainly by trading companies,
On the one hand, many government officials concerned with the North were
Introduction | 13
cautious about interfering with Inuit trading and hunting routines. How-
Sanikiluaq (1960), and Grise Fiord and Arctic Bay (1962). With support
ever, they also shared a new understanding that the state had a major role
from the federal government’s Eskimo Loan Program, co-operatives were
to play in improving the lives of all Canadians, and that Inuit were entitled
established in Cape Dorset (1959), Grise Fiord and Resolute (1960), and
to the same benefits as southerners in the areas of health care, education,
Igloolik (1963).
housing, and employment. They were convinced that the traditional way of
By the early 1960s, official hesitations about changing the traditional
life for Inuit was going to disappear. Their long-term solution was to bring
ways of Inuit had all but disappeared. While many Inuit moved to the grow-
Inuit into a modern wage economy, built on what they saw as the great re-
ing communities by their own choice, looking back, they felt that they had
source potential of Qikiqtaaluk. While there was never any agreement about
been misled by false promises, such as that schooling would lead to employ-
the exact nature and pace of change, these beliefs set the stage for the rapid
ment opportunities, or that they could obtain housing at low rents. Others,
transition from ilagiit nunagivaktangit to permanent settlements.
such as Thomas Kublu of Igloolik, felt coerced to move. As he testified to
In the 1950s, government policy was to accelerate change only where
the QTC:
Inuit society was already under stress, while “in remote areas . . . relatively
free from contact with white civilization, it is planned to leave their present
In the winter of 1962, the police travelling by dog team coming
economy as undisturbed as possible,” as a 1956 policy statement explained.
from Arctic Bay passed by our camp and told us that we have to
It was intended that, in most cases, Inuit would visit the communities to
move to Pond Inlet to enable the children to attend school. . . .
trade, receive government benefits such as family allowances, or leave their
When the authorities like the police and Social and Family Ser-
children to be schooled, and then return to their ilagiit nunagivaktangit.
vices officials ordered us to move to Pond Inlet, we had no say and
However, a number of factors worked against this policy. One was that
we had to comply with the orders from the authorities. We feared
Inuit did not want to be separated from their children. Instead, many set
going against their orders and were scared of the authorities. This
up tents near the school hostels, and waited until housing was available.
was the case with all Qallunaat who held the power and positions
As Gamailie Kilukishak of Pond Inlet told the QIA: “I didn’t really want to
in the new settlement life.
move but . . . I didn’t want to be separated from my child.” Another factor was the possibility of wage employment that would allow them to buy
One observer of the Sangussaqtauliqtilluta, Keith Crowe, summarized
more southern goods. The availability of health care also drew Inuit into
the period as the disruption of a relationship with the land that was “simple
the communities, as did the wish to worship at the Anglican and Roman
and profound,” and replaced by a new relationship in which the communi-
Catholic missions, the possibility of good housing, and the attractions of
ties were dominated numerically by Inuit, but socially by Qallunaat, whose
active community life.
business was “conscious social change.”
The government’s presence in Qikiqtaaluk increased greatly in the
While kinship ties had been close in the ilagiit nunagivaktangit, the
late 1950s and early 1960s. As of 1963, government agencies had been
growing communities brought Inuit into close contact with strangers, and
established in all thirteen Qikiqtaaluk communities. Schools were set up
many of the customary ways people had for dealing with each other be-
in Resolute (1958), Igloolik, Qikiqtarjuaq, Pond Inlet, Clyde River and
came difficult to maintain. Elders were cut off from their roles as advisors
Introduction | 15
to the most active young adults and as teachers of life skills to the youngest
created co-ops for a variety of purposes. The West Baffin Eskimo Co-op,
generation. Hunters often had to travel great distances to find game. Qim-
for example, pioneered commercial hunting and fishing camps. Construc-
miit had always been a vital part of the economy of a family and a source
tion work for government facilities also provided temporary jobs for many
of pride and cultural identity. In the communities, however, owners could
men. Overall, however, there were not enough jobs for all the people who
not provide qimmiit with food, or control them as required by Qallunaat
moved to the communities. The government had counted on resource de-
authorities, and they were often shot. While health care later became one of
velopment as a prime source of jobs. Exploration provided some employ-
the attractions of the communities, the earlier government policy of remov-
ment for Inuit from the mid-1960s on, but the region’s mineral wealth
ing Inuit with tuberculosis to southern hospitals was traumatic and created
did not begin to be exploited until the opening of the Nanisivik mine near
mistrust of government among patients and their families, some of whom
Arctic Bay in 1975.
2
were never informed that their relatives had died.
Beginning in the 1960s, Inuit became increasingly aware of the need
to exert influence over local affairs. Residents joined Settlement Councils,
housing committees, and other groups to manage life in the communities.
Nunalinnguqtitauliqtilluta
While there had been little or no consultation with Inuit about the changes
By the end of the 1960s, most Inuit had abandoned the ilagiit nunagivak-
programs, and Inuit were quick to respond with their concerns and ideas.
tangit. In 1950 in the Cape Dorset area, for example, most families still lived
In the process, a leadership emerged that championed the cause of Inuit
in sixteen ilagiit nunagivaktangit. By 1968, as few as thirty-six people lived
rights.
imposed in the Sangussaqtauliqtilluta, by the 1970s government authorities had begun to accept that they needed Inuit input about policies and
in the remaining two ilagiit nunagivaktangit. Despite the many drawbacks
In response to the threats to their culture posed by the Sangus-
and challenges of life in the communities, Inuit adapted to their new envi-
saqtauliqtilluta, many Inuit leaders made education a priority, and spoke
ronments and took advantage of new opportunities.
out about the need to include traditional knowledge and skills in the cur-
As of the 1970s, many Inuit had embraced the notion of a mixed
riculum. Community leaders in Grise Fiord, Resolute, and Cape Dorset pro-
economy in order to pay for things such as housing, and snowmobiles
tested the expansion of mineral and oil exploration, criticizing the negative
and their maintenance. The nature and availability of jobs varied greatly
impacts of seismic testing on game populations. Restrictive laws imposed
across Qikiqtaaluk. Iqaluit had employment opportunities for both men
without consultation were no longer acceptable. In 1969, for example, Inuit
and women in government services, as did other communities to a lesser
succeeded in having a ban on hunting muskox rescinded, being replaced by
degree. The growth of Iqaluit also led to the creation of jobs in its ser-
quotas.
vice industries. Many communities developed printmaking, carving, and
Paul Quassa, one of the key figures behind the creation of Nunavut in
handicraft industries, and earned worldwide recognition as centres of artistic
1999, captured both the achievements of Inuit in adapting to their new situ-
production. With the encouragement of the government, communities
ation, and the continuing challenges, in an interview with the QTC:
2 “Qimmiit” is the Inuktitut name for sled dogs.
Introduction | 17
I think with that, the Inuit now feel more equal to non-Inuit com-
to the work of the QTC to offer new perspectives on Qikiqtaaluk’s history,
pared to when I was a child. We have more sense of ownership for
especially to make Inuit experiences and the consequences of changes better
our land, for our hunters and trappers and so forth. Through the
known to all Canadians.
various land claims boards, Inuit now have a say. Before, it was all
done through Ottawa or Yellowknife.
. . . I believe it would probably be for our next generation to
be stronger. They never experienced that assimilation process. I
think that this generation could be able to have more anticipation
in deciding what to do for their people. That is how it is a bit now
but we are not in that actual stage yet. We are not really comfortable running our community. My generation and my parents’ generation are still holding onto this whole thing that has happened.
Even for us who were not there, it is painful. It has to be taken out,
hopefully through [the QTC], it will help.
Moving Forward
These community histories, along with the companion volume of thematic
studies and the final report of the QTC, provide a foundation of authoritative,
culturally balanced historical knowledge that Inuit and other Canadians
can rely on as they work towards the goal of reconciling past mistakes. This
collection is certainly not the last word about the Qikiqtaaluk communities.
It will help answer questions Inuit might have about how their communities developed, but there is much more to say. It is hoped that these histories
will be springboards for Inuit to continue collecting and telling their own
stories against a background of their Elders’ or recent ancestors’ lives on
the land and the transformations imposed from outside. Equally important,
the QIA hopes that people everywhere will also be inspired to use and add
Brian Cameron
Ottawa 2013
Arctic Bay
Ikpiarjuk
T
he hamlet of Arctic Bay is also known as Ikpiarjuk, meaning pocket,
which refers to the way in which it is nestled between tall hills. It is
located on the north shore of Adams Sound, off the coast of Admi-
ralty Inlet on northern Baffin Island. King George V Mountain, located a
couple of kilometres east, is a predominant feature in the landscape. People
call the region Tununirusiq, meaning that there is a big mountain in front
of Arctic Bay that is facing south. The people of the region call themselves
Tununirusirmiut.
Traditionally, Arctic Bay was of secondary importance to the region’s
Inuit and remained largely uninhabited until the Hudson’s Bay Company
(HBC) established a post at Arctic Bay in 1936. At the same time, the federal government moved several Inuit families to the Arctic Bay area from
Cape Dorset, Pangnirtung, and Pond Inlet. Over the following decades
Arctic Bay grew, but remained largely a Qallunaat enclave. The majority
| 19
Crew of the
C.D. Howe at Arctic
Bay in 1951
nwt archives
Arctic Bay | 21
of Tununirusirmiut continued to live in traditional ilagiit nunagivaktangit,
As more Tununirusirmiut moved to the community, Inuit and government
only travelling to Arctic Bay for supplies when the annual ship arrived, for
agents saw new problems arising, such as the potential for clashes between
medical attention, or for trade and other settlement activities.
people and qimmiit. Residents formed a Settlement Council in 1967.
In the 1950s, however, the federal government sought to bring modern
The mineral potential of Arctic Bay was known as early as 1910. In
services to Inuit in the area. By the end of the 1960s, the settlement included
1957, a large deposit of lead and zinc was discovered that eventually be-
a school, hostel, twenty-two houses, and a small set of government offices.
came the location for the Nanisivik mine. The predictions of mineral wealth
were realized in the 1970s with the opening of the mine approximately 20
kilometres northeast of Arctic Bay at Strathcona Sound. Nanisivik had a
tremendous impact on the community and its economy. Opportunities for
wage employment transformed the role of money, affecting Tununirusirmiut hunting practices and social structures.
Arctic Bay received hamlet status in 1976. In 2011, its population was
823. Today, the community is renowned for the quality of its whalebone and
soapstone carvings, which depict subsistence activities and locally known
animals and birds. Hiking, camping, and fishing are popular local activities
that can be enjoyed in nearby Sirmilik National Park.
Ilagiit Nunagivaktangit
The community of Arctic Bay is located on the northern shore of Adams
Sound, off the coast of Admiralty Inlet. It is situated between high, glaciated cliffs and a small bay. Long, narrow fiords, inlets, and bays form the
coastlines. Thaw generally occurs in mid-July, with freeze-up beginning in
October. The area is technically located within a polar desert, which means
that it receives very little precipitation in the form of rain or snow.
The people who lived on the north end of Baffin Island (areas near
the present-day settlements of Arctic Bay and Pond Inlet) and those who
Arctic Bay | 23
lived near Igloolik share a cultural unity based on geography. Early anthro
Tununirusirmiut, as it was used to make rope and boot soles. Occasionally,
pological work identified all the people in this region as Iglulingmiut, al-
in summer, harp seals were taken in the Admiralty Inlet area.
though Inuit note distinctions among themselves. They point to differenc-
Narwhals, hunted primarily in the summer, were an important source
es in language and material culture that exist between the various groups
of food for qimmiit while their tusks were used for trade with whalers and
dispersed through the area. Evidence suggests the primary population
later with the HBC. Tununirusirmiut also considered the skin, fresh or pur-
and cultural heart of the region was found west of Navy Board Inlet and
posefully aged, a delicacy. White foxes, wolves, and polar bears also played
south of Eclipse Sound. The Inuit of this area were known as Tununir-
a role in Tununirusirmiut trading activities, with polar bears being an im-
miut, meaning “the people of a shaded or shadowy place.” The reference
portant source of income and prestige for hunters, as well as a source of
to a shaded or shadowy place reflects the mountainous landscape of the
materials for winter clothing. Arctic char was the preferred freshwater fish.
region.
Sculpin was only fished in times of scarcity. Birds, wildfowl, hares, eggs, and
Until recently, the Arctic Bay area had a very small population. In 1939,
berries all supplemented the Tununirusirmiut diet.
for example, an estimated population of 70 people were associated with six
ilagiit nunagivaktangit. People coming from other parts of Qikiqtaaluk accounted for increases in the population from the 1940s onwards. In the
Early Contacts
same period, however, some families moved away to Pond Inlet, Iqaluit, and
Igloolik. In 1967, after almost all ilagiit nunagivaktangit were abandoned
Sir William Edward Parry visited Arctic Bay in 1820. Its current name ref-
or moved closer to Arctic Bay, and the population of the settlement had
erences the whaling vessel Arctic that surveyed the area in 1872 under the
reached 168, with only 9 Qallunaat.
command of Captain William Adams. Until the twentieth century, however,
Traditionally, caribou were very important for Tununirusirmiut. Not
there were relatively few interactions between Tununirusirmiut and Qallunaat
only were they a preferred food source, but caribou hide was essential in the
when compared with other parts of the Eastern Arctic. Tununirusirmiut
production of garments. Inland caribou hunting historically occurred on
encountered whalers from Scotland, England, and America during the
Bylot Island and in the interior of northern Baffin Island during the sum-
nineteenth century, but no whaling stations were set up in the area. Instead,
mer months when the hides were at their best for clothing production. In
a small station for hunting, securing supplies, rendering blubber, and trad-
the winter and spring, caribou were hunted for food along the coasts or
ing with local Inuit was established at Pond Inlet.
during the long overland journeys to Pond Inlet or Igloolik.
The Canadian government expedition ship, captained by Joseph-Elzear
Ringed seals were another important species. They were primarily
Bernier and also named Arctic, was iced in over winter at Arctic Bay in
used for food and as a basic material for tents, heating and lighting, but
1910–11. Bernier’s expedition named many places in the area. While there,
their skins were also traded. Ringed seals were hunted throughout the re-
the ship’s crew spelled out “Arctic Bay” in stone on the cliffs overlooking the
gion in fiords, bays, inlets and at the floe edge. While less abundant, the
entrance to the bay. Their mark can still be seen today.
bearded seal was also hunted at the floe edge during spring break up and
In 1926, the HBC established a trading post at Arctic Bay under the
in the open waters during the summer months. Their skin was valuable to
name Tukik, but it was closed the following year with the organization of the
Arctic Bay | 25
while restricting Qallunaat hunting, trapping, trading, and trafficking
inside its boundaries. The game preserve also called attention to Canadian
sovereignty claims in the North by demonstrating a form of functional administration in the Arctic Archipelago. The onset of the Depression and
the drop in the price of furs led to a relaxation in AIGP restrictions because
the government was focused on the economy. In 1936, the HBC returned to
Arctic Bay, establishing a permanent post there. The AIGP was eventually
disbanded in 1966 by the Northwest Territories Council when the area was
brought under the same legislative framework as the Northwest Territories.
Loading furs to be
taken to Montreal
by C.D. Howe
(distance), July 1951
library and archives
canada
opposite page:
Department of
Transport Radio
and Meteorological
Station and Hudson’s
Bay Company Post
at Arctic Bay, July
1951
Arctic Islands Game Preserve (AIGP). The AIGP was established in 1926 by
an order-in-council and encompassed the High Arctic islands, northwestern
canada
Baffin Island, the islands as far west as northeastern Banks Island, and a
small portion of the mainland. Created in association with other conservation initiatives at the time, the AIGP aimed to protect muskox in the region,
Changing Patterns of Life
Participation in whaling in the nineteenth century led to changes in the
hunting and mobility patterns of Tununirusirmiut and other groups of
Iglulingmiut. The whaling station at Pond Inlet drew Inuit to the area while
at the same time the whalers’ demand for polar bear skins resulted in a
northward drift as hunters followed the animals. Tununirusirmiut regularly made the trek to Pond Inlet in hopes of acquiring trade goods such
as tobacco, guns, ammunition, and fox traps. These new technologies were
eventually adapted into daily life, making continued trade necessary. The
desire to travel to Qallunaat enclaves was further ingrained with the arrival of trade companies such as the HBC. Tununirusirmiut wanted to be
near trading posts but they also relied on hunting for subsistence, which
meant that they had to continue to hunt over large areas. Tununirusirmiut
families travelled widely and often, adjusting their patterns of movement
opposite page:
Inuit children watching
landing of helicopter
from C.D. Howe,
July 1951
with that of their game and opportunities to trade. Today, many Tununiru-
post significantly reduced the amount of travel time required for trade. It
canada
also freed up time for trapping, reduced the amount of time spent hunting
sirmiut still make long journeys for hunting and to visit relatives in Igloolik
and Pond Inlet.
The reopening of the post at Arctic Bay in 1936 aimed to serve ilagiit
nunagivaktangit in the area that had been trading in Pond Inlet. The new
for food for qimmiit, and enticed more families to establish ilagiit nunagivaktangit in the area.
Arctic Bay | 27
Sangussaqtauliqtilluta,
1936–1958
While the newly reopened HBC post at Arctic Bay attracted some families that had previously traded at Pond Inlet to stay closer to Arctic Bay,
the overall population in the area stayed constant. However, it increased
in 1936, when families were moved to the area by the HBC. In 1934, a
government-approved relocation scheme, overseen by the HBC, saw 52
Inuit and 109 qimmiit from Cape Dorset, Pangnirtung, and Pond Inlet
transported to a newly established HBC post at Dundas Harbour, on Devon
Island. The government expected them to develop local trapping and trading economies in the area. However, the HBC found access to the post via
the harbour problematic, and after two years, the post was closed. The Pangnirtung families were returned home, but the others were moved to Arctic
Bay. In 1937, several families were once again relocated, this time to a new
HBC post at Fort Ross. When this site also proved unsuitable, they were
relocated to Spence Bay, on the Boothia Peninsula. Several of these families
moved back to Arctic Bay.
The relocations had a lasting impact on the people. For Inuit, the loss
of home is more than the loss of a dwelling; it is a disruption of the vital relationship between people, the land, and animals. The government failed to
address the social and psychological impacts of these moves on the people,
and many continue to suffer from feelings of displacement and loss today.
In April 2008, Rhoda Tunraq spoke to the Qikiqtani Truth Commission
(QTC) about her mother’s experience with the relocations.
They got moved to Devon Island, and they were happy there as a
family. When they moved to Arctic Bay, the families started dying.
There is a saying in Inuit, “they cut off the life,” so I feel that they
Arctic Bay | 29
were cut short in their life. My mother used to say that. . . . She
here, she was sad. It was not her original place, and she did not
Nunavummiut students
take lessons at a camp
near Arctic Bay
want to live here.
nwt archives
wanted to go back, but her relatives—her husband and in-laws—
died. Their happiness in the camp was cut off; when they moved
Arctic Bay | 31
The government had promised families the opportunity to return to
nowadays does one find the Eskimos using native made [sic]
their original homes. For the majority, these promises went unfulfilled.
clothing of seal skin. Rubber boots are being substituted for seal
Juda Oqittuq’s memory of his parents’ experience reflects this. “They were
skin footwear. The Eskimos sell their seal skins to the traders and
told they were able to return. It seems to be just words, not carried out.”
in some cases make up seal skin clothing in substantial quanti-
Instead, many of the families from Cape Dorset and Pond Inlet were sent
ties and donate it to the missions or dispose of it to other white
to Arctic Bay in an attempt to support the HBC post there. The HBC was
residents for some very small remuneration perhaps in the way of
encouraging “movement into a region that had little else to recommend it.”
tobacco and cigarettes or some trinket.
This amplified the population in an area that had, historically, been largely
unoccupied.
Some Qallunaat, especially government officials, RCMP officers, and
The influx of the relocated families corresponded with an increase in
missionaries, believed that the transition from primarily being hunters of
Qallunaat agencies at Arctic Bay. A Roman Catholic mission was estab-
meat to primarily being trappers of fur was having a negative impact on
lished in 1937, which offered basic education to local Inuit children. During
the lives of Tununirusirmiut. They believed that the rise of the fur trade
the Second World War, a US weather station was constructed. This sta-
economy and the subsequent small returns it yielded for Inuit resulted in
tion was the most northerly installation established by the United States
a dependency on family allowances and relief, which were insufficient to
in Canada’s Arctic during the war. In September 1943, responsibility for
sustain families with housing, fuel, and food.
the station was transferred to the Canadian Department of Transport (now
RCMP Inspector Larsen argued that the family allowances should be
Transport Canada), and it was eventually closed in 1958. By 1950, Arctic
distributed differently to reduce dependence. As he saw it, while many Tu-
Bay had developed into a settlement, primarily populated by Qallunaat, and
nunirusirmiut still resided in ilagiit nunagivaktangit, they were increasingly
visited annually by the RCMP detachment out of Pond Inlet. The majority
dependent on family allowances. In 1952, Larsen wrote to the RCMP Com-
of Tununirusirmiut, however, continued to live in ilagiit nunagivaktangit
missioner explaining that Tununirusirmiut hunting patterns were being
throughout the region, but regularly ventured to the area when the annual
disrupted by their need to regularly come to the settlement. “This takes the
supply ship arrived to trade or to give medical attention.
Eskimos away from their hunting grounds, causing them to spend much
At this time, observers noted changes in the daily life and hunting pat-
time travelling to and from trading posts and police detachments, thus
terns of Tununirusirmiut. In 1951, for example, an RCMP officer reported a
neglecting their hunting and trapping.” The more that hunting patterns
transition from traditional to contemporary clothing was occurring. In his
were disrupted, the more reliant Tununirusirmiut became on family allow-
report, the officer wrote:
ances. Larsen argued that the hunting and travel patterns of Tununirusirmiut
were being unduly restricted by the need to return to specific areas on a
Year by year the natives become more poorly clad in store bought
frequent basis to collect these allowances.
[sic] clothes which are quite inadequate to withstand the rigours
Traditionally, Tununirusirmiut were familiar with making long jour-
of the far north climate and which do not begin to compare with
neys to trading posts while effectively using large resource areas. The acces-
native skin clothing, that is, caribou skins and seal skins. Rarely
sibility provided by the establishment of the trading post at Arctic Bay, how-
Arctic Bay | 33
ever, certainly made it easier to receive and spend family allowances. While
the RCMP saw the trips to Arctic Bay as being problematic because of the
travel time and energy required, the Tununirusirmiut saw the proximity of
the settlement as a benefit to them. The HBC also saw it as beneficial, as
long as they kept working traplines and buying goods. Nevertheless, by the
end of the 1950s, Arctic Bay remained mainly a Qallunaat enclave, with only
a small collection of Tununirusirmiut families living in the immediate area.
The RCMP and HBC employed Inuit men at varying periods of time, and
it was their families that made up the Inuit population of the settlement.
However, even those families came and went. In the summer of 1958, 174
Tununirusirmiut lived in seven ilagiit nunagivaktangit situated throughout
Admiralty Inlet. Over the following decades, Arctic Bay slowly absorbed
these populations, as Tununirusirmiut that traded there were more and
more inclined to move to the settlement.
Nunalinnguqtitauliqtilluta,
1958–1975
Agendas and Promises
After the Second World War, the Canadian federal government developed a
newfound interest in what it termed the “welfare” of Inuit. The first systematic attempt to update demographic records for Inuit in the area occurred in
1946–7. A number of programs were executed throughout the latter half of
the twentieth century that allowed the government to exercise greater control
over activities in the North, while also providing services that were consid-
Unloading scow bringing supplies from Nascopie, anchored off-shore at Arctic Bay
ered essential for all Canadians. The most significant and far-reaching pro-
library and archives canada
grams, in order of importance, were in the fields of education, housing, and
Arctic Bay | 35
the settlement; the rest (76%) were only coming in to trade. In 1967, these
figures had completely reversed so that three-quarters of Tununirusirmiut
were living in the settlement.
had previously been delegated to the HBC. In 1962, a new school was con-
opposite page:
Residents of Arctic
Bay wait outside
Department of
Transport Radio
Meteorological Station
for eye examination
by members of
Eastern Arctic Patrol
structed. At the same time, Qallunaat progressively encouraged Tununiru-
sirmiut to send their children to school. By 1966, there was a 40% increase
canada
When it came to education, federal authorities believed they should
offer training that would give Inuit access to more of the economic opportunities available to all Canadians. Implicitly, schooling was also considered
an efficient way to assimilate Inuit to the broader Canadian society. A federal day school was established in 1958 in Arctic Bay. The teacher, appointed
through the Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources (now
Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada, AANDC), was also
assigned the responsibility of distributing social assistance, a service that
in the number of children attending. In response, between 1963 and 1967,
the AANDC built another, larger school, three staff houses, a fourteen-bed
hostel, and warehouses. By 1968, RCMP reported that there were two fulltime teachers in the school and an Inuit classroom assistant.
The first housing programs were directed at improving the housing conditions of Inuit living in ilagiit nunagivaktangit. In 1956, two ilagiit nunagivaktangit, Koogalalek and Avartok, received four one-bedroom
houses. These permanent, year-round shelters were ill-suited to the North
and often had the effect of increasing infectious diseases. Four single-room
houses for Arctic Bay arrived in 1963, and between 1966 and 1967, eighteen
three-bedroom houses were erected. However, by this point, the more permanent population at the settlement had reached 159, which meant that
many people were living in tents or crowding into the houses of relatives.
health care. The dramatic impact of these programs on enticing people into
The availability of houses rarely matched the need. In an interview, Koonoo
the settlement can be seen in statistics concerning the number of people
Muckpaloo told Rhoda Innuksuk and Susan Cowen, “I know one family of
living in Arctic Bay and those coming to trade. In 1961, 183 Tununirusir-
five in Arctic Bay living in a one-room house . . . There are a lot of families
miut were associated with Arctic Bay. Of these, only 44 (24%) were living in
who don’t have enough room.” In addition, there were many issues with the
Arctic Bay | 37
quality of the houses and unexpected increases in rent. Ikey Kugutikakjuk
Bay joining the spring and summer hunts. The “camp boss” was described
discussed his experience with the QTC:
as being energetic and capable, with a capacity for hunting, maintaining
motor boats, and supporting prospectors in the local mining exploration
We had been told prior to moving to [Arctic Bay] that we would
industry.
have housing and pay $5.00 per month for it, that the rent would
For individuals living comfortably on the land with income from well-
be very low. When we moved here in fact, the rent was that cheap
paid casual labour, a move to the settlement would have been risky. Only a
and it felt as if it would stay that way when they were just starting
handful of permanent jobs were available for Tununirusirmiut in Arctic Bay
to have housing. The rent was affordable at first but we started to
in 1967—two HBC clerks, two janitors, and a female classroom assistant.
realize afterwards that it was getting higher all the time.
All other income came from hourly jobs as labourers and guides, as well as
from social transfers, especially from family allowance and old age security.
Many Tununirusirmiut remember being promised low rent as an incentive to move to the settlement, but the rents increased year after year.
Only mining development offered a means of providing a reliable source of
employment at Arctic Bay.
Health services were also expanded in the 1950s and 1960s. Until
then, the RCMP, the HBC, and annual patrols had offered a narrow range
of health services. The 1950s were a difficult decade for the Inuit of the Arc-
Shaping Community Life
tic Bay area. RCMP annual reports spoke of near starvation (1957, 1958),
deadly influenza and disease (1957, 1959), and qimmiit disease (1952, 1955,
Unemployment was only one of the challenges faced by the people of Arctic
1956). Influenza and polio outbreaks in the 1950s also led to quarantines
Bay during the 1960s. Another problem that arose concerned the handling
of the settlement. By the end of 1959, Indian and Northern Health Services
of qimmiit in the settlement. Over the following years, individuals and fam-
(INHS) were using aircraft to examine and provide services to people in the
ilies worked to adjust to the many changes in their lives.
Arctic Bay region. By 1962, this service had been replaced by an INHS field
Until snowmobiles were in daily use in Arctic Bay, qimmiit lived in
station located at the settlement. Unfortunately, the supplies for the station
the settlement. Between 1964 and 1965, a rabies epidemic decimated the
structure had been left on the beach for two years. When it was finally built,
qimmiit populations, resulting in a shortage by 1966. At the same time, the
it was in such poor shape that it could not be occupied without extensive
increased number of Qallunaat in Arctic Bay raised the likelihood of con-
repairs, which were not completed until 1967.
flicts between qimmiit and people. This resulted in strict enforcement of
Only two remaining ilagiit nunagivaktangit were identified in a 1967
the Ordinance Respecting Dogs. As part of the ordinance, qimmiit were
Area Economic Survey—Koogalalek and Avartok. Each ilagiit nunagivak-
required to be tied up at all times. Muckpaloo, an Arctic Bay Inuk, was hired
tangat was about 20 kilometres away from Arctic Bay. Koogalalek benefited
as the first dogcatcher and instructed to shoot any loose qimmiit. In a 1975
from access to ringed seal year-round. Avartok was a particularly well-
interview, Muckpaloo recalled: “When I think about it now I feel sorry, be-
equipped community consisting of seven families living year-round on the
cause it certainly wasn’t right, but that was how it was set up and that was
northwest tip of Strathcona Sound, with additional families from Arctic
how we did it.” Even when qimmiit were tied up, many Qallunaat were still
Arctic Bay | 39
afraid of them and if they were considered vicious, they were shot. In an
interview with a Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA) researcher, Ikey Kugutikakjuk spoke about the day his father’s qimmiit were killed:
One late spring our dogs were tied up quite a ways from the community. An RCMP member and the social worker came over to
us. They told us that they were going to give them a needle. I told
them, “I don’t want you giving them a needle. My father is away. If
I’m going to be the only one keeping them from getting agitated, I
may find them hard to control as they are aggressive.” At the time,
they were tied up where the tank farm is now. But they insisted
that they give them a needle . . . When we got near them, I asked
that they keep a safe distance from the dogs while I went to fetch
them and then finally asked them to come over . . . When the dogs
finally calmed down enough, I took a hold of one and it was given
a needle. When it started to yelp, all the dogs surrounded us so I
had to keep both men from getting attacked . . . The dogs were used
to me so they listened. I asked both men to go for now and come
back after my father had arrived . . . We left the dogs, but then both
men came back, each holding a rifle. They said that they wanted to
shoot the dogs. At the time, my father had 16 or 17 dogs altogether
. . . I can’t remember how many dogs they had shot that day.
The loss of qimmiit affected long-standing Tununirusirmiut hunting
practices, so Tununirusirmiut did their best to comply with the ordinance.
was the first to have the job. He had to make sure every dog was
Man icing qamutik
runners in Arctic Bay
When the dogs are tied and can’t run around, they get very weak.
tied; whenever one got loose he had to shoot it. Of course the men
nwt archives
Sometimes they freeze to death, sometimes starve. It’s too cold
didn’t like their dogs being shot because they were so useful, and
here for that, so the dogs were in very bad shape . . . But the govern-
the only means of travelling around to hunt in the winter. The
ment had said that they should be tied down. Then they wanted
men tried to take very good care of their dogs and make sure they
Muckpaloo spoke about these effects in 1975:
a man to look after the dogs on a full-time basis and Muckpaloo
Arctic Bay | 41
Dog team in whiteout
near Arctic Bay
didn’t get loose, but the dogs grew weaker and weaker from lack
The combination of qimmiit disease and the ordinance resulted in a
of exercise until finally it was hopeless to attempt long journeys . . .
decline in qimmiit at Arctic Bay, and many Tununirusirmiut turned to newer
nwt archives
Eventually we ran out of dogs and we started losing our qamutiks
technology such as the snowmobile. By 1967, RCMP reported ten snow-
too, so that after we had lost both our dogs and our sleds, all the
mobiles in the community. However, snowmobiles could be unreliable and
Residents of Arctic
Bay on fully loaded
qamutik with dog
team
adults in this community were living like women. That’s how it
dangerous to run on the ice. Ikey Kugutikakjuk remembers how his family
nwt archives
seemed. Those men, who were supposed to be men, no longer had
worried about him when he would use his snowmobile to go hunting:
any way to go hunting in the winter.
Mine at Nanisivik
nwt archives
Arctic Bay | 43
Dogs were very important and very useful because if I was to go
Until local co-ops were established, snowmobile owners were also
out on a Ski-Doo alone and if I was away one week to one month,
fully dependent on the HBC for fuel and replacement parts. The reliance
they would worry about me. If I was to take my dogs out for the
on the HBC for supplies also meant that Tununirusirmiut were subject to
same period, they wouldn’t have worried about me because the
the whims of the HBC manager. An incident in 1967 illustrates this: One of
dogs were able to go anywhere and the Ski-Doo could break!
the community’s best hunters wanted to obtain cash from the HBC post to
purchase some items at Pond Inlet that were not available at Arctic Bay. He
was refused despite having more than ample credit.
In response to these issues, as well as to other challenges arising from
community life, a Settlement Council was formed in 1967. At first, six Tununirusirmiut served on the council, with assistance provided by the community’s schoolteacher. Over the following years, the council continued to
develop. Qamanirq, an Inuk elected as secretary in 1972, spoke to the efforts of the council. “They meet frequently and are looking after things very
well. They are working hard and doing their jobs properly so that people
can listen to them.” Following in the council’s footsteps, a co-op, a health
committee, a recreation committee, and a hunters’ and trappers’ association
were established, demonstrating efforts on behalf of the Tununirusirmiut
to adapt to the modern world. Unfortunately, Tununirusirmiut still found it
difficult to have their voices heard by higher levels of government. During a
1975 interview, Kalluk talked about his time on the council and trying to get
more housing in Arctic Bay:
One of our jobs is to order the equipment and housing that we
need in the community . . . But we find it hard to order anything
now—we’re not happy with how it’s run. Maybe we’re not strong
enough yet, even with eight members . . . The bigger communities
seem to be getting more things, while the smaller communities
aren’t getting enough.
These difficulties only increased with the arrival of the Nanisivik mine
and townsite at Strathcona Sound in the 1970s.
Arctic Bay | 45
The mineral potential of the Arctic Bay area was known as early as 1910.
represented both sites. Kalluk hoped that Arctic Bay would receive hamlet
In 1957, Texas Gulf Sulphur Company discovered the ore body that eventually
status before Strathcona Sound so that it would give them more control.
became the location for the Nanisivik mine. Mineral Resources International
Arctic Bay became a hamlet in 1976 for this purpose. Unfortunately, the
(MRI) acquired the option, and by the early 1970s had put forward three
residents of Arctic Bay never felt they were involved enough in the decision-
development proposals. One option called for a bunkhouse operation only,
making processes and continued to work towards increased engagement
meaning solely workers would be housed at the site with little settlement
between the two communities. In a 2006 study looking at the socio-economic
development. Another called for the relocation of the Arctic Bay settlement to
impacts of the mine, the authors quote an unnamed Inuk:
Strathcona Sound. The third option proposed, with government assistance,
the creation of a separate townsite. Government approval was provided for
“I just wish that they consulted with the community and the elders
the third option and construction of the Nanisivik mine and townsite was
especially during the operation of the mine. Things I think would
underway by 1974. A road, approximately 37 kilometres long, connecting
have gone a lot better if they worked closely together with the elders
the mine with Arctic Bay was built in 1976. This road proved a well-travelled
and the community.”
route as the airstrip at Nanisivik received supplies for both communities.
Much of the rationale for the selection of the townsite option lay in
While the mine provided little to the development of Arctic Bay, it had
expectations that the new mine and townsite would provide social and
a tremendous impact on the community’s economy. Exploration activities
economic benefits to northern Baffin communities, and Arctic Bay in par-
between 1958 and 1970 provided sporadic wage employment, but Tununi-
ticular. In reality, development at Strathcona Sound made limited contri-
rusirmiut incomes prior to 1974 were primarily made up of trade-based ac-
butions to Arctic Bay. The community constantly struggled to get facilities
tivities. With the construction and subsequent operation of Nanisivik mine,
and services as attention was focused on Nanisivik. As Kalluk also pointed
many residents of Arctic Bay found full-time or temporary employment.
out in his 1975 interview, the primary administrator for Arctic Bay was also
Many Inuit from surrounding communities, including Pond Inlet, Igloolik,
responsible for the Nanisivik townsite. This was problematic because he
Hall Beach, Resolute, Clyde River, Qikiqtarjuaq, Pangnirtung, and Grise
was located at Strathcona Sound, not Arctic Bay.
Fiord also came to the area for work. At the same time, the mine and
the people it brought into the area provided a substantial market for local
The problem here is that there is a man working at Strathcona
carvers.
Sound . . . He deals with us too. He comes to our Council meetings
In spite of these new opportunities, many Inuit struggled with the con-
and he has told us that he would look after our needs too, and try
flict of earning money to support their families and having time to hunt
to help us. He gets a lot of things, mainly for Strathcona Sound,
and provide meat for their families. Because of this, Nanisivik was only par-
but not enough for Arctic Bay. It’s because there is one man look-
tially successful in maintaining the promised 60% Inuit employment rate.
ing after both and he works at Strathcona Sound.
Despite offering on-the-job training, the mine often found that there was
not enough interest in mine employment among Inuit to fill the available
Kalluk went on to explain that Strathcona Sound and Nanisivik did
positions. Reports vary with regard to Inuit perceptions of the Nanisivik
not have their own Settlement Councils, but rather the Arctic Bay Council
mine’s hiring processes. While some Inuit report having no trouble finding
Arctic Bay | 47
employment when desired, others argued that the mine was selective and
mine explained in 2002, “When the mine shuts, it will be hard for the first
did not fulfill their promise of ensuring a 60% Inuit workforce.
couple of years. As if we’ve lost someone important. But people will get over
Nevertheless, the income afforded by the mine changed the economy of
it. It will become a memory.”
Arctic Bay. The total personal income for the community reached as high as
Arctic Bay had, historically, been a sparsely populated region. The
$1 million annually during the mine’s years of construction and operation.
people of the region, the Tununirusirmiut, were culturally associated with
More money meant higher standards of living and Tununirusirmiut could
the Inuit of Pond Inlet and Igloolik. Prior to the 1930s, Tununirusirmiut
buy newer equipment and supplies for hunting. This radically changed
had very little contact with Qallunaat. This changed with the arrival of the
hunting patterns, as new technologies meant more efficient harvesting
HBC in 1936. At the same time, the region’s population was supplement-
practices. By the mid-1970s, hunters were travelling to Agu Bay by snow-
ed by the relocation of several Inuit families to the area. The relocations,
mobile to mass hunt and fish. They would take tens of thousands of pounds
approved by government but undertaken by the HBC, were designed to
of meat for the community, with the fish being brought back to Arctic Bay
help further develop the fur trade economy. The Arctic Bay post provided
by snowmobile and the caribou meat being flown back by a DC-3 plane
a closer, more accessible avenue for trade, and over time Tununirusirmiut
chartered out of Resolute. New hunting techniques provided for the con-
migrated towards Arctic Bay. Government modernization programs during
tinuation of sharing networks in the community. This also meant that fewer
the 1950 and 1960s resulted in more and more Tununirusirmiut moving to
hunters were needed, and by 1977, the Canada North Almanac reported
the settlement. By the end of the 1960s, there were only two ilagiit nunagi-
that hunting was no longer the main economic base of the community.
vaktangit remaining in the area. Arctic Bay had gradually transformed from
The impacts of the Nanisivik mine on the Arctic Bay community were
a Qallunaat enclave to an Inuit community. As Kuppaq pointed out:
far-ranging and extended well past 1975 to the closure of the mine in 2002
and even to today. Social impacts, such as the lax alcohol policy at Nanisivik,
People began moving here when they built the Bay post, and the
challenged family and marriage integrity. Many residents at Arctic Bay have
first to come were people who were working for the Bay. At the
since suggested that more Inuit may have worked at the mine, and for lon-
time, they were the only ones who were living here permanently;
ger terms, had alcohol not been so readily available. The road that linked
nobody else really did until they started building the houses. . . .
Arctic Bay to the Nanisivik mine made it easier for people to obtain alcohol.
Almost all the families now living in Arctic Bay lived quite close
Nanisivik residents were also able to order cheaper alcohol because of the
to this area.
discounts on shipping costs provided to employees. On the more positive
side, Arctic Bay residents had access to a number of recreational facilities,
The construction and operation of the Nanisivik mine and townsite
such as the restaurant and pool at Nanisivik, and were able to attain vari-
influenced Arctic Bay’s development, and drastically influenced the com-
ous employment-related skills through the mine. The Allurut School at the
munity’s economy. In 1976, Arctic Bay received hamlet status. Today Arctic
mine townsite was also known for the quality of education provided. The
Bay is a vibrant Nunavut hamlet, known for its whalebone and soapstone
closure of the Nanisivik mine and the townsite at Strathcona Sound raised
carvings as well as for an annual dog-sledding race that draws the best
many concerns in Arctic Bay, but as a former worker from the Nanisivik
teams from all over Nunavut.
Cape
Dorset
Sikusilaq
C
ape Dorset is known to have been inhabited for at least two thousand years, originally by Tuniit or Dorset people, and then by Inuit.
The region was home to many multi-family groups whose hunting
patterns were guided by game and environmental conditions. Generally,
mainland ilagiit nunagivaktangit were occupied in winter; in summer, they
were moved to offshore islands. The Inuit named the area Kingnait, which
describes the high, undulating hills surrounding the community’s small,
protected harbour. People of the region call themselves Kinngarmiut. The
place has also been known as Sikusilaq and the people as Sikusilarmiut, a
reference to the place of open water in winter.
Before 1900, contacts between Kinngarmiut and non-Inuit were infrequent. Trading and whaling vessels rarely came closer to Kingnait than
the islands off Kimmirut. Still, trade was rewarding for those Kinngarmiut
who made the journey, which was up to 300 kilometres for some families.
| 49
Cape Dorset | 51
After the whaling companies declined, the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC)
It was during this period that a nursing station was opened, schools and
established a trading post in 1913 on Dorset Island, one of a cluster of small
schooling programs for children and adults were established, and houses
islands connected at low tide to Baffin Island’s Foxe Peninsula.
were built. Another factor that encouraged the centralization of Inuit in
Initially, only a few Inuit families came to Cape Dorset to live year-
Cape Dorset was the establishment of the West Baffin Eskimo Co-operative
round and work for the trading post, but throughout the period covered
Limited. The co-operative had a profound effect on the number of people
Unloading cargo
at Cape Dorset,
September 9, 1958
by the Qikiqtani Truth Commission (QTC) (1950–75), Kinngarmiut began
choosing to move to the community, on artistic production, and on the de-
abandoning the ilagiit nunagivaktangit that surrounded Cape Dorset and
velopment of Inuit-owned businesses.
establishing themselves in what had been a Qallunaat enclave at the site of
Centralization was not without its consequences. People began to
the present community. This movement towards centralization was caused
adapt to the stern realities of an unstable wage economy. During the 1960s,
canada
in large part by the consolidation of government services in the settlement.
the number of hunters decreased, and those who remained had to deal with
game regulations about which they were never consulted. During the same
period, the number of Kinngarmiut working for wages increased. However,
wage employment was often seasonal and was accessible only to a few. Arts
and crafts also provided a source of income for some, but many had to rely
on government assistance. The consolidation of government services in the
settlement also brought in Qallunaat and, with them, alcohol. The RCMP
had to establish a new detachment in the settlement to deal with an increase
in criminal infractions. Centralization also led to a decrease in the qimmiit
population caused by the prevalence of disease, the strict control of loose
qimmiit exercised by local authorities, and the arrival of the snowmobile
and more motorboats in the mid-1960s.
The population, almost entirely centralized in the hamlet of Cape
Dorset itself, has continued to grow steadily, reaching 1,363 in 2011. Cape
Dorset is currently known as one of the most important cultural centres
in Canada. It has a worldwide reputation for art production, and has been
home to some of Canada’s most important artists, including Nuna Parr,
Pudlo Pudlat, and Kenojuak Ashevak. It is also recognized for successful
tourism initiatives. Tourists come to Cape Dorset on cruise ships and many
use Cape Dorset as a base to visit snow geese nesting grounds protected at
the Dewey Soper and Bowman Bay bird sanctuaries, about 275 kilometres
northeast of the community. Cape Dorset is also situated near some of the
Cape Dorset | 53
finest Thule culture archaeological sites in the Arctic regions of Canada.
The south coast of Foxe Peninsula is characterized by high, rugged hills,
Mallikjuaq Territorial Park, with its numerous cultural features, is located
known as the Kingnait Range, which reaches their highest elevation (260
across the inlet from the hamlet by boat, or on foot at low tide.
metres) on Dorset and Mallik Islands. Most hills have been rounded by glacial action.
The area traditionally used by Cape Dorset hunters extended from
the Hantzsch River in the north, inland to Nettilling Lake then south past
most important and diversified hunting grounds, while to the southwest,
Amadjuak Lake to Hudson Strait around Markham Bay. The cluster of
islands lying westward from Amadjuak Bay to Cape Dorset provides the
Mill and Salisbury Islands have important populations of walrus. Kinng-
Cape Dorset is favourably situated on Hudson Strait. Extensive land-fast ice
armiut hunted whales during the fall as the pods moved southeast along
forms along the coast in winter, and sea mammals can be hunted in the area
the Baffin coast. Geese and ducks were also hunted throughout the islands.
from boats almost all year. The hamlet is located on the north side of Dorset
Ringed and bearded seals were usually abundant throughout the area and
Island facing Mallik Island across Cape Dorset Harbour. At low tide, the two
traditionally provided a staple to the people’s existence throughout the year.
islands are joined by a barrier beach located to the west of the settlement.
During the spring and summer, seals were available along areas of fast ice
and tidal cracks. Inuit harvested Arctic char throughout the region’s many
inland lakes, rivers, and coastal inlets, primarily in the fall and winter. The
coast and interior mainland between Cape Dorset and Cape Dorchester was
mainly used for hunting polar bears.
Caribou hunting occurred over a vast expanse of inland territory in-
View of Cape Dorset
settlement, 1960
cluding all the territory except the western and northern regions of the Foxe
tilling Lake. Caribou hunting shifted annually within this region depending
canada
on herd sizes and animal migrations. As Nuna Parr told the QTC, hunting
Peninsula. The eastern boundary was located at Markham Bay north to Net-
trips could be lengthy. “[Hunters] would be away for a month if they were
out caribou hunting. We would expect them to arrive anytime . . . It used to
last a whole month.” During this period, caribou hunting locations were also
largely in the same areas as inland fox traplines.
Up until the early 1950s, the Kinngarmiut diet was largely seal meat,
supplemented by caribou, fish, wildfowl, and by a few imported foods from
the trading post. Qimmiit were usually fed seal and walrus. In the early
Cape Dorset | 55
marine mammal resources. The area was the most intensively trapped area
in all of southern and eastern Baffin Island. Traplines extended far into the
interior and out on to the ice floe.
Early Contacts
Until the early twentieth century, contacts between Cape Dorset Inuit and
Qallunaat were limited. The first documented European visit to western
Hudson Strait was Captain Henry Hudson’s Northwest Passage search in
1610–11. Since Hudson followed the southern coast of the strait, contact
with Cape Dorset Inuit is unlikely. The first encounter around Cape Dorset
likely took place during Captain Luke Foxe’s 1631 voyage, during which he
Josie scraping a seal
skin to condition it for
the making of boots,
July 1951
named Cape Dorset for the fourth earl of Dorset, an English courtier, diplo-
were equipped with trade goods, mainly tools and hunting implements, to
canada
exchange with Inuit along the southern coast of Baffin Island. Some of these
mat, and promoter of colonization.
During the eighteenth century, HBC ships regularly sailed the strait
to supply trading posts in Hudson Bay and James Bay. The ships’ captains
goods probably reached Cape Dorset by trade among Inuit groups. In 1860,
American whalers began entering Hudson Strait en route to Roes Welcome
Sound, west of Southampton Island. Whalers sometimes fished in the waters
1950s, the settlement of Cape Dorset provided services to approximately
of the Strait but very few wintered there. Nevertheless, by 1900, Scottish
five hundred persons. Most lived in sixteen ilagiit nunagivaktangit stretched
whalers were visiting the coast every year near present-day Kimmirut, and
along 500 kilometres of coast east and west of Cape Dorset. Their locations
Inuit from all along the south Baffin coast met them there to trade. Before
shifted occasionally, but they were concentrated on the coast and on inshore
the HBC opened posts at Kimmirut in 1911 and Cape Dorset in 1913, Kinng-
islands.
armiut sometimes travelled all the way to the HBC at Kuujjuaq, now part of
The annual routine of Cape Dorset Inuit continued with many long-
northern Quebec, through the Tujjat Islands (Mills, Salisbury, and Notting-
standing features of pre-contact life in the 1950s. The majority of ilagiit
ham Islands). Sometimes whole families chose to stay away for years. With
nunagivaktangit were located on the mainland during the winter and then
the Kinngarmiut becoming accustomed to contact with Europeans and their
moved to the offshore islands or close to shoreline to take advantage of the
trade goods, the stage was set for a permanent Qallunaat presence at Kingnait.
Cape Dorset | 57
the tiny artefacts of the Tuniit as evidence of a very early population, which
he called the Dorset culture in recognition of the place. Naturalist J. Dewey
Soper arrived in 1929 searching for the nesting grounds of the blue goose,
Father Trinell with a
group of Inuit children
in front of the Roman
Catholic Mission,
October 1951
The establishment of the HBC in Kimmirut in 1911 and then in Cape Dorset
which he located with the help of a large party of Kinngarmiut—Kavivau,
in 1913 changed the hunting, settlement, and mobility patterns of the Cape
Ashuna, Shappa, Powlusik, Nunaswetuk, Eliak, and Putugak. Although
Dorset Inuit. Contacts between Kinngarmiut and Qallunaat became more
RCMP members visited regularly, it did not establish a detachment here
frequent, though Inuit continued to live dispersed across the region. Mission-
before 1950.
aries followed the HBC. In 1939, a Catholic mission opened, followed by a
The Cape Dorset trading post was established in association with the
permanent Anglican mission in 1961. Scientists also came into the area. In
post at Kimmirut. There was a third post midway between the two at Ama-
canada
1925, a visiting anthropologist, Diamond Jenness, was the first to recognize
djuak, from 1921 to 1933. Game was plentiful and so were foxes. Cape Dorset was at first supplied from Kimmirut by the schooner Nanook. Inuit in
the area recall building an inuksuk at the Cape Dorset inlet to help mark the
passage for boats that hauled timber and supplies for the HBC post. In the
1930s, the HBC received permission from the federal administration to relocate people from Cape Dorset to new trading posts further north. In 1934,
the HBC supply vessel ship Nascopie took twenty-two people from Cape
Dorset to Dundas Harbour on Devon Island, but their venture failed. Most
of them were relocated to Arctic Bay in northern Baffin Island two years
later, and some went on from there to a new post—Fort Ross, on Somerset
Island—in 1937. In 1947, Fort Ross also closed and people moved further
south to Spence Bay, now Taloyoak.
Competition came briefly to Cape Dorset when an ex-HBC trader
founded the Baffin Trading Company and built a post at Cape Dorset in
1939. This short-lived operation closed after the Second World War. Because most Kinngarmiut by this time were Christians, visits from the ilagiit
nunagivaktangit to the settlement to celebrate Christmas and Easter were
common. Fox furs were also traded at these times.
In the 1930s and 1940s, non-traditional health care was delivered by
trading posts and once a year by medical personnel from the Eastern Arctic
Patrol (EAP). Cape Dorset suffered through a major typhoid epidemic in
1945 that was brought under control through a combination of inoculations
Cape Dorset | 59
and improved procedures for limiting infections in the community. In 1947,
for qimmiit was fast disappearing. Conditions at the end of January were
the Nascopie ran aground near Cape Dorset. Inuit in the area salvaged as
“very adverse” to seal hunting. In most of the ilagiit nunagivaktangit Inuit
much as possible, including wood that they used to construct homes.
were eating food that had been cached for qimmiit. By the end of February, qimmiit were dying of starvation and “there were many instances of
the largest dogs eating the more feeble ones.” These conditions continued
1950–1965
through March. Inuit who relied on the HBC for rations complained of
stomach pains. By April, RCMP reported that Inuit were in “semi starvation condition and a [parachute] drop of fresh meat and dog food [was]
absolutely necessary.”
In 1950, at the height of the food shortage, the federal government es-
During the 1950s, the life of Kinngarmiut began a dramatic shift as families
relocated to Cape Dorset. By 1965, they had abandoned most of the ilagiit
nunagivaktangit, starting with the ones furthest from the trading post and
mission. In 1950, most families still lived in sixteen ilagiit nunagivaktangit
that stretched along 500 kilometres of coast east and west of Cape Dorset.
Eighteen years later, centralization had reduced this number to two.
The fate of Cape Dorset’s Inuit families was closely tied to individual
agents of government, church, and trade who tried to balance the objectives
of their respective organizations with what they believed to be the wellbeing of Inuit. Following the introduction of family allowance payments
in 1946, the federal government sought more uniformity in communications and control over Inuit activities. RCMP officers reported regularly to
superiors in Ottawa and to other central government agencies, such as the
Canadian Wildlife Service, that tracked changes. Government services and
responses—game regulations, schools and school hostels, increased health
care services in particular—were almost always decided without consultation with Arctic residents, whether Qallunaat or Inuit, and were always
based on southern administrative approaches.
Life in the region was also tied closely to environmental conditions. In
May 1950, the RCMP reported food shortages throughout the area. There
had been little fresh meat available for families since winter 1949 and food
tablished a small nursing station in the abandoned Baffin Trading Company
Inuit women with
children, unloading
cargo, September 1958
canada
Cape Dorset | 61
facilities. The nursing station proved useful to deal with various illnesses,
even years. Some people never returned, having died while away. Quppirua-
especially the widespread influenza outbreaks that occurred after the annu-
luk Padluq told the QTC about his experience when his grandfather never
al visits of the C. D. Howe, a vessel that carried supplies and personnel across
returned from the south.
much of the Eastern Arctic. C. D. Howe’s visits were awaited with anxiety in
part because they brought influenza, but also because Inuit were tested for
I am not exactly sure, but he probably died from illnesses. I do not
tuberculosis onboard. Those infected were transported at very short notice
know which hospital he was at. Our family used to wonder how he
to southern hospitals and sanatoria where they were treated for months and
died. They felt so much for him because he wasn’t with his family
when he passed away. . . . I only know he is buried down there but
not the exact location.
The year 1950 also saw the arrival of the first school building in Cape
Dorset. Classes began in September for three students. Instruction was
suspended in 1952 until 1954 when a new welfare teacher, Margery Hinds,
arrived after several years in northern Quebec. As a welfare teacher, Hinds
was also responsible for administering the welfare and physical well-being
of Inuit in the settlement in the absence of other government agencies.
Hinds had a remarkable career as a teacher in the North, where she tried to
find ways to teach students in their own homes. She visited ilagiit nunagivaktangit and distributed educational materials to eighty-two children. Her
Five Inuit boys playing
on ice, September
1958
experiment in distance learning lasted only a few years and formal school-
By 1957, the school at Cape Dorset had twenty-eight registered students
canada
and in 1962 claimed to have seventy-six in grades one to six. This growth
ing soon became limited once again to children living in the settlement or
coming there for long periods.
was a direct consequence of government policies. Until the mid-1950s, the
government expected the Inuit to live off the land and did not force families
to send their children to school. Then, the government reversed its policies
and decided to involve Inuit in industrializing and modernizing the North.
In order to do so, the government encouraged parents to send their children to the newly built school. Federal authorities believed they were doing
young Inuit a great service by offering schooling and training that would
Cape Dorset | 63
give them access to the same economic opportunities as other Canadians.
Among the best-known economic opportunities offered to Cape Dorset
Implicitly, schooling was also considered an efficient way to assimilate
Inuit in the 1950s was the production of carvings, and later, prints. The fed-
Inuit to broader Canadian society. Quppirualuk Padluq told the QTC that
eral government became increasingly interested in promoting artistic pro-
students were discouraged from speaking Inuktitut in school: “It was very
duction in the area after 1949, when James Houston visited the east coast
scary to speak Inuktitut. We were punished if we spoke Inuktitut, unexpect-
of Hudson Bay as a representative of the Canadian Handicrafts Guild. He
Printmakers at work
in the art centre,
August 1960
edly. Our teacher always told us not to speak Inuktitut in class.”
and his wife, Alma Houston, travelled to the south Baffin coast during the
summers of 1951 and 1952. They encouraged Inuit artists to produce works
canada
Many families believed their children needed to be educated if they
wanted to take advantage of the new northern economy and for this reason decided to send their children to school. As Quppirualuk Padluq recalls, “Back then, the Qallunaat had more authority and my parents had no
choice but to say yes . . . They were probably intimidated and probably too
scared to say no.” Many parents were reluctant to leave their children for
many months at a time, however, and decided to follow their children to
Cape Dorset. Thus, the opening of the first school building in the settlement
played a significant role in the centralization process that brought Inuit to
Cape Dorset in the 1950s. The centralization process was accelerated by
the belief held by many families that they would lose their family allowance
payments—which, in the Qikiqtani region rivalled the fur trade as a source
of Inuit income—if they did not send their children to school.
In 1952, the RCMP reported an improvement in the conditions
among the Inuit, citing better cache systems, the introduction of handicrafts as a supplement to income, the receipt of relief payments, and fewer
qimmiit. However, circumstances changed from year to year. A measles
epidemic struck southern Baffin Island in the winter of 1952, killing almost
twenty people in the Cape Dorset area alone. In 1953, an influenza epidemic killed another twenty. Famine conditions during the winter of 1956–7
resulted in the death of many qimmiit in the area. This event, coupled with
fluctuating fur prices and increased economic opportunities in the settlement, encouraged further migrations from ilagiit nunagivaktangit to Cape
Dorset despite the fact that administrators were not yet pressing people
to move.
Cape Dorset | 65
Some of the first printmakers to work with Houston at the new craft
shop were Kananginak Pootoogook, Eegyvudluk Pootoogook, Lukta Qiatsuq, and Iyola Kingwatsiak. In December 1958, they had their first public
showing and sale at the HBC store in Winnipeg. It was a sell-out success,
and the craft shop received the go-ahead to continue work and start planning for the next “collection.” Subsequent exhibits were also successes, and
official openings for the Cape Dorset collections had far-reaching effects for
Inuit art. By 1961, as part of the West Baffin Eskimo Co-operative Limited,
the print shop was then under the direction of Terry Ryan and had grown to
employ more artists, including Pudlo Pudlat, Pitseolak Ashoona, Napachie
Pootoogook, Kiakshuk, Nuna Parr, Joanasie Salomonie, Eegyadluk Ragee,
Kenojuak Ashevak, and Lucy Quinnuayuak. In the following years, interest
in the studio grew, and by 1967, two residences and a second studio were
built, with more than one hundred people being employed there. In 1993,
Kenojuak Ashevak wrote for the Annual Graphics Collection catalogue:
I will never forget when a bearded man called Saumik (James
Houston) approached me to draw on a piece of paper. My heart
started to pound like a heavy rock. I took the papers to my qamak and started marking the paper with assistance from my love,
left: Renowned
artist Pisteolak in
the art centre
right: Solomonie,
watched by his daughter
Annie, working on a
model kayak for the
Canadian Handicrafts
Guild, July 1951
that could be purchased by the HBC posts for resale by the guild. Although
Johnniebo. When I first started to make a few lines, he smiled at
some people warned him that a shortage of stone would reduce the impact of
me and said, “Inumn,” which means “I love you.” I just knew inside
the venture, Houston was supported by other officials in the Department of
his heart that he almost cried knowing that I was trying my best
Northern Affairs (now Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Can-
to say something on a piece of paper that would bring food to the
ada, hereinafter cited as AANDC) and went forward with the initiative. In
family. I guess I was thinking of the animals and beautiful flowers
1956, the Houstons retuned to Cape Dorset, where James was employed as a
that covered our beautiful, untouched land.
people employed to construct the buildings grew to such an extent that the
canada
Northern Service Officer. His residence was constructed during the late summer and fall of 1956, along with another new building that came to be known
locally as sanaunguabik, “the place where things are made.” The number of
welfare teacher thought that hunting was being ignored in the community.
Cape Dorset | 67
1965–1975
The intensity of the centralization process increased in the 1960s. In 1965,
there were 155 individuals in five ilagiit nunagivaktangit. By the end of 1966,
there were only 55 people living in three ilagiit nunagivaktangit according
to RCMP reports. By the end of 1967, only 41 Inuit out of the area’s 505
were still living in ilagiit nunagivaktangit. In 1968, as few as 36 people lived
in two ilagiit nunagivaktangit (Shartooweetook and Ahkeeatoollaoolavik).
One of the noteworthy moves to Cape Dorset was the migration of a
family group under Kupa (or Kopak) from Salluit, Nunavik. After the death
in 1965 of his father Tayarak, Kupa chose to lead his relatives to a new home
where economic conditions would be better. In September 1968, they arrived in Cape Dorset. The Tayarak group was initially settled in a segregated
section of Cape Dorset, but soon relocated into the centre of the community.
The centralization process did not have one single cause. Kinggarmiut
explained this to researchers for the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project
in 1974–77. Their report focussed on the growing attractions of the settlement, singling out the co-op in 1959, the Anglican Church in 1961, and the
RCMP detachment in 1965. Usually it was a combination of things that
resulted in a family moving to Cape Dorset. Many families moved in response to pressure exerted by teachers telling them their children had to go
to school. Others moved to be near medical facilities (there was a succession
of sicknesses), and others moved at the promise of jobs. Some people said
they moved to be with their families and others because they were lonely
Kenojuak drawing inside her tent, August 1960
without their children. In many cases, there was something negative about
the move, and in almost all cases, people stated that they would rather live
Cape Dorset | 69
established I really started making money . . . I gained so much knowledge
from the co-op.” Social transfers—family allowance, welfare assistance, and
pensions—were also important sources of income for Inuit, but the most
dramatic change in the 1960s could be seen in handicraft production and
wages, a key to which was the Co-operative.
The Co-operative was originally created in early 1959 as the West Baffin Sports Fishing Co-operative. This tourism initiative was also designed
for the promotion and operation of an “art, handicraft and/or cottage industry.” Financing for its creation came from the federal government’s Eskimo
Loan Fund, as well as from revenues from the 1959 print collection. That inaugural collection was launched to critical acclaim and started an art boom
that has lasted many years. This boom was in large part the work of Terry
Ryan, who arrived as temporary arts advisor for the Co-operative in 1960
and stayed close to forty years in the community as its general manager.
Ryan, an arts student who had already worked in Clyde River, put years of
effort into marketing Dorset Fine Arts and encouraging artists to develop
their talent.
In 1961, the Co-operative was reincorporated as the West Baffin Eskimo Co-operative Limited. Its retail trade store, built in 1961, ended the
HBC monopoly over consumer supplies to the community. In addition to
In Hakka’s home,
April 1968
out in the camps (1974). Ejetsiak Peter and his wife moved to the commu-
strengthening the economic position of the community and options for
nity around 1960 after the new co-operative opened, for employment. Once
its residents, the Co-operative helped fund community infrastructure and
they arrived, they discovered how difficult it was to live in the settlement.
became responsible for the delivery and distribution of fuel and other ini-
canada
“Everything was different when we moved. It was harder for everyone. By-
tiatives. The following table illustrates changes in income sources in Cape
laws started to be enforced.”
Dorset in the critical 1964–6 period and the importance of arts and crafts to
Although Inuit moved into Cape Dorset for many reasons, the establishment of the West Baffin Co-operative in 1959–60 had a profound effect. Kananginaaq Pootoogook told the QTC that the co-operative made
a big difference in his life. He first started working on various jobs with
the government. He explains, “Then I started to help building the co-op
in 1956–58 . . . I used to make $2 a day in 1957–58 and once the co-op was
the community’s incomes.
Cape Dorset Sources of Income
Social
Community Years Hunting & Handicrafts Wage
($)
Labour Transfers
Trapping
($)
($)
($)
Total
($)
Cape Dorset | 71
only went to grade seven and students wishing to attend high school had
to move to Yellowknife or Iqaluit. In 1970, the community school had nine
teachers instructing 163 students in grades one to eight.
By the early 1960s, adult education courses were being routinely
taught in the settlement. They were divided between domestic skills, chiefly
Cape Dorset
1950–1
14,711
nil
2,645
20,363
40,978
for women managing households in the new wooden houses, and a mix of
Cape Dorset
1962–3
22,000
38,000
29,000
22,000
111,000
mechanical and clerical skills. Courses were offered in food preparation,
Cape Dorset
1966–7
38,000
158,000
153,000
43,000
392,000
Table 1: The figures do not include the value of country food. “Social transfers” include family
allowance and social assistance.
hygiene, dressmaking, baking, economics, law, government, firefighting,
English, arithmetic, social studies, carpentry, and tool maintenance. Adult
programs, just like children’s schooling, were part of the government’s strategy to prepare Inuit for the expanding sectors of the Northern economy
and integrate people into mainstream Canadian society. The objective of
Another factor that led many Inuit to Cape Dorset was the presence
the government was to provide Inuit with a training that would allow them
of an upgraded nursing station. Staffed by a husband-and-wife team, the
to take part in the development of resources in the Arctic. At the time, many
new station with four beds and a refrigerated storage area was built in 1960
Inuit were eager to try out imported ways of living. Qallunaat feared that
to replace one established ten years earlier. The nursing station dealt with
Inuit culture would be overrun, and individuals would be impoverished, if
immunizations as well as fractures and other minor ailments. It attracted
they were not prepared rapidly to take part in the new economic activities in
many Inuit who came to Cape Dorset to receive services and stayed in the
the North. Most government authorities believed that the Inuit way of life
settlement. For example, the artist Kenojuak Ashevak recalled moving to
was bound to disappear and that Inuit needed to adapt as quickly as pos-
Cape Dorset in 1966 for health care during a pregnancy.
sible to new economic and political circumstances if they wanted to survive
In the early 1960s, the federal government introduced hostel schooling
as a people.
into the community for children of Inuit families who had not yet settled
It seems likely that access to schooling and involvement in the Co-op-
in Cape Dorset. Three hostels were built, but were never popular among
erative contributed to community activism in Cape Dorset. When the Coun-
students or families. Children ran away or were taken home to ilagiit nuna-
cil of the Northwest Territories met in Cape Dorset in 1962, community
givaktangit by their parents. Teachers noted that the most successful pro-
members presented two petitions, one from the “[Inuit] mothers” and the
grams were those that housed children from very distant places, such as
other from “the men.” The mothers were concerned with training, school-
Kimmirut, because they could not leave. Parents of students from near by
ing, and interpreters’ services at the nursing station. The men supported the
often opted instead to establish themselves in Cape Dorset to live where
mothers’ petition and added requests for a seniors’ home, better housing,
their children were going to school. As a result, the population of the com-
an RCMP detachment, a community-controlled liquor bar, playground and
munity grew. By 1967, a three-room schoolhouse was in operation in the
recreational equipment, better reporting about family members in south-
settlement and four teachers were employed full-time. Classes, however,
ern hospitals, and protection of the syllabic writing system. Both petitions
Cape Dorset | 73
raised issues about protecting Inuit culture and language, while also ensur-
snow houses. Cape Dorset received twenty new housing units in 1965 and
ing a good economic future for the community.
another twenty-four the following year. These new units now included a
In 1970, the territorial government in Yellowknife gained authority
heater, sink, water-storage tank, electric fixtures, and basic furniture. New
over education throughout the Eastern Arctic. In the following years Inuit,
housing was an important factor in encouraging more Inuit to settle in the
through the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, demanded more of a voice in the
community. In speaking to a Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA) interviewer
education of their children and advocated effectively for changes to cur-
in 2004, Sheojuke Toonoo, who was born in 1928 and moved to Cape Dorset
ricula and the hostel system in order to protect young people’s access to
in the 1960s before the birth of one of her children, said moving “didn’t
traditional knowledge and skills. Inuit leaders in Cape Dorset were fully
really bother me because I thought we were going to get a house with lots
aware that youth needed to learn how to hunt, fish, and travel over land and
of space.” Not until the late 1970s, however, would housing be designed
ice. This was noted in official reports and played a role in the decision of
and erected in the North that met the basic needs of the Inuit by including
some families to return to former ilagiit nunagivaktangit and seek funding
rooms or outbuildings for processing country food and maintaining hunt-
through the Northwest Territories Outpost Camp grants. In 1977, a group of
ing equipment and vehicles.
Cape Dorset residents made plans to live at an ilagiit nunagivaktangat and
Through the efforts of residents and AANDC staff, Cape Dorset also
to invite youth to stay there for extended periods “to learn about traditional
attracted infrastructure investments earlier than many other Arctic com-
camp life.” According to the Nunatsiaq News, youth chose the ilagiit nuna-
munities did. By the mid-1960s, the community had almost two miles of
givaktangat over the option of having a new recreation centre built in the
roads, a public bathhouse, a community freezer (reported to be used almost
community. Intensive efforts like this life on the land enriched the children’s
entirely by Qallunaat in the early 1970s), a powerhouse, and heavy equip-
experience from the use of Inuktitut in primary grades and the regular pres-
ment for haulage of sewage, water, and fuel. A landing strip was built for the
ence of Elders in classrooms.
community in 1973, and satellite telephone service began a year later.
Housing also encouraged the centralization process in Cape Dorset.
The Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire (IODE) community hall
In 1958, the RCMP reported that there were five igluvigat (snow houses)
was erected in 1961 with support from the Co-operative and the Handicrafts
used in Cape Dorset. In 1959, there were none. Instead, Kinngarmiut began
Guild. The provision of many community services was gradually taken over
moving into low-cost housing units developed by the federal government
by the Co-operative, although more recently these duties were shifted to
in the late 1950s. These houses measured sixteen feet square. At first, they
local community councils, allowing the Co-operative to focus on artistic
were one-room homes without toilets, stoves, baths, or porches. RCMP of-
productions and retail trade.
ficers and other Qallunaat often condemned the new houses as being infe-
A final factor encouraging Kinngarmiut to move to the community was
rior to traditional snow houses and certainly well below the expectations
the active community life. In 1963, RCMP reported, “more and more of the
of housing for anyone in the south. Few Inuit had enough cash to buy
camp [Inuit] are moving into the settlement to live for reason of a more
or build permanent homes. Game ordinances restricted the number of
modern living and to enjoy the entertainment which the settlement life pro-
caribou skins available for shelter and Inuit were increasingly relying on
vides.” Anthropologist David Damas has noted this report as one of only a
purchased clothing that did not provide the warmth required to live in
few statements by government agents about the importance of socialization
Cape Dorset | 75
and recreation to an Inuk’s choice to move to a settlement. Inuit themselves
established its own distribution through Dorset Fine Arts, a marketing
have also acknowledged the social value of settlements to be a factor in their
office in Toronto.
decisions.
Kinngarmiut also had to adapt to an increasing number of Qallunaat
who arrived in the community to serve its growing population. In 1965, the
RCMP established a new detachment in Cape Dorset to deal with an increasing number of infractions committed by the younger generation, who
were thought to show no desire to hunt but were not finding employment
By 1974, centralization was fully underway in Cape Dorset. The community
in the community.
had a population of 690, though one in ten were still considered to be hunt-
While taking advantage of increasing economic opportunities, many
ers. The settlement had an airstrip and twice-weekly flights from Iqaluit.
Kinngarmiut continued to hunt. Country food (seal, caribou, char, walrus,
A primary school, an adult education centre, a nursing station, an RCMP
and so on) remained the most important source of nutrition for Inuit in the
detachment, a church, a community hall, telephone service, a post office,
area throughout the 1960s. Higgins estimated that for 1966–67, 224,318
and five general stores, including the Co-operative, served the community.
pounds of meat, edible internal organs, and blubber were obtained from the
Terry, Peter Pitseolak,
Pat, Kananginak, Elli
and Tommy at the
Friday night dance,
April 1968
Along with the new community spirit was a growing criticism of the im-
hunt. Throughout the 1960s, however, the number of “eligible hunters” in the
pact of modernization—Cape Dorset hunters spoke out vigorously during
area decreased significantly. In 1967, 104 of the 120 eligible hunters in
canada
the seventies against the hazards of unregulated mineral exploitation, and
the doubtful legality of the government taking control from Inuit. As Oshoweetok Ipeelee stated in 1974, “Inuit have a legal right to the country. We
came here many years ago as our permanent country.” The purpose of this
position was simple to Kananginak Pootoogook: “Exploration should cease
until land claims are settled.”
People continued to adjust to the new economic system. In 1965, the
RCMP reported that thirty Kinngarmiut worked full-time for government and private agencies, and that twenty to twenty-five were employed
seasonally. Women, men, and youth also earned incomes through arts
and crafts production. The Co-operative remained successful, although
economic, technical, and artistic innovations required federal financing
that was never consistent. New quarries for soapstone had to be found and
exploited; instructors were needed to teach new techniques; and printmaking and typography equipment required renewal. After some experience
with centralized marketing by Canadian Arctic Producers, the community
Cape Dorset | 77
the area were living in Cape Dorset. In 1969, only 49 eligible hunters
were reported as living in Cape Dorset and 13 more in ilagiit nunagivaktangit. The number in the early 1970s remained around 70. These hunters also
needed to cope with strict game-management laws. Wildlife officials and
Inuit agreed that game was generally abundant in the Cape Dorset area.
Hunters took moderate numbers of the three main monitored species,
caribou, polar bear, and walrus. They were issued game licences and were
required to record kills for the Canadian Wildlife Service in Ottawa. Responsibility for managing wildlife was transferred to the Northwest Territories government in 1968.
Another consequence suffered by Kinngarmiut following their moves
to Cape Dorset was the decrease in the qimmiit population through disease
and enforcement of the Ordinance Respecting Dogs. Until the early 1960s,
outbreaks of rabies and distemper led to temporary decreases in the qimmiit
population. In some cases, officials mistakenly attributed the poor health of
these qimmiit to starvation, rather than to disease. At various points in the
late 1950s and in the 1960s in particular, the RCMP, government employees,
and local residents killed qimmiit in Cape Dorset. In testimony to both QIA
and the QTC, Ejetsiak Peter recalled that he kept a small team. “We always
tried to keep them tied up, but sometimes dogs would become loose on their
own.” Peter said that qimmiit were shot by the RCMP, by other government
successful snowmobile for Arctic travel was introduced by Bombardier
agents, including social workers, and by Peter himself as a member of the
in 1964; Twin Otter aircraft were by then used across the Arctic; and oil
Inuit women cleaning
walrus hides, 1929
settlement council. Pudlalik Quvianaqtuliaq told QIA interviewers that he
for outboard motors was more consistently stocked by the HBC. In 1962,
moved into Cape Dorset in the late 1950s with other families so children
the RCMP reported that Inuit were being accused of poor maintenance of
canada
could attend school. He remembered that qimmiit were killed, likely by the
engines, but that the problem had largely been overcome when the HBC
RCMP, soon after families moved into the community. It caused great hard-
brought in more engine oil. With these improvements, fuel supplies also
ship for people and no explanations for the killings were given.
became more dependable, but many hunters continued to use qimmiit into
Quvianaqtuliaq and other people who spoke to QIA and the QTC recalled that Inuit living in Cape Dorset increasingly relied on snowmobiles
the early 1970s, although it was difficult for qimmiit to keep up with snowmobiles under good conditions.
from the mid-1960s onwards for hunting and social travel. Mechanized
By 1976, Cape Dorset’s population was already at 688 people, according
transportation became more reliable and available in the 1960s. The first
to the federal statistics. Population growth no longer depended on people
Cape Dorset | 79
migrating from the ilagiit nunagivaktangit—it was now based on natural
population increase, which also explains the doubling of the population in
the following thirty years.
Inuit have lived on the north shore of Hudson Strait for centuries.
Contact with non-Inuit was very limited and slow to develop, but before
1900 some Kinngarmiut were making lengthy journeys to trade with whalers around Kimmirut. People in the region were highly adaptable to the
new fox-trapping opportunities after 1913, but usually carried this out with
more traditional hunts, especially for ringed seal and caribou. After 1950,
Kinngarmiut felt the same pressures and attractions as other inhabitants
Preparing for the trip
to Enukso Point
of Qikiqtaaluk. They responded by leaving the land to live more or less per-
such as schools and nursing stations, and places where wage employment
canada
was available for some. By 1970, this centralization was virtually complete.
manently around the trading centres and the growing set of other services,
experience. The financial and cultural benefits, and the business skills de-
Kov preparing to go
off on his fox linepacking up the meat,
April 1964
veloped through the West Baffin Co-operative, are still important parts of
community life into the twenty-first century.
canada
However, Cape Dorset had an exceptional opportunity in this period to develop a local industry and earn worldwide recognition as a centre of artistic
production where Inuit celebrate, mark, and practice Inuit knowledge and
Clyde
River
Kangirqtugaapik
T
he hamlet of Clyde River is located on the east coast of Baffin Island on
the western shore of Patricia Bay. The nearby fiords stretch towards
the oldest ice cap in Canada, the Barnes Ice Cap, and are known for
having some of the most spectacular scenery in Canada. Clyde River is also
known locally as Kangirqtugaapik or Kangitluraapik. The words mean “a
nice little inlet.” Inuit of Clyde River call themselves Kangiqtugaapingmiut.
They are well known for their commitment to maintaining Inuit knowledge
and for their artwork, especially soapstone carvings and silkscreens.
The land-use area of Clyde River is generally considered to start in the
north at Buchan Gulf and reach to Home Bay in the south. Historically, the
Clyde River region was irregularly populated as people moved throughout
the area taking advantage of the local resources. The arrival of whalers and
trading companies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries changed local
settlement patterns. The establishment of the short-lived Sabellum Trading
| 81
Clyde River | 83
and Gold Company at Cape Henry Kater, and the Hudson’s Bay Company
plain extends from the coastline inward for several kilometres. To the south,
(HBC) at Clyde River, attracted people to the Clyde River region. At the
a low terraced plain runs parallel from the coastline inward and connects
same time, the HBC relocated a number of families from Kimmirut, Cape
with low-lying hills. There is a distinctive rise known as Black Bluff on the
Dorset, Iqaluit, and Pangnirtung to the area, increasing the population and
eastern shore of Patricia Bay that reaches a height of 478 metres. As one of
impacting mobility. The construction of the weather station in 1942, and the
the highest features in the area, the black cliffs serve as a landmark for lo-
Long Range Navigation station (LORAN) and RCMP detachment in 1953–
cal Inuit travelling through the area. Other prominent features in the area
54, amplified the Qallunaat presence at Clyde River. Kangiqtugaapingmiut
include the numerous ice caps and glaciers located in the interior of eastern
took advantage of the new prospects for trade as well as the increased op-
Baffin Island, the most notable being the Barnes Ice Cap, Canada’s oldest
portunities for wage employment. With the arrival of government programs
and one of its ten largest.
in the 1960s, the population of Clyde River doubled as people moved off the
Clyde River was originally located on the eastern shore of Patricia Bay,
land and into the settlement. In 1970, the decision was made to move the
but surface conditions forced the settlement’s relocation to the western
community from the east to the west side of Patricia Bay, where it is still lo-
shore in 1970. The soil along the eastern shore is composed of silt and fine
cated today. Over the years, Kangiqtugaapingmiut have continued to work
sand mixed with clay and gravel. Runoff from the nearby hills kept the ground
to combine their traditional way of life with community life.
wet throughout the entire melt season, making for poor building conditions.
When the LORAN station closed in 1974, Clyde River’s population had
The Clyde River region roughly stretches from Buchan Gulf in the
reached 357. On July 1, 1978, Clyde River received hamlet status, and by
north to Home Bay in the south, a distance of over 400 kilometres. The ear-
2011, the population had grown to 934. Today Clyde River is home to the
ly history of the area is the subject of oral accounts and studies by Qallunaat
Ilisaqsivik Society, dedicated to promoting Inuit culture and language. It
researchers. Details with regard to early Inuit settlement and migration
is also the location of the main campus of Nunavut’s new cultural school,
patterns prior to the arrival of Qallunaat whalers and trading companies are
Piqqusilirivvik, which officially opened on May 4, 2011.
vague. Early documentation produced by Franz Boas in 1888 implied that
the area was only rarely inhabited and rather acted as a buffer between the
Akudnirmiut of Home Bay and the Tununirmiut of Ponds Bay (Pond Inlet
area). Boas suggested that these two groups visited the area at irregular in-
to hunt caribou during the summer, or to Isabella Bay, McBeth Fiord, and
tervals, but that Clyde River did not, itself, have a distinct Inuit population.
He noted that Akudnirmiut regularly travelled to the islands in Home Bay
Inugsuin Fiord, south of Clyde Inlet, to reach the lakes and rivers important
Present-day Clyde River is situated on a shallow gravel ridge on the north
for fishing Arctic char or hunting walrus (Inugsuin Fiord). Farther north,
coast of Clyde Inlet. The Inlet, extending 100 kilometres into the central-
Boas reported that Tununirmiut occasionally used the areas around Buchan
east coast of Baffin Island, is typical of the many deep fiords and inlets that
Gulf and Cambridge Fiord. It is important to note that Boas never travelled
define the ragged coastline of the area. North of Clyde River, a low coastal
to Clyde River himself, but rather only reached as far as Home Bay, 200
Clyde River | 85
kilometres to the south. A 1928 census conducted by Therkel Mathiassen in
Three species of seals were hunted. The ringed seal, the most important
Pond Inlet echoed the above findings, while also noting that a small number
in terms of food, fuel, clothing, and tools, was found all along the eastern
of Tununirmiut were loosely connected to Akudnirmiut near Clyde River
coast of Baffin Island from Buchan Gulf in the north to Cape Hooper in the
and Home Bay, suggesting that both groups may have travelled throughout
south. Favoured sealing grounds were located at Scott Inlet and Alexander
the Clyde River region more often than previously assumed. This is sup-
Bay. During the winter, breathing holes were used for hunting, and in both
ported by the fact that William Edward Parry, while on a British Admiralty
the winter and spring, large leads and cracks in the sea ice that formed off
expedition in September 1820, met a group of Inuit near what is now Clyde
many of the headlands and peninsulas—such as Cape Christian (Pingua-
River. When compared with Kangiqtugaapingmiut memory and oral his-
juk)—were used whenever possible. Open-water hunting was concentrated
tory, evidence further suggests that people occupied areas throughout the
around fiords and islands. Bearded seals were hunted during the late sum-
Clyde River region for multiple years and that it was more than a “void to
mer on floating ice pans and at the mouths of fiords and bays during the
be traversed as quickly as possible.” A 1903 Canadian Geological Survey ex-
early fall. Hunters often reported Scott Inlet, Eglinton Fiord, the mouth
pedition to the area on the SS Neptune estimated the population of the area
of Inugsuin Fiord, and Isabella and Alexander Bays as the most important
Man and woman stand
outside a house in
Clyde River holding a
large seal skin
near Clyde River and Home Bay to be around ninety.
areas for hunting ringed and bearded seals. Harp seals were hunted in a
small area near Cape Christian, about 10 kilometres off the coast, but were
canada
Based on immersive fieldwork with local people using local knowledge
and oral histories, George Wenzel, a cultural anthropologist and geographer, described the general east–west seasonal cycle of Inuit in the Clyde
River region. During the winter, ilagiit nunagivaktangit were commonly
set up near the headlands of fiords to take advantage of the seal-hunting
grounds. Spring, summer, and fall settlement patterns were more transitory.
In May and June, groups would move west to take advantage of the fishing
sites. Ilagiit nunagivaktangit were occasionally erected in areas where stone
weirs or walrus haul-out locations had previously been constructed because
of the relative permanence they provided. In the summer, people travelled
along the river valleys towards inland caribou grounds. They returned in
the autumn, arriving at the fiord heads in time to take advantage of the char
fishery. The cycle would finish in the winter, with a return to ilagiit nunagivaktangit near the fiord headlands. A typical pattern of travel consisted of
sealing at various fiords in the winter, fishing at the heads of fiords in May
and June, passing inland to hunt caribou through the summer, returning to
the fiord heads for autumn char fishing, and then returning to the winter
ilagiit nunagivaktangit by boat or over ice to hunt seals.
of less economic value.
Clyde River | 87
Polar bears were another important resource for Inuit in the region,
possession of beads and metal goods and providing descriptions of their
and probably accounted for a significant portion of their meat each year.
clothing and dwellings in his records. This was probably the first introduction
Hunting generally concentrated around small areas associated with bears’
that local Inuit would have had to rum. Parry also reported that the group
feeding and denning locations, with most polar bear hunting occurring on
was preparing to move to a nearby winter ilagiit nunagivaktangat, approxi-
the land and sea ice between Cape Hooper and Buchan Gulf.
mately 2 kilometres away. Clyde River oral accounts explain that this winter
Walrus, belugas, and narwhals, with narwhals being more common to
ilagiit nunagivaktangat is the same as a current archaeological site contain-
the area, were hunted when they fed in the shallow fiords and inlets during
ing collapsed dwellings identified as being Thule in origin. Kangiqtugaap-
the fall where hunters could take advantage of open water. Caribou hunting
ingmiut explain that similar dwellings were used throughout the region as
and fox trapping took place year-round and wildfowl were often taken during
late as the 1970s. It has yet to be confirmed, however, whether anyone living
these hunting trips. Weirs were used to catch char in the region’s fiords, rivers,
in Clyde River today is a descendant of one of the people Parry met in 1820.
and lakes. There were two fish weirs where Clyde River meets Clyde Inlet.
People living in the area also came into contact with whalers from
Scotland, England, and America. Stations for hunting, securing supplies,
Early Contacts
rendering blubber, and trading with Inuit were set up by whalers along the
coastline. Larger stations were established in the north in the Eclipse Sound
area and to the south in Cumberland Sound. Small temporary stations were
Prior to the twentieth century, there was very little contact between Inuit
constructed at Clyde Inlet and Cape Henry Kater. However, ice conditions
and Qallunaat in the Clyde River region. In 1818, a Royal Navy explorer,
in the Clyde River region effectively limited whalers’ access to the area, re-
Captain John Ross, named many features along the west coast of Baffin
sulting in little use of the stations. Until recently, ice lasted until late August,
Bay and Davis Strait, including Clyde River and Clyde Inlet. The original
which made landing on the coast difficult.
purpose of the Ross expedition was to locate a northwest passage, but, while
The whalers’ focus on the areas to the north and south of the Clyde
surveying Baffin Bay, Ross missed the entrance to the Lancaster Sound pas-
River region, as well as the travel patterns of Kangiqtugaapingmiut meant
sage and instead turned home. On his way, Ross very roughly mapped the
that there was limited contact with Qallunaat within the region during the
coastline, but made little effort to contact Inuit or study conditions ashore.
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In addition to the whalers’ presence, the
In September 1820, William Edward Parry explored Lancaster Sound
establishment of trading posts at Pond Inlet (a small fur-trading post in 1903)
as part of a British Admiralty expedition, providing the first documented
and Kivitoo (Sabellum Company in 1916) drew Inuit away from the Clyde Riv-
contact with Inuit in the Clyde River area. After encountering a group of
er region, attracted north and south by the prospects of trade. This resulted in
whalers who reported seeing Inuit near the entrance to Clyde Inlet, Parry
even sparser occupancy of the Clyde River area. This changed in 1923 when
stopped overnight at Patricia Bay. The meeting place was at or near the
the Sabellum Company and the HBC moved in. The Sabellum Company
present-day summer and autumn ilagiit nunagivaktangat known as Supaigai-
established a post on Henry Kater Peninsula, and the HBC on the site of
yuktuq, approximately 20 kilometres from what is now Clyde River. There,
what would become the original community of Clyde River, on the east side
Parry met seventeen Inuit with whom he traded, noting that they were in
of Patricia Bay. When the Sabellum Company closed in 1926 after the death
Clyde River | 89
of Mr. Pitchforth, the post trader, the HBC became the primary Qallunaat
that there were more winter ilagiit nunagivaktangit located throughout the
influence in the area. This new, permanent trade presence drew Inuit who
Clyde River region. Feeling that the area lacked inhabitants, the HBC relocated
had previously been attracted north and south, back to the region to trade.
a number of trappers and their families from Lake Harbour, Cape Dorset,
Iqaluit, and Pangnirtung between 1935 and 1940 in an attempt to increase
the post’s profitability. As the fox trade was considered strong in those locations, it was felt that the trappers were adept and able to adjust positively to
the move. The family that had formally assisted the Sabellum Company at
Trade with whalers and trading companies such as the Sabellum Company
Henry Kater was one of the relocated families. When many people who had
and HBC, impacted the day-to-day life, and settlement and mobility pat-
moved north or south from the Clyde River region to be closer to the trading
terns of Kangiqtugaapingmiut. Through trade, new technologies such as
posts in Pond Inlet or Kivitoo, returned, they supplemented and at times
tobacco, guns, ammunition, fox traps, hatchets, telescopes, pots, musical
replaced the relocated families, and the population in the area increased.
instruments, sewing machines, and other items led to changes in hunting
In 1928, RCMP reported eight Inuit living within 25 kilometres of the
techniques, diet, and clothing. In addition, contact with Qallunaat, while
post at Clyde River. They reported two families at Dexterity Harbour, three
for the most part peaceful, introduced new diseases, such as influenza, mea-
families at Scott Inlet, one family at Eglinton Fiord, and three at Cape Henry
sles, and venereal disease.
Kater. All were reported to be living with sufficient access to game. Almost
The arrival of the new HBC post at Clyde River and the temporary
ten years later, RCMP reported two families at Scott Inlet, two families liv-
Sabellum Company post at Cape Henry Kater provided a new means for ac-
ing at the Clyde River post with four families located within a few kilome-
cessing trade goods through trapping. While trapping was a relatively new
tres, and ten families in the Home Bay area. By the early 1940s, settlement
activity for Kangiqtugaapingmiut, it did not significantly alter traditional
had begun slowly migrating towards the “core” of the Clyde River region. At
hunting patterns because fox trapping occurred on the sea ice in conjunc-
the same time, locations such as Eglinton and Sam Ford fiords, which had
tion with the seal hunt. In reality, while furs were the sole source of in-
previously seen sequential occupation by different families, were now home
come for many years, trapping specifically did not assume great importance
to more stable ilagiit nunagivaktangit, such as Natsilsiuk, Nasaklukuluk,
among Kangiqtugaapingmiut. They continued to rely almost completely on
Akuliahatak, and Aqviqtiuq. Estimates of the population during the 1940s
hunting during the 1920s and 1930s.
indicated that between 140 and 180 people lived between Coutts Inlet and
Trapping and trading, however, did influence the choices people made
the Henry Kater Peninsula. The extended stays at the winter ilagiit nuna-
about where to live. Reports from the HBC and Sabellum Company, as well
givaktangit may have been the result of the increase in population, creating
as RCMP patrol reports from the Pond Inlet Detachment, shed light on the
constraints on regional mobility.
Clyde River region’s settlement patterns during the early 1920s and 1930s.
Up until the Second World War, the HBC was the primary Qallunaat
Reports maintained that the posts at Pond Inlet and Kivitoo had left the Clyde
presence in the Clyde River region. In 1942, the US Army Air Corps es-
River area scarcely settled. RCMP reported only four ilagiit nunagivaktangit
tablished a weather station for the Crimson Route on the eastern shore of
in the Clyde River region. Kangiqtugaapingmiut memory, however, suggests
Patricia Bay next to the HBC post at Clyde River. Responsibility for the sta-
Clyde River | 91
tion was transferred to the Canadian Department of Transport (now Trans-
navigation site for the DEW Line at Cape Christian, approximately 20 ki-
port Canada, TC) in April 1945; the station was eventually closed in 1963.
lometres north of Clyde River on Clyde Inlet. First known as DOPE 2, it
A concentration of Qallunaat men were now found in Clyde River working
was later renamed the US Coast Guard LORAN Station, Cape Christian.
at the HBC post and at the weather station. The enclave provided Kangiq-
The site included a main station, garage, airstrip and terminal, antenna,
tugaapingmiut with limited opportunities for wage employment. Along
fuel storage facilities, and storage buildings. The LORAN site remained the
with the decline in fur prices during the Second World War, the attraction
responsibility of the United States until 1974 when it was abandoned. At
of wage labour as an alternative source of income rose in importance. Social
that time, all existing materials and facilities were left in place and the site
benefits, especially family allowance, old age pensions, and welfare support
was transferred to the Canadian government.
were also introduced during this time. Combined with the arrival of mili-
Unlike many other DEW Line installations, the LORAN station at Cape
tary facilities at nearby Cape Christian in the 1950s, Kangiqtugaapingmiut
Christian did not employ Inuit labour. Nevertheless, many Kangiqtugaap-
faced new challenges as they adapted to a new, mixed economy of hunting,
ingmiut were attracted to the area out of curiosity, to take advantage of dis-
trapping, and wage employment and increased Qallunaat presence in the
carded building materials, or in hopes of potential employment. The RCMP
area. By 1953, the Inuit population of the Clyde River region was 147. Only
arrived to open a new permanent detachment at Cape Christian in 1953
20 people were living in the settlement of Clyde River itself—2 Inuit work-
where they were expected to enforce rules to stop fraternization between
ing for the HBC post, 2 employed as support labour by the US military, their
Inuit and military personnel and to keep Inuit away from the LORAN station.
families, and a widow. The majority of people in the area continued to live
Almost as soon as the RCMP detachment began reporting, it expressed
on the land outside the settlement, only travelling to Clyde River when the
concern about Inuit “loitering” at Clyde River. “Loitering” was a term used
annual supply ship arrived to trade, to receive medical care, or to accept
by the RCMP to refer to time spent by Inuit in Qallunaat enclaves or settle-
social transfer payments.
ments while socializing, looking for work, or waiting for services, such as
health care. Loitering was strongly discouraged, but the procedures and
policies were contradictory and confusing to Kangiqtugaapingmiut. Sam
1953–1960
Palituq explained to the Qikiqtani Truth Commission (QTC) that many
Kangiqtugaapingmiut came to Clyde River as a necessary part of their seasonal routine. “When we came for re-supply in the spring, the whole family
came here, to Clyde River . . . We came here to get some supplies.” Also, at
ship time, many Kangiqtugaapingmiut were hired by TC and the HBC to
The Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line was a joint US-Canadian project
help unload and handle the freight, and were paid an hourly wage. Due to
consisting of a series of radar sites across Alaska, Canada, and Greenland de-
the sheer volume of supplies, many Inuit received substantial incomes from
signed to provide advanced warning of a Soviet attack over the polar region.
the few weeks of work. The majority of supplies for Clyde River were sent by
At the time, it was considered to be one of the largest construction projects
ship, with three to four vessels, including chartered steamships, Canadian
ever attempted. In 1953–54, the US Coast Guard established a long-range
Coast Guard vessels, and HBC supply ships, making up the annual shipping
Clyde River | 93
to arrive. Since many Kangiqtugaapingmiut did not have their own water
transportation, they remained in the area until freeze-up, unable to return
to their ilagiit nunagivaktangit at Scott Inlet or Home Bay. RCMP reported
that, in 1953, Kangiqtugaapingmiut owned only two small, unpowered
wooden boats and one eighteen-foot canoe with an outboard motor. In fact,
the officers writing the reports recommended that more boats be provided
to allow people to return to their homes more quickly.
While the RCMP discouraged Kangiqtugaapingmiut from visiting the
LORAN station at Cape Christian, they also managed some of the selling of
Canadian Coast
Guard helicopter
takes off in front of
building near group of
Clyde River residents
crafts, clothes, and furs by Kangiqtugaapingmiut to US Coast Guard and
nwt archives
furs and country produce to the ships and planes that visited. As soon as
TC personnel. The amount of trade appears to have been substantial. The
weather station cook left with eight polar bear skins, twenty blue fox furs,
and six white fox furs under an export permit in 1951 before the RCMP arrived. It was rumoured that he also purchased and sold a number of other
the RCMP arrived, however, Kangiqtugaapingmiut were discouraged from
visiting the LORAN station, and rather had to go through the RCMP to sell
their products to the military personnel.
In 1957, the RCMP declared the loitering problem to have been “solved”
through a policy of encouraging Inuit to return to their ilagiit nunagivaktangit and convincing Qallunaat to stop giving excess materials or food
(termed “handouts” by the RCMP) to Inuit. Discouraging certain behaviour
season. What air transport that took place was via float-equipped aircraft
on the part of the RCMP probably had a strong effect among Kangiqtugaap-
during the summer and ski-equipped aircraft during the winter. However,
ingmiut. Johanasie Apak remembers: “At that time, our parents listened to
periods during which the planes could land was short and the facilities at
what they were told. As soon as they were told to do something, they went
Cape Christian were used only in cases where air transport was necessary
ahead and did it. That is how it used to be. I’ve done it myself. We were all
and unavailable another way.
scared of the Qallunaat.” However, the decline in what was perceived as loi-
At the same time, RCMP instructed Kangiqtugaapingmiut that they
tering may have correlated with changes in sealskin prices. In the postwar
needed to come to Clyde River for annual medical check-ups and X-rays
years, prices were low until 1958, when they increased, eventually reaching a
by staff on the C. D. Howe. Following instructions, Kangiqtugaapingmiut
high of $25 per skin. Because of the low prices, more Kangiqtugaapingmiut
moved close to the settlement in the spring, waiting for medical officials
probably looked to wage employment such as unloading ships, construction
Clyde River | 95
or labour jobs, or trade opportunities with Qallunaat, to supplement their
to develop a newfound interest in what it termed the “welfare” of the Inuit.
incomes. To do so they would have needed to be near the settlement. The
Efforts were made to implement a number of programs throughout the
increase in prices in 1958, combined with an increased demand for carvings
Arctic aimed at providing services considered essential for all Canadians.
and the now well-established distribution of family allowances and welfare,
The most significant and far-reaching programs were in the fields of educa-
brought Kangiqtugaapingmiut income to a new high, potentially allowing
tion, health care, and housing. They standardized administrative and logisti-
more time between necessary trips to the settlement.
cal procedures and policies, while also centralizing the delivery of services in
In the 1960s, it was clear that Kangiqtugaapingmiut were taking ad-
government-chosen places, including Clyde River. The fate of Kangiqtugaap-
vantage of new economic opportunities and services associated with the
ingmiut families was closely tied to the way in which the programs were
settlement. This meant that more people were deciding to live in Clyde
delivered and managed. Housing, in particular, was used to entice Kangiq-
River. In 1961, the Inuit population of Clyde River was 32; by 1964 it would
tugaapingmiut to move to the settlement. However, the rapid increase in
reach 107, although it dropped to 91 two years later, and by 1969 it had
the settlement’s population resulted in the need to address developmental
reached 210. Four major winter ilagiit nunagivaktangit with a total popula-
constraints posed by building conditions on the east shore of Patricia Bay.
tion near 60 were still active outside the immediate Clyde River area in the
By 1963, discussions were underway to relocate the settlement to the west
early 1960s. Two ceased before 1965, and a third by 1968 precipitated by ill
side of the bay, although the move itself was not completed until 1970.
health and accidents resulting in the remaining people moving to the settle-
Federal authorities believed that education and training would pro-
ment. These ilagiit nunagivaktangit were at Akuliahatak at Eglinton Fiord,
vide Inuit with access to more of the economic opportunities available to
Naiaunausaq–Alpatuq at Henry Kater Peninsula, Natsilsiuk near Scott In-
Canadians. In 1960, the Department of Northern Affairs and National
let, and Nasalukuluk at Sam Ford Fiord. At the start of the decade, RCMP
Resources (now Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada,
also reported families residing at smaller ilagiit nunagivaktangit located at
AANDC) delivered a school to Clyde River. The school prompted renewed
Cape Hewett, Inugsuin Fiord (Piniraq), and just outside of Clyde River.
concern among the RCMP about the potential for loitering. Constable R. E.
Boughen reported that Kangiqtugaapingmiut were bringing their children
to the settlement for school but waiting around for a few days. He cautioned
1960–1975
that it could lead to parents hanging around to avoid “breaking up” the
family. Again, the RCMP approach to loitering was contradictory. Children
were being encouraged to attend the new school, but the RCMP and others saw negative consequences if parents and siblings were expected to live
apart from the students. Inuit and most Qallunaat understood that children
were an integral part of Inuit life and that families relied on their labour,
keen eyes and ears, and companionship. As Jason Palluq recalled, “I was in
The establishment of military facilities in the North and general social and
school for a very short while, maybe a year, but my parents needed my help
political changes in the postwar period led the Canadian federal government
with day-to-day things.” Many adults might have wanted to participate in
Clyde River | 97
night classes as well, which were likely offered in
the community since the inception of the school. In
1973, adult educator Larry Okkumaluk expressed
his pleasure in the demand for adult classes, citing the positive reception to classes in the previous
years. Two eight-bedroom hostels meant to house
children so that the parents could return to their
ilagiit nunagivaktangit arrived in 1962, but were
not erected, as they were missing parts needed for
construction. Nonetheless, many parents probably would have felt uncomfortable leaving their
children in the hostels, instead choosing to remain
close to the settlement.
Health care services eventually arrived in
Clyde River, too. Since its inception, the HBC post
officer had acted as the lay dispenser. When medical advice was needed, the doctor at Pangnirtung
was contacted by radio. With the construction
of the LORAN Station at Cape Christian, the US
Coast Guard doctor would examine people if the
illness was severe, but this was not common practice. In the fall of 1956, an unknown virus killed
Homemaking class,
Clyde River
seven people in the region. The RCMP complained that the lack of facili-
nwt archives
“This office has an ample supply of medicine but the district is in dismal
ties likely caused the deaths of some who might have otherwise been saved.
need of a locale to treat such emergencies. To effectively nurse gravely ill
patients in a filthy, damp, cold and seamy duck tent in sub-zero temperatures is indeed a very difficult task.” In 1957, the RCMP submitted their first
request for a nursing station, however it would be over a decade before one
arrived. An Indian and Northern Health Service (INHS) short-stay cabin
was constructed in 1963, but no staff was provided. In 1965, the HBC post
Mother and child, 1950
nwt archives
Clyde River | 99
officer was still acting as the lay dispenser. It is unclear when the first nurse ar-
members having to abandon their ilagiit nunagivaktangit and move into
rived at Clyde River. RCMP reports suggest one was expected in January 1969.
the settlement. The leader at Natsilsiuk was evacuated south for tuberculo-
Between 1950 and 1969, the C. D. Howe made yearly summer trips to
sis treatment in 1959 and his three-year absence and subsequent need for
the Eastern Arctic. The ship was specially designed to carry medical sup-
constant medical care upon his return resulted in the entire community’s
plies and personnel and would stop at settlements to screen for tuberculo-
move to Clyde River in 1962. Dissolution of other ilagiit nunagivaktangit
sis. Among Inuit, the ship caused a great deal of anxiety, as once onboard
under similar conditions, as well as moving to accompany children attend-
for testing, those that were infected were transported at very short notice
ing school, meant more and more Kangiqtugaapingmiut were relocating to
to hospitals in the South where they were treated for months or even years.
Clyde River and were in need of housing.
Many never returned, having died while away. In his 1988 study on tuber-
Inuit moving to the settlement had access to a limited number of pre-
culosis, P. G. Nixon noted that approximately 70% of Kangiqtugaapingmiut
fabricated houses in the 1960s. Prior to this, there were few Southern-style
over the age of twenty-five had, at one time, been hospitalized in the South.
houses in the community. In 1955, surplus US Coast Guard Atwell huts had
The removal of so many people would have had a devastating impact on the
been provided to Inuit employed by TC and the HBC, but by 1957 rotting
Family outside of skin
tent, August 26, 1932
close kinship groups that made up the ilagiit nunagivaktangit in the Clyde
boards and tears had rendered them useless. By 1960, the RCMP reported
River area. Families were incredibly interdependent, so removing even one
that most houses in the Clyde River area were made out of scrap wood,
nwt archives
member could be devastating, and often would result in the remaining
canvas, and sod.
Kangiqtugaapingmiut visiting the settlement during the winter of
1963 expressed a desire to obtain a house. By 1964, there were five welfare
houses and five low-cost houses in the settlement. Unfortunately, this number still fell far short of demand, and the majority of Kangiqtugaapingmiut
still resided in makeshift shacks. Levi Illingayuk recalled, “We were told
that there was appropriate housing available. When we moved, there wasn’t
any housing available.” Johanasie Apak shared a similar memory with the
QTC. “The Qallunaat who were at the DEW Line had real houses. The Inuit
didn’t have real houses . . . They had qarmaqs, some had their own shack,
that way they were able to have a house.” An Inuit survey conducted in 1965
compiled by the Public Housing Section of the AANDC reported that many
of the houses consisted of only one room, often occupied by entire families.
There were eighteen one-room houses for an estimated Inuit population of
238. One one-room house was home to eleven people. In discussing life in
the settlement, Kangiqtugaapingmiut recall that they were promised good
housing and low rents when they moved from the land. Johanasie Apak
Clyde River | 101
remembers having to pay more and more for rent once he received a house.
since 1960 was now housing more than eighty-eight children. Although a
“We started renting at $2.00 per month. Later on . . . three-bedroom hous-
larger school had been delivered in 1968, it was still sitting on the beach due
ing cost $15.00 per month. We were told that it would be this way, but to-
to construction delays. While the construction crews had erected three new
day, it is now almost impossible.”
houses, they now occupied them, leaving Kangiqtugaapingmiut living in
In 1963, the rising demand for housing prompted discussions of a
“cracker-boxes,” using oil drums as stoves, burning whatever they could find
large-scale building program at Clyde River. The current settlement (lo-
to heat their homes. In addition, the settlement still had no nursing station.
cated on the east side of Patricia Bay) had been constructed on muskeg over
By 1969, out of a total population of 266 in the Clyde River area, 210 lived at
permafrost and there was no local source of gravel closer than 5 kilometres.
Clyde River, with only four Inuit living at Cape Christian and the remaining
With the runoff from the surrounding hills, the poor soil conditions in the
people in four outlying ilagiit nunagivaktangit.
area, and the lack of proper drainage the ground stayed wet throughout the
NWT Commissioner Stuart Hodgson visited Clyde River during the
melt season, providing for poor building conditions. There was simply not
spring 1969 and reported a divided community, with Patricia Bay sepa-
enough room at the current settlement site to accommodate future expan-
rating the old townsite and the new townsite. Two boat accidents in the
Inuit women and
children outside of
buildings in Clyde
River
sion, so recommendations were made to find an alternative townsite. In
summer of 1969, resulting in two deaths, illustrated the physical dangers
nwt archives
1967, an Ontario engineering firm recommended relocation across the bay
based on soil analysis and discussions with the “departments involved and
with the local residents.” Nevertheless, there were a number of problems
with the new site, too. While the old site became very wet and swampy during summer, the new site was battered by winds and snow during winter.
The existing site had been occupied by generations of families because there
was rarely any wind and it had good landing beaches for canoes, factors
that also led the HBC to choose the location for its post. In spite of various
concerns, however, seven new houses were erected on the western shore of
Patricia Bay in 1967 as the start of a new settlement location.
The settlement move was poorly managed and there were construction
delays that eventually forced a motion in the NWT Council in 1969. This
motion ultimately suggested that the NWT government refrain “from moving the present town site and . . . develop the present town site at greatest
speed possible to alleviate the over-crowding, the poor health conditions,
and the poor education facilities.”
As part of discussions on the motion, Simonie Michael elaborated on
the “deplorable conditions” at Clyde River. The school that had been operating
Clyde River | 103
of the division. The people at the new townsite had witnessed the accident,
community, meaning they had to travel farther to hunt. Settlement living
but no boat was available for a rescue. Arnaq Illauq lost her husband dur-
also meant more qimmiit were living in one place, resulting in increased
ing one of the boating accidents, as she explained to the QTC. “During the
potential for the spread of disease among qimmiit and for conflict between
construction of the houses around 1969, my husband tried to cross from
humans and qimiit. These challenges effectively led to a transition among
there to here and drowned. They never found his body. When I tried to get
Kangiqtugaapingmiut from owning dog teams to owning snowmobiles. By
some compensation from the place he worked at, nobody listened to me. We
the 1970s, in order to pay for things like housing, as well as snowmobiles
never received any compensation. That really affected my life.”
and their maintenance, Kangiqtugaapingmiut were fully embracing the no-
The divisions in the community were taking their toll. In late 1969, the
tion of a mixed economy.
regional administrator, J. B. H. Gunn, recommended that the community
Prior to any major centralization at Clyde River, RCMP had reported
be reunited as soon as possible at the new location. The remainder of the
little to no disease among qimmiit in the Clyde River region. From 1964 to
old townsite was relocated during the spring and summer of 1970, although
1968, after many Kangiqtugaapingmiut had moved into the community,
some buildings, such as the TC buildings, remained at the old townsite. Af-
they reported no disease at all. This is contradictory to evidence presented
ter the move, the RCMP detachment relocated from Cape Christian to the
by George Wenzel, who conducted fieldwork in Clyde River during the early
new Clyde River site and an airstrip was developed north of the commu-
1970s. Wenzel reported that there “was a massive die-off of dogs from two
nity. Some dwellings remain near the old site, but they are used only during
major episodes of canine distemper between 1964 and 1966. Clyde Inuit esti-
spring and summer.
mate that at least 500 dogs died locally.” This would have greatly diminished
the qimmiit populations, affecting Kangiqtugaapingmiut hunting patterns
and techniques, as qimmiit were relied upon heavily for transportation.
At the same time, with high numbers of qimmiit now living in close
proximity, the likelihood of conflict between qimmiit and people resulted
During the 1960s, the majority of Kangiqtugaapingmiut had moved into
As part of the ordinance, qimmiit were required to be tied up at all times.
the community of Clyde River, encouraged directly and indirectly by the
This was contradictory to traditional Kangiqtugaapingmiut habits when it
promises of education, health care, and housing. While centralization fa-
came to taking care of their qimmiit. In addition, qimmiit were particularly
cilitated government logistical concerns and the administration of the
known for breaking free, and when they did, they were often shot. Many
area, for Kangiqtugaapingmiut it represented new challenges that had to
Kangiqtugaapingmiut shared memories of their qimmiit being shot. In an
be overcome, as Johanasie Apak remembered. “[Community life] was okay
interview with the Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA), Jacobie Iqalukjuak
at first because there were only a few families that lived here. When more
remembered the day in 1964 when three of his qimmiit were killed:
in strict enforcement of the Ordinance Respecting Dogs by the RCMP.
people started moving here, more problems started.” Hunters were no longer living in areas they were familiar with, choosing instead to move as they
The first time that I found out dogs had to be tied was when we
pleased to follow game. They now found themselves in a more concentrated
came to Clyde River to buy supplies. We were told to tie them up
Clyde River | 105
as it was not allowed for dogs to be loose . . . Three got killed. One
of them I still envision to today. That dog was shot from a distance
and it did not die. It was dragging its behind, bleeding. It could
only use its front legs. As it approached me, it was watching me,
it hurt so bad watching that particular dog. I can still see it in my
mind. I did not know why they were being shot. I assumed that
maybe I was not allowed to get my dogs ready for travelling in
that particular area. I started tying my dogs to any rope that was
available. I wanted to leave as soon as possible because I needed
the rest of the dogs to get back home.
While many Kangiqtugaapingmiut received no explanation as to why
their qimmiit were being shot, some were told it was to inhibit their travel.
Johanasie Apak told the QIA, “We were told not to have dogs any more. We
would live in the community and not travel outside it.” This may have been
the surrounding ilagiit nunagivaktangit were shorter in terms of boat or dog
opposite page: Man
and boy being on a
qamutik being pulled
by sled dogs, 1950
team, or even snowmobile. Shooting qimmiit would have limited the ability
nwt archives
to encourage movement into the settlement. A 1968 Area Economic Survey
suggested that the reason migration to Clyde River had been slower than to
other communities may have been due to its accessibility. Distances from
of Kangiqtugaapingmiut to travel to and from the settlement, ultimately resulting in many moving into the community. Regardless of the reasons provided, the loss of qimmiit had deep impacts on Kangiqtugaapingmiut. Mary
Iqaqrialuk remembered how the loss of their qimmiit affected her husband:
We were not told why [they were killed]. They were our only form
of transportation. It was very hard on my husband. He had the
responsibility to feed us, but he did not have the means . . . His
mind was not normal as he used worry about where the next meal
would come from.
Clyde River | 107
seemed very expensive at that time.” However, despite their costs, it was
more than just a desire to own a snowmobile—it was a necessity. The centralization of the population that occurred at Clyde River during the 1960s
meant that an increased number of hunters were competing for game in
areas close to the community. To reach more remote hunting grounds by
qimmiit was difficult and time-consuming, and many hunters had lost
their dog teams to disease or shootings. As well, by the late 1960s, caribou
herds had moved. They were now found over 145 kilometres up Clyde Inlet.
Snowmobiles made it easier to reach these distant hunting grounds quickly.
By 1967, RCMP reported that all full-time employees had purchased
snowmobiles and younger men in the settlement aspired to do the same.
“[M]ost of the younger men are saving for skidoos and are only resorting to
the dog team as a last resort.” Between 1953 and 1966 the number of full-
Two dogs outside
canvas-covered
shacks
time wage earning jobs in Clyde River had increased from three to seven.
reported in Clyde River, seven being new 1969 models purchased with sum-
canada
mer construction wages. Two snowmobiles were also owned by people in
Kangiqtugaapingmiut took advantage of the limited temporary employment opportunities. By early 1969, there were twenty-one snowmobiles
outlying ilagiit nunagivaktangit.
These devastating losses, whether from disease or strict enforcement
The use of snowmobiles also changed how and what Kangiqtugaaping-
of the Ordinance, resulted in a dramatic shortage of qimmiit by the end of
miut hunted. In 1967, an RCMP officer commented on the changes in the
the 1960s. By 1971, there were only 185 qimmiit left in the area. In place
efficiency of hunting with a snowmobile by writing “an animal seen is in-
of qimmiit, Kangiqtugaapingmiut turned to newer technology such as the
variably an animal killed.” Without qimmiit, no time was needed to hunt for
snowmobile to maintain their ability to hunt and travel. RCMP reports dur-
dog food. Unfortunately, snowmobiles could be unreliable and dangerous
ing the 1960s note the rise in snowmobile ownership in Clyde River. The
to run on the ice. In 1967, two young men drowned when their snowmobile
first two autoboggans (enclosed tracked vehicles) owned by Inuit arrived in
broke through the ice at Clyde River. Snowmobiles also placed the owner in
Clyde River in 1962. By 1964, there were an additional five snowmobiles.
a position of dependency on the HBC (until the arrival of local co-ops) for
Two more were reported purchased in 1966.
fuel and replacement parts.
The cost of a new snowmobile was still quite high for a casual wage
During the 1960s, in an effort to supplement their income, Kangiq-
earner. Johanasie Apak remembers, “I had a Ski-Doo at that time, I didn’t
tugaapingmiut worked to develop local carving and handicraft initiatives in
get it right away although they were quite cheap, about $700 to $800. It
their community. As early as 1960, the schoolteacher was encouraging local
Clyde River | 109
wage positions, including seven that were held by women. Incomes generally came from trapping, seasonal labour, and the sale of carvings and handicrafts, or a combination of the three. Some Clyde River men also left to
work at the Nanisivik mine at Strathcona Sound, but usually only when fur
prices were low. This ensured that hunting continued to play a strong role
in Kangiqtugaapingmiut life well into the 1980s. At the same time, ringed
seals, and hunting in general, provided every hunter with an opportunity
to secure resources for his family, as the minimum return was always food.
The continuing relevance of hunting and sharing food also maintained a
strong community environment in Clyde River. On July 1, 1978, Clyde River
received hamlet status.
Early contact documentation and Inuit memory describe the Clyde
River region as being populated by a migratory culture made up of a combination of Akudnirmiut and Tununirmiut moving along east-west cycles
following seasonal game and other food resources. The arrival of trading
companies in 1923, and the HBC especially, set the tone for the area’s future
settlement. Subsequent relocation of outside families to the area, combined
with the new attraction of local trading opportunities, changed traditional
settlement and migratory patterns. Over time, increases in the Clyde River
region’s population led to long-term occupancy of ilagiit nunagivaktangit.
Three Inuit boys
with Cooey rifles
women to make dolls, miniature articles, and souvenirs. By 1962, they were
While the majority of Kangiqtugaapingmiut continued to live in seasonal
reporting good returns. In April 1968, the previous school principal, John
ilagiit nunagivaktangit through the 1940s and 1950s, by the 1960s, with the
Scullion, organized the Nanook Group of Clyde. With financial assistance
introduction of government programs, the trend towards centralization had
canada
from the federal government, the group purchased soapstone carvings from
set in. As more and more people moved into the settlement, new challenges
local Kangiqtugaapingmiut and sold them with a 50% mark-up to local
arose as Kangiqtugaapingmiut attempted to merge their traditional way of
buyers, namely government and military personnel. In 1974, the Qimikjuk
life with that of the Qallunaat. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Kangiq-
Cooperative replaced the Nanook Group and the first coffee house was
tugaapingmiut adjusted to the growing prevalence of a mixed economy,
opened in the Nanook Building. In 1975, the Igutaq Group was launched in
while maintaining a strong cultural identity. Today Clyde River is home
an effort to revitalize the craft industry at Clyde River.
to the Ilisaqsivik Society and the main campus of Nunavut’s new cultural
By the end of the 1970s, Clyde River had a population of approximately
340 people. There were about fifteen permanent jobs and five part-time
school, Piqqusilirivvik. The region is also known for its stunning scenery.
Grise Fiord
Ausuittuq
G
rise Fiord, located on the southern shore of Ellesmere Island, is the
northernmost community in North America. The name Grise was
given to the fiord by Norwegian explorer Otto Sverdrup during his
exploration expedition from 1898 to 1902. The name means “pig inlet” in
Norwegian, referencing the appearance of the walruses that Sverdrup saw
in the fiord. The Inuktitut name for the community is Ausuittuq, meaning
“the place that never thaws.”
Tuniit and Thule peoples lived in the area from two thousand to five hundred years ago, but migrated away during the sixteenth century. Throughout
the following centuries, migrations resulted in periodic but short-term occupancy of areas on Ellesmere Island. During the early twentieth century, with
the exception of occasional hunting trips by Inuit from Greenland or northern Baffin Island, the Grise Fiord area remained uninhabited. In 1922, a
small enclave of year-round residents was created with the establishment of
| 111
Grise Fiord | 113
Tununirmiut, and families from Inukjuak, known as Itivimiut, were moved
to the area. The settlement was originally located on the Lindstrom Peninsula, 70 kilometres west of the RCMP detachment, and 8 kilometres west of
Grise Fiord. In 1956, the RCMP relocated their post to Grise Fiord, and the
Inuit settlement moved in 1961 when the school was opened. Throughout
the 1960s and 1970s, some residents, especially families from Inukjuak, left
the community to return to their previous homes. Others moved to Grise
Fiord from Pond Inlet and Inukjuak to be closer to family and friends. By
2011, Grise Fiord’s population had reached 130, and the community was
serviced by an airport, hotel, the Grise Fiord Co-operative, a school, and an
Anglican church.
Today, after calling the community home for half a century, people call
themselves Aujuitturmiut. In earlier times, however, they identified themselves by the places from which they were relocated. In 1969, for example,
researcher Milton Freeman reported that Inuit from Inukjuak referred to
the Pond Inlet families as Maanimiut (the local inhabitants) and themselves as Inujjuamiut (the Inukjuak people). This distinction reinforced and
reflected the strength of family attachments in spite of years of separation,
as well as the different backgrounds of the people who were relocated. The
new name, Aujuitturmiut, reflects the history of those who have come to
create the vibrant Inuit community of Grise Fiord in Canada’s High Arctic.
View of Grise Fiord
a small RCMP detachment at Craig Harbour, approximately 55 kilometres
east of Grise Fiord. The following year, a second post was established on the
canada
Bache Peninsula, but abandoned in 1933. The primary role of the posts was
to demonstrate Canadian sovereignty over Canada’s Arctic Archipelago.
As part of government-sponsored relocation programs of the 1950s, a
The present-day community of Grise Fiord is located on the southern tip of
permanent Inuit settlement was planned for Ellesmere Island. In 1953 and
Ellesmere Island, the most mountainous island in the Arctic Archipelago.
1955, families from Pond Inlet who called themselves Mittimatalingmiut or
The original Inuit settlement was located at Lindstrom Peninsula, and in
Grise Fiord | 115
1961, it moved 8 kilometres east to its current location at Grise Fiord. The
Others crossed Jones Sound and hunted along the north coast of Devon
Jones Sound area makes up the primary hunting grounds for Aujuitturmiut,
Island. With the exception of the occasional hunter from Greenland or Res-
encompassing over 97,000 square kilometres. The terrain and environ-
olute Bay, hunters from Grise Fiord had exclusive use of the entire Jones
ment, while visually striking, are incredibly harsh. The sea is frozen for ten
Sound area. Hunters primarily focused on marine mammals. Some terres-
months of the year, with break-up occurring in mid-August. The surround-
trial wildlife was harvested in the lowlands and rolling hills of Ellesmere
ing mountains provide limited support for wildlife, and overland travel is
Island, but the mountainous terrain resulted in most of the island being
restricted to valleys and waterways winding between the mountains. From
devoid of game.
May to August, the sun never sets, and from October to mid-February, it
The Grise Fiord region is, by far, a superior sealing area. Ringed seals
never rises. Grise Fiord is considered one of the coldest communities in the
are available year-round throughout the area, and are the primary focus of
world, with an average yearly temperature of -16 degrees Celsius.
Aujuitturmiut hunting activities. Winter hunting, between November and
Archaeological records show Tuniit people inhabited Ellesmere Island
the end of April, took place at breathing holes. After April, ringed seals were
as early as two thousand years ago. Thule people later settled the area, but
taken while they basked on the ice, or by harpoon through larger breathing
had moved away by the sixteenth century. Remains of Thule villages can
holes. Generally, seals were not hunted at the floe edge because of the long
still be found throughout many of the inlets and fiords of Ellesmere Island.
distance to open water. Both bearded and harp seals also migrate into the
Over the next two centuries, the only Inuit presence on the island was tem-
area, but hooded seals are extremely rare. Aside from trading, Aujuittur-
porary and made up of small groups of people migrating through the area,
miut used sealskins to make rope, clothes, boots, and handicraft items such
or hunters from Greenland or northern Baffin Island. In 1856, forty Inuit
as gun cases, rugs, and toys. Bearded sealskin was prized for its durability
led by a man named Qidlak migrated north from Baffin Island in search of
when made into ropes and tethers.
the “polar Inuit” they had heard about from European explorers. While the
During the month of July, massive numbers of belugas migrate through
majority turned back after spending a couple years on Devon Island, some
the area. In 1963, an estimated three thousand belugas were reported, and
eventually moved north across Ellesmere Island towards Smith Sound. By
in 1966, a herd nearly 1.6 kilometres long and 25 to 35 metres wide was spot-
1860, however, they had moved on to Greenland. After that, Ellesmere Is-
ted near the settlement. Beluga meat was usually used as qimmiit food, but
land remained generally uninhabited until the 1920s.
Aujuitturmiut enjoy the muktuk. Narwhales and walrus were also hunted
The people relocated to Grise Fiord in the 1950s originally came from
Pond Inlet on northern Baffin Island, and from Inukjuak in northern Que-
during periods of open water and break-up, with walrus being considered
the best qimmiit food available.
bec. Everyone had to adapt quickly to the new landscape and environment
Char was highly valued not only for its taste but because it had been
of Ellesmere Island. Initially the land-use area for the new arrivals was lim-
a customary item enjoyed by both the Pond Inlet Inuit and Inukjuak Inuit
ited to the Jones Sound region. As time went on, and hunters grew more
before the relocations. Unfortunately, there are few lakes in the region and
familiar with their surroundings, they travelled farther. By the 1960s, dur-
it took the new hunters some time to locate them after their arrival. By the
ing the annual great spring hunt that took place at the end of March, some
1970s, approximately twenty lakes that support char had been located, but
hunters travelled as far west as Norwegian Bay and the Bjorne Peninsula.
only three were accessible enough for regular fishing.
Grise Fiord | 117
Limited amounts of land-based animals, including small Peary caribou, were available to supplement the economy and diet of Aujuitturmiut.
When they first arrived, the relocatees hunted caribou in the lowlands between Craig Harbour and Harbour Fiord. Later, caribou-hunting grounds
were located at Bjorne Peninsula, Svendsen Peninsula, the Makinson Inlet
area, Graham Island, southwestern Ellesmere Island and western Devon Island. More recently, large populations can only been found near Blind Fiord
on the Raanes Peninsula. Caribou skins provided vital clothing for hunters and first-class bedding materials. However, as the herds moved farther
away, and seasonal conditions further limited hunting seasons, Aujuitturmiut were forced to turn to other materials for clothing and bedding. Today,
caribou are harvested primarily for meat, providing a welcomed break from
a marine-animal-based diet.
Polar bears are also numerous in the area, with a large concentration
found at Bear Bay. While also found in high numbers at Coburg Island and
near Hell Gate, the treacherous ice conditions of those areas deter Aujuitturmiut hunters. Over the years, the price received for polar bear pelts increased, eventually making up 55% of a family’s cash income by the late
1960s. In 1967, a quota of twenty-seven polar bears per year was imposed on
Aujuitturmiut hunters, one that they have filled regularly since.
Arctic fox were also trapped as a cash species, but their numbers fluctuated annually. Since 1953, Aujuitturmiut hunters have regularly trapped
along the south coast of Ellesmere Island. Traps were usually set while on
bear, caribou, or (later) muskox hunting trips. Wolves were occasionally
Inuit woman, c. 1974
hunted as well, but not in large numbers. Smaller animals, such as ptarmi-
gans, sea birds, geese, ducks, and Arctic hares, were also hunted in conjunc-
canada
tion with the harvesting of sea and land animals.
Early Contacts
Grise Fiord | 119
influenza. This resulted in Kakto and Oo-ar-loo returning home to Pond
Inlet. After that, all special constables were recruited from Greenland until
the post’s closure in 1940. At times, one or more families lived at the post,
The first European reference to Ellesmere Island comes from William Baf-
but were never considered a permanent population. When the post was re-
fin, commander of the ship Discovery, while visiting the Jones Sound area
opened in August 1951, the Canadian government decided that only Pond
in the summer of 1616. The Island was later named after the First Earl of
Inlet families would be employed, in order to dissuade Inuit from Greenland
Ellesmere by Commander E. A. Inglefield while on a mission to find the
from coming to the area to hunt. In 1953, the detachment at Craig Harbour
lost Franklin Expedition in 1852. During the nineteenth century, various
was home to one RCMP special constable and his family from Pond Inlet,
Inuit children and
a woman in a
wheelchair along the
shore of Grise Fiord
explorers and whalers visited Jones Sound, but the area was not thoroughly
and two single RCMP constables.
nwt archives
explored until 1899, when Otto Sverdrup began charting the region after
being trapped by ice. For three years, he and his men explored and mapped
major portions of southern and western Ellesmere Island, and northern
Devon Island. While doing so, Sverdrup claimed parts of Ellesmere Island
for Norway. This resulted in Canada turning its attentions to the Arctic by
first sending explorers, and later the RCMP.
In 1922, the Canadian government moved to establish RCMP detachments on Ellesmere Island in an attempt to assert their claim to the area.
At that time, there was only one other RCMP post north of the mainland,
located at Herschel Island, west of the Mackenzie River delta. These detachments were also intended to act as small “colonies,” demonstrating Canadian influence in the North. The first detachment was located at Craig
Harbour. In 1926, a second post was established on the Bache Peninsula,
but was abandoned in 1933. By that time, Norway had relinquished all
claims to the Canadian Arctic. With the onset of the Second World War
and with the Canadian government’s focus directed elsewhere, the Craig
Harbour RCMP detachment was also closed in 1940.
The RCMP often employed Inuit families at the detachments as special
constables to help hunt, serve as guides, and assist in maintaining the post.
The first Inuit special constable at Craig Harbour was Kakto, from Pond Inlet. Kakto brought with him his spouse, Oo-ar-loo, and their two children.
Unfortunately, after only a couple of months, the two children died from
Grise Fiord | 121
On top of this, Inuit were shocked to learn that they faced strict game
laws.
The history of the game laws provides important context for under-
Life prior to the relocations shaped the experiences of the people who even-
standing the history of the relocations and the changes in the community.
tually made Grise Fiord their home. While all the relocatees had experience
The people relocated to Grise Fiord were affected by game laws to an extent
with Qallunaat institutions and culture, the extent to which those contacts
that they had not experienced in their previous homes. Wildlife conserva-
had disrupted patterns of Inuit living and knowing varied. In northern Que-
tion, as a larger movement, had been gaining momentum in Canada and
bec, Itivimiut had been very well acquainted with the three institutions that
the United States during the latter half of the nineteenth century. It was
played a large role in disrupting Inuit life—traders, missionaries, and RCMP.
spurred by the near disappearance of bison from the Canadian and Ameri-
Trade had been prevalent throughout northern Quebec since the eighteenth
can plains, and the muskox from the Arctic mainland. Although nobody
century. Because of greater competition among trading companies in the area,
lived permanently in the High Arctic prior to the relocations, restrictions
trade had firmly rooted itself as the primary base of the Itivimiut economy.
on Qallunaat hunting in the area had been in place since 1887. By July 1917,
Consequently, mobility patterns changed as people centralized towards
hunting restrictions under the Northwest Game Act applied to all inhabit-
trade centres, relying on furs and credit rather than on customary hunt-
ants, including Inuit. The act was designed to protect muskox and further
ing practices. At the same time, missionaries competed for religious domi-
restrict the caribou-hunting season throughout the Northwest Territories.
nance through church and schools. The RCMP was the only government
It sought to regulate any “Indians or [Inuit] who are bona fide inhabit-
representative in the area taking any responsibility for local Inuit, albeit in
ants of the Northwest Territories” as well as “other bona fide inhabitants of
a very limited way, through small doses of social services and provisions.
the said territories, and . . . any explorers or surveyors who are engaged in
By the 1950s, and the time of the relocations, many Itivimiut regularly sent
any exploration, survey or other examination of the country.” Inhabitants,
their children to school (thirty-nine children were reported in attendance in
as described, were permitted to take caribou, muskox, and bird eggs “only
1953) and had become exposed to a sustained Qallunaat presence.
when such persons [were] actually in need of such game or eggs to prevent
People from Pond Inlet were less burdened by government involve-
starvation.” Through the act, the caribou-hunting season was limited to late
ment in their lives, despite their long history of trade. Whalers from Scot-
summer and mid-winter, and all hunting of muskox was prohibited except
land, England, and America had operated in the area since the nineteenth
in specific zones set out by the government from time to time.
century and the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) had established a post at
The creation of the Arctic Islands Game Preserve (AIGP) in 1926 ef-
Pond Inlet in 1921. While trade played a role in their day-to-day lives, Tu-
fectively established permanent boundaries for a conservation area. It also
nunirmiut had yet to embrace settlement life. At the time of the relocations,
aimed to establish Canadian control over the Canadian Arctic Archipelago
Pond Inlet had no school. In fact, it would not be until 1959, six years after
by demonstrating a form of functional administration. The Preserve en-
the first families were relocated to Grise Fiord, that a school opened.
compassed the High Arctic islands, northwestern Baffin Island, islands as
Once in Grise Fiord, however, both groups found themselves in a new
far west as Banks Island, and a small portion of the mainland. The AIGP
landscape living close to strangers with different customs and expectations.
also further restricted Qallunaat hunting, trapping, trading, and trafficking
inside its boundaries. Qallunaat were not allowed to hunt without a special
licence.
In general, the regulations put in place by the Act still applied to local
Inuit, and the relocatees were expected to follow the provisions of the AIGP.
Grise Fiord | 123
1950–1960
Since 1932, the RCMP had been tasked with enforcing the regulations, but
were sporadic in doing so, as it depended on whether an officer perceived a
The game policies were only part of an escalating government involvement in
legitimate “need” in any given situation. For their part, Aujuitturmiut con-
the Canadian North. Beginning during the Second World War, and increas-
formed to the regulations. However, throughout the 1960s, they increas-
ingly evident in the immediate postwar period, the Canadian government
ingly questioned the legitimacy of legislation imposed on people who had
ramped up its presence in the North and became more directly involved in
no voice in its creation. In a brief to the Northwest Territories government
the lives of Inuit. At first cautious about interfering with Inuit trading and
in 1967, Aujuitturmiut wrote:
subsistence routines, the government became bolder as more Qallunaat
and government services appeared in Qikiqtaaluk and other parts of the
For a long time we have respected the law and not killed muskox,
Arctic. For many officials and Canadians in general, change was inevitable
even in times of great need. This is because we understand there
and necessary; however, the desired direction and pace of change was never
were few and agreed their number should increase before hunting
established with certainty. This made it difficult for anyone—Inuit, RCMP,
could take place. It was easier for us to follow this law believing
bureaucrats, businesses—to plan effectively.
that one day we were to be able to hunt them again . . . You under-
In some cases, a perception that Inuit were poor and vulnerable to star-
stand hunting is our livelihood; we have no other source of meat
vation led the government to act, but it was colonial attitudes and the lack
but the animals we hunt . . . Very often muskox are the only ani-
of effective communication that led to harmful decisions. The collapse of
mals to be seen on our travels. This restraint placed on us in these
fur prices in 1949 became an important motive for the relocation of Inuit.
circumstances is very hard to bear, but we do restrain ourselves
The drop in prices reduced Inuit incomes from furs by about 85%, while
because we respect the purpose of this law.
the cost of goods doubled. The government saw the effect on relief costs in
areas where country food was scarce and people depended on store-bought
The AIGP was eventually disbanded in 1966, and in 1969, the ban on
goods. Government officials were also concerned that the economic down-
hunting muskox in the Northwest Territories was rescinded and quotas
turn in fur prices might drive traders, especially the HBC, out of the Arctic.
established.
This would leave the government with sole responsibility for ensuring that
Inuit received emergency relief in times of hardship and for providing them
with access to manufactured goods, including rifles.
The federal government began pursuing an internal policy of “inducing”
Inuit from areas deemed to be “overpopulated” to move to places where game
was thought to be more plentiful. Reinforcing this policy was a concurrent
Grise Fiord | 125
and paternalistic idea that Inuit not already heavily exposed to Qallunaat
they would be protected against everybody—except of course the
institutions and ways of life would be better off living farther away from
government. I asked who would protect them against the govern-
Qallunaat influences. Relocating Inuit to keep them relatively isolated with
ment but this was of course assumed to be a joke.
easier access to game would help the government prevent rising costs
This load of furs
represents a full
season’s trapping for
this Eastern Arctic
Inuit family
nwt archives
associated with Inuit “dependence” on government relief services. As gov-
A parallel view also held that colonization of the High Arctic by Inuit
ernment official Graham Rowley stated in a memorandum concerning a
would help assert Canadian sovereignty over the area. The United States
relocation plan to Arviat on Hudson Bay:
had increased its presence in the Canadian North during the Second World
War. In the postwar period, it had started building an equally strong mili-
So far as I can determine the idea is to get Eskimos and to put
tary and scientific presence. In reporting on its inquiry into the history of
them where nobody else can get to them, no [Hudson Bay] com-
the High Arctic Relocations, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples
pany, no missions, only a benevolent Administration. In this way
(RCAP) explained:
This is not to say that sovereignty was necessarily of equal rank
with the economic concerns that drove the relocation. It is to say,
however, that sovereignty was a factor that, in the minds of some
people who played key roles in the project, reinforced and supported the relocation and contributed to the attractiveness in their
minds of a relocation to uninhabited islands in the High Arctic.
Crucial to the relocation plan was the presence of RCMP detachments.
Police officers could provide supplies and help to Inuit, monitor the success
of the experiment, and represent a strong Canadian presence.
The government first tried High Arctic relocations in 1934 when ten
families from Cape Dorset, Pangnirtung, and Pond Inlet were relocated to
Dundas Harbour, on Devon Island, and placed under the care of the HBC.
The experiment was short-lived, as the HBC considered the environment
too severe and the relocated families were dissatisfied with life there. The
relocatees were later transferred to Arctic Bay and Fort Ross. The RCMP
also attempted seasonal relocations in the early 1950s near the community of Inukjuak. Inuit hunters were persuaded to move to the nearby King
George Islands and Sleeper Islands on the Belchers during the fall months
Grise Fiord | 127
and Craig Harbour and Bache Peninsula on Ellesmere Island, were chosen
as potential relocation sites. They were purported to be plentiful in game,
although no wildlife studies had been conducted there and no Inuit had
permanently resided in the area for centuries. Bache Peninsula was eventually abandoned as a potential location because the site was too difficult to
access.
The Inuit targeted for relocation were those living in northern Quebec,
specifically the Inukjuak area. Officials reported that people in Inukjuak were
having difficulty sustaining themselves due to a lack of sufficient game, but
the problems they faced were more complicated than that. Northern Quebec
had seen multiple trade companies vying for Inuit customers for decades. As
a result, the companies competed with one another by offering high prices
for fur, low prices for goods, and easy credit. As a result, people were spending more time trapping for trade while increasing their dependency on storebought food and clothes purchased on credit against social benefits, especially
family allowance. They lived near or in settlements, and often their children
attended school. Therefore, when fur prices dropped, the number of people
struggling to pay for food and other necessities alarmed the government.
When making decisions about relocating Inuit, however, evidence
firmly points to the fact that Inuit were never fully informed of options or
potential consequences. The question of consent in the High Arctic relocations is a contentious issue. Inuit were reluctant to relocate for many reasons, including the rational fear of losing a connection to their homeland.
Although the government and RCMP referred to the relocatees as “volunteers,” the selection of families fell to individual officers. The government
expected that “resourceful trappers” would be chosen or volunteer for relo-
RCMP boat on dry
ground, Grise Fiord,
July 1961
in order to diminish pressure on local game. The local RCMP considered
cations. Evidence shows, however, that families who were the most depen-
this short-term, short-distance relocation program a success, but the gov-
dent on government assistance were more likely to be relocated.
nwt archives
In 1952, the Canadian government decided to make another attempt at
Inuit Association (QIA) and the Qikiqtani Truth Commission (QTC) show
permanent relocation to the High Arctic. Resolute Bay on Cornwallis Island,
that Inuit were afraid of the RCMP officers and felt pressured to move.
ernment remained concerned about access to game in the Inukjuak area.
Oral testimonies from RCAP and testimonies collected by the Qikiqtani
Grise Fiord | 129
George Eckalook, whose family was relocated from Inukjuak in 1955, told
Howe, and all the women started to cry. And when women start to
the QIA that his parents at first “did not agree to the move but later on
cry, the dogs join in. It was eerie.
they agreed but in their hearts, they were reluctant to leave . . . We left our
relatives, close relatives.” Simeonie Amagoalik, also from Inukjuak, told the
The following month, two more families originally destined for Cape
QIA that he felt pressured to relocate as well. “It seemed like I had no other
Herschel, one from Inukjuak and the other from Pond Inlet, were dropped
choice but to say yes.” Many people remember receiving little or no detail
off at Craig Harbour. Shortly thereafter, everyone was moved to the Lind-
on the way the relocations would work, especially that families were going
strom Peninsula, approximately 70 kilometres west of the detachment and
to be divided between different communities. These factors strongly negate
8 kilometres west of present-day Grise Fiord. Constable Sargent stated in
the idea of a voluntary move.
his December 1953 report to “G” Division that the Lindstrom Peninsula
Some government agents were concerned from the outset that the re-
location was chosen because it reduced the possibility of Inuit becoming
location experiments might not work. To alleviate their concerns, Alexander
dependent on the RCMP, but also allowed some contact. He also felt the
Stevenson, the Federal Administrator of the Arctic, stated that, if after two
site was located a reasonable distance from the caribou herds, which he felt
years relocatees were “dissatisfied or unhappy in their new environment
would be at risk from overhunting by Inuit.
they could return to Port Harrison [Inukjuak].” The RCMP involved in the
The families from Pond Inlet were included in the relocation because
planning and implementation of the relocation made a similar promise.
the government felt that they would be able to help the Itivimiut families
Henry Larsen, the Officer Commanding “G” Division (the Arctic Division),
adapt to a more northern environment. It is important to remember how
promised, “families will be brought home at the end of one year if they so
different life in the High Arctic was from northern Quebec. The distance
desire.” These promises were never honoured. It was not until 1996, follow-
between Inukjuak and Grise Fiord was more than 2,200 kilometres. Grise
ing the RCAP recommendations and other political initiatives that relocat-
Fiord also experienced three months of total darkness, much more extreme
ees were given compensation and an opportunity to be returned home.
temperatures, different ice and snow conditions, and different animal pat-
On August 29, 1953, six Inuit families arrived at Craig Harbour with
terns. In northern Quebec, some wood was available for building supplies
their qimmiit and personal possessions, accompanied by RCMP Constable
and for fuel. Itivimiut had also been accustomed to attending school, wor-
G. K. Sargent. Craig Harbour was the first stop for the ship C. D. Howe, and
shipping, trading, and receiving medical care within developed settlements.
the first point at which the relocatees were told they would be separated.
Pond Inlet, only 433 kilometres away from Grise Fiord, was well above the
John Amagoalik, who was later dropped off at Resolute, recalled the arrival
tree line and had a similar climate to Grise Fiord, and there most Tununir-
at Craig Harbour:
miut still resided in ilagiit nunagivaktangit. Tununirmiut also had some
experience with full-winter darkness.
When we got near [Craig Harbour] the RCMP came to us and
Nevertheless, both groups struggled from the moment they arrived.
they told us; half of you have to get off here. And we just went into
Many people remember the shock they felt when they realized that there
a panic because they had promised that they would not separate
were no supplies available to help them set up. Larry Audlaluk recalled for
us . . . I remember we were all on the deck of the ship, the C. D.
the RCAP report an argument between his uncle and the RCMP over the
Grise Fiord | 131
lack of boats available for hunting. He recounted that his father had been
liable to a $5,000 fine or be arrested if you kill any musk-ox.” He
told not to worry about bringing anything, to just pack tents and personal
wonders why the police even bothered mentioning caribou and
possessions. Samuel Arnakallak, from Pond Inlet, shared a similar memory
musk-ox and the plentifulness of these animals when they were
in the RCAP report:
trying to recruit people.
All the people who went to Craig Harbour were used to being sup-
Obtaining fresh water also proved difficult for the new arrivals. Fresh
plied with the white man’s trade goods and had not brought much
water had to be obtained from the sea ice because the area’s geography
from their original homes. They were under the impression that
made it very difficult to draw water from lakes or rivers. It took a long time
they were going to a land of plenty where everything was going
for everyone, especially people from Inukjuak who had previously had easy
to be provided. If they had been told they had to bring their own
access to drinking water, to learn how to recognize non-salt water among
supplies, they would have done so. As it was, they were very poorly
the ice pieces on the sea.
supplied because no one told them that they would have to fend
Limited supplies of caribou hide for clothing, inadequate ammunition
for themselves. When they first pitched their tents at Craig Har-
supplies, cold temperatures, and three months of total darkness that began
bour, they did not have any light. They had a stone stove but no
only two months after their arrival compounded the effects on the relocat-
light to eat by. One man had a flashlight and he used his flashlight
ees. Elijah Nutaraq told Makivik News in 1989:
when they were having a meal. Then the flashlight was passed
from shelter to shelter so that people could eat.
I assumed that the far north had the same terrain as the Inukjuak
area. It turned out that the land was not the same, and that the
People also had difficulty finding food as they adapted to the new envi-
sun behaved differently in those latitudes. . . . It got darker and
ronment, different ice conditions, and hunting regulations. Itivimiut were
eventually disappeared for good in November. . . . We couldn’t get
also accustomed to a varied subsistence diet that included birds and their
used to the never-ending darkness.
eggs, fish, whales, seals, walrus, and caribou. When the relocated families
arrived in Grise Fiord in September, they faced strict restrictions on caribou
The dark period was especially hard on the women and children as they
and muskox hunting. Samwillie Elijasialak’s experiences were also summa-
were confined to the settlement. Anna Nungaq shared her memory of her first
rized in the RCAP report:
experience with such long periods of darkness in a 1989 interview. “Practically
for a year I slept very little, because I was so scared, threatened . . . It is also
His mother and his father told him what they were promised. They
very, very cold. Because I had never been in a place where there is no day-
were promised plentiful caribou in the new land . . . What they
light at all, I was so scared and thought there would never be light again.”
found was very different. They were told right off that, “you can
The first years on the Lindstrom Peninsula were characterized by
only catch one caribou per year for your family. That’s the regula-
change and uncertainty. Added to all of these challenges were the loss of
tion.” And that, “you are not allowed to kill any musk-ox. You are
friendships and kinships with the move and the cultural and language
Grise Fiord | 133
differences between Itivimiut and Tununirmiut. Many of the families from
distinct dialects, and separate tastes had led each group to hold the other in
Pond Inlet had been told that the people from Inukjuak were poor and used
low esteem. By 1958, the Inukjuak families had moved to a new site 3 kilo-
to living on relief, but Itivimiut did not consider themselves to be poor or in
metres away. Both groups tried to augment their numbers by encouraging
need. On top of this was the expectation by relocatees from Pond Inlet that
family and friends to move to Grise Fiord. Former RCMP officer Terry Jen-
they would be compensated for helping the Itivimiut adapt to the northern
kin shared his view of the community in 1962, the year that he was posted
environment. No payment was ever received, which likely fuelled resent-
to Grise Fiord. “What it boiled down to was that there were two groups but
ment over the relocations and the situation in which they found themselves.
there was no fighting, just not a lot of interaction as there would have been
One anthropologist recorded that “indifference, ridicule, and even hostility
if they had been from the same community.” For Jenkin, the divisions were
were not uncommon features of intergroup relations.”
overemphasized by some observers.
The following spring, many families expressed an interest in leaving.
As news drifted south about the apparent success of the settlement at
They were given assurances that they would be allowed to return to their
Grise Fiord, more families from Pond Inlet, Inukjuak, and even Pangnir-
homes in Inukjuak or Pond Inlet after a year or two if they did not like the
tung and Baffin Island moved north. In 1955, two more Itivimiut families
new location. Many people remember this promise being made. Unfortu-
were moved to Grise Fiord as part of the same relocation program; however,
nately, it was never considered as a serious option by the government, who
one family would not arrive until 1957 after being delayed at Arctic Bay.
wanted to see the relocations succeed. Samwillie Elijasialak recalled:
Similar to those that had come before them, the new families were disappointed with what they found on their arrival. Rynee Flaherty, who ar-
When our parents attempted to make the case for returning, they
rived with her husband and children from Inukjuak, told the QTC that her
were told outright that there’s no possible way for them to ever go
first impression of the settlement was that “there was absolutely nothing up
back and in fact some government officials said, “If you want to re-
there.”
turn, you are going to have to find other people to take your place
During the 1950s, the RCMP remained the primary contact for Inuit
before we allow you to go back.” This was said by people where no
with the Canadian government. In 1956, they moved their post closer to
appeal was available to a higher authority.
the Lindstrom Peninsula settlement, establishing a detachment at Grise
Fiord. They felt that the mountains would provide additional shelter from
A few years later, RCMP claimed that people were no longer requesting
the winds. In early 1960, the RCMP reported four Tununirmiut families liv-
to go home, but were interested in having their family and friends join them
ing at the original Lindstrom Peninsula settlement, eight Itivimiut families
in Grise Fiord. However, there is much evidence that life remained difficult
living at the new break-off settlement nearby, and two families living at the
for the relocatees. Within the first year, an Itivimiut Elder had been ap-
Grise Fiord location.
pointed camp leader by the RCMP. Unfortunately, he died of a heart attack
Unlike other Inuit communities, the relocatees also had to adjust to the
during his first year. A lack of a good leader increased divisions between the
fact that there was no HBC post nearby. A small trading store was estab-
two groups, and as a result, the settlement suffered. By 1955, discussions
lished next to the RCMP detachment at Craig Harbour during the summer
about dividing the settlement were already taking place. Different beliefs,
of 1954, and had moved to the new location at Grise Fiord in 1956. An Inuk,
Grise Fiord | 135
Thomasie Amagoalik, was responsible for looking after the store, while the
RCMP handled the bookwork. Unfortunately, the store was poorly supplied
and often ran out of materials and goods, as Rynee Flaherty remembered in
the RCAP report.
They were dumped in a place where there was no grocery, no milk
and her youngest son, Peter, almost starved to death because she
was not breast feeding him. She tried to make formula for him by
mixing flour with water . . . In the spring, there was no flour, no
milk, no sugar and she could only feed her little son small pieces
RCMP constable
examining harp seal
skin with Aksakjuk in
front of co-op store,
Grise Fiord, 1967
of seal meat. When the C.D. Howe would come, it would stay only
for a few hours and would drop just a few supplies that were supposed to be used for the whole year . . . She still cries about how she
almost starved her son.
During the late 1950s, drastic declines in caribou accompanied by a
nwt archives
decline in fox numbers resulted in the RCMP encouraging more carving
and the making of handicrafts in an attempt to supplement Aujuitturmiut
incomes. A supply of stone was shipped each year on the C. D. Howe, but
most years the rocks that were received were of very poor quality and were
unusable. By 1959, the RCMP reported that more money was being brought
in from people making articles “pertaining to their old mode of life,” such
as kayaks, snow goggles, bow drills, fishing spears, bow-and-arrow sets, and
harpoons. In December 1960, the Grise Fiord Eskimo Co-operative Lim-
I really enjoyed my year at Grise Fiord. It had two regular police
ited was formed. It took over the old store in March 1961. An Inuk, Ak-
and two special constables, and ten to twelve other families. It was
paleeapik, was elected president, but an RCMP member continued to serve
a good community. They did not have the prosperity of Resolute.
as secretary-treasurer because the RCMP wanted to keep control over the
They were hunters and trappers. I operated the Inuit co-op store.
bookkeeping and regulate people’s spending.
I didn’t have any training for this. I learned on the job. We had to
For Terry Jenkin, the community was welcoming and interesting. He
told the QTC:
order our supplies in; we might have had some guidelines. We ordered our supplies and asked locals what they like and what they
could afford. The difference with Resolute was the wage economy
Grise Fiord | 137
and goods to trade. One could order things through mail order.
and the weather was milder than in other locations. It was also the only
Grise Fiord could not do that. They only had government allow-
location, aside from Craig Harbour, that provided a suitable approach for
ance, and hunting and trapping.
supply ships. The RCMP conducted a survey among Aujuitturmiut families
and all agreed that the school should be built at Grise Fiord and that they
would move their families to the area. Terry Jenkin recalled for the QTC
that, “in my memory, it was almost our decision locally that we should be
1960–1975
together. We made the proposal by radio, and I think we got approval and
everyone came together at the main settlement.”
The school was opened in 1962 and had one permanent teacher on
staff. By the end of the year, the RCMP reported that students were attending regularly and that two nights a week there were classes in the construction of handicrafts available for adults. The school building was also used
as a community centre, where weekly dances and movies were hosted, as
Despite the hardships faced, and in spite of the cultural and physical di-
well as the weekly Girl Guide and Wolf Cub meetings. Over the next couple
vides in the community, the relocatees at Grise Fiord continued to adapt to
of years, more adult education classes were started in sewing, cooking, and
their new environment. By the early 1960s, newcomers and natural popu-
art. A second classroom was constructed in 1968, and by 1969, a second
lation increases had boosted the population of the area to seventy people,
permanent teacher had arrived.
including two RCMP officers and two Inuit special constables living at Grise
Since 1953, and the arrival of the first relocatees, health care had been
Fiord. At this time, there was a change in government attitudes towards
a challenge. Generally, day-to-day health care was the responsibility of the
Inuit across Canada’s Arctic. Officials and politicians developed a newfound
RCMP who regularly radioed Pangnirtung for advice. The C.D. Howe also
interest in what they termed the “welfare” of Inuit, and throughout the next
visited the settlement once a year to conduct examinations. The isolation
two decades a number of government programs aimed at education, health
of the community always became apparent whenever there was a medi-
care, and housing were introduced.
cal emergency or outbreak. In 1959, an Inuk man became ill with stom-
A federal day school was sent to Ellesmere Island in 1961; however,
ach problems. After consulting with Pangnirtung, the RCMP arranged for
the government had provided no indication as to where the school should
immediate evacuation via an RCAF aircraft from Goose Bay, Labrador.
be built. The RCMP recommended the school be constructed at the Grise
The plane arrived two days after the illness had been reported, remained
Fiord location because it was the only area with suitable land for further
overnight, and left the next day with the patient, who went on to make a
expansion. They recognized that, with the extreme temperatures and the
satisfactory recovery. While, in this instance, response times had proved to
long dark period, wherever the school was built would have to be able to
be reasonable, the reliance on outside help was not always so efficient. In
support the movement of the entire population, as it would be too danger-
1960, an epidemic of whooping cough caused one death and the serious
ous for students to commute. Grise Fiord had a good water supply nearby
illness of six children. Because of radio problems, the RCMP could not
contact Resolute for help. An American camp in Greenland picked up the
signal, but could not reach the community due to poor weather conditions.
Eventually, a doctor and medication was flown in from Ottawa. This event
triggered a series of memos in October and November of 1960 from the
Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources discussing the difficulties the department was encountering getting medical attention and
supplies to Grise Fiord. Unfortunately, there were no immediate solutions.
The RCMP continued to handle daily health care issues and emergencies,
and medical staff on the C.D. Howe continued to be the only real health care
contact for Aujuitturmiut until a nurse arrived in 1971.
Another major challenge for the relocated families was housing. The
RCMP had expected the relocatees to build “traditional” homes from natural
materials, but the Itivimiut had no experience with using stone and sod for
building shelters. Even the Tununirmiut were used to having some access to
opposite page:
Paulassie’s wife, Anna,
with three daughters
on steps of new house
at Grise Fiord, 1967
wood. On top of that, snow conditions were different on Ellesmere Island,
nwt archives
imported buffalo and reindeer hides attained from the local RCMP-run store.
making the construction of snow houses difficult. Between 1953 and 1955,
scrap lumber was scavenged from the RCMP detachment at Craig Harbour
and used to supplement canvas and local materials for houses. The houses
were heated with seal-oil lamps and insulated with local plant material and
In 1959, the AANDC granted loans to five families to purchase housing. The loans were part of the Eskimo Loan Fund, set up in 1952. That year
five low-cost permanent housing units were shipped to Grise Fiord and the
Lindstrom Peninsula. When Itivimiut and Tununirmiut moved their perspective settlements to Grise Fiord in 1961, they each set up their houses
on opposite sides of the RCMP buildings, thereby maintaining a division
even in the new settlement. At the same time, five additional houses were
constructed, bringing the total number of houses to ten. The houses were
generally 12 feet by 16 feet, and were expected to house five to six people.
Not only were the new accommodations incredibly cramped, but five of the
houses had been constructed without chimneys because the proper sup-
Grise Fiord | 139
Grise Fiord | 141
plies had not been received. By 1962, only one Inuk, Samwillie Elijasialak,
were widely frowned upon and generally resisted. Aujuitturmiut often
had opted to live in a makeshift house he constructed from scrap materials
looked for spouses in Resolute, especially people originally from Inukjuak,
rather than purchase a house via the Eskimo Loan Fund. In 1964, all of the
as that was the closest location where they could find potential matches
houses were again moved into one row on the east side of the police and
from their hometown. At the same time, Inuit also moved to Grise Fiord
school buildings. Even at this point though, the families from Inukjuak and
from other parts of Qikiqtaaluk in order to be with friends and family who
those from Pond Inlet set up their homes at a distance from one another.
had relocated earlier.
They continued to remain separate within the settlement.
In the 1960s, the RCMP began reporting more on the divisions that
In an attempt to deal with the issues of overcrowding within houses,
were affecting the community. They especially drew attention to the lack
the AANDC erected seven prefabricated three-bedroom houses in 1966.
of leadership and the problems it entailed. In their 1967 report the RCMP
The average rent was $16 a month, and included electricity, heating, fuel,
explain that:
and garbage removal. The old houses were dismantled or converted into
workshops. By the following year, the population of Grise Fiord had reached
The greatest obstacle locally to morale is the noticeable division
ninety-one, and all of the families were living in three-bedroom houses.
between the Pond Inlet and Port Harrison [Inukjuak] Eskimo.
No form of leadership is evident with this division and no one Es-
kimo is willing to make decisions affecting the community. Having a representative from each group results in no communication
between representatives and again no decision being made. This
The population of Grise Fiord shifted throughout 1960s and 1970s. Some
greatly hampers any community projects wherein the Eskimo is
Inuit left Grise Fiord in search of wage employment; others left in search of
encouraged to organize, decide and produce results using his own
spouses. Many Aujuitturmiut often requested to move to Resolute, as they
initiative.
were interested in the development and the comforts it afforded, as well as
the many opportunities for wage employment. During the spring of 1959, a
Nevertheless, during the 1960s, Aujuitturmiut from both groups be-
family from Grise Fiord had been temporarily trapped at Resolute during a
gan to exert influence over the development of local affairs by forming a
measles outbreak and had decided to stay. This decision prompted a reac-
housing committee and local community groups. The housing committee
tion on the part of the RCMP who felt that if they agreed to let one family
at Grise Fiord was, from its start, an all-Inuit committee, which was sig-
move, the rest would want to follow suit. This problem continued plaguing
nificant for the community. It was the first time Aujuitturmiut were acting
the RCMP throughout the 1960s and 1970s as they continued to dissuade
free from outside Qallunaat influences. In 1967, Grise Fiord hunters were
people from leaving Grise Fiord.
at the forefront of successful challenges to federal sport-hunting permits
In addition, Aujuitturmiut often had to look outside the community
for muskox and worked to increase their quotas for polar bears. In 1969,
for spouses because marriage partners were limited in Grise Fiord. This was
the Northwest Territories government gave the Grise Fiord hunters an an-
exacerbated by the fact that marriages between Itivimiut and Tununirmiut
nual muskox quota of twelve, which was later raised to twenty in 1973.
Grise Fiord | 143
Also by 1973, Grise Fiord hunters had attained a quota of thirty-two polar
Many hunters had to resort to hunting at seal-holes in all temperatures
bears. During the 1970s, Grise Fiord residents also spoke out against the
in order to get enough food after the construction season was over. By 1970,
expansion of mineral and oil exploration. They often criticized the nega-
the economy had shifted and the largest portion of income now came from
tive impacts seismic testing would have on local animal populations and
wage earnings. By 1972, all men had wage employment and only hunted on
the government’s failure to conduct proper studies or consult with local
evenings and weekends by snowmobile or boat.
Wage employment was slow to develop in Grise Fiord. Up until the
tion to Inuit life and hunting patterns. Qimmiit were essential to their mo-
Young Inuit boy
holding two walrus
tusks at Grise Fiord,
1967
1960s, the economy had been firmly rooted in hunting and trapping, sup-
bility and an integral aspect of everyday life so the unexpected and violent
nwt archives
plemented by the sale of carvings and handicrafts. In 1961, with the ar-
loss of a man’s qimmiit was a painful wound.
residents.
The shooting of qimmiit by authorities also resulted in a clear disrup-
rival of the school and housing, a small construction program was started
Dog teams in Grise Fiord were large (about ten qimmiit) and gen-
to provide temporary wage employment. While the construction program
erally healthy, according to RCMP reports in the early 1960s. With the
provided limited additional income, the community’s economy continued
exception of two qimmiit that tested positive for rabies in 1965, there
to remain solidly grounded in hunting and trapping until the mid-1960s.
By 1965, only three Inuit were employed full time, two as special constables
and one as a school janitor.
By 1967, however, many men were moving between temporary wage
employment and hunting. The arrival of houses for construction often provided all the men with temporary employment. Inconveniently, the ship
carrying the supplies arrived in August, the same time that the ice broke
up allowing canoes and boats access to the water for hunting. As the RCMP
reported in 1967:
Following the sealift, naturally all available men were hired to
haul and store the incoming supplies. Construction of local houses
then started and carried through September and October. All men
were hired. September, being the only month when seal, whale
and walrus are readily available in great numbers, passed with the
men being torn between making as much money as possible on
the construction project or hunting for their needs. Work on construction took precedence.
Grise Fiord | 145
was no evidence of serious disease among qimmiit populations in Grise
shooting the dogs. After he shot the dogs that were tied up, he
Fiord. Between 1964 and 1967, the RCMP reported inoculating around
never said a word to us or anybody in the house. Nobody came
160 animals.
to tell us why the dogs were being shot. Although I was a child, I
As well, RCMP rarely commented on a “dog problem” in Grise Fiord,
which may have been due to low number of Qallunaat living in the settle-
remember this part because I saw it myself. Those dogs were very
dear to us. It was very painful.
ment. As part of the Ordinance Respecting Dogs, qimmiit were required to
People in skin clothing
with dog team and two
qamutiks outside coop trading store.
nwt archives
be tied up at all times. Nonetheless, Jopee Kiguktak explained to the QTC
Kiguktak believes that qimmiit may have been shot because the gov-
that “loose dogs were always shot.” Other qimmiit appear to have been shot
ernment wanted people to switch to snowmobiles. He noted that after the
without any explanation. Jarloo Kiguktak told the QTC in 2008 about the
killings, his father “had no choice but to try to purchase a Ski-Doo.” As men-
day his father’s qimmiit were killed:
tioned, the RCMP provide no explanation for the shootings in their reports;
rather, they briefly noted a small decline in the number of qimmiit in one
When my father and I were in the house, we heard some shoot-
year, from 1966 to 1967, and reported in 1967 that “the dogs saw little work
ings. . . . We looked through the window and saw the police were
and were used as stand-bys to the skidoo [sic]. Hunters not owning skidoos
would team with skidoo owners to check their traplines [sic].”
By 1967, the RCMP noted five snowmobiles had been purchased by
local hunters. Additional machines had been supplied to the RCMP and
the two Inuit special constables. The following year, the RCMP reported
sixteen snowmobiles in the community, and that they had ceased keeping
dog teams themselves. Some hunters, however, continued to rely almost exclusively on qimmiit.
Some people found there were benefits to hunting with snowmobiles
rather than with dog teams. Snowmobiles allowed hunters to find distant
caribou more quickly, to check traplines using headlamps during the dark
season, and to collect fresh-water ice more efficiently. The RCMP explained:
A trip by skidoo was made to Baumann Fiord in October for caribou hunting. Ten caribou were shot and five were immediately
brought back to the settlement. A later skidoo trip retrieved the
remainder of the meat. This trip, which took 10-11 days by dog
team in the past, can be made by skidoo in 3 days.
Grise Fiord | 147
While owning a snowmobile also meant that a hunter no longer needed
before and during the period of the RCAP report on the High Arctic reloca-
to hunt for qimmiit food, there were downsides to using snowmobiles as well.
tions, the federal government stood firm on its position that the relocation
They often broke down and had very short life expectancies compared to qim-
was a success. Nevertheless, relocatees continued to press the case that they
miit. In an article published in Inukshuk newspaper, the author noted that:
unwittingly participated in an ill-conceived “experiment” and demanded
acknowledgement of wrongdoing on the part of the government. In 1996,
When someone goes far away for a hunt usually two people go
the Canadian government signed a memorandum of agreement with the
together. We have this tradition that when someone goes out far
Makivik Corporation acknowledging the contributions of the relocated In-
away we do not want to see them alone as one skidoo might get
uit to a “Canadian presence” in the High Arctic and the “hardship, suffering
broken. Then if that happens they can always use the other and
and loss” encountered during the initial years of the relocation. While the
just put the broken machine on the sled.
Agreement led to $10 million being awarded to the survivors of the relocation, the government refused to issue a formal apology. Many people in
At the same time, the costs associated with snowmobile ownership
Grise Fiord, as well as others who were relocated as part of the government
were much higher than those associated with owning qimmiit. Between
programs, are still waiting for this apology. Larry Audlaluk spoke to the
1965 and 1967, before many people had purchased snowmobiles, the aver-
QTC in 2008 about the importance of receiving an apology.
age cash income of a hunter from the sale of furs was around $550, with
expenses of approximately $572. Between 1969 and 1972, the annual in-
The bottom line is that we are seeking an apology . . . What still
come from furs had increased to $890, but expenses had jumped to $1,846,
hurts me as a survivor is that what we know and claim today is
due primarily to the use and ownership of snowmobiles. While snowmo-
still not fully acknowledged by the federal government, [and] the
biles definitely shortened the travel and harvesting times, and eliminated
biggest problem was that the plan was done so poorly.
the need to hunt for qimmiit food, the costs associated with owning one of
the machines often outweighed their benefits. Nevertheless, snowmobiles
This history does not change for him, however, the fact that Grise Fiord
facilitated a transition from a hunting-and-trapping-based economy to a
is his home. “We are not hesitant to be here; we are determined to stay here
wage-based economy during the late 1960s, early 1970s.
and make it our home . . . We have earned our right to stay.” Today, Grise
While some people had grown confident in their abilities to live in
Fiord remains a community defined, in part, by the experiences of the relo-
what had, at first, been an incredibly unfamiliar and difficult environment,
cation. As Martha Flaherty told the QTC, “There is a lot of healing to do yet
others never forgot the impact of the High Arctic relocation programs. As
with people who were separated and relocated. There is so much unfinished
Rynee Flaherty told the QTC, life in Grise Fiord had become “a lifestyle. It
business. We need a lot of healing. If we don’t do it now I don’t know what
became home.” For others, however, it would never be home. During the
is going to happen.”
1970s and into the 1980s, many people petitioned the government to return to Inukjuak or Pond Inlet. In 1988, the government paid for many to
return home. During investigations in the 1990s into the relocations, both
Hall
Beach
Sanirajak
T
he history of Hall Beach, known locally as Sanirajak, is a story of
dramatic change in the lives of Inuit. The people in the area, which is
centred on Foxe Basin, are known as Ammiturmiut. For thousands
of years, the region was home to numerous multi-family groups whose traditional territory had abundant marine mammals and other food resources.
They lived in seasonal ilagiit nunagivaktangit, which allowed them to move
to follow game. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the lives and
movements of Ammiturmiut changed. They began to trade further north at
Pond Inlet and south at Repulse Bay. In the 1930s, Qallunaat established an
Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) post and two Christian missions in the heart
of the region on Igloolik Island. In 1955, the southern part of the region
witnessed the building of a main Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line site 70
kilometres south of Igloolik, at Hall Beach. In a short time, this transformed
annual routines along that part of the coast.
| 149
Hall Beach | 151
By 1958, Inuit had gathered in two large new settlements near the DEW
debate about whether to move government offices to Hall Beach from other
Line station. The federal government initially resisted providing services
parts of the territory. The discussions likely delayed decision-making about
here to Inuit. The Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources
other services even further. The RCMP, for instance, only established a de-
(now Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada, AANDC) re-
tachment in Hall Beach in 1987, despite repeated requests from the com-
luctantly provided houses, a civilian nursing station, and a school in the
munity for a police presence.
settlement. By the time the school opened in 1967, the area’s population was
237. This figure probably includes the combined population of the DEW
Line station and the Hall Beach settlement.
Between 1950 and 1975, Hall Beach faced many hurdles in obtaining
access to services that were a normal part of Canadian life, such as housing,
economic opportunities, telecommunications, schools, and health care. The
federal government generally viewed the settlement as a support unit for
military and transportation installations, not as a community in the full-
Hall Beach sits on the shoreline of Melville Peninsula on a long, flat beach
est sense of the word. In 1966, for instance, several years after stating that
located on the western shore of Foxe Basin. The people of Foxe Basin, the
the site would hold no attraction for Inuit, the government entered into a
Ammiturmiut, are bound to the land, water, and ice of the region through
seasonal migrations, kinship, and environmental understanding. Prior to
centralization, Inuit in the region moved around the area, congregating at
various points during the year. Into the 1970s, many Ammiturmiut families
still lived part of the year on the land, with the exception of those working
full time. An RCMP game report from the 1970s describes this: “Many of
the hunters who are not steadily employed move out to camps during the
summer where the hunting and fishing is more favourable.”
It is difficult to separate the history of Hall Beach from the history of
the island and community of Igloolik. The Ammiturmiut territory is generally centred on the island of Igloolik and stretches around and across Foxe
Basin as far south as Piling Bay, south down the west shore of Foxe Basin to
Hall Beach
Cape Penryhn, across to the west coast of Melville Peninsula, and onto the
tim kalusha
main land shore of Baffin Island around Agu Bay on Prince Regent Inlet.
By water, the access points to Foxe Basin are Fury and Hecla Strait on
the northwestern edge of the basin, and Foxe Channel on the southern edge
of the basin. The importance of sea ice to the region’s settlement and con-
Hall Beach | 153
The Ammiturmiut followed a seasonal hunting round. In December
and February, men hunted at ringed seal holes in thick sea ice. As the days
became longer, hunting activity increased. Inuit moved onto the ice to hunt
ringed seal and walrus; two large sea-ice villages were usually constructed,
one near Igloolik Island and the other near Foster Bay. As spring arrived,
the families moved to the shoreline, continued hunting ringed seal and walrus, and began travelling inland to hunt caribou. In the summer months,
July and August, the hunting of caribou inland intensified to find summer
hides best suited for clothing. In September and October, the ice began to
freeze over and the days became shorter. People finished their preparations
for winter and began moving into their winter dwellings.
The Ammiturmiut culture had adapted over centuries to the unique
challenges of Foxe Basin. Their understanding of weather patterns, animal activities, and astronomy were integrated into everyday lives through
stories, a rich cosmology, and spiritual beliefs. Interaction with nature was
based on a great respect for and inherent understanding of the animals of
the land and sea. Hubert Amarualik spoke eloquently of this to researchers
in 1993:
A land could only be occupied for three years. No one can live on
this land beyond the three years . . . That was the way they lived,
left to right:
Map of Hall Beach
location:
Map of Foxe Basin
ilagiit nunagivaktangit
and services, 1970
tact history is paramount. Two significant sea currents flow into Foxe Basin.
always moving to another [place], never occupying one land be-
This results in loose sea ice packing huge areas of the basin each year. Foxe
yond three winters. . . . The land itself was prevented from “rotting”
Basin has both land-fast ice (ice that is “fastened” to the land) and drift ice
by this. Should one choose to occupy the land beyond three years,
(ice that floats in large chunks and is not attached to land). The land-fast
then they are bound to face peril, which might include death,
ice extends from some shorelines as much as 10 kilometres into the basin.
therefore they had to follow this rule.
The drift ice is characterized by its roughness and constant motion. New
ice forms during October. By November, Foxe Basin is completely covered
This knowledge led Ammiturmiut to move their winter ilagiit nunagi-
in ice. The ice starts melting in May or June, but it is not until August that
vaktangit from time to time, to give the land time to recuperate. The main
the ice begins to rapidly disintegrate, with only small patches of loose ice
places within the region were named Usuarjuk, Alarniq, Igloolik, Iqaluit,
remaining by September.
Qaiqsut, Iglurjuat, and Maniqtuuq. Iqaluit is located in the northwest of
Hall Beach | 155
Foxe Basin. The word “Iqaluit” in Inuktitut means “place of many fishes,”
Rasmussen, entered Foxe Basin from Repulse Bay. The expedition stayed
consequently many geographical places throughout Nunavut are known as
in the region until 1923, collecting information on settlement patterns and
Iqaluit.
seasonal activities. The seventh volume of the series, titled Intellectual
Culture of the Iglulik Eskimos, included a printed set of Inuit stories, poems,
Early Contacts
and customs recorded for the first time. Rasmussen’s understanding of Inuit
life provided a particularly sympathetic and richly nuanced interpretation
of Inuit culture. The works of Mathiassen on material culture and Rasmus-
The first documented visit by Europeans to Foxe Basin was in 1822–23,
sen on the intellectual culture of the Iglulingmiut are standard references
when English captains Parry and Lyon sailed their Royal Navy vessels HMS
for ethnographers interested in the life of Ammiturmiut and Iglulingmiut
Fury and HMS Hecla into the basin. Later, in 1867 and then in 1868, Amer-
before sustained contact with traders and missionaries.
ican explorer Charles Hall travelled to the area to investigate the fate of the
missing Third Franklin Expedition. Both times, Hall travelled by dogsled
north through Repulse Bay along the coastline. Most other early visitors to
the area reached northern Foxe Basin overland through Arctic Bay or Pond
Inlet because the water route to the area was often dangerous, and at times
The arrival of the whalers and the widespread use of firearms in northern
impassable, due to thick pack ice. An early Canadian Qallunaat encounter
Foxe Basin during the first half of the twentieth century changed the hunt-
occurred in 1913 when Alfred Tremblay, a member of Captain Joseph Ber-
ing, settlement, and mobility patterns of the Ammiturmiut. Firearms were
nier’s expedition, travelled to northern Foxe Basin by dog team during a
acquired by Ammiturmiut from whalers in the 1860s. Initially, the firearms
survey of the economic mineral potential of the Baffin Region. While these
were used as specialized tools for hunting particular species under specific
explorers demonstrate early points of contact between Inuit and Qallunaat,
conditions. For example, during the winter caribou hunt, when the white
the events also hold as memorable encounters integrated in Ammiturmiut
background and crunchy snow made stalking of the prey more difficult,
stories and histories.
firearms proved most useful. Until the 1930s, at least, the hunting of ringed
Unlike most Inuit in the Baffin Region, Ammiturmiut had to travel
great distances to have direct contact with the whaling ships working in the
seals and walrus involved both harpoons and firearms. The scarcity and
high cost of ammunition made firearms less appealing, though.
Eastern Arctic from 1820 until the early twentieth century. Despite this,
Again, due to limited contact with whalers, Ammiturmiut acquired
trade goods and hunting implements introduced by whalers were obtained
whaleboats much later than Inuit in other regions, especially Repulse Bay.
by the Ammiturmiut through trade with the Tununirmiut of northern Baf-
Ammiturmiut used skin boats instead. Inuit explain:
fin Island and the Aivilingmiut at Repulse Bay.
The next significant contact came about during the scientific explora-
People here did get wood to frame their boats. They would use it
tions of the 1920s. In 1922, the Fifth Thule Expedition, a party of Danish
to tow a walrus, and they made it so that it could carry a number
and Greenlandic scientists, ethnographers, and a mineralogist, led by Knud
of people. They used skins to cover the frames. They used bearded
Hall Beach | 157
seal skins for covering and walrus hide when it was torn. That is
Pangnirtung. The first recorded patrol to Foxe Basin came in 1923 when the
how it was when they began to use boats.
police arrived to retrieve witnesses for the Robert Janes murder trial held
in Pond Inlet. After this, RCMP attempted to patrol the Foxe Basin region
The introduction of sturdier wooden whaleboats had a significant im-
annually, thereby maintaining intermittent contact with Ammiturmiut.
pact on Ammiturmiut. The whaleboat “was a great convenience to [them]
Western religion arrived in the Foxe Basin in the early 1920s through
compared with the skin boats, right to the time when it got flexible because
Umik, an Inuk from Pond Inlet. He came to northern Foxe Basin preaching
of long use. It was able to haul in two walrus carcasses . . . Because [they]
a blend of Anglicanism and Inuit spirituality. A Roman Catholic mission
needed a lot of meat to survive, boats were important in the walrus-hunt.”
was built in 1931 at Avajuk, a site northeast of Igloolik Island. In 1937, the
The whaleboats eventually led to the abandonment of kayaks, as the whale-
church sent the ship the St. Thérèse to Igloolik Island, carrying the building
boats were more stable and allowed for greater visibility when hunting and
materials for a new mission station, which also became the first permanent
travelling. They also could carry more hunters and heavier loads. The whale-
Qallunaat settlement in northern Foxe Basin. Overall, the establishment of
boats increased both the hunting capacity and mobility of Ammiturmiut.
a mission on Igloolik Island had little impact on the hunting and migration
In 1919, the HBC opened a post at Repulse Bay, and in 1921, another at
patterns of Ammiturmiut, although some disabled and Elders chose to stay
Pond Inlet. The establishment of these permanent trading posts reinforced
near the mission. Over time, however, many Christian ideas were absorbed
existing patterns of trade and travel that were providing the Ammiturmiut
into Inuit culture, with shamanism continuing in parallel. With the overlay
with manufactured goods during the last decades of the whaling era. Inuit
of Canadian law on top of Christian ideas, many Inuit practices related to
wanting to acquire boats, guns, ammunition, foodstuffs, or other staples
marriage and kinship, including spouse exchange, disappeared. Addition-
were required to incorporate trapping into their traditional seasonal har-
ally, the rivalry between Roman Catholic leaders created social divisions.
vesting cycle and to visit the posts.
The HBC opened its first trading post in Foxe Basin at Igloolik in 1939.
The 1920s were important years in the history of Ammiturmiut. The
The store closed in 1943 because it could not be resupplied for two years,
introduction of new hunting and transportation technologies and the rise
but then reopened in 1947. The establishment of a store in the region meant
of fur trading affected seasonal patterns. People cached more food from the
that people could visit the post more often, no longer having to make the
summer walrus hunt and were able to live off these caches well into the win-
long sled patrols to either Pond Inlet or Repulse Bay.
ter. Anthropologist David Damas states that with the introduction of the
The period when fur traders were most active in the area, from the
whaleboat and firearms, the region went through the “stage of their greatest
1930s to 1950s, was a period of growing acculturation with little direct gov-
economic well being from the stand point of meat production.” The rich
ernment involvement. Inuit continued to hunt, but the introduction of new
resources of Foxe Basin attracted people from Pond Inlet and Repulse Bay
technologies affected traditional patterns of mobility and harvesting. The
during the 1920s and 1930s. Some estimates indicate that the population of
government relied on traders and missionaries to address the welfare of
Foxe Basin doubled during this period.
Inuit, while providing minimal interference in the direction of Inuit lives.
During the 1920s, Ammiturmiut also encountered the RCMP. The force
had established itself on Baffin Island in the early 1920s at Pond Inlet and
Not until the establishment of DEW Line sites in Foxe Basin in the 1950s,
would the government begin to play a more sustained role in region.
Hall Beach | 159
1955–1960
The DEW Line was a joint Canada-US project. It consisted of a series of
radar sites across Alaska, Canada, and Greenland to provide advance warning of an incoming air attack launched by the Soviet Union over the polar
region. At the time, it was considered the largest construction project ever
attempted anywhere.
The United States was responsible for the construction and operation
of the DEW Line. Canada played a support role in the selection of sites
and was responsible for operating them. Three types of sites were erected:
main, auxiliary, and intermediate. They were set approximately 80 kilometres apart. Intermediate sites quickly became obsolete and closed in 1963.
Hall Beach was selected as the location of a main site (known as FoxMain or Fox-M) due to its favourable geographical location. It had flat terrain close to fresh water. A stated drawback to developing Hall Beach was
the influence a station might have on the local population. Canadian officials worried that a sudden influx of a large number of Qallunaat might be
disastrous to the health of local Inuit, as well as to their economy and social
organization. Ammiturmiut were perhaps in the greatest danger, according
to a letter prepared by staff and signed off on by Deputy Minister Gordon
Robertson. “These sites will undoubtedly interfere considerably with the
Construction of Fox-Main began in the spring of 1955. Approximately
by the most prominent architectural firms in the United States. Even from
Beacon Station, 1955.
Southampton Island’s
east coast for convoy
to new DEW Line
site at Hall Beach
three hundred people and thousands of tons of supplies and equipment
southern perspectives, the DEW Line stations were seen as futuristic, fan-
nwt archives
were flown to Hall Beach. The amount of material needed to construct the
tastic, and even excessive.
Eskimos and with game resources . . . The site which is likely to have the
sites and provide ongoing service at the sites was staggering. Ground was
most serious effects is the main station at Hall Lake.” However, since no
levelled for a 1,500-metre airstrip. Towers, radar domes, warehouses, han-
other locations in the area met military objectives, no further objections
gars, garages, maintenance shops, a tank farm, housing, a recreation centre,
were raised to the selection of Hall Lake for development.
and a dining hall were constructed using new materials and designs created
David Kanatsiak remembers when the people first came to build the
DEW Line:
Hall Beach | 161
prescribe geographical limits surrounding a station beyond which
personnel associated with the project other than those locally engaged, may not go or may prohibit the entry of such personnel into
Hall Beach had no people then, the settlement was not formed
any defined area.
yet. My grandfather and I were traveling by dog team, going to
Igloolik and that time we saw only one tent. Sometime around
Some officials also expressed concern that local Inuit employed on a
May we moved here and there were a whole bunch of tents. They
DEW Line site might attract friends and families—“loiterers” was the com-
had made an airstrip on the sea ice in that little bay behind the
mon phrase—to the area. R. D. Van Norman, an RCMP constable then
site. Sometime in May or June, they started making an airstrip on
working for the AANDC, explained that few Inuit wanted employment:
the land. . . . The planes started coming non-stop, day and night.
The places were bringing supplies for the site. . . . Whenever we
They are happy and well fed now, game is plentiful and so forth.
passed through or visited we noticed the growth every time and
They live a completely good native life, not without its discom-
the big dome was built using a helicopter and the modules were
forts, but at least without the many problems which association
built, but they really started to grow after all the ships brought in
will bring. It will come in a few years, but I feel that we should
the supplies. They built the modules first, then after the sealift
just wait a little for these people. Discourage them from visiting
they built the radar system. One time, there were 16 ships in front
the sites and forbid the white from having any contact with them.
of Hall Beach, bringing in supplies.
Nevertheless, some local Inuit were happy to find temporary work at Fox
The project’s massive scale did not lead to a high rate of Inuit employ-
Main and to use the station as a potential source of revenue for their products.
ment. Government policy strongly encouraged contractors to use single
Joe Piallaq told Commissioner Igloliorte about working at the DEW Line
Inuit from outside regions. In Foxe Basin, contractors and base personnel
site, “We were mostly working on the barrels; putting fuels into their tents,
were forbidden to have contact with Inuit. Documents refer to the risk of
as they did not have any houses back then . . . If there was a plane coming in,
disease, but officials also had legitimate concerns about contractors and
we would put everything on the plane and get everything ready for the place.
military men having sexual relations with Inuit women. The section of the
We did mostly labour work. We did not work very long.” The money earned
Canada-US agreement relating to contact with Inuit read:
by Piallaq went towards purchasing a new tent and motor. Other Inuit sold
carvings and furs to base personnel or others passing through Fox-Main.
All contact with Eskimos, other than those whose employment on
Through employment, sales, and health care services provided by DEW
any aspect of the project is approved, is to be avoided except in
Line personnel, more Inuit from Foxe Basin came into close contact with
cases of emergency. If, in the opinion of [AANDC], more specific
Qallunaat. A publication produced by one of the contracting companies had
provision in this connection is necessary in any particular area,
a very optimistic view of the impact of the DEW Line on Inuit:
the Department may, after consultation with the United States,
Hall Beach | 163
airfields, medical help could come more easily in an emergency.
They were more in touch with the rest of Canada. They came to
know new kinds of food and clothing—a different kind of living
for themselves and their families. But above all, the DEW Line,
like the other industries of the Arctic, has broadened the Eskimo’s
horizon.
Hall Beach, 1960.
Cluster of radio
towers, two radio
dishes, buildings, and
a radar dome
The introduction of health services into the region, and the final
location chosen for the settlement, was a direct result of the DEW Line.
Originally, a nursing station was set up to provide health services to DEW
Line employees, and, for two years, the site provided medical treatment
to Ammiturmiut too. With access to a fully equipped military airfield, the
nursing station at Fox-Main became an important point of evacuation for
nwt archvies
Inuit from all over Foxe Basin travelling to and from the site. An Indian and
Northern Health Service (INHS) centre was constructed in 1957 or 1958,
but burned down before it ever opened. By 1959, the health centre had been
rebuilt about 5 kilometres from the radar station. This location would eventually become the Hamlet of Hall Beach.
One of the most significant impacts of the DEW Line on the material conditions of Ammiturmiut came as a result of the volume of material
shipped to the site. Excess goods, food, fuel, wood, clothing, building materials, and crating thrown out by the base were retrieved by resourceful
Those who worked on it learned a good deal, both by observation
Ammiturmiut. People hauled materials to distant ilagiit nunagivaktangit,
and through the help of sympathetic white men. They began to
including Igloolik, to construct shelters. Discarded food, or food left pur-
learn a bit of the language and they absorbed something of the life
posely for Inuit by kitchen staff, was consumed by people and qimmiit, de-
of the white man through being with him and watching his mov-
pending on its quality. John Alorot remembered, “The DEW Line used to throw
ies, or leafing through his magazines. Sometimes they could adapt
lots of stuff that was still usable. Even frozen food that never been thawed out.
what they learned to improve homes or way of life. Sometimes
They were really helpful to us. Eskimos were eating most everything. A lot of
they undoubtedly felt a moral superiority. At other times they
it was used for dog meat.” When Commissioner Igloliorte asked Joe Piallaq
were still puzzled. There were other influences of the DEW Line.
about this apparent wastefulness, he replied, “Yes, they threw out quite a
Some came to know that with the growing network of northern
few things, like lumber. They threw out very useful stuff like some tarps and
Hall Beach | 165
stuff like that. Maybe they had expiry dates and this is why they threw it out.
distances from the DEW Line site. Noksanardjuk, located about 25 kilo-
The things they threw out were better than they are today.”
metres away, had a population of thirty-five, while two families occupied
Inuit foraging at the base dump became a concern for administrators.
Kemiktorvik just 10 kilometres away. They found food, building materials,
Ammiturmiut, anxious to take advantage of useful materials, saw no harm
and useful discarded goods at the dump. One RCMP officer on patrol de-
in allowing qimmiit to forage through the dump, just as qimmiit foraged
scribed the residents as “bums and useless,” when others might have been
along the shoreline at low tide in the summer. As early as 1957, base person-
more likely to describe them as “resourceful.” In response, all discarded food
nel complained to the RCMP about loose qimmiit at the dump. As had hap-
(but not scrap wood or other building materials) was burned. This strategy
pened at military stations across the Eastern Arctic, foraging loose qimmiit
failed, however, to break up the ilagiit nunagivaktangat in the vicinity.
were killed. Julia Amaroalik told Commissioner Igloliorte that when she
The state of affairs in one ilagiit nunagivaktangat in 1957 provides in-
and her husband were being treated at the Hall Beach nursing station, their
sight into the minds of government agents during this important period of
qimmiit got loose and went to the DEW Line site searching for food. There,
contact, while Ammiturmiut understand the events very differently. Gov-
they were shot and killed.
ernment agents reported:
Hall Beach Nursing
Station, 1960
patterns of Inuit in Foxe Basin. A 1957 RCMP patrol to the Foster Bay re-
The roof of this dwelling was made from a large tarpaulin which
doug consul
gion discovered that two ilagiit nunagivaktangit had been established short
had been found at the dump at Site 30, in fact almost everything
The construction of Fox-Main certainly had an impact on the mobility
in the camp had been brought over from the dump at Site 30. An
old oil stove was set up in the shack for burning wood and a two
burner gas stove was burning anti-freeze. No Seal oil lamps were
evident nor was any seal meat or walrus meat to be seen. Two
young boys were wearing old “Oxford” type leather shoes. On the
second nite [sic] of the patrol’s stay at this camp a group of men
returned from a trip to the floe edge . . . with two seals which they
had killed. These two seals caused a great deal of excitement. An
old woman said she was glad to eat some seal meat again because
it was a long time since she had eaten any. It appeared these natives had taken the easier way and were making their living by
scrounging off the dump at Site 30. No need of hunting when
there was food to be had without effort. In 1956, the writer had
visited this same camp, there was walrus meat in the porches, last
winter there was nothing but empty boxes.
Abraham Kaunak explained to researcher Maxime Bégin, however,
that the DEW Line came at a time when changes in the ice in Foxe Basin
Hall Beach | 167
is needed, therefore he MUST go. I do not like this ordering about
of Eskimos. Many have been sent over to Foxe.
had greatly affected hunting. Terry Irqittuq remembered, “That year, that
time there was no open water because the wind coming from the south.
This permanent government presence prominently featured a definite,
That really affected our hunting. We could see no seals or walruses. And
but not new, hierarchy of power. The relationship between Inuit and admin-
that year, I think that a lot of the campers were going hungry because they
istrators, in Hall Beach and elsewhere, would be governed by this relation-
had rain and it was freezing up the land . . . [And there were few animals].”
ship throughout the following years.
Furthermore, it has been argued that the resource depletion in Foxe Basin
was a direct result of the increased Qallunaat activity in the region. A large
walrus herd that had resided in the Foster Bay region moved to areas that
were more isolated as a direct result of the increased motor traffic around
Hall Beach. With a large part of the area’s natural resources scared away, the
dump provided residents with an alternate form of nutrition.
The DEW Line also introduced a more permanent government presence in the area. This initially came in the form of Northern Service Offi-
1960–1975
cers (NSOs). Mandated to improve the economy of the area and to ensure
the welfare of Inuit, the NSOs exercised a great deal of power locally.
In 1959, the federal government moved quickly towards a policy of mod-
A NSO from the Central Arctic, for instance, dictated which employees
ernization and centralization. The policy shift occurred when the Canadian
from that area would be sent to Hall Beach. In a letter written by Chief of
government took over the operation of the DEW Line from the Americans.
the Arctic Division R. A. J. Philips to Bishop of the Arctic Donald Marsh,
Prior to 1960, almost all year-round DEW Line labour had come from
Philips complained about the autocratic attitude of the NSO Jameson
southern Canada, the United States, or the western Arctic. After 1960, sev-
Bond:
eral people from Southampton Island and Repulse Bay moved to the area
to work for the DEW Line.
This attitude with regard to the Eskimo has quickly crystallized
The development of Hall Beach as a civilian community in the first
itself into a feeling that the NSO’s word is law. With regard to em-
half of the 1960s did not follow a straight trajectory, but the nursing station
ployment, for instance, Eskimos have told me that “Mr. Bond say
started it. Two Ammiturmiut were employed there in 1961. With a third
I to go to so-and-so.” Sometimes it has been obvious that the man
Inuk employee, they established a small ilagiit nunagivaktangat near the
did not want to go—for perfectly good reason, but when I’ve told
nursing station. The provision of health services at the site encouraged oth-
them that is up to them to decide they just shrug their shoulders
ers to move to the settlement. In 1961, a large family group from Kapuivik
and say “It’s up to Etemak (Mr. Bond).” I have tackled Mr. Bond
moved to Hall Beach because of sickness in the family. Afterwards, the head
once or twice on some of these points but he is adamant. The man
of the family found employment with the AANDC.
Hall Beach | 169
The government struggled over the decision to promote the develop-
By 1966, an Anglican church had been constructed at Hall Beach, and
ment of Hall Beach, despite the fact that it had become an Arctic trans-
the next year saw the establishment of a federal day school and an HBC
portation hub. Hall Beach was never intended to be a site of significant
post. By March 1968, more than sixty buildings were to be found along a
development in the region. Instead, Igloolik, 70 kilometres to the north,
kilometre of beachfront. The first DNA Area Administrator was assigned to
was slated for development. Hall Beach, in the words of C. M. Bolger, Acting
Hall Beach in April of 1968.
Chief of the Arctic Division, would only develop if “the community is deliberately (and artificially) developed by the Federal Government.”
This rapid in-gathering of people from the land occurred for a variety
of reasons. In an important research project in Foxe Basin in 1968–69,
Due to the nursing station and the well-equipped airfield, Hall Beach
cultural geographer Jennifer Vestey analyzed the reasons for migration
became an important stopover point for Inuit travelling to and from southern
into the settlement. She concluded that groups with weaker kinship con-
medical and educational facilities. As early as 1959, the government recog-
nections to other Foxe Basin families came to Hall Beach to take advan-
nized the need for facilities to temporarily house and care for Inuit moving
tage of government housing and other services. The “core” groups, with
through Hall Beach either on their way home, or on their way to southern fa-
longstanding and close kinship ties to each other, migrated to Hall Beach
cilities. By 1963, approximately seventy Inuit were staying at Hall Beach and
later. Vestey further postulates that the core groups had longer ties in the
150 Qallunaat employees were living at the radar site, with 150 additional
region and were often the groups in authority who controlled the capital
personnel in the summer. The previous year four Inuit died from trichinosis
equipment.
and another six people from a measles epidemic in the area. Further evidence
Several factors influenced later arrivals to Hall Beach. Some ilagiit
of the disjointed government development of Hall Beach was the delivery of a
nunagivaktangit had been reduced in size by the departure of children for
school hostel to the community in 1963–64, even though there was no school.
schooling or because individuals required medical services in the settlement.
One of the greatest booms to development of Hall Beach occurred
Another major challenge was the rising costs of living. By the mid-1960s,
with the large influx of housing. Various federal government schemes for
snowmobiles and qimmiit were used together, in both ilagiit nunagivaktan-
housing in the North failed, but the Eskimo Housing Program, which was
git and in settlements. As people began to rely on motorized transportation,
introduced in 1964, ambitiously aimed to send 1,600 homes to the Arctic.
they struggled to afford the associated costs, especially those still on the
By 1966, the community had 14 three-bedroom and 11 smaller houses. The
land without wage employment. The cost of gasoline to visit the settlement
provision of housing prompted the move of people from the Napakoot (an
for trade, to bring children into school, or to see the nurse used a significant
ilagiit nunagivaktangat) to Hall Beach. By the end of 1967, the settlement
portion of the small income families received through social transfers and
had 16 three-bedroom homes and 11 smaller ones. Its population jumped
trapping proceeds. In turn, as the cost of living increased, the transition to
dramatically in two years, from 142 in 1965 to 237 in 1967. By the end of
settlement living accelerated.
1968, all ilagiit nunagivaktangit south of Foster Bay were abandoned, even
It was in this time of rapid transition that one of the community’s most
as far away as Oosuajuk, 160 kilometres south of Hall Beach. In spite of the
painful events occurred. When the town site began expanding in the late
number of houses, however, housing conditions still proved inadequate for
1960s, the area previously designated as the cemetery had to be used for
the population.
houses. Four men, Mossessie Ulluapak, Moses Allianaq, Isaac Namalik, and
Hall Beach | 171
Simeonie Kaernerk, were told to move the graves. Kaernerk spoke to Com-
found fewer opportunities to hunt due to both a lack of time and a lack of
missioner Igloliorte about the grave relocations:
the transportation required to travel the long distances from Hall Beach to
hunting grounds.
It was kind of difficult and hard to dig out bodies because we never
Within the settlement, a small but powerful Qallunaat population,
thought of doing that. Different things come into your mind when
consisting largely of young officials and police officers from the south, pro-
you start digging graves. Some parts of the bodies were frozen,
vided a limited set of services (nursing station, school, federal government
especially the Elders. They were stuck to the ground, even though
representation, and RCMP), while enforcing a long list of ever-changing
they were inside wooden boxes. The children were not put into
and poorly communicated rules. Qallunaat controlled many economic ex-
boxes; they were wrapped up in material. Some were covered in
changes and inserted themselves into almost all aspects of life that were
papers. They had decomposed. There were skeletons. This is how
previously the exclusive domain of families. On top of this, the prospects for
we took them out. . . . We were careful not to disturb the body [sic].
employment remained limited for the entire period.
From the outset, Inuit were expected to follow Qallunaat rules about
Eunice, Allianaq’s wife, told the Commissioner that her husband was
qimmiit. An amendment to the Ordinance Respecting Dogs in 1955 extend-
made to help with the relocation of the graves. His sister was buried there.
ed rules to DEW Line stations, including Fox-Main. Several people told the
Allianaq used to come home “saturated with the smell of the dead bodies,
Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA) and QTC that they were aware that qim-
even his mitts were saturated with the smell.”
miit were not to go to the DEW Line site, but qimmiit went there on their
own foraging for food and were killed, a pattern familiar at other DEW Line
sites.
Other qimmiit were killed in the settlement itself. People who moved
to Hall Beach to find work or for schooling of children found it difficult to
The people who settled in Hall Beach in the 1960s faced enormous chal-
maintain qimmiit. Moses Allianaq testified that this was the problem that
lenges in a period of rapid change. They moved from an independent life
he faced when Celestino Uttuigak, working on behalf of the government,
on the land into a settlement organized according to the expectations of the
shot all eight of Allianaq’s qimmiit one summer. The loss of qimmiit added
government. In Hall Beach, Inuit families found themselves living next to
to the difficulty of feeding families, especially when supplies at the store
strangers for the first time in their lives. In 1970, one-third of Hall Beach’s
could not meet nutritional needs. In stark terms, Inuit lived in the centre
Inuit were from areas outside of Foxe Basin. Without access to a dog team
of a plentiful, nutritious food supply, but with no means to access it. Orders
or financial means to maintain a snowmobile, they were confined to an area
to kill the qimmiit, according to Jake Ikeperiar, often came from the area
not much larger than a summer ilagiit nunagivaktangat.
administrator.
During QTC testimonies, some men spoke about the difficulties they
Employment was another problem experienced by the people of Hall
faced in moving to the settlement. Some hunters expressed a feeling of
Beach. Documents reveal that into the 1970s, there were very few employment
“loss of identity and pride.” They saw advantages to settlement life, but they
opportunities for Inuit, including individuals transferred to the community
Hall Beach | 173
for recovery at the transient centre. The housing construction boom had
1976, the settlement manager’s duties proved too difficult for people with
passed and the DEW Line was curtailing its operation in Foxe Basin by the
no training in administration, as members of the Council told the visiting
end of the 1960s. In 1968, only eight Inuit were employed at the DEW Line
Commissioner of the Northwest Territories. Hall Beach residents spoke at
site; the number was cut by half in 1969. The co-op began in Hall Beach
length about their desires for the development of Hall Beach. Economic de-
in 1973. Attempts to develop a carving industry do not seem to have flour-
velopment was needed, as well as recreation facilities and improved hous-
ished. Later a fishery was begun in nearby Hall Lake, but it only employed
ing. They explained that they welcomed the implements of modern society
a few Inuit as fisherman, glazers, and packers.
and requested fuller access to them. They also asked that an RCMP detach-
The loss of opportunities to hunt, the social divisions in the commu-
ment be established in the community, and that they receive telephone and
nity, and low employment prospects were likely contributing factors to the
public radio services. The community was equipped with electricity soon
rising levels of alcohol abuse that were reported in Hall Beach in the 1970s.
thereafter, with local telephone service in 1976, and with an RCMP detach-
Reports of Inuit drinking with base employees at the DEW Line station in
ment in 1987.
the 1950s appear in archival records, but they rarely warrant more than
While Ammiturmiut inhabited the Melville Peninsula for centuries, it
a simple comment. In 1967, however, the RCMP noted its concern about
was the creation of a main DEW Line station (Fox-Main) in 1955–57 that
the amount of liquor consumed by Inuit, especially at the transient centre.
set the location and tone of the Hall Beach settlement. While the DEW
The situation is described as “deteriorating at an alarming rate.” Whereas
Line made Hall Beach the most accessible place in Foxe Basin by air, and
Elders often managed similar problems in Igloolik, the RCMP believed that
provided good employment to a small number of Inuit residents, few com-
“outsiders” over whom the Elders had little influence, exacerbated the prob-
mercial development opportunities emerged in the community. Since its
lems at Hall Beach. The “outsiders” were likely Qallunaat and Inuit from
establishment, the Hall Beach residents have been particularly vulnerable
other places. On a daily basis, the RCMP could did little to control alcohol
to external economic conditions. Hunting has therefore continued to be
because there was no detachment in the settlement. The community re-
vitally important to the region, before and since establishment of the com-
sponded over time in the only way it could, through a ban. On May 20, 1977,
munity. Hunting not only contributes to the food security of all community
it became illegal to transport, purchase, sell, or possess any alcohol within
members but also reaffirms Inuit culture and maintains for Inuit a strong
a 20-kilometre radius of the community, except on the DEW Line base.
connection to the land.
Anyone was allowed to drink at the base.
The community’s actions demonstrated not only a concern for the
health of the community, but also an attempt to strengthen local control
over the settlement. Indeed, the community welcomed the opportunity to
direct Hall Beach’s development. In a 1973 local election, 82% of eligible
voters cast a ballot. However, the community’s struggles with governance
were not yet over. In 1975, the Settlement Council tried to operate without
a manager, intending to take on the responsibilities themselves. By March
Igloolik
Iglulik
I
gloolik, with more than 1,500 residents, is the second-largest community in the Qikiqtaaluk region, but it was among the last to be firmly
called home by its local population. Unlike many other communities
across the Arctic, many of Igloolik’s families occupied ilagiit nunagivaktangit until well into the 1960s.
The hamlet is located on Foxe Basin, south of Fury and Hecla Strait,
about 70 kilometres north of Hall Beach, 400 kilometres from Pond Inlet,
and 850 kilometres northwest of Iqaluit. Before services and people were
concentrated at the present hamlet, Igloolik, meaning, “there is a house
there,” was the name given to a cluster of large pre-contact dwellings east of
the present community. The name was later applied to Igloolik Point and
Igloolik Island. The bay in front of the present hamlet was called Turton Bay
by nineteenth-century explorers. It is now known as Ikpiarjuk, “the pocket,”
in traditional Inuit toponymy.
Today, people who belong to this hamlet are usually known as Iglulingmiut, but an earlier name for part of the region’s population is Amitturmiut,
a group who frequently travelled to the Pond Inlet area. Those from south
| 175
Igloolik | 177
of the region, more closely affiliated with Repulse Bay’s people, are among
Not only were Inuit “everywhere,” they were living at a crossroads in
the Aivilingmiut. They are bound to the sea, land, and ice of the region, and
the network of long travel routes linking different parts of the Qikiqtaaluk
to each other, through hunting, language, cultural activities, kinship, and
region to places farther south and west. When the first European travellers
environmental understanding.
arrived in 1822, they found that people at Igloolik already had imported
The use and occupancy of the area goes back at least four thousand years.
metal implements that reached them by trade with their neighbours.
Because the land is now rebounding where it was once deeply depressed
Igloolik is now the main population centre for the people living on
by ancient glaciers, the region’s archaeological sites tell a story of differ-
northern Foxe Basin, whose traditional territory and community hunting
ent human cultures, with remains of the earliest on the highest places.
area extends westward across Melville Peninsula, northwards towards the
These higher, earlier sites offer archaeologists evidence of earlier popula-
Arctic Bay area, across and around Foxe Basin to the Piling area of Baffin
tions whose shelters, tools, and tiny works of art were different from those
Island’s west coast, and south towards Repulse Bay. The major geographical
of Inuit, whose own ancestors have been here for about a thousand years.
feature for the Amitturmiut was the area of open water where two strong
Inuit call their immediate predecessors Tuniit. Louis Alianakuluk said to
currents meet west of Rowley Island, where seals and walrus are especially
researchers around 1974:
abundant. Apart from Igloolik, the region has another main population
centre nearby at Hall Beach, a community that grew in the 1950s around a
Yes, and the Tuniit were here before, but they are gone. They’re
DEW Line main station. Although Igloolik is well connected to neighbour-
gone from here, but the house sites are around. They were other
ing communities by traditional travel routes and modern snowmobile trails,
people before our ancestors. We are here because our ancestors
the northern Foxe Basin region is often considered to be divided from its
are real. There will be our descendants who won’t be Qallunaat.
neighbours by coastlines with relatively poor hunting.
Igloolik is a community with strong Inuit traditions. It has been called
Following the Tuniit, there were several centuries in which Inuit oc-
the cultural epicentre for the Inuit people. If this were at least partly true, it
cupied the area and adapted to centuries of climate change. Alianakuluk
would be because the marine environment has long supported a large popu-
spoke about this.
lation. As a result, the first permanent trading post in the region dates only
to 1947. Not surprisingly, the RCMP reported in 1953 that “natives in the
We live here because our ancestors did before us. If they had not
Igloolik area appear to adhere more to native ways and clothing” than other
lived here, I don’t know what we’d do, we wouldn’t have anything.
Inuit in the North Baffin and Foxe Basin region. The cultural richness of
They tried hard to hunt animals in order to live—that’s why we
the community is known outside Nunavut through many efforts, including
are living.
a long-lasting oral history project, dedicated ethnologists and other social
Those old places are easy to spot. I’ve been to many places
scientists, and Igloolik artists.
by dog-team, in the direction of Pond Inlet and others, where I’ve
This community history can only reveal a small part of the vast amount
seen rocks piled one on top of the other [i.e., Inuktuit]. They were
of Inuit knowledge and perspective that has been preserved, revealed, and
fixed like that by Inuit. They are everywhere.
interpreted to Nunavummiut and to the country and the world at large about
Igloolik | 179
the Igloolik area. Igloolik is 94% Inuit. It is both a lively community where
caribou hunting), where good travel routes exist and are frequently used
Inuit values and practices are integrated into daily life and a government
between Igloolik and northern Baffin Island.
town that attracts Inuit and non-Inuit inhabitants from other parts of Canada.
The Amitturmiut followed a seasonal round. In December and February, men hunted at seal holes on the thick sea ice. As the days became
longer, hunting activity increased as they moved onto the ice to hunt seal
and walrus. Two sea-ice villages were usually established, one near Igloolik
walrus, and began travelling inland onto Melville Peninsula to hunt cari-
Island and the other north of Hall Beach near Foster Bay. As spring arrived,
the families moved to the shoreline, where they continued hunting seal and
bou. In summer, the inland caribou hunts intensified in the search for hides
Igloolik Hunters
Foxe Basin is a large body of salt water that, historically, has been covered
in prime condition for clothing. In September and October, as the ice began
nwt archives
almost year-round with ice. The island-studded northern end, lying be-
to freeze over and the days became shorter, people
tween Melville Peninsula and the coast of Baffin Island, is more fertile and
finished their preparations for winter and moved
productive of sea life than the more open southern end near Southampton
into their winter dwellings.
Island and the Foxe Peninsula. The prevailing surface currents flow in from
The relationship with the land was not a pure-
the ice-clogged Fury and Hecla Strait in the northwest, south to a point
ly practical thing; it went to the heart of what it
abreast of the north tip of Southampton Island. There the current splits—
meant to be Inuit. As one Elder, Louis Alianakuluk,
an important stream returns counter-clockwise west of Baffin Island, some
explained in 1974:
flows southwest through Rowe’s Welcome Sound, and the remainder pushes south through Foxe Channel to join Hudson Strait.
If I were asked by a [Qallunaaq], “Are you
Sea ice is of paramount importance to the region’s settlement and his-
happy with your land?” I’d tell him that I was
tory. Foxe Basin has both land-fast sea ice and drift ice. The land-fast ice
very happy with it. It has animals and you can
extends from some shorelines as much as 10 kilometres into the basin. The
see for miles. It seems barren, but if you travel,
drift ice is characterized by its roughness and constant motion. New ice
you see animals. Seeing live animals gives the
forms during October, and by November, Foxe Basin is completely covered
greatest joy to Inuit.
in ice. The ice starts melting in May or June, but it’s not until August that
the ice begins to rapidly disintegrate, with only small patches of loose ice
remaining by September.
Amitturmiut adapted over centuries to the
unique challenges of Foxe Basin. Their under-
Amitturmiut have enjoyed an abundance of sea mammals—seals,
standing of weather patterns, ice, animal activities,
walrus and whales—that thrive in the cold waters of Foxe Basin. Amittur-
and astronomy were integrated into everyday lives
miut territory also extends westward across Melville Peninsula (largely for
through practical instruction of young people as
Igloolik | 181
well as through stories, a rich cosmology, and spiritual beliefs. Interaction
with nature was based on a great respect and inherent understanding of
the need for stewardship of the animals, and of the land and sea. Hubert
Amarualik spoke eloquently to researchers in 1993.
A land could only be occupied for three years. No one can live on
this land beyond the three years . . . That was the way they lived,
always moving to another [place], never occupying one land beyond three winters . . . The land itself was prevented from “rotting”
by this. Should one choose to occupy the land beyond three years,
then they are bound to face peril, which might include dearth,
therefore they had to follow this rule.
This understanding of the region’s resources and migration patterns
Researchers in the 1960s identified eight main Amitturmiut hunting areas
opposite page: Young
Inuk wrapped in white
fox fur, 1953
in the period from 1930 to 1966, each consisting of some core settlement
locations with a surrounding land-use area. These areas often overlapped
canada
meant Amitturmiut did not inhabit the same winter ilagiit nunagivaktangit year after year, but moved in order to give the land time to recuperate.
slightly with the use areas of neighbours, but were strongly associated with
particular families.
Early Contacts
The first documented visit by Europeans to Foxe Basin was from 1822 to
1823, when Captains William Parry and George F. Lyon sailed their Royal
Navy vessels, HMS Fury and HMS Hecla, into the basin. Later, in 1867 and
then in 1868, American explorer Charles Hall travelled to the area to investigate the fate of the missing Franklin Expedition. Both times, Hall travelled
by dog sled north through Repulse Bay along the coastline. Many other
Igloolik | 183
early foreign travellers to the area reached northern Foxe Basin overland
of people. They used skins to cover the frames; they used sealskins
through Arctic Bay or Pond Inlet because the water route to the area was
and bearded sealskins for covering, and walrus hide when it was
often dangerous and at times impassable owing to the thick pack ice that
torn. That is how it was when they began to use boats.
formed in the basin. An early Canadian Qallunaat encounter occurred in
1913, when Alfred Tremblay, a member of one of Captain Joseph Bernier’s
The introduction of sturdier wooden whaleboats had a significant
expeditions, travelled to northern Foxe Basin by dog team while survey-
impact. As one Inuk explained, the whaleboat “was a great convenience to
ing for economic mineral potential. While these explorations demonstrate
us compared with the skin boats, right to the time when it got flexible be-
early points of contact between Inuit and Qallunaat, the events also hold
cause of long use. It was able to haul in two walrus carcasses . . . Because we
as memorable encounters integrated in Amitturmiut stories and histories.
needed a lot of meat to survive, boats were important in the walrus-hunt.”
The new whaleboats eventually led to the abandonment of the umiat as the
whaleboats were more stable, allowed for greater visibility when hunting
and travelling, and could carry more hunters and heavier loads.
By the 1890s, some American whaling ships were wintering occasion-
Unlike Inuit in many other parts of Qikiqtaaluk, Amitturmiut had little di-
ally at Repulse Bay, and in 1903 Scottish interests began a regular year-
rect contact with Scottish or American whalers, who were regular visitors
round presence at Repulse Bay as well as Pond Inlet, both accessible to the
at Pond Inlet from 1820 and at Repulse Bay from 1865. Despite this, Amit-
Amitturmiut. The expanding Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC), which took
turmiut traded for imports by making long trips to meet the whalers, or else
over the established trade at Repulse Bay in 1919 and at Pond Inlet in 1921,
they traded with Tununirmiut in Northern Baffin Island and Aivilingmiut
squeezed these and other British and Canadian firms out after the First
at Repulse Bay. The introduction of firearms and whaleboats changed the
World War. These permanent and well-supplied trading posts reinforced
hunting, settlement, and mobility patterns of the Amitturmiut. Initially,
existing patterns of trade and travel and provided Amitturmiut with more
firearms were specialized tools for hunting particular species under specific
stable access to manufactured goods.
conditions, such as during the winter caribou hunt, when the white back-
The trading posts required people to travel greater distances and fur-
ground and crunchy snow prevented a stealthy stalking of the prey. While
ther incorporate trapping into their seasonal harvesting cycle to acquire
the scarcity and high cost of ammunition in the region slowed their adop-
boats, guns and ammunition, foodstuffs, and other imports. One incident
tion, over time guns became more widespread. By the 1930s, the hunting of
of travel of this kind has become famous because it intersected with a great
seals and walrus involved both traditional technologies and rifles.
tragedy that befell a party travelling through the region. For many years, vis-
Amitturmiut acquired whaleboats much later than Aivilingmiut at Repulse Bay and used umiat (skin boats) instead:
itors to Igloolik were told about the terrible experience of a woman named
Ataguttaaluk, who with her second husband Ituksarjuaq, was powerful at
Avvajja and Igloolik after 1920. As a young wife, Ataguttaaluk and her first
People here did get wood to frame their boats. They would use it
husband were in a party of a dozen people who ran out of food in unusu-
to tow a walrus, and they made it so that it could carry a number
ally deep snow in the interior of Baffin Island. Their long absence left other
Igloolik | 185
Inuit fearing the worst, and a party including Fr. Mary’s informant, Atuat,
set out with great misgivings on their own trip to stock up on ammunition.
As Atuat told the story more than half a century later, the horror of finding the young woman surrounded by evidence of cannibalism was matched
by her condition. They approached her melting and broken iglu where her
husband had posed his harpoon, telescopes, and rifles to attract attention.
When I reached the edge of the hole, I grabbed my mother’s clothing. Ataguttaaluk was there in it. However, what a horrid sight!
She was like a bird in its egg. She seemed to have a beak and like
some sorts of miserable small wings because she no longer had
sleeves, having eaten part of her atigi.
Man cutting meat
while woman looks
on, 1953
Two men in fur
Rescued by these relatives, Ataguttaaluk returned to Igloolik and re-
canada
gained her health. She was an early convert to Catholicism in the 1930s. Igloolik’s Ataguttaaluk Elementary School is named in her memory and honour.
The introduction of western technologies and increased importance
of fur trading affected the seasonal migration cycle of Amitturmiut. People
cached more food from the summer walrus hunt and were able to live off
these caches well into the winter. Anthropologist David Damas states that
with the introduction of the whaleboat and firearms the inhabitants of
the region went through the “stage of their greatest economic well being
from the stand point of meat production.” The rich resources of Foxe Basin
canada
Igloolik | 187
attracted people from Pond Inlet and Repulse Bay during the 1920s and
1930s. According to some estimates, the population of Foxe Basin may have
doubled during this period.
The 1920s also brought the Amitturmiut into contact with the RCMP.
The Force established a detachment at Pond Inlet in 1923, and the first recorded patrol from there to northern Foxe Basin came that same year, when
the police came to collect a participant and some witnesses involved in the
1920 killing of trader Robert Janes. After this, RCMP attempted a patrol to
the Foxe Basin region annually.
A more significant cultural change crossed from Pond Inlet to the Igloolik area in the early 1920s. This was Christianity, brought by an Inuk
named Umik, who preached a crossing of Anglicanism with Inuit spirituality. This was one of the distant offshoots of a mission established in
Cumberland Sound in 1896, from which Christianity spread, aided by the
printing of gospels in Inuktitut syllabics. Over time, however, many Christian ideas were absorbed into Inuit culture, without completely ending the
influence of earlier beliefs or practices. With the later overlay of Christian
ideas through Canadian law, many Inuit practices related to marriage and
kinship, including spouse exchange, disappeared.
In 1931, Fr. Herve Bazin, an Oblate missionary, arrived in the region
Island. He was joined there by Fr. Jean-Marie Trebaol and the tiny Mission
In 1939, the Qallunaat presence on Igloolik Island was reinforced by
vessel St. Thérèse, which brought building materials for a new mission sta-
the HBC building its first post on Foxe Basin north of Repulse Bay. Unfa-
Inuit children
playing in front of
the RC Mission,
September 1958
tion. This became the first permanent Qallunaat establishment in northern
vourable ice conditions prevented resupply and forced the post to close be-
Foxe Basin. Initially, this establishment had little impact on the hunting
tween 1943 and 1947. Its establishment and re-establishment dramatically
canada
and migration patterns of Amitturmiut, although some Elders and injured
increased the ability of Inuit to make regular visits to trade, sparing them
or sick Inuit chose to stay near the mission. Additionally, the rivalry be-
the long journey by qimmiit to either Pond Inlet or Repulse Bay.
and built a tiny mission at Avvajja, one of the Coxe Islands lying west of
ing north or northeast of Igloolik Island, while the Roman Catholic mis-
Igloolik Island. It soon burned, and in 1937, Fr. Bazin moved east to Igloolik
sionaries were mostly found farther south.
tween competing Catholic and Anglican missionaries also created serious
Apart from traders and missionaries, the Amitturmiut also had con-
social divisions among Inuit in the area. The divide was not only dogmatic,
tacts with a wider world through the occasional party of visiting scientists.
but also geographical; the Anglicans were generally found living and hunt-
In 1921, a party of Danish and Greenlandic scientists calling themselves the
Fifth Thule Expedition entered northern Foxe Basin as part of their quest
to collect Inuit songs and traditions and to pursue their grand ambition to
discover the origins of Inuit as a separate people. Their leader, Knud Rasmussen, is still remembered as Kunuti in Igloolik. His companions Therkel
Mathiassen (Tikkilik) and Peter Freuchen (Peterjuaq) are also remembered.
Later in this period, a small party of young English scientists, Tom
Manning’s Cambridge Arctic Expedition, also visited Igloolik to study birds
and survey several poorly mapped coastlines. In 1937, Graham Rowley’s archaeological excavations at Avvajja confirmed the existence of a distinctive
ancient culture in the Foxe Basin that had earlier been named the Dorset
culture. In the 1950s, the Danish archaeologist Jorgen Meldgaard, whose
work on Igloolik Island and the Fury and Hecla Strait continued the earlier
work of Rasmussen and Rowley, explored the rich human history of the
region over four millennia.
In the period after 1930 when missionaries and fur traders were becoming established at Igloolik and white fox trapping was most profitable,
there was little direct government involvement in assuring a minimum level
of well-being for the Amitturmiut. While the RCMP tried to conduct annual patrols from Pond Inlet and distributed a certain amount of food or
ammunition as “relief ” when they met people who were experiencing hard
times, anything to do with medical care or other assistance was handled by
the HBC or the missions. Schools were still in the future, the annual government supply ships to the Eastern Arctic never got this far up Foxe Basin,
opposite page:
Woman working
with a fox pelt, 1953
and aircraft, though seen once or twice in the late 1930s, were extremely
auxiliary and short-lived intermediate sites across northern Foxe Basin. At
canada
this point, the federal government began to play a more sustained role in
rare visitors. This changed suddenly in 1955, when the US Army Air Force
established a DEW Line main station at Hall Beach, along with several
the southerly parts of the Amitturmiut territories, with inevitable ripples
throughout the region. By 1958, there were almost 150 people camped on
Igloolik Island, 100 of whom lived at the settlement and hunted at the floe
Igloolik | 189
Igloolik | 191
edge, the other 50 living 8 kilometres east of the post at Igloolik Point. The
action in 1954 when plans were finalized to construct the massive radar de-
regional Inuit population (including Hall Beach) was considerably larger,
fence program, known as the Distant Early Warning Line, across the Arctic
well over 600 in 1965.
from Alaska to Greenland. When the US Army Air Force established the
FOX-Main DEW site south of Igloolik at Hall Beach, new opportunities for
casual employment, medical care, and other attractions were created in the
1955–1966
region. Hall Beach quickly acquired a year-round Inuit population.
The second stage was more fully planned and directed by the federal
government as part of a general program to bring government services into
the North, and to prepare for economic development. With the changes introduced by the DEW Line, the federal government’s Department of Northern
The Amitturmiut region experienced two sudden changes in the period
Affairs and National Development began to re-examine the former policy
after the Second World War. In the QTC community histories, these sud-
of encouraging Inuit to continue hunting and trapping from their widely
den changes are called Sangussaqtauliqtilluta, meaning “the time when
distributed habitations on the land. In the mid-1950s, official policy was
we started to be actively persuaded, or made to, detour or switch modes.”
to encourage Inuit to adopt southern ways wherever the impact of contact
These words underline the fact that people went through enormous chang-
was already strong, but to buffer the more remote settlements against sud-
es in a short time. Not all changes were harmful, but all required an effort
den change. Three important policies cut across all communities, although
to adapt traditional ways of thinking and living, to new circumstances. The
the government did not seem to understand how big an impact they would
main tendency in this period was to break up a life in which whole fami-
have.
lies and kin groups coordinated their efforts to produce food and maintain
The first policy was a major public health initiative to eradicate tuber-
their social cohesion. In the earlier period, Taissumani Nunamiutautilluta,
culosis, which led to the evacuation of sick Inuit to hospitals in the south.
a centre like Igloolik existed only to provide trade goods and other im-
For the people of Igloolik this meant evacuation by air. Second was the poli-
ported services to people who continued to live in dispersed settlements
cy of universal education, usually delivered with rosy promises of jobs in the
around their regions. In the Sangussaqtauliqtilluta, people became cen-
communities. The third program was Inuit housing, which was meant to
tralized or “sedentary” in the community and moved outwards from it to
provide comfortable and healthy living conditions, which it eventually did,
carry on their traditional activities. In the words of an observer, the people
but at a higher cost than intended. These three policies had the somewhat
moved from a relationship with the land which was “simple and profound”
surprising result of producing the speedy relocation of almost every family
to a new relationship in which the new settlement was dominated numeri-
into a sedentary life in a few centralized settlements. As a result, they can be
cally by Inuit, but socially by Qallunaat, whose business was “conscious
seen as markers of the Sangussaqtauliqtilluta period, but it would be years
social change.”
before their implications became evident.
For the Amitturmiut of northern Foxe Basin, these disruptive events
The significance of the changes during the 1960s was not fully recog-
occurred in two stages. The Americans forced the federal government into
nized at the time. The two missions and the HBC were joined by a little
Igloolik | 193
school, a nursing station, and some houses for Inuit. In the meantime, the
Inuit such mobile hunters. Qimmiit also helped keep their owners safe from
sealskin trade began one of its periodic slumps in 1964.
polar bear attacks, and could sense how to move safely while hunting for
In this short period, however, more and more children were separated
walrus across ice. Once people made their permanent homes in Igloolik,
from their parents for health treatments and schooling. Some students lived
they were under constant pressure to get rid of their qimmiit and this often
in the hostel in the settlement but others, especially Catholics, were sent to
led the authorities to shoot any qimmiit running loose, even if they were
the Chesterfield Inlet Indian Residential School and its residence, Turquetil
only visiting from a smaller settlement on the land.
Hall. In his autobiography, Paul Quassa describes being picked up at Manittuq
Igloolik qimmiit were some of the finest in the Arctic. Because of their
by airplane at the age of five or six. In addition to the stories of sexual abuse,
importance to Inuit, Qallunaat observers monitored and reported to Ot-
he writes about the physical punishment. “There was a lot of strapping,” he
tawa changes in the condition of the region’s qimmiit. Disease among qim-
writes. “I remember one teacher who actually punched the students.” Young
miit was reported in the Igloolik region in 1949 and again in 1958 when an
children were separated for long periods of time outside the safety and caring
infection, probably distemper, killed an estimated three hundred qimmiit.
of their families. Brothers and sisters could see each other from across rooms
Louis Uttak told RCMP interviewers that he remembered the area ad-
and outside, but they were not allowed to find solace in the other’s company.
ministrator destroying many qimmiit, including another Inuk’s entire team.
As the population at Igloolik grew, people who were used to living
Qimmiit were shot when they were loose, no matter whether they were un-
in small multi-family groups with flexible membership found themselves
der the control of their owner or not.
dealing face to face with literally hundreds of Inuit who were, if not strangers, not close relatives either. Some Elders began living year-round near the
When dogs get loose, they would get shot. It was so very bad. There
nursing station. A co-operative was established to compete with the HBC
was one particular incident where this person was going to tie his
in retail and the fur trade and to help organize the carving industry. The
dogs as he was returning, before he had a chance to tie his dog[s],
federal administrative machinery mushroomed, with a settlement man-
all of his dogs were shot. He had just returned from a trip. . . . You
ager, a social welfare agent, a new RCMP detachment, and Inuit employees
would unharness them, and the dogs would run around before
for each of these bodies. Each of these changes increased the number and
they settle. They would go all over the place for a while, then they
strength of the Qallunaat who had power over the lives of individual Inuit.
will return, close to the dwelling of the owner. That was the way the
Some power contributed to the well-being of people and families. Some
dogs behaved . . . I also mentioned that this white man use[d] to
changes, however, came at a high cost, and others actually caused distress.
shoot the ones that were active, therefore, they were favourable . . .
Another major change, shared with other Qikiqtaaluk communities at
Very much so, the only thing we depended on for our hunting, when
different points in the 1950s or 1960s, was the elimination of dog teams,
the government came to town, they started shooting off our dogs.
which were essential to life on the land but difficult to feed or control in
large numbers in the settlement. Qimmiit were among a family’s most important possessions. Although they bred easily, they represented a major investment in training and feeding in order to pull the heavy loads that made
Gerhard Anders, a visiting researcher in 1965, linked the growth of
population at Igloolik to the administrator’s concerns about qimmiit.
Igloolik | 195
With more people moving into Igloolik and Hall Beach, every at-
physical environment. One of the results of a more focused government gaze
tempt has been made to cut down the number of dog teams. This
on Igloolik was the arrival of researchers who were now more interested in
must be based on persuasion on the part of the area administrator
studying and planning adaptation than in understanding traditional society.
of all those whose dog teams have been found superfluous by him
In this era of stress and confusion, an outsider, Keith Crowe, left a de-
after careful investigation of each individual case.
tailed and optimistic account of how the new way of life was taking shape.
Crowe arrived in Igloolik in 1965 to research the area’s economy. He had
Anders admitted in the same report that people still living on the land
experience in Nunavik and in Pangnirtung, spoke Inuktitut well, and had
still needed their qimmiit as their only means of transportation. The snow-
the academic skills needed to describe and explain the core trends in a fluid
mobile was still in an early stage of development, and not many Inuit could
situation. Crowe used the term “tutelage” to describe the Inuit situation in
afford one. Even in the settlement, the dog team was still dominant in 1965.
Igloolik. As a group, many Inuit were acquiring cross-cultural and business
Three years later, in 1968, the RCMP reported that there were almost as many
skills, as well as other tools they would need to work more closely with Qal-
snowmobiles as dog teams but unlike other settlements, the dog teams were
lunaat. In return, they were led to expect jobs, good health, and material
not being completely replaced. Well into the 1970s, many Iglulingmiut pre-
comforts. In his reflections about this same period from an Inuit perspec-
ferred the dog teams to snowmobiles for safety reasons. The use of qimmiit at
tive, James Arvaluk, a prominent politician from Igloolik and the first presi-
Igloolik has never been completely abandoned, although now the main use is
dent of the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, shares a similar view, but adds that
to earn revenue from tourists, while outfitters keep the old skills alive.
Inuit were expected to provide labour, not leadership. He also describes all
the changes and plans as creating a “semi-artificial society” because Inuit could
not fully see the “disintegration of Inuit values, Inuit beliefs, or our Inuitness.”
1966–1975
Crowe divided the agencies of contact or “tutelage,” as they existed at
a single time of drastic change, into two categories, government and nongovernment. By far the most powerful, and the most strongly dominated by
Qallunaat, were the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (now the AANDC), the Indian and Northern Health Service (INHS),
and the RCMP. The eight non-government bodies at Igloolik were the HBC,
the Roman Catholic and Anglican missions, a co-op, the newspaper, a com-
The increase in government programs offered at Igloolik during the 1960s
munity association, the Scouts and Guides, and a youth group.
forced the community to adapt to changes driven from the South. The pro-
A recent arrival, though by far the most powerful of these government
grams put more emphasis on employment, market relations, and adapta-
bodies, was the AANDC, as it controlled the schools, the housing program,
tion to the requirements of the federal administrators. These organizations
social welfare, and the power plant. The AANDC’s area administrator
were based on southern organizational structures rather than on Inuit ways
quickly gained the nickname “Angukak,” or “chief,” in recognition of his
of governance based on Inuit structures of kinship and adaptation to the
control of most of the money flowing into the settlement. Although wage
Igloolik | 197
earning in the 1960s was secondary to the business of hunting, jobs were
residential schools—fifty were at Chesterfield Inlet in 1965, with a hand-
becoming an important part of total earnings, and the AANDC had a great
ful of older youth at the Churchill Vocational Centre. The Igloolik hostels
deal of control over who got the jobs.
closed about 1968, because by then almost all the students’ families had
In the 1950s, the AANDC decided to put a school near each trading
homes in the settlement.
post in the Eastern Arctic, with a small hostel intended for the children
Inuit demonstrated their concerns for appropriate education and for
of parents who wanted to continue hunting. The first school was built at
students in the upper grades to be taught in the community, rather than
Igloolik in 1960 and two eight-bed hostels were added in 1961. In 1962, the
in Iqaluit or Churchill, when in 1968 the Igloolik Community Association
Student receiving
instructions from
her teacher
school had grown to three classrooms, with fifty students in grades one to five.
petitioned for a secondary and occupational school. In response to a follow-
In the mid-1960s, planners in Ottawa forecast that Igloolik would
up letter sent by the Roman Catholic priest about the petition, a bureaucrat
soon need a hundred-bed hostel for all the young people currently living
from the education branch of the Department of Indian Affairs and North-
in “small isolated settlements where it is not practical to establish schools.”
ern Development explained very clearly that students needed training in
canada
Many Amitturmiut children, especially Catholics, were already attending
a variety of courses to prepare them for “employment opportunities both
locally and elsewhere” and that small communities could not expect to offer
these types of courses.
Attendance at Igloolik’s primary school was rising in parallel with the
growth in the settlement’s population. Eight Qallunaat teachers for grades
one to six taught 187 students in 1970, the same year that authority over
education was transferred to the Northwest Territories from the Department. Inuit leaders continued to press for higher grades to be added to the
community schools. In 1979, however, Igloolik’s Ataguttaaluk School was
still only offering classes up to grade nine, with barely one teacher per grade.
With regard to education in their community, Iglulingmiut were taking the lead in identifying general northern problems and proposing solutions. The frustrations of the 1970s came to a head with a petition to the
legislature in April 1978 to staff the school in a way that would respect Inuit
traditions and prepare young people for life in their own environment. On
behalf of Inuit parents, the petition stated:
The Igloolik education committee is asking for an Inuk teacher
who will teach throughout the school year. The teacher should be
classified as a regular teacher and should make the same salary
Igloolik | 199
as a qualified teacher. It is quite difficult to survive in the North.
Students must be taught this essential skill. I am not saying we are
against the white teachers. It is obvious that the students must be
taught traditional northern skills and not all students will be able
to find employment after they leave school. Students are not getting out on the land often enough. They do not have time to learn
survival on the land. When they get a full-time Inuk teacher the
opportunity for them to learn how to survive on the land will be
much better. The traditional way of life should not be forgotten.
By the 1980s, pressure from Iglulingmiut and others was succeeding
in putting more Inuit teachers and teaching assistants in classrooms, adding higher grades to cut down on both dropouts and residential schooling,
organizing community educational councils, and making more learning
available on the land. In spite of these efforts, many Elders still believed
that not enough was being learned, including important knowledge about
navigation and place names. Noah Piugaattuk, for example, criticized two
young men who got lost twice on their way to Pond Inlet. “I lectured them
saying that they were ignorant . . . They were old enough but they were not
trying to know these things.”
The greater emphasis on schooling was accompanied by a dramatic increase in house-building in Igloolik between 1965 and 1967. A large number
of Inuit were enticed to settle in the community by the promise of housing.
Only eight houses had been built from 1962 to 1964, while more than sixty
were erected from 1965 to 1967. By the time the boom was over, very few
families were living outside the settlement.
The program to build houses in Igloolik was part of a larger program.
In 1965, the federal government approved a housing program that would
ship 1,560 matchbox houses north. That year more than 20 houses were
erected in Igloolik, prompting the local RCMP constable to protest against
the direction of the current federal policy.
opposite page:
Students sitting at
their desks
canada
Igloolik | 201
I believe that the major problem, which the administrators will
Igloolik RCMP reported that the local housing committee was entirely
have to face in this area in the not too distant future, is one which
Inuit in composition and that it had set rent from $2 to $467 per month,
will arise as a result of the influx of Eskimos to the settlements
depending on the ability to pay. A year later, however, they were reporting
of Igloolik and Hall Beach, Igloolik in particular. The Eskimos
that overcrowding was already becoming a concern because there were too
should be encouraged to remain in the camps. If the long range
few houses.
plan is to provide every Eskimo family with a house, then they
Until 1969, the AANDC was still responsible for organizing municipal
should be built in the camps where this is applicable. If a closer
services everywhere in the NWT except Yellowknife, and this was only grad-
relationship between the Eskimo and the administrator is desired
ually shifted to the NWT government in the 1970s. In the 1960s, Igloolik
then the administrator should visit the Eskimo in his camp. This
was served by a short, rough airstrip suitable for small aircraft. Most pas-
not only applies to the administrator but to any other white per-
sengers and cargo were carried to or from Igloolik via boat or autoboggan
son who has an occupation dealing with the people. The idea of
through Hall Beach, which provided a link to larger centres such as Iqaluit,
keeping the people on the land would benefit them both in the
Winnipeg, and Montreal. Accompanying the 1965–67 housing program
area of morale and economically.
was the construction of holding tanks for the oil that heated the homes and
trucks to deliver oil, water, and other essentials throughout the growing
His perspective was completely out of step with the government’s in-
community. Water came from lakes on Igloolik Island, trucked in by the
tention to prepare Inuit for development of the North. Another twenty-four
co-op and delivered to homes. The co-op was also contracted to collect gar-
homes were erected in 1966. Along with the shipments of houses came a
bage and honey bags, and to deliver refuse to a dump east of the settlement.
government-sponsored program aimed at teaching Inuit how to live and
Honey bags were plastic bags used in “honey buckets,” large pails equipped
operate in their new homes, and to live in a community based on southern
with toilet seats where household sewage was disposed.
suburban models.
The AANDC also encouraged Inuit to participate in government-or-
Long-time resident of Igloolik Eli Amaaq recalled a government admin-
ganized advisory committees. While the groups were promoted as a means
istrator coming to his camp with promises of free housing if Inuit moved
for Inuit voices to be heard, the structure and boundaries of the commit-
to the settlement. He stated that housing was one of the main reasons for
tees limited their effectiveness and ensured that the government remained
moving to the settlement. In presenting the option for families to move to
in control of major decisions related to rule, regulations, and funding. The
Igloolik, administrators rarely, if ever, explained in clear terms what the
housing association, for example, helped householders deal with govern-
costs would be, culturally or financially. Once living in the settlement, fami-
ment, advised government on training programs for people who were new
lies had to pay rent and heating from income and social transfers and they
to living in wooden buildings, and ran a regional conference on the theme
found it difficult to engage in many customary social practices, such as main-
of education for housing occupancy and management. Similarly, an Eskimo
taining multi-generational households and handling food in the new houses.
Council advised administrators on matters particularly affecting the Inuit
Some RCMP were favourably impressed with the housing scheme
in the settlement. It also advised on priorities for making investment in
in Igloolik, at least initially. In the detachment’s annual report for 1967,
community improvements through the Community Development Fund.
Igloolik | 203
During the 1960s, the government moved to increase health care ser-
We are genuinely concerned that we must do something before
vices in Igloolik. Prior to this, missionaries and traders were sometimes
somebody is accidentally frozen to death or before somebody is
able to treat minor injuries or ailments. The first professional nurses in the
murdered as a result of a drunken brawl. We have all heard of the
region were assigned to the DEW Line site at Hall Beach in 1956. A small
terrible things that are happening to our people in Frobisher Bay
health care centre was established in Igloolik in 1964, which was replaced
because of liquor. We must control the liquor situation here in Ig-
two years later by the nursing station, staffed by two nurses. In the mid-
loolik and in Hall Beach before our communities become another
1960s, formal training for nursing assistants and technicians became avail-
Frobisher Bay.
able at the Churchill Vocational Centre, while the nurses in Igloolik also
provided practical training to girls within the community.
One of the last of the three administrative agencies to set itself up in Igloolik was the RCMP. Until 1964, the RCMP only visited Foxe Basin about
The notice asked people to refrain from drunkenness and to keep any
liquor out of sight. It demonstrated that the council understood that the
desire for alcohol was to be expected, stating:
once a year from Pond Inlet. In 1960, the rise in the region’s population to
about five hundred prompted an official in Ottawa to ask, “How have we
We know that there will always be liquor, that it is used all over
for years managed to stay out of Igloolik?” He went on, “This is one of the
the world and that it would be impossible to stop its consumption.
larger settlements in the North and if we have no man there why do we need
There are many white people and Eskimo people who know how
one in the smaller places?” The RCMP opened the Igloolik detachment in
to drink properly. We all know that anybody can get drunk if he or
November 1964.
she wants to, but we, your Community Council, urge you, let there
By this time, with the growth of the AANDC field staff, the RCMP had
be no drunkenness in Igloolik.
already shifted away from their traditional role of looking after the wellbeing of Inuit on the land, towards more conventional policing responsi-
The council also set out rules about the consumption of alcohol and
bilities. Crime was not a problem in the 1960s, as the annual detachment
warned, “When anybody breaks our rules or is reported for doing so we will
reports make clear, but drunkenness was a major concern in the settlement.
ask that person to appear before the Council and discuss his or her alleged
Flights from Iqaluit and trips to Hall Beach gave people access to liquor,
improper conduct.”
and many people knew how to make homebrew.
The RCMP initially reported that the community council was an ef-
Iglulingmiut took steps to deal with drunkenness. In 1967, Inuit mem-
fective means of dealing with people who became drunk and misbehaved,
bers of the settlement council met and issued a notice that was tacked to
stating, “So far this method appears to be working for there have not been
the front door of every house in Igloolik. The RCMP, possibly through the
any repeaters.” Senior officers in Ottawa took positive notice of the settle-
services of the Inuit special constable or Fr. Fournier (who was a member of
ment council’s approach, but disturbances connected to alcohol would con-
the council but not invited to the meeting), translated the notice in its an-
tinue to be a major concern for the community and the RCMP. In the 1970s,
nual detachment report. The core sections of the notice stated:
marijuana entered the community through employees of the DEW Line,
which added to the challenges of dealing with substance abuse. One person
Igloolik | 205
who testified to the QTC explained that hashish, marijuana, and alcohol
were easily procured by anyone who lived near the bases.
In 1966, eight other organizations were present in Igloolik—two churches,
two commercial enterprises, two youth groups, a community association,
and a small local newspaper. Qallunaat created all of these bodies, but Inuit
were gradually taking more interest in them. In Crowe’s opinion, four bodies stand out as having influenced and prepared Iglulingmiut for change—
the HBC, the Igloolik Co-operative, and two mainstream churches. In his
opinion, the level of Inuit leadership was highest in the Anglican Church,
followed by the co-op. With hamlet status, Inuit became directly involved in
managing local affairs to the extent permitted by law.
The HBC had arrived permanently in Igloolik in 1947, when Inuit purchasing power was being boosted by family allowances (a universal social
program of the federal government) but also when fur prices were falling.
The HBC was a dominant, monopolistic force in the Eastern Arctic during the era when most people lived on the land, and it remained deeply
involved in the fur trade and retail trade well into the 1970s. Some Inuit
worked for the HBC as clerks or general workers, but the level of distrust
between Inuit and the HBC was often very high. James Arvaluk witnessed
a very young Inuk who had travelled a full day to the HBC store in the early
1960s to obtain tea, tobacco, and sugar on credit on behalf of his very sick
government wages and social transfers, left the region through purchases at
father. The manager handed him two sealed envelopes that Arvaluk could
the HBC store.
see contained tea bags in one and cigarette butts in the other. Arvaluk wrote
The Igloolik Co-operative was set up in 1963 as part of the federal gov-
that this episode was a “turning point in my life.” He wanted to get more
ernment’s effort to involve Inuit in the market economy. Fr. Fournier, a Ro-
education to address the injustices inflicted by authorities, especially the
man Catholic priest who lived in the community for many years, helped the
HBC. In 1966, despite depressed fox and sealskin prices, about one-quarter
co-op. As a result, initial membership was drawn mainly from the Catholic
of Inuit income came from furs. Most of this cash, and the larger sums from
part of the community. The co-op was originally set up in a surplus DEW
William Calder at the
HBC Post in Igloolik
canada
Igloolik | 207
Line building that had been shipped from Rowley Island. In 1965, the coop and its retail store burned, but were quickly rebuilt. By 1970, its income
came from many enterprises—stevedoring, erection of houses, municipals
services, boat rentals and charters, operation of a post office, retail store
sales, and sales of furs and carvings in the rest of Canada.
St. Stephen’s Catholic Church is the community’s oldest agency of contact with the world beyond Nunavut, and was present—first at Avvajja and
later at Igloolik—since 1931. The decision of the missionaries to build at
Ikpiarjuk in 1937 led to development of the settlement there. The Catholic
missionaries converted many Inuit, but shared the field with not only the old
beliefs and practices associated with shamanism but with the Anglicans. In
a general way, the Catholic Inuit hunted west and south of the community,
while the more numerous Anglicans were farther north. The Catholic clergy
were, among Qallunaat agents, most likely to stay in the community for
many years and to speak Inuktitut. Inuit built the remarkable stone church
that dominated Igloolik’s townscape for a generation under the direction of
Fr. Fournier. They hauled stone by dog teams to the site for its construction.
St. Matthias Anglican Parish grew out of the widespread conversion
of Inuit to the Anglican faith, which was well established at Pond Inlet
before 1930. Long before people began to settle permanently at Igloolik,
Anglican missionaries from Pond Inlet and Arctic Bay included Igloolik in
their travels, and in 1959, Noah Nasook established his rectory not far from
Siuraarjuk, where he was born in 1916. Nasook had started travelling with
missionaries in 1938 and “learned bit by bit about the ministry.” He was
ordained a deacon at Aklavik in 1962 and was priested in Iqaluit two years
later. In between, he built St. Matthias Church at Igloolik, where he continued to serve his congregation until his sudden death in 1990.
Crowe commented on the ways in which religion shaped both how and
opposite page:
Inuit unloading in
front of HBC store,
September 1958
where people lived around Igloolik. He did not feel that divisions along reli-
gious lines were as severe as in other dual religious communities in the Arc-
canada
tic, stating that kinship ties and a sense of regional identity helped to defuse
Igloolik | 209
religious disagreements. Some Inuit saw things differently. Paul Quassa de-
The procedure for approving hamlet status for Igloolik in 1975 was
scribed a community and families divided between Anglicans and Catholics.
“informal.” After itemizing the different social and infrastructure programs
The last of the families came to live in Igloolik from the land in the
managed by the current council, the regional manager recommended an
early 1970s. Despite the suddenness of change and some divisions in the
early granting of hamlet status.
population, Iglulingmiut worked hard together to exert as much influence
as they could. The reward for this was the willingness of the NWT govern-
The Council has a good understanding of its responsibilities both
ment to transfer municipal responsibilities in two relatively easy phases.
as a Settlement and as a Hamlet. Its operating procedures provide
When the last government-appointed settlement manager left in 1971, the
for the effective disposal of Council-business and its administra-
Church in Igloolik
Council asked that he not be replaced. This left the community council to
tion appears capable of functioning at the Hamlet level. The gen-
deal directly with the different government departments that had agents in
eral understanding and involvement of the community is sufficient
the community.
to ensure the maintenance of democratic processes and continued
canada
political development. The Council provides the necessary leadership in the community and represents the various groups within it.
People were making their own decisions about how to preserve their
culture, interpret it to visitors and newcomers, and transfer what was
most important down the generations. In 1973, for example, Igloolik voted
against having television brought to the community because it was only
available in English.
Southerners considered Iglulingmiut to be “traditional Inuit,” due in
part to the remarkable documentation from explorers, and to the short
length of time it took for the settlement to become the organizing influence
in the broader area. This made Iglulingmiut an attractive target for scientific
investigation. The International Biological Programme Human Adaptability Project, initiated in 1968, studied the physical and cultural traits of the
Iglulingmiut and other groups from the Igloolik Scientific Research Laboratory. The mushroom-shaped structure designed by the Montreal firm Étude
Papineau Gérin-Lajoie Le Blanc (which also designed Quebec’s pavilion at
Expo 67) was built from 1973 to 1974. After the original research program
ended, Inuit-led research programs took over the building. It remains one of
the most intriguing examples of modern architecture in the North.
Igloolik | 211
Among all the formal and informal organizations and networks springing up in Igloolik, however, none was devoted to passing on Inuit history or
traditional knowledge. These types of organizations were, presumably, considered to be the responsibility of every adult. In 1972, however, the Inummariit Society was founded in Igloolik to protect Inuit traditions. One of its
first actions was to erect a cement iglu that would act as a cultural resource
centre displaying artefacts from ilagiit nunagivaktangat life. Qallunaat visitors to Igloolik were sent to the Igloolik Cultural Centre to learn more about
Inuit culture, while Elders recounted memories of their former way of life.
As anthropologist Nancy Wachowich has pointed out, not all Iglulingmiut
were happy to see their past packaged and placed on display. One Inuk,
upon returning from boarding school, visited the centre shortly after it had
been built. She found her grandmother’s qulliq, a lamp used for heating the
home and cooking food, on display. Wachowich described how the woman
felt when she saw the display.
[She] felt a chill run down her spine when she saw her grandmother’s qulliq in the Cultural Centre, sitting cold and positioned
beside others of various sizes and shapes on a shelf. Just a few
years earlier, she said, she had watched her grandmother carefully
The museum in the concrete iglu did not operate for long. Part of the
sold to local Inuit and the HBC. The importance of sewing to household and
Gathering of Inuit
community at Igloolik,
May 1965
reason was the incompatibility of the Inuit sense of time and more southern
community economies for Iglulingmiut has been well documented. The fact
ideas of historical presentation of the past. The Iglulingmiut traditions were
that women opened a sewing centre, which may have been a predecessor
canada
ongoing—they were not a static happening of the past. The relationship of
to the modern Naluat sewing collective, demonstrates the continued sig-
Inuit to the land and customary practices was intimate, apparent, and con-
nificance of sewing in Iglulingmiut culture. The centre suffered financial
tinual, not a bygone memory only existing in a museum display. The huge
hardships through its first four years, but was aided by a Canada Works
concrete iglu was soon boarded up and was eventually torn down in 1995
Grant in 1974. Cultural ventures continued to preoccupy people in Igloo-
after part of the roof collapsed, killing a child.
lik, marked by significant activities like the Elders’ oral history project that
tending this same qulliq’s flame in their tent.
Arnait Katujjiqatigiit, the Igloolik sewing centre, was founded in 1975.
The centre employed thirteen women who made traditional clothing to be
Igloolik | 213
collected more than five hundred memories over two decades, and the
This was when Igloolik already had the HBC, the RCMP, and the
Igloolik Archaeological Field School, which, for a decade brought profes-
Mission here. The only times my uncle or father came here was to
sionals and students together to examine Igloolik’s distant past. The most
get supplies and maybe we would come here for Christmas . . .
recent explosion of interest in traditional culture, life, and stories, has been
Yes, it is changed. There has been a big change in every part of
demonstrated in films from Igloolik’s Isuma Productions, with Atanarjuat
it. We often say that it is not because we don’t like the Qallunaat.
and The Journals of Knud Rasmussen sharing with the world both ancient
It is not that. In the old days when we were kids, the RCMP would
and recent stories of great local importance.
come into the communities. When we saw Qallunaat, we would
In the 1950 to 1975 period, the Qikiqtaaluk Inuit passed from living
say as if they were big people or scary, we would be taught to be
in about a hundred small, family-based communities that were fairly mo-
intimidated by the way they talked. Now though, after the change,
bile, to populating just thirteen sedentary villages. Igloolik became one of
we can say that Qallunaat has arrived. The police are just police,
the largest of those permanent communities. People born while their parents
without policiarluq, without stigmatizing. I think with that, the
were living on the land absorbed changes that in other societies took many
Inuit now feel more equal to non-Inuit compared to when I was a
generations to accept. Many Inuit Elders found powerful words to express this
child. We have more sense of ownership for our land, for our hunt-
drama. Around 1974, Piugatuk spoke to the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy
ers and trappers, and so forth. Through the various land claims
Project about the erosion of the isolation that had protected Igloolik and the
boards, Inuit now have a say. Before, it was all done through Ottawa
Amitturmiut.
or Yellowknife.
I think that is the whole process of what land claims are
When I was small we used to do what we wished, as if we were
about. I think that is taking place now . . . I believe it would prob-
owners. We had never seen a [Qallunaaq]. I finally saw one when
ably be for our next generation to be stronger. They never experi-
I was growing up. That was about the time Amaq, my brother’s
enced that assimilation process. I think that this generation could
namesake, died. That [Qallunaaq] said that Igloolik was like a liv-
be able to have more anticipation in deciding what to do for their
ing person. Some white people had tried to come here but they
people. That is how it is a bit now but we are not in that actual
could not, because it seemed to run away. He said it seemed as if it
stage yet. We are not really comfortable running our commu-
had died, because it now could be reached by Qallunaat.
nity. My generation and my parents’ generation are still holding
onto this whole thing that has happened. Even for us who were
One of Igloolik’s enduring leaders, Paul Quassa, was a member of the
not there, it is painful. It has to be taken out, hopefully through
generation that went to residential schools during the 1950s, and fought
[the QTC], it will help. We are still carrying it. Hopefully, we don’t
to see Nunavut become a reality in 1999. He gave the following statement
carry it down to our next generation even though I think that may
about Igloolik during this period.
have happened.
Iqaluit
T
he city of Iqaluit, with a population of 6,669, is a community unlike
any other in Nunavut. The surrounding area was known mainly as a
good place to fish in summer, and as a place where the coast-dwelling
Inuit of Frobisher Bay passed en route to the caribou-hunting grounds in
the centre of Baffin Island. It was the development of a landing strip for the
American military and the intrusion of modern geopolitics and defence into
Inuit Nunangat, rather than social services or trade opportunities, that concentrated Inuit towards the head of the bay in the 1940s. Then, in a series
of rapid changes, Iqaluit (known then as Frobisher Bay) became an early
warning base, a regional hub, and eventually a capital city. In the process,
Iqaluit attracted not just people from around Frobisher Bay, but also hunters and their families from Hudson Strait and Cumberland Sound. Like
many larger centres in other parts of northern Canada, the community tries
to balance the interests of its Aboriginal population, almost all of whom
are Inuit, with a steady flow (and much turnover) of incomers attached to
government or business.
| 215
Iqaluit | 217
Iqaluit is at the head of a large tidal basin, Frobisher Bay (or Tasiujar-
south of the better-known Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line. Known as
juaq), and is sited on the shores of Koojesse Inlet. Dramatic tides create long
“Upper Base,” this area was off limits to civilians unless they worked there.
stretches of rocky beaches and mud flats along the inlet. To the southwest,
It closed in 1961.
the Meta Incognita Peninsula separates the bay and the city from Hudson
After the construction of Upper Base in the 1950s, Canadian authori-
Strait, while on the northeast, the Hall Peninsula lies between Frobisher
ties designed and built a fourth neighbourhood specifically for Inuit. Named
Bay and Cumberland Sound. Frobisher Bay itself is aligned from northwest
Apex (often called “Apex Hill”), it was constructed near an existing Hud-
to southeast, with its wide mouth open to Davis Strait. About two-thirds of
son’s Bay Company (HBC) post at Niaqunnguut at the end of a new road
the way up the bay, it is speckled with small islands. Glaciers cap the hills to
that connected it to the airport 5 kilometres away. Scholars who studied the
the south; otherwise, the area is not especially elevated and is dotted with
two Inuit neighbourhoods, Apex and Ikaluit, in the early 1960s found that
Family in Iqaluit doing
activities near their
tent
lakes and rocky outcrops. In some places, rich vegetation covers the hills
Inuit in the two places had similar attitudes and expectations, even though
with Arctic flora in summer. Freeze-up generally occurs in November and
Ikaluit was denied many of the facilities that people in Apex enjoyed.
canada
lasts until June.
More than other Nunavut communities, Iqaluit appears to the visitor
as a collection of neighbourhoods. The earliest development occurred on
the broad, flat lands at the head of Koojesse Inlet and east of the Sylvia
Grinnell River. On this wide expanses of gravel west of the city, the US Army
Air Force (later the US Air Force, hereinafter referred to as USAF) began
to build a 6,000-foot landing strip and supporting hangars, machine shops
and barracks in 1941. The Main Base, which supported the airport, was Iqaluit’s first permanent settled place and was later expanded to become the
area known as “Lower Base”.
The second neighbourhood to appear was “Ikaluit,” situated at a traditional fishing place. In the 1940s, this name was applied to a small, unplanned settlement of Inuit tents, qammat (Inuit houses with rigid walls)
and wooden shelters on the level ground southeast of the head of Koojesse
Inlet. Ikaluit kept that name until 1987 when the name Iqaluit was given to
the larger community.
The third area, located on high ground northeast of the air base is associated with the Cold War. It was built as the most northern station of the
Pinetree Line. This was a line of early warning radar stations that ran from
the Rocky Mountains across Canada to Labrador and the Eastern Arctic
In 1966, the federal government decided to withdraw its services from
Apex and concentrate new development for all civilians (Inuit and Qallunaat) along rising ground east of the airport in an area that became known
as “Astro Hill.” This neighbourhood was dominated by the multi-use federal building, commonly called the Brown Building. A new HBC store and
schools were located lower down the hill and other housing was added over
the next decade.
Since the 1970s, a hospital and Nunavut Arctic College have been added on the north side of the road to Apex, and residential subdivisions have
spread southeast to Happy Valley, Tundra Valley and Tundra Ridge, and
northwest towards Upper Base (the Plateau). Although reduced in population and still physically separate from other neighbourhoods, Apex is still,
in 2013, home to sixty families, with a church, their own local school, and a
well-maintained road to the centre of Iqaluit.
This cluster of neighbourhoods is now the capital of Nunavut, and the
territory’s administrative, health, and education centre. It ranks twentieth
among the busiest airports in Canada and serves as the legal and justice
centre for Nunavut. Iqaluit’s quick rise in status from a good fishing spot
for a dispersed population to the capital city was far from certain. Even the
establishment of a major military air base on the site in 1941 did not por-
opposite page:
Dr. C. Davies
examines the eyes of
Lee Teea, July 1951
canada
tend that Iqaluit would be such an important community a half century
later. It was only in the late 1960s, after the Canadian federal government
realized the value of the airport and other infrastructure already in place,
that services and facilities for a regional headquarters for Canada’s Eastern
Arctic were established.
Today, some families living in Iqaluit are Iglulingmiut, the same descendants of Inuit who lived on the bay for hundreds of years and came
into the settlement for a variety of reasons, such as employment or access
to health care and schooling. Many more Inuit living in the city trace their
origins in the city to relatives who arrived in the 1950s and onwards from all
over the North. Among the people who provided testimony to the Qikiqtani
Iqaluit | 219
Iqaluit | 221
Truth Commission (QTC), some came to work in Apex and were provided
Iqaluit’s community history is unique in Qikiqtaaluk not just because
with housing; others were sent to the rehabilitation centre after health
of its large size or its current position as the capital, but also because of the
treatments in the south and eventually made Iqaluit their home; and oth-
growth of the Qallunaat population and its social, political and economic
ers came for schooling. Many other Nunavummiut living in other parts of
institutions. The earliest non-Inuit populations were military men living
Nunavut have connections to Iqaluit. For many years, its high school offered
in barracks. the few contacts they had with Inuit created opportunities and
the most complete range of courses in the region, and the student hostel
expectations for employment that were unique for Inuit in the region at
associated with the school, Ukkiivik (“the place to spend the winter”), was a
the time. Developments in the later 1950s and 1960s created a much more
temporary home to hundreds of young Inuit from across present-day Nuna-
mixed population than is common to the rest of the region. As a result, the
vut between 1971 and 1996. Many babies have been also born in Iqaluit
Iqalungmiut who originally lived in the area are a minority of the popula-
because policies require expectant mothers to spend the last weeks of their
tion, even if the population today is 85% Inuit.
pregnancies near the city’s hospital. As the medical centre and air-travel
hub of the Eastern Arctic, Iqaluit gave temporary shelter to travellers from
all over, beginning with the returned tuberculosis (TB) patients in the mid1950s and continuing to the present day.
The QTC community histories focus on social and economic change.
Throughout the Arctic, all Inuit experienced a very long period in which the
sea and the land provided almost everything people needed. The QTC reports
call this period Taissumani Nunamiutautilluta. It includes some very early
The land and sea of the Iqaluit area has been home to Inuit and earlier
contacts with outsiders that must have been tremendously exciting, but at
populations for about four thousand years. Access to marine mammals and
times disturbing, to Inuit.
caribou determined where people lived well into the twentieth century, and
This was followed everywhere by a period of disruptions, many of
travelling to hunt remains an important activity influenced by knowledge
them negative and all demanding special adjustments by Inuit. They are
acquired over millennia. Archaeologists name the early cultures of Canada’s
described here as Sangussaqtauliqtilluta, meaning when people were more
Eastern Arctic as pre-Dorset, Dorset, and Thule, and each of these peoples
or less forced to change their ways. In the Iqaluit area, this began quite
left artefacts to show where they lived. Some even left remains of their
early in 1941, and in some ways, the Sangussaqtauliqtilluta at Iqaluit drove
habitations around Frobisher Bay. Some of the oldest sites documented by
similar but later changes throughout Qikiqtaaluk.
archaeologists are at the northwestern tip of Frobisher Bay, near the mouth
Eventually almost the whole population of Qikiqtaaluk lived in cen-
of the Sylvia Grinnell River and the present city of Iqaluit. Only a short
tralized settlements, with outside forces shaping them into the present
boat ride from the city, people can visit the Thule village at Qaummaarviit
thirteen communities. This period, called Nunalinnguqtitauliqtilluta, was
Territorial Park. While the records of documented sites are not a perfect
particularly complex in Iqaluit, resulting in several neighbourhoods with
indication of where people lived, these patterns of use in the earliest times
very different functions and ethnic and socio-economic divisions.
are quite similar to the more recent past.
Iqaluit | 223
Mapping based on Inuit traditional knowledge reveals the origins of
movements around Davis Strait and Frobisher Bay. Over the next two
many Iqalungmiut who originally came to Iqaluit as adults and were still liv-
decades, epidemic diseases thinned the population severely, resulting in
ing there in the mid-1970s. Evidence in the maps of their traplines and the
some Nugumiut moving north into Cumberland Sound. Interestingly, those
waters where they hunted stretch from Cape Dorset in the west to within 80
places in Cumberland Sound where the Nugumiut influence was still strong
kilometres of Pangnirtung in the east. This is not evidence of tremendous
in the 1880s later provided many people who migrated in the opposite di-
travel outwards from Iqaluit, but of migrations from one area to another.
rection to work and live in Iqaluit in the 1950s and 1960s.
Yet these maps also confirm a continuing use of lands around Frobisher
After 1900, the population of Frobisher Bay also began to shift their
Bay. In 1885, anthropologist Franz Boas described four concentrations of
winter ilagiit nunagivaktangit up the bay on the strength of the fox-fur trade.
winter settlements named Tornait, Operdniving and Tuarpukdjuaq, and
On the north side of the bay, people had access to foxes, but also to the same
Nugumiut, all near Davis Strait around the tip of the Hall Peninsula. Boas
food animals as were hunted by previous generations. The lakes and rivers
also applied the name Nugumiut to Inuit of this region, and described their
provided some of the best char fishing in the whole of southern Baffin Island
winter routine:
in summer. Hunting of harp seals and ringed seals occurred throughout the
bay and along the coastlines, while walrus were most intensively hunted in
As these bays open into Davis Strait the formation of the ice is
the fall in Frobisher Bay and near the Middle Savage Islands. Beluga whales
retarded and its extent diminished, and consequently some pecu-
were hunted both at the floe edge in spring and in open water during the
liarities in the arrangement of the life of the Eskimo are observed
summer and fall. In the summer, caribou were hunted throughout the land
here. The only occupation of the Nugumiut and the inhabitants of
surrounding the bay and extending to the areas around Amadjuak and Net-
Ukadlik is sealing with the harpoon on the floe of the inner parts
tilling lakes. In winter, caribou were found on the Hall Peninsula. Polar bear
of the bay. Near Ukadlik the tide holes east and west of Allen Island
hunting occurred across the Meta Incognita Peninsula. Much of this hunt-
abound with seals. In winter, when the seals take to the open ice,
ing and egg harvesting continues, though the location of Iqaluit relative to
the village of this group of families is established near Roger’s
the floe edge and unpredictable ice conditions as the climate changes have
Island, where the floe of the bay forms the hunting ground.
made the future of some hunts more challenging than in earlier millennia.
By January, however, people would vacate this area to join the ilagiit
nunagivaktangit inside the mouth of Frobisher Bay where they hunted seals
Early Contacts
or walrus at the floe edge. In mid-March, people began to move northwest
up the bay in preparation for fishing at various places including Iqaluit, and
The Inuit in this region might have encountered Norse sailors as early as
then moved inland for the all-important caribou hunt into Amadjuak Lake
one thousand years ago, but the earliest meetings that survive in local mem-
and other parts of the interior.
ory were with a party of adventurers led by Martin Frobisher in 1576–78. An
About forty years before Boas made his observations, the arrival of Eu-
English navigator, Frobisher had a remarkable opportunity to visit Hudson
ropean whalers in Cumberland Sound in 1840 set off a series of population
Strait three years in a row. He was searching for both a northwest passage
Iqaluit | 225
to China and for gold. Although he failed in both quests, he met more Inuit
Hudson and James Bays. The next intensive period of contact came in the
than any other English explorer for two centuries.
1850s, when Scottish and American whalers began to operate in large num-
In 1576, Frobisher reached what is now Frobisher Bay, and reported what
bers off Cumberland Sound. The erratic fortunes of the whaling industry
seemed to be a promising “strait” leading northwest. His tiny bark, Gabriel,
caused rapid migrations within the region. Many people moved north along
made a safe passage almost to the present site of Iqaluit, and on the second
the northwest shore of Cumberland Sound to be nearer to the whalers, a
year’s voyage easily found the bay again. In the third season, the much larger
migration that did not begin to reverse until a whaling station was built at
expedition of fifteen ships was driven far off course up Hudson Strait before
Singaijaq in 1885. After it closed in 1896, there was a temporary movement
returning to the mouth of Frobisher Bay. On each trip, Frobisher found de-
back towards Umanaqjuaq (Blacklead Island) in Cumberland Sound.
posits of black rock that his assayers, fraudulently or by a serious mistake,
Despite moves to follow whaling, there were always Inuit living and
declared were a rich ore of gold. Each voyage was a failure, and a great deal
using the resources of Frobisher Bay and the deep bays that face Davis Strait
of worthless black rock was shipped to England, especially in the third year.
between Loks Land and Brevoort Island. Early in the twentieth century, the
Relations between the Inuit and Frobisher must also be called a failure.
Singaijaq whaling station occasionally reopened, but fox trapping prompted
The sailors’ written accounts and Inuit oral records tell similar stories. The
an English firm to open a new post at Mingoaktuk, where an Inuk trader,
first contacts near the head of the bay were almost playful, as Inuit came
Mitsiga, managed a small trade for a few years in the 1920s. This post made
aboard the Gabriel and for two days explored the vessel and traded food
Frobisher Bay accessible year-round from Kimmirut and in winter from
and skins for glass and metal goods. The encounter soured when five of
Pangnirtung and Cumberland Sound.
Frobisher’s men went off in a small boat and disappeared. The English suspected the Inuit had killed all five and they took hostages—a man in 1576,
and a man, woman, and child in 1577. All four died in England shortly after
arriving, and six or seven Inuit died in a fight with the English in 1577.
Inuit retained a rich body of information about the strangers. Almost
The full suite of core Qallunaat institutions—traders, missionaries, and
three hundred years later, their descendants told an American journal-
RCMP—arrived late to the Frobisher Bay area compared with other places
ist, Charles Francis Hall, that the missing sailors had been cared for until
in Qikiqtaaluk. The HBC established a post at Charles Francis Hall Bay near
summer and then sailed away. Inuit stories were consistent with written
the toe of the Grinnell Glacier in 1914. In 1920, it moved across to Hamlin
accounts, accurately describing where incidents took place. Hall’s guides led
Bay, and shifted again two years later up the bay to Ward Inlet, 65 kilome-
him to Kodlunarn (Qallunaat) Island, the site of Frobisher’s extensive min-
tres from present-day Iqaluit. Inuit called the Ward Inlet post Iqalugaarjuit
ing operating in 1578. The expedition’s abandoned wood and metal became
or Iqalugaarjuk. The HBC finally established a more permanent post at
a valuable resource for generations to come.
Niaqunnguut (in the Apex neighbourhood of present-day Iqaluit) in 1948.
After Frobisher, Inuit living in the area had no contact with Qallu-
Contact with other Qallunaat was usually brief until the 1940s, with In-
naat unless they paddled out into Hudson Strait in early summer on the
uit living in approximately twenty separate ilagiit nunagivaktangit through-
off chance of meeting and trading with the HBC’s supply vessels bound for
out the region. The RCMP patrolled occasionally from Kimmirut or Pang-
Iqaluit | 227
nirtung from the 1920s onward, before establishing the first detachment in
The HBC post’s population was listed as “1 white at settlement (sea-
the area in 1945. The missions were a more complicated story. Frobisher
sonal), 183 Eskimos in district.” Once a year the HBC schooner, Nannuk,
Bay lay on the routes between Blacklead Island to the north and Kimmirut
arrived from Kimmirut, and two contacts by sledge were noted. The RCMP
to the south. Many Nugumiut were Anglicans, perhaps even devout An-
came in on patrol each spring, and the HBC trader arrived by dog team in
glicans by the 1930s, though the first church in Iqaluit was erected only in
late December or early January and returned in late spring.
1957. (This prefabricated building was dismantled a few years later and sent
to Clyde River. In Iqaluit, it was replaced by St. Jude’s Cathedral, a significant community achievement and a landmark for many years until it was
destroyed by fire in 2005.) Although there were no Roman Catholic Inuit
in the area before 1950, by 1960 there were enough Qallunaat Catholics to
form Our Lady of the Assumption Catholic Parish. Many Inuit parishioners,
mostly from Hudson Bay and Foxe Basin, later joined them.
1941–1960
Group of Inuit
patients waiting in
a van in front of
the Frobisher Bay
General Hospital
By the close of the Second World War, the period when Inuit were living
entirely on the land was ending. Strong wartime and postwar interest in
canada
Arctic aviation, and a long period of challenges and adjustments followed.
Interesting glimpses of the changes to come appear in a list of Eastern Arctic settlements prepared in 1943 for military use. It named only two settlements on Frobisher Bay, following a standard government practice that
called everything with wooden buildings a settlement. Places regularly
occupied by Inuit, no matter how large, were called camps. One settlement
identified on the list was the seasonal HBC store at Cormack Bay on the east
side of the entrance to Ward Inlet. The second was Crystal Two, a USAF station constructed in 1941–42. The differences between them could not have
been more striking.
Iqaluit | 229
In contrast, Crystal Two (also code-named “Chaplet” or “Izoc”) was the
centralized at Iqaluit, and moved outwards from it to carry on their tradi-
North Atlantic wing of the Air Transport Command, USAF. It was an air
tional activities. Not everyone stayed; some who migrated into Iqaluit for
base at the head of Frobisher Bay, between Koojesse Inlet and Sylvia Grin-
economic reasons or for a sense of adventure returned after a few seasons
nell River at the present site of Iqaluit. Personnel included 12 officers and
to the regions they had come from. Incomers like this were particularly nu-
144 enlisted men. The site had a twenty-five-bed hospital with three medi-
merous from the south side of Cumberland Sound (near Pangnirtung) and
cal officers, frequent aircraft arrivals and departures on two paved runways
from the coastal ilagiit nunagivaktangit near Kimmirut on Hudson Strait.
of 6,000 and 5,000 feet in length, and occasional calls by ships of the US
Because of the strong development pressures from military and cen-
Army and Navy. The medical facilities alone exceeded anything else avail-
tral administrative activities, Iqaluit followed a unique path through the
able in Baffin Island.
challenges of the 1950s and 1960s. Most other Qikiqtaaluk communities
began as isolated trading posts, lived through an intensive period of disrup-
Military Development
tion, and settled down in a few years as home to those who had formerly
hunted and trapped in the surrounding territory. Iqaluit was different. The
surrounding population was small. Steady increases from migration within
The development of government services and the movement of Inuit towards
Qikiqtaaluk, as well as the arrival of non-Inuit from all over Canada, was
the activities at the base followed these military operations. These changes
due, in large part, to the airfield.
reshaped the entire human and environmental landscape of Iqaluit. Official
The steady pace of growth made Iqaluit both the largest mixed com-
policy forbade military men from much contact with Inuit, but this rule was
munity and the largest non-Inuit community in Nunavut. There were four
often broken. Working and social activities involving Inuit and Qallunaat
clearly defined moments when old patterns were shattered. First came a
became frequent. The Inuit community grew quickly; as a result, many of
military period, starting with the construction of the air base in 1941–42.
the customary ways people had for dealing with each other became difficult
This was followed by a period of less intensive contact. Second, the United
to maintain. Inuit who were used to living in small, multi-family groups
States built the DEW Line across the Arctic in the mid-1950s and the Cana-
found themselves mixing face to face with hundreds of other Inuit, most of
dian government built Apex Hill in 1955. Third, large-scale Inuit migrations
whom were, if not strangers like the Qallunaat, not close relatives either.
from Cumberland Sound and Hudson Strait began in 1957. A government
This period of Sangussaqtauliqtilluta was a period of enormous
researcher concluded, “By 1960, there were no longer any permanent outly-
changes in a short time. The main direction of change was to break up a
ing Eskimo camps left in the bay region—all the Eskimos lived within the
life in which the efforts of whole families and kin groups were coordinated
settlement.” Finally, the construction boom under the 1966 government devel-
to produce food and maintain their social cohesion. In the earlier period,
opment plan confirmed Iqaluit’s role as the biggest government–commercial
Taissumani Nunamiutautilluta, a centre like the Ward Inlet trading post on
settlement in the Eastern Arctic.
Frobisher Bay existed only to provide trade goods and other imported ser-
In 1941, even before the United States sent troops to fight in the Second
vices to people who were continuing to live in dispersed settlements around
World War, Canada allowed the USAF to establish a strategic weather sta-
their regions. In the Sangussaqtauliqtilluta period, many people became
tion and air base on Crowell Island, 56 kilometres from present-day Iqaluit.
The island was quickly abandoned for a site near the Sylvia Grinnell River,
Crystal Two (also known as “Chaplet” or “Izoc”). It was part of the Crimson Staging Route that was organized by the Americans during the war to
transport equipment from the central United States to Europe. Inuit were
involved in the military installations from the beginning by helping to find
an appropriate location for the base. One Inuk in particular, Pauloosie
Nakasuk, worked with the US military while they were establishing the air
base. Joe Tikivik told the QTC, “Nakasuk opened Iqaluit. He was one of the
ones who came here by boat. He was one of the original persons with his
wife and family. So from there, the Americans located here and they started
opposite page:
Inuit stretcher case
brought to Frobisher
Bay by the C. D. Howe
goes aboard RCAF
aircraft to be flown
out to hospital in
Montreal, July 1951
Iqaluit.” Nakasuk Elementary School in Iqaluit is named after him.
More than five thousand American personnel descended into Iqaluit
to construct the air base. Some Inuit recall being afraid when they first saw
airplanes, either not knowing what they were or believing they were being
invaded. The USAF hired fifty-three Inuit to help construct the station, but it
discouraged Inuit from settling in the vicinity by refusing to provide separate
houses for Inuit workers. The RCAF, as “the controlling authority” in the
agreement between Canada and the United States, allowed Inuit workers
to live in their own tents and snow houses on the base, and to make shelters
canada
from spare lumber. The Crystal Two station was completed in December
1943, and included two runways. As soon as construction was finished, only
one Inuit family was kept on to work. By that point, the US military realized
that the eastern section of the Crimson Route, including Iqaluit, would be
used less than anticipated due to technical advances in aircraft and safer
marine routes. The base was kept open with minimal staff. As per the international agreements, the Canadian government bought the air base from
the USAF for about $6.8 million in 1944 (equivalent to $91 million in 2013),
with the RCAF taking over the few requirements for air-base operations.
The Canadian government had assumed that Inuit working in construction would simply return to the land when work was finished. Some
Inuit decided that they preferred to stay year-round in shelters they had
Iqaluit | 231
Iqaluit | 233
built in what became the informal Ikaluit village, but most families chose to
Sammy Josephee also told the QTC, “There was a bunch of Inuit moved
come back only for seasonal work. Akeeshoo Joamie told the QTC in 2008:
to an island so that they could make room for the Americans. There were
no more Inuit in Iqaluit. They wanted us out of the way to make room for
In the ’40s, there was a whole bunch of Qallunaat; that is when
the army.” Inuit were familiar with dark-skinned people from their expe-
we really came in contact with Qallunaat. We would come into a
rience with Portuguese-speaking Azorean whalers before 1900, but very
community to seek some work for the summer. Perhaps for about
few people in the region—Qallunaat or Inuit—completely understood that
three months, as part of the wage economy, during the re-supply
the US military was segregating its African-American troops from all local
season, we would come to work during the summer time. In Oc-
populations.
tober, we would go back to our wintering camps. We travelled by
boat; it was the only way to get back to our camps.
When the second USAF phase ended in 1949, all but five of the twentyone permanent Inuit employees and all of its twenty-five seasonal Inuit
employees were dismissed. The cuts were serious for families in Iqaluit,
In 1947, the USAF returned to refurbish the airfield’s main runway. This
operation included many African-American soldiers in an era of segregation,
especially since those permanent employees had been supporting seventynine dependents in the community.
which was also an era of openly racist sentiments towards most non-white
In 1951, when Iqaluit became the northern terminal of the Pinetree
groups, including Inuit. To ensure that African-American troops were kept
Line, a new military building program was started on high ground away
separate from the local population, the USAF moved Inuit to Ukaliqtulik, a
from the base. This program was a series of radar stations scanning Arctic
nearby island, for the summer. Inuit men employed at the base travelled to
skies to warn of a potential Soviet bomber attack. The line ran across the
work daily from the island. Some Inuit Elders told interviewer Mélanie Ga-
middle of Canada and arced north across Newfoundland and Labrador,
gnon that this was the first time they did not feel in control of their own lives.
ending at Iqaluit. The radar station, staffed by about 150 American person-
Simonie Michael told the Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA):
nel, became known as Upper Base to distinguish it from the air base, which
was now known as Lower Base. Fourteen permanent Inuit employees were
Then we started hearing about the coming work force that were
hired to help construct and maintain Upper Base, and were provided with
not white men! We were told that they would arrive from down
wooden houses and a day off per week for hunting. The Frobisher Bay sta-
south! They totalled about 200, but we didn’t call them white, we
tion also became an administrative, logistics, and distribution hub for a
called them Puatiki [Black] . . . When they moved us to the Island,
massive construction project, the DEW Line, in the summer of 1955, as well
we started having major problems and we started to brainstorm
as the Polevault Station. Other Inuit workers from the area were transferred
as to what we should do . . . We said, “This is impossible . . .” There
to DEW Line sites in Alaska or the Western Arctic.
was no water and no harbour for our boats. They moved us there
The waves of military development were not without conflict with
with no mode of transportation to get back and forth to work to
Inuit. Tomassie Naglingniq recalled for the publication, Memory and His-
the main land. When we started having these major problems, we
tory in Nunavut: Inuit Recollections on the Military Presence in Iqaluit
started discussing what we should do!
that he and a few other teenagers had been hunting ptarmigan near Upper
Iqaluit | 235
Base and had wandered too close to the base. They were apprehended by
alungmiut. They were primarily used for transportation and hunting com-
US soldiers who took away their ptarmigans and called the RCMP who
panions, but they also served as a source of food during times of famine
then escorted them home. The next day, the soldiers gave the boys pop and
and their hide could be used to make clothing. As hunting companions,
chocolate, but did not return their ptarmigans. Some contacts were friend-
qimmiit were used to find the agluit (seal breathing holes) in the sea ice and
lier. Inuit attended movies at the base and watched travelling entertainers.
track polar bears. They could also walk long distances with saddles during
Some soldiers also left bags of flour or other unspoiled foodstuffs outside
inland caribou hunts. During storms or blizzards, they could trace scents
for Inuit. Generally, Inuit felt more comfortable living alongside American
to find their way home. Isaac Shooyook of Arctic Bay told the QTC how his
soldiers than they did being under the observation and control of Canadian
qimmiit “could lead me home without me giving commands.” As more Inuit
officials.
moved to the settlements, more and more qimmiit were also living in close
The base was important for employment. As Iqaluit built up its infra-
quarters with people, both Inuit and Qallunaat. As a result, the potential for
structure, on-the-job training was available for Inuit in construction jobs
qimmiit–human conflict increased, spurring the development of policies to
on the base and at the airport. In 1957, the base and airfield came under
deal with loose qimmiit.
the control of the Canadian Department of Transport, but numerous mili-
An ordinance of the Northwest Territories, known as the Ordinance
tary flights continued to arrive and depart at the airfield. Inuit had fewer
Respecting Dogs, forbade dogs from running loose in built-up areas. In
contacts with the restricted facilities of West 40, where the Department of
November 1956, the private contractors who managed the base forward-
Transport operated a meteorological station and the Royal Canadian Navy,
ed complaints from the base medical officer about having to treat bites
until 1968, had a communications base. This brought on construction of the
inflicted by “ownerless strays.” These were, in fact, qimmiit belonging to
Composite Building in 1958, also known as the Federal Building or North
Inuit employees of the military. The civilian authorities in Ottawa shied
40. When the Pinetree Line closed in 1961, the US presence in Iqaluit be-
away from the problem, placing the responsibility on the shoulders of the
gan to taper off once more. Despite the irregular US presence, as Anugaaq
RCMP, stating, “We prefer that such enforcement jobs be done by police.
Arnaqquq stated years later, many Inuit felt that “the Americans helped us
Our [Northern Service] officers cannot be successful in their efforts at com-
a great deal.”
munity organization if they have to act as policemen.”
Authorities wrestled with the growing problem, which was dividing
The New Settlements and Their Impact
on Qimmiit
Inuit and Qallunaat. One RCMP officer explained, “There are a number of
dogs running loose about Frobisher Bay . . . Most of these stray animals are
owned by Eskimos who are employed by the United States Air Force at this
point. The owners work full time and are unable to hunt seal to feed the
The military presence also provoked one of the most painful parts of the dis-
dogs, yet they are reluctant to part with any of them.” He continued:
ruption period. This was the process—actually carried out by the RCMP—
of eliminating loose qimmiit from the town. Until the late 1960s, qimmiit
This dog problem does indirectly affect, for instance, the economy
played a fundamental role in the daily economic activities of most Qikiqta-
of the Eskimo. Destruction of an Eskimo’s dogs after remaining
unclaimed in the pound for five days may result in him quitting
the community, rarely, if ever, used qimmiit. They were not interested in
his job on the air base and returning to a life on the land. This
finding solutions where conflict already existed. In November 1956, Super-
would be just one of many reactions. Other Eskimos might show
intendent Larsen commanding “G” Division (Yukon, Northwest Territories,
their dislike by offering active opposition in varied forms . . .
and Arctic Quebec) in Ottawa reiterated that his men at the Frobisher Bay
The Frobisher Bay Eskimo do not understand the dog prob-
detachment “are responsible for enforcement of the Dog Ordinance in the
lem which has developed here since the inception of the air base.
area” and that they were “instructed to strictly enforce” the rules and pros-
Nor do they appreciate that this detachment must deal with it as
ecute lawbreakers. He also wrote, “As most of the Eskimos at Frobisher Bay
outlined in the Dog Ordinance. Many of these Eskimos let their
have taken up employment at the Air Base and town site, and no longer
dogs run loose so they can feed in the disposal area while the
need dogs to make a living, they should be discouraged as much as possible
owner is at work on the base. This is a perfectly reasonable explanation, and to these individuals no answer except one which will
offer an alternative food supply, will have any semblance of being
reasonable.
The decision to let qimmiit forage by allowing them to run loose was
explained to McGill University anthropologist Toshio Yatsushiro by employed
Inuit in 1959. Yatsushiro recorded an Inuk who explained:
opposite page:
Inuit boy with husky
in front of wooden
hut, taken on the
Governor General’s
Northern Tour,
March 1956
Iqaluit | 237
Eskimos like to have dogs to use in the winter for hunting. They
don’t like it when the RCMP kill them. Some dogs are left untied
for a week or so because they get cross when they are tied. The Eskimos understand, if they are free they will be shot, but if they are
tied they cannot get food, so maybe they will die anyhow. Eskimos
bring food and water to the dogs when they have it, but often they
don’t have it. So when the dogs go free they eat garbage—when the
RCMP saw it they shot them it is not good.
RCMP officers posted to the North into the 1950s almost always relied
on qimmiit to travel. They had experience handling teams with help from
Inuit special constables and understood their importance to Inuit. Many
officers who came later or lived in Iqaluit without having to travel outside
Iqaluit | 239
from keeping dogs.” Civilian officials and RCMP officers in Iqaluit quickly
against the shootings. One informant, named Pauloosie, explained to Yatsush-
put together a plan that included an information poster in Inuktitut on the
iro in 1958 that Inuit “don’t like the shooting. In winter they like to go hunt-
law requiring qimmiit to be tied up and a public meeting where all adult
ing and can’t if they have no dogs.” Another informant questioned whether:
Inuit would be lectured on qimmiit control. They also planned to build a
dog pound to hold and feed up to twelve qimmiit at a time.
The [government] didn’t want Eskimos to have dogs any more.
Over the next two months, enforcement of the Ordinance proceeded
Eskimos sometimes have dogs untied, they get hungry and run
and was duly reported to Ottawa as a success because twenty qimmiit were
around looking for food . . . The Eskimos can’t feed them regularly
impounded, two men were fined for letting their qimmiit run loose, and
because the hunting around Frobisher Bay is no longer good. Every-
“three or four dogs” were shot after five days. However, Inuit continued to
one is working so no dog meat can be hunted for. But they need
be critical of the short chains that were supplied, and the administrator be-
the dogs for hunting in the winter.
lieved dog food was “an acute problem” because commercial food lacked
essential nutrients, especially fat. This meant that Inuit who were chaining
Enforcement continued for many years, but public information cam-
qimmiit were losing them to cold and malnutrition while other qimmiit,
paigns to explain the rules were completely inadequate. In 1963, for example,
which ran free, grew fat at the air-force dump. The administrator concluded
warnings of qimmiit round-ups were advertised on the local radio, but an
that the only solution to the problem would be a costly one—two large com-
American anthropologist heard warnings given only once in Inuktitut,
pounds near the air base, where qimmiit could be easily fed and watered.
while the warnings were repeated in English very often over several days.
A month later, the detachment reported that impoundments and prosecutions were continuing and loose qimmiit were no longer a problem in Iqaluit.
Between late 1956 and 1958, Qallunaat authorities appear to have
Civilian Life in the 1950s
overcome any previous reluctance about methods used to enforce the Ordinance, and at that point engaged in large-scale shooting. An RCMP of-
With and without qimmiit, Inuit tried as much as possible to fit themselves
ficer told a visitor in May 1959 that 286 qimmiit were shot the preceding
into a changing landscape and to create a sense of community in a new
year (1958). In September 1959, an official wrote from Iqaluit that, “Ap-
environment. The makeshift collection of houses built in Iqaluit, or simply
proximately two hundred dogs or more have been destroyed in the past year
“the village,” took on a permanent presence as more Inuit lived there year-
and those that are left are valued by the owners.” These 200 qimmiit rep-
round. Inuit also began settling around the HBC post. Three living patterns
resented between fourteen and twenty-five teams. This translates into the
emerged in the 1950s, including about fourteen permanently employed
destruction of essential support needed to hunt for between seventy and a
men living with their families year-round near the air base; a larger group
hundred people. With the qimmiit reportedly shot the previous year, those
of families joining them and doing casual labour in summer but returning
numbers approach forty teams supporting two hundred people.
to ilagiit nunagivaktangit in winter; and a very small number continuing to
The impact on Inuit life was immediate and harsh, even if Inuit were
naturally reluctant to tell authorities about how they felt or to take action
live year-round on the land and visiting the settlement only rarely to socialize or to trade.
Iqaluit | 241
Faced with American activity within Canada’s borders, the Canadian
government was determined to offer services to Canadians and demonstrate
its sovereignty over the region. Iqaluit’s RCMP detachment was established
in 1945. A post office was soon in operation near the base, and in 1954,
the Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources established
a regional headquarters to serve Qikiqtaaluk. It also established a radio
station called SKIMO that broadcast from the Polevault facility at Upper
Base. Some programs were in Inuktitut, including information about Inuit
residents released from hospitals in the South. Bell Canada established residential telephone lines in the settlement in 1958, and the Northern Canada
Power Commission brought electricity in 1959. The Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation (CBC) established a local radio station in 1961 with some Inuktitut programming.
The settlement was becoming a hub for Qallunaat interests in the region. Commercial transatlantic flights by Pan American Airlines and others
stopped at Iqaluit to refuel, usually in the middle of the night. When passengers disembarked, local entrepreneur Bryan Pearson and artists would
wake up to meet the flight and sell art, crafts, and furs from local suppliers.
This was an important source of local income; Bryan Pearson described to
between Inuit and Qallunaat populations in the community. They posted
opposite page:
Carver Etcolopea
at work in his iglu
putting the finishing
touches on a seal
carving with a file,
March 1956
signs prohibiting Qallunaat from entering Iqaluit or Apex Hill. As Simonie
Michael told the QIA:
canada
the QTC how actor Robert Mitchum once spent $500 (equivalent to $4,000
in 2013) on carvings and furs during a stopover in Iqaluit. Religious denominations also raised their profiles in the community. An Anglican church for
a large group of Qallunaat and Inuit parishioners was built in 1957 and a
Catholic mission was established in 1960.
During this period, one of the RCMP’s jobs was to maintain segregation
The white men were living up there and we lived down here [in
Apex]. We didn’t amalgamate in one place . . . The RCMP officer
Iqaluit | 243
made a sign stating “Do Not Enter Inuit Land” by anyone and
sex for food and other considerations by 1957. As R. Quinn Duffy states,
when you go up a distance at the edge of [Iqaluit], there was an-
Iqaluit “was the main centre for Inuit–White contact in the Eastern Arctic
other sign saying the same thing, that there were to be no entrance
and the place where prevention or reduction of the effects of that contact
to Inuit land.
was most difficult.”
RCMP officers also took it upon themselves to act as deal-brokers between soldiers and Inuit carvers. They would take carvings from Inuit to
the base, sell them, and then return with the proceeds, sometimes paid in
Apex Hill—The Government Designs a
Village for Inuit
cigarettes or foodstuffs. It is unknown whether these exchanges were fair
or not. If soldiers wanted handmade coats, mitts, or boots, they also sent
The little community of Apex was a government response to what it be-
measurements and money through Inuit men who worked at the base.
lieved was its responsibility to manage change where the military met the
An information booklet for the USAF 926 division reminded person-
Inuit. The complexity of the Qallunaat groups exercising administrative
nel that “the [Inuit] village is off-limits to all military personnel at all times
control in Iqaluit was of direct concern to residents, churches, and govern-
except when authorized by the RCMP. Tours through the village are con-
ment. Several solutions were considered, most of which created further bar-
ducted periodically during the winter months to allow you to take pictures
riers between groups. In 1954, RCMP Inspector Larsen proposed that the
of [Inuit].” Similarly, the base was off limits to Inuit, except for people who
government create “Eskimo Villages” in places already inhabited by Inuit,
worked there, and for movies.
such as Iqaluit. He envisaged that the government would provide villages
th
The segregation between Qallunaat men and Inuit women was a criti-
with houses and services, while controlling the choice of location and de-
cal part of the RCMP’s duties. Terry Jenkin, a retired RCMP officer, told the
velopment of the settlement. Larsen and others imagined places across the
QTC:
territories where domestic life would be clearly separated from hunting life,
following the southern pattern of keeping women and children at home
The military were not allowing fraternization. One of our duties
while men worked. He wrote that women and children would be able to stay
was to monitor such activity to ensure that there was no collusion
in the village while men hunted “unburdened.” The government could also
between airmen and young Inuit girls. If we did find that, we took
ensure that Inuit remained separate from Qallunaat as much as possible.
the Inuit girl back home and reported the airmen to the authority.
The subdivision of Apex (also called Apex Hill) was created in 1955 by
the federal government on the site that Inuit called Niaqunnguut. Located
In 1959, RCMP officer Van Norman spoke out against what he saw as
about 5 kilometres as the crow flies from the air base, Apex was built near
the sexual and emotional exploitation of Inuit women by DEW Line em-
the store that the HBC established there in 1948. It was also close enough to
ployees. Sexual and romantic relationships that occurred were fraught with
the base to allow people to commute there daily by motor vehicle. Ironically,
racial and gender power dynamics. Venereal disease was first reported in
Apex came to be known as the townsite, as opposed to Iqaluit, which was
Iqaluit in 1953, and there were reportedly Inuit women in town to exchange
known as the village.
Iqaluit | 245
Apex was deliberately established at a distance from the air-force bas-
for yearly flights that would allow them to move back permanently to their
es. The government enthusiastically confided its plans for Apex to the HBC
home communities, the rehabilitation centre provided classes and work-
in 1955, just a few months before a shipload of building materials was due
shops to teach typing, sewing, carving, carpentry, and cooking. The reha-
to arrive on their doorstep.
bilitation centre operated until 1965.
Several people spoke to QIA researchers and to the Commissioner of
The program for 1955 includes the construction of a school, a
the QTC about the arrival of people in Iqaluit for medical reasons. Iqaluk
garage-workshop, a powerhouse and six small buildings, three of
Juralak, who was originally from Salliit, explained that she moved with
which are temporary dwellings for our staff. In addition, the De-
her husband and child to Apex after the government told them to move
partment of National Health and Welfare is going to erect a four-
for treatment of her husband’s heart condition. The family left everything
bed nursing station. The school, garage-workshop, powerhouse
behind before boarding the C. D. Howe in July 1959. They only arrived in
and nursing station will be built by contract, the six small build-
Iqaluit in September after going all the way to Resolute and back. When her
ings by local Eskimo labour under the supervision of our officers
family finally got to the house promised to them in Apex, it was completely
and with the assistance of such craftsmen from outside as may be
empty and they had no means to buy furnishings or other necessities.
necessary.
Sytukie Joamie discussed this reality in the context of his mother’s
experience as a resident of the rehabilitation centre in Iqaluit.
Only people with jobs could afford the rent and it took several years
for houses to be built. In 1957, seventeen families were living at Apex, com-
Some people did not have resources and they ended up living in
pared with forty-two living at the air base due to employment of one or more
Iqaluit and Apex because they had no means to return home. It is
members of the family and nineteen in Iqaluit living in self-built or moved
the same picture of any relocatee from any other area. They were
homes. Many others stayed in Iqaluit seasonally in tents and qammat.
dumped for medical reasons or so-called health reasons . . . There
In later years, Apex received more prefabricated houses were constructed in Apex, but it was the rehabilitation centre that became the cor-
are a lot of people living today, descendents who are stuck where
they may not want to live.
nerstone of the community. Built in 1956, the rehabilitation centre, also
called the Transit Centre, was expected to assist Inuit and their families
For Juralak and others who were moved to Iqaluit due to the lack of
returning from southern hospitals and sanatoria. Treatment options for TB
medical facilities in other parts of the Eastern Arctic, the difficulties of the
and other diseases had decreased the death rate, but more people were liv-
moves were compounded by having to leave family members behind with
ing with chronic conditions resulting from earlier contagions. People listed
no means of visiting them ever again.
as living at the centre in 1958 included eight families or individuals, for
a total of twenty-seven people from Kimmirut, Frobisher Bay, Arctic Bay,
Resolute, Arctic Bay, and Quebec. Of these, more than half were children.
In addition to a residential program and a transient centre for people waiting
The Future of Iqaluit
Iqaluit | 247
a number of employed Inuit who could afford snowmobiles and powerful
outboard motors. Some Inuit returned to the ilagiit nunagivaktangit where
they had lived before. People who lived year-round in the town sometimes
In spite of its investment in Apex and the airport, Canadian bureaucrats
found it hard to adapt to settlement life. While wages compared well with
continuously expressed concern during the 1950s that Iqaluit’s future was
unskilled positions in southern Canada, it was not until 1960 that Inuit were
uncertain. As a result, investment in infrastructure and services was done
paid Isolated Post Allowance in recognition of the fact that they, as much
using a “temporary-only” approach. A 1958 government memo stated that
as the Qallunaat incomers, faced high prices for food and other necessities.
Iqaluit’s “economic potential is quite limited and we can see no prospect of
Some Inuit also found that they could not find time or money to maintain
it becoming a self-sustaining community in an economic sense in the fore-
hunting equipment, improve their homes or put aside savings. Inuit also
seeable future.” It did mention, however, that there would be a “presumed
missed eating country food.
continuation and expansion of government activities” in the settlement.
What emerged in Iqaluit in the 1950s was a blending of lifestyles for
Government officials reported that Inuit were optimistic about potential
many Inuit. Simonie Michael, who was able to participate in hunts, told the
changes, but the record was unclear about how well the consequences of de-
QIA that:
velopment were explained and understood. In the midst of all the changes,
the government began to abandon the idea of Apex as an Inuit village. By
The Hudson’s Bay Company really helped us at that time; they
late 1966, the HBC was convinced the federal authorities would withdraw
moved here [Apex] from Iqalugaarjuit, [Ward Inlet] they had
services from Apex and increase them at Iqaluit.
goodies for sale, like bullets . . . The kayakers, men who worked and
By this time, Apex and Iqaluit were both mixed Inuit communities,
managed to keep their kayak and row boats, would go out hunt-
bringing together Inuit with different dialects, traditions, and modes of dress.
ing during the weekend during their time off work! When there
About one-third of those who settled here came from ilagiit nunagivaktan-
was an abundance of seal in Frobisher Bay marine area—we call
git within 160 kilometres of Iqaluit. Almost everyone else came from ilagiit
this huge bay Tasiujarjuaq, [and] there is a place called Aulattivik,
nunagivaktangit around Cape Dorset, Kimmirut, or the south side of Cum-
which is directly across from us—we’d travel across this vast area
berland Sound. A few arrived from elsewhere in the Northwest Territories
of sea and hunt for seal. We would hunt with our kayaks or row
and from Arctic Quebec. Probably the largest single group of incoming Inu-
boats because we didn’t have outboard motors yet.
it were people from Kimmirut who arrived in the late 1950s. Between 1956
and 1957, the number of Inuit living in Iqaluit almost doubled, from around
The population ratio between Inuit and Qallunaat also shifted. In
250 to 500, with 225 living in Apex. In 1958, the total jumped to 624 Inuit,
1960, the Qallunaat population was 590, and the Inuit population was 800,
but the number in Apex remained constant, meaning that most people were
roughly split evenly between Apex and Iqaluit. It is hard to judge the effect
living in the unserviced area of Iqaluit. By 1959, employment levels peaked.
of changes to the Qallunaat population, as the young men at the Upper and
A new pattern emerged as hunting remained an important activity, but
Lower Bases, sometimes hundreds of them, had little contact with Inuit.
at least for a time the hunters were all based in Iqaluit. These included quite
The Canadian Department of Transport workers living outside the bases
and the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development staff who
were more likely to live in Apex Hill dealt frequently with Inuit, and their
steady increase changed the nature of contact. The population figures given
in Table 1 must be read in this light.
Reported Population at
Iqaluit Including Apex,
1941–1969
Year Inuit Non-Inuit Total Comments
1942
1943
183
0
500
156
500
156
1950
25
66
91
1956
258
93
351
Iqaluit | 249
1960–1975
Into the 1960s, the Canadian government continued its past patterns of paternalism by arguing within the bureaucracy and with church leaders about
whether Inuit should be encouraged to follow a wage economy or continue
living on the land. However, this was also a period when Inuit were being
pressured to form villages with institutions and economies that were like
Inuit figures for district are 183,
according to 1941 census.
those of small towns in southern Canada. The federal government launched
Data from J. L. Robinson Gazetteer of
Eastern Arctic Settlements, 1944.
others. In Iqaluit, the challenges of accommodating Inuit in places created
and sometimes abandoned plans and experiments, some more fanciful than
for the military were evident in the condition of community infrastructure.
Officials noted that wastewater was too close to drinking water, and that
US Air Force returned in 1951, and
the Pinetree Line and Polevault were
established in 1954.
Inuit were visiting the dump in search of discarded food. Housing was overcrowded and poorly built, as there were few materials available to people arriving in the settlement. In 1966, an internal government report described
Iqaluit as disjointed, a monstrous creation, and a place of moral degrada-
1958
650
441
1,091
1959
654
437
1,091
decisions, and a lack of decisions, had created an untenable situation for the
1960
770
983
1,753
growing community.
1961
761
1,040
1,801
1963
906
713
1,619
tion. The assessment was harsh, but not unfounded. In the previous decade,
The separate spheres of activities reinforced by physical divisions were
carefully recorded by researchers, especially John J. Honigmann and Irma
US Strategic Air Command
withdrew following year.
Honigmann. Their book, Eskimo Townsmen, confronts the duality of life
in Iqaluit in 1963–64. In a chapter titled “People Under Tutelage,” they de-
1966
1,036
566
1,602
scribe how Eurocanadians assumed the role of tutors. The tutors included
1969
1,174
530
1,704
government officials in Ottawa and Iqaluit, clergy, nurses, police, bosses and
schoolteachers. The Honigmanns observed that Qallunaat too often viewed
Iqaluit | 251
Inuit as completing “a bad if not fatal bargain,” rather than as “inheriting
two more Iqaluit-based housing co-ops were formed in 1963. This co-op
perplexing choices.” In Iqaluit (and elsewhere in Qikiqtaaluk) authorities
housing was only available to those who could afford a monthly cost of $120
took the position that their duty was to limit negative impacts of the “bad
for a mortgage and utilities. Only families with steady employment could
bargain” and ignore the alternative of consulting Inuit about options for the
seriously consider joining. In 1971, a Housing Corporation was established
future. Government agents were tasked with improving the physical con-
to help the community. The settlement’s first public housing project was
ditions of the town and providing alternatives to the traditional economy
completed in 1974, offering twenty units with rents tied to income. This
that government actions had disrupted. After the last USAF personnel left
was part of a program established by the Canadian Mortgage and Housing
Iqaluit in 1963, Iqaluit was fully in the hands of the Canadian government.
Corporation (CMHC) for co-operative housing in all parts of Canada.
At Lower Base, the federal government was left with an airfield and its for-
In contrast to conditions in Apex and certainly to the air base, resi-
mer buildings, including the large Federal Building containing offices and
dents of Iqaluit received only subsistence-level services until the mid-1960s.
barracks. A group of apartments and row houses accommodated around
While Apex residents had fuel delivered directly to each home, people liv-
450 Qallunaat personnel and a handful of steadily employed Inuit and their
ing in Iqaluit were required to fetch their own fuel from the Imperial Oil
families. The air base also had commercial and public services such as a post
Company depot. Similarly, Apex residents enjoyed water delivery directly
office, a curling rink, a liquor store, a recreational association, and a school.
to their home, while Iqaluit residents were required to put open containers
Iqaluit had a small school and Inuit housing. Apex included the rehabili-
on the street and retrieve the water quickly. The situation was described in
tation centre, municipal storage building, community freezer, bathhouse,
stark terms in a government report in the 1960s:
cadet building, HBC post, theatre, snowmobile repair shop, school, and
permanent houses purchased through a housing co-op.
In Apex Hill and the Air Base, electricity provides light in houses,
Iqaluit also continued to suffer from housing shortages. Every em-
street illumination, and power for radios, gramophones, refrigera-
ployer—HBC, government, missions, military, and contractors—provided
tors, and kitchen fans. Despite Ikhaluit residents’ one-time inge-
housing to attract Qallunaat employees. The federal government alone was
nious, if illegal, custom of tapping power lines, no electricity is led
responsible for Inuit housing, apart from a few houses for Inuit DEW Line
to their houses, but the streets are lit.
employees. The first Inuit to receive housing in Apex were patients at the
Frobisher Bay rehabilitation centre and Inuit working for Northern Affairs.
The differences extended to waste and sewage. The air base apartments
Later, Ottawa began offering prefabricated rental housing or (after 1966)
contained flush toilets, but Apex was served by sanitation trucks that visited
subsidized houses that Inuit could buy or rent.
each house daily to collect “honey-buckets.” Iqaluit residents carried their
The first housing co-op was formed in Iqaluit in 1961, when fifteen
human waste to communal bins.
men came together to share the cost of fifteen three-bedroom houses, ap-
Employment opportunities were either with the government or with
plying for the $1,000-per-house government subsidy then available. The
the two large southern firms that provided services to the government. Only
houses arrived in the fall of 1962, and the families built them that fall and
a few small businesses offered wage employment, and only to those with
winter, sharing labour. Accordingly, the co-op was considered a success, and
skills or luck. Anthropologist John J. Honigmann studied Iqaluit in 1963.
Iqaluit | 253
The openness of Frobisher Bay augments its dynamic potential.
school in the Iqaluit subdivision and “minimal” maintenance was offered
The stores import new goods, administrators arrive with new ideas,
for existing government-owned homes. The government moved some fami-
teachers come with new concepts, comic books bring new heroes,
lies from Apex to Iqaluit, and intended more to follow. In 1968, the govern-
the radio injects new songs, and [Inuit] return from schools, hos-
ment threatened to stop maintaining the road to Apex in winter, claiming
pitals, jails and reformatories with new technical skills.
that it was costing $250,000 annually (equivalent to $1.68 million in 2013).
The government communicated its decision to the HBC, which decided to
These “new things” often clashed with Inuit traditional knowledge. As
move as quickly as possible to set up a new store in the Iqaluit sector. The
a result, Iqaluit was a community in flux, with Inuit struggling to keep their
new store was open only three days a week and was mostly stocked with
families fed and trying to make good decisions without a clear path through
camping gear.
a new economic, legal, and political system controlled by outsiders. Legal
The decision to make Astro Hill the focus of the community solidified
and illegal options, such as voting, press support, public demonstrations,
with the building of the W. G. Brown Building, also known as the Astro Hill
cronysim, and bribery, used by people in the South to change or circumvent
Complex or the Frobisher Bay Complex, in 1971. Built by Frobisher Devel-
rules and governments, were not available to Inuit. Some Inuit defied authori-
opment Ltd. with federal funding, it included a two-storey hotel and an
ties by refusing jobs, missing work, and skipping school, actions that caused
eight-storey multi-use facility. A six-storey residential section, a building for
problems but would not lead to time in a lock-up or to the harsh treatment
the CBC, and a swimming pool were later added. The multi-unit residential
of other family members.
complex commonly known as White Row was built as housing for territo-
Partly because Iqaluit’s future was uncertain, the government invested
rial staff. Located below the Frobisher Bay Complex, the two were initially
in temporary rather than permanent buildings. Exceptions included the
connected up the slope by a covered walkway that was later removed for
airport, the hospital, and the power and water plants. Even the Federal
safety and structural reasons.
Building was a converted military structure. In 1966, the government re-
By 1972, the population of Apex was down to half of its 1966 level. The
alized it would be cheaper to build permanent housing and a permanent
Government of the Northwest Territories, which was then in charge of mu-
school in Iqaluit than to rely on poorly constructed temporary ones. It was
nicipal services conceded that the remaining Apex residents could stay, but
also determined that the settlement would retain its role as a regional hub.
no new residences and little other development would be allowed.
With these decisions in place, housing became the new focus. By 1966, after
three years of declining Qallunaat population and increasing Inuit population, the Canadian government decided that it was too expensive to main-
Inuit–Qallunaat Relations
tain. Separation also reinforced a tendency of Inuit and Qallunaat to act in
separate spheres of activity and avoid interaction.
Canadian policy between 1950 and 1975 swung back and forth between
A new town plan in 1966 put all major new developments on a slope
preventing and encouraging acculturation. Almost all bureaucrats consid-
rising above Iqaluit, along Astro Hill, while gradually eliminating services
ered Iqaluit as a place where Inuit habits and outlooks would inevitably
in Apex. Apex students above grade six were offered to be bussed to the
change quickly. Some observers were naive enough to believe that Inuit
Iqaluit | 255
would absorb only what authorities considered beneficial values, mainly
wanted, or that Inuit women were vulnerable and needed protection from
having to do with work habits and morality. They certainly wanted to
Qallunaat men. In 1961, the Canadian Chairman of the Permanent Joint-
keep Inuit out of contact with “vices,” such as drinking alcohol, gambling,
Board on Defence took the step of approving a modification to the original
and extra marital sex. Inuit leaders expressed some of these concerns as
Canada–US DEW Line agreement to make it “clear that the Government
well.
of Canada would not wish to have any general prohibition of inter-racial
Almost everyone, including government officials and Inuit, understood
contact.” It was equally quick to point out, however, that all behaviour con-
that Iqaluit was divided socially and culturally. While some of the divisions
sidered “illegal” (likely due to laws concerning sexual assault and the age
can likely be traced to the community’s birth in wartime, and the shared
of consent) would be a reason for dismissal. The impact of this change, for
policy of the American and Canadian governments to keep military and
better or worse, on Inuit and society remains an area that could be studied
local populations separate, other divisions emerged from the lack of knowl-
more closely.
edge and experience of the bureaucrats sent North, as well as the transient
An important catalyst in providing opportunities for interactions was
nature of the Qallunaat population. In 1965, the Anglican minister wrote,
access to alcohol through the liquor store that opened in 1960, and a few
“The turnover in white population is still nothing short of fantastic. You
licensed establishments. In 1960, a federal court ruled that Inuit were free
sometimes wonder why people bother coming here at all. Schoolteachers,
to purchase alcohol because they were not bound by the prohibitions in the
welfare people, and all the rest are always coming and going with great
Indian Act. In the next year, the number of overall criminal convictions con-
rapidity. Somehow we survive however.”
nected to alcohol consumption tripled from the year before, 40% of those
Historical research for the QTC revealed dozens, perhaps hundreds,
convictions being for Inuit. General convictions rose another 20% the next
of documents, as well as numerous testimonies from Inuit and others that
year. The great majority of fines and charges were violations of the liquor
show the extent to which Qallunaat designing and administering services
ordinance.
were either ignorant of Inuit culture or determined to make it conform to
The opening of the liquor store and general consumption of alcohol
southern expectations and economic beliefs. In 1959, in reference to the re-
was a divisive issue for the community, with some members (Inuit and Qal-
habilitation centre, the Committee on Eskimo Affairs reported that the cen-
lunaat) asking for more restrictions. In 1969, a report written by the North-
tre should “encourage qualities of self-determination and self-help in the
west Territories Board of Liquor Inquiry described Iqaluit as “an interesting
Eskimo.” Similarly, A. F. Fluke, the Northern Services Officer in Iqaluit in
example of a community which has had difficulty coping with the presence
1959 and a former archivist, toured a journalist around Apex and explained
of a liquor store.” It noted that “[three] deaths caused by intoxication” had
that “Frobisher Bay is being planned as a stable mixed community where
occurred since the store opened, but that Inuit leaders and community
wage-earning Eskimos can live and take their place beside white neighbors.”
council members said that the number was really eighteen in a population
Tensions also existed because many Qallunaat men—military person-
of less than two thousand. The report also noted that Inuit continuously
nel, RCMP officers, and government bureaucrats—were sexually involved
saw Qallunaat men drinking to excess, well outside the bounds of behav-
with Inuit women. This left government officials trying to sort out whether
iour that would have been considered normal when the men were living in
they should take the position that adults should be allowed to do as they
family situations. The inquiry stated, “The point to be made, tentatively, is
Iqaluit | 257
that these individuals have been influenced into adopting whatever drink-
to be maintained in this country. Apparently Federal Electric is
ing patterns they have, and in some ways continue to be subject to these
aware of this fact because it is known to everybody on the Line.
influences.”
In 1973, fifty people participated in a public meeting about a liquor
It is unknown if action was taken.
application for the Continental Restaurant. The newspaper Inukshuk again
Senior officials and the RCMP discussed the challenge of limiting dam-
reported that Inuit “complained that liquor has been imposed upon the
age from interactions between Inuit and Qallunaat, while also creating a
community without consulting the inhabitants.” Finally, in 1976, a child was
more “integrated” community in Iqaluit. For Inuit, of course, the term “inte-
killed when thrown from a snowmobile driven by his drunken father. The
gration” could have been interchanged with assimilation. Almost everything
death galvanized Iqaluit residents and three hundred citizens successfully
that mattered in daily life—language, policing, schooling, health care, com-
petitioned to close the liquor store. Today, while bootlegging has become
mercial exchanges, family relations, and child care—was controlled by Qal-
a problem, and people may still drink at many licensed commercial estab-
lunaat. In addition to threats to their diet and culture (including, of course,
lishments and order liquor by obtaining permits, no liquor store has ever
language), Inuit faced various forms of discrimination based on stereotypes
reopened.
about their capacities and interests. These were reinforced by the fact that
With and without access to alcohol, a transient Qallunaat population
they had only just begun to have access to schooling and post-secondary
mixing with Inuit who were uncertain of their legal rights and the role of
education or training. The workforce was racially divided, with most of the
police led to greater number of assaults, even if evidence of charges is rare
well-paying jobs in the hands of Qallunaat who were often learning on the
in the surviving archival record. It can be speculated that assaults against
job, while many Inuit relied on seasonal work and social transfers (Old Age
Inuit were either rarely reported by victims or never investigated, that evi-
Pension, Family Allowance, and relief ).
dence of “rape,” as sexual assault was called, was so difficult to collect that
To Qallunaat, Iqaluit was a place where high wages were almost as-
police officers were reluctant to undertake investigations, and that assaults
sured. For Inuit, this was true only in comparison with other Eastern Arctic
may have been witnessed but not reported, especially when the victims were
communities. As a result, cultural and racial divisions were widened by dif-
Inuit. Evidence that crimes were unreported can be gleaned from many re-
ferences in economic status and by the ability of people already living in
cords, including RCMP correspondence, but it is exposed openly in others.
Iqaluit, primarily Inuit, to get jobs that were available.
In 1958, for example, a Canadian worker at a military station (FOX-3 on
Surveys by Sheila Meldrum in 1966 revealed the complications of Inuit
the DEW Line) in the Baffin Region felt compelled to write an anonymous
men’s employment patterns. Only a small proportion of Inuit over twenty-
letter to the Minister of Northern Affairs, saying:
six were chronically unemployed. Her employment categories included 30%
classified as permanently employed and 20% classified as rarely employed.
Eskimos are getting a raw deal on the Dew Line. In one instance
The casually employed were those who worked for at least six months a year,
a Federal Electric officer is currently taking advantage of his posi-
another casual group working two to six months a year, and some who com-
tion as Station Chief of Fox-3 to rape Eskimo woman. This man
bined casual labour or carving with hunting. Certain patterns were typical
should be banned from Northwest Territories if law and order are
of specific age groups. The largest numbers of chronically unemployed were
Iqaluit | 259
those under thirty, and the rate of permanent employment was consistently
but that it only provided programming directed to that audience for 25.2%
at or above 50% for those in their thirties and forties. The backbone of the
of the airtime. Iqaluit resident Mary Pangooshoo Cousins told the study’s
economy in this government town was, nonetheless, the employment of one
authors that better communications and services were needed, explaining,
165 men, out of a total Inuit population of about 1,000.
“We Inuit people in the North feel so isolated. We never see each other to
Two solitudes developed, with Inuit and Qallunaat living in the same
talk about problems that are the same for all of us.”
town but rarely interacting at work or socially. The HBC, for example,
A growing population at the head of the bay also put heavy pressure on
used the term “local staff ” to refer to Qallunaat women, not Inuit. Bureau-
the resources of the immediate region. After 1960, harp seal hunting was
crats noted that the same divisions existed in the schoolyard. Govern-
cut back because of scarcity, and a commercial char fishery on the Sylvia
ment employees shopped at a government-run store and ordered food
Grinnell River threatened to extinguish that resource altogether by 1966.
through Nordair. According to R. Quinn Duffy, racial discrimination “had
All this change made the town unattractive to some Inuit, and in 1971, eight
become part of the social environment” in Iqaluit. The federal govern-
families prepared to return to the land. In 1974, the Keenuyak Association
ment responded by trying to combine previously segregated types of
asked Inuit to return to a more traditional mode of living because “youth
services from the 1960s with action that it hoped would spur the town’s
are drifting apart from their Elders and are losing the Inuit ways and skills
development. Inuit living in Iqaluit had no facility nearer than Apex for
and the ability to survive from the land.” Through the 1970s, three endur-
dances, bingo nights, or movies. At times, Inuit and Qallunaat did in-
ing outpost ilagiit nunagivaktangit were established—two in Frobisher Bay
teract closely. As Celestin Erkidjuk told the QTC, “We had to help each
at Minnguktuuq (Nouyarn Island in Hamlin Bay) and farther south at the
other.” The establishment of the community festival Toonik Tyme in 1965
mouth of Wiswell Inlet. A third ilagiit nunagivaktangat that had a popula-
gave everyone a reason to participate in musical performances, traditional
tion at one time of seventy people was on Allen Island in Cornelius Grinnell
games, skill sharing, and feasts. In addition, as Abraham Okpik recalled,
Bay near the old whaling station at Singaijaq. The Frobisher Bay Hunters
the Apex community centre used surplus funds at the end of the year to
and Trappers Association shared polar bear quotas with outlying settle-
buy Christmas presents for all the children in Iqaluit, whether Qallunaat
ments and this, with other new adaptations, provided a rewarding cultural
or Inuit.
environment for a couple of decades. While living a more traditional life
While some activities were open to everyone living in the community,
than was possible in town, hunters also found work with biologists doing
government-funded services, including clubs, housing, and CBC radio, were
aircraft surveys of caribou on the Hall Peninsula. However, most Inuit liv-
generally more relevant to the minority Qallunaat population than to Inuit.
ing in Iqaluit were decreasing the time they spent hunting. By 1969, 95%
The CBC’s first Inuit broadcaster based in Montreal and then Iqaluit was
of the entire population of the town was relying on the conventional wage
Ann Padlo. She appears to have used her communications talents to address
economy at least part time.
local issues. In spite of a northern service with Inuit on-air, only a portion of
Some of the hardships of an earlier era were avoided through techno-
the content was directed to the Inuit community. A study about native com-
logical change. As already mentioned, a large Qallunaat presence ended the
munications for the federal government in 1973, for example, noted that
practice of keeping qimmiit loose in the town. While hundreds of qimmiit
the CBC radio station in Iqaluit served a population that was 59.5% Inuit,
were killed off in the late 1950s, they were replaced. In 1965, most hunters
Iqaluit | 261
still relied on qimmiit, but reliable snowmobiles were becoming available
and affordable. By 1969, snowmobiles were so common in Iqaluit that residents were complaining about the number of children operating snowmobiles recklessly through the community.
Community life in Iqaluit between 1960 and 1975 was influenced, as always,
by government policies, by economic circumstances, and by local people
and services. Locally, Inuit were assigned roles in town affairs, albeit within
structures set by the government. In 1958, the government established an
advisory town council composed of six Inuit from Apex, six from Ikaluit,
two from the air base, and two Qallunaat civil servants. It was disbanded
when the Qallunaat involved left the settlement, but was later reconstituted
in 1962. The council was secondary, however, to the government and its
administrators. The then Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources was the chief administrative body. Almost half of its employees were
Inuit. While most of them were classified as labourers, they had a variety
Federal Building for the Eastern Arctic Sub-Division, formerly headquar-
opposite page:
Portrait of Evee, a girl
aged eighteen, August
1946
tered in Ottawa. The Royal Canadian Navy operated a communications unit
until 1968, and the CBC continued to produce both local and national radio
canada
of pay scales and responsibilities. The Department of Transport handled
airport operations and weather services. Two RCMP offices were located in
Iqaluit by 1966—one for the Frobisher Bay Area Detachment and one in the
in town.
Small-scale commercial enterprises also developed in Iqaluit. Bryan
Pearson told the QTC about working as a teacher at the rehabilitation centre in the 1960s before going on to become the first mayor, and later a member of the NWT Legislative Assembly. In addition, he helped to establish a
factory, a janitorial and a construction service, a retail store, and a corps of
Iqaluit | 263
interpreters. Pearson also managed Iqaluit’s first taxi service. These types
emphasized retraining and land-based outdoor programs, all of which were
of businesses, as well as activities associated with transportation and con-
assisted by Pauloosie Kilabuk, the first superintendent.
struction, contributed to various job options for Inuit. Jonah Kelly told the
QTC about life in the 1960s as a young man:
Educational opportunities and the number of jobs associated with
schools also grew in Iqaluit during this period, as the government began
centralizing programs there. In 1955, Apex seemed to be an obvious place
We started getting work as students. When school ended in spring
for one of the new government schools that were turning Arctic settlements
or summer, we started working for Americans or DOT. That is
into centres where the government could promote social and cultural
when we started getting work experience. The only time I had
change among Inuit. By 1958, it had three classrooms and offered grades
real trouble was when I worked in the office. They said that if we
one to eight, although all but four of the one hundred and twenty pupils
wanted to take this training we could, so I went to school for three
were in grades one to three. The eight white pupils at Apex were children of
months. I went to the social services and told them I wanted a
government employees or the teacher.
job. I said I wanted to work. I didn’t want to work on the streets. I
This situation changed dramatically in 1971, when the long-planned
didn’t want to work on heavy equipment. I wanted to follow what
composite high school and vocational school opened in Astro Hill. The for-
I learned from Borden in 1963. I was working in 1964 at the reha-
mer Federal Building near the airport was remodelled as a hostel, known
bilitation center where the patients used to stay. Abraham Ipolik
as Ukkiivik, for students from all over Qikiqtaaluk and Kivalliq. At the end
[Ipeelee] was the supervisor and he used to teach me how to do
of the 1970s, Iqaluit had three schools. These were Nakasuk, with twenty-
my chores.
three teachers and just under four hundred students in grades one to six;
the much smaller Nanook elementary school at Apex, with four teachers
Unfortunately, jobs were never as plentiful as the number of men and
and sixty-six students; and the high school, the Gordon Robertson Educa-
women seeking work. Employment continued to be a serious concern into
tional Centre (GREC), where twenty-two teachers taught a little over three
the 1970s. In 1975, South Baffin’s member in the NWT Council exaggerated
hundred students. Iqaluit itself was feared as a centre where students could
the numbers, but made a reasonable point that there were “a thousand”
too easily fall into drunkenness, violence, and prostitution. The new school
youth in school in Iqaluit, but only ten jobs available in town.
and hostel complex had been introduced with only minimal consultation
One of the facilities that offered jobs to Inuit was the Ikjurtauvik Correctional Centre. In 1973, the Territorial Council opened the first correctional
with Inuit, and throughout the 1970s and 1980s, many Inuit worked hard
to have higher grades offered in all community schools.
facility in Iqaluit. Inmates originally from Qikiqtaaluk who had been serv-
In a pattern that echoed that of schooling, regional medical services
ing their sentences in Yellowknife were transferred to the new facility. Some
also became more concentrated in Iqaluit. From 1930 until the Second
residents argued that inmates should be located away from the community,
World War, there was only one hospital in Qikiqtaaluk, St. Luke’s Hospital
and separated from the inmates’ relatives. The territorial government ex-
at Pangnirtung. From 1941 onwards, military doctors were permanently
plained that it wanted to expose inmates to educational opportunities available
(especially for injuries and infections) stationed at Iqaluit. While Inuit were
in the community. When opened, the facility’s program only served Inuit. It
not their formal responsibility, it is unlikely that treatment was ever refused
Iqaluit | 265
to someone who was able to ask for it. The RCAF’s medical orderly provided care at the base from 1950 to 1953. During this period, the RCAF also
helped out with the campaign against TB, airlifting patients to hospitals in
the south and providing steady, if sometimes adventurous, service separate
from the dreaded C. D. Howe for years to come.
Because of its unique position, Iqaluit was always high on the government’s list of plans for a hospital, yet the availability of military medical
care meant that it was not immediately built. As early as 1953, the Indian
and Northern Health Service (INHS) publicly forecast a twenty-bed hospital, but all that resulted was a four-bed nursing station at Apex in 1955.
This was wise in light of the number of returning TB patients sent to the
rehabilitation centre there. During these years, the INHS also negotiated a
long-term relationship with the McGill University Medical School that led
to research opportunities for the school and clinical care for Inuit. The new
hospital, repeatedly promised, was finally opened in 1964 to make hospital services more compliant with expectations of the Canada Health Act.
The new building was only slightly larger than the 1953 plan, despite the
huge increase in the settlement’s population in the meantime. It had twenty adults’ beds, eight children’s beds, an operating suite, a maternity and
nursing section, an outpatient department that included consulting and
treatment facilities, an X-ray unit, a dispensary, a dental suite, and a public
health lecture/demonstration area. It was initially staffed by three medical
officers, one dentist, ten ward aids, and seventeen nurses. In addition to the
1,500 people at Iqaluit, the hospital staff was expected to deliver services to
a region with another 4,500 people. No additional beds were added for at
least another fifteen years, although the establishment of nursing stations
canned and other store-bought goods, rather than from hunts. The primary-
in smaller communities all over Qikiqtaaluk may have provided some relief
care physician in Iqaluit in the 1970s was Dr. Alex Williams, Zone Director
to the growing population.
for National Health and Welfare in Qikiqtaaluk. During a national study on
While the hospital concerned itself with some public health questions,
nutrition, Williams pointed out the nutritional deficiencies among Iqaluit
such as a survey of drinking water in 1969, nutrition was also a serious issue
residents. The local newspaper Inukshuk wondered whether a hunters’
in a large, permanent settlement like Iqaluit. Food increasingly came from
co-op was needed and whether the game supply around Iqaluit would be
Stretcher case
brought from
Pangnirtung hospital
to Frobisher Bay on
board the C.D. Howe,
July 1951
canada
Iqaluit | 267
sufficient to supplement diets with game. In 1975, a federal funding pro-
descriptions of people moving across the sea, land, and ice for new opportu-
gram for local economic development projects was considered to hire hunters
nities, as described to the QTC by Jonah Kelly:
to bring country food to Iqaluit. After extensive consultations, a not-forprofit community organization negotiated with three hunters to hunt seal
It took us three days to come here from Kimmirut. There were
for local families before deciding the project would be too expensive. Once
seven separate dog teams. All our family, all my father’s family,
again, the best that southern expertise and investment could offer was less
and my mother’s son-in-law came. They probably had seven dogs
than the unique conditions of northern life required.
each and we carried whatever we could to survive . . . And we took
Iqaluit’s history is a fragmented story. At the urban-landscape level,
its haphazard planning under various different military and government
all of our hunting gear. It was spring time when we came here by
dog team.
or public institutions is clearly evident. While the West 40 and the Upper
Base areas no longer exist, the Lower Base area has kept its commercial and
Kelly reflected positively on the reasons why his father moved from
institutional character, with the airport, hotels, and office buildings on the
Kimmirut to Iqaluit in 1957, saying to the QTC, “I think my father knew that
flat ground near the Sealift Beach. Some of the old Iqaluit neighbourhood is
if we went to school we would have a better chance of living.” He added, “I
still residential, though commerce and institutions such as the Elders’ cen-
never thought about it, but he probably fixed it so we would survive.”
tre, and the museum and visitors’ centre have changed its character along
For others, however, the personal landscape includes painful memories
the waterfront. Astro Hill still stands out as a monument to 1960s town
of coping in a new community where they were sent for schooling or medi-
planning, with its initial institutional focus expanded by the construction
cal reasons, but were unable to move back to home communities due to the
of Nunavut Arctic College and Tammaativvik, a medical boarding home.
cost of travel.
Despite government policy in the 1960s to close down the neighbourhood,
Inuit faced opportunities and challenges, including a sceptical, inexpe-
Apex Hill remains a distinct neighbourhood on the southeast edge of Iqaluit.
rienced and colonial-minded bureaucracy, head-on and realistically. They
Iqaluit’s physical landscape also contains relics that are evidence of
provided the bulk of the labour, energy, and leadership that built the city’s
government intentions to control connections between Inuit and Qallunaat.
infrastructure, businesses, and institutions, which were critical factors in
Although the federal government initially set out to keep Inuit and Qallu-
making Iqaluit the territory’s capital.
naat separated as much as possible, as demonstrated by the construction
of Apex in the 1950s, it began to pursue a policy of integration in the 1960s
that can also be read as a policy of assimilation. Institutional developments
along Astro Hill, White Row, and developments east of the airport resulted
from the integrated approach.
The personal landscapes of Iqaluit vary, depending on experiences
and backgrounds. Curiosity about Americans attracted some Inuit to Iqaluit. Some family stories about the history of the community begin with
Kimmirut
T
he southernmost community on Baffin Island, Kimmirut is located
at the northeast end of Glasgow Inlet, beside the mouth of the Soper
Heritage River, which runs through Katannilik Territorial Park.
Originally known as Lake Harbour, in 1996 the hamlet changed its name
to Kimmirut, which means “heel.” It was named for the distinctive rocky
outcrop located nearby, known to locals as “the heel” because it looks like
the back of a foot. The people of the area call themselves Kimmirummiut.
In 2011, the community’s population was 455.
Inuit have inhabited the region along the central southern coast of
Baffin Island for thousands of years and have been in contact with Qallunaat for centuries. Kimmirummiut were among the first Inuit in Qikiqtaaluk to have extensive Qallunaat contact, even if it took decades before they
began living in the settlement that became Kimmirut.
During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the arrival of various Qallunaat agencies, including the Anglican Church, the Hudson’s Bay
Company (HBC), and the RCMP, led to changes in the patterns of travelling
| 269
for hunting and visiting other groups in the region. By the 1950s, the majority of people still lived in ilagiit nunagivaktangit, but many families were
making regular seasonal visits to the Qallunaat enclave, then called Lake
Harbour, for trade, medical care, or seasonal employment opportunities.
Kimmirut | 271
During the 1950s, the population of the Kimmirut area began to decline.
Some people left to find employment in Iqaluit, which was growing quickly
Kimmirut is located at the northeast end of the long Glasgow Inlet, at the
in response to combination of military and government activities. Other
head of North Bay. North Bay has long bays and inlets that create dramatic
people left the area because they or their family members were sent south
tidal occurrences, such as reversible falls, tidal bores, and boiling rip tides
for medical treatment. The number of ilagiit nunagivaktangat declined as
and falls. Located approximately 18 kilometres from the open sea of Hud-
remaining families preferred to live closer together. The loss of nearly 80%
son Strait, Kimmirut is sheltered by rocky hills and mountains that have
of the area’s qimmiit during a rabies outbreak in 1960 was a tragic event
made the community’s harbour one of the most important in the region.
for the community. Although the dog population improved through careful
Larger vessels usually anchor at nearby Westbourne Bay, while the smaller
management and sharing of teams by families, the loss was compounded by
ones navigate the narrows to anchor at Kimmirut.
more rigorous enforcement of the Ordinance Respecting Dogs in the settlement in the following years.
Hudson Strait, which separates Baffin Island from the Ungava Peninsular, never freezes over, but the land-fast ice can extend more than 20
Afraid that the HBC post at Kimmirut would close due to the combi-
kilometres seaward. The strait features strong currents and large tides up
nation of fewer hunters and lower fur prices, the government took limited
to 15 metres. In late June and early July there are a few hours of twilight,
action during the 1960s to provide a school, more medical services and
and during the winter solstice, the sun rises above the horizon for about
Southern-style housing for Inuit moving into the settlement. It was during
an hour. The combination of open water and ice fields, and the size, posi-
this period that dramatic social, economic, and political changes affected
tion, and topographic features of the Kimmirut region combine to create
everyone in the region. By 1969, only one ilagiit nunagivaktangat remained
extreme shifts in weather and temperatures throughout all seasons. Break-
in the area.
up generally occurs between July and August, and freeze-up occurs towards
Kimmirummiut established a settlement council in 1970–71. Like
the end of November.
other places in Qikiqtaaluk, the people of Kimmirut are determined to sus-
The North Bay region has a long history of human occupancy dating
tain Inuit culture and knowledge in their community, in spite of a century
back to the pre-Dorset period. Archaeologist Moreau S. Maxwell reported
of changes that were largely outside of their control and often against their
on an ancient house site that was likely occupied for four thousand years,
interests.
until one thousand years ago:
About 100 to 150 people lived then in eight to ten camps along
this coast of Baffin Island. For nearly 2,000 years the same sites
were occupied by Dorset-culture people, the giant Tuniit of Inuit
Kimmirut | 273
legends and tales. And after them this coast was home to about
Also in the winter months, hunters travel inland to hunt caribou and trap
250 Thule-culture Inuit in ten or twelve camps.
fox. By April or May, Kimmirummiut take seals that are basking on the ice.
As the floe edge retreats and becomes a less stable surface for travelling,
In the 1970s, for the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project, Kimmirut
harvesting moves to Hudson Strait. In June and July, Kimmirummiut travel
resident Pauloosie Lyta described one of the most important connections
to inland lakes to fish for Arctic char, or go to the Middle Savage Islands to
between modern Inuit and Tuniit by explaining, “A long time ago there used
hunt ducks and collect eggs. The summer is the period of greatest variety
to be [some] Tuniit. These people were two or three feet taller than us, but
in the Kimmirummiut diet. Ptarmigan, Arctic hare, geese, and berries are
they used to do the same things that we do. They used to live on meat.”
all harvested. In fall, belugas and walrus are hunted. While small numbers
The knowledge that Lyta referenced about Tuniit was only passed on
of the animals are harvested, they contribute significantly to qimmiit and
through words and stories, but a broader type of Inuit knowledge that is
human food needs and are often cached for the winter. After the beluga
attached to experience and a deep understanding of the environment and
harvest, hunters renew their intensity of hunting seals along the coastline
human relationships is also important. The term Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit
and in the bays. As the ice thickens, and seals begin to make their breathing
(IQ) used to describe Inuit knowledge, translates directly as “that which
holes in the ice, the seasonal round renews itself.
Inuit have always known to be true.” It contains essential information about
In an interview with the Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA) in 2004,
how people can hunt animals in the seasons when they are most abundant,
Goteleak Judea recalled how his family was always moving with the seasons.
and at places where they are most easily taken by spear and harpoon, or,
later, by firearms. Inuit hunters understand that different animals have
Yes, they always moved depending on the seasons. In the fall and
their own habitat requirements and tendencies, and adapt their seasonal
winter when we lived at the camp, they hunted for animals to get
hunting and settlement patterns accordingly.
some oil for the lamp, food for people and dogs; that’s how things
Kimmirummiut’s land-use area extends almost 500 kilometres along
were back then. During the winter they would be trapping for
the central–southern coast of Baffin Island from Amadjuak Bay to Resolu-
foxes, hunt[ing] seals; they used the dog teams for transportation
tion Island. For seasonal rounds, people moved through the interior lands of
to hunt.
the southern Meta Incognita Peninsula, among the river valleys that stretch
north towards Frobisher Bay and Amadjuak Lake. Important hunting areas
For Kimmirummiut the pursuit of sea mammals has been the most
included the North Bay area, Crooks Inlet, Markham Bay, and Big Island.
important of all hunting activities, but caribou were also important to the
As late as the 1960s, ilagiit nunagivaktangit were also found in Carew Bay,
local economy. During the last century, however, the range and number of
Shaftesbury Inlet, Observation Cove, and Balcolm Inlet, and as far south as
caribou in the region declined. At the same time, the government limited
Middle Savage Islands and Pritzler Harbour.
the caribou-hunting season. In 1955 RCMP Constable G. C. Barr wrote to
Today, Kimmirummiut hunt ringed seals at breathing holes and along
the floe edge in January and February. In March, they launch boats from
the floe edge to hunt for bearded seals and the occasional beluga whale.
his superiors in Ottawa about the impact of the hunting regulations on
communities and clothing.
Kimmirut | 275
This lack of owning Caribou clothing is thought due to the fact
memoirs of the period tell us that Inuit were keen and proficient traders.
that the Eskimo is only allowed to hunt Caribou during August
For generations, Kimmirummiut had already been hunting whales from
and part of September and at that time of year the animals are
kayaks or umiaq (skin boats), often using narwhal-tusk weapons or metal
miles inland and not all the men can arrange the necessary trip
knives that they tied to a paddle.
to secure these beasts. This curb on the length of the season that
More sustained contact began after 1860, when whaling ships began
Caribou may be hunted, in the writer’s opinion, must be contin-
making annual visits to the area on their way to the rich whaling grounds
ued in this district for some years to come, because from reports
along the western shores of Hudson Bay. In 1877, the first seasonal whaling
received this year from the Natives, Caribou are still not too plen-
station was established at Spicer Island, about 100 kilometres west of Kim-
tiful in this district.
mirut, and it operated year-round after 1880. Kimmirummiut were hired on
ships as crew or at the station, while others visited the station to trade furs
During the 1970s, many hunters were still reporting that the decline in
caribou populations was influencing the number of caribou hunts.
and other goods. The station was abandoned in the early 1890s due to a decline in the number of whales and a reduced demand for whale products. For
For many Kimmirummiut, artwork has also become an important
the next decade, Kimmirummiut had only sporadic contact with Qallunaat.
source of income and cultural life. Three types of soapstone are found in
Beginning in 1900, a Scottish firm, the Tay Whale Fishing Company,
the region, including white, green, and black. Marble is quarried in the
began operating a mica mine at Kimmirut, which was the first mine on Baf-
Markham Bay area and in the Soper River valley. Semi-precious lapis lazuli,
fin Island to employ Inuit labour. While the exact number of employees
also found in the Soper River Valley, is being inlaid into marble and soap-
is unknown, their involvement was well documented by the missionary
stone carvings. Elijah Michael, Simeonie Aqpik, and Pauloosie Padluq are
Archibald Lang Fleming, who was in the area between 1909 and 1911. Be-
some of the community’s famous carvers.
tween 1902 and 1907, the mine produced an annual haul of between two
and seventeen tons, with Inuit and Qallunaat miners. The Tay Whale mine
Early Contacts
(and dozens of other small mica mines in Canada) closed in 1913 when alternatives to mica for manufacturing were found and costs rose during the
First World War.
Kimmirummiut were among the first Inuit in Qikiqtaaluk to have extensive
The whaling ship Active that recruited Kimmirummiut as whaleboat
Qallunaat contact with explorers, whalers, and HBC personnel. Beginning
crews and hunters for summer operations in Hudson Bay and dropped off
in the early 1800s, vessels travelling through Hudson Strait navigated close
Scottish quarrymen to the mica mine also picked up hunters and their fami-
to the northern shoreline between the Middle Savage Islands and Markham
lies (usually around eighty people) for transport to Fisher Strait or Roes
Bay because of wind and ice conditions. At times, the ships became stuck
Welcome Sound in search of whales, walrus, and seals. As published in
in the ice, at which point people made the difficult journey to the whaling
Dorothy Eber’s book, When the Whalers Were Up North: Inuit Memories
ships to trade. Furs, walrus tusks, whalebone, oil, and clothing were traded
from the Eastern Arctic, Ikidluak recalled that some of his earliest memories
for saws, needles, knives, iron, and other goods. Qallunaat logbooks and
were onboard the Active.
Kimmirut | 277
I was born when the ship Active was coming up around here . . .
Access to alcohol and exposure to infectious diseases, including vene-
They would look not just for whales but for walrus, seals and
real disease, was another element of Qallunaat contact. While alcohol did
square flippers, too.
not have a significant impact on daily life, in part due to the fact that it was
I don’t remember them catching whales, but I do remember
only available for the short periods that people were whaling, infectious dis-
when they got some walrus. I remember the women taking the
eases had a lasting impact. Historical records from other parts of the Arctic
blubber off the walrus . . . I don’t know how many, but there were
show that whalers introduced syphilis and gonorrhoea in Inuit populations,
lots of women scraping. Some were just standing by to help. The
which caused sterility, an increased number of miscarriages, and numerous
women were working while the men were out catching the walrus.
cases of congenital syphilis. While the same types of records are not available for the southern Baffin Island region, it is very likely that Kimmirum-
Kimmirummiut were, in fact, the skilled hunters; the Scottish “whalemen” were often regulated to inferior tasks because they lacked the knowledge required to hunt in the region.
miut also experienced similar health problems.
Other legacies of the whaling era can still be seen in today’s naming
practices. Whalers who were unable to pronounce Inuit names simply assigned new names to the workers. Names such as Charlie, Jim, and Adam
became popular, and Inuit soon adapted them into Inuktitut. John became
Joanasie, Jacob became Jaykeepee, and Adam became Aatamii.
The foundation of the Qallunaat enclave that preceded the hamlet
The impact of the increased Qallunaat presence in the Kimmirut region
of Kimmirut was an Anglican mission set up in 1909 by W. J. Bilby and
during the early twentieth century was felt by all families. During the early
Archibald Fleming. From their small cabin, Bilby and Fleming travelled to
1900s, the importance of fur as a commodity began to rise. The faltering
local ilagiit nunagivaktangit preaching Anglican morals and beliefs in Eng-
whaling industry and declining whale stocks compelled whalers to increase
lish and offering basic reading and writing skills. Fleming, who eventually
trade with Inuit to supplement their diminishing income from whaling
became the Anglican Bishop of the Arctic, began learning Inuktitut from
alone. These new opportunities for trade impacted Kimmirummiut hunt-
his Kimmirut pupils. His autobiography, Archibald the Arctic, while told
ing and settlement patterns, as Inuit increasingly incorporated trapping
from a Qallunaat perspective, provide a glimpse into life and experiences of
into hunting expeditions to meet new trade demands.
Inuit in the early twentieth century. In one story, Fleming tells of preparing
Whalers had introduced new technologies and forms of exchange in the
to leave Kimmirut for a new posting in 1910. Fleming knew that Haley’s
Arctic. New materials, such as firearms, became important parts of the Inuit
Comet would be visible in the northern sky just before he was to leave. Days
economy and changed hunting techniques. The need to acquire ammunition
before the event, Fleming requested that people look for a comet, but they
committed Inuit to trade relationships. The introduction of the whaleboat
were sceptical about his ability to predict such an occurrence. When the
had less of an impact, but still influenced hunting techniques. Inuit found
comet appeared, Fleming attributed Inuit astonishment to their perception
whaleboats more durable, convenient, and efficient than their umiaq. As a
that he could predict the future, saying:
result, people became more dependent on trade in daily life.
Kimmirut | 279
was happy to allow people to believe in his magical powers of predication.
Sociologist Marybelle Mitchell insightfully observed that “apparently, he
was unaware of the irony of using conjury to fight conjury.” While the comet
story may have been magical thinking on Fleming’s part, the arrival of the
Anglicans and the establishment of a mission greatly increased the exposure
of Kimmirummiut to Qallunaat practices, beliefs, and moral codes. The Anglicans tried, in vain, to convince the government to allow them to establish
a permanent hospital in Lake Harbour, rather than in Pangnirtung.
In 1911, the HBC also arrived in the area, intent on taking advantage of
the increasingly profitable fur trade. Oola Kiponik recalled how her family
was moved to the ilagiit nunagivaktangit, Appatuuqjuaq, “so they could get
lots of furs” for the company. The new post, established under the management of William Ford, provided a more permanent place for trade in lieu of
the intermittent and now declining whaling presence. While its arrival did
not result in any immediately significant changes to the material culture of
Kimmirummiut, in a short time it became the most important Qallunaat
institution in the area.
By the 1920s, the Canadian government had begun to direct more of
its attention towards Qikiqtaaluk. The Eastern Arctic Patrol (EAP) was
established in 1922 to carry administrators, RCMP officers, supplies, and
medical service to missionary and trade enclaves in the region. In 1924, an
RCMP post was erected at Kimmirut. The three main Qallunaat institutions—missionaries, traders, and RCMP—were now firmly in place at Kim-
Anglican congregation,
Lake Harbour,
August 14, 1932
It was a dramatic spectacle but the Eskimos were even more
mirut and prepared to keep watch over Inuit.
affected by it than we were. They clamoured to know how I could
Occasionally, other Qallunaat came into the area. Dr. Dewy Soper
foretell its coming . . . This incident raised me to a level far above
travelled with his wife and son to Kimmirut in 1930 on behalf of the gov-
the native conjurer and contributed greatly to the willingness of
ernment to study wildlife, survey uncharted areas, and make other scientific
canada
the people to listen to my teaching then and in the years to come.
recordings. In 1934, the HBC governor Sir Patrick Ashley Cooper and Lady
Cooper visited the settlement. The event was marked by a huge celebration
It is interesting to note what appears to be a lack of effort to explain
of “sports, games, and contests, and of course presents for every man, wom-
to Kimmirummiut the science behind his prediction of the event. Fleming
an, and child.” Piloted by an Inuk man, Navalio, the HMS Scarborough
Kimmirut | 281
visited Kimmirut in 1937, and during the Second World War, the United
Not all changes were harmful, but they all required an effort to adapt cus-
States established a radio and weather station at Kimmirut that closed down
tomary ways of thinking and living to new conditions. In the earlier period,
at the end of the war. All of these occurrences would have contributed to the
Taissumani Nunamiutautilluta, Inuit families had been tightly connected
ever-increasing Qallunaat–Inuit interactions in the region. By the 1950s,
to one another in daily and seasonal activities related to food production,
the annual cycle of Kimmirummiut migration patterns regularly included
even if they spent part of their time harvesting fox and seals. A “service
seasonal visits to the Qallunaat enclave at Kimmirut generally during ship
centre” like Kimmirut existed only to provide trade goods and other im-
time for trade, medical treatment, or potential employment opportunities.
ported services to people who continued to live in dispersed groups around
Many people also visited during the holiday season at Christmas in order to
their regions. After the Sangussaqtauliqtilluta, people became centralized
participate in the festivities. Gordon Rennie, an HBC manager who married
in the community and moved outwards from it to carry on their traditional
into a Kimmirut family, told the Qikiqtani Truth Commission (QTC) about
activities.
the early years after his arrival in the settlement in 1949.
The outside events that caused so much change in the lives of Kimmirummiut were the growth of Iqaluit in the 1950s and the federal
People gathered in the community and pitched tents. It was a
government’s decision to apply so many policies and laws in Qikiqtaaluk
holiday atmosphere. We only opened the store when people had
communities. In 1947, fourteen ilagiit nunagivaktangit were counted; in
something to trade. People did a lot of trapping. Throughout the
1953, only five remained, including a large group of people at Pituqqiq.
year, they also did a lot of carving. They used green serpentine and
Nevertheless, almost all Inuit continued to live on the land rather than in
black stone, highly polished. We used to get ivory tusk production
the settlement until the 1960s. In 1954, the settlement’s population was re-
from Igloolik. We brought it down and bagged it out. We would
ported to be around 30, with 265 Inuit coming in to trade. Various factors
give it out. People would give them back completed and I would
likely accounted for the shift in population from smaller to larger ilagiit
put an evaluation on the ivory carving.
nunagivaktangit. Better rifles and motor boats allowed more animals to
be harvested within a smaller area. Some families decided to move near
or into Kimmirut so their children could attend school or because family
1950–1960
members found seasonal employment. The major contributing factors to
the changes in the size and number of ilagiit nunagivaktangit was probably
the loss of family members to southern sanatoriums and the movement of
entire families to Iqaluit. By 1962, only 127 Inuit were reported as trading
at Kimmirut.
The Kimmirut region experienced two sudden changes in the period af-
Schooling was offered in Kimmirut during the first half of the twen-
ter the Second World War. In the QTC community histories these sudden
tieth century by the Anglicans with the government contributing a black-
changes are called Sangussaqtauliqtilluta or “disruptions” to underline the
board, a few books, and little else. In the fall of 1949, the government sent a
fact that people went through enormous changes in a short period of time.
welfare teacher, Isabell D. Erickson, to the settlement to operate a school in
Kimmirut | 283
conjunction with a nursing station. The school operated until the end of
money hunting. Many stayed with the program only to “please the Company.”
July 1950, when it was decided to discontinue the “teaching experiment” as
One of the unexpected outcomes of the program was the amount of extra
the government was unsure how to provide education to the children in
lumber that was available in the community. Graburn reported that in 1960
the area. Issues with attendance probably played a role in the program’s
all families in Kimmirut had houses, most of which were constructed from
cancellation. By the 1950s, the majority of Kimmirummiut only ventured
wood left over from the HBC and boat-building operations, as well as from
into the settlement during the summer at ship time to trade or find tem-
the deconstruction of a former weather station.
porary wage employment, and unlike other settlements, Kimmirut did not
The need to keep the “Company” (the HBC) happy was closely linked
have a hostel for children to stay at while attending school. Because of this,
to fears that it would close its Kimmirut operations. The HBC was a mo-
many children were only able to attend during the summer months when
nopoly—Inuit could only purchase rifles and food and sell skins, carvings,
their families were in the area. After its closure in the summer of 1950,
and handicrafts through the post. In 2008, Elisapee Itulu told the QTC
schooling was once again left to the responsibility of the missionaries or
that her father had felt “controlled” by the HBC and was made to come to
the nurse.
Kimmirut to help with the boat-building project. When speaking with the
In 1951, plans were made to introduce a co-operative boat-building
QTC in 2008, Terry Jenkin, a former RCMP officer stationed in Kimmirut
project through the HBC that would train and employ local Inuit to manu-
in 1957, recalled the lack of communication between Kimmirummiut and
facture boats for sale in the Arctic. The HBC was responsible for providing
Qallunaat. “It was quite a small community. There was not a lot going on.
materials and “all normal costs” associated with building the boats. Five
Not a lot of interaction between cultures. The largest barrier was language.
Inuit were selected for the program—Napatchee, Noah and Kapee from
They lacked the ability to communicate with each other.”
Kimmirut; and Sheookjuke and Davidie from Cape Dorset. Training and
This lack of communication may also have fed into the lack of long-
work began in 1953. There are differing accounts about why the project was
term acceptance by Inuit of the boat-building project. This, in addition to
delayed. Government records indicate that it was due to a measles outbreak
the poor tools provided, often resulted in poor output.
in Kimmirut during 1951, while HBC sources state that there were difficul-
While the irregular offers of schooling and the boat-building project
ties in transporting the shipwright from Iqaluit to Kimmirut. Likely, it was
would have had small impacts on Kimmirummiut settlement patterns, they
a combination of these events.
do not particularly account for the transition from many smaller ilagiit
Over the initial five-month period of the project, five 27-foot whale-
nunagivaktangit to fewer, larger ones that took place during the 1950s. The
boats were built. The boats were fully equipped for sailing and had metal
loss of people to hospitals in the South and to Iqaluit, on the other hand,
built into the bow for use in ice. The government considered the project
would have significantly affected the region’s population. A loss of family
to be successful, but observations by the RCMP and ethnographer Nelson
members would have put a strain on many of the smaller ilagiit nunagivak-
Graburn, who was sent to study Kimmirut in 1960, challenged this perspec-
tangit, resulting in families having to integrate with other groups and build
tive. The RCMP attributed the problems to a lack of an effective Qallunaat
new relationships in order to survive.
foreman, but Graburn explained that Inuit did not completely endorse the
With the exception of the annual visits by medical personnel on the
project. Although trained and skilled, many felt that they could make more
C. D. Howe and first aid by the RCMP, Kimmirummiut had little access to
Kimmirut | 285
government-supplied health services. By the 1950s, very few vaccines were
developed, and visitors and traders could introduce new diseases easily into
communities. Influenza was always a problem, as were childhood diseases
such as whooping cough and measles. In rare instances, Inuit were infected by botulism from local sources. In 1946, for example, an outbreak of
botulism from eating infected meat killed almost everyone in one ilagiit
nunagivaktangat.
The first nurse, Nurse Rundle, arrived at Kimmirut in 1950, but was
killed in February 1953 after a rafter in the supply warehouse collapsed on
her. The wife of an RCMP member later replaced her. This was not unusual,
as many RCMP officers who were married to registered nurses were selected for postings in the North. While nurses could treat minor ailments and
treatment and the amount of time they were away would have consider-
opposite page:
Inuit board the C.D.
Howe for medical
examination and eye
check, July 1951
ably affected the ilagiit nunagivaktangit structure. When the ship arrived at
Kimmirut in 1955, for example, a tuberculosis X-ray survey was conducted
canada
diagnose diseases, surgeries and any other treatments requiring specialized
medical equipment, such as respirators, needed to be done in a hospital,
and this generally required sending people south.
The number of people being evacuated south each year for medical
and sixty people were found to be active cases and were evacuated. The following year another twenty-five people were evacuated and thirty-five people returned. These numbers probably included Inuit from the Cape Dorset
region as well, as they fell under the same district. Nevertheless, the loss of
so many people, even for only a year, would have had a significant impact
on those left behind. Families were incredibly interdependent—removing
even one member could be devastating and often resulted in the remaining members having to adjust their settlement patterns or relocate to other
ilagiit nunagivaktangit or even the settlement.
Fear of being sent south was widespread, because many people often
did not return, having died while being treated away from their homes. In
1955, the RCMP said that Kimmirummiut were now avoiding the settlement
Kimmirut | 287
at ship-time because they had no desire of “being evacuated to the ‘Land of
contracts poured into and through Iqaluit, and the economy of the area
No Return.’” In 2008, Elijah Padluq shared with the QTC the impact his
exploded. Inuit from all over were attracted by the potential opportunities
mother’s evacuation had on him and his family. “As soon as my mother
for employment. In contrast, wage employment opportunities in Kimmirut
left, my father, my brother, Josephie and I were the only people left in our
were limited. While some people were employed at the boat-building proj-
home. It seemed as if the backbone of our home was gone. It was really
ect, or worked seasonally in general labour positions during the summer,
hard on us because she was our home.” Padluq was relatively lucky; his
Iqaluit was a much larger centre, with far more opportunities. Additionally,
Inuit building a
Peterhead boat for
the Hudson’s
Bay Company,
September 19, 1958
mother returned the following year. Others would never see their loved
the wages offered in Iqaluit were significantly higher than those at Kim-
ones again, an experience that still haunts Elijah Mike. His mother and his
mirut. Some people also remember being asked or told to go to Iqaluit, as
canada
older sister, Saata, were evacuated south for treatment and never returned.
Unfortunately, Elijah was never able to get the full story of what happened
to them:
Up to today, I think maybe they’re coming this time and I have
never been told where they are buried. I have tried to find out but
they just said that they are not there. Where are they? This hurt
me a lot. I’ve been waiting for my mother and sister for a long,
long time.
In addition to the impact of medical evacuations, many Kimmirummiut were choosing to move away in search of work. By the mid-1950s, fox
trapping had become a mainstay in the region’s economy. However, during
the first half of the decade, the fox market collapsed and the price paid for
pelts dropped while the cost of goods available through the HBC increased.
The income earned from trapping no longer provided Kimmirummiut with
enough credit to purchase supplies. This left many Kimmirummiut looking
for other income opportunities, and Iqaluit, only 130 kilometres away, offered
such prospects.
Iqaluit’s growth was rooted in its development as a defence establishment, first during the Second World War, and then later as a communications and transportation hub for the eastern section of the Distant Early
Warning (DEW) Line. Thousands of military personnel and construction
workers were needed. Judea Goteleak told the QTC, “From Kimmirut, we
were asked to go work in Iqaluit because there was hardly any help to take
supplies off the ship.”
For the above reasons, many Kimmirummiut were moving to Iqaluit.
The population of the region dropped from 243 in 1957, to 174 in 1958,
and to 120 in 1960. The nursing station closed during the summer of 1959,
Kimmirut | 289
1960–1975
and a year later, the Anglican minister, Reverend Mike Gardener, was sent
to Cape Dorset. Gardener told the QTC that Bishop Fleming decided that
After the population decline of the 1950s, Kimmirut’s population remained
it was a “waste to have a minister posted in Kimmirut when there’s Cape
steady in the 1960s and began to grow in the 1970s. In 1960, the RCMP
Dorset waiting with many more people.” Kimmirut was by that point losing
provided contradictory information about the population of the region. One
people to both Iqaluit and Cape Dorset.
report said that only 12 Inuit lived year-round in the settlement; others lived
The mass migration of people away from the Kimmirut region contin-
in four winter ilagiit nunagivaktangit with populations varying between 11
ued through 1959, but by 1960 had begun to slow. The reality of life in Iqaluit
and 30 individuals. By the mid-1970s, the majority of Kimmirummiut lived
was beginning to show by this point. Shack villages, insufficient housing,
in Kimmirut. In 1977, there were just shy of 250 people living in the com-
overhunting, and a community separated along racial lines were only some
munity, of which 95% were Inuit.
of the problems arising. Anthropologist Nelson Graburn observed that, in
The government took limited action in developing education and
Iqaluit, “Many unpleasant social and material phenomena had arisen, with
housing options in Kimmirut in an attempt to help support and maintain
consequent widespread social and emotional conflict.” Additionally, “Many
the settlement. By the 1960s, the settlement included the HBC buildings,
unpleasant experiences with Whites were encountered, e.g. RCMP shooting
RCMP post and buildings, the Anglican mission and outbuildings (unoccu-
of dogs, [and] seduction of women under drink.” In contrast, Kimmirut’s
pied), the Indian and Northern Health Services (INHS) nursing station with
appeal rose because the settlement maintained a continued connection to
an office residence and power plan, and an Aboriginal Affairs and Northern
the land and traditional way of life. People still depended on the land—not
Development Canada Arctic Unit, which was only occasionally equipped.
the settlement—for their survival. Nonetheless, by 1960, Kimmirut’s popu-
The boat-building program still employed between five to six people each
lation had shrunk by half and government administrators started to worry
summer, and most of the other men were able to find at least short periods
that the settlement, which was one of the oldest government-supported en-
of summer employment. Other employment included one caretaker for the
claves in the region, might cease to exist.
INHS, a special constable and part-time special constable with the RCMP,
and the HBC clerk. The economy was still primarily based on seal hunting
and fox trapping, supplemented by handicrafts (mainly carving), wage labour, and social payments such as family allowances and Old Age Pensions.
A 1963 government report noted that “at least 85% of the present families
depend on hunting.”
At this time, local leaders, including Inuit Anglican leaders, played a
large role in encouraging people to stay in Kimmirut. They were generally
Kimmirut | 291
researchers in 2004, Perry Ikkidluak described how the government exerted itself:
Elders (named in 1966 as Akavok, Davidii, and Santee), whose hunting and
social experiences could be relied upon when it came to providing guidance
We were at Pituqqik, where we wintered. We were repeatedly
on both economic and spiritual matters. These people also played a general
asked to move to Kimmirut. Even the policemen were coming in
leadership role in the Kimmirut community. With the Anglican minister
to ask us to come. I pretended not to hear them but they kept com-
gone, they were also responsible for overseeing religious services. Graburn
ing back. So in spring, they came again by boat to ask us to come
reported that the system was “very self-sufficient” and “thoroughly integrat-
and we finally said yes in 1968 . . . I didn’t want to move but I had
ed with the traditional authority structure.” In 1967, another federal govern-
no choice but to say yes . . . They were really persistent even though
ment researcher reported that the social structure of the community was
we didn’t want to come here. They told us that our kids had to go
very similar to what would be found in an ilagiit nunagivaktangat. Family
to school.
ties remained strong and leaders held significant influence.
Despite the stabilization of the population, the Canadian government
He added, as did other people speaking to QIA and the QTC, that the
was still concerned that the massive migration away from Kimmirut during
promise of a house was one of the inducements and unkept promises associ-
the late 1950s might result in the HBC closing for lack of business. With
ated with coming into the settlement.
the closing of the mission and the nursing station, there was little left in the
The pressure for Ikkidluak and others to move likely intensified in
settlement. This also raised concerns among Kimmirummiut who relied on
1968 because a new two-room school was about to be opened in Kimmirut.
the HBC for trade. In 1963, a government report noted:
While a summer-school program was started in 1959 for children who were
travelling to the settlement with their parents, attendance continued to be
Conversely, the rapid demise of [Kimmirut] has led to some of the
governed by hunting conditions. In 1963, for instance, the summer-school
agencies there “packing their bags”, a sense of insecurity amongst
teacher reported that school attendance had been poor because “the rising
the Eskimo population, and the threat of the immediate disap-
value of seal skins had caused many of the people to remain in their win-
pearance of the whole community. This would not be so bad if it
ter camps during the summer.” All the same, in 1963, the summer-school
were not for the fact that [Kimmirut] is one of the few places left
program gave way to a year-round school and a permanent teacher was
with abundant natural resources, and has a fairly good social and
assigned to the community. Classes were held in the abandoned nursing
economic base and potentialities.
station, rather than a purpose-built school. The school was temporarily shut
down in November 1964 when the teacher resigned due to ill health, but
In light of these concerns, the Canadian government sought to maintain the population and the level of services offered in the settlement by
another teacher arrived in May 1965. The first permanent school was the
one that arrived in 1968.
pressuring people to leave ilagiit nunagivaktangit for Kimmirut. It used
Another focus was on housing. While government officials wanted to
schooling as both a threat and an enticement. In an interview with QIA
combat the migration of Kimmirummiut to Iqaluit in the early 1960s, they
Kimmirut | 293
were still determined to maintain a policy of dispersal rather than central-
There started to be conflicts between my grandfather and Joa-
ization in the Kimmirut region. Beyond the housing provided by the various
nasie Lyta [the camp leader] because we were told to move to
agencies, there were no Southern-style houses sent to Kimmirut until 1962.
Kimmirut. We didn’t listen for about two years. They didn’t want
Elijah Mike remembers some of the dwellings people lived in:
to move to Kimmirut. They did not want to leave the camp due
to hunting and Kimmirut’s harbour froze in the fall earlier than
[W]e used to have huts with drift wood. Sometimes they didn’t
where they lived.
even have any. Once they had them up, some of them had old
canvases and other materials put on top. For insulation, they used
plants from the ground and when the hut was finished we would
Eventually, the threat of a suspension in family allowance payments
resulted in their decision to make the move.
use it all winter.
Ooloosie and Joanasie were husband and wife. They had [a] hard
In 1962, four houses arrived at ship-time, all of which were intended to
time when they were told that they would not be receiving any-
be erected in ilagiit nunagivaktangit, not the settlement. Unfortunately, all
more child allowance if they don’t move to Kimmirut. That is why
arrived with shattered windows. In 1963, five additional low-cost houses
we moved to Kimmirut.
arrived, and two more were ordered for 1964. It was not until years later
that housing specifically meant for the settlement was sent north.
In 1966, the Anglican mission re-opened in Kimmirut. By 1967, ap-
Goteleak remembered his grandfather saying, “We will survive, but life
will be harder, we should just say yes.”
proximately 60% of the Inuit population was reported to be living in the
settlement. Only three ilagiit nunagivaktangit remained in the region. Many
people who had owned houses in the ilagiit nunagivaktangit brought them
with them when they relocated to Kimmirut. In 1967, the settlement itself
received ten new low-cost rental houses and a metal-sheathed building to
After moving into the settlement, Inuit confronted laws contrived for
house generators. Twelve more were received the following year. By 1968,
southern conditions, as well as a wide range of policies concerning welfare,
the RCMP reported that the ilagiit nunagivaktangit were closing down and
housing, education, and health care that seemed to change year by year.
people were moving to the settlement to take advantage of the housing. By
Kimmirummiut also contended with cultural shocks, including the loss of
1969, only one ilagiit nunagivaktangat remained, but the RCMP expected it
qimmiit through disease and destruction under the Ordinance Respecting
would be abandoned once housing in Kimmirut became available.
Dogs.
Not all Kimmirummiut wanted to move to the settlement—many felt
A decimating rabies outbreak among the qimmiit population in 1960
pressured by Qallunaat to move. Goteleak also spoke with the QIA about
combined with dramatic swings in sealskin prices likely contributed to the
the conflict created between his grandfather and his uncle over the decision
decision made by some families to move to the settlement to take advan-
to move into the settlement:
tage of government services and possible job opportunities. The epidemic
Kimmirut | 295
resulted in a loss of more than three-quarters of the qimmiit population
where dogs were killed in camps in the Kimmirut region in contravention
in the Kimmirut region. Taqialuk Temela recalled for the QIA in 2004 his
of the ordinance.
memories of when the qimmiit were sick:
The QTC heard from multiple witnesses in Kimmirut that their qimmiit had been shot or that they had been told to shoot them during this
Yes, I remember at least once that dogs were really sick, and they
period. This probably happened during the summertime when families
would get rabies. I was assigned to kill the dogs that got rabies by
temporarily relocated to the settlement. Mary Pudlat recalled for the QTC
shooting them. Even if you shot them, they never died with a 22
when her husband’s qimmit was killed by the RCMP:
gun. You had to shoot them again and only then they would die
infected with rabies. We lost many dogs from that sickness; rabies.
Our camp was a place called Pitiqqiq. While we lived at Pitiqqiq,
I only remember once when we lost dogs through rabies.
Jutai, my husband, came over to do some trading with the Hudson’s
Bay Trading Post here. That day when he came in the RCMP shot
The loss of qimmiit affected the 1961–62 winter-fox-trapping season
his lead dog. Back then, it seemed the RCMP officers were trying
and ultimately the incomes of many Kimmirummiut. Between 1955 and
to kill all lead dogs . . . He was sad to part with his lead dog and
1960, the average income from trapping had been $7,500, but in 1961–62,
after they shot it, Jutai brought it to the front of the RCMP house.
it dropped to only $4,600. Trappers had to pool their qimmiit in order to
He was frustrated and the people here knew what he had done
attend their traplines. The RCMP report for the year noted:
because they watched him pull the dead dog right to the RCMP
officer’s house.
In most cases the dogs are pooled so that two men can travel over
a lengthy trap line, but this means the other men have to remain
Joannie Ikkidluak was a dogcatcher in Kimmirut for a period and re-
home waiting their turn with the dogs, consequently the traps are
calls being told by the RCMP to shoot qimmiit that were running around
unattended over a long period of time.
loose. Ikkidluak sometimes caught the loose qimmiit and held them for a
short period, but many were never claimed and he ended up having to shoot
While this was a severe blow to many families whose travel, trapping,
them. Ikkidluak remembers that some people were very unhappy with him
and hunting would have been affected, no immediate large-scale movement
killing qimmiit, and at one point, he was even summoned before the com-
into the settlement was reported or any significant adjustments to settle-
munity council. “All the Inuit people used to scold me. That would make me
ment patterns noted at the time. It was hoped that by 1963–64, the qimmiit
feel bad. These were the dogs that made us survive in the past.”
population would have restored itself. Unfortunately, the Ordinance also
While there were reports of the qimmiit population recovering from
affected Kimmirut qimmiit. Since 1950, the Canadian government had
the 1960 epidemic, the combination of disease and shootings must have
considered Kimmirut a settlement, meaning that the Ordinance extended
resulted in too few qimmiit to create full dog teams. Years later, in 1978, the
to its residents. The Ordinance required that qimmiit be tied up at all times
Nunatsiaq News reported the first dog team in fifteen years arriving in the
while in defined places, including settlements, but there were also cases
community.
Kimmirut | 297
The lack of qimmiit resulted in many people having to purchase snowmobiles in order to hunt and get around. However, while snowmobiles
reduced the amount of food required to feed qimmiit, they were also unreliable and expensive to maintain. Goteleak Judea spoke to the QIA in 2004
about how different it was to use a snowmobile, and how they could break
down easily, leaving you stranded.
Back then, I had a snowmobile after we were told to kill our dogs.
I walked more than once after my snowmobile had broken down.
If I had dogs they would have never broken down, when my snowmobile kept breaking down. One time it was so hard when I was
walking home thinking if my dogs weren’t killed I would be dog
teaming instead, and I wouldn’t be walking, thinking this way
alone it was not an easy moment thinking about it. But everything
has its way of passing.
A boom in the sealskin market followed the outbreak in 1960. New
techniques were introduced to improve the preparation of seal pelts, and
the increased use of sealskins in European clothiers created a bigger market
for Inuit. Skins that sold for $4.00 in 1955 sold for $17.50 in 1963. In the
Northwest Territories in 1961–62, there were 10,470 sealskins traded for
$48,689. By 1963–64, 46,962 pelts were traded for $691,707. The rise in
income earned by Kimmirummiut saw a corresponding rise in the purchase
of imported hunting equipment, such as snowmobiles, canoes with motors,
and motors for larger boats. The boom was short-lived, however. By the
latter half of the decade, sealskin prices dropped because of the impact of
Group of girls at Lake
Harbour, 1936
Lake Harbour saw its first dog team in 15 years when Malcolm
animal rights protestors on European purchasers. Up until this point per-
Farrow, principal of GREC, arrived from Frobisher on March 20
manent movement into the settlement had been slow; however, more and
with his team of six Eskimo dogs. George Pitsula, a local resident,
more Kimmirummiut now began relocating in order to take advantage of
canada, t. j. orford
remembers that last dog team, belonging to the Killiktee family,
government services and the small amount of employment opportunities
coming to Lake Harbour in 1963.
available in the settlement.
Kimmirut | 299
After years of living on the land, settlement living required some
and shovels and the use of a front-end loader,” the new airstrip was com-
getting used to. The community had never had a full-time government ad-
pleted on October 21, 1974. Local governments supplied lights and beacons
ministrator or facilities that lent themselves to the social development of
the following year. This was a tremendous feat, considering less than ten
the community. Nevertheless, Kimmirummiut centralized and adopted the
years earlier officials reported there was “practically no possibility of build-
tools of modern governance (elections, petitions, lobbying) quickly, while
ing any sort of airstrip nearby [Kimmirut] because of the uneven nature of
steadfastly insisting that Kimmirut develop according to their needs.
the land.”
The Kimmirut Settlement Council was formed around 1970–71, and
Other achievements included the incorporation of the Kimik Co-
began petitioning for much-needed services such as a proper nursing sta-
operative Association, which was created to market Kimmirut carvings.
tion. Concerns were also expressed about the lack of telephone services in
Kimmirummiut had a long history of carving, dating back to the time of
1973. The community eventually received telephone and television service
the whalers. While James Houston noted during his visit to Kimmirut in
in 1979. Kimmirummiut also played a role in discussions over exploratory
1951 that soapstone carvings of human and animal figurines had not yet be-
drilling in Davis Strait during the late 1970s. Local newspapers reported
come a “trade item,” the industry had begun to expand by the mid-1960s. An
that attendance at community meetings was good, as residents expressed
Area Economic Survey estimated that annual carving incomes had almost
their concerns over the need for adequate consideration of the potential
doubled between 1962 and 1967 from $7,300 to $12,400. Carving provided
impacts on the environment, wildlife, and Inuit lifestyle and livelihood.
a suitable supplement to traditional harvest activities and an alternative
In 1976, the council expressed concern over the Southern-style educa-
to wage employment in a community where wage employment had never
tion system. Chairman Maliktoo Lyta told Commissioner Stuart Hodgson:
really been plentiful. In 1978, at least 50% of the adult residents of Kimmirut were active carvers. By 1983, the Northwest Territories Department
We want our children to learn our traditions and not forget the
of Economic Development and Tourism estimated that Kimmirut exported
old ways. I personally went to school for a short time and have
approximately $350,000 worth of arts and crafts in that one year alone.
forgotten many things. If we forget and our parents die it will be
impossible to learn our traditions.
Lyta called for more money to help teach cultural inclusion in the
schools. Even today, Kimmirut is known for maintaining strong ties to traditional Inuit culture.
Also during the early 1970s, Kimmirummiut worked together to construct an all-weather airstrip. Despite frequent requests to the government
for assistance, and frustrated by the absence of any government action, they
took it upon themselves to construct one capable of handling Twin Otters
and Skyvans. Constructed over two summers “with wheelbarrows and picks
Pangnirtung
Panniqtuuq
P
angnirtung, with a population of more than 1,300 people, is the thirdlargest community in Qikiqtaaluk. The hamlet is near the centre of a
particularly rich habitat for marine mammals. Historically, people
lived quite densely around all the islands and shorelines ringing Cumberland
Sound, from Cape Edwards in the southwest to Cape Mercy in the southeast.
The hamlet, however, has only seen permanent habitation since 1921. It grew
around a Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) trading post that attracted the RCMP
in 1923, an Anglican Mission in 1926, and a government hospital in 1930.
The history of Cumberland Sound is unique in Qikiqtaaluk. Its people lived through three waves of economic and demographic change since
1824. The first was the whaling era, from 1824 to 1919. During this period,
around 1860, Scottish and American whalers established permanent stations in Cumberland Sound. Material and cultural changes were accompanied by huge losses of population to disease, and by the near extinction of
the bowhead whale. The second wave of change began in 1921, when the
| 301
Hauling white whale
hides, Pangnirtung,
August 1929
population scattered into ilagiit nunagivaktangit, mostly around sites that
trapped white foxes. They traded these, along with sealskins and seal oil, for
canada
imported food and manufactured goods at Pangnirtung at least once a year,
their ancestors occupied before 1840. From there they hunted all types of
seal and caribou as before, took beluga whale and walrus seasonally, and
Pangnirtung | 303
Large group of Inuit
departing by boat,
likely for a whale
hunt, 1926 or 1927
or more often if they lived close to the trading post. This economy remained
The Uqqumiut are the people of the Lee Side, an ancient and very broad
the basis of most people’s annual routine until 1962, when a growing num-
regional description covering the southeastern part of Baffin Island from
ber of government officials and services at Pangnirtung drove a third wave
Clyde River on Baffin Bay, almost to the mouth of Frobisher Bay. Although
of change. This change disrupted the hunting and trapping economy and
broken up by mountains and glaciers, this is a very rich environment for
put great pressure on individuals to relocate permanently to the settlement.
marine mammals, caribou, and char. For centuries, people thrived here on
This re-settlement was virtually complete by 1970.
their harvest of wildlife. Caribou and ringed seal, in particular, provided
canada
Pangnirtung | 305
food and materials for clothing and shelter, as did the enormous bowhead
bearded seal are sometimes available and are valued for their larger skins
whales.
and greater amount of meat. The bearded seal provides the best leather for
Up to the 1840s, four local groups occupied the shores and islands of
harnesses and for boot soles.
Cumberland Sound itself. According to information collected in 1883, they
Beluga or white whales feed throughout Cumberland Sound during
were the Talirpingmiut on the southwest coast; the Qinguamiut around the
the short season of open water. They congregate in late summer in shal-
head of the Sound from Immigen to Ushualuk; the Kingnaitmiut along the
low waters, where commercial whale drives were carried out as recently as
coast where high mountains back the northeast shore; and the Sauming-
1964. The skin makes soft, strong leather. There is plenty of meat and blub-
miut around Cape Mercy at the mouth of the Sound. Over the years, the pull
ber, and the maqtaq (outer skin) is a delicacy. The single-tusked narwhal is
of the whaling industry and the loss of population to diseases apparently re-
found in limited numbers in Cumberland Sound and occasionally in Pang-
duced the distinct identities of these groups. For much of the twentieth cen-
nirtung Fiord itself.
tury, the population could be described as comprising two groups, each at-
The bowhead or arvik, which can grow to more than 20 metres in
tached until 1921 to one of two main whaling stations—Kekerton (Qikiqtat)
length, is still seen quite often in Cumberland Sound. Organized annual
and Blacklead Island (Umanaqjuaq). The people from these groups, with
whale hunts ended by 1919, though an unexpected catch occurred near the
very few exceptions, now live in Pangnirtung.
head of the sound in 1946. Uqqurmiut still know how to hunt this marine
Hills around the hamlet rise abruptly to almost 1,000 metres, and views
that are more distant are dominated by even higher mountains of about
mammal. The legal harvest of bowhead in 1998 kept this tradition alive in
spite of international criticism.
2,500 metres that surround the Penny Ice Cap. Elevations in the south and
The caribou became an extremely important source of both meat and
northwest are lower. The Sound’s principal geographical features, in terms
skins. Small herds roam the Cumberland Peninsula and Hall Peninsula,
of Inuit hunting and harvesting, are deep fiords, hundreds of islands sepa-
and a large migratory herd calves further north on the edge of the Barnes
rated by narrow saltwater channels, and the winter and spring land-fast ice
Ice Cap and migrates south and west in summer. Many Inuit leave the
and its floe edge.
coasts each autumn to hunt inland. Walrus is hunted on the Leybourne
The ringed seal and the caribou are essential to Inuit life on the land,
Islands at the mouth of Cumberland Sound in autumn, and the polar bear
but larger seals and small whales are also hunted. The enormous Greenland
is most often found towards the mouth of the Sound. Its skin, formerly
or bowhead whale was culturally and economically important both before
used for clothing, has also been a valuable trade item for many years. The
and after the region became a famous destination for whaling ships from
white or Arctic fox has little or no food value but commercial trapping
Great Britain and New England.
of this animal boomed from 1921 through the 1950s. It is less common
The ringed seal provides meat for people and qimmiit as well as skins
around Pangnirtung than in other parts of southern Baffin Island, and
for traditional clothing and tent coverings. For much of the twentieth cen-
it generally earned the Uqqurmiut less than their trade in sealskins. The
tury, sealskins also provided significant export earnings. They can be taken
main food fish is the Arctic char, traditionally taken at stone weirs during
year-round in open water, at the floe edge, from breathing holes on the
the August migration from salt to fresh water. Some were also taken at
land-fast ice, and at saqbut, which never freezes over. The harp seal and
inland lakes.
Pangnirtung | 307
The Uqqurmiut of Cumberland Sound lived for most of each year in
coast facing the Labrador Sea. Their route to Pangnirtung led them across
some of the largest, most continuously occupied ilagiit nunagivaktangit in
mountains to Kekerten, where they often stopped for the white-coat seal
the whole of Qikiqtaaluk. Until the 1960s, around a dozen of these large
hunt. People who hunted around the mouth of Pangnirtung Fiord had the
dwelling-places typically served as a base for several families. The yearly
easiest access to the post for medical care or frequent trade. The Uqqumiut
cycle followed the migration of animals and fish, as well as the making and
resisted HBC pressure to move to the best trapping grounds and continued
breaking of the huge sheets of ice that offered highways across the Sound.
to make their homes where the hunting was best.
Long-term change was driven by the adoption of firearms and wooden boats
in the 1860s, by the seasonal concentration of people around the whaling
stations from 1880 until 1921, and by the re-concentration in Pangnirtung
Early Contacts
after 1962. The description here is focused on 1930–62.
A typical winter routine began in October or November when ice
British explorers first entered Cumberland Sound in 1583, but soon realized
formed. Ice would put an end to seal hunting in open water from kayaks and
the area was not part of a Northwest Passage. Regular contact did not be-
boats, and was often hazardous until it was firm enough to allow hunters to
gin until 1824, when British whalers appeared along the Davis Strait shore
approach the sina or floe edge from the landward side, or to wait for seals
north of Pangnirtung. At that time, some Cumberland Sound Uqqurmiut
at their breathing holes. Ringed seals were taken year-round by methods
moved north to trade with them, and began encouraging the whalers to
that changed with the seasons. In March and April, whole villages of people
sail around Cape Dyer to enter the ice-clogged waters of the Sound. In
moved onto the ice to harvest “white-coats” for domestic use or trade. The
1839–40, a young man from Kingmiksok, Inuluapik, convinced a Scottish
break-up of the land-fast ice at the end of June, or in early July, at one time
whaler to enter Cumberland Sound, and Uqqumiut began flocking to the
signalled the hunt for bowhead whales that often crowded its retreating
area to trade with the ships and to work. They sometimes suffered from the
edge. Once the ice goes out of the head of the Sound in July, beluga whales
uncertainty of the whaling ships’ arrivals and departures or became tragi-
also become abundant. Around the end of August, people travelled inland
cally familiar with viral and bacterial diseases, which made heavy inroads
to hunt caribou for food and a supply of winter skins. On their return from
before 1860.
the caribou hunt, families again prepared for the stormy period of broken
ice that preceded the winter sealing.
A new phase of contact began with the frequent visits by whalers to
Cumberland Sound after 1840, and ran until 1872, when declines in whale
After 1921, the annual routine began including visits to the HBC trad-
stocks caused a corresponding fall in the number of vessels wintering in the
ing post at Pangnirtung. Depending on how close people lived to the post,
area. During this period, Inuit acquired firearms and wooden boats and be-
they might visit every month or as seldom as once a year. Generally, around
gan a long tradition of working seasonally or year-round for whalers on the
late September a large number of people would gather at Pangnirtung to
ships or at the year-round stations. At the same time, traditional harvesting
help unload the annual supply ship. Many would also return to celebrate
activities continued from the stations, where one hundred or more people
Christmas at the post. Less frequent visits were more typical for those who
congregated at certain times each year. During this time, the year-round
lived at distant ilagiit nunagivaktangit such as Tuvakjuaq, on the south
Qallunaat population remained very small but stable.
Pangnirtung | 309
After the First World War, the annual routine of the bowhead whale
hunt ended, but furs, skins, walrus ivory, and seal oil were still collected by
a handful of small Scottish and English firms. Their trading posts or stations were typically managed by Inuit or by long-term Qallunaat residents.
There were four stations near the mouth of Frobisher Bay, one at Blacklead
Island, one at Ushualuk, one at Kekerten Island, and another at Saumia
(Cape Mercy). On Davis Strait, whalers regularly visited anchorages at Aggidjen (Durban Harbour) and Kivitoo. With the arrival of the HBC in 1921,
these stations could not compete with the powerful HBC monopoly.
Other than whalers, the most important Qallunaaq to live in the region was Reverend Edmund Peck, the Anglican missionary who introduced
Christianity to Qikiqtaaluk in 1894 and translated biblical texts into the
new syllabic system of writing Inuktitut. Syllabic literacy spread rapidly,
and new religious practices challenged traditional belief systems and cultural practices.
Another noteworthy figure was the German geographer and anthro-
Angmallik distributing
biscuits to Inuit who
unloaded Hudson’s
Bay Company
supplies from RMS
Nascopie
pologist Franz Boas, who collected Inuit knowledge at Kekerten and pub-
lished it in 1888 in his book, The Central Eskimo. Another German visitor
canada
was the ornithologist Bernhard Hantszch, whose exploration of the coast
of Foxe Basin ended with his death there in 1911. In the 1920s, Canadian
government explorers used Pangnirtung as a base for scientific surveys. All
these individuals and parties employed Inuit to carry out their objectives.
Most of these transient visitors did not disrupt the annual cycle of harvesting country food to supplement whatever was available at the stations. In
fact, country food, chiefly caribou but also fish and seal meat, became an
important part of the diet of visiting Qallunaat, though some made heavier demands on Inuit than they were able to repay. The 1920s saw a major
reorganization of where people lived and how they took part in external
trade.
Pangnirtung | 311
By 1930, the depletion of bowhead whales and the opportunity to exchange fox furs for imported food, clothing, hunting tools, and luxuries,
marked two significant differences from life a century earlier. The Inuit
After the First World War, the HBC pounced on the small British firms
population at the Pangnirtung post grew slowly, limited to hired employees
trading around Baffin Island. In 1921, the SS Bay Chimo imported build-
and a handful of Elders and a few others who could not hunt. In 1928, the
ings and supplies to establish an HBC trading post near the mouth of
RCMP and traders sent the aged and infirm out to their relatives in ilagiit
Nettilling Fiord, northwest of all the rival stations in Cumberland Sound.
nunagivaktangit, relieving the government and the HBC of the cost of feed-
After wasting two days searching for a site, the HBC party allowed an Inuk
ing them.
from Kekerten, Attagoyuk, to lead them up Pangnirtung Fiord. Here, one
The HBC was more interested in fox furs than whale products or seal-
passenger called “Pangniatook [Pangnirtung] . . . possibly one of the most
skins, and for twenty years struggled to make Uqqurmiut focus more on
beautiful fiords I have seen,” but the captain initially rejected Attagoyuk’s
trapping. This was difficult, partly because of mistrust. The HBC had aban-
first choice—the community’s present site—because the anchorage was too
doned the long-term reciprocal sharing that prevailed in whaling days and
windy and too deep. The next site inspected was even worse, however, so the
instituted a straight barter system. Inuit also complained of being cheated
Bay Chimo unloaded its cargo where the community now stands. While the
when they had to pay for things they were convinced they had been offered
chosen place for Netchilik Post was not ideal, better sites along the Sound
as gifts or had already paid for. HBC managers frequently complained that
were already occupied by the competition, and the navigation season was
Inuit wanted to hunt, not trap, and that many fox skins were lost by lack
ending. With help from three boatloads of Inuit, the first buildings and car-
of effort. On the other hand, Inuit hunters wanted to ensure that they and
go went ashore on September 9 and the vessel sailed away before dawn on
their relatives obtained the essentials of life, namely meat and oil, before
the twelfth. In 1923, the RCMP also established a detachment at the same
shifting their effort to trap foxes.
site and renamed the place Pangnirtung.
In 1930, about half the population of the Sound could reportedly reach
This establishment launched the beginning of a phase that many social
Pangnirtung in a day’s travel. Many trade items were incorporated into the
scientists call contact–traditional. In Cumberland Sound, this type of con-
hunting economy—the people of Cumberland Sound retained their strong
tact endured from 1921 to 1962. This way of looking at the history of the Ca-
preference for sturdy wooden boats and high-powered rifles, and the HBC
nadian North labels the periods since first contact according to the amount
introduced nets for sealing in 1921. In other respects, however, the land
of influence incomers had on Aboriginal people. The first stage is called ab-
economy and yearly routine of Uqqurmiut from 1921 to 1961 was remark-
original (minimal contact between Inuit and explorers and other travelling
ably similar to what the government still favoured as “traditional” Inuit life.
Qallunaat). It is followed by transitional (more contact and frequent but
For the time being, the government and HBC had succeeded in slowing and
irregular trade), then contact–traditional (a hunting life with dependable
indeed reversing economic change in Cumberland Sound.
trade at fixed locations and some wage employment), and finally centralized
(people clustered in a few places for trade and all services). In the Pangnirtung trading area, the contact–traditional phase lasted from 1921 to 1966.
Pangnirtung | 313
Population of Ilagiit Nunagivaktangit
in Pangnirtung Area, 1954
Location
Place Name
Population Comments
Pangnirtung Fiord
Pangnirtung
80
Cumberland Sound
Avatuktu
20
Noonata
12
Tesseralik
30
Kekerten
23
Pre-1921 whaling station (Angmarlik)
Ooshooaluk
30
Pre-1921 trading post (Duval)
Bon Accord
34
Also Illungajut
Imigen
37
Sowic
37
Not identified
Kreepishaw
40
Inhabited until 1984
Kingniksoon
30
Abraham Bay
30
Former trading post (Kanaka)
Noonigen
35
Not identified
Kingnait Fiord
16
Touack Fiord
20
East of mouth of Cumberland Sound
Padloping
60
Weather station on Davis Strait
Kivitoo
60
Former trading post (Niaqutsiaq)
Broughton Island
9
DEW Line site established in 1955
Padlei Fiord
6
Davis Strait
Total
609
Not a camp; main trading post in district
394 people lived in ilagiit nunagivaktangit
on Cumberland Sound, 135 on Davis Strait,
and 80 in Pangnirtung.
Table 1: Place names are printed as given in the original Qallunaat source. The comments above are not
found in the original source.
Dog team delivering drinking water to St. Luke’s Mission Hospital, August 1946
In 1930–31 the government and the Anglican Church collaborated in
building and staffing St. Luke’s hospital at Pangnirtung. With a year-round
resident doctor and four southern nurses, it was the Qikiqtaaluk region’s
only hospital for over thirty years. The medical officer’s assistant, Etuangat,
convinced Inuit to use the medical services and taught successive doctors
to understand and respect their patients. Several doctors at Pangnirtung in
the 1930s were aware of the inroads of tuberculosis (TB) in the district, and
challenged the conventional medical opinion that these were miscellaneous
chest infections and not TB at all. In 1939, Dr. Orford designed a proposal
to isolate TB patients in “model camps” where they would rest, eat country
food, and stay in contact with their families. This proposal, so different from
opposite page: Inuit
women in new parkas
awaiting the arrival of
passengers from RMS
Nascopie, August
1946
the evacuation program of the 1950s, was never adopted. Medical officers
on a scale not seen since the 1850s, and worse than anything that followed.
canada
By the end of the Second World War, the settlement of Pangnirtung had
were also tragically unable to do anything about the viral infections that followed the visit of each year’s supply vessel. Many Inuit who helped unload
the ship became infected, and frequently some would die.
In 1941, the RMS Nascopie brought a disease, thought to be paratyphoid
(a salmonella infection), which killed forty-two people. This was a disaster
a population centred on the hospital staff (a doctor and four nurses), an
RCMP detachment, an Anglican mission, and the HBC staff. Some Qallunaat
were married with families, and all employed at least one Inuk to hunt and
assist on journeys. The families of hired Inuit, the patients in the hospital,
and up to eighty elderly or infirm people in an “industrial home” made up a
larger Inuit population than any other enclave of this kind in the region. Far
more numerous were about three hundred people in the families who traded into Pangnirtung. There they also worshipped at Christmas and received
from the RCMP the discs that identified them as inhabitants of the E-6 district, and bore the numbers by which all Inuit were identified in the official
records. Most of these people passed at least a few days a year around the
trading post, but their yearly routine was still centred on the land.
Pangnirtung | 315
Pangnirtung | 317
The balance of power and prestige began to tilt towards government
in 1945, when Parliament passed the Family Allowance Act. This universal program gave a big boost to money incomes of Inuit. In 1947, the HBC
lost prestige with the sinking of the annual supply vessel, the Nascopie. In
1949, the government launched its own Arctic freighter, the C.D. Howe. It
also served as a hospital ship, intervening forcibly to remove sick Inuit from
their homes for TB treatment in southern sanatoria. Another well-meant
Inuit woman looking
past tupik and
qarmat towards C.D.
Howe anchored in
Pangnirtung Fiord,
July 1951
intrusion was the passage of the Game Acts, setting quotas on a number of
species and giving the police authority to issue tags and monitor trade of
species such as polar bears. Finally, schools were established throughout the
in much of the people’s affairs. The direct involvement of civil servants, as
Seven students posing
in a classroom in
Pangnirtung
well as the RCMP, in the lives of Inuit was becoming remarkably visible.
nwt archives
Arctic, and while Pangnirtung had a kind of day school since 1936, teachers
after 1950 carried the job title of welfare teachers and involved themselves
canada
Until the end of the Second World War, the HBC was the dominant
economic force in Pangnirtung, and the Mission had great cultural influence. The RCMP made patrols and were respected and feared, especially for
their influence over the issue of relief to invalids and poor hunters. Unique
to Pangnirtung, a Government doctor had services as well as trade goods
to provide, but he often competed with other Qallunaat agencies for prestige. Overall, however, the balance of power was evident in transport and
communications—it was the HBC that imported government supplies from
1932 to 1947 and controlled the messages going out on the settlement’s only
radio transmitter.
Pangnirtung | 319
The measured financial aspects of Inuit life at this time, which ex-
Another significant part of the annual round of activities was a collec-
cluded the considerable value of country food and skins consumed locally,
tive white whale drive carried out by boats from most of the ilagiit nunagi-
is captured in a table prepared for the administrators on the Eastern Arctic
vaktangit. Since 1927, the HBC had facilities at Pangnirtung to chop and
Patrol (EAP).
render whale blubber quickly and to prepare the skins for export. When the
HBC stopped organizing the annual white whale drive, a number of groups
Sources of Income of
Cumberland Sound Inuit in
1950–1951
co-operated in running one themselves, earning about $2,500 a year. Constable Johnson described in 1955 how “most of the natives take part in the
whale hunts and all benefit to some extent through the sale of oil and hides.
The meat of the whales is divided among the camp members and is most
useful as qimmiit feed.” Constable Jenkin provided more detail in 1959.
Source of
Income
Pangnirtung
Total of Eight
Surveyed
Communities
Presently at Pangnirtung, the Hudson’s Bay Company is operating
a whaling station especially for the processing of white whales . . .
$
% of total
$
% of total
The processing amounts to taking the pure oil from the fat of the
Furs, etc.
8,140
19.2
75,727
29
whale, and the hide is pickled for shipment to England where it is
Handicrafts
0
0
0
0
made into boot laces of the finest quality. The average white whale
Labour, etc.
3,828
9.07
38,971
14.9
Family allowances
22,691
53.9
97,961
37.5
Government relief
1,887
4.4
13,780
5.3
In 1964–65, the market for oil and hides collapsed. It did not re-
Trader relief
65
0.1
788
0.3
cover, and since then beluga have been taken in smaller numbers and for
Unpaid debts
918
2.1
1,625
0.6
subsistence.
Old Age Pension
921
2.1
1,738
0.7
There is evidence that the RCMP and traders were ready to stifle any
Other
3,730
8.8
29,610
11.3
initiative by individual Inuit to spend more time at the settlement, and to
Total
$42,180
99.67%
$260,000
99.60%
Table 2: The eight communities in the survey were Southampton Island, Cape
Dorset, Kimmirut, Iqaluit, Pangnirtung, Clyde River, Pond Inlet, and Arctic Bay.
brings between $25.00 to $30.00 to an Eskimo and he is allowed
to keep the meat.
dictate where they lived and when they moved. Constable H. A. Johnson’s
annual report for 1954 hinted at his power. He reported that Ushualuk had
been “evacuated” in the summer because game had been judged scarce and
the people were visiting the trading post monthly to buy food on Family
Here, more than anywhere else in Qikiqtaaluk, seals were an important
Allowance. Ushualuk was normally considered a rich game area, and the
part of the trading economy. In peak years in the 1930s, the HBC accepted
move away from it may have been involuntary—“the Eskimos there were
more than three thousand sealskins in trade.
asked to move to a better location” where they would limit their visits to
Pangnirtung | 321
the settlement to twice a year. Johnson next turned his attention to another
sister, where Jaco was staying with his wife and their son Levi, then aged
nearby camp that he claimed attracted “bums and scroungers,” who were
nine or ten. Levi testified:
likely to make demands on his relief budget.
Someone came over and told my father [Jaco Evic] that they were
[T]hese natives are able-bodied but have no ambition. They were
going to shoot his dogs tomorrow, kill all his dogs. It was winter at
informed during their visit to the settlement that unless they
that time. In the middle of the night when it was dark, really cold,
moved from this location they would receive no further Family
we left this community. He did not want his dogs to be shot. So in
Allowance, they were further advised that relief assistance to all
the middle of the night they took off, towards our home . . . They
members of that camp had been discontinued. All the natives of
were planning to shoot our dogs if we were still here at morning.
this camp agreed to move. In most cases they will return to their
old camps and will be transported there on the Police Peterhead
this summer.
According to Levi Eric, the police officer made demands in English,
which were then interpreted into Inuktitut, “the way it is today.” On other
occasions when he was present, qimmiit actually were shot in similar cir-
Johnson’s report shows hard-nosed attitudes towards family allow-
cumstances. Incidents like this were very humiliating to the people con-
ance, a universal social program and an entitlement of anyone with chil-
cerned, and would not have been reported back to Ottawa by either perpe-
dren, and “relief,” social assistance available to those in genuine need. Inuit
trators or the victims.
who came to trade were not welcome to stay after they transacted their
In 1960, the National Film Board (NFB) issued a short documentary
business. Johnson’s successor, G. C. Barr, reported that, “Some of the poorer
on Pangnirtung, portraying an isolated place with an almost uninterrupted
types of Eskimo have been trying to move into Pangnirtung and loiter away
connection to the past. The reality was somewhat different, as there had
the summer months, but all the Natives have been told that they cannot live
been constant changes in both annual routines and material belongings
in Pangnirtung unless they are employed by one of the White Concerns . . .
of the Uqqurmiut compared even to fifty years earlier. Boats were bigger
Loitering around the Settlement is not permitted.” Inuit were Canadians
and were powered by gasoline, qamutiks were probably longer and pulled
with the right to live where they pleased, but the RCMP, traders, and mis-
by more qimmiit, doctors and nurses were nearby, and tents and qammaat
sionaries made the settlement an unwelcoming place except for people who
were bigger and more comfortable. People travelled to Frobisher Bay to ex-
were on business or were in obvious need due to poor health or old age.
perience the amazing changes occurring there, and others spent years in
There were other pressures forcing Inuit to conform to Qallunaat ex-
hospital in Ontario or Quebec. In their own ways, both Inuit and Qallunaat
pectations about loitering. These included threats to kill visitors’ qimmiit,
on Cumberland Sound were accepting some kinds of change while trying
as Pangnirtung resident Levi Evic recalled for the QTC in 2008. About 1956
to avoid others. The disruption, which began early in the 1960s, would be
a police officer threatened to kill his family’s qimmiit while they were stay-
sudden, unplanned, and traumatic.
ing in Pangnirtung with Levi’s aunt. One evening a police officer, accompanied by the HBC manager, visited the qammaq of Annie Okalik, Jaco Evic’s
1962–1966
Pangnirtung | 323
evacuated and more than half the population was quickly brought into the
settlement by the first week of March. Here they found preparations were
inadequate. Raigalee Angnakok remembered in 2008:
The RCMP came to take us, just up and they moved us. I am not
The winter of 1961–62 was a turning point in the history of Cumberland
sure why or how we got there. I remember that we were living in a
Sound. Most of the qimmiit in the region died of disease or were shot to pre-
tent in the middle of winter. It was so cold . . . [T]he only things we
vent its spread, and almost all the people were temporarily but forcibly evacu-
had from then was a little bit of heating oil and little bit of minced
ated to a settlement that was not prepared to shelter them. Just as in 1840–52
meat in a can. Those were the only things we survived on. We were
and 1921–23, old patterns of life were shattered and new ones began to appear.
moved from our camp without taking anything, just us wives and
The start of this disruption was the sudden arrival of an epidemic dis-
the children. And I can say that within three days of being moved,
ease, later diagnosed in Ottawa as canine hepatitis, which gradually spread
looking back, it is comical, ridiculous. It was that cold in the tent
from the west. In December 1961, dog teams brought the disease overland
that when we woke up in the morning we had frost on our eye-
from Iqaluit to Kingmiksok and from there it spread to all the ilagiit nuna-
brows and hairy areas. And when I look back; they treated us like
givaktangit who traded at Pangnirtung.
nothing . . . Underlings. They treated us so bad compared to what
News and the virus spread together, and scenes that were common
we have today . . . We had hardly anything when they moved us
two years earlier around Kimmirut were repeated here—hunters travelled
as all our equipment and our bedding was left in our camp when
on foot from camp to the floe edge, or pooled a few remaining qimmiit
they just took us and moved us. They put us in tents that were very
and took turns using much-reduced teams. The difference in Cumberland
cold. They did that to us.
Sound in 1962, though, was the readiness of Qallunaat officials, assisted by
the Inuit they employed, to forcefully move people to a settlement. The local
Pangnirtung at this time was tiny—barely twenty buildings for the
authorities also called on reinforcements from Iqaluit—an RCMP aircraft
RCMP, HBC shop and warehouses, mission, and hospital, and a few new
and senior federal officials from the northern administration office in Iqa-
houses for southerners and their Inuit employees. There was nowhere to
luit. Before winter ended, they even flew in an autoboggan, the first motor-
put more than two hundred people, so they set to work building canvas-
ized sled seen in Cumberland Sound.
covered qammaat, colder and less substantial than the ones they had left
In February, these agents visited the ilagiit nunagivaktangit they could
reach and concluded that the population was extremely vulnerable. The
behind. Years later, administrator Keith Crowe wrote of the contributions
of two year-round residents.
qimmiit population had fallen by about three-quarters, and snow and ice
conditions were unusually hard for travel for the weak teams that remained.
Kilabuk was the ideal person to handle the welter of emergencies,
While the authorities left rations with families who insisted on staying on
innovations and sensitivities. From the first day, he and his friend
the land, five of the thirteen remote ilagiit nunagivaktangit were completely
Etooangat, who was employed by the Department of Health and
Welfare, gave me help and encouragement. They taught me the
local dialect, explained the complexities of Inuit kinship and camp
affiliations and described the now-disrupted seasonal economy.
They spent much unrewarded time arranging and attending
meetings, dealing with community problems and advising me and
other Qallunaat on our various plans. Their patience, humour and
diplomacy had been finely tuned during decades of handling transient employers, and these qualities, together with their knowledge, contributed immensely to the peace and progress of all.
Many Panniqtuumiut spoke to the QTC about these times. Constant
themes were the lack of any sort of preparation or explanation for the
evacuations by the unilingual Qallunaat who visited each community in
the RCMP’s recently acquired airplane. People were pressured to leave with
very few belongings, and families were often split. Elijah Kakkee told the
QTC that at Tuvakjuak a couple of hunters were returning home, saw the
plane circle, land and leave, and reached their ilagiit nunagivaktangit to
find it almost empty:
Once I arrived in our camp . . . the tent on the porch area. It was
opposite page: Inuit
woman stoops to fill
kettle from water tap
outside small house in
Pangnirtung, 1967
no longer there. Nobody came out from the qarmaqs. Only one
nwt archives
come at 8 am for us. I didn’t know what to do. Only four of men
person approaching from my uncle’s qarmaq . . . The people were
picked up by the airplane. There’s only four of us left. “What are we
going to do?” They didn’t bring anything—only bedding. All the
contents in the qarmaq were left. We were told the airplane would
couldn’t live in the camp. There were some still-not-dry polar bear
skins. We were store them [sic] and some fox skins stored in the
same place. There was no discussion. We were not told. There was
just Spam and butter. That’s what we got from the RCMP—butter
and Spam. They didn’t bring kettles. We didn’t see them again.
Pangnirtung | 325
Pangnirtung | 327
After all were removed, they never lived at Tuvakjuak again. Medical
What Inuit wanted in this period varied a good deal, but most moved
authorities in Pangnirtung, expressing concern for the oldest family mem-
to Pangnirtung with regret; later, many felt the government did not live
ber, prevented the family from ever returning to this remote and most inde-
up to the promises and inducements made to encourage people to resettle,
pendent of the little settlements on the land.
especially promises of adequate and inexpensive housing and forecasts that
Officials described the events as an important humanitarian rescue of
schooling would lead to jobs. In testimonies to the QTC and in various oral
a population facing starvation. Yet, at Kimmirut two years earlier, when the
history projects since the 1980s, Panniqtuumiut have talked about the pres-
RCMP allowed Inuit to deal with this qimmiit disease in their own way,
sures they were under to leave the land. Although only the settlement of-
people were fed themselves despite a loss of qimmiit and even managed to
fered the advantages of schooling for children and medical care for all ages,
tend their traplines. At Pangnirtung, however, only the very hardy and most
the difficulties included distance from familiar hunting places, reduced ac-
confident were able to resist pressure to be evacuated to the settlement.
cess to country food, and the loss of traditional roles for all, especially Elders
Many Panniqtuumiut have spoken of the evacuations as the begin-
and men.
ning of the end of life on the land, but it was not a simple case of just
A confusing element in the history of this period is that federal au-
staying in the settlement forever after the evacuations. About two-thirds
thorities, despite new housing policies implemented in 1956 and 1959, still
of the families were back in their ilagiit nunagivaktangit before freeze-
felt that places like Pangnirtung (as well as Igloolik) might be able to pro-
up in 1962. The administrators in Pangnirtung, who did not want to see
long their hunting and trapping well into the future. This optimism was
another winter without adequate housing, welcomed their departure. The
encouraged by an economy that enjoyed a strong boost from high prices for
RCMP and Northern Affairs quickly imported healthy qimmiit from other
sealskins. Constable M. J. McPhee described 1963, an exceptionally good
districts, and by summer 1964, most teams were up to strength again. At
year.
the same time, the attachment of people to the land was being undermined
by other government actions. The first places to be abandoned were the
Very rarely are any [ringed seal skins] retained for domestic pur-
remotest ones around Cape Mercy. People from near the mouth of Cum-
poses by the Eskimo in view of their values. In the past a large
berland Sound began to resettle in Pangnirtung, from where they could
amount of clothing, particularly footwear, was manufactured from
reach their most familiar hunting places. This combination of government
seal skins, however, in the present day commercial clothing is evi-
effort to shore up the existing economy with the promotion of centraliza-
dently preferred . . . with the exception of seal skin boots or kamiks
tion appears incoherent, but was consistent with a general government
worn during cold or wet weather. As the price of their skins has in-
policy stated in 1957. The policy called for accelerating change only where
creased sharply from the previous period, the seal forms the basic
Inuit society was already under stress, while “in remote areas . . . relatively
element of the native economy, also serving as the prime source of
free from contact with white civilization, it is planned to leave their pres-
food . . . In a minor way, blubber is still rendered for use in native
ent economy as undisturbed as possible.” Gradually the south side of the
oil lamps, but gradually, commercial sources of heat are replacing
Sound was depopulated too until, by 1969, only three ilagiit nunagivaktan-
seal oil.
git remained.
Pangnirtung | 329
High prices were not stable, but the sealskin trade remained an impor-
Ottawa—of a town plan for Pangnirtung in 1961–62 could be seen as the
tant part of the local economy until a European boycott ended it suddenly
beginning of the modern era, as the government applied technological so-
in 1984.
lutions to the settlement’s problems, such as permafrost, poor drainage,
One significant change was the increasing use of snowmobiles, which
and isolation from markets and service centres. Modernization dominated
were first seen in Pangnirtung in 1962. The 1964 sealift brought fourteen
the community’s life by 1966, with the centralization in one place of more
snowmobiles to the HBC store, and half were snapped up by employed Inuit
than half the people of the Pangnirtung trading area, the launch of a major
in the settlement and seven more by hunters still living on the land. An even
government housing program, construction of a tank farm and diesel gen-
larger shipment the next year also sold out within days, many being bought
erator, a freshwater reservoir, and a year-round gravel runway to replace
by hunters.
uncertain landings on the ice or water of Pangnirtung Fiord.
Nevertheless, the qimmiit population in the settlement continued to
This brief period of modernization also saw the establishment of tele-
rise. As Pangnirtung grew, the RCMP constable on the spot became seriously
phone and broadcast connections to the south through the Anik satellite
alarmed about qimmiit running at large, and he had about 250 destroyed in
(1973), the development throughout the Inuit regions of a government-
1966, encouraged the Inuit to kill many of their own, and made plans for a fur-
fostered co-operative movement, the designation of a large National Park
ther slaughter in 1967. His superiors in Ottawa felt he might be overreacting,
just north of Pangnirtung to channel and encourage the growing tourism
but the report for 1967 showed more reductions, along with sixty snowmo-
business, and further encouragement for the production and marketing
biles, and seventy the following year. In 1968, the RCMP abandoned qimmiit
of the work of the community’s artists. Each step in this process brought
travel and, as a result, discontinued their annual autumn trip to hunt walrus.
Pangnirtung into closer contact with the larger political and economic com-
In the spring of the same year there were only three teams remaining. Some
munities of the Northwest Territories and of Canada, and demanded new
of them were already engaged in the growing business of guiding tourists.
skills and new organizations for Inuit so that these changes could be managed for their benefit. Modernization was therefore not simply an upgrading of infrastructure—it demanded significant changes in the daily lives of
1966–1975
individuals.
In common with other Qikiqtaaluk communities, Pangnirtung had
to absorb a young and rapidly growing population. In February 1965, the
area had a reported population of about 568 Inuit living in family units
averaging 5 people. Of the total, a remarkable 313 were under the age of
twenty-one. Between 1970 and 1980, the population of the Pangnirtung
district increased further, from 690 to 839. One ilagiit nunagivaktangit,
In the 1960s, Pangnirtung moved from being one of the most developed
Kipisa, was continuously occupied until 1984 and another, Opingivik, was
of the permanent Qallunaat establishments to its present status as one of
re-established in the late 1970s by Lypa Pitsiulak, who invested earnings
Qikiqtaaluk’s thirteen communities. Symbolically, the development—in
from his work as an artist to re-establish a foothold on a more traditional
Pangnirtung | 331
life than was possible in the settlement. In 1981, Pangnirtung was one of the
five biggest communities in what is now Nunavut and second only to Iqaluit
in Qikiqtaaluk.
Before 1950, in the ilagiit nunagivaktangit, abundant building materials from ships and shore stations allowed qammaat to develop beyond the
modest size possible with pre-contact building materials into large doublewalled shelters, timber-framed and covered at least partly with canvas or
duck. Within Pangnirtung itself, this semi-permanent type of shelter was
occasionally used by people employed around the settlements or by the elderly or disabled receiving rations. Also in Pangnirtung, the RCMP provided a wooden house for their special constable.
When more than two hundred Inuit were evacuated to Pangnirtung
during the emergency in 1962, there was practically nowhere to house
them. Until then, Iqaluit and Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line sites were
top priorities for the government’s Inuit housing programs, so by 1962 only
one “Eskimo House” (along with seven staff houses and three eight-bed student hostels) had been assembled in Pangnirtung. Orthodox town planning
had just begun—an as-built plan of the settlement was on Ottawa’s drafting
tables at the end of 1961—and Pangnirtung had to take its turn with eight
other communities as housing production increased. This was boosted by a
new housing plan in 1965, when the government sensibly began “requesting the comments of the local people concerning the sitting of their housing
units.” In 1969, the subcommittee making the choice for ten new house sites
consisted of John Dialla, Jim Kilabuk, Adam Pudloo, Amosee Etooangat,
and eighteen duplex units were installed in Pangnirtung in 1978. That same
Simo Veevee, and Peterossee Karpik. (These names, as recorded by a Qal-
year, a pilot project saw six Pangnirtung trainees erect a “stick-built” house
lunaaq, show that Pangnirtung had already moved to a system of Inuit sur-
(i.e., not prefabricated). Despite this versatility and sense of urgency, in the
Preparing foundations
for new houses at
Pangnirtung, 1967
names, earlier than the rest of Qikiqtaaluk.)
mid-1980s, many homes were crowded and a few families still lived in qam-
nwt archives
Housing programs were transferred to the Government of the North-
maat on the edge of the community.
west Territories in the late 1960s and building continued to try to keep up
Part of the pressure to expand school facilities in the 1960s came from
with resettlement and the natural increase of population. After the oil crisis
government promotion of adult education. The focus of adult education
of 1973, the GNWT Housing Corporation introduced multi-family dwellings,
was very much on the transition from ilagiit nunagivaktangit to settlement
and included, for example, cooking classes for young women. After 1964,
however, the shift of families away from the land demanded expansion of
Pangnirtung | 333
Group of youth
looking at sculptures
schooling for children as well, and by 1966, Pangnirtung had a four-room
school. It also had three of the now-standard small eight-bed hostels for
Over a long period, Pangnirtung’s hunters produced small ivory carvings
children whose parents remained on the land. By 1976, Pangnirtung was
for travellers, medical officers, and HBC staff, but the fame of Pangnirtung
offering education from kindergarten up to grade eight.
Inuit art is recent. The major events in developing cultural production as
canada
an industry were the establishment of the Pangnirtung co-op in 1967–68,
establishment of the Weaving Shop in 1970, and the addition of the Pangnirtung print shop, which published its first collection in 1973.
A regional co-op development officer visited Pangnirtung in December
1967 to prepare for the organization of a provisional Board of Directors for
the Pangnirtung Eskimo Co-operative. The development officer felt that the
arts and crafts from the community were already of high quality, and that
there was high potential to develop a commercial char fishery as well. In
1969, Elijah Irkloo and Tagak Curley visited to give training in Inuktitut to
co-op members.
Pangnirtung carvers made abundant use of the whalebone remaining at Thule house sites and nineteenth-century commercial whaling sites
throughout Cumberland Sound. This became, in effect, the final harvest
from the once-abundant bowhead, and the carvings were distinctive and
often large. Soapstone carvings were produced, in spite of a lack of good
local stone. From the earliest days, the Pangnirtung printmakers, weavers,
and carvers have expressed different themes, including mythical beings,
traditional lifeways, and images of more recent experiences including ships,
wooden buildings, and the material culture of the recent past.
The community is also a gateway to Auyuittuq National Park of Canada, and as such has many of the facilities visitors look for even in the Arctic,
including accommodations, guides, and tour operators. Other exceptional
features are the Uqqurmiut Centre for Arts and Crafts, and the headquarters of Pangnirtung Fisheries, a commercial char and turbot operation employing six residents full-time and forty seasonally. The Angmarlik Centre
Pangnirtung | 335
employment opportunities as hunters, guides, and housekeepers, were severely limited even after the Qallunaat population grew in the 1950s, and
short seasonal hiring, unloading ships and the like, were similarly no basis for a strong wage economy. After 1962, many jobs in the community
ing to speak English, and participating in the development of lo-
opposite page: Three
young men sit outside
carving whale bone
and stone with wood
and canvas tents
behind, Pangnirtung,
1967
cal government and economic cooperatives . . . The primary male
nwt archives
contributed to building the physical infrastructure or providing services in
government offices. Anthropologist Ann McElroy summed the situation up
in the mid-1970s:
In the period of transition from hunting to dependence on a wage
economy, male Inuit took the lead in seeking employment, learn-
model provided in many Inuit households included the roles of
truck driver, heavy equipment operator, construction crewman,
janitor, carpenter, and similar skilled and semi-skilled occupations. . . . Hunting and fishing were still prestigious activities . . .
During the first decade of town living, a woman who continued
to be skilled in working skins, in sewing boots and parkas, and in
rearing children was assured of considerable esteem.
While this observer was relatively uncritical of government economic
policy, others were not. R. G. Mayes painted the government’s attitude in
bleak tones:
The programs and projects that local administrators were to
implement had their shortcomings. Economic activity received
was built in the 1980s to serve as a library and an Elders’ centre, as well as
the greatest attention, but change was shackled by Ottawa’s de-
an interpretation centre for visitors to the national park and to the territo-
termination to create wage paying positions as a replacement, to
rial heritage park nearby at the old whaling station on Kekerten Island.
the exclusion of any attempt to make hunting itself a more viable
As people collected in larger numbers in Pangnirtung, wage employment became a bigger concern for men and women alike. The traditional
occupation, whether as the basis or simply one component of the
local economy.
Pangnirtung | 337
Many Inuit took wage employment in order to buy hunting equipment,
especially the new snowmobiles that made it possible to live in Pangnirtung
and return to distant points on the land on weekends. Women were adjusting, too. Mayes found that thirty-three men and nineteen women, the women working “as secretaries, store clerks, domestics, or in specialized crafts,
such as weaving,” held Pangnirtung’s fifty-two full- and part-time positions.
Mayes judged that men, particularly young men, were increasingly oriented
towards wage employment, but that a shortage of jobs was threatening the
community with “increased social tension.” According to Mayes, the real
combined rate of unemployment and underemployment in the village in
1978 was about 42%.
Before the mid-1960s, all major decisions about the government of
Pangnirtung and its inhabitants were made by outsiders under direction
from Ottawa. This situation had to change after 1962, since increasing
numbers of people were living closer together than ever before, and the numerous demands of officials would fail if not accepted and encouraged by
leading Inuit. In his testimony to the QTC, Ron Mongeau stated that during
the qimmiit epidemic of 1962 the senior employees of the southern agencies
in Pangnirtung made huge contributions to maintaining relative calm. In
the years to come the same individuals, probably with co-operation from the
former leaders of the small communities on the land, served on formal settlement committees and continued their jobs of educating newcomers on local
ways. While some southern observers did not trust local Inuit leadership,
the participation of Elders and other Inuit opinion leaders was an essential
part of local governance. By 1975, Pangnirtung had an elected Council that
managed a wide range of public issues, including lobbying the government
in Yellowknife. The hamlet’s infrastructure consisted of an airstrip with
offering basic lodging, three general stores, and the co-op. It was able to
twice-weekly flights to Iqaluit, an RCMP detachment, a nursing station
host small conferences and regional training courses. Apart from Iqaluit,
to replace the thirty-bed hospital (closed 1974), a K-8 school, an Anglican
Pangnirtung was the best-serviced community in Qikiqtaaluk.
church, the Arthur Turner Training School for Anglican clerics, a commu-
As the service centre of a district with abundant and stable game re-
nity hall, a library, telephone service, a post office, “public accommodation”
sources, Pangnirtung has always supported a substantial population in
Anglican congregation
outside the hospital,
1941
canada
Pangnirtung | 339
reasonable security. As a place of exceptional natural scenery, it also attracted more than its share of outside interest.
In the 1940s, Pangnirtung was one of the most visited, most studied,
and best-serviced communities in Qikiqtaaluk. In 1947, the HBC post manager called it “the metropolis of the Eastern Arctic.” Yet in 1960 the NFB
documentary Arctic Outpost showed Pangnirtung as a peaceful and isolated
place, scarcely touched by the modern world.
This was an outsider’s view. In contrast to the “modern” features of
other Arctic communities, Pangnirtung had no airstrip, no military post,
the same hard transitions in the 1960s as almost every other community
opposite page:
Meeka Kilabuk and
May Akulukjuk
outside Hudson’s
Bay post store at
Pangnirtung, 1967
in Qikiqtaaluk. Changes were due to a local mixture of the same general
nwt archives
no DEW Line, no weather station, and almost no income from carving or
printmaking. Within two decades, however, Pangnirtung was the gateway to
a national park, its weavers and printmakers were internationally famous,
and its people engaged in territorial, regional, and national Inuit politics.
Despite its exceptional characteristics, it had reached this point through
causes: health care, compulsory schooling, government housing, the killing
of qimmiit and introduction of snowmobiles, and, for some, nine-to-five
jobs. By 1975, Pangnirtung had overcome the worst of the disruptions and
was beginning to adapt to the new economic and political conditions, while
using tourism and art to present an attractive face to the world.
As Pangnirtung received from the government the normal infrastructure of a modern Baffin Island community, the people responded to the
challenges and opportunities of living in a much larger community than
they had ever known, distant from their traditional hunting places. Presentday Pangnirtung is a product of government investment, international market forces, and the initiative and energy of Panniqtuumiut.
Pond Inlet
Mittimatalik
P
ond Inlet is a hamlet of 1,549 people, 92% of them Inuit. It is located
on the east side of Eclipse Sound, about 700 kilometres north of the
Arctic Circle on Baffin Island. The local name in the Inuit language is
Mittimatalik, and the people of the region are known as Tununirmiut, which
is thought to mean “people of the shaded place” or Mittimatalingmiut, meaning “people of Mittimatalik.” The hamlet shares its name with an arm of the
sea that separates Bylot Island from Baffin Island. The place name “Pond’s
Bay” was chosen by an explorer in 1818 in honour of an English astronomer.
The region has been occupied for four thousand years, through periods
known to archaeologists as pre-Dorset, Dorset, Thule, and modern Inuit.
Since the earliest times, people hunted on land, sea, and ice. Ringed seals,
whales, and other marine mammals have been the most important part
of their diet. Evidence of a rich material and intangible culture is provided
by cultural objects preserved in the ground, most famously two superb
shaman’s masks carved more than a thousand years ago, which were found
at Button Point. Many of the present-day residents of Pond Inlet are related
to families in Igloolik.
| 341
Community Timeline
The settlement grew along a shoreline inhabited as long as any other
part of Eclipse Sound. The area’s twentieth-century use by Qallunaat traders extended 65 kilometres from Button Point on Bylot Island to Salmon
River near the hamlet. Trading establishments have only been here since
1903, when Scottish entrepreneurs set up a small whaling station at Igarjuaq. Over the next twenty years, Qallunaat managers opened a number
The Roman
Catholic Mission at
Pond Inlet, 1951
of small stations scattered around this region. The Hudson’s Bay Company
Anglican) came in 1929. The site is convenient to ocean shipping during the
canada
(HBC) settled at the present site in 1921 and bought out all its rivals by
Outsider Events
Date
• Royal Navy resumes search
for Northwest Passage
1818
• Commercial whalers
extend range beyond the
coast of Greenland to
Baffin Island
• Search for lost Franklin
Expedition
Contact
with Inuit
during short
navigating
season
1923. The RCMP post dates to 1922 and two missions (Roman Catholic and
short season of open water.
• Decline of whaling and
operation of year-round
station
• HBC post established at
Pond Inlet
• RCMP post established
• Trial of Naqullaq
• Fifth Thule Expedition
• Anglican and RC missions
Expanding
Canadian
government
objectives
and foreign
interest in
Arctic regions
1820
to
1910
1848
to
1859
1903
Inuit Experiences
• Live off sea mammals and
caribou throughout region
Contact with
Qallunaat
during short
whaling
season
Living on the
land
1921
to
1945
• Gradually modify seasonal
round to meet whalers at
Button Point and elsewhere
• Travels of Qitdlarssuaq and
Oqe
• More contact with
non-whaling personnel
• Year-round access to trade
goods and social exchanges
• Wider range of imported
goods adopted
• Employment opportunities
with RCMP in immediate
area and in High Arctic
• Spiritual and social changes
brought by new religion
• Government interest
intensifies
• School opens
1945
to
1962
Disruptions
• Family allowances
• Tuberculosis epidemic and
evacuations by C.D. Howe
• Residential school
• Tote road to Mary River is
opened
• Pressure for school
attendance
1962
to
1964
Centralization • Schooling for children
• Employment opportunities
for men, not families
• Growth of government
services at Pond Inlet
1964
to
1975
• Improved health care
• Compulsory schooling
• Loss of dogs
• Less connection to the land
• New community institutions
• Diversified employment
Pond Inlet | 345
(Wollaston Islands) and crossed Lancaster Sound to the south side of Dev-
when these large mammals appeared “the entire village [was] consumed
Eclipse Sound with its many fiords forms the heart of Pond Inlet’s commu-
seen but almost never hunted. Waterfowl, including their eggs, were taken
nity land-use area. This area also stretches west towards Arctic Bay, south
on the low flats of southern Bylot Island and nearby on Navy Board Inlet.
almost to Igloolik and to the Barnes Ice Cap, and east almost to Dexterity
Finally, char were speared during their spawning runs along the west side of
Harold Kalluk,
Gedeon Qitsualik,
Daniel Komangaapik,
Uirngut, Paul Idlout,
and Rebecca Qillaq
Idlout, cutting up a
seal, 1951
Harbour. This area adjoins the community use areas of Igloolik, Arctic Bay,
Eclipse Sound, in the fiord to the south (especially at a place appropriately
and Clyde River. In the north, Pond Inlet hunters have used Bylot Island,
called Iqaluit), and in the Salmon River near Mittimatalik. Changes over
canada
on Island. Narwhals were most commonly taken along the north and west
shores of Eclipse Sound and all along Milne Inlet. A visitor reported that
with excitement. No other game [had] a higher priority. . . .” Bowheads were
Lancaster Sound, and parts of Devon and Ellesmere Islands.
Hunting was a complex and essential economic activity that varied by
season, by species, and by place. It also changed over time, and individual
hunters had their own habits and preferences. Fish weirs were maintained
at the mouths of certain rivers. People moved onto the ice in spring and
towards open water in summer, and then returned to many of the same
wintering places year after year. The seasonal round was dominated by the
ringed seal, caribou, and Arctic char, which were taken year-round with a
variety of techniques, depending on the amount of sea ice. Narwhal and
beluga whales were caught from January to August, and walrus, in a few
places, from January to May. Polar bears, a highly valuable target both for
economic reasons and for a hunter’s prestige, were hunted between January
and June.
Different animals had their own habitat requirements and tendencies,
which Inuit understood and acted on. Ringed seals could be hunted almost
anywhere and at any time, in open water or through the sea ice and in tide
cracks. The best places to hunt caribou were the north of the Borden Peninsula and in a large part of the southern interior of the region. Bears were
taken at the mouth of Navy Board Inlet, and on Baffin Bay on the ice and in
the water from Bylot Island southeast to Buchan Gulf. Pond Inlet hunters
took walrus at the head of Foxe Basin and the mouth of Navy Board Inlet
Pond Inlet | 347
time are also important for understanding the recent past. Caribou in par-
William Baffin and Robert Bylot, who successfully circled Baffin Bay in 1616
ticular have changed their range during the past century, and since 1964,
while searching for a Northwest Passage. Two centuries later Commander
the withdrawal of people from ilagiit nunagivaktangit into the settlement
John Ross of the Royal Navy repeated their venture, naming “Pond’s Bay”
has left the outlying districts less visited.
on his way south, and revealing a route that the Greenland whaling fleet
Tununirmiut were known to travel great distances to hunt, socialize,
could follow in their pursuit of bowhead whales.
and find places to live. In the 1850s a few families followed their brave but
This activity brought a sudden change for the Tununirmiut, who began
troublesome leader, Qitdlarssuaq (also known as Qillaq) and another leader,
to encounter the whalers, trade skins and ivory with them for manufactured
Oqe, on a decade-long migration north from Cumberland Peninsula. They
goods, and occasionally salvage whale carcases as well as timber along the
lived for some time in Pond Inlet, but were then forced to leave with a group
coast.
of about thirty-five people, about half of whom decided to turn back. The
The floe edge near Button Point became the annual summer rendez-
continuing group successfully navigated Lancaster Sound, and lived on Dev-
vous point for hunters and whalers. Whalers remained cautious—they did
on Island for five years, where they encountered two searchers of the Third
not enter Eclipse Sound until 1854 and they made their first voyage through
Franklin Expedition, Augustus Inglefield in 1854 and Francis McClintock
Navy Board Inlet as late as 1872. Contacts gradually became more certain;
in 1858. Several years after learning about Inuit living on Greenland’s coast,
some Inuit even boarded whaling ships at Button Point to be taken back to
Qitdlarssuaq was determined to find them. Everyone followed him initially,
wintering grounds in Navy Board Inlet or Dexterity Harbour, and a Captain
but part of the group turned back under Oqe’s leadership because the jour-
Bannerman returned regularly, bringing gifts for a child he had fathered.
ney became so long and dangerous. Oqe’s group died of starvation trying to
In 1895 Scottish whalers found the remains of several Inuit families, dead
return to the Pond Inlet area. Qitdlarssuaq’s group also suffered from depri-
beside their tupiks, at Dexterity Harbour, casualties of either famine or in-
vation and personal animosities, but some members of the group were able
fection.
to reach Greenland, 1,200 kilometres from their starting point, and become
Steam whalers continued to visit Pond Inlet until 1912, but in 1903, the
an integral part of Inuit life in Etah, Greenland. Qitdlarssuaq died around
focus for relations between Inuit and Qallunaat shifted to shore stations in
1870 at Cape Herschel, trying to return to Qikiqtaaluk.
Pond Inlet and Eclipse Sound. One whaling vessel was harvested off Bylot
Island over many decades by Tununirmiut, who called the ship Umiajuavi-
Early Contacts
In Baffin Bay, a warm current runs north up the Greenland coast, and a
cold one along Baffin Island. As a result, the west side of Baffin Bay has his-
niqtalik in reference to the solid, hard Norwegian oak that could be used to
make ulus, qamutiks, and other tools.
torically been isolated from the Greenland shore by pack ice that prevented
navigation until late summer. If Norse traders or explorers found a way
In the next six decades, Tununirmiut experienced a long and gradual tran-
through, they were not known to any Europeans who followed, including
sition following their first exposure to year-round trading posts. In 1903
Pond Inlet | 349
a seasoned Dundee whaler, Captain James Mutch (Jimi Maasi to the Tu-
colourful Quebec navigator, Captain Joseph-Elzear Bernier (or Kapitaikal-
Eastern Arctic
Inuit at Pond Inlet,
July 1951
nunirmiut), set up a shore station near Pond Inlet. The Tununirmiut had
lak), who made three voyages in the government vessel Arctic and came
little experience of handling large whaleboats, so Mutch imported two Inuit
back in 1912 as a private trader. Other competitors included an English ad-
whaling crews from Cumberland Sound. They returned south after about
venturer, Henry Toke Munn, and an unfortunate Newfoundlander named
five years, because very few bowhead whales remained to be caught. While
Robert Janes. Janes was abandoned by his southern backers, and quarrelled
canada
their station at Igarjuaq existed, Pond Inlet was visited four times by the
with and threatened his Inuit companions, who put him to death to protect themselves. Janes was stopped from killing another man by Takijualuk
(whom traders knew as Tom Kunuk).
This became widely known when the HBC installed a post at the present site of Pond Inlet in 1921, and a landmark trial in Canadian Arctic history followed. In 1923, the government’s Eastern Arctic Patrol (EAP) came
ashore with a magistrate at Pond Inlet to try three of Janes’s Inuit companions for murder. One of them, Nuqallaq, was sentenced to ten years in
prison in Manitoba. The trial was intended to show Inuit—and the rest of
the world—that Canada would protect Qallunaat and enforce its own laws
in the Arctic islands. Through the 1920s, annual visits from government
and HBC vessels restored the reliable annual contact with the Atlantic
world that Pond Inlet once enjoyed in the whaling era. In 1929, this stability encouraged the Anglican and Catholic churches to send missionaries to
Pond Inlet in 1929, though the Tununirmiut were already mostly Anglican.
Canada established an RCMP post beside the HBC store in Pond Inlet,
and began the long tradition of hiring Tununirmiut to work in the High
Arctic. The first were Qattuuq, his wife Ulaajuq, and their four children
in 1922. Men or families from Pond Inlet also hunted for the RCMP and
travelled with them for great distances on Ellesmere and Dundas Islands
between the wars. The Tununirmiut were especially valued because they
understood the far northern environment and the winter months without
sunshine. In 1934, the HBC moved fifty-two Inuit from Baffin Island to
form a new settlement at Dundas Harbour on Devon Island. Eighteen of
these Inuit were from Pond Inlet. The experiment was unprofitable because
ice conditions made hunting and trapping hazardous, and two years later
Pond Inlet | 351
the Cape Dorset and Pond Inlet families were sent to Arctic Bay to help sup-
prior to relocation that they would be allowed to return to their original
port a new trading post there.
homes after a year or two if they were dissatisfied with the new location. The
Another instance of Tununirmiut support for a national undertaking
government considered the relocations a success, but Inuit protested that
came a decade later, when Captain Henry Larsen planned the westward
they unwittingly participated in an ill-conceived experiment and demanded
transit of the Northwest Passage in his tiny vessel, the St. Roch. At Pond
acknowledgement of government wrongdoing. In 1996, the Canadian gov-
Inlet in 1944, he hired Inuit to hunt, advise on navigation, sew clothing for
ernment awarded $10 million to survivors of the relocation, though it has
the crew, and generally assist with the passage. These included Joe Panipak-
never apologized for the hardships they endured.
uttuk, his wife Lydia, his mother Panikpak and his six-year-old niece, Mary
Throughout six decades of gradual change, the Tununirmiut attracted
Panigusiq, a daughter of Special Constable Lazaroosie Kyak. Lydia was the
attention from outsiders who eagerly published impressions of people and
first woman to travel through the Northwest Passage in both directions.
Panipakuttuk brought his companions home from Yukon to Pond Inlet, more than 2,500 kilometres, by sled over the next two years. Later, Mary
Panigusiq had a particularly sensitive job in the 1950s as an interpreter
aboard the new government hospital ship, C. D. Howe. The Howe patrolled
the Eastern Arctic each summer and evacuated Inuit with tuberculosis to
hospitals in the south. For six years, hundreds of frightened Inuit, separated
lieved to be more abundant and where their presence would assert Cana-
Qimmi Douglas
Wilkinson,
Angutirjuaq, Mary
Aaluluuq Kilukuishak,
Jobie Nutarak, Jimaima
Angiliq, and Asina
Qamaniqj, July 1951
dian sovereignty. As in 1934, Tununirmiut were recruited to share their
knowledge of extreme conditions. In 1953, Simon Akpaliapik and Samuel
canada
from their families and surrounded by crew and officials speaking only
French and English, depended on Mary for reassurance and to make their
needs known, whether they came from Pond Inlet or from any of a dozen
other Arctic communities.
In the 1950s, the government chose to move people from Nunavik to
southern Ellesmere Island and Resolute Bay, places where game was be-
Arnakallak from Pond Inlet were moved with their families to Ellesmere,
while Jaybeddie Amagoalik was moved to Resolute Bay. They accompanied
seven families from Inukjuak. In 1955, another group from Inukjuak were
resettled in Grise Fiord and Resolute. The communities were not harmonious, in part because of friction between Tununirmiut and Nunavummiut.
The people chosen for these ventures claim they were given assurances
Pond Inlet | 353
called Aulatsivik, filming Joseph Idlout and his family for the acclaimed
film and book Land of the Long Day. Wilkinson lived with Idlout, the star
of the film, travelled with him on seal-hunting trips, wore clothes made
by Idlout’s wife Kidlak, and recorded the annual visit of the C. D. Howe.
Wilkinson presented a somewhat sentimental but informative portrait of
life in northern Baffin Island during the 1950s. The work is also a poignant
introduction to Idlout, whose relocation to Resolute Bay a few years later
was not a success.
Inuit gathered in an
iglu for their meal
(still from the NFB
film Land of the Long
Day), 1952
A contemporary of Wilkinson’s, Oblate missionary Fr. Guy MaryRousselière spent a lifetime in the North as a priest, archaeologist, and
the Eskimos,” offered a wealth of information he acquired from his Inuit
Idloujk and Kadloo
look at harpooned
seal on ice of Pond
Inlet, 1952
canada
hosts. Also noteworthy is anthropologist John Mathiassen, who had the
good fortune to stay at Aulatsivik in 1963, just as the old way of living on the
canada
recorder of Inuit life and traditions. His book on Qitdlarssuaq, published
overviews and vignettes of North Baffin ethnography in Eskimo, several
scholarly articles, and a 1971 National Geographic article called “I Live with
land was nearing its end.
place. In 1921, a party of Danish and Greenlandic scientific adventurers
launched the Fifth Thule Expedition, a remarkable four-year venture moving from Greenland to Alaska, to document Inuit culture and, through archaeology and ethnography, to investigate the origins of Inuit as a people.
Some of the party’s members, notably Therkel Matthiassen, spent time at
Pond Inlet and included its sites and stories in their published expedition
reports and memoirs.
Documentary filmmaker Doug Wilkinson also recorded life in the area.
He spent a year on Eclipse Sound in 1953 living at an ilagiit nunagivaktangat
Pond Inlet | 355
People generally lived where hunting was best, but during the twen-
The covering could either be the summer sealskin tent or canvas pur-
tieth century, they also trapped white foxes for their skins. At one time
chased in the settlement. Snow houses (igluvigat) were built when needed
traplines radiated out from the hunting settlements to cover the coastlines
for use when travelling or camping on the sea ice. Summer tents were cov-
of Eclipse Sound and all its tributary fiords. Before 1959, trappers in the
ered with sealskins, though canvas gradually replaced these. At freeze-up,
Pond Inlet area sometimes went north onto Lancaster Sound or even as
people usually returned to a former wintering site and prepared it for the
far as Devon Island. The ilagiit nunagivaktangit on Baffin Bay trapped in
activities of the new season. This was also the time when families might
three major fiords—Coutts Inlet, Buchan Gulf, and Paterson Inlet—along
leave one ilagit nunagivaktangat to join another one, sometimes in the same
the coast from Button Point southeast in the direction of Clyde River. After
general area, but often as far away as Admiralty Inlet or Igloolik, where
Oodisteets with
supplies landed
from the C.D. Howe
(Harold Kalluk left
and Ullatitaq right,
carrying sealift
supplies), July 1951
1950, the people who trapped there generally made their homes closer to
many people had relatives. This mobility within a larger region was another
Pond Inlet.
dynamic element in the way people lived on the land.
canada
A careful observer described features of the seasonal round in the decades after the HBC arrived:
For at least four decades [1920–60] . . . the situation remained
roughly unchanged, which does not mean that the same camps
were inhabited year after year and by the same families. Spring
was moving time. Then many families piled up their belongings
on their sleds and moved to another location, usually to camp with
relatives or friends or to exploit better hunting grounds.
Winter habitations had not changed much since the pre-contact period, except that some timber was available for frames and sheathing. A
typical settlement had between four and six houses, all with their doors facing the sea. The basic structure was made of sod blocks around a framework
of wood salvaged from various sources. A police report in 1959 stated:
The upper part of the walls and the roof are usually made of slats
from packing cases obtained in the settlement . . . [T]he same
house is generally used year after year. Moss is apparently used
for insulation with an outside covering of a tent. The hole is then
covered with snow and makes a warm dwelling.
In the 1950s, country food, notably meat, continued to be an essential
part of the Tununirmiut economy, and hunting still occupied a lot of the
people’s time. By the 1950s, however, many of their goods and their incomes
were supplied from the South through trade, wages, universal social programs, and individual benefits. In 1959, Inuit here were reported to be earning almost $40,000, although this misleading sum, like all statistics from
the period, assigned no cash value to country food.
Source of Inuit income at
Pond Inlet, 1950 and 1959
1950
1959
Family Allowance
$10,105
$11,920
Relief
$218
$4,600
Fur, ivory, etc.
$7,688
$13,863
OAA, OAP, etc.
$304
$1,630
Local employment
$802
$7,000
Other
$1,724
—
Total
$20,841
$39,013
Notes: Relief in 1959 was
unusually high because of a
large number of returned
hospital patients, and an
increase in their rehabilitation
ration.
opposite page:
Inuit children with
supplies for the
Roman Catholic
Mission landed from
EAP vessel C. D.
Howe, July 1951
of steady contact with incomers did introduce new elements of material
hand-operated sewing machines performed many of the tasks most essen-
canada
tial to survival, and there was a growing demand even for luxuries uncon-
Despite a general continuity in the Tununirmiut way of life, sixty years
culture. Imported manufactured goods, textiles, and foods steadily came
into general use. (Tobacco was already a habit before 1900.) Wooden craft
with outboard motors had replaced qajat for travel and hunting. Rifles and
nected with earning a living, such as radios, phonographs, and clocks. Yet
Pond Inlet | 357
Pond Inlet | 359
fundamental principles of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (IQ) continued: food,
cisively its new program of northern economic development. In 1963, the
tools, and belongings were shared; meat was overwhelmingly the food of
Department of Northern Affairs and Natural Resources made Pond Inlet
choice; and all generations worked together on the same daily tasks that
the site of its biggest investment in municipal infrastructure in the Arc-
ensured the survival of the group. Yet changes were increasing and many
tic. Upgrades included a two-bay heated garage, two new classrooms, and
innovations, centred on the settlement of Pond Inlet, posed challenges to
two eight-bed hostels, a walk-in freezer, a two-bedroom house, and main-
the continuity of the ilagiit nunagivaktangit.
tenance work on existing buildings. A new bulk-oil storage tank and street
In 1960, Pond Inlet was home to around fifty people, a majority of
lighting supported the developments. English-language schooling, central-
them Inuit, making up one-fifth of the population of the area. Services were
ized settlements, and wage employment for Inuit were key elements of the
limited—a single trading post, an RCMP detachment, and two Christian
government program. Because of these changes, there was a dramatic shift
missions made up the outside agencies. The school was built in 1959, but
in where the Tununirmiut lived. In 1962, 70% of Tununirmiut lived in ila-
did not open until 1961. Somewhat uncommonly, Inuit mined soft coal a
giit nunagivaktangit; in 1965, half of the Tununirmiut were living in Pond
few kilometres outside the settlement for local use and occasional export.
Inlet; and in 1968, 90% lived in town.
Later the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Report would observe that the
boundaries of trading areas dictated which people would move to specific
communities:
By the time day and residential schools had been established in
each settlement, every camp had clearly come to be seen as within
the province of one or another HBC post. And when the occupants
of a camp decided to move into a settlement, it was clear, in virtually all cases, which settlement it would be. Thus the Tununirmiut
looked to Pond Inlet.
1960–1965
Changes in where people lived
Year
Tununirmiut Living in
Tununirmiut Living in
Pond Inlet
1962
204
65
1963
201
79
1964
192
103
1965
144
155
1966
130
200
1967
93
254
1968
34
336
Some of the changes proposed by government (including schools and
Disruption of Tununirmiut life centred around ilagiit nunagivaktangit be-
about thirty-seven low-cost housing units, erected between 1965 and
gan in the 1960s when the Canadian government began to implement de-
1967) were of interest to the Tununirmiut, while others were less so. What
Pond Inlet | 361
intensified the disruption and its consequences was the federal attitude that
Other factors also influenced the Tununirmiut to settle in Pond Inlet.
there was no time to ask people, “How do you want to do this?” or even more
Wage employment was increasingly available and provided income to help
significantly, “What do you want to happen?” Instead federal officials told
support living in the settlement. The number of Inuit working full-time
the people, “This is what is going to happen.”
with Qallunaat agencies (DIAND, HBC, RCMP, and the nursing station)
One of the first federal initiatives in Pond Inlet was to build a school
rose from seven in 1962 to twenty-three in 1968. In addition, the growing
and student hostels, which was accompanied by pressure on Inuit families
settlement required workers to keep its services operating. There were in-
Panikpakuttuk
(centre) and Qajaaq
(right), workers
for the RCMP
detachment
to enrol their children. When northern officials began to insist on compul-
creases in seasonal employment as well, particularly in construction work.
sory school attendance, many of the Tununirmiut faced a difficult choice. In
On the land, mining exploration and tote road construction to Mary River
canada
1965, the entire population of an ilagiit nunagivaktangat moved into Pond
Inlet and the RCMP reported that they did so because people wished “to
be close to their children attending the school.” Gamailie Kilukishak later
told QIA researchers that he did not want his son to be living in a hostel, so
in 1967 even though “nobody told me [to move], I wanted to follow for the
love towards my child.” Similarly, the government’s provision of housing,
with loans and grants to pay for the new accommodation, encouraged the
Tununirmiut to move to Pond Inlet. Moses Kasarnak remembers, “We were
directly told that if we moved we would get a house and that it would have a
table and dishes.” By 1968, the RCMP observed that Inuit occupied forty-six
homes of varied types, but housing was not always ready to accommodate
those who were arriving in reaction to the enforcement of schooling attendance. Apphia Kiliktee remembered,
A teacher came down to our camp and told us that we had to go to
school. . . . Knowing there was no housing in Pond Inlet, we ended
up in a tent near the river. The whole winter we stayed in the tent.
It was so difficult for us. We didn’t have any food to eat. Every
morning we woke up to everything frozen. . . . All I remember is my
grandmother trying to use a teapot to cook with.
It was two years before her family got a house and then twenty people
had to share the 12-by-24-foot structure.
Pond Inlet | 363
(1962–65) provided summer work for up to eight men. As in the past,
Inuit knowledge of the land was also in demand guiding the RCMP, sports
hunters, and geologists, yet payment for their casual work was not always
certain.
The disruption experienced by the Tununirmiut because of this rapid
transition from living on the land to living in town was intensified by difficulties experienced in the key areas where their lives changed. Living in
the town also brought Inuit into daily contact with white people. Elizabeth
Kyak recalled that many Inuit felt they had to hide country food they were
eating, and Elisapee Ootoova talked about being frightened by the appearance of Qallunaat.
The shooting of qimmiit by the RCMP was one of the clearest signals of
the disruption in Tununirmiut life. Qimmiit were essential to their mobility
and an integral aspect of everyday life at the ilagiit nunagivaktangit, so the
unexpected and violent loss of a man’s qimmiit was a painful wound. Manasie Amagoalik stated that he could recall the scene because “[his] father
started crying and it was so unexpected. . . . The RCMP was standing next
to [his] father and the dogs being shot, even the puppy running away from
all the shooting. It ran to [them].” On top of the emotional impact of this
loss, many Inuit suffered long-term hardships. Amagoalik underlined the
consequences for his family:
We had no means of transportation, no Ski-Doo, therefore, no
hunting. The only way was by walking. . . . We were also visited by
sickness because we didn’t have enough to eat. My father suffered
which created the centralized settlement of Pond Inlet. This change was
Six dog teams and
sleds head west
over the ice of Pond
Inlet towards the
settlement, June 1953
initiated and largely shaped by the Government of Canada, which believed
a lot of hardship with no Ski-Doo and no dogs. He had to hunt
that it understood what the results of its new programs would be. The Tu-
polar bear by foot and by harpoon.
nunirmiut acceded to the general direction of centralization, but sought
to maintain Inuit values and ways of doing things as their lives were
Between 1963 and 1968, the Tununirmiut experienced radical change,
transformed.
canada
Pond Inlet | 365
The other main source of difference was the more frequent encounters,
1965-1975
casual and official, with Qallunaat. For many Inuit men, that sort of contact
had occurred a dozen times a year during trading trips to Pond Inlet. For
many of their wives, mothers, and children, contact had been less frequent,
limited to Christmas and a few encounters a year with a traveller on the
land, usually an RCMP constable. In the settlement, schoolchildren regularly dealt with teachers but often this also would create awkwardness or
even fear for the children and their parents. Many Inuit adults lacked con-
In 1965, half of the Tununirmiut lived in the centralized community of Pond
fidence in their dealings with Qallunaat. As the Tununirmiut explained to
Inlet, and ten years later all had their homes in the community. By 1975, the
Hugh Brody, they felt ilira, a fear of “people or things that have power over
Tununirmiut knew the differences that living in town involved and laid out
you.” In the settlement, there were many more opportunities to feel ilira in
how they wished to live in the new environment. The Tununirmiut, whether
the face of the impatience, anger, or lack of understanding of non-Inuit. At
through their actions, their refusal to act, or their words, made evident to
the same time, the Qallunaat themselves were diverse as well as numerous,
southerners the Inuit values, activities, and seasonal practices that would be
and their own rivalries and divisions could create friction for Inuit.
an ongoing part of their lives.
New routines were created around the fixed daily schedules of work
While people continued to leave the land, those already living in Pond
and schooling. None of these things was harmful in themselves, but they
Inlet began to come together, with some official encouragement, to create
created new demands and new relationships. People had to choose times
the habits and institutions they would require to live together in numbers
and places to hunt, travelling out by snowmobile from a central base rather
much larger than before. Some of these challenges arose from the fact that
than by dog team or on foot from an ilagit nunagivaktangat. Many Inuit
Inuit were accustomed to living together in groups of ten, twenty, or thirty,
told Hugh Brody in the early 1970s not just of the scarcity of goods and ser-
not hundreds. Other difficulties arose from the sudden increase both in the
vices, but of the “confinement and inactivity” that came with settlement life,
number of resident Qallunaat and in the number of Inuit whose lives they
and he reported on the “quiet, understated dismay” many Inuit expressed in
were trying to influence.
response to what they had lost.
Large communities in the Arctic were very different from small ones.
In many cases, the ilagiit nunagivaktangit were home to people who were
related by birth or marriage. In Pond Inlet, people would spend more time
dealing with Inuit who were less closely related and less familiar to them.
In addition, a number of very strong personalities were concentrated in a
In the midst of these novel circumstances, Inuit found opportunities, col-
small space, some of them people who had often worked with Qallunaat,
lectively and individually, to begin to use for their own purposes organiza-
and others who had been the isumatat (traditional leaders) of multi-family
tions expressing Inuit values and choices. One such organization was the
hunting groups on the land.
community council, organized by the DIAND settlement manager in 1965.
Pond Inlet | 367
This unelected body drew its members from Inuit who had some experi-
heard stating directly what the community valued and expected. In April
ence working with Qallunaat and could speak up on matters of concern to
1968, Alain Maktar took part in the Baffin Region Eskimo Advisory Council
the Tununirmiut. In 1975, the council gained hamlet status, a form of mu-
Conference in Iqaluit, where he spoke clearly about changes that needed to
nicipal self-government without municipal taxation, with the council and
be made in the schools.
mayor elected by, and responsible to, members of the community.
Gradually a community life emerged that was no longer just the sum
We want the Eskimos to be taught in Eskimo. . . . There are four
of older-style activities transplanted to a central location. An organization
things we want them [children] to learn—hunting, building iglus
such as the Toonoonik–Sahoonik Co-operative became a significant force in
in the wintertime, and sewing and the language. If they learn
the new economy and brought the Tununirmiut into an important regional
these things they will be able to live in the Arctic.
movement. Founded in 1969, the co-op began by importing groceries and
Two Pond Inlet girls
wearing parkas
hardware and marketing Inuit carvings, furs, and luxury exports like nar-
Inuit wanted these things to be taught by “older people.” The Qallunaat
whal ivory, and later began operating a hotel and a fishing camp for tour-
officials answered positively, but the system was slow and inadequate in in-
ists and tendering successfully to deliver municipal services. Similarly, the
tegrating these important needs in the school curriculum.
canada
Hunters and Trappers Association (HTA) was an essential tool for reorganizing traditionally valued activities that continued outside the settlement.
The HTA in Pond Inlet, begun in 1970, helped Inuit adapt to territorial
game laws, such as the polar bear quota and tag system.
The building of a strong sense of community was also evident in the
community radio station opened at Pond Inlet in 1966. Thumbing their nose
at Southern regulations, certain councillors intended the station to serve the
settlement as well as people still on the land, using equipment that was already
in the community without the required government licence. Daniellie, Qamaniq, Josephie, and two Qallunaat organized the station, which was soon on the
air with volunteer announcers for two hours each evening with music, community news, and local announcements in Inuktitut and English. The station
was briefly shut down, but the embarrassed authorities in Ottawa forwarded
a small AM transmitter to Pond Inlet and accelerated their own plans for
community radio throughout the Arctic. The pirate radio station, CHPI Pond
Inlet, was adopted by DIAND and continued in service for several more years.
Most significantly, as officials developing federal programs began in
the late 1960s to ask for Tununirmiut reactions and ideas, Inuit voices were
Pond Inlet | 369
rounded out the available services. Some of the men had experience working
with Panarctic oil exploration teams in the High Arctic. The Toonoonik–
Sahoonik Co-operative was on course to become one of the largest and most
diversified co-ops in Nunavut. The skills that the Tununirmiut brought with
them into the community or acquired while working there were preparing
them for the next great struggle—to get their ownership of the land itself
recognized by the federal government and have it dealt with in a land claim.
As Utoova told the researchers of the Land Use and Occupancy Project, the
idea that a remote government owned the land was ridiculous and had to
be set right:
Now I am hearing that it is not our land, that the Qallunaat have it
as their land, as part of their land. Is it true that I am a poor little
landless one? Is it true that I have no land? I must be pitiable!
Since I was a small girl, I have thought this land, around here, was
ours. Perhaps they will let us have a little land to live on!
Inuit have lived around Eclipse Sound for centuries. Since 1820, they
were in contact with outsiders for over eighty years in the whaling era, for
sixty years while living on the land and trading at permanent trading posts,
and for fifty years while living in their centralized community, Pond Inlet.
People in the region adapted to the new fox-trapping opportunities after
1900, but usually carried this out with more traditional hunts, especially
for ringed seal and caribou. After 1950, the Tununirmiut felt the same pressures and attractions to a single central community as other inhabitants
Huge iceberg in the
background, and two
Inuit hunters, 1954
By 1975, the community of Pond Inlet numbered 550 people. They
felt throughout the Qikiqtaaluk. They responded by leaving the land to live
were connected to the rest of the country via two or three regular aircraft
more or less permanently around Pond Inlet, where they found trade op-
flights per week from Resolute, using a new gravel runway on the hill above
portunities and other services, such as schools and nursing stations, and
the settlement. Anik satellites linked them to other communities by tele-
places where wage employment was available for some. By 1970, this cen-
canada
phone, and at home two churches, a K–8 school, an adult-education centre,
tralization was virtually complete.
a nursing station, an RCMP detachment, a motel, a post office, and a library
Qikiqtarjuaq
T
he hamlet of Qikiqtarjuaq is located on Broughton Island, 2.5 kilometres off the east coast of Cumberland Peninsula on Baffin Island.
The community, formerly known as Broughton Island, was renamed
Qikiqtarjuaq or “big island” in 1998. Today the people of Qikiqtarjuaq are
known as Qikiqtarjuarmiut and are sometimes considered part of the larger
regional group of Uqqurmiut. Earlier, the more southerly groups were sometimes called Padlimiut for their use of the area around Padle Fiord or Akudnirmiut, a broader regional term for people further north. While the hamlet’s
separate history generally begins in 1955 with the construction of a DEW Line
auxiliary site, the history of the area includes many other populated places,
such as Kivitoo and Paallavvik. In a lightly populated area, with a mobile
population, these places were important locations for ilagiit nunagivaktangit.
The traditional land-use area of people now living at Qikiqtarjuaq has
some of the most dramatic terrain in Canada. Mountains of many shapes
| 371
Qikiqtarjuaq | 373
Bay to Kivitoo, 145 kilometres from Kivitoo to Nuvuttiq (Cape Searle) at
the mouth of Merchants Bay, and a further 80 kilometres from Nuvuttiq to
Cape Dyer. Qikiqtarjuaq is near the midway point along this section of the
coast.
The mobility of Inuit is a remarkable feature of this landscape. Jacopie
Nuqingaq told the Qikiqtani Truth Commission (QTC) in 2008:
We never stood still in one place, we were always moving. We
lived in an iglu near Clyde River . . . There is a lot of wildlife up
there. Because of the wildlife, we migrated with the wildlife to get
the food we needed. In that area, as a child, I went to that camp
to hunt. We would come here the following year to Qikiqtarjuaq
. . . my father never stood still. That is how our men were, that
was their role.
Franz Boas said much the same in 1884, when he compared the Padlimiut and the Akudnirmiut to their neighbours.
Qikiqtarjuaq
tower above fiords with sides that plunge into the sea, and icebergs are
A peculiarity of the Padlimiut and the Akudnirmiut is their more
tim kalusha
abundant. The community’s land-use area is generally considered to start
decidedly migratory character as compared with the Oqomiut [of
in the north at Alexander Bay (near Cape Henry Kater) and to end in the
Cumberland Sound] they do not spend every winter at the same
southeast, near Cape Dyer and Exeter Bay. In the northern part of the dis-
place, but are more inclined to visit, in turn, the different winter
trict, Home Bay is studded with islands. The middle of the coast around
stations of their country.
Kivitoo has bold headlands and deep fiords and includes part of Auyuittuq
National Park. Qikiqtarjuaq itself is close to North Pangnirtung Fiord, a
For generations, people lived with their kin in a number of ilagiit nuna-
water entrance to the Park. Further south lays Padle Fiord, a traditional
givaktangit that were carefully sited, moved and organized to take advan-
sledding route towards Pangnirtung, and Merchants Bay with the splendid
tage of local wildlife conditions. For much of the year, people stayed on the
sea cliffs of Nuvuttiq (Cape Searle). Beyond this narrowly defined territory,
coast and islands and avoided the inhospitable interior. It seems typical
people have long hunted caribou inland to the west of Home Bay. To the
that, in 1927, a family settled in one particular area might meet another
southeast, a large floe edge offers winter hunting into Davis Strait and be-
group travelling from north to south to hunt, and another party travelling
yond Cape Dyer. Approximate distances are 175 kilometres from Alexander
in the opposite direction.
Qikiqtarjuaq | 375
Changes in subsistence patterns and material culture were most pro-
Hunting groups, made up of multiple families, were the basic element
nounced in three phases. The first occurred during almost a century
of community organization among Inuit until 1960. In 1884, Franz Boas as-
of seasonal visits by whalers beginning in July 1824. The second was the
signed regional labels to two sub-groups—the Akudnirmiut located further
change in trade items around 1910 from seal and walrus products to fox
north of Broughton Island, and the Padlimiut centred on Padle Fiord and
furs. Polar bear skins remained a staple in both periods. The third and most
Merchants Bay. These were not rigid or exclusive groups, and both used
complete set of changes occurred in 1955 when six Distant Early Warning
Broughton Island during most seasons. Boas described how some families
(DEW) Line sites were built from Ekalugad Fiord to Cape Dyer. By 1970,
would leave the island as early as February, while others stayed into the
almost all the area’s people were settled near the most central of these, the
spring. Though familiar with “the big island,” they were equally at home at
auxiliary station on Broughton Island, near present-day Qikiqtarjuaq.
other places along the 400 kilometres of coast.
In August 1979, Qikiqtarjuaq received hamlet status. Today, the popu-
Traditionally, seals (ringed, bearded, and harp) were the most important
lation is 520, and Qikiqtarjuaq is home to the Tulugak Co-op and Minnguq
species in the area and the main source of meat. They were hunted where
Sewing Group. Tourism is welcomed, and some claim Qikiqtarjuaq is the
they were seasonally abundant, generally in the fiords in summer, and along
iceberg capital of the world. The hamlet also serves as a starting point for
the mouths of fiords and on nearby sea ice in winter. After break-up, they
adventurers travelling through Auyuittuq National Park looking to climb
could be harpooned while basking on drifting ice pans. Such ice was im-
Auyuittuq’s peaks, hike the Akshayuk Pass, or ski on the park’s pristine ice
portant, as seals were harder to catch when the land-fast ice broke off from
fields.
the land. Ringed seals were generally available year-round and were hunted
along the entire east coast of Baffin Island, from Merchants Bay north to
Alexander Bay. Bearded seals, while less abundant, were hunted during the
open-water seasons and during the winter along the floe edge. Harp seals
of Merchants Bay, while caribou were found in the fiords and valleys of the
were primarily hunted in late summer until freeze-up in November.
Polar bears were hunted from Brodie Bay south to Kangert Fiord, west
Broughton Island area. Fish were never plentiful along the coast, so Inuit
Inuit have lived among the fiords and islands of Davis Strait since time im-
walked long distances overland to lakes on Narpaing Fiord in the summer
memorial. Using physical evidence such as tools and shelters, archaeologists
and Nudlung Fiord in the fall. Belugas, narwhal, and walrus were also hunted
argue that a series of migrations took place in the Arctic. The Thule culture,
around Home Bay. Traditionally, Paallavvik was known as an important
characterised by marine mammal hunting and an elaborate and extensive
walrus-hunting area, but this changed with the construction of a weather
use of tools, including fish hooks, bows and arrows, knives, and harpoons,
station there in the 1940s. Since the 1970s, however, there have been re-
preceded modern Inuit. Inuit legends talk about their ancestors’ encounters
ports of walrus returning to the area.
with Tuniit upon moving into the Canadian Arctic. They describe them as
large and gentle, and great hunters of seals.
Qikiqtarjuaq | 377
but, while surveying Baffin Bay, Ross missed the main entrance to the passage at Lancaster Sound and hurried home along the Baffin coast, mapping
the coastline very roughly and making little effort to contact Inuit or study
conditions on shore.
Ross’s contribution to Qikiqtaaluk history was to open the west shore
to European whalers who had already been hunting the area around Greenland for a century. Once Ross showed a way to avoid the Middle Ice,
whalers broke through to Pond Inlet. Soon remarkable encounters were
taking place between Inuit and the whaling fleet off Merchants Bay in 1824
and 1825 and steadily from then on until the 1840s.
days at a time at Kivitoo, known to English and Scottish whalers as Hooper
opposite page:
Inuit hunters with
sled dogs
Harbour or Yakkie Fiord. This activity attracted many Inuit from farther
west to the area. One Inuk, a young man named Inuluapik, visited Great
canada
By the mid-nineteenth century, whalers were regularly anchoring late
in the season around Nuvuttiq in Merchants Bay, and were taking shelter for
Britain and helped develop charts to guide the whalers from Merchants Bay
into Cumberland Sound. In the Qikiqtarjuaq area, casual contacts hardened
into annual routines, and when the German anthropologist Franz Boas was
preparing to leave Baffin Island in 1884, he was confident that if he travelled
to Kivitoo he would meet a ship going south. There he found Inuit on the
tenting grounds at Kivitoo, stowing seal blubber in barrels and packing up
polar bear skins to trade with whichever ship came along first.
Bartering along this coast remained seasonal, sporadic, and competitive until 1908, when a Dundee firm placed a Qallunaat trader with a shed
Early Contacts
and a small stock of goods at Aggijjat (Durban Island). Shortly afterwards,
vessels of the amateurish Sabellum Trading and Gold Company began to
visit Kivitoo, and in 1916 installed the prefabricated house and sheds that
The name Broughton Island dates back to 1818, when a passing Royal Navy
later generations called a whaling station. For most of its existence, Inuit
explorer, John Ross, named many of the features along the west side of Baf-
were in charge of the post, but it was not re-supplied after 1925. Outsiders’
fin Bay and Davis Strait to honour naval and political figures in Britain. The
perceptions of the post were distorted by a tragedy in 1922 when the trader,
original purpose of his expedition was to search for a Northwest Passage
a strong leader named Niaqutiaq, became mentally ill. In the disturbance
Qikiqtarjuaq | 379
that followed, several hunters died, leaving the little community with too
few hunters for the number of women and children. His widow, Kowna,
remained in charge of the station for as long as it had any goods to trade, but
Inuit continued to live in the trading post until 1963.
The presence of whalers and traders allowed the Qikiqtarjuarmiut
to adopt foreign manufactured goods and technologies into their daily
life. Saws, guns, ammunition, fox traps, hatchets, telescopes, pots, sewing
machines, and other items led to changes in hunting techniques, diet, and
clothing. Musical instruments and tobacco introduced new forms of recreation. In addition, contact with Qallunaat, while peaceful, introduced
home in 1925. He became the principal hunter at Kivitoo, where he enjoyed
opposite page:
Inuit unloading walrus
meat at Broughton
Island, NWT,
September 1959
entertaining visitors with tales of daily trips to the cinema in Dundee and
a trip to Harrod’s to advise the Sabellum Company on consumer items as
canada
new diseases such as influenza, measles, and venereal disease. Interestingly,
some Inuit from this part of Davis Strait occasionally travelled to England
or Scotland, where they were exposed to a foreign culture and increased
British awareness of the Arctic. The last of these, Nowyakbik, returned
potential trade goods. For Nowyakbik and his people, these exposures to
the outside world shrank after 1925, and there would be no trading store at
Qikiqtarjuaq itself until 1960.
From 1926 to 1955, the Qikiqtarjuaq region was as isolated from contact
as any other inhabited part of the region east of Pelly Bay. It had no trading post, no resident missionary, and only the most sporadic contact with
medical personnel. Yearly visits from whalers had ended long before, and
the annual government and Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) supply vessels
steamed past without stopping. Once a year, hunters—possibly travelling
without their wives—made the hard trip through the mountains via Padle
Qikiqtarjuaq | 381
and Kingait Fiords to trade their furs and skins at Pangnirtung, and the
gradually yielded to the necessity of providing services to Inuit, similar to
RCMP made an annual patrol by dogsled across the peninsula each winter.
those existing or starting to emerge in more settled communities around
Aside from the RCMP, only a few rare visits of a travelling doctor or scientist
Qikiqtaaluk.
would break the isolation until 1941, when a wartime weather station was
The DEW Line was a huge US-led Arctic project to build and operate a
established at Paallavvik in the southern part of the region. A few innova-
series of radar sites along the seventieth parallel of north latitude from Alaska
tions survived from the whaling era and the Sabellum Company decade:
to Greenland, to provide advanced warning of any Soviet bomber attack
most people were now Anglicans and they continued to be competent trap-
over the North Pole. Roy Fletcher has described a typical auxiliary station.
pers and knowledgeable consumers of manufactured goods. Otherwise,
much of their daily lives and seasonal rounds continued to follow those of
The most typical DEW Line station [after the intermediate sites
their ancestors.
closed in 1963] was the auxiliary which had a rotating radar with-
After twenty years, there was a new, small Qallunaat presence. At the
in a 17 m diameter plastic geodesic dome and two Doppler radar
end of 1941, the US Army Air Force built a weather station on Paallavvik as
antennae . . . These stations were operated by 10-20 men, mostly
part of the Crimson Route. Drawn by potential employment opportunities,
ex-RCAF civilians in Canada . . . There was one long building, the
three Inuit families arrived to look for work. Over time, other families came
train, composed of 25 pre-fabricated modules which provided
too, possibly to take advantage of any excess materials that could be used
electric power and boiler rooms at one end, operational rooms,
for shelters or other purposes, or to use the services of the medic. During
living quarters and a radome supported on stilts above the roof.
their 1954 patrol of the area, the RCMP reported that all “camps” at Paal-
Additional buildings were a large warehouse, a garage and a small
lavvik were visited. “No needy circumstances were encountered and all na-
house for Inuit employees.
tives appeared to be economically secure.” Responsibility for the station was
transferred to the Royal Canadian Navy in 1954. Eclipsed by the larger and
more widespread operations of the DEW Line, the station closed in 1956.
Also typical was a short (1,300–1,400 metres) gravel runway that was
located at Qikiqtarjuaq. Similar to other nearby stations in this mountainous
territory, the runway was located at a “lower base” near sea level, while most
of the installations were located at an “upper base” atop a nearby mountain.
1955–1958
The Broughton Island station, code-named FOX-5 and known during construction as Site 39, became a main transportation hub to and from
Iqaluit and the administrative centre for the Cumberland Peninsula’s north
coast. Large quantities of materials and resources, and many Qallunaat,
constantly moved into and out of the area. It gained a clear advantage over
The daily and seasonal routines of Qikiqtarjuarmiut changed dramatically
the other DEW Line sites in the Qikiqtarjuaq area. Three of those had little
and almost instantly in 1955 when the island was chosen as the site for
social impact; they were the highly secret Main station atop Cape Dyer, and
an auxiliary DEW Line station. With that choice, the federal government
two sites in Home Bay—a second auxiliary station at Cape Hooper, and an
Qikiqtarjuaq | 383
intermediate station (I-site) abandoned in 1963 after surveillance technol-
The Inuit were also willing to turn their hands to whatever labour needed to
ogy improved at Ekalugad Fiord. More important for Inuit was the I-site at
be done. In the following years, Qikiqtarjuarmiut would continue to settle
Kivitoo and another at Aggijjat. However, Qikiqtarjuaq became the dominant
in the area around the DEW Line, drawing the attention of the Canadian
place in the area.
government.
The DEW Line sites, especially at Qikiqtarjuaq, provided opportunities
for both steady and ad hoc jobs for Inuit. As a result, many Inuit arrived to
check out possibilities for employment or to gather leftover building materials
and surplus food. This resulted in a rapid increase in settled population over
a short period, with occasional friction between Inuit and the American
authorities in charge of the upper and lower bases. Fifteen Inuit were continuously, though briefly, employed during construction, and most probably
brought their immediate families and relatives with them.
1958–1975
RCMP members were largely sympathetic to the Americans because of
prevailing concerns that women were at risk and that Inuit were becoming
While most Qikiqtarjuarmiut who settled near the DEW Line stations con-
dependent on “handouts” of food and on unreliable short-term employment.
tinued to hunt, trap, and make seasonal trips to the HBC post in Pangnir-
In their reports, officers used the derogatory term “loitering” to describe
tung, the rapid growth of the settlement continued to raise concerns among
time spent by Inuit in settlements unless they had stable employment there.
Qallunaat agents, who pushed the Canadian government to bring more
Across Qikiqtaaluk, RCMP actions to stop what they referred to as loitering,
services and to exert more control over the Inuit population. Records of the
such as the killing of qimmiit or threats about destroying other property,
government’s effort to connect the region with the outside world provided
were often hurtful. They were also confusing to Inuit, who were asked to stay
a number of snapshots on living conditions at the time. For the 170 Inuit
put in some places and to stay away from others. In the case of DEW Line
living there in 1958, the need for imports was still being met by a single
stations, the policies and actions seemed particularly arbitrary since the sta-
trading expedition each year to Pangnirtung, 240 kilometres by qamutik
tions needed workers. RCMP patrolling near Broughton Island immediately
over rugged mountain passes. In spite of their isolation, hunters from this
began to raise concerns about loitering whenever Inuit came anywhere near
area generated about $20,000 a year in trade for the Pangnirtung HBC
the station, even though they also recognized that the island was normally
post, and on average were earning as much as relatives living much closer to
used as a place to hunt and to establish seasonal ilagiit nunagivaktangit.
that post. At the same time, Inuit employees of the DEW Line could order
In addition to potential employment and trade opportunities, many
Qikiqtarjuarmiut probably stayed around the DEW Line out of curiosity, to
goods from Iqaluit by air, but those shipments were often bumped because
they had low priority compared to official freight.
see what the station personnel were planning to do. Just as naturally, they
Despite the non-fraternization and anti-loitering policies, Inuit
would have assumed that strangers who made this dramatic intrusion onto
around the Broughton Island station were caught up in the government’s
their land would share their abundant foodstuffs as the whalers had done.
hesitant moves to centralize populations at a few locations. Late in 1959,
the Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources (now Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada, AANDC) began to pressure the HBC to solve an apparent problem of keeping the people supplied
with trade goods. Four heads of families who worked for the DEW Line at
Broughton Island could not make their usual yearly trip over the mountains
to Pangnirtung. To meet their needs, the AANDC wanted to import over a
ton of food to the Broughton Island area, some for “bona fide relief cases”
and the rest for sale. The HBC took the hint and early in 1960, approved the
construction of a new store alongside a new government school. Initially
this was at a site 12 kilometres from the present one, but in 1961, the US
Air Force and the Federal Electric Company gave the HBC permission to
build beside the runway. In 1962, both the school and the HBC store were
relocated to the more convenient site, and by autumn, there was a basis for a
modern settlement around the runway.
opposite page:
Inuit women and
children with an
RCMP officer
on Broughton
Island, 1979
nwt archives
Anxious to institute a southern-style education in the area, the AANDC
also brought in a teacher in late 1959. Federal authorities believed they were
doing young Inuit a great service by offering them training that would give
them access to the same economic opportunities available to all Canadians.
Implicitly, schooling was also considered an efficient way to assimilate the
Inuit to broader Canadian society. Vivian Julien was the first teacher in
the area. As her quarters and the first school building did not arrive until
later, she lived in a tent and provided classes to students wherever she could
find space. She also taught for a time in one of the island’s very few private
homes. In 1962, another school was established at Paallavvik.
Up until this point, records are incomplete on the level of health care
provided to Inuit in the Davis Strait region. It is likely that they received
medical attention at St. Luke’s Hospital when they travelled there to trade.
RCMP and military personnel may also have provided some rudimentary
medical care on Davis Strait. However, the influx of Qallunaat into the region led to an increase in infectious diseases against which the Inuit had
no immunization. Polio was reported in 1959, while four deaths due to
Qikiqtarjuaq | 385
Qikiqtarjuaq | 387
whooping cough were recorded in 1960. Tuberculosis caused the evacua-
treatment, many inhabitants were still collecting water from icebergs and
tion of several persons each year, and in 1966, a severe pneumonia epidemic
depositing “honey bags” in the dump and the bay as late as 1977. The town
caused at least two deaths in Qikiqtarjuaq. It was not until 1967 that a nurs-
did not receive a community centre and freezer until 1974.
ing station was established at the settlement.
An AANDC construction program in 1961 introduced prefabricated
houses to Qikiqtarjuaq and Paallavvik. Traditionally, Qikiqtarjuarmiut
lived in canvas or sealskin tents. During the winter, two tents with moss
between the layers covered dwellings. Snow was piled on all sides for fur-
During the 1960s and 1970s, the fate of Qikiqtarjuarmiut families living
ther insulation. Inside, wooden floors and walls were constructed if enough
at Kivitoo, Paallavvik, and Qikiqtarjuaq were closely tied to the agents of
salvaged wood was available. Many Qikiqtarjuarmiut were enticed to move
government and trade who were trying to balance their respective organi-
to the settlement with the promise of housing. However, availability rarely
zations’ priorities with the well-being of Inuit. Government policies under-
matched need. The first prefabricated houses were sent for employed Inuit
taken during this period worked to consolidate the area’s population at a
personnel in 1958, yet by 1965 there were reports of only thirteen low-cost
single place, Qikiqtarjuaq. Increased centralization led to a rise in concern
homes in the settlement; many Qikiqtarjuarmiut still lived in tents. At the
over the potential of qimmiit-human conflict and increased enforcement of
same time, those who did receive houses were promised low rental costs,
the Ordinance Respecting Dogs. This in turn altered traditional Inuit hunt-
only to see them climb considerably as time went on. Leah Nuqingaq recalled
ing methods, as more and more Qikiqtarjuarmiut tended to switch from
for the QTC the broken promises concerning rent.
dog teams to snowmobiles.
Plans moved ahead in the early 1960s to discourage Inuit from living
I went over to a person who worked at the office, I told them I
at Kivitoo, Paallavvik, and other nearby isolated places. Incentives were not
wanted to get a house, my husband didn’t go with me, I had to do
especially attractive, because people had deep ties to the outlying places and
it myself, they told me I had to pay two bucks. It was so easy. I had
understood how limited Qikiqtarjuaq was in some ways. Jacopie Nuqingaq
$2 . . . I paid $2. They told me I had to pay $2 a month. It was so
contrasted it with nearby Paallavvik for the QTC in 2008.
easy. Now I am still alive, now paying over $100 when they told us
it was to be two dollars [a month] rent.
[Paallavvik] was a very good area for wildlife. It had everything—
seals, polar bears, marine mammals. There weren’t many caribou.
Settlement living also required infrastructure. An airstrip and power
But I realized that there was a lot of wildlife, abundance of wildlife
generators had been available since the establishment of the DEW Line sta-
. . . It was a very scenic place. I realized that it was the best place I
tion in 1955. Rough gravel roads were completed to link the administrative
had ever been.
buildings with the HBC and airstrip. In 1964, an Anglican church was built
in Qikiqtarjuaq. Although a 1965 town planning report had recommended
Enticements to move included promises of housing and health care.
improved water and power distribution, as well as proper waste and sewage
Many Qikiqtarjuarmiut have since admitted that they felt coerced into
Qikiqtarjuaq | 389
relocating. They were told that if they stayed on the land they would not
Joanasee near the remains of Nowyakbik. Joanasee was flown to Iqaluit to
receive emergency medical care, that their children would suffer without a
have his legs amputated. The remains of the rest of that party were later
proper education, or that their food rations would not be delivered. In many
discovered. The Canadian government, under the notion that the commu-
cases, Qikiqtarjuarmiut testified that their qimmiit were slaughtered in order
nity could not survive the loss of these men, relocated the remainder of the
to tie people forcibly to the settlement. Nuqingaq also talked of this kind of
Kivitoo Inuit to Qikiqtarjuaq. The RCMP reassured the relocating families
experience.
that they would be allowed to return, so many left their belongings behind.
Once evacuated, most of the homes were bulldozed to the ground and the
After re-supplies [in Qikiqtarjuaq] we would go back [home],
contents were buried. In 2008, Eliyah Kopalie spoke about this experience.
when we still had our route to go back on our team, planning to
go back before the ice broke up, then they slaughtered our dogs. I
All our belongings, we had to take only what we can carry, that
grieved for them, they were our only means of transportation. If
is what we brought here. Winter came, my father went back to
I [knew] what I know then, I would never have agreed to come
Kivitoo to pick up our belongings, there was nothing left. Not one
here. They made it impossible for us to go, we were stuck.
little bit. They tried to get their belongings, even my father’s guns,
everything was bulldozed to the ground . . . everything we had in
Leah, Jacopie’s wife also spoke to the QTC about her experience.
the qarmaq.
When we were starting to go, [the Qallunaat] told Jacopie our
The community at Paallavvik suffered a similar fate. After several
dogs are going to be shot [because] no dogs allowed in Qikiqtar-
years of encouraging the people to move, the government finally made the
juaq. Our dogs were tied out on the ice we were getting ready to go
decision for them by terminating all services in 1968. Federal authorities
back home, back to [Paallavvik] . . . I don’t remember our response
were convinced that the standard of living in Paallavvik was lower than
was, we didn’t want to talk back . . . Our dogs were slaughtered. We
in Qikiqtarjuaq. However, the statistics supporting this assumption were
had no choice but to stay here.
deceptive, as many people in Paallavvik relied on the land for their living.
Historian Kenn Harper argues that the decision to relocate the families was
Many families resisted moving, so after a while stronger actions were
undertaken to compel relocation to Qikiqtarjuaq. In January 1963, the
based on a desire for administrative efficiency. As a result, the school closed
and seven families were relocated to Qikiqtarjuaq in 1968.
Pangnirtung RCMP were notified that four hunters had gone missing from
The relocations had a lasting impact on the Qikiqtarjuaq community.
Kivitoo. Sixty-three-year-old Nowyakbik, leader of the community at Kivitoo,
For Inuit, the loss of home is more than the loss of a dwelling—it is a dis-
had visited Qikiqtarjuaq to trade. With his son Peterosee and sons-in-law
ruption of a critical relationship of people with the land and animals. It
Poisey and Joanasee, he hit foul weather and poor ice conditions on the way
represents the loss of independence and replacement of a way of life. The
home. RCMP officers were dispatched to search for the missing hunters
government failed to address the social and psychological impact of moves
and tracked their route by plane and foot. They found a cold and frightened
on the people. Even today, many Qikiqtarjuarmiut suffer from feelings of
Qikiqtarjuaq | 391
displacement and loss. Billy Mikualik remembers seeing the impact of
relocation on his step-parents. “I could see the frustration and unhappiness [in] my step-parents, my step-mother always yearned to go back to
Paallavvik, I could see her unhappiness [because] she missed her home
so much.”
Relocated Qikiqtarjuarmiut children also had a harder time at school.
Many children from Kivitoo had never attended school, and families from
Paallavvik were often ridiculed as being poor. As Tina Alookie remembers,
they were singled out because of this.
One thing in particular, the first time we went to school, was the
most unhappiest time . . . The students who came from Kivitoo
had never had any schooling or teaching in their camp, they had
it harder than we did . . . A lot of times, our peers, adults were
unhappy with the way we were, they use to ridicule us. Look at
those poor people from [Paallavvik], those people were here in
Qikiqtarjuaq. They use to tease us when they were unhappy with
us. That hurt us the most. The way we were teased.
people, including a dozen non-Inuit working as teachers, an administra-
opposite page:
Inuit boy inside
house, Broughton
Island, 1979
tor, and an HBC clerk. Centralization brought together into close quarters
nwt archives
The Inuit population at Qikiqtarjuaq, approximately 70 in 1961, had
reached 200 by 1966. By 1967, the community of Qikiqtarjuaq had 250
many more Inuit and their qimmiit. Disease could now spread more easily
among qimmiit populations, and concerns over potential qimmiit-human
conflict rose. Stricter enforcement of the Ordinance Respecting Dogs eventually turned more people towards the use of snowmobiles.
Qimmiit played a large role in conflict between Inuit and incomers, and
fear of disease encouraged the authorities to intervene strongly. In 1964,
sickness among qimmiit at Paallavvik decimated the population, spreading to Qikiqtarjuaq in 1965. At the same time, RCMP had begun shooting
qimmiit under the authority of the Ordinance. Kakudluk, a member of one
of the seven families relocated from Paallavvik, recalled how strictly the
Ordinance was enforced in Qikiqtarjuaq. She had travelled to the area by
qimmiit team with her family. “Once they got there, the dogs were shot, she
said, because dogs were not allowed in Qikiqtarjuaq.”
By this time, snowmobiles were on the market. An RCMP report on
Qikiqtarjuaq in March 1965 reported ten snowmobiles in the area and
claimed that the increase was due to the people’s inability to restore the
qimmiit population. Later in the year, F. J. Williams and Associates, an
engineering company hired by the AANDC to assess the settlement plan
for Qikiqtarjuaq, reported twenty snowmobiles. This report also noted the
speed and convenience of the snowmobiles, but agreed that they were being
adopted because of a shortage of qimmiit after “the decimation of the dog
population in 1963–1964.” The increase of snowmobiles to forty by 1968
demonstrates a spreading change in the way Qikiqtarjuarmiut travelled to
hunt.
opposite page:
Inuit men, women,
and children stand
outside houses on
Broughton Island,
1979
nwt archives
In spite of the conveniences provided by snowmobiles, Qikiqtarjuarmiut also recognized that snowmobiles could be unreliable and dangerous
to run on the ice. Owners were now fully dependent on imports for fuel
and replacement parts. Eliyah Kopalie described some of the issues with
snowmobiles in his testimony. “When the weather was bad, the dogs knew
exactly what to do. Even if there was no land outside, they were totally different than a Ski-Doo, they don’t break down.” Despite these reservations,
by the 1970s, the community had accepted the snowmobile and effectively
moved away from the use of qimmiit teams.
Hunting patterns were also affected by falling prices for sealskins in the
second half of the 1960s. Sales, primarily to the HBC, continued to plummet
into the 1970s, from seven thousand in 1971 to a little over four thousand
in 1972. A levelling off followed this decrease. Researcher John D. Jacobs
linked this fall to the cost of imported fuel, indicative of the increased reliance of Inuit in the region on goods imported from the south. Qikiqtarjuaq
Qikiqtarjuaq | 393
Qikiqtarjuaq | 395
lifestyles were changing from a “subsistence economy supplemented by the
Qikiqtarjuarmiut have faced numerous challenges over the years as
trading of furs and skins” to “really absolute dependence” on outside sources
they worked to adapt their traditional lifestyles to a rapidly changing world.
for food, supplies, and money to obtain them. By the 1970s, many full-time
While Inuit traded with whalers in the nineteenth century, the establish-
hunters had turned to regular settlement jobs. Wage labour grew as a per-
ment of the DEW Line station in 1955 created a year-round settlement
centage of total economic activity. Nonetheless, the importance of hunting
on Broughton Island. The influx of Qallunaat into the region significantly
both to the table and to Qikiqtarjuarmiut identity persisted. Hunting skills
altered traditional Inuit migratory patterns and land use. The subsequent
continued to be taught to youth as part of formal educational programs, and
focus of the Canadian government on Qikiqtarjuaq confirmed it as the pri-
permanent cabins were erected on the land for hunters to use. Hunter and
mary settlement in the area. Families nearby at Kivitoo and Paallavvik were
trapper associations were also formed to monitor game and negotiate rights
relocated to Qikiqtarjuaq in the 1960s. Despite its artificial beginnings,
and quotas with the territorial government.
Qikiqtarjuaq developed into a resourceful Inuit community, determined
In 1968, the AANDC started a carving and handicraft co-operative. This
provided Qikiqtarjuarmiut women with their first source of formal cash income. In 1973, the local community co-operative, the Tulugak Co-op, was
formed. The establishment of these co-ops demonstrates adjustments made
by Qikiqtarjuarmiut to the larger Canadian economy. The co-ops began to
provide for many aspects of community life, including property rental, cable
television, and gas and retail goods. They also broke the HBC monopoly on
the local sale of necessary goods. Constructive initiatives continued, and
in the late 1970s, the community began an economic development project
called the Minnguq Sewing Group. Started by local Inuit women, the group
expanded to provide sealskin boots for the community, and for southerners as well, demonstrating the ongoing capacity of the community to adapt
traditional practices to the demands of the wider world. The community of
Qikiqtarjuaq had transformed from a land-based economy in the 1950s to
a commercial production economy by the end of the 1970s. One researcher estimated, however, that the population between 1971 and 1973 might
decline in spite of a high natural birth rate. In those two years, out of an
Inuit population of just over three hundred, almost fifty Inuit (noted as “nonhunters”) were recorded as having left Qikiqtarjuak for Iqaluit. The community continued to grow, however, and in August 1979, Qikiqtarjuaq received
hamlet status. The population is currently a little over five hundred persons.
and able to adapt and make a place for itself in today’s world.
Resolute
Bay
Qausuittuq
T
he hamlet of Resolute is located on Resolute Bay on the south shore
of Cornwallis Island. It is Canada’s second-most northerly community. It was named after the ship HMS Resolute, which participated
in the search for Sir John Franklin’s expedition in the 1850s. The Inuktitut names for the community are Qausuittuq, meaning “the place with no
dawn,” and Qarnartakuj, meaning “the place of the ruins,” which refers to
the piles of whalebones marking a centuries-old Thule settlement site near
the hamlet. The people of Resolute call themselves Qausuitturmiut.
Tuniit and Thule people lived in the area thousands of years ago, but
are believed to have left the island about one thousand years ago. In the
nineteenth century, no Inuit were living on Cornwallis Island but European
explorers and investigators passed by the island during searches for the Northwest Passage. The island remained uninhabited until a joint US–Canadian
| 397
weather station was set up in 1947 and a Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF)
base was created in 1949.
Resolute Bay | 399
Over time, Resolute changed from a government-created settlement
into an organic, cohesive community that achieved hamlet status in 1987.
Resolute’s history as an Inuit community began in the 1950s when the
Resolute residents played important roles in the political achievements that
Government of Canada relocated families from Pond Inlet, Northwest Ter-
resulted in the creation of Nunavut in 1999. In 2011, the permanent ham-
ritories, who call themselves Mittimatalingmiut or Tununirmiut, and fami-
let population was 214. Today, Resolute is the business, transportation, and
lies from Inukjuak, Quebec, known as Itivimiut, to the area. Afterwards,
communication centre for the High Arctic. It is also home to a Polar Con-
others moved to Resolute from Pond Inlet and Inukjuak to join family and
tinental Shelf research base that attracts scientists from all parts of Canada
Group of Inuit
children, Resolute
Bay, September 1959
friends who had been part of the relocations. By 1961, the combined Inuit
and around the world interested in High Arctic studies.
the airport and related facilities. This caused tensions within the commu-
canada
population in Resolute had reached 153, with a constant presence of a large
transient Qallunaat population (sometimes more than 300) associated with
nity, while also providing employment opportunities for Inuit.
Resolute is located on the south shore of Cornwallis Island, one of the
Queen Elizabeth Islands, in Canada’s High Arctic. Cornwallis is domeshaped and generally comprised of low-lying plains and plateaus that create
an almost featureless terrain scattered with rock debris. The highest point
on the island reaches 300 metres. Signal Hill, rising 195 metres, north of
Resolute, is one of the most prominent landmarks on the island. The island
also includes numerous small lakes of various depths and sizes. Strip and
Char Lakes provide water to the airport and residential areas respectively.
Numerous inlets and bays mark the coastline of Cornwallis Island, and the
watercourses between the islands provide important migratory routes for
marine mammals.
Archaeological evidence reveals Cornwallis Island was inhabited intermittently since 1500 BCE by Tuniit and by Thule as recently as 1000 CE
before they migrated away from the area. Ancestors of present-day Inuit did
not live in the region prior to the relocations in 1953 and 1955. While there
were no Inuit living on or near Cornwallis Island until the mid-twentieth
Resolute Bay | 401
century, Tununirmiut, Tununirusirmiut, and Iglulingmiut lived in the Pond
Inlet, Arctic Bay, and Igloolik regions respectively. Caribou were occasionally hunted on Prince of Wales Island, while seal and polar bears were hunted throughout the waters around Devon Island, Barrow Strait, and Prince
Regent Inlet. Trapping also took place along the coastlines of Somerset and
Devon Islands, and the Brodeur Peninsula.
The people relocated to Resolute in the 1950s originally came from
Pond Inlet on northern Baffin Island and from Inukjuak in northern Que-
opposite page:
Governor General’s
Northern Tour. Inuit
children learn the art
of setting a trap for the
Arctic fox, Resolute
Bay, March 1956
bec. Everyone had to adapt quickly to the new landscape and its resources.
Eventually their land use covered from the northern tip of Bathurst Island
canada
and Bellot Strait south of Somerset Island, to Prince Leopold Island in the
At first, they hunted and trapped along the coasts of Somerset and Prince of
Wales Islands, and travelled inland to the interior of Somerset Island where
caribou were bountiful. Beginning in the 1960s, people started trapping on
the southern coast of Cornwallis Island and outwards to Bathurst Island
during the winter. As they learned more about the region and grew more
familiar with the land, water, and ice, they began harvesting a wider area.
east and Barrow Strait in the west.
Ringed seals have been an important resource for Qausuitturmiut as
food and as skins used for clothing and trade. They are abundant throughout the straits, channels, and sounds surrounding Cornwallis and neighbouring islands. Barrow Strait, Wellington Channel, McDougall Sound,
Prince Regent Inlet, and Peel Sound also possess year-round populations of
seals. Bearded seals are found in the area throughout the year, but in lower
numbers than ringed seals, with their main hunting grounds being at Allen
Bay and McDougall Sound. Harp seals are of less importance because they
than those on the northern islands, and were preferred by Qausuitturmiut.
only appear for a short period in the summer.
In the late 1960s, the northern caribou herds moved away from previous
People initially had access to two major groups of caribou: a northern population on Bathurst, Little Cornwallis, and Cornwallis Islands; and
winter-feeding areas, resulting in Prince of Wales and Somerset islands becoming slightly more important as hunting grounds.
a southern population on Prince of Wales and Somerset Islands and the
Walrus found on Griffin Island were hunted regularly as a source of
islands around Peel Sound. The southern caribou were larger and darker
food for qimmiit until snowmobiles became more prevalent in the late
Resolute Bay | 403
1960s. Polar bears were hunted on the southeast tip of Somerset Island,
with Qallunaat institutions and culture, the extent to which those contacts
on Devon Island, and in the Ward River valley on Cornwallis Island. Most
had disrupted patterns of Inuit living and knowing varied. Inuit from Que-
bears were killed between February and May when travelling was easier.
bec were well-acquainted with the three institutions that played a large
Arctic fox were trapped all along the coastlines of Somerset Island and on
role in disrupting Inuit life—traders, missionaries, and RCMP. Trade had
the shores of Stanwell Fletcher Lake. In the later 1960s, trapping moved to
been prevalent throughout the area since the eighteenth century. Because
the southeast coast of Cornwallis Island and south coast of Bathurst Island.
of greater competition among trading companies in northern Quebec, trade
Numerous lakes, inlets, and river systems support sea-run or landlocked
had firmly rooted itself as the primary base of Itivimiut’s economy. Conse-
char on Cornwallis Island. Smaller animals, such as ptarmigans, geese,
quently, mobility patterns had changed as people centralized towards trade
ducks, and Arctic hare were also hunted during various seasons in conjunc-
centres, finding it easier to rely on furs and credit rather than on traditional
tion with the harvesting of other sea and land mammals.
hunting practices. At the same time, missionaries competed for religious
dominance through church and schools, but often failed to offer continued
Early Contacts
guidance. Little by little, traditional Inuit social structures and belief systems had fallen away. The RCMP was the only government representative
in the area taking any responsibility for local Inuit, albeit in a very limited
Although historically uninhabited by Inuit, explorers frequented Cornwallis
way, through small doses of social services and provisions. By the 1950s,
Island while searching for the Northwest Passage throughout the nine-
and the time of the relocations, many Itivimiut sent their children to school
teenth century. As part of his final voyage, Sir William Edward Parry visited
(thirty-nine children were reported in attendance in 1953) and had become
the island in 1819 and named it after the British Royal Navy Admiral Sir
exposed to a sustained Qallunaat presence.
William Cornwallis. In 1845, Sir John Franklin circumnavigated the island
People from Pond Inlet were less burdened by government involve-
during his own exploration of the area before he disappeared during his
ment in their lives, even if they had a very long history of trade. Whalers
Third Expedition. Numerous investigators searching for Franklin and his
from Scotland, England, and America had operated in the area since the
crew also visited the area. In 1850, Captain Horatio T. Austin on the HMS
nineteenth century and the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) had established
Resolute, for which Resolute and Resolute Bay are named, wintered at Grif-
a post at Pond Inlet in 1921. While trade played a role in their day-to-day
fin Island, southwest of Resolute Bay. The Resolute visited again, in 1852,
lives, Tununirmiut had yet to embrace settlement life. A school only opened
under the command of Sir William Belcher.
in the community in 1959, six years after the first families left the area and
were relocated to Resolute.
Once in Resolute, however, both groups found themselves in a new
landscape living close to strangers with different customs and expectations.
On top of this, an existing military and transportation base created addi-
Life prior to the relocations shaped the experiences of the people who even-
tional, foreign, and unexpected bureaucratic structures and cultural divi-
tually made Resolute their home. While all the relocatees had experience
sions in the community. Many Inuit were also shocked when they learned
Resolute Bay | 405
that they now faced strict game laws. The history of the military base and
including alcohol, and the RCMP likely felt more pressure under the eyes
the game laws provides important context for understanding the commu-
of southern employees to enforce rules, such as the Ordinance Respecting
nity’s history, and the new problems and cultural challenges the relocatees
Dogs.
In 1947, Canada and the United States established a joint Arctic
tent that they had not experienced before. Wildlife conservation, as a larger
weather station on the southern coast of Cornwallis Island at Resolute Bay.
movement, had been gaining momentum in Canada and the United States
The meteorological station was originally destined for Winter Harbour on
during the later half of the nineteenth century. It was spurred by the near
Department of
Transport helicopters
at Inuit village,
September 1959
Melville Island, but heavy ice conditions rerouted the ship. Resolute was
disappearance of bison from the Canadian and American plains, and the
chosen because the bay was generally clear of ice in the summer, which fa-
muskox from the Arctic mainland. Although nobody lived permanently in
canada
faced once they arrived.
cilitated the unloading of bulk supplies by sea. Cornwallis Island’s central
position within the Arctic Archipelago also made it an attractive location
for an airfield, which was built by engineers and army personnel as part of
the weather station project.
Two years later, in 1949, a RCAF base was established 3 kilometres
from the airstrip, becoming the new home for the weather station. The base
and airstrip remained the responsibility of the RCAF until 1964 when control was transferred to the Canadian Department of Transport (now Transport Canada, TC). The airfield became one of the most important in northern Canada, as it was useable throughout the year and had a large, paved
apron. It served as a supply hub for the military bases at Alert, Isachsen, and
Mould Bay on Ellesmere Island, Ellef Ringnes Island, and Prince Patrick Island respectively. In 1962, the airfield also became home to Atlas Aviation,
the first air company to be headquartered in the Arctic Islands.
With the relocations, the RCAF base was no longer isolated. As described
later in this report, the installation played a major part in the history of the
community. Qausuitturmiut received medical care at the base even though
the government never intended for medics to serve local populations. Qausuitturmiut also took advantage of excess construction materials for building houses and workshops in the settlement and several people eventually
worked at the base. The installation was also a critical factor in hastening
change in Resolute. The airfield facilitated consumption of southern goods,
Inuit relocated to Resolute were also affected by game laws to an ex-
Resolute Bay | 407
the High Arctic prior to the relocations, restrictions on Qallunaat hunting in
The creation of the Arctic Islands Game Preserve (AIGP) in 1926 ef-
the area had been in place since 1887. In July 1917, hunting restrictions were
fectively established permanent boundaries for a conservation area. It also
broadened through the Northwest Game Act to include Inuit. The Act was
aimed to establish Canadian control over the Canadian Arctic Archipelago
designed to protect muskox and further restrict the caribou-hunting season
by demonstrating a form of functional administration. The Preserve en-
throughout the Northwest Territories. It sought to regulate any “Indians
compassed the High Arctic islands, northwestern Baffin Island, islands as
or Eskimos who are bona fide inhabitants of the Northwest Territories” as
far west as Banks Island, and a small portion of the mainland. The AIGP
well as any “other bona fide inhabitants of the said territories, and . . . any
also further restricted Qallunaat hunting, trapping, trading, and traffick-
explorers or surveyors who are engaged in any exploration, survey or other
ing inside its boundaries. Qallunaat were not allowed to hunt without a
examination of the country.” Inhabitants, as described, were now permitted
special licence. In general, the regulations put in place by the Northwest
to take caribou, muskox, and bird eggs “only when such persons [were] ac-
Game Act still applied to local Inuit, and the relocatees were expected to
tually in need of such game or eggs to prevent starvation.” Through the Act,
follow the provisions of the AIGP. Since 1932, the RCMP had been staffed
the caribou-hunting season was limited to late summer and mid-winter. All
with enforcing the regulations, but was sporadic in doing so, as it depended
hunting of muskox was prohibited except in specific zones set out by the
on whether an officer perceived a legitimate “need” in any given situation.
government from time to time.
For their part, Inuit held little to no respect for the regulations and often
hunted muskox or caribou as they saw fit. Throughout the 1960s, they increasingly questioned the legitimacy of the legislation imposed on people
who had no voice in its creation. The AIGP was eventually disbanded in
1966, and in 1969, the ban on hunting muskox in the Northwest Territories
was rescinded.
Two men roofing
a building,
September 1959
1950–1960
canada
The game policies and the establishment of military bases in the Arctic were
only part of an escalating government presence in the Canadian North. Beginning during the Second World War, and increasingly evident in the immediate postwar period, the Canadian government became more directly
involved in the lives of the Inuit. It was cautious at first about interfering
Resolute Bay | 409
with Inuit trading and subsistence routines, but it became bolder when
no missions, only a benevolent Administration. In this way they
more Qallunaat and government services appeared in Qikiqtaaluk and
would be protected against everybody—except of course the gov-
other parts of the Arctic. To many officials and Canadians, change was in-
ernment. I asked who would protect them against the government
evitable and necessary. The desired direction and pace of change was never
but this was of course assumed to be a joke.
established with certainty, which made it difficult for anyone—Inuit, RCMP,
bureaucrats, businesses, and so on—to plan effectively.
A parallel view also held that colonization of the High Arctic by Inuit
Several factors motivated the government to take action, including the
would help assert Canadian sovereignty over the area. The United States
perception that Inuit were poor and vulnerable to starvation and the col-
had increased its presence in the Canadian North during the Second World
lapse of fur prices in 1949. However, a lack of effective communication and
War. In the postwar period, it had started building an equally strong mili-
colonial attitudes led to harmful decisions. The drop in fur prices after the
tary and scientific presence. In reporting on its inquiry into the history of
Second World War reduced Inuit incomes from furs by about 85%, while
the High Arctic Relocations, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples
the cost of goods doubled. The government saw the effect on relief costs in
(RCAP) explained:
areas where country food was scarce and people depended on store-bought
goods. Government officials were also concerned that the economic down-
This is not to say that sovereignty was necessarily of equal rank
turn in fur prices might drive traders, especially the HBC, out of the Arctic.
with the economic concerns that drove the relocation. It is to say,
This would leave a reluctant government with sole responsibility for ensur-
however, that sovereignty was a factor that, in the minds of some
ing that Inuit received emergency relief in times of hardship and for provid-
people who played key roles in the project, reinforced and sup-
ing them with access to manufactured goods, including rifles.
ported the relocation and contributed to the attractiveness in their
The federal government began pursuing an internal policy of “induc-
minds of a relocation to uninhabited islands in the High Arctic.
ing” Inuit from areas deemed to be overpopulated to move to places where
game was thought to be more plentiful. Reinforcing this policy was a con-
Crucial to the relocation plan was the presence of RCMP detachments.
current and paternalistic idea that Inuit not already heavily exposed to Qal-
Police officers could provide supplies and help to Inuit, monitor the success
lunaat institutions and ways of life would be better off living farther away
of the experiment, and represent a strong Canadian presence.
from Qallunaat influences. Relocating Inuit to keep them relatively isolated
The government first tried High Arctic relocations in 1934 when ten
with easier access to game would help the government prevent rising costs
families from Cape Dorset, Pangnirtung, and Pond Inlet were relocated to
associated with Inuit “dependence” on government relief services. As gov-
Dundas Harbour on Devon Island and placed under the care of the HBC.
ernment official, Graham Rowley stated in a memorandum concerning a
The experiment was short-lived, as the environment was considered too
relocation plan to Arviat on Hudson Bay:
severe and the relocated families were dissatisfied with life there. The relocatees were later transferred to Arctic Bay and Fort Ross. The RCMP also
So far as I can determine the idea is to get Eskimos and to put them
attempted seasonal relocations in the early 1950s near the community of
where nobody else can get to them, no [Hudson’s Bay] company,
Inukjuak. Inuit hunters were persuaded to move to the nearby King George
Resolute Bay | 411
and Sleeper Islands on the Belchers during the fall months in order to di-
expected that “resourceful trappers” would be chosen or volunteer for relo-
minish pressure on local game. The local RCMP considered this short-term,
cations. Evidence shows, however, that families who were the most depen-
short-distance relocation policy a success, but the government remained
dent on government assistance were more likely to be relocated.
concerned about access to game.
Oral testimonies from the RCAP and testimonies collected by the
In 1952, the Canadian government decided to make another attempt at
Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA) and the Qikiqtani Truth Commission
permanent relocation to the High Arctic. Resolute Bay on Cornwallis Island
(QTC) show that Inuit were afraid of RCMP officers and felt pressured to
and Craig Harbour and Bache Peninsula on Ellesmere Island were chosen
move. George Eckalook, whose family was relocated from Inukjuak in 1955,
as potential relocation sites. They were purported to be plentiful in game,
told the QIA that his parents at first “did not agree to the move, but later on
although no wildlife studies had been conducted there and no Inuit had
they agreed but in their hearts, they were reluctant to leave . . . We left our
lived in the area for centuries. Bache Peninsula was eventually abandoned
relatives, close relatives.” Simeonie Amagoalik, also from Inukjuak, told the
as a potential location because the site was too difficult to access.
QIA that he felt pressured to relocate as well. “It seemed like I had no other
The Inuit targeted for relocation were those living in northern Quebec,
choice but to say yes.” Many people remember receiving little or no detail
specifically the Inukjuak area. Officials reported that people in Inukjuak
on the way the relocations would work, especially that families were going
were having difficulty sustaining themselves due to a lack of sufficient game,
to be divided between different communities. These factors strongly negate
but the problems they faced were more complicated than that. Northern
the idea that the moves were voluntary.
Quebec had seen multiple trade companies vying for Inuit customers for
Some government agents were concerned from the outset that the relo-
decades. As a result, the companies competed with one another by offering
cation experiments might not work. To alleviate their concerns, the Federal
high prices on fur, low prices on goods, and easy credit. As a result, people
Administrator of the Arctic, Alexander Stevenson, stated that, if after two
spent more time trapping for trade, which increased their dependency on
years relocatees were “dissatisfied or unhappy in their new environment
store-bought food and clothes purchased on credit against social benefits,
they could return to Port Harrison [Inukjuak].” The RCMP officers in-
especially family allowance. They lived near or in settlements, and often
volved in the planning and implementation of the relocation made a similar
their children attended school. Therefore, when fur prices dropped, many
promise. Henry Larsen, the officer commanding the “G” Division (the Arc-
families struggled to pay for food and other necessities, and this alarmed
tic Division) promised that “families will be brought home at the end of one
the government.
year if they so desire.” These promises were never honoured. It was not until
The question of consent in High Arctic relocations is a contentious issue.
1996, following the RCAP recommendations and other political initiatives
When making the decision about relocating people, evidence firmly points to
that relocatees were given compensation and an opportunity to be returned
the fact that Inuit were never fully informed of options or potential conse-
home. The circumstances surrounding government motivations to move, as
quences. Inuit were reluctant to relocate for many reasons, including the
well as consent and promises made are fully explored in the RCAP report,
very real and understandable fear of losing a connection to their homeland.
The High Arctic Relocation: A Report of the 1953–55 Relocation.
Although the government and RCMP referred to the relocatees as “volun-
In early September 1953, three Inukjuak families and one Pond In-
teers,” the selection of families fell to individual officers. The government
let family, along with their qimmiit and personal possessions, arrived by
Resolute Bay | 413
ship at the southern shore of Cornwallis Island. Constable Gibson, who had
the same difference between Toronto, Ontario, and Miami, Florida. Reso-
brought with him the equipment required to establish an RCMP detach-
lute also experienced three months of total darkness, much more extreme
ment and small RCMP store, accompanied them. No site had previously
temperatures, different ice conditions, and different animal patterns. In
been selected for the settlement; the only stipulation was that they could
northern Quebec, some wood was available for building supplies and for
not establish themselves too close to the RCAF property. In the end, the
fuel. Itivimiut had also been accustomed to attending school, worshipping,
detachment, store, and settlement were established 8 kilometres from the
trading, and receiving medical care within developed settlements. Pond In-
base and weather station.
let was 566 kilometres away from Resolute, well above the tree line, and
most Tununirmiut still resided in ilagiit nunagivaktangit.
List of families relocated to
Resolute in 1953
Family
Origin
Jaybeddie Amagoalik and his wife Kanoinoo, with their son
Ekaksak and two daughters Merrari and Sippora.
Pond Inlet
Daniel Salluviniq and his wife Sarah, with their son Allie, and two
daughters Louisa and Jeannie.
Inukjuak
Simeonie Amagoalik and his wife Sarah, their son Paul (born
on the C. D. Howe), Simeonie’s brother Jaybeddie, and his
grandmother Nellie.
Inukjuak
Alex Patsauq and his wife Edith, with their three sons Markoosie,
Johnny, and Jimmy, and daughter Lizzie.
Inukjuak
People also had difficulty finding food. The Inukjuak Inuit were accustomed to a varied subsistence diet that included birds and their eggs,
fish, whales, seals, walrus, and caribou. When the relocated families arrived
in Resolute in September, walrus had already migrated out of range, there
were restrictions on hunting the few caribou in the area, and the fish in local
streams and lakes were inedible due to parasites. John Amagoalik later told
the QTC, “The men had to learn about this new environment because they
just didn’t know where to go hunting. Were there any fish? Were there any
caribou? We didn’t know any of this.” The limited supply of caribou hides
for clothing was serious and was compounded by inadequate ammunition
supplies, cold temperatures, and three months of darkness, which began
only two months after their arrival.
Table 1: Names and their spelling are based on 1990 Makivik documents.
The hardships of the first years are seared into the memories of those
who experienced them. Dora Pudluk told the QIA that when she arrived, “I
found it scary . . . the dark season frightened me. I came here when it was
cold and dark. There wasn’t really a real home and it was starting to get
dark at that time.” Allie Salluviniq told the QIA that her parents had a simi-
Jaybeddie Amagoalik’s family from Pond Inlet was included in the re-
lar first impression. “It was hard at first, cold and they did not know how to
location because the government felt that they would be able to help the
hunt for animals up here because they were different from northern Quebec
other families adapt to a more northern environment. The climate at Pond
animals, the way the animals up here migrated or where the animals were.”
Inlet was somewhat similar to that of Resolute. It is important to remember
Added on top of all of these challenges were the loss of friendships and
how different life in the High Arctic was from northern Quebec. The distance
kinships with the move and the cultural and language differences between
between Inukjuak and Resolute was over 2,250 kilometres, approximately
the Pond Inlet and Inukjuak groups. These differences created significant
Resolute Bay | 415
barriers between the people of Pond Inlet and Inukjuak. Being from Inukjuak,
The government, as can be seen in a letter from F. J. G. Cunningham,
Minnie Allakariallak remembered how difficult it was communicating with
Director of the Department of Resources and Development, provided only
the people from Pond Inlet. Her experiences were captured by the RCAP in
limited support. In response to Constable Gibson’s report on the poor con-
1993.
dition of the Inuit tents, James Cantley, an advisor for the relocation experiment, commented, “As the Eskimos had quite evidently been living in the
They were not told that they would be joined in Resolute Bay by
same tents before they went to Resolute, it is not considered that the condi-
people from Pond Inlet. The people from Pond Inlet were Inuit
tions they met with there were any more unpleasant than those they left.”
and so they had affection for them but they had great difficulty
The assumption that supplies suitable for the climate of northern Quebec
understanding each other. The Pond Inlet Inuit thought that the
were also suitable for Resolute implies either a lack of concern with regard
Inukjuak Inuit were speaking English because their dialects were
to the relocatee’s well-being, or ignorance of the northern environment.
so different. The Inukjuak people never knew where the Pond In-
Nevertheless, in the face of all these challenges, the families worked hard to
let people were going or what they were planning to do.
establish a settlement at Resolute.
A month after their arrival, in October 1953, Constable Gibson report-
Many of the families from Pond Inlet had also been told that the people
ed that people were still residing in tents but preparing to construct winter
from Inukjuak were poor and used to living on relief, but the Inukjuak Inuit
residences. He also reported that a building had been constructed out of
did not consider themselves to be poor or in need. Added to this was the
materials obtained from the weather station dump to be used as a com-
expectation by relocatees from Pond Inlet that they would be compensated
munity centre for drying pelts and clothing, as a workshop, and as a church.
for helping the Inukjuak people adapt to the northern environment. No
Gibson also reported that he would be using the building during the coming
payment was ever received, which likely fuelled resentment over the reloca-
dark season as a classroom. He hoped that it would help provide distraction
tions and the situation in which they found themselves. One anthropologist
for the Inukjuak children who had never experienced a dark season. He also
recorded that “indifference, ridicule, and even hostility were not uncommon
ordered a number of supplies and materials for carving.
features of intergroup relations.”
The following spring, many families expressed an interest to leave.
The RCMP reported that the hardships were “owing to a lack of supplies
They had been given assurances that they would be allowed to return to
and inadequate equipment.” This was an understatement. When they first
their homes in Inukjuak or Pond Inlet after a year or two if they did not like
arrived, they had no water transportation with the exception of two small
the new location. This had been a condition put in place by Superintendent
one-man kayaks, no storage space, and no stores, and their tents were in
Larsen, who had witnessed from the RCMP detachment ship St. Roch in
very poor condition. In fact, Constable Gibson reported shortages totalling
1942, how Inuit who had been relocated to Dundas Harbour were unhappy
more than $1,000 worth of goods and had to ask the RCAF for assistance
and wanted to return home. Many people remember this promise being
in the form of accommodations for himself, storage space for his supplies,
made. Allie Salluviniq told the QIA, “My parents were promised that if they
and transportation of the supplies from the beach to the RCAF storehouse.
wanted to go back to their original home in northern Quebec, after two
Constable Gibson also relied completely on the RCAF for medical supplies.
years they would be returning back home.” Despite Larsen’s promise, this
Resolute Bay | 417
was not considered as a serious option by the government, who wanted to
thirty-four more people were relocated from Inukjuak and Pond Inlet to
see the relocations succeed. Rather, the government discouraged Qausuit-
Resolute under the same government relocation program. Joseph Idlout
turmiut from formally requesting to return. John Amagoalik told the QTC:
and his family, including his daughter Leah, were included in the 1955 relocatees from Pond Inlet. Idlout was the subject of a National Film Board
That spring the RCMP was told by our community adults that
(NFB) documentaries, Land of the Long Day, filmed at Pond Inlet in 1952,
the group wanted to return to Inukjuak because life was too dif-
and Between Two Worlds, filmed in 1990. He was once considered one of
ficult. They missed their families. They missed their home. They
the most well-known Inuit and his picture was used on the back of the
missed their food, the kind of food that they were used to. They
Canadian $2 bill.
told the RCMP that next spring the families wanted to go back
home . . . The response was that they were sorry, there was nothing they could do and that we would have to stay there. . . . [The
RCMP] said that if we were lonely for our family members perhaps they could be persuaded to come here as well.
A few years later, RCMP claimed that people were no longer requesting
to go home, but were interested in having their family and friends join them
in Resolute. However, there is much evidence that life remained difficult for
the relocatees. Martha Flaherty told the RCAP of the stress and homesickness her family experienced.
I remember the men being out for months . . . and the women and
children were left alone in the community to fend for themselves. I
remember my parents always yearning for food. They were crying
for fish, berries, game birds, and things that were just not available
up there . . . It is also very important for people to understand the
complete and utter isolation that we experienced. We were completely cut off from the world for the first three or four years; no
way of communicating with our families and friends back home.
List of families relocated to
Resolute in 1955
Family
Origin
Johnnie Echalook and his wife Minnie, their daughters Lizzie,
Rynee, Dora, Mary, and Leah, and their son George. Andrew
and Jackoosie Iqaluk (brothers-in-law), Mawa, Martha, Emily,
and Mary (all unidentified relation) were also relocated under
Echalook’s care.
Inukjuak
Levi Nungak and his wife Alici, their three daughters Annie,
Minnie, and Anna, and their son Philipusie.
Inukjuak
Joseph Idlout and his family, including Leah Idlout-Paulson and
Susan Salluvinik (daughters).
Pond Inlet
Horatio Kudloo, his wife Lydia, and their children Ooingot, Ludy,
Andrew, Ootook, Mary, Isaac, Nathaniel, and Martha (names
provided by John Amagoalik, Executive Advisor, QIA).
Pond Inlet
Table 2: Names and their spelling are based on 1990 Makivik documents unless
otherwise noted.
By the spring of 1954, Qausuitturmiut were gathering scrap and sur-
Since the new arrivals also needed homes, materials for three houses
plus wood from the RCAF base and the dump to build homes. In 1955,
were shipped to Resolute in 1955. These materials arrived both too late and
Resolute Bay | 419
in too poor condition. Other supplies were damaged and the majority of the
food was spoiled. The following year, however, three buildings were constructed using salvageable materials—a community store, a warehouse, and
a school. By 1957, Qausuitturmiut had constructed eleven makeshift houses
along the beach out of scrap government materials and materials taken
from the military base and dump. The base also provided enough electricity
to the village for each house to run a single light.
Constable Gibson reported in 1958 that all Inuit at Resolute were living
in well-constructed houses they had built from scrap lumber. He noted that
families moved into tents during the summer while fixing up their houses.
By 1960, Qausuitturmiut had built fourteen houses. Some families, however, chose to live away from the settlement. Between 1955 and 1960, three
or four families occupied an ilagiit nunagivaktangat called Kuvinajuq on
Somerset Island at Bellot Strait and Creswell Bay. The island had long been
a historical hunting ground for caribou, and Kuvinajuq was a popular occupation site.
Physical divisions persisted in the settlement that reinforced racial
and socio-economic differences. The RCAF base and the TC weather station were out of bounds to Inuit unless they worked there and the ilagiit
nunagivaktangit and settlement were out of bounds to Qallunaat personnel.
The Department of National Defence (DND) and the RCAF had not been
told about the relocations ahead of time, and reported to the Department
of Northern Affairs and National Resources that they would not be responsible for providing housing, food, clothing, or medical attention to Inuit. In
addition, they warned that Inuit would have to demonstrate good working
behaviour before being hired at the base. Even after a few Qausuitturmiut
were hired, Qallunaat were still not allowed to visit the settlement and Qau-
higher than any other bosses because they were very scary.” George Ecka-
suitturmiut women and children were effectively prohibited from leaving it.
look also recalled that even though there were other Qallunaat in the area,
Resolute airbase from
behind, 1960
The RCMP officer at Resolute worked as a communications link between
“it was only the RCMP that we dealt with.” Constable Gibson reported that
nwt archives
the base, the government, and Qausuitturmiut. David Kalluk remembered
these rules were generally followed without any problems. This certainly
for the QTC, the “RCMP were the leaders back then. They seemed to be
suited the government.
Resolute Bay | 421
was temporary and seasonal. Many Qausuitturmiut were hired in the spring
to assist in loading and unloading air-lifted supplies. In 1960, four men
had permanent jobs—one as a teacher and three with the RCAF Survival
School. The men employed by the RCAF were picked because they were the
top hunters in Resolute and were declared “deserving [of ] employment and
the benefits that accompany wage employment.” Wage employment at the
in place of local men. The availability of wage employment challenged the
Resolute Bay resident
Edith Patsauq playing
the concertina,
March 1956
reasons why people were relocated in the first place, namely to live indepen-
dent of Qallunaat interference.
canada
base provided a solid income and access to various base benefits, including
easy access to the base canteen. Employment at the base was unreliable,
however. Qallunaat summer students were hired on at least one occasion
Residents watch
cargo being landed,
September 1959
there was no HBC post nearby. Instead, the government assumed respon-
officer acting as de facto trader for the community. The trade store run by
canada
Unlike other Inuit communities, people had to adjust to the fact that
sibility for acquiring and shipping goods to Resolute, with the local RCMP
Constable Gibson provided the only trading opportunities at Resolute.
From the outset, Resolute was part of a mixed economy, with many
Qausuitturmiut balancing wage employment at the base and weather station
with hunting and income from carving and trapping. Most wage employment
Resolute Bay | 423
store, although the credit system appears to have been poorly managed, and
many Qausuitturmiut allege that they often worked without remuneration.
This system changed when a co-op was founded in November 1960.
1960–1975
By the 1960s, the community of Resolute had gained a sense of permanence
and was starting to feel less like an artificial settlement. The federal government officially ended its relocation policy early in the decade, citing insufficient game resources in the area. Inuit continued to move from Pond Inlet
and Inukjuak, now without government assistance, in order to be with family members already established in Resolute. At the same time, however,
some Itivimiut formally petitioned to return to northern Quebec. In other
instances, Inuit from Arctic Bay, Bellot Strait, Spence Bay, and Grise Fiord
temporarily moved to Resolute for a year or two before settling in another
Edith Patsauq plays
the concertina for
a group of dancing
boys, March 1956
By 1963, there were nine permanent full-time positions, including two
community. Newcomers and natural population increases boosted Reso-
janitors, three assistant mechanics, three employees of the Survival School,
lute’s Inuit population from 89 in 1961 to 154 by 1967. This period also saw
and one caretaker for the government buildings and facilities. Most of the
a change in government attitudes towards Inuit. Officials and politicians
other men in Resolute were able to find temporary jobs with the RCAF,
developed a newfound interest in what they termed the “welfare” of Inuit.
TC, the newly arrived Polar Continental Shelf Project, or various other gov-
During the 1960s and 1970s, a number of government programs aimed at
canada
ernment and exploration initiatives visiting the area. In the winter, many
education, health care, and housing were introduced throughout the Arctic.
Qausuitturmiut worked on soapstone carvings and handicrafts when they
Health care services were slow to arrive at Resolute. The RCMP had
were not hunting. In many cases, Qausuitturmiut were not always paid
been tasked with looking after the health of Qausuitturmiut, including
their wages directly, but rather received “credits” from the government via
making sure that people were given routine, seasonal check-ups. Medical
the RCMP. Qausuitturmiut could then spend their credits at the RCMP-run
staff visited once a year on the Arctic patrol ship C.D. Howe to provide
Resolute Bay | 425
annual X-rays and vaccinations and determine who would be evacuated to
when they felt the most people would be at home. The RCAF then evacuated
southern tuberculosis sanatoriums. In his book, John Amagoalik recalled
any serious cases via aircraft that was scheduled to land every two weeks. A
how almost everyone in his family, including himself, was sent to hospitals
temporary nursing station was erected in 1968, and a nurse from the Tower
in the south for treatment.
Company, the organization in charge of maintaining the RCAF base, staffed it.
The huge Qallunaat presence also brought with it easier access to al-
[Tuberculosis] was a scourge in our communities then. Many of
cohol, with its own consequences for community health. Alcohol also had
our parents ended up getting back on the ship and getting shipped
a terrible impact on family life. As early as 1961, the RCAF had restricted
out to recover in southern hospitals. I think in the first two years,
access to purchasing alcohol at the base canteen. By 1962, the RCMP re-
about five or six adults and some children were taken on the ship
ported that the restrictions “helped the people, although some will disagree,
and sent south. My older brother was one of them, and my mother
in their homelife [sic] and work. The women are pretty well all agreed that
was another . . . My younger brother Jimmy was away for two years.
the move was a good one and are quite happy to see it remain that way. Most
Later I was also treated at the Charles Camsell Hospital in Ed-
state that the home and village life has been much better since the move
monton for two years.
was made.” As Martha Idlout told the QTC, there was initially no regulation
on alcohol, and “the whole town would be drunk for a whole week” when a
Unfortunately, however, the ship sometimes brought infectious diseas-
shipment of alcohol came in.
es with it. In 1957, the C.D. Howe was forced to stop at Resolute after a num-
Since their arrival at Resolute, Qausuitturmiut had been constructing
ber of its Inuit passengers had contracted measles. The infected passengers
houses from scrap materials scavenged from the military and weather sta-
were off-loaded on the shore near the settlement, but despite efforts to keep
tion dumps, as well as from materials supplied by the government. By 1960,
the populations separated, the disease quickly infected Qausuitturmiut.
there were fourteen houses reported to be in good condition by the RCMP
Resolute’s military and transportation installations proved to be a mixed
in the settlement. The new co-op, founded in 1960, provided a new avenue
blessing for Inuit health. The RCMP often received support and medicine
for Qausuitturmiut to purchase housing materials. In 1964, an additional
from the RCAF medic. Nurses travelling to High Arctic communities often
four houses were erected, bringing the total number of houses to eighteen.
passed through the base at Resolute and sometimes took time to examine
An Anglican church was built in 1965 with a lay preacher from Pond Inlet
people. The closeness of the settlement to the RCAF base also allowed for
conducting the services. Mail was delivered to the airport terminal twice
emergency extraction of patients with serious illnesses to Iqaluit or other
weekly and communications were provided by the Bell Canada Anik satel-
health care centres, weather permitting. Women with pregnancy complica-
lite system. By the end of the 1960s, the new townsite had a population
tions were often sent to Churchill, Manitoba, for treatment. However, the
of 169 Inuit and 18 Qallunaat, while the military population was entirely
proximity of such a large number of Qallunaat also resulted in frequent illness
non-Inuit and fluctuated from around 300 in the summer to less than 100
and influenza outbreaks among Qausuitturmiut. Beginning in 1961, weekly
in the winter.
medical calls were made to all Qausuitturmiut houses by the RCMP, accom-
While daily life was very different in the settlement than at the military
panied by an RCAF medic. This usually took place on Saturday mornings
base, Terry Jenkin, a former RCMP officer in the community, remembers
Resolute Bay | 427
that that “there were exceptions . . . Inuit were invited to the station to the
up at all times. Resolute was always intended as an Inuit settlement, not as
Christmas party. Entertainment troops came in [and] Inuit were invited [to
a Qallunaat enclave, but no allowance was made for combining centralized
attend].” Ludy Pudluk moved to Resolute as a teenager and worked for the
living with Inuit hunting practices. The impact was seen almost immediate-
RCAF as a young man. “I started picking up English. They helped me out . . .
ly on the number of qimmiit and on the treatment of qimmiit by authorities.
I am glad they were friendly and they would repeat what they were saying so
As Resolute’s population increased, more qimmiit were living in the
I could understand.” Dora Pudluk had a different experience. “[The RCMP]
community. This resulted in a greater potential for human-qimmiit conflict.
were welcoming but the people from the Air Force were not very friendly.
A 1959 RCMP report mentioned that many qimmiit were running loose and
They used to be told to donate food but they never did. Even though they
enforcement of the Ordinance was necessary, but details about the method
seemed to be welcoming, behind our backs they were not very friendly. It is
of “enforcement” were left unstated. The only practical option for enforce-
something we were not very happy with.”
ment would have been killing the qimmiit; chaining or muzzling working
The balance between wage employment and hunting shifted in the
qimmiit was not an option. Qausuitturmiut clearly recall what happened
1960s. In 1963, many people at Resolute were concerned about the effect
to their qimmiit when authorities decided to enforce the Ordinance. Dora
the transfer of the RCAF station to TC would have on Inuit employment
Padluk told the QTC about the day her husband’s qimmiit were shot be-
opportunities. After the transfer in April 1964, full-time permanent em-
cause some were loose. She remembers that her puppies were killed at the
ployment decreased but employment overall remained the same. By the end
same time, even though they were tied up.
of the year, five Inuit were employed in permanent positions—one with TC,
one with the AANDC, and three with the Tower Foundation in labour posi-
The puppies I was raising were tied up, they had grabbed the dogs
tions. Most others were able to find seasonal work with government agen-
by the rope they were tied up with, they were still alive and had
cies, the Marine Branch, the Polar Continental Shelf Project, or the RCAF
already been shot and put them in the garbage by hanging them
Survival School.
up. I was very mad, they were laughing at the same time, while
The increasing demand for Inuit labour provided significant boosts to
putting my puppies in the garbage. . . . I couldn’t talk to them be-
Qausuitturmiut income but also reduced the amount of time available for
cause I couldn’t speak English. I remember being mad at them for
hunting. The use of new technologies, such as motor boats and snowmo-
laughing when killing the puppies.
biles, made it easier for Qausuitturmiut to work and hunt. Changes in the
use of technology for hunting can be seen in information collected by the
Inuit appear to have found ways to replace qimmiit or keep them out
RCMP in 1958 and 1963. In 1958, there were more than a hundred qim-
of the community as much as possible. Within a few years, however, many
miit, four motor boats, and a handful of “canoes” and rowboats. By 1964,
Qausuitturmiut began investing in snowmobiles and motor boats. The in-
RCMP reported eighty qimmiit, seven having died from rabies, a number of
creased income afforded by wage employment helped encourage this trend.
“canoes” and row boats, fifteen motor boats, and eleven snowmobiles. The
Anthropologist David Damas records that by 1966 the community counted
sharp decline in qimmiit can be attributed to an increased enforcement of
only one full-time hunter, although most wage-employed men also hunted
the Ordinance Respecting Dogs. The ordinance called for qimmiit to be tied
for food when they were not working. While employment could provide
Resolute Bay | 429
the means to purchase new goods, such as snowmobiles and better hunting
RCMP detachment, a primary school (grades one to six), two churches, a
equipment, there were also significant problems with the system. In 1966,
community hall, a library, a post office, a bank, a curling rink, a theatre, a hotel,
the co-op was unable to manage stocks to meet demands, and owed be-
an HBC store, and an Inuit co-operative. On a map, it appeared isolated as
tween $19,000 and $33,000 to suppliers. At the same time, many families
one of Canada’s most northerly communities, but in reality it was well con-
owed the co-op between $500 and $1,500. In December 1971, a local HBC
nected through its airport and its popularity with the scientific community.
store opened in Resolute.
Problems with drifting snow, the need to move the settlement out from
under the airport approach line, and a desire to integrate all residential
areas led to discussions about the development of a new townsite. The famous and talented architect Ralph Erskine (from England and Sweden)
was eventually hired to design the new town and buildings. He envisaged a
During the 1970s, Resolute underwent significant change as it transformed
community for seven hundred people, Inuit and Qallunaat, composed of a
from a supply base for Arctic military and weather stations to a major base
set of family residential units embraced by a wall of three-storey apartment
for the trans-shipment of personnel and equipment to remote drilling or
buildings surrounding the community. In the end, at least one of Erskine’s
mine exploration sites. While researchers and geologists seeking natural
structures was built—an apartment building that was in use as a hotel in
resources had been travelling to the High Arctic for decades, the world-
2011.
wide energy crisis of the 1970s accelerated the search for oil and gas near
With the exception of the airport residential area, any useful buildings
Cornwallis Island. Resolute’s airport became the largest and busiest airport
were moved approximately 3 kilometres from the western shore to the east-
in the Arctic Circle, acting as a major jumping-off point for the huge influx
ern shore of Resolute Bay in the summer of 1975. The new location provided
of transients visiting the area each year. Between 1966 and 1971, the num-
improved water and sewage infrastructure, as well as room for the planned
ber of aircraft moving through Resolute increased from two thousand to
community with its ring-road. The previous settlement site was generally
thirteen thousand. Scheduled weekly flights to Resolute from Edmonton,
abandoned, with only a few unusable buildings and the cemetery remaining.
Montreal, and Winnipeg began in 1973.
Prior to the relocation, few houses in the settlement had running water—
By the early 1970s, Resolute was divided into three separate areas: the
many Qausuitturmiut got their water by tapping icebergs, gathering snow,
Inuit settlement (originally called the Eskimo Village), the airport, and an
or fetching water in the summer from Char Lake. At the new townsite, fuel
industrial and residential sector called South Camp, where contractors and
and water were delivered once a week and garbage was picked up weekly by
employees of the base lived and worked. Located between the settlement
truck in the summer and by snowmobile and sled in the winter. Electricity
and the airport, South Camp primarily served the transient Qallunaat
was improved, and television arrived in the community in 1975. A number of
population with a bunkhouse, repair shop, and storage facilities, but it was
new prefabricated houses, serviced by the utilidor system (an above-ground
also the location of the HBC and the local school. In 1974, the settlement’s
chase for public utilities, such as power and water), were also erected.
permanent population was around two hundred. Its thirty-two households
The new townsite was not without its problems. It was located further
were served by good marine and air transportation, a nursing station, an
inland from Resolute Bay, making it more difficult for Qausuitturmiut to
Resolute Bay | 431
observe migrating marine mammals from town. Travel to the ice floe also
the opening of Cominco’s Avarik (Polaris) mine until 1980, and led to the
became cumbersome because equipment had to be hauled across land to
eventual acquisition of mineral rights in Nunavut Land Claims Agreements.
the boats. Saroomie Manik told the QTC that she preferred the older settle-
Many people at Resolute never forgot the impact of the High Arctic
ment location:
relocation programs. It not only affected those who were moved, but also
those left behind as well as succeeding generations born in Resolute. Dur-
I was satisfied with the way it was set up [before 1975]. I’m sorry
ing the 1970s and into the 1980s, many Qausuitturmiut petitioned the gov-
we moved [to the new settlement]. We were close to the shore and
ernment to return to Inukjuak and Pond Inlet. In 1988, the government
we are too far from the shore right now. When you come here in
paid for many to return home. In 1996, the Canadian government signed
the late spring, when you don’t have transportation, it gets more
a Memorandum of Agreement with the Makivik Corporation acknowledg-
difficult to bring supplies up. This is the part I don’t like about the
ing the contributions of the relocated Inuit to a “Canadian presence” in the
relocation from the other settlement.
High Arctic and the “hardship, suffering and loss” encountered during the
initial years of the relocation. While the Agreement led to $10 million being
During 1970s, Qausuitturmiut became more and more politically ac-
awarded to the survivors of the relocation, the government refused to issue
tive, effectively protesting some of the natural resource development in the
a formal apology. Many people in Resolute, as well as others who were relo-
region. A number of Inuit leaders were residents of Resolute, including
cated as part of the government programs, are still waiting for an apology.
John Amagoalik, who played a major role in establishing Inuit rights and in
As John Amagoalik told the QTC:
the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement. Two other leaders of note are Ludy
Pudluk and Simeonie Amagoalik, both of whom provided testimony to the
The relocation issue, our particular relocation issue, has been
QTC, albeit about community life rather than their direct political experi-
dealt with but not completely. We did receive a compensation
ences. Pudluk represented the High Arctic as a member of the Legislation
package from the Government of Canada [but]this issue is not
Council of the Northwest Territories for almost twenty years. He advocated
closed until that apology comes . . . I think an official acknowledge-
for improvements to all types of services, including education and game
ment and a sincere apology is very much needed because, the In-
laws, and sought direct Inuit involvement in decision-making. Simeonie Ama-
uit, they do want to forgive people who did this. You can’t forgive
goalik advocated for numerous environmental and political issues related
someone who doesn’t acknowledge what happened. So they need
to resource development. In the 1970s, caribou populations significantly
to acknowledge, they need to apologize so we can at least have the
declined on Bathurst Island. At the same time, companies such as Panarctic
opportunity to forgive them. In order for forgiveness to be given
Oils Limited and Cominco Limited were trying to develop natural resources
there must be truth and an acknowledgement of what happened.
through seismic testing and mining near Resolute. Many Qausuitturmiut
felt this was scaring away the caribou populations. Various Inuit groups
Today, Resolute is a growing Inuit community and an important centre
became involved, including the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada (ITC) and the
for exploration and scientific research in Canada’s Arctic. The community
Inuit Development Corporation (IDC). This political engagement delayed
boasts four hotels and serves as a jumping-off point for expeditions to the
Resolute Bay | 433
In 1974, Simeonie Amarualik, Walter Audla, and Peter Paniloo wrote a
letter to Jean Chretien, Minister of Indian and Northern Affairs, about the
government’s approval of a seismic program on Bathurst Island that Inuit
believed would affect animals that they hunted. They eloquently pointed
out the hypocrisy evident in the decision, especially in the context of a com-
View of Resolute Bay
munity created by the government expressly to hunt. They also set out, in
nwt archives, photo
clear terms, how a government that repeatedly used technical studies as the
taken by h. j. gerein
rationale to limit Inuit activities decided to ignore technical studies when it
came to mineral development. They asked the minister “to listen to [their]
voices” and provided a very succinct summary of the history of their community that will also serve as the conclusion for this community history.
The people who now live in Resolute Bay were re-located there
by the federal government in 1953. Some of us came from several
North Pole, Quttinirtaaq National Park and various Franklin Expedition
thousand miles away, from Pond Inlet and from Port Harrison in
tours. It remains home to ancient glaciers and vast stretches of untouched
northern Quebec.
Arctic landscapes.
It was very hard to leave our friends and our relations and to
Resolute is also a community with a remarkable, albeit short, history
move to a different place, thousands of miles away. In fact, many
that is relevant to understanding Inuit life today in all parts of Canada. The
of us did not want to move at all. But the federal government, rep-
relocation of Inuit from Pond Inlet and Inukjuak in 1953 and 1955 set in
resented by the RCMP, told us that the game would be plentiful
motion the building of a living community connected to the land, sea, and
in Resolute Bay, and they told us that we should live there for two
ice. Qallunaat installations were important for the development of Resolute
years and then decide whether we wanted to stay or not. After
as a transportation hub, but it was the labour and initiative of Inuit that
two years when some of us wanted to move back to our homes,
created and sustained the community. Qausuitturmiut have not forgotten
the federal government refused to pay our way. So we stayed in
the traumatic events surrounding the relocation and the effects of the ordi-
Resolute Bay - and it became our home. We lived in Resolute Bay,
nance and other policies that changed their lives. Residents took advantage
we hunted there, we married there, we had our children there and
of the language and social skills they learned working with Qallunaat. They
we became a part of the community there. Now Resolute Bay is
found ways to survive the darker elements of living next to the frontierlike
our home and we do not want to leave it.
transportation base at South Camp. In the process, the survival of the community was ensured, and equally important for Qikiqtaaluk, a leadership
emerged that was critical for forging a path to gain Inuit rights.
Sanikiluaq
S
anikiluaq, named North Camp until 1975, is located on Hudson’s Bay,
north of James Bay. The hamlet, with a population just over eight
hundred, sits on Eskimo Harbour at the northern end of Flaherty Is-
land, the largest of the Belcher Islands. It is the southernmost community in
Nunavut and is located only 150 kilometres from the west coast of Nunavik.
The Belchers consist of a set of about 1,500 rocky islands that rarely
reach above 125 metres in elevation. They stretch approximately 90 kilometres north to south and 75 kilometres east to west, with Flaherty Island
winding through the core of the area. The community itself is named after
the leader of an ilagiit nunagivaktangit that was located there.
The people call themselves Sanikiluarmiut, meaning “people of the
islands.” They have had a relatively short history of direct Qallunaat involvement in their affairs and share a long history with Quebec Inuit. Until the
early twentieth century, Sanikiluarmiut travelled great distances to the Ungava region of Quebec to trade at the Hudson Bay Company (HBC) post and
| 435
Sanikiluaq
tim kalusha
Sanikiluaq | 437
socialize. This pattern became less prevalent when the HBC set up a post
Sanikiluarmiut lived independent lives with few contacts with ex-
on the Belchers and the caribou herds declined in numbers around James
plorers or whalers until the early twentieth century when the HBC sent
Bay and further north on the Ungava Peninsula. Anthropologists have also
representatives to the islands to investigate trade and economic mineral
documented that some Quebec Inuit likely retreated to the Belchers at vari-
possibilities. In 1928, the HBC opened a seasonal post on Flaherty Island,
ous times in earlier periods to avoid conflicts with Cree.
and four years later the RCMP began to patrol the Belchers from Quebec.
For most of the twentieth century, the people of the Belcher Islands
The introduction of government services happened in a haphazard way, as
numbered less than two hundred. Following the disappearance of the islands’
officials considered whether everyone in the Belchers should be forced or
caribou herd during a particularly difficult winter, Sanikiluarmiut learned
enticed to move off the islands, or if a townsite should be constructed some-
to use eider ducks, which live year-round on the islands, as a source of food,
where on the islands. In the meantime, with no opportunities for meaning-
clothing, and materials, but ringed seals, walrus, and beluga whales contin-
ful input into the decisions, Sanikiluarmiut continued to navigate through
ued to be of importance.
a bewildering set of changing rules concerning housing, health services, and
education. In 1970, the government consolidated all services and moved
everyone to Sanikiluaq, at the north end of the islands. Throughout the
study period—1950 to 1975—many Sanikiluarmiut also spent part of their
lives in Quebec for schooling or work, or to be near relatives.
Today, the population of this Inuit community depends on an economy
based on subsistence hunting, fishing, soapstone carving, basket making,
and tourism. Individuals are also employed or involved in ecological research to study how the marine environment changed after major rivers
near the Quebec coast were dammed in the 1970s.
The archipelago of the Belcher Islands consists of numerous long, thin peninsulas and almost 1,500 islands divided by narrow straits of saltwater and
speckled with countless freshwater lakes. The islands occupy about 5,000
square kilometres of sea. The uneven folding of layers of hard and soft rocks
caused the rock formations that make up the islands. The softer rocks eroded
away, while the hard ones formed ribbons of land that reach as high as 125
metres above sea level. Geologists who have studied these islands note that
there is nothing else like it in Canada. The sparse vegetation found on the
islands includes lyme grass, which is used locally for handcrafted baskets
sold across Canada.
Two economic minerals have been found on the islands—iron ore and
soapstone. Iron ore attracted the attention of the government and private
companies from 1914 to the 1950s, but was never successfully mined on a
commercial basis. Soapstone (technically a soft-talc serpentine) is quarried
on Tukarak Island, and is the basis of a successful local carving industry.
In winter, strong winds and temperatures typically range from -23
opposite page:
Inuit man wearing
bird-skin clothing,
1949.
to -10 degrees Celsius. Summer temperatures average around 10 degrees
Sea ice is an essential part of the environment for several months each
canada
year. In late winter, the ice provides a firm platform for Sanikiluarmiut to
Celsius, but wind, rain, fog, and overcast skies are common. These meteorological conditions influence subsistence activities, since wind alone can
often keep people from travelling by boat.
travel up to 50 kilometres west of the islands, and north, towards the King
George and Sleeper Islands. Extensive land-fast ice also forms to the south
and southeast. This ice enabled people in the past to travel to trading posts
on the mainland in Quebec and to hunt ringed seals for many months over
a wide area. It also facilitated specialized hunting activities, such as taking
beluga whales in ice cracks during the spring. Since the 1980s, Sanikiluarmiut have observed that the currents in the southern part of Hudson Bay
are not as strong as they were before the rivers were modified on the Quebec
side. Spring weather is also cooler and the ice lasts longer.
The Belcher Islands abound with wildlife, with some species staying
on the islands through the winter. The relatively southern latitude and large
number of freshwater ponds and lakes provides an excellent habitat for
geese and ducks. Foxes are found across the island. Arctic char breed in the
Sanikiluaq | 439
Sanikiluaq | 441
numerous freshwater lakes, where they are fished through the ice or after
break-up in nets. Whitefish are also harvested in freshwater, and Arctic cod
are caught in saltwater. Kasegalik Lake, the largest freshwater lake on the
opposite page,
left to right:
Map of James Bay
area, Belcher Islands;
Map of the Belcher
Islands
islands, is of particular importance. It is roughly U-shaped and nearly 113
Until the late nineteenth century, a herd of caribou lived on the
canada
Belcher Islands. Around 1880, these animals disappeared during a single
kilometres in length from tip to tip. This lake harbours the rare freshwater
black seal, after which it is named. The abundance of country food from marine sources was an important reason why the federal government decided
to continue providing services to people on the Belcher Islands, and at times
even considered relocating Inuit from Quebec and other areas to the islands.
winter when ice covered their feeding grounds. As a result, Sanikiluarmiut
are unique among Inuit because they learned to live completely without
caribou by taking full advantage of eider ducks for clothing, food, and some
tools. A parka requiring up to twenty-five bird skins is as warm as caribou
skin, but twice as heavy, and requires sinew, which is usually traded on the
mainland in the winter. Ringed seals and eider ducks continue to be a staple
for Sanikiluarmiut.
Early Contacts
primary trading good, as they were not fully engaged in trapping. Since
Sanikiluarmiut have inhabited the Belcher Islands for centuries, and archae-
trade often occurred only once a year, Sanikiluarmiut were also careful not
ological sites show evidence of use by the Dorset and Thule cultures as well.
to become too dependent on rifles and the ammunition they required.
English navigator Henry Hudson first spotted the islands in 1610. About
Prolonged visits to the Belchers by Qallunaat before the second half
one hundred years later, European mapmakers likely named the islands
of the twentieth century were relatively rare. This was likely because it was
after James Belcher, the captain of an HBC supply ship. Beginning around
difficult to approach or land safely on the islands using sailing vessels. Per-
1749, many Sanikiluarmiut would make yearly visits to the HBC post on
manent Anglican missions established on the Quebec side of Hudson Bay
the Quebec mainland at Kuukkuarapik to trade and socialize, using qimmiit
provided instruction in Christianity. From 1847 to 1849, the HBC surveyed
and qamutiik to cross the winter ice. More rarely, they travelled across the
the islands, but determined that a trading post was not profitable. Never-
dangerous waters by qajaq in the summer. Sealskins were normally their
theless, HBC prospector Robert Flaherty (the creator of the film Nanook
Sanikiluaq | 443
of the North) visited the islands via the ship Laddie in 1914, and wintered
ordered to use his hunting skills to provide for the families of those who
over in 1915. During his visit, he spent many hours filming Sanikiluarmiut.
were sent to prison. None of those convicted stayed in prison for more than
Sadly, almost all of the film footage was lost. The RCMP spent some time
a year. One man died of tuberculosis and others were sent to live in Nunavik
in the Belchers during 1921 while investigating reported murders, but only
under the watch of the RCMP in Kuujjuarapik.
included the area in regular annual patrols after 1932. It was not until 1928
Sala’s family accompanied him to Nunavik following his release from
that the HBC opened a seasonal outpost at the south end of Flaherty Island.
prison. In the following years, the RCMP in Kuujjuarapik reported that he
In 1933, this post was moved to Tukarak Island and kept open year-round
was a good hunter, and they even used his services as a boat pilot for some
until 1943, when it was closed. During this decade, some families moved
charters. Despite this, Sala’s banishment to Nunavik had a profound effect
their ilagiit nunagivaktangit to be closer to the post. Unfortunately, hunt-
on his children. His son, Markossie Sala Sr., explained in his testimony to
ing around the post was poor, so life was often difficult. Instead, game was
the Qikiqtani Truth Commission (QTC) in 2010 some of the social difficul-
particularly plentiful in the northern part of the islands.
ties experienced by his family’s isolation.
In 1941, the Belchers were in the national press. That year, people
whose previous and subsequent lives gave no indication of their potential
As I was growing up as a child, we didn’t have neighbours. We
for violence killed nine members of an extended family group. At the time,
lived mostly alone as a camp with our parents. That is what I re-
their actions were explained as being the result of religious delusions and
member . . . Since we mostly kept to ourselves and because I didn’t
temporary insanity, but it also appears that the affected families were suf-
grow up with other people around me I am bothered by other
fering through a particularly difficult winter and poor hunting conditions.
people around. That is why I am affected by a lot of people. I don’t
The murders occurred on two different days. One of the people involved
want to be like that.
in the first incident, Peter Sala, was so upset by his actions that he spoke
to others about what he had done. The HBC trader informed the RCMP,
who dispatched officers and a coroner to the Belchers. Unfortunately, by
Markossie went on to explain how the killing of his qimmiit in 1965
further affected his life and the lives of his children.
the time they arrived, another set of murders had occurred involving some
of the same people.
Because of these things, my children have been affected. They are
In the end, five men and two women were accused. A trial was held in
mostly into drugs and alcohol because of these hurts that hap-
the Belchers, rather than in Moose Factory or another southern location,
pened in the past. That is all they do nowadays because what they
because the government believed that it would help demonstrate the im-
have heard from the past has affected them.
portance of Canadian laws to the local residents. A tent was set up near the
HBC post on Tukarak Island, and two newspaper reporters and the HBC
trader were appointed as jurors. During the trial, people watching and some
of the accused became very sick with influenza brought back to the Belchers
from Moose Factory by the prisoners. One of the five men found guilty was
Eventually, at the very end of his life, Peter Sala and some members of
his family returned to Sanikiluaq.
Sanikiluaq | 445
feed the whole camp. That is what we experienced. That was our
way of life and we were not afraid to live it.
A special government patrol of the Eastern Arctic by aircraft in August
In 1947, during a period when there was no trading post in the Belchers,
1949 provides a snapshot of conditions in the Belcher Islands, albeit from
scientific parties were rare, and Anglican clergy seldom visited, the govern-
a Qallunaat perspective without a clear indication of who provided the in-
ment gave a Peterhead sailboat to Sanikiluarmiut living on the south end of
formation. The total population of the islands was only 165, with families
the islands to help them commute to the mainland. In 1950, the HBC post
distributed among six main ilagiit nunagivaktangit. One community, made
resumed seasonal operations at Tukarak Island. That same year, the Depart-
up of five qarmaqs, was on the west side of Tukarak Island. Three others
ment of Health and Welfare (now Health Canada) sent a doctor, dentist, and
were located on the northern rim of the islands—Eskimo Harbour (near
X-ray technician to conduct a health survey. They visited Tukarak Island,
present-day Sanikiluaq), Howard Point, and Lillico Point. Some smaller
Eskimo Harbour, and the ilagiit nunagivaktangat in Omarolluk Sound.
groups lived farther south at O’Leary Island and French Island. The patrol
Unfortunately, in 1951 the Peterhead boat was lost in the ice. This loss
found people in good health after a good year of fox trapping and reported
led to a lengthy discussion among officials about its replacement. Saniki-
that trade goods supplemented the usual abundant country food. The re-
luarmiut were otherwise reliant on qajaqs to reach the mainland, unless
port also noted that family allowance credits were accumulating and a few
they waited until winter to make the long journey by qimmiit and qamutiik.
carvers were producing ivory figures.
The discussion focused on whether it would be better to provide the area
During the 1930s, ’40s, and ’50s, when it was difficult to find or kill ani-
with two powered boats, one each for the northern and southern groups.
mals, Sanikiluarmiut sometimes experienced hunger, as testimonies to the
This debate was revealing about government perceptions of daily life on the
QTC confirm. However, people also understood how to find other sources of
islands. Some felt that the absence of a year-round HBC post, and the staff-
nourishment. Johnny Tookalook explained this to the QTC in 2008.
ing of the seasonal post by an Inuk trader, were reasons why Sanikiluarmiut
had been slow to adopt new technologies, such as motorboats and high-
I remember a lot of things from living in the camp because I ex-
powered rifles. However, it is also likely that the costs of acquiring these
perienced hunger. When the routes we would usually take were
technologies through the HBC were just too high for a population that was
not good, then everything we could get we couldn’t get. We would
not firmly rooted in the trapping and trading economy.
try to look for other things that had washed up to the beach, look-
After considerable debate about the need for motorized boats, the gov-
ing for food. When plants grew on the land then that is what we
ernment delivered one small boat with an inboard motor to both the south
would eat and live on. Plants aren’t red meat. We would also eat
and north ends of the islands. This decision illustrates the tendency on the
seafood, mussels, sculpin, [and] seaweed. That is what we lived on
part of government officials to speak of occupied areas as being divided in
in the past . . . it was more difficult in the wintertime when there
a north-south direction—a division that was, in reality, far from obvious on
was no food, when there wasn’t anything available . . . no seals, no
maps produced at the time. Rather, maps showed four concentrations of
heat . . . We used to eat dog meat . . . One dog would be used to try to
people, including large ones on the eastern and western parts of the islands.
Sanikiluaq | 447
Additionally, families would group together to form seasonal hunting par-
only spoke Inuktitut, while the people within range in Moose Factory only
ties that often included mainland Inuit from Quebec who crossed to the
spoke English and Cree.
Belchers with powered boats to hunt. Sometimes Inuit from the mainland
In the mid-1950s, the HBC calculated that trade on the island was not
would winter for a year or two, usually in the outlying northerly Sleeper
enough that they could afford to run a year-round post and provide services
and King George Islands. The government and HBC did not count these
on behalf of the federal government. In good years, the islands’ entire fox
people among the Sanikiluarmiut, although there were strong kinship ties
trade was worth only about $1,500. Other items, such as sealskin boots sold
among them. In reality, the two boats provided by the government were not
to the Cree around Moose Factory, might net another $1,000. Even with
enough.
family-allowance entitlements of $4,500, a total cash economy of $7,000 a
Along with the loss of the first Peterhead boat in 1951, Sanikiluarmiut
year for the entire population of the Belcher Islands was not enough to make
experienced a string of upsets and tragedies during the 1950s. From 1952
a year-round post profitable. The bedrock of the Sanikiluarmiut economy
to 1953, there was a great shortfall in the seal hunt, possibly as much as
lay with the sea mammals and birds whose value must have greatly exceeded
a thousand seals, or about 40% of a typical year’s hunt. The lack of boats
the small returns from trapping, trade, and social transfers. Country food,
likely added to any weather difficulties faced by the hunters. In the spring
however, did not generate the cash needed to acquire and maintain new
of 1954, an influenza epidemic killed ten people, which further hindered
hunting equipment, generally obtained through trade with the HBC. As a
hunting and led to the Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) dropping 2 tons of
result, by the 1950s, Sanikiluarmiut were not yet on the brink of a period of
food and medicine to the islanders. In the following year, two Inuit assistants
externally driven social or technological change. They still relied very heav-
tragically drowned while assisting ethnographer and archaeologist Claude
ily on locally available resources.
Dégoffe from the Université de Montréal. All of this would have had a tremendous impact on the Sanikiluarmiut.
If the HBC was barely present on the Belchers during the 1950s, the
Anglican Church and the RCMP were even less so. Although the people were
In other parts of Qikiqtaaluk, the HBC post might have been able to
nominally Anglican, there was no place of worship closer than Kuujjuarapik
reduce the impact of epidemics, such as the 1954 influenza outbreak, by
in Quebec, and the missionaries did not always manage to accompany the
providing medical services and relief as per its agreement with the federal
supply vessel that visited each year. While RCMP patrols from Moose Fac-
government. In the Belchers, however, the HBC post operated only between
tory visited about once a year, it was usually only as a side trip from their
August and February. On top of this, the trader, a local Inuk named Lucassee
patrols to Kuujjuarapik.
Nuvelingah (also spelled Novalinga), did not have the same experience in
The limited Qallunaat presence on the Belcher Islands often resulted
handling medical emergencies as other Qallunaat HBC traders at the time.
in bureaucrats perceiving them as isolated and potentially vulnerable to
It was also difficult for outsiders to react quickly to events. News from the
privation. In reality, while food could at times be harder to find, this was
Belchers was generally sent out only twice a year, either when the islanders
often part of normal seasonal and migration patterns. For Sanikiluarmiut,
visited Kuujjuarapik or when the HBC resupply vessel arrived each sum-
sea mammals and eider ducks provided them with access to materials for
mer. A plan to provide the Belchers with a radio and to set up weekly sched-
garments, hats, and footwear year-round. Ilagiit nunagivaktangit were
uled reports was put forward in 1950, but was halted because Nuvelingah
small, and their membership and location fluctuated depending on the
Sanikiluaq | 449
seasons and year-to-year choices reflecting either environmental or social
The white people would have starved if the Eskimos hadn’t look
reasons.
[sic] after them when they ran out of food. Whenever Eskimos
In 1950, a health survey of the Belcher Islands conducted by the federal
killed a seal, they shared it with the white people just the way they
government noted that, “native food [was] plentiful and the islanders were
share among themselves. The Eskimos often talked among them-
by far the healthiest group visited.” This assessment likely played a role in
selves wondering why white people were there without food.
the decision to temporarily move Inuit from Quebec to the King George and
Sleeper Islands at the northern tip of the Belcher archipelago during the early
Hunting around the HBC post had always been poorer than areas
1950s. Inuit hunters from Inukjuak were persuaded to move to the islands
further to the north. Koodlooalook regretted taking the advice to set up a
during the fall months in order to diminish pressure on local game in Quebec.
winter camp at Tukarak Island and noted that only one Inuk was hired to
Although no reliable reports at the time could confirm how well the relocated
work with the miners.
families were doing, Alexander Stevenson, the federal administrator of the
Until the middle of the 1950s, almost everyone, other than the traders
Arctic for the northern administration branch, declared the “experiment”
on Tukarak Island, were living in ilagiit nunagivaktangit spread around the
to be “a success” in 1953. He said that third-party information confirmed
islands to take advantage of good hunting conditions.
that people were “doing fairly well” and added that problems in other parts
of the islands were likely due to “poor organizing and a lack of leadership.”
It is difficult to understand how Stevenson and others were able to
blame problems on Inuit. Other cases make it clear that Inuit were enticed
to make moves that turned out badly due to poor planning on the part of
the government or the HBC. Margery Hinds, one of the original federal
1954–1968
teachers providing local schooling to Inuit in Quebec and Qikiqtaaluk, interviewed Jimmy Koodlooalook, who lived in the Belchers, in August 1953.
Before 1954, few outsiders had visited the Belcher Islands other than annual
Koodlooalook described the difficulties families faced due to poor hunting
RCMP patrols, the occasional scientific or prospecting parties, and annual
conditions. They had moved their winter ilagiit nunagivaktangat to a place
visitors accompanying the supply and medical ships. In 1954, prospectors
near the HBC post on Tukarak Island because they were told by the trader
arrived to investigate iron ore bodies that were initially reported by the HBC
that supplies would be coming in by plane with mining prospectors. It also
prospector and filmmaker Robert Flaherty in 1915 to 1916. Sanikiluarmiut
appears that people reasonably expected to find work supplying or guiding
living near the HBC post on Tukarak Island assisted with the prospecting,
the miners. Koodlooalook explained, “No planes came and ever so many
which led to a short-lived jump in income and spending when Consolidated
people were there.” Eventually the miners arrived, but they only brought
Halliwell opened the iron mine about 20 kilometres south of Sanikiluaq
four bags of flour with them and almost no other food. By the spring of
at Haig Inlet. Even with the arrival of the mining group, no effective Qal-
1953, everyone, including the miners, were eating qimmiit and anything
lunaat institutions were established on the Belcher Islands during most of
else they could find. In fact, as Koodlooalook revealed:
the 1950s.
In late 1954, the federal government explained.
Sanikiluaq | 451
In the end, a prefabricated building was set up in the southern part
of the islands at South Camp in 1960 to be used as a school. The site was
The construction of the mid-Canada Line in northern Quebec
chosen because the government did not want the school to be near the HBC
and the interest being taken in iron ore deposits on the Belcher
post on Tukarak Island, due to a fear that the area would not be able to
Islands would probably create new problems in these areas. It had
support the number of families who would want to live near their children.
therefore been decided to have a representative of the department
Obtaining school supplies was a constant problem for the teachers, and
placed at Great Whale River [Kuujjuarapik] to supervise the em-
fresh water had to be brought by hand and yoke from a nearby lake. Apart
ployment of natives and to assist them in adapting themselves to
from these issues, and the tendency for the windows to leak in the winter,
the changes that these developments will bring about.
the school was used for about a decade. In 1962, the government began constructing a hostel for students at South Camp, but it was never used, pos-
The almost complete lack of government services in the Belchers
sibly because parents from other parts of the Belchers were more likely to
stemmed, in part, from uncertainty about the intentions and respective
be travelling back and forth from Quebec than moving within the islands
roles of the HBC and the federal government, as well as debates about the
themselves.
types of services that should be provided. Sometimes the federal govern-
The lack of a solid educational strategy (location, type of school, and
ment considered resettling people from Nunavik to the Belchers, while at
curriculum) affected all Inuit, including Sanikiluarmiut. Generally, par-
other times it even considered withdrawing the requirement for an annual
ents were told that attendance at school was mandatory. Others were told
supply ship to the islands altogether.
that benefits would be cut if children did not attend school. Some children
During the decade that the Mid-Canada Line station operated, some
learned to read and write while being treated for tuberculosis in Moose Fac-
Sanikiluarmiut were employed directly by the station or found seasonal
tory or in other southern hospitals. Others went to school in Quebec, usually
work there. The base attracted many families, which then led to the expan-
in Kuujjuarapik. Even when the school opened at South Camp in 1960, par-
sion of schooling. By the mid-1950s, schooling had become an extremely
ents were still struggling with where to send their children to school. Their
high priority for southern administrators and, to varying degrees, for Inuit
decisions often depended on their current situation. Economic or health
parents. Planning for a school in the Belchers began around 1956, and as
hardships could lead parents to choose hostel schooling as an option, while
was often the case in the history of Qikiqtaaluk, the government used the
other parents may have found it too hard to send their children as far away
placement of the school as a means of setting an agenda to concentrate
as Kuujjuarapik. For some, what they had been told by other parents or Qal-
services in a place of its own choosing. In the case of Sanikiluaq, archival
lunaat may have played a role. In 1967, for example, some parents reported
records show a dizzying number of decisions, half-decisions, and discus-
that the hostel mother in Kuujjuarapik was spanking children and had even
sions around potentially offering education services to the Belchers. Some
tied one to a chair. Stories like this would have raised many concerns among
officials were convinced that all Sanikiluarmiut could be enticed to move
parents who currently had children away attending school. However, after
to Quebec, or other areas along the west coast of Hudson Bay, rather then
a certain grade, children who wanted to continue their education had to go
provide services to the Belchers.
elsewhere to continue their education.
Sanikiluaq | 453
Some former students were fond of school itself, but they were very
Annie Appaqaq Arragutainaq, explained that Winnie had become very ill
aware of the losses they suffered and the heartbreak their absence caused
and had to be evacuated south due to multiple complications from her illness.
for their parents. Carolyn Niviaxie, in telling her story about her experi-
The family was eventually given news about her, but it came through their
ences at the school hostel in Kuujjuarapik to the Legacy of Hope Founda-
own efforts.
tion, imagined that parents of the children sent away were always asking,
By the end of the 1960s, the school, an Anglican chapel, a small co-op,
“Where is my daughter? What is happening with her?” Looking back, she
and a power plant served as a focus for settlement at South Camp. In her tes-
said, “They needed us.” Niviaxie’s own story, which covers mistreatment at
timony to the QTC in 2008, Lottie Arragutainaq recalled that South Camp
the hostel, demonstrates the validity of those concerns.
was becoming a true community. At the other end of the Belchers, however,
The establishment of the iron ore mine also affected Sanikiluarmiut
Sanikiluaq had become the site of a permanent HBC post, a larger co-op
health. During the short time it was open, the mine employed around a
with a trained manager, and the home of the Resident Resource Develop-
dozen local men from three families that moved to Haig Inlet from Tukarak
ment officer and various prospecting activities. All of these existing services
Island. In 1956, an epidemic of whooping cough, which may have been
and businesses created pressure on Sanikiluarmiut living elsewhere in the
spread by exposure to the miners, afflicted 80% of the Inuit living nearby.
Belchers, especially near South Camp, to move to Sanikiluaq.
During this time, about half the qimmiit were killed for food because men
The growing number of people in both communities, South Camp and
were too sick or unable to hunt. The miners gave whatever help they could
Sanikiluaq, provides a context for understanding the killing of qimmiit in
and the federal government rushed in a nurse from Moose Factory. The
accordance with the Ordinance Respecting Dogs. QTC testimonies, most
nurse reported that all but a dozen Inuit in the area were suffering from
often by people who witnessed events as children or were told stories by
malnutrition, and that the deaths were mainly occurring among the very
their parents or grandparents, describe the killing of qimmiit by RCMP
young. The nurse arranged a massive evacuation to the hospital at Moose
and others as happening because qimmiit were loose in contravention of
Factory. Mary Iqaluk, who was only in her early teens at the time of the
rules or because someone believed they were dangerous. Davidee Uppik
evacuation, recalled being sent to Moose Factory and that there were many
recalled that authorities in South Camp killed his father’s qimmiit in 1969.
other people from the Belchers there at the same time.
It deeply affected his father and other members of his family. They had no
Iqaluk was certainly not alone in being evacuated to the South for
other means of transportation. Jacob Uppik explained that his father was
health treatment, especially for tuberculosis (TB). In 1957 alone, more that
a member of the town council in Sanikiluaq and was expected to follow all
a quarter of the population were being treated at the Moose Factory hospital.
rules. His father found himself shooting his own qimmiit in 1968 or 1969,
For many Sanikiluarmiut, the heartbreak of seeing a relative sent
even though he needed qimmiit for hunting.
south for medical reasons, including TB and complications from the flu,
Many Inuit were unaware of all the conditions of the Ordinance. Even
was compounded by the lack of news about their condition. In 1967, ar-
authorities charged with carrying out its provisions often ignored the finer
chival records show that the parents of Winnie Emikotialuk were appeal-
details. Jobie Crow explained that RCMP in Sanikiluaq shot his father’s
ing for any information they could find about their daughter who had
qimmiit without any warning in 1967 because they were running loose.
been sent south six years earlier. During the QTC hearings, Winnie’s sister,
His father was completely unaware of the Ordinance at the time. Just as in
other parts of Qikiqtaaluk, the Ordinance was rarely and sometimes never
explained properly in Inuktitut, and authorities often did not follow its
rules concerning the penning of qimmiit or what constituted a dangerous
qimmit.
Some Sanikiluarmiut also gave clear accounts of qimmiit dying from
inoculations. Johnny Tookalook explained that his father’s qimmiit died in
Sanikiluaq | 455
1969–1975
1953 after receiving a vaccine. The government sent the RCMP to settlements to vaccinate against rabies and other diseases. The rabies vaccine
The population of the Belchers started to grow in the late 1960s with better
appears to have led to serious side effects, such as paralysis of the limbs.
access to health services and new types of treatment and prevention. At the
Some qimmiit may have recovered, but others died or were killed to relieve
same time, people were increasingly likely to be living near South Camp
their suffering.
or Sanikiluaq. In spite of the growth, however, housing programs, schools,
When looking back on the 1950s and ’60s, Sanikiluarmiut who spoke
nurses, and the RCMP came slowly to the Belchers because officials did
to the QTC described numerous events related to illness, schooling, and
not recognize an Inuit ilagiit nunagivaktangit, even a large one with many
killing of qimmiit that made it very difficult for families to set out a clear
families, to be a permanent settlement. In their minds, they were only tem-
chronology of their lives. Various family members—parents, children,
porary hunting camps. This label was enough for the government to apply
grandparents, and siblings—were often going or coming back from southern
or withhold rules and services as they saw fit.
hospitals. Others were away at schools in Quebec, Manitoba, or Ontario,
Housing was a long-standing concern in the Belchers for both the
prior to returning to a community where they had not lived before. Other
government and residents, as evidenced in the QTC hearings but also in
challenges were articulated in a report sent to the federal government by
numerous archival documents from the period. Housing rose to the top of
Milton Freeman, which cited cynicism and hostility towards government
government issues in 1969 after the Commissioner of the Northwest Ter-
representatives. It reported money collected from them by a federal admin-
ritories visited the Belchers. He immediately wrote to Ottawa about the
istrator without proper paperwork, misplaced accounts by the HBC, broken
problems he saw firsthand. So did his travelling companion, Simonie Michel,
promises about housing and jobs, annual visits to the Belchers by federal
the Eastern Arctic member of the NWT Council. Michel urged the federal
representatives without any results, language problems around medical
government to provide twenty permanent houses at once. Under this pres-
evacuations, and children neglected while living in foster homes or hostels
sure, senior officials in Ottawa admitted that the housing situation on the
to attend school. The government would attempt to address some of these
Belcher Islands was among the worst in the North, partly because all popu-
problems during the late 1960s, but decided it required the consolidation
lated places in the Belcher Islands had been classified as hunting camps
of all services in Sanikiluaq, effectively closing the small community at
and were therefore ineligible for rental housing. A study of housing in the
South Camp.
area quickly followed. It concluded that “all available houses are seriously
overcrowded,” and that an “interim solution [was] needed for the housing
shortage.”
Sanikiluaq | 457
The decision to centralize people and services in Sanikiluaq only made
The government officials came to us, social worker came to us.
it easier for the government to plan housing for the Belchers. In response to
We were living in a tent. Every time I think about it, I shiver. He
the 1969 study, the federal administrator for the Arctic, Alexander Steven-
told us that we were being relocated to North Camp and that if we
son, proposed sending in materials for small emergency houses that could
didn’t the government was not going to assist us in any way.
be converted into storage and shop uses once permanent houses arrived.
The stage for the consolidation of services in Sanikiluaq had been set
People also recalled that the government provided no assistance for
a couple of years earlier. In 1967, the newly arrived area administrator had
the relocations. Families moved on their own by boat, snowmobile, and dog
discussed local governance, including the controversial issue of centralizing
team. Some groups became separated, while others became stuck in the ice
services in one community, with Sanikiluarmiut in the settlement. In 1968,
or had to carry a boat over land. With no radios, limited rations, and crowded
the administrator reported that Inuit unanimously agreed that the “creation
boats, the moves were dangerous. In addition, when the families arrived in
of one larger community from the present two would solve many problems
Sanikiluaq there was nowhere for them to live, as the promised housing had
and hasten progress.” Records about who reported and how they made wishes
not arrived. Many of the relocatees had left what little possessions they had
known are inconsistent. In the same year, the area survey officer, reported to
behind, expecting the necessities of life to be provided for them in Saniki-
the Department of Northern Affairs that South Camp, the current location of
luaq. Lottie Arragutainaq told the Commission about her experience.
the school, lacked the abundance of marine mammals that a more populated
settlement would need. Government officials met in Ottawa in March 1969
I was almost the last one in South Camp. Everybody had moved
to determine where a government-supported settlement should be located in
here [Sanikiluaq] but I refused to move. On the way here we ran
the Belcher Islands and to identify the priorities for development. Without
out of supplies because of the fog during the day we tried to move
further explanation or consultation, the meeting concluded in a memo that,
here . . . We left our houses with only our clothes that we were
“All future expansion of facilities would be carried out in [Sanikiluaq].”
wearing, we left everything else behind . . . thinking that we were
People in Sanikiluaq spoke to Commissioner Igloliorte of the QTC
coming back. When we moved here there was no assistance of any
about their recollections of the meetings and a “vote” held to determine
kind. We just walked out of our houses. It was a very sad event for
which community would be developed. Sanikiluaq was known to be the
me.
preference of the government, and families already living there outnumbered the population around South Camp. People at South Camp were likely
reconciled to moving to Sanikiluaq because they knew the government
Emily Takatak experienced great uncertainty and confusion about the
details of her move.
would not want to spend money to maintain schools, airstrips, co-ops, and
other types of infrastructure for such a small population.
We didn’t even know we were relocating here, we just thought we
By 1969–70, Sanikiluarmiut living near South Camp were under enor-
were coming here for a short time. We didn’t take any belongings.
mous pressure to move to Sanikiluaq as soon as possible. Mina Eyaituq told
Even my babies didn’t have anything—nothing to comfort them.
the QTC about how her family was pressured to relocate.
During the night, my children were cold. We thought we were
going to go home right away and then we realized we were moving
here. They didn’t give us any sort of transportation to pick up our
Sanikiluaq | 459
belongings. We were put in a homemade shack. In the evening,
in that house, we didn’t even have a pillow to sleep on, we didn’t
Few other of sources income, other than social benefits and casual labour,
carry anything. All our belongings we left behind. We took only
were available in Sanikiluaq for the families that settled in the community.
necessary clothing, changes for the children. We thought we were
With the creation of the Mitiq Co-op in 1968, a structure was put in place to
going back home right away, we didn’t know how long we were go-
find markets for, and organize the production of, handicrafts. Sanikiluaq is
ing to be here, nobody informed us how long we were coming here
famous for its carvings, especially the jadelike soapstone carvings represent-
or why. I felt very poor here. In the evening, when they realized we
ing the sea mammals, birds, and fish that are an essential part of the food
didn’t have anything to sleep on, people gave us stuff to sleep on.
supply. People here have earned income by carving for over sixty years, beginning in the late 1940s with walrus ivory imported by the HBC. Although
Sanikiluarmiut testified to the QTC about the inappropriate and in-
both the HBC and visitors paid low prices for carvings on the islands, and
sufficient number of houses in Sanikiluaq. Once they arrived, many people
carvers hesitated about investing too much time for small rewards, quality
had to spend the winter in tents or in shacks made from leftover building
improved and prices boomed after the Mitiq Co-op was formed. The co-op
materials.
staked a mineral claim to protect the island’s principal soapstone deposit
For others, the trauma of the move cannot be forgotten. Annie Appaqaq
for its members, and developed a warehouse and handling facilities. Aside
Arragutainaq, who had already lived through a very difficult period when
from carvings, the co-op now also manages a retail store, a hotel and restau-
her family was moved to South Camp, recalled that her move in the fall of
rant, and cable television services.
1969 was very difficult, but it was also hard seeing what happened to the
With the strong support that Sanikiluarmiut showed for their commu-
families who arrived in the spring of 1970. Children were very hungry; one
nity, facilities rapidly improved. In 1969, Bell Canada agreed to install a ra-
mother who was breastfeeding her own child also had to provide milk for
dio telephone near the HBC post at Eskimo Harbour. In 1973, a radio station,
other children on the journey.
CKSN, began broadcasting with its well-known and only presenter, Charlie
Witnesses who testified before the QTC felt they were tricked or pres-
Crow. In 1974, Sanikiluaq received an upgraded local and long-distance
sured into moving quickly. They believe that the government failed to assist
telephone service. By that same year, visitors to the community could observe
them or to explain that South Camp would be closed permanently in order
many of the facilities of a typical Arctic settlement: an airstrip, nursing station,
to concentrate the entire population at Sanikiluaq. They also blame the gov-
primary school, church, community hall, telephone service, bimonthly postal
ernment for forcing them to move in dangerous conditions. In some cases,
service, and two general stores. Other changes after 1970 rounded out the
hunters were compelled to shoot their qimmiit prior to the move because
typical infrastructure of an Arctic settlement, such as upgrades to the airport.
there was no room for them in the canoes. Lottie Cookie told the QTC that
During this time, game management by the government was mainly a
when she was fifteen years old she watched her father kill his qimmiit “be-
passive process of discouraging people from settling too densely in places
cause he didn’t want to leave them there.”
where they might exhaust resources. Otherwise, Qallunaat tended to believe
Sanikiluaq | 461
that game was abundant enough to support a larger population, if there
biographies of Sanikiluarmiut are very fragmented, especially in the critical
was some other source of income to supplement it. However, by the mid-
period from 1950 to 1970. During this time, parents were separated from
1970s, tensions between Sanikiluarmiut and Quebec Inuit over hunting in
their children by residential schooling and illness; families were divided by
the Belchers and on Hudson Bay had increased to the extent that the federal
various moves, including to a mining camp, to South Camp and to Saniki-
and territorial governments set up meetings to hear grievances. Sanikiluar-
luaq; and nobody was certain about what the government would require
miut were concerned that Quebec Inuit were taking too many polar bears.
from them once they moved to a new place.
Government officials offered various explanations for the source of conflict,
In other parts of Qikiqtaaluk, the Second World War and the subsequent
including the lack of interest on the part of Quebec to enforce game laws
building of facilities during the Cold War propelled the government’s in-
and a lack of understanding or respect for administrative boundaries on
volvement in the daily life of Inuit. Without sustained pressure from mining,
the part of all groups. The issue came into stark perspective in 1974 when a
military bases or transportation projects, however, the government avoided
hunter from Kuujjuarapik was investigated for capturing a live polar bear
spending money or even time in the Belchers until the 1950s. At that point,
cub for a Quebec provincial government minister who intended to give it to
the government was determined to provide Inuit with schooling, health ser-
a zoo. The Government of the Northwest Territories was unable to deter-
vices and housing, but it remained cautious with respect to the Belchers. It
mine whether they were legally able to charge an Inuk from Quebec with
set up a school and related infrastructure (power, water and a handful of
infractions under territorial game laws.
houses) in South Camp and it enforced the Dog Ordinance and other regu-
Environmental issues continue to be an important part of life in Sani-
lations, but the settlement was not deemed to be permanent. Some people
kiluaq. The community has invested a great deal of effort in documenting
moved there, out of choice or pressure, but many other families remained in
environmental change through traditional environmental knowledge (TEK).
ilagiit nunagivaktangit near present-day Sanikiluaq. Once the government
Rather than dwelling on individual species, the approach developed by the
finally decided in the late 1960s that it would not send families to Quebec
Environmental Committee of Sanikiluaq is used to complement scientifically
and that it would provide services in the Belchers, it chose Sanikiluaq as the
collected data and amplify the importance cultural impacts. The project Voic-
location. This meant families who had already moved to South Camp from
es from the Bay: Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Inuit and Cree in the
other parts of the island under pressure from officials and with the promise
Hudson Bay Bioregion set a new standard for documenting ecological change,
of services suddenly found themselves moving again in the fall of 1969 and
including changes that are the result of the James Bay hydroelectric projects.
spring of 1970. It was a difficult and dangerous move for many people, made
Sanikiluaq’s history in the mid-twentieth century does not follow the
even more traumatic by the lack of housing and services on their arrival.
more common trajectory seen elsewhere in Nunavut of increased involve-
Sanikiluaq became a hamlet in 1976 with a population of 295; today
ment in the fur trade followed by gradual in-gathering towards an HBC en-
more than 800 people live there. Predictions made by government officials
clave or a government-chosen settlement. At the beginning of the twentieth
in the 1960s that Sanikiluarmiut would prefer to live elsewhere has proved
century, Sanikiluarmiut were living in small groups across the islands. On
to be untrue. They have found various ways to build lives and businesses on
a yearly basis, they travelled to the Quebec mainland to trade and socialize,
the islands, while also sharing their vast knowledge of a remarkable envi-
but very few families were fully engaged in the fur trade. After that, the
ronment with the world.
Endnotes
arctic bay
• The distance figure for Arctic Bay to Nanisivik is based on a straight-line
measurement using the National Resources Canada online maps.
• Population statistics are from Statistics Canada. No Aboriginal/nonAboriginal identity population data was available for 2011. A little over
90% of people in Arctic Bay identify as Aboriginal.
• Rhoda Tunraq is quoted from QTC, April 23, 2008.
• Juda Oqittuq is quoted from community consultations, April 1, 2010.
• Ikey Kugutikakjuk is quoted from QIA, n.d.
• Muckpaloo is quoted from Innuksuk and Cowan, We Don’t Live in Snow
Houses Now, 57 and 61.
• Qamanirq and Kalluk are quoted from Innuksuk and Cowan, We Don’t
Live in Snow Houses Now, 65 and 71.
cape dorset
• For population statistics, see Statistics Canada, “Iqaluit, Nunavut (Code
6204003)” and “Nunavut (Code 62)”: www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E.
• Nuna Parr is quoted from QTC, January 30, 2008.
• Quppirualuk Padluq is quoted from QTC, January 30, 2008.
• Kenojuak Ashevak is quoted from Ryan, Cape Dorset Prints, 287.
• Ejetsiak Peter is quoted from QIA, September 10, 2004.
• Kananginaaq Pootoogook is quoted from QTC, January 30, 2008.
| 463
Endnotes | 465
• There are several dates associated with the incorporation of the West
box 55, file TA 500-8-1-3 “Conditions Among the Eskimos—Clyde River,
Baffin Eskimo Co-operative. For specific dates, see Lewis, Education in
Conditions Amongst Eskimos Generally—Annual Report,” by J. God-
Cape Dorset, 7.
waldt, February 6, 1968.
• For Table 1, see Higgins et al., The South Coast of Baffin Island, 110.
• Sheojuke Toonoo is quoted from QIA, May 4, 2004.
• Kananginak Pootoogook and Oshoweetok Ipeelee are quoted in Inuit
Today, June 1978, 41 and 49.
• Ejetsiak Peter is quoted from QTC, January 31, 2008.
• Pudlalik Quvianaqtuliaq is quoted from QIA, June 4, 2004.
clyde river
• For Clyde River population information, see Freeman, Inuit Land Use
and Occupancy Project Volume 1: Land Use and Occupancy, 146.
• Sam Palituq is quoted from QTC, September 9, 2008.
grise fiord
• For population statistics, see Statistics Canada, 2012, Grise Fiord, Nunavut
(Code 6204003) and Nunavut (Code 62). No Aboriginal/Non-aboriginal
identity population data is available for 2011.
• The brief to the NWT government is quoted from Northwest Territories,
Council of the Northwest Territories, Debates: Official Report—34th
Session, Volume III, March 6–April 10, 1967 (Ottawa, 1967), 452.
• Graham Rowley is quoted from RCAP, The High Arctic Relocation: A
Report on the 1953–55 Relocation, 18. RCAP is quoted from the same
source, 115.
• Johanasie Apak is quoted from QTC, September 8, 2008.
• George Eckalook is quoted from QIA, n.d.
• Jason Palluq is quoted from QTC, September 8, 2008.
• Simeonie Amagoalik is quoted from QIA, n.d.
• Levi Illingayuk is quoted from QIA, April 10, 2004.
• Alexander Stevenson is quoted from RCAP, The High Arctic Relocation:
• Johanasie Apak is quoted from QTC, September 8, 2008, and from QIA,
April 2, 2004.
• Arnaq Illauq is quoted from QTC, September 8, 2008.
• Information on the development of the airstrip was from personal communication with Joelie Sanguya, October 1, 2008.
• Johanasie Apak is quoted about community life from QIA, April 2, 2004.
• George Wenzel is quoted from Wenzel, Animal Rights, Human Rights,
115.
A Report on the 1953–55 Relocation, 7.
• John Amagoalik is quoted from Marcus, Out in the Cold.
• Larry Audlaluk’s accounts are from RCAP, The High Arctic Relocation:
Summary and Supporting Information, Volume 1, 68.
• Samuel Arnakallak is quoted from RCAP, The High Arctic Relocation:
• Samwillie Elijasialak is quoted from RCAP, The High Arctic Relocation:
• Jacobie Iqalukjuak is quoted from QIA, March 23, 2004.
• Elijah Nutaraq is quoted from Marcus, Out in the Cold.
• Johanasie Apak is quoted from QIA, April 2, 2004.
• Anna Nungaq is quoted from Dick, Muskox Land, 438.
• Mary Iqaqrialuk is quoted from QIA, March 23, 2004.
• Samwillie Elijasialak is quoted from RCAP, The High Arctic Relocation:
• Johanasie Apak is quoted from QTC, September 8, 2008.
• An RCMP officer is quoted on the increased popularity of snowmobiles and
on their efficacy from LAC, RG 18, RCMP fonds, accession 1985-86/048,
• Rynee Flaherty is quoted from QTC, July 14, 2008.
• Terry Jenkin is quoted from QTC, November 26, 2008.
Endnotes | 467
• Jarloo Kiguktak is quoted from QTC, April 18, 2008.
igloolik
• The RCMP report quotes are from LAC, RG 18, RCMP fonds, accession
• Population statistics are from Statistics Canada.
• Jopee Kiguktak is quoted from QTC, April 18, 2008.
1985-86/048, box 55, file TA 500-8-1-5.
• Nigiuq Qilliqti is quoted from “Don’t Want Dog Teams,” Inukshuk,
September 14, 1973, 9.
• Rynee Flaherty is quoted from QTC, July 14, 2008.
• Larry Audlaluk is quoted from QTC, April 17, 2008.
• Martha Flaherty is quoted from QTC, November 27, 2008.
• Louis Alianakuluk is quoted from Milton Freeman Research Limited,
Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project—Volume 1: Land Use and Occupancy, 189, 191.
• For the “cultural epicentre” quote, see Nunavut Tourism, “Igloolik,” available online at http://www.nunavuttourism.com/igloolik. Accessed 2012.
• The 1953 RCMP report is quoted from LAC, RG 18, RCMP fonds, acces-
hall beach
sion 1985-86/048, volume 55, file TA 500-8-1-12, Conditions Amongst
• Note that statistics for this period do not distinguish population by ori-
June 1953.
gin. For the debate over the location of government offices, see LAC, RG
22, Indian and Northern Affairs fonds, accession A-1-A, box 1304, file
250-22-36, part 8, “Frobisher Bay, NWT—Town Planning Development
Report Reviewing the Situation at Frobisher Bay,” May 12, 1966.
• For the quote on social effects, see LAC, RG 85, accession D-1-a, volume
2271, file A1009-11, part 1, DEW Line—Secret, letter from R. G. Robertson
to C. M. Drury, Deputy Minister, Department of Defence, March 16, 1955.
• David Kanatsiak is quoted from Bégin, “Des radars et des hommes,” 107.
• D. Van Norman is quoted from LAC, RG 85, accession D-1-a, volume
2271, file A1009-11, part 1, DEW Line—Secret, Memorandum for the
Chief, Arctic Division from R. D. Van Norman, March 29, 1955.
• Joe Piallaq is quoted from QTC, September 9, 2008.
• John Alorot is quoted from Bégin, “Des radars et des hommes,” 113.
• Joe Piallaq is quoted from QTC, September 9, 2008.
• Julia Amaroalik is quoted from QTC, September 11, 2008.
• Terry Irqittuq is quoted from Bégin, “Des radars et des hommes,” 112.
• Simeonie Kaernerk is quoted from QTC, September 8, 2008.
• Eunice Allianaq is quoted from QTC, September 9, 2008.
• Malachi Arreak is quoted from QTC, December 10, 2008.
Eskimos—Pond Inlet, “Conditions Amongst Eskimos-Generally,” 15
• Louis Alianakuluk is quoted from Milton Freeman Research Limited,
Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project—Volume 1, 195.
• For the discussion of ilagiit nunagivaktangit in the region and the subsequent quote, see Bennett and Rowley, Uqalurait, 383.
• The observer is Keith Crowe, and is quoted from Crowe, A Cultural Geography of Northern Foxe Basin, 95, 97.
• Paul Quassa is quoted from Quassa, We Need to Know Who We Are, 27.
• P. Wight is quoted from Canada, The RCMP and the Inuit Sled Dogs:
Nunavut and Northern Quebec: 1950–1970, 228.
• Louis Uttak, Jim Cumming, and Bill Donahue are quoted from Canada,
The RCMP and the Inuit Sled Dogs, 497, 505–506, and 540.
• Gerhard Anders is quoted from Anders, The East Coast of Baffin Island, 52.
• James Arvaluk is quoted from Arvaluk, That’s My Vision, 9.
• The petition is quoted from MLA Mark Evaluarjuk’s speech in NWT
Hansard, Legislative Assembly of the Northwest Territories, May 8,
1978.
• Noah Piugaattuk is quoted from MacDonald, The Arctic Sky, 163.
• The quote on the RCMP is from an unknown author’s marginalia notes
on LAC, RG 18, RCMP fonds, accession 1985-86-048, box 55, file TA
Endnotes | 469
500-8-1-12, Conditions Amongst the Eskimos—Pond Inlet, “Conditions
• Joe Tikivik is quoted from QTC, May 17, 2008.
Amongst Eskimos Generally, by T. Kushniruk,” 14 January 1961.
• Akeeshoo Joamie is quoted from QTC, May 19, 2008.
• The council and notice regarding drunkenness are quoted from LAC,
• The US military had a formal policy of segregating African-American
RG 18, RCMP fonds, accession 1985-86/048, box 55, file TA 500-8-1-
soldiers from other soldiers and from communities until 1948. See Mor-
18, Conditions Among Eskimos—Igloolik, “Conditions Among Eskimos
gan, “Writing Minorities Out of History.”
Generally, Annual Report, by W. L. Donahue,” 15 January 1968.
• The RCMP report regarding the community council’s effectiveness is
• Simonie Michael is quoted from QIA, January 26, 2005.
• Sammy Josephee is quoted from QTC, June 18, 2005.
quoted from LAC, RG 18, RCMP fonds, accession 1985-86/048, box 55,
• The Ordinance Respecting Dogs is discussed in further detail in QTC,
file TA 500-8-1-18, Conditions Among Eskimos—Igloolik, “Conditions
“Analysis of the RCMP and Inuit Sled Dogs Report” (September 2010).
Among Eskimos Generally, Annual Report, by R. R. Gordon,” 15 January
The reference to “ownerless strays” can be found in the NWT Archives,
1969.
Northern Administration Branch Collection, accession G-1979-003, box
• James Arvaluk’s experiences and associated quotes are found in Arvaluk,
That’s My Vision, 4.
• Noah Nasook’s experiences and associated quotes are found in Evaluarjuk, “Noah Nasook,” 39–44.
• For Keith Crowe’s comments on religion in Igloolik, see Crowe, A Cultural Geography of Northern Foxe Basin, 81–82.
• For Paul Quassa’s comments, see Quassa, We Need to Know Who We Are,
25.
• For the Inummariit Society and cultural resource centre, see Wachowich, “Cultural Survival,” 127–29.
• Piugatuk is quoted from Milton Freeman Research Limited, Inuit Land
Use and Occupancy Project—Volume 1, 232.
163, file 3, Miscellaneous Correspondence re: Dog Ordinance, 1954–
1957, “Letter from H. Graham Ross, M. D. to B. G. Sivertz, Chief, Arctic
Division, re: health and safety concerns because of stray dogs,” 13 November 1956.
• The Ottawa civilian authorities are quoted from NWT Archives, Northern Administration Branch Collection, accession G-1979-003, box 163,
file 3, Miscellaneous Correspondence re: Dog Ordinance, 1954–1957,
“Memorandum from B. G. Sivertz, Chief, Arctic Division to Director, re:
control of dogs at Frobisher Bay,” 9 October 1956.
• The RCMP officer is quoted from Canada, The RCMP and the Inuit Sled
Dogs, 364.
• The Inuk man quoted by Toshio Yatsushiro is from Autry National
• Paul Quassa is quoted from QTC, September 12, 2008.
Centre, Institute for the Study of the American West, Braun Research
iqaluit
Library, MS 212, Yatsushiro Toshio fonds, box 2, file 44, Transcripts of
• Discussions of archaeology in the Iqaluit region stem from personal correspondence between Doug Stenton, Director of Heritage, Department
of Culture, Language, Elders and Youth, and Ryan Shackleton, historian,
Contentworks (June 10, 2008).
• Franz Boas is quoted from Boas, The Central Eskimo, 422–423.
Interviews, 1959, “Interview Transcript from Joomii, E-7-444. Joomii
describes his employment experience and the RCMP dog shootings to T.
Yatsushiro,” 26 August 1959.
• Superintendent Larsen is quoted from NWT Archives, Northern Administration Branch Collection, accession G-1979-003, box 163, file 3,
Miscellaneous Correspondence re: Dog Ordinance, 1954–1957, “RCMP
Report by H. A. Larsen, Superintendent, Officer Commanding G Division, re: dog conditions at Frobisher Bay,” 20 November 1956.
• Pauloosie is quoted from Autry National Centre, Institute for the Study of
the American West, Braun Research Library, MS 212, Yatsushiro Toshio
fonds, box 2, file 46, Answers to Questionnaire B, “Responses compiled
by Dr. Yatsushiro the Inuit of Frobisher Bay in regards to questionnaire
Endnotes | 471
• The Committee on Eskimo Affairs is quoted from LAC, RG 22, Indian
and Northern Affairs fonds, accession A-1-A, volume 485, file 40-8-1,
part 7, Conferences and Committee on Eskimo Affairs, “Minutes from
Meeting of the Committee on Eskimo Affairs,” May 28, 1956.
• A. F. Fluke is quoted from “Test Village Seen Chance for Eskimos,” The
Windsor Daily Star, 18 July 1957.
B. Questions are not included,” August 1, 1959. The other informant is
• The PJBD Canadian chairman is quoted from LAC, RG 22, Indian and
quoted from Autry National Centre, Institute for the Study of the Ameri-
Northern Affairs fonds, accession A-1-A, volume 870, file 40-8-24, part
can West, Braun Research Library, MS 212, Yatsushiro Toshio fonds, box
2, Eskimo Women (Relations With), “Memo to Deputy Minister from
2, file 44, Transcripts of Interviews, 1959, “Interview Transcript from
Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs, re: Contacts with Eski-
Halli, E-7-66. Halli describes his employment experience and his atti-
mos,” September 15, 1961.
tude on RCMP dog shootings with T. Yatsushiro. Copy includes margi-
• Celestin Erkidjuk is quoted from QTC, May 18, 2008.
nalia by T. Yatsushiro, August 23, 1959.
• The percentages are found in Kenney, Native Communications, 6. Inter-
• Bryan Pearson’s testimony is from QTC, July 15, 2008.
estingly, this was much higher than the Aboriginal programming pro-
vided in Inuvik (8.4%) or Churchill (7.5%). Mary Pangooshoo Cousins is
• Sytukie Joamie is quoted from QTC, May 17, 2008.
quoted from the same source, 9.
• Jonah Kelly is quoted from QTC, June 18, 2008.
• The government report on services in Iqaluit and Apex is quoted from
• The South Baffin member is quoted from R. Quinn Duffy, The Road to
Advisory Commission on the Development of Government in the North-
Nunavut, 128.
west Territories, Settlements of the Northwest Territories, Volume 2 (Ot-
• Jonah Kelly is quoted from QTC, June 18, 2008.
tawa: [n.p.], 1966).
• The RCMP officer is quoted from Canada, The RCMP and the Inuit Sled
• Honigmann’s 1963 study is quoted from Honigmann, Arctic Town Life,
Dogs, 223.
7–8. The reference to “new things” can be found in Honigmann and Ho-
• Table 1 is based on Meldrum, Frobisher Bay, 39.
nigmann, Eskimo Townsmen, 7.
kimmirut
• The Anglican minister is quoted from John Joseph Honigmann Collection Series III, Frobisher Bay, NWT, Anthropological Fieldnotes, 1963,
box 17, Frobisher Bay, Correspondence, “Letter from Reverend Douglas
Dittrich, Anglican Mission to Professor John J. Honigmann, University
of North Carolina, re: changes in the community of Frobisher Bay,” June
3, 1965.
• Population statistics are from Statistics Canada.
• Moreau S. Maxwell is quoted from Bruemmer, Arctic Memories.
• Pauloosie Lyta quotation is from Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project—Volume 1, 188.
• Goteleak Judea is quoted from QIA, June 21, 2004.
• Ikidluak is quoted from Eber, When the Whalers Were up North, 86.
• Archibald Lang Fleming was also known as the Flying Bishop and would
later become the Anglican bishop of the Arctic (1933–49). He is quoted
from Fleming, Archibald the Arctic, 86.
• Marybelle Mitchell is quoted from Mitchell, From Talking Chiefs to a
Native Corporate Élite, 101.
• Oola Kiponik is quoted from Eber, When the Whalers Were up North,
150.
• The description of the Cooper visit is quoted from Anderson, “Lake Harbour,” 1.
• Gordon Rennie is quoted from QTC, January 22, 2008.
• Elisapee Itulu is quoted from QTC, January 23, 2008.
• Elijah Padluq is quoted from QTC, September 16, 2008.
• Elijah Mike is quoted from QIA, January 25, 2005.
• In 1956, the RCMP reported that the wages in Kimmirut were only $2 a
day, while Inuit in Iqaluit were earning between $5 and $6 a day.
• Judea Goteleak is quoted from QTC, January 22, 2008.
• Reverend Mike Gardener is quoted from QTC, n.d.
• Nelson Graburn is quoted from Graburn, Lake Harbour.
• The government report is quoted from Graburn, Lake Harbour, 1.
• Perry Ikkidluak is quoted from QIA, August 24, 2004.
• Elijah Mike is quoted from QIA, January 25, 2008.
• Mary Pudlat is quoted from QTC, n.d.
• Joannie Ikkidluak is quoted from QTC, September 15, 2008.
• Rosalind Duncombe is quoted from “Lake Harbour News,” Nunatsiaq
News, April 13, 1978, 19.
• Maliktoo Lyta is quoted from “Notes on Commissioner’s Tour,” Nunatsiaq News, December 15, 1976, 9.
Endnotes | 473
• Pauloosie Lyta is quoted from Milton Freeman Research Limited, Inuit
Land Use and Occupancy Project—Volume 1, 233.
pangnirtung
• Census data is published by Statistics Canada, and is available online at
www.statcan.ca.
• The physical geography of the area was mapped in the 1880s by Franz
Boas. Two important reports by Boas have not been translated into English—Die Eisverhaltnisse des sudostichen Teiles von Baffin-Land (Petermanns Mitteilungen, xxxiv, 296-298, Tafel 18). Gotha, Justus Perthes,
1888, 2; and Baffin-Land Geographische Ergebnisse einer in den Jahren
1883 und 1884 ausgefuhrten Forschungsreise, von Dr. Franz Boas. Kit
zwei Karten und neun Skizzen im Text, Ergetnzungsheft No. 80 zu. (Petermanns Mitteilungen, 1885).
• The QTC research team acknowledges the assistance of Parks Canada and
permission from the Innamariit Piqqusingit Society in Pangnirtung to use
transcripts (translated into English) of interviews conducted for Auyuittuq National Park by Jaypeetee Akpalialuk and Rosie Okpik in 1984–89.
• A very good written account of the voyage of SS Bay Chimo is the diary
of a student medical officer, Leo Jackman: LAC, L. J. Jackman fonds,
MG30-B34, Diary [textual record], 1921, quoted here.
• David Damas developed the model of contact phases in a number of different articles, including “The Eskimo.” For refinements to this model in
the whaling era, see W. Gillies Ross, Whaling and Eskimos: Hudson Bay
1860–1915, 137–38; and Goldring, “Inuit Economic Responses,” 151–54.
• Population information in Table 1 is from Sivertz to Director, Dec. 16,
1964 and attachments, in LAC, RG85, volume 362, file 201-1, part 31,
Arctic Inspections.
• Income information in Table 2 is from LAC, Northern Affairs Program,
RG85, volume 1207, file 201-1-8 part 3, “Attachment to report of J.
Cantley to Acting Chief, Nov. 19, 1952.”
Endnotes | 475
ing qimmiit in order to discourage loitering is consistent with the police
pond inlet
view that dog teams should be small, around six to eight animals.
• Census data is published by Statistics Canada, and is available online at
• Levi Evic’s story is taken from QTC, May 15, 2008. The idea of shoot-
• John Feeney’s 1960 National Film Board production was titled Arctic
Outpost: Pangnirtung, NWT.
www.statcan.ca.
• For the quote on the moves in spring and other parts of the seasonal round,
• Raigalee Angnakok is quoted from QTC, September 30, 2008.
see the circular chart in The Lancaster Sound Regional Land Use Plan
• The spread of canine hepatitis in the trading district is described in many
(Lancaster Sound Regional Planning Commission, March 1991), 15.
sources; reliance here is on information provided in QTC witness state-
• The section on ocean currents and early exploration is based on Dunbar
ments and on documentary leads supplied by Dr. Frank Tester from the
and Greenaway, Arctic Canada from the Air, 93–94, 134, and 424–25. It
Nunavut Social History Data Base. The government’s response to the epi-
is also based on Ross, “Whaling, Inuit, and the Arctic Islands,” 235–51.
demic has been written about often, generally from a pro-administration
• Statistics for Table 2 come mainly from the annual reports of RCMP
point of view. Only the writers who use oral evidence emphasize the sud-
constables issued as “Conditions Amongst the Eskimos” reports and
denness, often bordering on cruelty, of the evacuations.
other accounts of government activity as reported in the Government of
• Keith Crowe’s description of Kilabuk’s and Etooangat’s work during the
crisis is taken from Crowe, “Arctic Profiles: Jim Kilabuk.”
Canada’s annual Government Activities in the North.
• The quote on federal attitudes towards Inuit involvement in decision-
• Elijah Kakee is quoted from the QTC, May 13, 2008.
making was made by T. Stewart, April 18, 1968 as reported in an unpub-
• Information about the qimmiit disease at Kimmirut includes remarks
lished, printed report titled “Pre-Conference Discussion, Baffin Region
from LAC, RG18 accession 84-85-1048, volume 57, file TA500-20-10-13,
Eskimo Advisory Council Conference,” Frobisher Bay, Northwest Terri-
annual reports by Cst. C. P. Pallister (14 Jan. 1960 and W. H. Canam, 17
tories, April 16–20, 1968. The report was found at the AANDC Library,
Jan. 1961).
Gatineau, QC.
• M. J. McPhee’s statement is taken from LAC, RCMP fonds, RG18, ac-
• Gamailie Kilukishak is quoted from QIA, July 1, 2005.
cession 1985-86/048, box 57, file TA-50020-10-14 Game Conditions:
• Moses Kasarnak is quoted from QIA, February 17, 2005.
Pangnirtung, NWT, Memo to OC from M. J. McPhee, re: Annual Re-
• Apphia Kiliktee testimony to the QTC, December 11, 2008.
port—Game Conditions, July 17, 1964.
• Elizabeth Kyak testimony to the QTC, December 10, 2008.
• The 1965 population statistics are taken from LAC, Northern Affairs
• Elisapee Ootoova testimony to the QTC, December 11, 2008.
Program, RG85, accession D.1.A, volume 1892, file 251-3-18, part 13
• Manasie Amagoamalik testimony to the QTC, December 19, 2008.
Experimental Housing for Eskimos, Project Section, Report: Eskimo
• Alain Maktar quote about education is from the Pre-Conference Discus-
Housing Survey. Public Housing Section, DNANR Jan–Apr 1965, Janu-
sion, Baffin Region Eskimo Advisory Council Conference, Frobisher Bay,
ary 1, 1965, 15, 17.
Northwest Territories, April 16–20, 1968. The report was found at the
• Ann McElroy is quoted from McElroy, “Canadian Arctic Modernization,”
662–63.
AANDC Library, Gatineau, QC.
• Utoova is quoted from the Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project, Vol. I,
236.
Endnotes | 477
qikiqtarjuaq
resolute bay
• For place naming, group terminologies, and traditional land use, see
• For population statistics, see Statistics Canada, Resolute, Nunavut (Code
material provided by Contentworks to Nunavut Tunngavik Incorpo-
6204003) and Nunavut (Code 62), www12.statcan.ca/census-recense-
rated as part of a cultural heritage resources report for Akpait and Qa-
ment/2011/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E (accessed March 28, 2012).
qulluit National Wildlife Areas, available at http://www.tunngavik.com/
files/2011/10/2011-05-01-nti-phase-1-draft-cultural-resources-report-akpait-qaqulluit-nwa-eng-1.pdf (accessed August 25, 2012).
• Jacopie Nuqingaq is quoted from QTC, September 30, 2008.
• For the Northwest Game Act discussion and quote, see Kulchyski and
Tester, Kiumajut.
• For the Graham Rowley quote, see Canada, The High Arctic Relocation,
18.
• Franz Boas is quoted from Boas, The Central Eskimo, 32.
• For the RCAP quote, see Canada, The High Arctic Relocation, 115.
• For population statistics, see Statistics Canada, 2012, Iqaluit, Nunavut
• George Eckalook is quoted from QIA, n.d..
(Code 6204003) and Nunavut (Code 62) (table).
• Leah Nuqingaq is quoted from QTC, September 30, 2008.
• “Honey bags” are plastic bags used in “honey buckets”—large pails
equipped with toilet seats where household sewage was disposed.
• Nowyakbik’s story is taken from Cpl. C. B. Alexander, “A Journey into
Death,” 43–47.
• Simeonie Amagoalik is quoted from QIA, n.d.
• Alexander Stevenson is quoted from Canada, The High Arctic Relocation, 6.
• Table 1 is based on information compiled from Canada, The High Arctic
Relocation.
• John Amagoalik is quoted from QTC, March 11, 2008.
• Eliyah Kopalie is quoted from QTC, October 2, 2008.
• Dora Pudluk is quoted from QIA, n.d.
• Billy Mikualik is quoted from QTC, October 2, 2008.
• Allie Salluviniq is quoted from QIA, n.d.
• Tina Alookie is quoted from QTC, September 1, 2008.
• Minnie Allakariallak is quoted from Canada, The High Arctic Relocation,
• F. J. Williams and Associates are quoted from F. J. Williams and Associates, Investigations and Report on Development of Settlement at Broughton Island, 3.
38.
• The anthropologist is quoted from Milton Freeman, “The Grise Fiord
Project,” 67.
• Eliyah Kopalie is quoted from QTC, October 2, 2008.
• The RCMP quote is from Canada, The High Arctic Relocation, 494.
• John D. Jacobs quoted from Jacobs, “Some Aspects of the Economy of
• James Cantley is quoted from LAC, RG 22, Indian and Northern Affairs
the Eskimo Community at Broughton Island,” 70.
• For the 1971 and 1973 figures, see Jacobs, “Some Aspects of the Economy of the Eskimo Community at Broughton Island,” 75. For current
fonds, accession A-1-A, box 254, 40-8-1, part 4, letter from F. J. G. Cunningham, Director to Colonel G. W. Rowley, Secretary, Advisory Committee on Northern Development.
population statistics, see Statistics Canada 2012, Iqaluit, Nunavut (Code
• Allie Salluviniq is quoted from QIA, n.d.
6204003) and Nunavut (Code 62) (table).
• Martha Flaherty is quoted from Canada, The High Arctic Relocation, 27.
• Table 2 is based on information compiled from Canada, The High Arctic
Relocation.
Endnotes | 479
• Carolyn Niviaxie is quoted from Niviaxie, We Were So Far Away, 120.
• The nurse is quoted from LAC, RG 85, Northern Affairs Program, vol-
• David Kalluk is quoted from QTC, April 15, 2008.
ume 1353, file 1000/304, part 6, “E. G. Caygill RN, Moose Factory, to
• George Eckalook is quoted from QIA, n.d.
Medical Superintendent Moose Factory,” August 6, 1956.
• Martha Idlout is quoted from QTC, April 14, 2008.
• Mary Iqaluk’s experiences are taken from QTC, March 4, 2008. No one
has conducted detailed research on the outcome of the evacuations and
• Ludy Pudluk is quoted from QTC, n.d.
whether people were returned to their homes.
• Dora Pudluk is quoted from QTC, April 15, 2008.
• Saroomie Manik is quoted from QTC, April 14, 2008.
• Annie Appaqaq Arragutainaq’s experiences are from QTC, March 5,
2008.
• Davidee Uppik’s experiences are taken from QTC, March 6, 2008.
sanikiluaq
• Jacob Uppik’s experiences are taken from QTC, March 6, 2008.
• For population statistics, see Statistics Canada.
• For the Sanikiluaq economy, see QIA, “Sanikiluaq,” available online at
http://www.qia.ca/i18n/english/communities/Sanikiluaq.shtm (accessed
fall 2012).
• Markossie Sala is quoted from QTC, April 13, 2010.
• Johnny Tookalook is quoted from QTC, March 5, 2008.
• For the 1950 health survey and quote, see “Tuberculosis Survey: James
and Hudson Bays, 1950”, Northern News (1951) and LAC, RG 85, Northern Affairs Program, accession D-1-A, volume 1207, file 201-1-8, part 3,
Reports re: Arctic Inspections, “Report of Inspection Trip, June–July
1953, by A. Stevenson,” June 1, 1953.
• For the temporary relocations and Alexander Stevenson’s quote, see
LAC, RG 85, Northern Affairs Program, accession D-1-A, volume 1207,
file 201-1-8, part 3, Reports re: Arctic Inspections, “Report of Inspection
Trip, June–July 1953, by A. Stevenson,” June 1, 1953.
• For Jimmy Koodlooalook’s interview, see LAC, RG 85, Northern Affairs
Program, accession D-1-A, volume 1068, file 163-1, part 5, Family Allowances—General and Policy, “Interview by E. M. Hinds with Jimmy
Koodlooalook of Belcher Islands with assistance of an interpreter,” August 20, 1953.
• Jobie Crow’s experiences are taken from QTC, March 4, 2008.
• Johnny Tookalook’s experiences are taken from QTC, March 5, 2008.
• Quote is taken from NWT Archives, Collection 279, Canada, Northern
Administration Branch, accession G-1979-003, box 80, file 3, Town
Planning—Belcher Islands [303-174, vol. 1], “Study of Belcher Housing,
by E. E. Kemila,” June 6, 1969.
• For centralization at Sanikiluaq and Stevenson’s quote, see NWT Archives, Collection 279, Canada, Northern Administration Branch, Accession G-1979-003, Box 80, File 3, Town Planning—Belcher Islands
[303-174, vol. 1], “Memo to Regional Admin Arctic Quebec, from A.
Stevenson, re: Eskimo Housing—Belcher Islands,” June 30, 1969.
• The memo is quoted from NWT Archives, Collection 279, Canada,
Northern Administration Branch, Accession G-1979-003, Box 80, File
3, Town Planning—Belcher Islands [303-174, vol. 1], “Memo to R. G.
Armstrong from K. W. Stairs, re: Site Planning—Belcher Islands,” March
3, 1968.
• Mina Eyaituq is quoted from QTC, March 4, 2008.
• Lottie Arragutainaq is quoted from QTC, March 4, 2008.
• Emily Takatak is quoted from QTC, March 5, 2008.
• Lottie Cookie is quoted from QTC, March 5, 2008.
QTC Interviews
(2008–2010)
Community Last Name First Name Last Name
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Arctic Bay
Akikuluk
George
ᐊᑭᑯᓗᒃ
ᔪᐊᔾ
Arctic Bay
Akumalik
Mucktar
ᐊᑯᒪᓕᒃ
ᒪᒃᑖᖅ
Arctic Bay
Alooloo
Sarah
ᐋᓗᓘ
ᓯᐊᔭ
Arctic Bay
Attagutaaluk
Mary
ᐊᑕᒍᑦᑖᓗᒃ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Arctic Bay
Ipeelie
Ataguttak
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ
ᐊᑕᒍᑦᑕᒃ
Arctic Bay
Issigaittuq
Jobie
ᐃᓯᒐᐃᑦᑐᖅ
ᔫᐱ
Arctic Bay
Kalluk
David
ᑲᓪᓗᒃ
ᑕᐃᕕᑦ
Arctic Bay
Kalluk
David
ᑲᓪᓗᒃ
ᑕᐃᕕᑦ
Arctic Bay
Kaujak
Pauloosie
ᑲᐅᒡᔭᒃ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Arctic Bay
Kilabuk
Tommy
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᑖᒥ
Arctic Bay
Komangapik
Qaunaq
ᖁᒪᖔᐱᒃ
ᖃᐅᓐᓇᖅ
Arctic Bay
Koonoo
Ipeelie
ᑯᓄᒃ
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ
Arctic Bay
Kugitikakjuk
Ikey
ᑭᒍᑦᑎᑳᕐᔪᒃ
ᐊᐃᑭ
Arctic Bay
Kugutikakjuk
Olayuk
ᐅᓛᔪᒃ
Arctic Bay
Okadlak
Leah
ᐅᖄᓪᓚᒃ
ᓕᐊ
Arctic Bay
Olayuk
Simeonie
ᐅᓛᔪᒃ
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Arctic Bay
Oyukuluk
Koonoo
ᐆᔪᑯᓗᒃ
ᑯᓄᒃ
Arctic Bay
Oyukuluk
Moses
ᐆᔪᑯᓗᒃ
ᒨᓯᓯ
Arctic Bay
Qavavouq
Lisha
ᖃᕙᕙᐅᖅ
ᓚᐃᓴ
Arctic Bay
Qavavouq
Tagoona
ᖃᕙᕙᐅᖅ
ᑕᒍᕐᓈᖅ
Arctic Bay
Shooyook
Isaac
ᓲᔪᖅ
ᐊᐃᓴᑭ
| 481
(IN)
QTC Interviews (2008–2010) | 483
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Arctic Bay
Taqtu
Juda
ᑕᖅᑐ
ᔫᑕ
Cape Dorset
Takpanugai
Quvianaqtuliaq
ᑕᒃᐸᐅᖓᐃ
ᖁᕕᐊᓇᖅᑐᓕᐊᖅ
Arctic Bay
Tatatuapik
Tommy
ᑕᑦᑕᑐᐊᐱᒃ
ᑖᒥ
Cape Dorset
Toonoo
Sheojuk
ᑐᓄ
ᓯᐅᔪᖅ
Arctic Bay
Tattatuapik
Tommy
ᑕᑦᑕᑐᐊᐱᒃ
ᑖᒥ
Cape Dorset
Tunnillie
Tayara
ᑐᓂᓕ
ᑕᔭᕋ
Arctic Bay
Tunraq
Rhoda
ᑑᕐᖓᖅ
ᐅᓘᑕ
Clyde River
Aipellee
Geelah
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ
ᔩᓚ
Cape Dorset
Akesuk
Miluqtituttuq
ᐊᑭᓱᒃ
ᒥᓗᖅᑎᑐᖅ
Clyde River
Aipellee
Loseeosee
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ
ᓘᓯᐅᓯ
Cape Dorset
Ejetsiak
Ejetsiak (Zeke)
ᐃᔨᑦᓯᐊᖅ
ᐃᔨᑦᓯᐊᖅ (ᓰᒃ)
Clyde River
Apak
Johanasie
ᐋᐸᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Cape Dorset
Etungat
Ishuqangituq
ᐃᑦᑐᖓᑦ
ᐃᓱᖃᓐᖏᑦᑐᖅ
Clyde River
Apak
Jonah
ᐋᐸᒃ
ᔫᓇ
Cape Dorset
Kelly
Sandy
ᑭᐊᓕ
ᓵᓐᑎ
Clyde River
Apak
Jayko
ᐋᐸᒃ
ᔭᐃᑯ
Cape Dorset
Kellypalik
Mangitak
ᕿᓕᑉᐸᓕᒃ
ᒪᖏᑦᑕᖅ
Clyde River
Arreak
Aulaqiaq
ᐋᕆᐊᖅ
ᐊᐅᓪᓚᕿᐊᖅ
Cape Dorset
Nungusuituk
Qimmiataq
ᓄᖑᓱᐃᑦᑐᖅ
ᕿᒻᒥᐊᖅᑖᖅ
Clyde River
Illauq
Arnaq
ᐃᓪᓚᐅᖅ
ᐊᕐᓇᖅ
Cape Dorset
Oshutsiaq
Omalluk
ᐅᓱᑦᓯᐊᖅ
ᐅᒪᓪᓗᒃ
Clyde River
Illauq
Joanasie
ᐃᓪᓚᐅᖅ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Cape Dorset
Oshutsiaq
Simeonie
ᐅᓱᑦᓯᐊᖅ
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Clyde River
Illauq
Nicodemus
ᐃᓪᓚᐅᖅ
ᓂᑯᑎᒨᓯ
Cape Dorset
Ottokie
Pingwartuk
ᐅᑦᑐᕿ
ᐱᓐᖑᐊᕐᑐᖅ
Clyde River
Illingayuk
Levi
ᐃᓕᖓᔪᖅ
ᓕᕙᐃ
Cape Dorset
Padluq
Quppirualuk
ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
ᖁᐱᕐᕈᐊᓗᒃ
Clyde River
Iqalukjuak
Peter
ᐃᖃᓗᒡᔪᐊᖅ
ᐲᑕ
Cape Dorset
Parr
Atiituq
ᐹ
ᐊᑏᑦᑐᖅ
Clyde River
Iqalukjuak
Jacobie
ᔭᐃᑯᐱ
Cape Dorset
Parr
Nuna
ᐹ
ᓄᓇ
Clyde River
Iqalukjuak
Moses
ᒨᓯᓯ
Cape Dorset
Peter
Ejetsiak
ᐲᑕ
ᐃᔨᑦᓯᐊᖅ
Clyde River
Iqaqrialu
Susan
ᐃᖃᕐᕆᐊᓗᒃ
ᓲᓴᓐ
Cape Dorset
Peter
Ningeochiak
ᐲᑕ
ᓂᖏᐅᑦᓯᐊᖅ
Clyde River
Iqaqrialu
Mary
ᐃᖃᕐᕆᐊᓗᒃ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Cape Dorset
Pootoogook
Kananginaaq
ᐳᑐᒍᖅ
ᑲᓈᖏᓐᓈᖅ
Clyde River
Jaypoody
Sheba
ᔭᐃᐴᑎ
ᓰᐸ
Cape Dorset
Pootoogook
Kanayuk
ᐳᑐᒍᖅ
ᑲᓇᔪᖅ
Clyde River
Kautuk
Alooloo
ᑲᐅᑐᒃ
ᐋᓗᓘᖅ
Cape Dorset
Pudlat
Qarpik
ᐳᓪᓚᑦ
ᖄᐱᒃ
Clyde River
Kautuq
Elijah
ᑲᐅᑐᖅ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Cape Dorset
Qaqjurajuk
Laisa
ᖃᕐᔪᕌᕐᔪᒃ
ᓚᐃᓴ
Clyde River
Kuniliusee
Hannah
ᑰᓂᓕᐅᓯ
ᕼᐋᓇ
Cape Dorset
Qimirpik
Kellypalik
ᕿᒥᖅᐱᒃ
ᕿᓕᖅᐸᓕᒃ
Clyde River
Kuniliusee
Peter
ᑰᓂᓕᐅᓯ
ᐲᑕ
Cape Dorset
Qimirpik
Aninrmiuq
ᕿᒥᖅᐱᒃ
ᐊᓂᕐᖕᒥᐅᖅ
Clyde River
Natanine
Leah
ᓈᑕᓇᐃᓐ
ᓕᐊ
Cape Dorset
Saila
Meekeeseetee
ᓴᐃᓚ
ᒥᑭᓯᑎ
Clyde River
Palituq
Sam
ᐸᓖᑦᑐᖅ
ᓵᒻ
Cape Dorset
Saila
Pauta
ᓴᐃᓚ
ᐸᐅᑕ
Clyde River
Palluq
Sivugat
ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
ᓯᕗᒐᑦ
Cape Dorset
Samayualie
Anirmiuq
ᓴᐃᒻᒪᔪᐊᓕ
ᐊᓐᓂᕐᒥᐅᖅ
Clyde River
Palluq
Jason
ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
ᔭᐃᓴᓐ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Clyde River
Paneak
Peter
ᐸᓂᐊᖅ
ᐲᑕ
Hall Beach
Qanatsiaq
Solomon
ᖃᓈᑦᑎᐊᖅ
ᓵᓚᒪᓐ
Clyde River
Panipak
Oqqalak
ᐸᓂᒃᐸᒃ
ᐅᖄᓪᓚᒃ
Hall Beach
Qanatsiaq
Solomon
ᖃᓈᑦᑎᐊᖅ
ᓵᓚᒪᓐ
Clyde River
Panipak
Jacobie
ᐸᓂᒃᐸᒃ
ᔭᐃᑯᐱ
Hall Beach
Simonie
Jayko
ᓴᐃᒨᓂ
ᔭᐃᑯ
Clyde River
Panniluk
Leah
ᐸᓂᓗᒃ
ᓕᐊ
Hall Beach
Simonie
Jayco
ᓴᐃᒨᓂ
ᔭᐃᑯ
Clyde River
Panniluk
Thomasie
ᐸᓂᓗᒃ
ᑑᒪᓯ
Igloolik
Georgia
ᔪᐊᑦᔨᐊ
Clyde River
Poisey
Angawasha
ᐳᐊᓯ
ᐊᖑᒐᓴᒃ
Igloolik
Akulmalik
ᐊᑯᒪᓕᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ ᑭᒍᑦᑕᒃ
Clyde River
Qillaq
Iga
ᕿᓪᓚᖅ
ᐊᐃᒐ
Joanasie
Kiqutaq
Clyde River
Qillaq
Mariah
ᕿᓪᓚᖅ
ᒧᕋᐃᔭ
Igloolik
Amaroalik
Julia
ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ
ᔪᓕᐊ
Clyde River
Sanguya
Akitiq
ᓴᖑᔭ
ᐊᑭᑦᑎᖅ
Igloolik
Ammaaq
Mary
ᐊᒫᖅ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Clyde River
Sanguya
Hannah
ᓴᖑᔭ
ᕼᐋᓇ
Igloolik
Augutimavik
Dominic
ᐊᖑᑎᒻᒪᕆᒃ
ᑖᒥᓂᒃ
Clyde River
Tassugat
Paul
ᑕᓱᒐᑦ
ᐹᓪ
Igloolik
Illupalik
John
ᐃᓗᐹᓕᒃ
ᔮᓐ
Grise Fiord
Akeeagok
Jaypeetee
ᐊᕿᐊᕈᖅ
ᔭᐃᐱᑎ
Igloolik
Innuaraq
Laimiki
ᐃᓄᐊᕋᖅ
ᓚᐃᒥᑭ
Grise Fiord
Audlaluk
Annie
ᐊᐅᓪᓚᓗᒃ
ᐋᓂ
Igloolik
Ipkamak
Eugene
ᐃᑉᑲᕐᓇᒃ
ᔫᔩᓐ
Grise Fiord
Audlaluk
Larry
ᐊᐅᓪᓚᓗᒃ
ᓕᐊᕆ
Igloolik
Irngaut
Celina
ᐃᕐᖓᐅᑦ
ᓯᓖᓇ
Grise Fiord
Audlaluk
Annie
ᐊᐅᓪᓚᓗᒃ
ᐋᓂ
Igloolik
Irngaut
Celina
ᐃᕐᖓᐅᑦ
ᓯᓖᓇ
Grise Fiord
Kiguktak
Jarloo
ᑭᒍᒃᑕᖅ
ᔭᕐᓗ
Igloolik
Kanatsiaq
Hannah
ᖃᓈᑦᓯᐊᖅ
ᕼᐋᓇ
Grise Fiord
Kiguktak
Jopee
ᑭᒍᒃᑕᖅ
ᔫᐱ
Igloolik
Joanasie
Kiguktak
Meeka
ᑭᒍᒃᑕᖅ
ᒦᑲ
ᑭᒍᒃᑕᖅ
ᐊᑯᒪᓕᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Grise Fiord
Kigutaq
Akulmalik
Hall Beach
Allianaq
Eunice
ᐊᓕᐊᓇᖅ
ᔫᓇᐃᓯ
Igloolik
Kublu
Thomas
ᑯᑉᓗ
ᑑᒪᓯ
Hall Beach
Arnajuaq
Ben
ᐊᕐᓇᕐᔪᐊᖅ
ᐱᐊᓐ
Igloolik
Kublu
Thomas
ᑯᑉᓗ
ᑑᒪᓯ
Hall Beach
Ikeperiar
Jake
ᐃᑭᐱᕆᐊᖅ
ᔭᐃᒃ
Igloolik
Kunuk
Zacharias
ᑯᓄᒃ
ᓵᑯᕋᐃᔭᔅ
Hall Beach
Irqittuq
Deborah
ᐃᖅᑭᑦᑐᖅ
ᑎᐳᐊᕋ
Igloolik
Kunuk
Phoebe
ᑯᓄᒃ
ᐲᐱ
Hall Beach
Kaernerk
Simeonie
ᖃᐃᕐᓂᖅ
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Igloolik
MacDonald
John
ᒪᒃᑖᓄᓪ
ᔮᓐ
Hall Beach
Piallaq
Gemma
ᐱᐊᓪᓚᒃ
ᔨᕐᒪ
Igloolik
Macdonald
John
ᒪᒃᑖᓄᓪ
ᔮᓐ
Hall Beach
Piallaq
Joe
ᐱᐊᓪᓚᒃ
ᔫ
Igloolik
Otak
Leah
ᐅᑕᒃ
ᓕᐊ
Hall Beach
Piungituq
Siakuluk
Ruth
ᐱᐅᓐᖏᑦᑐᖅ
ᓯᐊᑯᓗᒃ
ᐅᓘᑎ
Igloolik
Qaunaq
Deborah
ᖃᐅᓐᓇᖅ
ᑎᐳᐊᕋ
Igloolik
Qaunaq
Deborah
ᖃᐅᓐᓇᖅ
ᑎᐳᐊᕋ
Igloolik
Quassa
Paul
ᖁᐊᓴ
ᐹᓪ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Igloolik
Quassa
Elisapee
ᖁᐊᓴ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ
Iqaluit
Mike
Meeka
ᒪᐃᒃ
ᒦᑲ
Igloolik
Quassa
Clara
ᖁᐊᓴ
ᑭᓕᐊᕋ
Iqaluit
Naglingniq
Natsiapik
ᓇᒡᓕᖕᓂᖅ
ᓇᑦᓯᐊᐱᒃ
Igloolik
Ulayuk
Rebecca
ᐅᓛᔪᒃ
ᐅᓖᐱᑲ
Iqaluit
Nauyuk
Annie
ᓇᐅᔪᒃ
ᐋᓂ
Igloolik
Ulayuruluk
Abraham
ᐅᓛᔪᕈᓗᒃ
ᐊᐃᐳᓛᒻ
Iqaluit
Nauyuk
Annie
ᓇᐅᔪᒃ
ᐋᓂ
Igloolik
Ulayuruluk
Abraham
ᐅᓛᔪᕈᓗᒃ
ᐊᐃᐳᓛᒻ
Iqaluit
Pearson
Bryan
ᐱᐅᓴᓐ
ᐳᕋᐃᔭᓐ
Igloolik
Uttak
Louis
ᐅᑕᒃ
ᓗᐃ
Iqaluit
Peelaktoak
Evie
ᐱᓚᒃᑐᐊᑦ
ᐄᕕ
Iqaluit
Akavak
Mosha
ᐋᑲᕚᒃ
ᒨᓴ
Iqaluit
Peter
Jacopoosie
ᐲᑕ
ᔭᐃᑯᐳᓯ
Iqaluit
Akeeshoo
Joseph
ᐊᑭᓱᒃ
ᔫᓯᐱ
Iqaluit
Qaummariaq
Sammie
ᖃᐅᒻᒪᒋᐊᖅ
ᓵᒥ
Iqaluit
Alainga
Mathew
ᐊᓚᐃᖓ
ᒫᑎᐅ
Iqaluit
Rennie
Gordon
ᕆᐊᓂ
ᒍᐊᑕᓐ
Iqaluit
Amagoalik
John
ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ
ᔮᓐ
Iqaluit
Saata
Akaka
ᓵᑕ
ᐊᑲᑲ
Iqaluit
Boaz
Henry
ᐳᐋᔅ
ᕼᐊᓄᓕ
Iqaluit
Sageaktook
Enoapik
ᓵᒋᐊᖅᑐᖅ
ᐃᓄᐊᐱᒃ
Iqaluit
Erkidjuk
Celestin
ᐃᕿᔾᔪᑦ
ᓯᓚᔅᑏᓐ
Iqaluit
Shappa
Annie
ᓴᐸ
ᐋᓂ
Iqaluit
Flaherty
Rynee
ᕙᓚᐅᕆᑎ
ᕋᐃᓂ
Iqaluit
Takpanie
Tommy
ᑕᒃᐹᓂ
ᑖᒥ
Iqaluit
Gardener
Mike
ᒑᑎᓇ
ᒪᐃᒃ
Iqaluit
Tikivik
Joe
ᑎᑭᕕᒃ
ᔫ
Iqaluit
Ineak
Odluriak
ᐊᐃᓂᐊᖅ
ᐅᓪᓗᕆᐊᖅ
Iqaluit
Tikivik
Martha
ᑎᑭᕕᒃ
ᒫᑕ
Iqaluit
Ineak
Odluriak
ᐊᐃᓂᐊᖅ
ᐅᓪᓗᕆᐊᖅ
Kimmirut
Akavak
Sandy
ᐋᑲᕚᒃ
ᓵᓐᑎ
Iqaluit
Joamie
Alicee
ᔫᒥ
ᐋᓚᓯ
Kimmirut
Aqpik
Simeonie
ᐊᖅᐱᒃ
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Iqaluit
Joamie
Sytukie
ᔫᒥ
ᓴᐃᑐᑭ
Kimmirut
Ikkidluak
Nominai
ᐃᑭᓪᓗᐊᖅ
ᓅᒥᓇᐃ
Iqaluit
Joamie
Akeeshoo
ᔫᒥ
ᐊᑭᓱᒃ
Kimmirut
Ikkidluak
Joannie
ᐃᑭᓪᓗᐊᖅ
ᔪᐊᓂ
Iqaluit
Josephee
Sammy
ᔫᓯᐱ
ᓵᒥ
Kimmirut
Itulu
Elisapee
ᐃᑦᑐᓗ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ
Iqaluit
Juralak
Iqaluk
ᔪᕋᓚᒃ
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
Kimmirut
Judea
Goteleak
ᔫᑎᐊ
ᒎᑎᓕᐊᖅ
Iqaluit
Kakee
Jeetaloo
ᑲᒃᑭᒃ
ᔨᑕᓗ
Kimmirut
Judea
Goteleak
ᔫᑎᐊ
ᒎᑎᓕᐊᖅ
Iqaluit
Kakee
Josephee
ᑲᒃᑭᒃ
ᔫᓯᐱ
Kimmirut
Judea
Akulukjuk
ᔫᑎᐊ
ᐋᑯᓗᔾᔪᒃ
Iqaluit
Kelly
Jonah
ᑭᐊᓕ
ᔫᓇ
Kimmirut
Killiktee
Akeego
ᕿᓕᖅᑎ
ᐊᑭᕈ
Iqaluit
Kilabuk
Simanuk
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᓴᐃᒪᓂᖅ
Kimmirut
Kootoo
Jamesie
ᑰᑐ
ᔩᒥᓯ
Iqaluit
Kipanik
Saila
ᕿᑉᐸᓐᓂᖅ
ᓴᐃᓚ
Kimmirut
Michael
Eliya
ᒪᐃᑯᓪ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Iqaluit
Kunuk
Okee
ᑯᓄᒃ
ᐅᕿ
Kimmirut
Michael
Matto
ᒪᐃᑯᓪ
ᒪᑐ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Kimmirut
Michael
Elijah
Ottawa
Wenzel
George
ᐅᐊᓐᓱᓪ
ᔪᐊᔾᔨ
Kimmirut
Okpik
Temela
ᐅᒃᐱᒃ
ᑎᒥᓛᖅ
Ottawa
Williamson
Robert (Bob)
ᐅᐃᓕᔭᒻᓴᓐ
ᕌᐳᑦ
Kimmirut
Okpik
Temela
ᐅᒃᐱᒃ
ᑎᒥᓛᖅ
Pangnirtung
Akpalialuk
Leopa
ᐊᑉᐸᓕᐊᓗᒃ
ᓕᐅᐸ
Kimmirut
Onalik
Simata
ᐅᓈᓕᒃ
ᓴᐃᒪᑕᖅ
Pangnirtung
Akpalialuk
Simeonie
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Kimmirut
Padluq
Ejesiak
ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
ᐃᔨᑦᓯᐊᖅ
Pangnirtung
Akulukjuk
Geela
ᐋᑯᓗᔾᔪᒃ
ᔩᓚ
Kimmirut
Padluq
Elijah
ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Pangnirtung
Angmarlik
Eena
ᐊᒻᒫᓕᒃ
ᐄᓇ
Kimmirut
Pudlat
Mary
ᐳᓪᓚᑦ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Pangnirtung
Angnakak
Meeka
ᐊᕐᓇᒃᑲᖅ
ᒦᑲ
Kimmirut
Rennie
Gordon
ᕆᐊᓂ
ᒍᐊᑕᓐ
Pangnirtung
Battye
Mary
ᐹᑎ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Kimmirut
Rennie
Sarah
ᕆᐊᓂ
ᓯᐊᔭ
Pangnirtung
Evic
Leah
ᐃᕕᒃ
ᓕᐊ
Kimmirut
Temela
Taqialuk
ᑎᒥᓛᖅ
ᑕᖅᑭᐊᓗᒃ
Pangnirtung
Evic
Levi
ᐃᕕᒃ
ᓕᕙᐃ
Ottawa
Alexander
Colin
ᐋᓕᒃᓵᓐᑐ
ᑳᓕᓐ
Pangnirtung
Ishulutak
Lasaloosie
ᐃᓱᓪᓗᑕᖅ
ᓛᓴᓘᓯ
Ottawa
Brody
Hugh
ᐳᕉᑎ
ᕼᐃᐅ
Pangnirtung
Kakee
Elijah
ᑲᒃᑭᒃ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Ottawa
Flaherty
Martha
ᕙᓚᐅᕆᑎ
ᒫᑕ
Pangnirtung
Kakee
Leesee Mary
ᑲᒃᑭᒃ
ᓖᓯ ᒥᐊᓕ
Ottawa
Irnirq
Peter
ᐃᕐᓂᖅ
ᐲᑕ
Pangnirtung
Kakkee
Elijah
ᑲᒃᑭᒃ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Ottawa
Irnirq
Peter
ᐃᕐᓂᖅ
ᐲᑕ
Pangnirtung
Keenainak
Daisy
ᑮᓇᐃᓐᓇᖅ
ᑕᐃᓯ
Ottawa
Jenkin
Terrance
(Terry)
ᔭᓐᑭᓐ
ᑎᐅᕆ
Pangnirtung
Kilabuk
Adam Pudloo
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᐋᑕᒥ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
Lucy
Simeonie
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Komoartuk
Kunnuk
ᑯᓄᒃ
Pangnirtung
Ottawa
ᖁᒻᒧᐊᑦᑐᖅ
ᓘᓯ
Norman
Bud
ᐸᑦ
Komoartuk
Neville
ᓇᕕᐅᓪ
Pangnirtung
Ottawa
ᖁᒻᒧᐊᑦᑐᖅ
ᓄᐊᒪᓐ
Lootie
Papatsie
July
ᔪᓚᐃ
Kuniliusee
Ottawa
ᐸᐹᑦᓯ
Pangnirtung
ᑰᓂᓕᐅᓯ
ᓘᑎ
Jamese
July
ᔪᓚᐃ
Mike
Papatsie
ᐸᐹᑦᓯ
Pangnirtung
Ottawa
ᒪᐃᒃ
ᔩᒥᓯ
Jeannie
Phoebe
ᐲᐱ
Mike
Pitseolak
ᐱᑦᓯᐅᓛᖅ
Pangnirtung
Ottawa
ᒪᐃᒃ
ᔩᓂ
Johnny
Rudnicki
Walter
ᐅᐊᓪᑕ
Mike
Ottawa
ᕋᑦᓂᑭ
Pangnirtung
ᒪᐃᒃ
ᔮᓂ
Ron
Terry
ᑎᐅᕆ
Mongeau
Ryan
ᕋᐃᔭᓐ
Pangnirtung
Ottawa
ᒫᓐᔫ
ᕌᓐ
Pauloosie
Susan
ᓲᓴᓐ
Nowyuk
Singoorie
ᓯᖒᕆ
Pangnirtung
Ottawa
ᓇᐅᔪᒃ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Oleepa
Frank
ᕗᕌᖕᒃ
Papatsie
Tester
ᑎᐊᔅᑕ
Pangnirtung
Ottawa
ᐸᐹᑦᓯ
ᐅᓖᐸ
Mosesee
Uniuqsaraq
Meeka
ᒦᑲ
Qappik
Ottawa
ᐅᓂᐅᖅᓵᒐᖅ
Pangnirtung
ᖄᐱᒃ
ᒨᓯᓯ
Pangnirtung
Shoapik
Rachel
ᓱᐊᐱᒃ
ᕋᐃᑦᓱᓪ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Pangnirtung
Sowdluapik
Geela
ᓴᐅᓪᓗᐊᐱᒃ
ᔩᓚ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Alikatuktuk
Loasie
ᐊᓕᖅᑲᑐᖅᑐᖅ
ᓗᐊᓯ
Pangnirtung
Sowdluapik
Markosie
ᒫᑯᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Alookie
Harry Daniel
ᐊᓗᑭ
ᕼᐋᓕ ᑖᓂᐊᓕ
Pangnirtung
Veevee
Adamie
ᕖᕕ
ᐋᑕᒥ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Alookie
Joshua
ᐊᓗᑭ
ᔫᓱᐊ
Pond Inlet
Alooloo
Jayko
ᐋᓗᓘ
ᔭᐃᑯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Alookie
Tina
ᐊᓗᑭ
ᑕᐃᓇ
Pond Inlet
Amagoalik
Manasie
ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ
ᒫᓇᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Angnako
Silasie
ᐊᕐᓇᖅᑯᖅ
ᓴᐃᓚᓯ
Pond Inlet
Arreak
Malachi
ᐋᕆᐊᖅ
ᒪᓚᑲᐃ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Angnakok
Raigalee
ᐊᕐᓇᖅᑯᖅ
ᕋᐃᒡᒋᓕ
Pond Inlet
Enoogoo
Willy
ᐃᓄᒍᒃ
ᕗᐃᓕ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Audlakiak
Jukipa
ᔫᑭᐸ
Pond Inlet
Enuarak
Charlie
ᐃᓄᐊᕋᖅ
ᓵᓕ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Audlakiak
Ooleepeeka
ᐅᓖᐱᑲ
Pond Inlet
Erkloo
Samson
ᐃᖅᖢ
ᓵᒻᓴᓐ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Audlakiak
Markosie
ᒫᑯᓯ
Pond Inlet
Idlout
Joshua
ᐃᑦᓚᐅᑦ
ᔫᓱᐊ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Audlakiak
Loasie
ᓗᐊᓯ
Pond Inlet
Katsak
Rosie
ᑲᑦᓵᒃ
ᐅᓘᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Keeyootak
Annie
ᕿᔫᑦᑕᖅ
ᐋᓂ
Pond Inlet
Killiktee
Apphia
ᕿᓕᖅᑎ
ᐊᐱᐊ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Koksiak
Leetia
ᖂᖅᓯᐊᖅ
ᓖᑎᐊ
Pond Inlet
Killiktee
Jaykolasie
ᕿᓕᖅᑎ
ᔭᐃᑯᓛᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kopalie
Elisapie Meeka
ᑰᐸᓕ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ ᒦᑲ
Pond Inlet
Komangapik
Paomee
ᖁᒪᖔᐱᒃ
ᐸᐅᒥ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kopalie
Eliyah
ᑰᐸᓕ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Pond Inlet
Kudloo
Ham
ᑲᓪᓗᒃ
ᕼᐋᒻ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kopalie
Peteroosie
ᑰᐸᓕ
ᐲᑐᓘᓯ
Pond Inlet
Kyak
Elizabeth
ᖃᔮᖅ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kudlualik
Jaypeetee
ᑯᓪᓗᐊᓕᒃ
ᔭᐃᐱᑎ
Pond Inlet
Kyak
Letia
ᖃᔮᖅ
ᓖᑎᐊ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kuniliusee
Joanasee
ᑰᓂᓕᐅᓯ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Pond Inlet
Muctar
Theresa
ᒪᒃᑖᖅ
ᑎᕇᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Mikualik
Billy
ᒥᑯᐊᓕᒃ
ᐱᓕ
Pond Inlet
Nutarak
Cornelius
Kadloo
ᓄᑕᕋᖅ
ᑰᓂᓘᓯ ᑲᓪᓗᒃ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Mitsima
Joshie
Teemotee
ᒥᑦᓯᒪ
ᔮᓯ ᑎᒨᑎ
Pond Inlet
Omik
Sandra
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nauyavik
Ipeelee Abel
ᓇᐅᔭᕐᕕᒃ
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ ᐊᐃᐳᕐ
Pond Inlet
Ootoova
Elisapee
ᐆᑦᑐᕙᒃ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nookiguak
Meleah
ᓄᑭᕈᐊᖅ
ᒦᓕᐊ
Pond Inlet
Panipakoocho
Elijah
ᐸᓂᒃᐸᓱᔅᓱᒃ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nuqingaq
Jacopie
ᓄᕿᓐᖓᖅ
ᔭᐃᑯᐱ
Pond Inlet
Panipakoocho
Rachel
ᐸᓂᒃᐸᓱᔅᓱᒃ
ᕋᐃᑦᓱᓪ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nuqingaq
Leah
ᓄᕿᓐᖓᖅ
ᓕᐊ
Pond Inlet
Peterloosie
Ragilee
ᐱᑕᐅᓘᓯ
ᕋᐃᒡᒋᓕ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nutaralaq
Peepeelee
ᓄᑕᕋᓛᖅ
ᐲᐱᓕ
Pond Inlet
Qiyuapik
Isaac
ᕿᔪᐊᐱᒃ
ᐊᐃᓴᑭ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nutaralaq
Levi
ᓄᑕᕋᓛᖅ
ᓕᕙᐃ
Pond Inlet
Simonee
Joanasee
ᓴᐃᒨᓂ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Resolute Bay
Amagoalik
Simeonie
ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Resolute Bay
Idlout
Martha
ᐃᓪᓚᐅᑦ
ᒫᑕ
Sanikiluaq
Inuktaluk
Mina
ᐃᓄᒃᑖᓗᒃ
ᒪᐃᓇ
Resolute Bay
Idlout
Nangaq
ᐃᓪᓚᐅᑦ
ᓇᓐᖓᖅ
Sanikiluaq
Inuktaluk
Mina
ᐃᓄᒃᑖᓗᒃ
ᒪᐃᓇ
Resolute Bay
Idlout
Simon
ᐃᓪᓚᐅᑦ
ᓴᐃᒪᓐ
Sanikiluaq
Ippak
Louisa
ᐃᑉᐸᒃ
ᓗᐃᓴ
Resolute Bay
Idlout
Martha
ᐃᑦᓚᐅᑦ
ᒫᑕ
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluk
Mary
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Resolute Bay
Kalluk
David
ᑲᓪᓗᒃ
ᑕᐃᕕᑦ
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluk
Joanasie
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Resolute Bay
Manik
Saroomie
ᒪᓂᖅ
ᓴᓗᒥ
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluk
Joanasie
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Resolute Bay
Padluk
Dora
ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
ᑑᕋ
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluk
Jeannie
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᔩᓂ
Resolute Bay
Padluk
Ludy
ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
ᓘᑎ
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluk
Peter
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᐲᑕ
Sanikiluaq
Appaqaq
Ali
ᐊᐸᖅᑲᖅ
ᐋᓕ
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluk
Mary
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Sanikiluaq
Appaqaq
Sarah
ᐊᐸᖅᑲᖅ
ᓯᐊᔭ
Sanikiluaq
Kattuk
Alice
ᑲᑦᑐᒃ
ᐋᓚᓯ
Sanikiluaq
Appaqaq
Arragutainaq
Annie
ᐊᐸᖅᑲᖅ
ᐊᔭᒍᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ
ᐋᓂ
Sanikiluaq
Kattuk
Peter
ᑲᑦᑐᒃ
ᐲᑕ
Davidee
Lottie
ᓛᑎ
Kowcharlie
Arragutainaq
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᑲᐅᓵᓕ
ᑕᐃᕕᑎ
Davidee
Joe
ᔫ
Kowcharlie
Arragutainaq
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᑲᐅᓵᓕ
ᑕᐃᕕᑎ
Sarah
Walter
ᐅᐋᓪᑕ
Kudlualuk
Audla
ᐊᐅᓚ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᑯᓪᓗᐊᓗᒃ
ᓯᐊᔭ
Caroline
Audlaluk
Larry
ᓕᐊᕆ
Meeko
Sanikiluaq
ᐊᐅᓪᓚᓗᒃ
Sanikiluaq
ᒦᑰ
ᑳᓚᐃ
Nellie
Lottie
ᓛᑎ
Meeko
Cookie
ᑯᑭ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᒦᑰ
ᓂᐊᓕ
Samson
Annie
ᐋᓂ
Meeko Sr.
Cookie
ᑯᑭ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᒦᑰ ᐊᖓᔪᒃᖠᖅ ᓵᒻᓴᓐ
Johnny
Lottie
ᓛᑎ
Meko Jr.
Cookie
ᑯᑭ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᒦᑰ ᓄᑲᖅᑎᖅ
ᔮᓂ
Joe
Crow
Jobie
ᔫᐱ
Mickeyook
Sanikiluaq
ᑯᕉ
Sanikiluaq
ᒥᑭᔪᖅ
ᔫ
David
Pauloosie
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Mickiyuk
Ekidlak
ᐃᑭᓪᓚᒃ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᒥᑭᔪᖅ
ᑕᐃᕕᑦ
Pauloosie
Annie
ᐋᓂ
Mickiyuk
Emikotailak
ᐃᒥᖅᑯᑕᐃᓚᖅ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᒥᑭᔪᖅ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Annie
Emikotailuk
Simeonie
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Nuvalinga
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᓄᕙᓕᖓ
ᐋᓂ
Markossie Sr.
Davidee
ᑕᐃᕕᑎ
Sala
Eyaituk
ᐃᔭᐃᑦᑐᖅ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᓵᓚ
ᒫᑯᓯ
Rhoda
Isaac
ᐊᐃᓴᑭ
Sala
Eyaituk
ᐃᔭᐃᑦᑐᖅ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᓵᓚ
ᐅᓘᑕ
Emily
Mina
ᒪᐃᓇ
Takatak
Eyaituq
ᐃᔭᐃᑦᑐᖅ
Sanikiluaq
Sanikiluaq
ᑕᒃᑲᑕᒃ
ᐄᒥᓕ
Charlie
Inuktaluk
Lucassie
ᓘᑲᓯ
Takatak
Sanikiluaq
ᐃᓄᒃᑖᓗᒃ
Sanikiluaq
ᑕᒃᑲᑕᒃ
ᓵᓕ
Sanikiluaq
Tookalook
Annie
ᑐᑲᓗᒃ
ᐋᓂ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
QIA Interviews
(2004–2006)
Sanikiluaq
Tookalook
Johnny
ᑐᑲᓗᒃ
ᔮᓂ
Sanikiluaq
Tookalook Sr.
Caroline
ᑐᑲᓗᒃ
ᐊᖓᔪᒃᓯᖅ
ᑳᓚᐃ
Sanikiluaq
Uppik
Davidee
ᐅᑉᐱᒃ
ᑕᐃᕕᑎ
Sanikiluaq
Uppik
Jacob
ᐅᑉᐱᒃ
ᔭᐃᑯ
Sanikiluaq
Uppik
Jacob
ᐅᑉᐱᒃ
ᔭᐃᑯ
(IN)
Freeman
Milton
ᕗᕇᒪᓐ
ᒥᐅᓪᑕᓐ
Arctic Bay
Akumalik
Mucktar
ᐊᑯᒪᓕᒃ
ᒪᒃᑖᖅ
Rheaume
Gene
ᕆᐆᒻ
ᔩᓐ
Arctic Bay
Issigaitok
Jobie
ᔫᐱ
Schuurman
Hubert
Arctic Bay
Kalluk
David
ᑲᓪᓗᒃ
ᑕᐃᕕᑦ
Arctic Bay
Koonoo
Ipeelie
ᑯᓄᒃ
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ
Arctic Bay
Kugitikakjuk
Ikey
ᐊᐃᑭ
Arctic Bay
Oyukuluk
Koonoo
ᐆᔪᑯᓗᒃ
ᑯᓄᒃ
Arctic Bay
Taqtu
Juda
ᑕᖅᑐ
ᔫᑕ
Cape Dorset
Ashoona
Mayuriak
ᐊᓲᓇ
ᒪᔪᕆᐊᖅ
Cape Dorset
Kelly
Sandy
ᑭᐊᓕ
ᓵᓐᑎ
Cape Dorset
Kellypalik
Mangitak
ᕿᓕᑉᐸᓕᒃ
ᒪᖏᑦᑕᖅ
Cape Dorset
Ottokie
Numa
ᐅᑦᑐᕿ
ᓅᒪ
Cape Dorset
Peter
Ejetsiak
ᐲᑕ
ᐃᔨᑦᓯᐊᖅ
Cape Dorset
Pootoogook
Paulassie
ᐳᑐᒍᖅ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Cape Dorset
Quvianaqtuliaq Pudlalik
ᖁᕕᐊᓇᖅᑐᓕᐊᖅ ᐳᓪᓚᓕᒃ
Cape Dorset
Toonoo
Sheojuk
ᑐᓄ
ᓯᐅᔪᖅ
Clyde River
Apak
Johanasie
ᐋᐸᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Clyde River
Arreak
Elisapee
ᐋᕆᐊᖅ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ
Clyde River
Illingayuk
Levi
ᐃᓕᖓᔪᖅ
ᓕᕙᐃ
Clyde River
Iqalukjuak
Jacobie
ᔭᐃᑯᐱ
Clyde River
Iqaqrialuk
Mary
ᐃᒃᑲᕐᕆᐊᓗᒃ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Clyde River
Kunilliusie
Peter
ᑰᓂᓕᐅᓯ
ᐲᑕ
First Name
(IN)
| 495
(IN)
QIA Interviews (2004–2006) | 497
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Clyde River
Paniloo
Pauloosie
ᐸᓂᓗ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Iqaluit
Joamie
Akeeshoo
ᔫᒥ
ᐊᑭᓱᒃ
Clyde River
Qillaq
Toopinga
ᕿᓪᓚᖅ
ᑐᐱᖓ
Iqaluit
Juralak
Iqaluk
ᔪᕋᓚᒃ
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
Hall Beach
Allianaq
Moses
ᐊᓕᐊᓇᖅ
ᒨᓯᓯ
Iqaluit
Kelly
Jonah
ᑭᐊᓕ
ᔫᓇ
Hall Beach
Issigaitok
David
ᑕᐃᕕᑦ
Iqaluit
Kilabuk
Martha
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᒫᑕ
Hall Beach
Panipakutuuk
Neomi
ᐸᓂᒃᐸᑯᑦᑐᒃ
ᓂᐅᒥ
Iqaluit
Kilabuk
Pauloosie
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Igloolik
Airut
Lukie
ᐊᐃᕈᑦ
ᓘᑭ
Iqaluit
Kilabuk
Ashoonaa
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᐊᓲᓇ
Igloolik
Akkitirq
Atuat
ᐊᑭᒃᑎᖅ
ᐊᑐᐊᑦ
Iqaluit
Kilabuk
Simanuk
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᓴᐃᒪᓂᖅ
Igloolik
Amaroalik
Julia
ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ
ᔪᓕᐊ
Iqaluit
Kipanik
Saila
ᕿᑉᐸᓐᓂᖅ
ᓴᐃᓚ
Igloolik
Arnatsiaq
Maurice
ᐊᕐᓇᑦᓯᐊᖅ
ᒧᐊᕇᔅ
Iqaluit
Kopalie
ᑰᐸᓕ
ᔫᓯᐱᓗ ᐅᓗᑕᓗ
Igloolik
Awa
Peter
ᐊᕙ
ᐲᑕ
Josephie &
Ooloota
Igloolik
Ipkamak
Eugene
ᐃᑉᑲᕐᓇᒃ
ᔫᔩᓐ
Iqaluit
Kopalie
Ooloosie
ᑰᐸᓕ
ᐅᓘᓯ
Igloolik
Qulitalik
Pauloosie
ᖁᓕᑦᑕᓕᒃ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Iqaluit
Kopalik
Morasie
ᑰᐸᓕ
ᒧᐊᕋᓯ
Igloolik
Ulayuruluk
Abraham
ᐅᓛᔪᕈᓗᒃ
ᐊᐃᐳᓛᒻ
Iqaluit
Kownirk
Aku
ᖃᐅᓐᓂᖅ
ᐊᑯ
Igloolik
Uttak
Louis
ᐅᑕᒃ
ᓗᐃ
Iqaluit
Kunuk
Okee
ᑯᓄᒃ
ᐅᕿ
Igloolik
Uyarasuk
Rachel
ᐅᔭᕋᓱᒃ
ᕋᐃᑦᓱᓪ
Iqaluit
Mark
Manasie
ᒫᒃ
ᒫᓇᓯ
Iqaluit
Adamie
Jacobie
ᐋᑕᒥ
ᔭᐃᑯᐱ
Iqaluit
Michael
Simonie
ᒪᐃᑯᓪ
ᓴᐃᒨᓂ
Iqaluit
Alainga
Inga
ᐊᓚᐃᙵ
ᐃᖓ
Iqaluit
Mike
Eliyah
ᒪᐃᒃ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Iqaluit
Audlakiak
Maliaya
ᒪᓚᐃᔭ
Iqaluit
Natsiapik
Sakitak
ᓇᑦᓯᐊᐱᒃ
ᓴᕿᑦᑕᖅ
Iqaluit
Audlakiak
Charlie
ᓵᓕ
Iqaluit
Nowdlak
Annie
ᓇᐅᓪᓚᖅ
ᐋᓂ
Iqaluit
Audlakiak
Malaya
ᒪᓚᐃᔭ
Iqaluit
Nowdluk
Metuq (Meeto) ᓇᐅᓪᓚᖅ
Iqaluit
Aupaluktaq
Mae
ᐊᐅᐸᓗᒃᑕᖅ
ᒪᐃ
Iqaluit
Kilabuk
ᓇᐅᓪᓚᖅ (ᔨᒥ)
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
Iqaluit
Boaz
Henry
ᐳᐋᔅ
ᕼᐊᓄᓕ
Nowdluk
(Jimmy)
Iqaluit
Flaherty
Rynee
ᕙᓚᐅᕆᑎ
ᕋᐃᓂ
Iqaluit
Nowyook
Elijah
ᓇᐅᔪᒃ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Iqaluit
Inookie
Uqutjuaqsi
ᐃᓄᑭ
ᐅᖁᔪᐊᖅᓯ
Iqaluit
Nowyook
Annie
ᓇᐅᔪᒃ
ᐋᓂ
Iqaluit
Ipeelee
Koomoatuk
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ
ᖁᒻᒧᐊᒃᑐᖅ
Iqaluit
Nowyuk
Annie
ᓇᐅᔪᒃ
ᐋᓂ
Iqaluit
Ishuklutak
Panapasie
ᐃᓱᓪᓗᑕᖅ
ᐸᓇᐹᓯ
Iqaluit
Peter
Josie
ᐲᑕ
ᔫᓯ
Iqaluit
Joamie
Alicee
ᔫᒥ
ᐋᓚᓯ
Iqaluit
Peter
Oolootie
ᐲᑕ
ᐅᓘᑎ
Iqaluit
Peter
Sammy
ᐲᑕ
ᓵᒥ
ᒥᑦᑐᖅ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Iqaluit
Pitseolak
Jayco
ᐱᑦᓯᐅᓛᖅ
ᔭᐃᑯ
Pangnirtung
Maniapik
Joanasie
ᒪᓐᓂᐊᐱᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Iqaluit
Qaummagiaq
Sammy
ᖃᐅᒻᒪᒋᐊᖅ
ᓵᒥ
Pangnirtung
Maniapik
Sarah
ᒪᓐᓂᐊᐱᒃ
ᓯᐊᔭ
Iqaluit
Saata
Akaka
ᓵᑕ
ᐊᑲᑲ
Pangnirtung
Mike
Jamesie
ᒪᐃᒃ
ᔩᒥᓯ
Iqaluit
Sageaktook
Enoapik
ᓵᒋᐊᖅᑐᖅ
ᐃᓄᐊᐱᒃ
Pangnirtung
Nowyook
ᓇᐅᔪᒃ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ ᒪᐃᔭᓗ
Iqaluit
Shoo
Shorty
ᓲ
ᓱᐊᑎ
Pauloosie &
Malaya
Iqaluit
Tikivik
Joe & Martha
ᑎᑭᕕᒃ
ᔫ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒫᑕ
Pangnirtung
Qarpik
Peterosie
ᖄᐱᒃ
ᐲᑐᓘᓯ
Iqaluit
Uniusargaq
Geosah
ᐅᓂᐅᖅᓵᒐᖅ
ᒋᐅᓴ
Pangnirtung
Qiyuakjuk
Mosesee
ᕿᔪᐊᕐᔪᒃ
ᒨᓯᓯ
Kimmirut
Judea
Goteleak
ᔫᑎᐊ
ᒎᑎᓕᐊᖅ
Pangnirtung
Qiyutaq
Solomonie
ᕿᔪᒃᑖᖅ
ᓵᓚᒨᓂ
Kimmirut
Michael
Eliya
ᒪᐃᑯᓪ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Pangnirtung
Qupee
Quanaq
ᖂᐱ
ᖃᐅᓐᓇᖅ
Kimmirut
Mike
Elijah
ᒪᐃᒃ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Pangnirtung
Sowdloo
Nakashuk
ᓴᐅᓪᓗ
ᓇᑲᓱᒃ
Kimmirut
Okpik
Temela
ᐅᒃᐱᒃ
ᑎᒥᓛᖅ
Pangnirtung
Sowdluapik
Marco
ᒫᑯ
Kimmirut
Temela
Taqialuk
ᑎᒥᓛᖅ
ᑕᖅᑭᐊᓗᒃ
Pangnirtung
Tautuajuk
Hannah
ᑕᐅᑦᑐᐊᕐᔪᒃ
ᕼᐋᓇ
Pangnirtung
Akpalialuk
Peter
ᐲᑕ
Pangnirtung
Veevee
Adamie
ᕖᕕ
ᐋᑕᒥ
Pangnirtung
Akulukjuk
Anna &
Geetaloo
ᐊᑯᓗᔾᔪᒃ
ᐋᓇ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᔩᑕᓗ
Pangnirtung
Veevee
Pauloosie
ᕖᕕ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Pangnirtung
Veevee
Rosie
ᕖᕕ
ᐅᓘᓯ
Pangnirtung
Alikatuktuk
Ananaiyasie
ᐊᓕᖅᑲᑐᖅᑐᖅ
ᐊᓇᓇᐃᔭᓯ
Pangnirtung
Veevee Sr.
David
ᕖᕕ ᐊᖓᔪᒃᖠᖅ
ᑕᐃᕕᑦ
Pangnirtung
Angmarlik
Jaypeetee
ᐊᒻᒫᓕᒃ
ᔭᐃᐱᑎ
Pond Inlet
Aksarjuk
Timothy
ᐊᒃᓵᔪᒃ
ᑎᒧᑎ
Pangnirtung
Anilniliak
Loasie
ᐊᓂᕐᓂᓕᐊᖅ
ᓗᐊᓯ
Pond Inlet
Amagoalik
Mary
ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Pangnirtung
Anilniliak
Evie
ᐊᓂᕐᓂᓕᐊᖅ
ᐄᕕ
Pond Inlet
Arreak
Joanasie
ᐋᕆᐊᖅ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Pangnirtung
Battye
Mary
ᐹᑎ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Pond Inlet
Atadjuat
Joanasie
ᐊᑕᑦᔪᐊᑦ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Pangnirtung
Evic
Levi
ᐃᕕᒃ
ᓕᕙᐃ
Pond Inlet
Enuarak
Charlie
ᐃᓄᐊᕋᖅ
ᓵᓕ
Pangnirtung
Evic
Leah
ᐃᕕᒃ
ᓕᐊ
Pond Inlet
Ipeelie
Kunuk
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ
ᑯᓄᒃ
Pangnirtung
Ishulutak
Elisapee
ᐃᓱᓪᓗᑕᖅ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ
Pond Inlet
Kadloo
Timothy
ᑲᑦᓗ
ᑎᒧᑎ
Pangnirtung
Keenainak
Josephie
ᑮᓇᐃᓐᓇᖅ
ᔫᓯᐱ
Pond Inlet
Kanajuk
Kaujak
ᑲᓇᔪᖅ
ᑲᐅᔭᖅ
Pangnirtung
Kilabuk
Nellie
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᓂᐊᓕ
Pond Inlet
Kasarnak
Moses
ᑲᓴᕐᓇᖅ
ᒨᓯᓯ
Pangnirtung
Kilabuk
Josephie
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ
ᔫᓯᐱ
Pond Inlet
Katsak
Ishamael
ᑲᑦᓵᒃ
ᐃᓯᒪᐃᓕ
Pangnirtung
Kooneeloosie
Peepeelee
ᑯᓂᓘᓯ
ᐲᐱᓕ
Pond Inlet
Killiktee
Elisabeth
ᕿᓕᖅᑎ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Qikiqtarjuaq
Koksiak [&
Kooneeliusie
Kilabuk]
Jacopie
ᖂᖅᓯᐊᖅ
[ᐊᒻᒪ ᑯᓂᓘᓯ
ᕿᓚᕝᕙᖅ]
ᔭᐃᑯᐱ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kooneeliusie
Loasie
ᑯᓂᓘᓯ
ᓗᐊᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kooneeliusie
Joanasie
ᑯᓂᓘᓯ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kopalie
Martha
ᑰᐸᓕ
ᒫᑕ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kopalie
Peteroosie
ᑰᐸᓕ
ᐲᑐᓘᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nauyavik
Ipeelie
ᓇᐅᔭᕕᒃ
ᐊᐃᐱᓕ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nauyavik
Saila
ᓇᐅᔭᕕᒃ
ᓴᐃᓚ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Newkingak
Jacopie
ᓄᕿᖓᖅ
ᔭᐃᑯᐱ
Pond Inlet
Killiktee
Jaykolasie
ᕿᓕᖅᑎ
ᔭᐃᑯᓛᓯ
Pond Inlet
Kilukishak
Gamailie
ᕿᓗᖅᑭᓵᖅ
ᒐᒪᐃᓕ
Pond Inlet
Kilukishak
Mary
ᕿᓗᖅᑭᓵᖅ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Pond Inlet
Kippomee
Apak
ᑭᐳᒥ
ᐋᐸᒃ
Pond Inlet
Kudloo
Ham
ᑲᓪᓗᒃ
ᕼᐋᒻ
Pond Inlet
Maktar
Alain
ᒪᒃᑖᖅ
ᐊᓛᐃᓐ
Pond Inlet
Maktar
Theresa
(Koopa)
ᒪᒃᑖᖅ
ᑎᕇᓯ (ᖁᑉᐸᖅ)
Pond Inlet
Mucpa
Elisapee
ᒪᒃᐸ
ᐃᓕᓴᐱ
Pond Inlet
Mucpa
Jimmy
ᒪᒃᐸ
ᔨᒥ
Pond Inlet
Nutarak Sr.
Cornelius
ᓄᑕᕋᖅ,
ᐊᖓᔪᒃᓯᖅ
ᑯᐊᓃᓕᔭᔅ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Newkingak
Leah
ᓄᕿᖓᖅ
ᓕᐊ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Nutaralak
Peepeelee
ᓄᑕᕋᓛᖅ
ᐲᐱᓕ
Pond Inlet
Ootook
Thomasie
ᐅᑦᑐᒃ
ᑐᒪᓯ
Resolute Bay
Amagoalik
Simeonie
ᐊᒪᕈᐊᓕᒃ
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Pond Inlet
Peterloosie
Annie Paingut
ᐱᑕᓘᓯ
ᐋᓂ ᐊᐃᖑᑦ
Resolute Bay
Eckalook
George
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᔪᐊᔾᔨ
Pond Inlet
Pewatoaluk
Annie
ᐱᐅᐊᑦᑐᐊᓗᒃ
ᐋᓂ
Resolute Bay
Kalluk
David
ᑲᓪᓗᒃ
ᑕᐃᕕᑦ
Pond Inlet
Pitseolak
Seanna
ᐱᑦᓯᐅᓛᖅ
ᓯᐊᓇ
Resolute Bay
Pudluk
Dora
ᐸᓪᓗᖅ
ᑑᕋ
Pond Inlet
Qiyuapik
Isaac
ᕿᔪᐊᐱᒃ
ᐊᐃᓴᑭ
Resolute Bay
Salluviniq
Allie
ᓴᓪᓗᕕᓂᖅ
ᐋᓕ
Pond Inlet
Sangoya
Paniloo
ᓴᖑᔭ
ᐸᓂᓗᒃ
Sanikiluaq
Aragutina
Joe
ᔫ
Pond Inlet
Sangoya
Ruth
ᓴᖑᔭ
ᐅᓘᑎ
Sanikiluaq
Arragutainaq
Johnassie
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Pond Inlet
Simonee
Joanasee
ᓴᐃᒨᓂ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Sanikiluaq
Arragutainaq
Annie
ᐊᔭᒐᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ
ᐋᓂ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Angnakok
Ragelee
ᐊᕐᓇᖅᑯᖅ
ᕋᐃᒋᓕ
Sanikiluaq
Arragutainaq
Joe
ᔫ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Angnakok
Silasie
ᐊᕐᓇᖁᖅ
ᓴᐃᓚᓯ
Sanikiluaq
Ekidlak
Pauloosie
ᐃᑭᓪᓚᒃ
ᐸᐅᓗᓯ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Kakudluk
Eliyah
ᖃᑯᓪᓗᖅ
ᐃᓚᐃᔭ
Sanikiluaq
Emikotailak
Mina
ᒪᐃᓇ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Keeyootak
Aka
ᕿᔫᑦᑕᖅ
ᐊᒃᑲ
Sanikiluaq
Emikotailak
George
ᔪᐊᔾᔨ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Keeyootak
Annie
ᕿᔫᑦᑕᖅ
ᐋᓂ
Sanikiluaq
Emikotailak
Simeonie
ᓯᒥᐅᓂ
Qikiqtarjuaq
Koksiak
Leetia / Mary
ᖂᖅᓯᐊᖅ
ᓖᑎᐊ/ᒥᐊᓕ
Sanikiluaq
Eyaituk
Davidee
ᐃᔭᐃᑦᑐᖅ
ᑕᐃᕕᑎ
Sanikiluaq
Inuktaluk
Lucassie
ᐃᓄᒃᑖᓗᒃ
ᓘᑲᓯ
Sanikiluaq
Inuktaluk
Lucassie
ᐃᓄᒃᑖᓗᒃ
ᓘᑲᓯ
(IN)
First Name
(IN)
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluk
Johnassie
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluk
Mary
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᒥᐊᓕ
Sanikiluaq
Iqaluq
Joanassie &
Mary
ᐃᖃᓗᒃ
ᔪᐊᓇᓯ ᒥᐊᓕᓗ
Sanikiluaq
Kattuk
Lucassie
ᑲᑦᑐᒃ
ᓘᑲᓯ
Please note that the following reference list has been abridged for the printed
Sanikiluaq
Meeko Sr.
Samson
ᒦᑰ ᐊᖓᔪᒃᖠᖅ
ᓵᒻᓴᓐ
publication. For additional notes on each chapter, visit www.qia.ca or www.
References
qtcommission.com.
Adams, John Q. “Settlements of the Northeastern Canadian Arctic.” Geographical Review 31, no. 1 (1941), 112–113.
Alexander, Cpl. C. B. “A Journey into Death.” RCMP Quarterly (January
1965), 43–47.
Amagoalik, John. Changing the Face of Canada. Nunavut: Nunavut Arctic
College, 2007.
Amarualik, Simeonie, Walter Audla, and Peter Paniloo. “Resolute Protests.”
Inuit Monthly 3, no. 4 (1974), 22–25, 70–71.
Anders, Gerard, et al. The East Coast of Baffin Island: An Area Economic
Survey. Ottawa: Industrial Division, Department of Indian Affairs and
Northern Development, 1967.
Anderson, J. W. “Lake Harbour.” Moccasin Telegraph. March 1946, 1.
Arvaluk, James. That’s My Vision: The Life Story of James Arvaluk, Life Stories
of Northern Leaders Volume Five. Iqaluit: Nunavut Arctic College, 2007.
Baird, Irene. “The Eskimo Woman: Her Changing World.” The Beaver
(1959), 48–55.
Barr, William. “The Eighteenth Century Trade Between the Ships of the Hudson’s Bay Company and the Hudson Strait Inuit.” Arctic 47, No. 3 (1994).
Bennett, John and Susan Diana Mary Rowley. Uqalurait: An Oral History
of Nunavut. Kingston and Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press,
2004.
| 503
Bissett, Don. Northern Baffin Island: An Area Economic Survey, Volume 1.
Ottawa: Industrial Division, Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1968.
———. Socio-Economic Implications of Eskimo Employment in the Baffinland Mines Project. Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1970.
Blodgett, Jean. In Cape Dorset We Do It This Way: Three Decades of Inuit
Printmaking. Kleinburg, ON: McMichael Canadian Art Collection, 1991.
Boas, Franz. The Central Eskimo. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Bureau of Ethnology, 1887.
Bowes-Lyon, Lea-Marie, Jeremy P. Richards, and Tara M. McGee. “Socioeconomic Impacts of the Nanisivik and Polaris Mines, Nunavut,
Canada.” In Mining Society and a Sustainable World, edited by J. P.
Richards. Berlin: Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg, 2009, 379–389.
Brice-Bennett, Carol. “Inuit Land Use in the East-Central Canadian Arctic.”
References | 505
Canada. The RCMP and the Inuit Sled Dogs: Nunavut and Northern Quebec: 1950–1970. Ottawa: Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2006.
Cowall, Emily S. “Puvaluqatatiluta. When We Had Tuberculosis: St. Luke’s
Mission Hospital and the Inuit of the Cumberland Sound Region,
1930–1972.” PhD diss., McMaster University, 2012.
Crowe, Keith J. A Cultural Geography of Northern Foxe Basin. Ottawa:
Northern Science Research Group, Department Of Indian Affairs and
Crowe, Keith. “Arctic Profiles: Jim Kilabuk.”
Damas, David. Arctic Migrants/Arctic Villagers: The Transformation of
Inuit Settlement in the Central Arctic. Kingston and Montreal: McGill–
Queen’s University Press, 2002.
———. “The Eskimo.” In Science, History and Hudson Bay, edited by C. S.
Beals and D. A. Shenstone. Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and
Resources, 1968.
In Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project Volume 1: Land Use and Oc-
D’Anglure, Bernard Saladin. “Inuit of Quebec.” In Handbook of North Amer-
cupancy, edited by Milton Freeman. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and
ican Indians, Volume 5: Arctic, edited by David Damas. Washington:
Services Canada, 1976.
Smithsonian Institution, 1984.
Breummer, Fred. Arctic Memories: Living with the Inuit. Toronto: Key Porter
Books, 1993.
———. “The Belcher Islands.” The Beaver 51, no. 1 (1971).
Brody, Hugh. Living Arctic: Hunters of the Canadian North. Vancouver:
Douglas & McIntyre, 1989.
———. The Other Side of Eden: Hunters, Farmers, and the Shaping of the
World. New York: North Point Press, 2001.
Brubacher & Associates Ottawa. The Nanisivik Legacy in Arctic Bay: A
Socio-Economic Impact Study. Prepared for the Department of Sustainable Development, Government of Nunavut, August 2002.
Canada. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. The High Arctic Relocation: A Report on the 1953–55 Relocation. Ottawa: Minister of Supply
and Services Canada, 1994.
Dick, Lyle. Muskox Land: Ellesmere in the Age of Contact. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2001.
Duffy, R. Quinn. The Road to Nunavut: The Progress of the Eastern Arctic
Inuit since the Second World War. Kingston and Montreal: McGill–
Queen’s University Press, 1988.
Duffy, Ron. “The Cumberland Sound Dog Disease.” North/Nord 31, no. 1
(1985).
Dunbar, Moira. and Keith Rogers Greenway. Arctic Canada from the Air.
Ottawa: Canada Defence Research Board, 1957.
Eber, Dorothy Harley. When the Whalers Were Up North: Inuit Memories
from the Eastern Arctic. Boston: D. R. Godine, 1989.
——— and Peter Pitseolak. People From Our Side: An Inuit Record of Seekooseelak, The Land of the People of Cape Dorset, Baffin Island: A Life Story
with Photographs. Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1975.
Eirss, Nancy. “Dirt Track is Lifeline for Arctic Bay.” Nunatsiaq News 5, no.
35 (1977), 18.
Evaluarjuk, Deborah. “Noah Nasook.” Inuktitut, 71 (1990),: 39–44.
Fleming, Archibald Lang. Archibald the Arctic. New York: Appleton–
Century–Crofts, 1956).
Fletcher, Roy J. “Military Radar Defence Lines of Northern North America:
An Historical Geography.” Polar Record 26, no. 159 (1990), 270–271.
Freeman, M. M. R. “An Ecological Study of Mobility and Settlement Patterns
among the Belcher Island Eskimo.” Arctic 20, no. 3 (1967), 154–175.
Freeman, Milton. “The Grise Fiord Project.” In Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 5: Arctic. Edited by David Damas. Washington:
Smithsonian Institution, 1984.
Goldring, Philip. “Discussion Draft: Baffin Island Historical Reports 1985–
1988.” Environment Canada, 2008. Unpublished report.
———. “Inuit Economic Responses to Euro–American Contacts, Southeast
Baffin Island, 1824–1940.” Communications Historiques, 1986.
———. “The Triumvirate at Pangnirtung: Career Paths and Cross-Cultural
Relations, 1921–1945.” Quebec City, Canadian Historical Association
Annual Meeting, 1989.
Graburn, Nelson. Lake Harbour.
Grant, Shelagh D. Polar Imperative: A History of Arctic Sovereignty in
North America. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 2010.
———. “A Case of Compounded Error: The Inuit Resettlement Project,
1953.” Northern Perspectives 19, no. 1 (1991), 3–29.
———. Arctic Justice: On Trial for Murder, Pond Inlet, 1923. Kingston and
Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2002.
Guy Mary-Rousselière, Qitdlarssuaq. The Story of a Polar Migration. Winnipeg: Wuerz Publishing Ltd., 1991.
Hallendy, Norman. Inuksuit: Silent Messengers of the Arctic. Vancouver:
Douglas & McIntyre Ltd., 2000.
Harper, Kenn. “The Passing of Padloping.” North 18, no. 4 (1971), 42–43.
References | 507
———. “Qillarsuaq—Part 1” and “Qillarsuaq—Part 2.” Nunatsiaq News (July
8, 2009 and July 16, 2009).
———. “Arctic Secrets: Jamie Florence at Bylot Island—Part 2.” Nunatsiaq
News (October 25, 2012).
Higgins, G. M. et al. The South Coast of Baffin Island: An Area Economic
Survey. Ottawa: Industrial Division, Department of Indian Affairs and
Honigmann, John J. Arctic Town Life as a Stimulus to Eskimo Culture
Change. Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1965.
Innuksuk, Rhoda and Susan Cowan. We Don’t Live in Snow Houses Now:
Reflections of Arctic Bay. Ottawa: Canadian Arctic Producers, 1976.
Jacobs, John D. “Some Aspects of the Economy of the Eskimo Community
at Broughton Island.”
Johnson, J. Peter Jr. “The Establishment of Alert, NWT, Canada.” Arctic 23,
no. 1 (1990), 21–34.
Kemp, William B. “Inuit Land Use in South and East Baffin Island.” In Inuit
Land Use and Occupancy Project, Volume 1. Ottawa: Minister of Supply
and Services Canada, 1976.
Kenney, G. I. Native Communications. Ottawa: Citizenship Branch of the
Department of the Secretary of State, 1973.
Knotsch, Kathleen. “Views of the Past.” In Nuvisavik: The Place Where We
Weave, edited by Maria von Finkenstein and the Canadian Museum of
Civilization. Kingston and Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press,
2002.
Kulchyski, Peter and Frank J. Tester. Kiumajut: Game Management and
Inuit Rights, 1900–1970. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007.
Kuptana, Rosemarie. “Ilira, or Why It Was Unthinkable for Inuit to Challenge Qallunaat Authority.” Inuit Art Quarterly 8, no. 3 (1993), 5–7.
Laugrand, Frédéric B. and Jarich G. Oosten. Inuit Shamanism and Christianity: Transitions and Transformations in the Twentieth Century.
Kingston and Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2010.
Lee, David S. and George W. Wenzel. “Narwhal Hunting by Pond Inlet
Inuit: An Analysis of Foraging Mode in the Floe-Edge Environment.”
Inuit Studies 28, no. 2 (2004), 133–157.
Lewis, B. W. Education in Cape Dorset to 1967. N.p., 1970.
Lesage, Jean. “Enter the European V—Among the Eskimos, Part II.” The
Beaver (1955), 3–9.
MacDonald, John. The Arctic Sky: Inuit Astronomy, Star Lore, and Legend.
Toronto and Igloolik: Royal Ontario Museum and Nunavut Research
Institute, 1998–2000.
MacPherson, Norman J. Dreams and Visions: Education in the Northwest
Territories from Early Days to 1984. Yellowknife: Northwest Territories Education, 1991.
Marcus, Alan R. Out in the Cold: The Legacy of Canada’s Inuit Relocation
Experiment in the High Arctic. Copenhagen: IWGIA, 1992.
Mathiasson, John. Living on the Land: Northern Baffin Inuit Respond to
Change. Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 1992.
Mayes, Robert G. “Mass Communication and Eskimo Adaptation in the
Canadian Arctic.” MA thesis, McGill University, 1972.
———. “The Creation of a Dependent People: The Inuit of Cumberland
Sound, Northwest Territories.” PhD diss., McGill University, 1978.
McDonald, Miriam, Lucassie Arragutainaq, and Zach Novalinga. Voices
References | 509
Meldrum. Frobisher Bay: An Area Economic Survey.
Mitchell, Marybelle. From Talking Chiefs to a Native Corporate Elite: The
Birth of Class and Nationalism among Canadian Inuit. Kingston and
Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 1996.
Morgan, Lael. “Writing Minorities Out of History: Black Builders of the
Alcan Highway.” Alaska History 7, no. 2 (1992).
Niviaxie, Carolyn. We Were So Far Away. Ottawa: Legacy of Hope Foundation, 2010.
Nixon, Patrick Gerald. “Early Administrative Developments in Fighting
Tuberculosis among Canadian Inuit: Bringing State Institutions Back
In.” Northern Review 2 (1988), 67–84.
Oakes, Jill. “Climate and Cultural Barriers to Northern Economic Development: A Case Study from Broughton Island, NWT, Canada.”
Climate Research 5 (1991).
Quassa, Paul Aarulaaq. We Need to Know Who We Are: The Life Story of
Paul Quassa. Iqaluit: Nunavut Arctic College, 2008.
Quigley, N. C. and N. J. McBridge. “The Structure of an Arctic Microeconomy: The Traditional Sector in Community Economic Development.”
Arctic 40, no. 3 (1987), 204–210.
Raine, David F. “The Eskimo Bosses.” The Beaver 51, no. 1 (1971).
Rasing, W. C. Too Many People: Order and Nonconformity in Igluling-
from the Bay: Traditional Ecological Knowledge of Inuit and Cree in the
miut Social Process. Nijmegan: Katholieke Universiteit, Faculteit der
Hudson Bay Bioregion. Ottawa: Canadian Arctic Resources Committee
Rechtsgeleerdheid, 1994.
and Environmental Committee of Municipality of Sanikiluaq, 1997.
McElroy, Ann. “Canadian Arctic Modernization and Change in Female Inuit
Role Identification.” American Ethnologist 2, no. 4 (1975), 662–685.
———. Nunavut Generations: Change and Continuity in Canadian Inuit
Communities. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2008.
McGregor, Heather E. Inuit Education and Schools in the Eastern Arctic.
Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010.
McPherson, Robert. New Owners in Their Own Land: Minerals and Inuit
Land Claims. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2003.
Reeves, Randall and Ed Mitchell. “White Whale Hunting in Cumberland
Sound.” The Beaver 61, no. 3 (1981).
Ross, W. Gillies. Arctic Whalers, Icy Seas: Narratives of the Davis Strait
Whale Fishery. Toronto: Irwin, 1985.
———. Whaling and Eskimos: Hudson Bay 1860–1915. Ottawa: National
Museums of Canada, 1975.
———. “Whaling, Inuit, and the Arctic Islands.” In Interpreting Canada’s
North: Selected Readings. Toronto: Copp Clark Pitman, 1989.
Ryan, Leslie Boyd. Cape Dorset Prints—A Retrospective: Fifty Years of Printmaking at the Kinngait Studios. San Francisco: Pomegranate, 2007.
References | 511
Zaslow, Morris. “Administering the Arctic Islands, 1880–1940: Policemen,
Missionaries, Fur Traders.” In A Century of Canada’s Arctic Islands,
Schwartz, F. W. “The Cape Dorset Report.” Inuit Today 7, no. 4 (1978).
1880–1980, edited by Morris Zaslow. Ottawa: Royal Society of Canada,
Soubliere, Marion. The Nunavut Handbook: Travelling in Canada’s Arctic.
1981, 61–78.
Iqaluit: Nortext Multimedia Inc., 1998.
Smith, Gordon W. “Weather Stations in the Canadian North and Sovereignty.” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 11, no. 3 (2009),
3–5.
Stevenson, Marc G. Inuit Whalers and Cultural Persistence: Structure in
Cumberland Sound and Central Inuit Social Organization. Toronto:
Oxford University Press, 1997.
Tester, Frank J. and Peter Kulchyski. Tammarniit: Inuit Relocation in the
Eastern Arctic, 1939–63. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1994.
Thalbitzer, William. “Scientific Results of the Fifth Thule Expedition.
Geographical Review 2, no. 3 (1932), 509–510.
Usher, Peter J. Fur Trade Posts of the Northwest Territories, 1870–1970.
Ottawa: Northern Science Research Group, Department of Indian
Affairs and Northern Development, 1971.
Wachowich, Nancy. “Cultural Survival and the Trade in Iglulingmiut
Traditions.” In Critical Inuit Studies: An Anthology of Contemporary
Arctic Ethnography, edited by Pamela Stern and Lisa Stevenson.
Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2006.
Walk, Ansgar and Kenojuak. The Life Story of An Inuit Artist. Manotick,
Ontario: Penumbra Press, 1999.
Wenzel, George W. “Inuit Settlement in the Clyde Area During ‘ContactExploration’ Times (ca. 1820–1895).” Études/Inuit/Studies 32, no. 2
(2008), 73–84.
———. “Clyde Inuit Settlement and Community: From Before Boas to
Centralization.” Arctic Anthropology 45, no. 1 (2008), 11–13.
———. Animal Rights, Human Rights: Ecology, Economy and Ideology in
the Canadian Arctic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991.
M
uch Canadian writing about the North hides social,
cultural, and economic realities behind beautiful
photographs, individual achievements, and popular
narratives. Commissioned by the Qikiqtani Inuit Association, this
historical work and the companion volume of thematic reports
weave together testimonies and documents collected during the
Qikiqtani Truth Commission.
As communities in the Baffin Region face a new wave of changes,
these community histories describe and explain events, ideas,
policies and values that are central to understanding Inuit
experiences and history in the mid-20th century.

Community Histories 1950–1975

Transcription

Similar documents

bill prankard

Jamasie Pitseolak (1968- )

here - Pucker Gallery

Aboriginal Carving Empowerment Circle (ACEC)

The Inuit Sculpture of Nunavik – A historical summary

Lure of the Labrador Wild - Vision Atlantic Vacations

Volume 1, Issue 1

the inuit - Pocketwatch Games

FNMI Growth Chart Order Form - The Elementary Teachers