poputar - Centre d`études et de recherches internationales

poputar - Centre d`études et de recherches internationales

POPUTARE ' S p O H l r C S
""I
IN OCTOBER 1996, WÈEN LAURENT DÉSIRÉ KABI.
la's rebel movement began to gain momenhrm, mâny
peoplein Kinshasafound it hard to believethat the rebels
would push asfar asthe nation's capital: "He might take
Zaire," a young man told me, "butte'll nevertake Kinshasa."PresidentMobutu SeseSeko'sdeclining state of
health (he was said to suffer from prostate câncer)and
Kabila's military and financial support from other Aftican leaders in the region (especiallyPaul Kagane of
Rwandaand YoweriMuseveniof Uganda)proved these
predictions wrong. when Kabila's name began to circulate as the leaderof an emerging rebel movementin
the east,the Alliance desForcesDémocratiquespour la
Libération du Congo-Zâire(nrol), relatively little was
known about him. A journdist I spokewith told me that
peoplein Kinshasawerereadyfor Mobutu to go, but that
in their heartstheywantedtheir next leaderto be a kinois
(someonefrom Kinshasa).Nonetheless,as Kâbile and
his uoops marchedtriumphantly into Kinshasain May
1997, the capital was buzzing with excitement. From
loudspeakersand radios all over the city, the musiciâns
ofthe popular musicgloup Weng!Musicacould be heard
l;en! l0a: 1r.:3 10:Lrr
Jra,l i\llrte . kiuDrR!le;.
Sllret:lcfrnd
singing:"Louisde Funès!I sawFantomas!Hewasrunningeway!Running
quickto makealink betweenthevilAway!"rYoungpeoplein Kinshasawere
lainofFrenchpopularcinema
andMobutu,who apartfrom beingdiabolical
wasdso beingchasedout oftown.
While most peoplein Kinshasaexpressedexcitementand optimism
aboutthe ideaof a Zairewithout Mobutu,someof the musiciansI spoke
with during the transitionseemedambivdent,evenconfirsed.UnderMobutu, who ruled Zairefrom 1965to 1997,popularmusicianshad become
accustomed
to a systemof politics that rewardedthem for makingpublic
displaysof loyaltyor for stayingout of politics altogether.In responseto
this system,popularmusiciansgraduallydevelopeda seriesof strâtegies
(publicpraise,self-censorship,
and new forms of showmanship)that enabledthem to thrive both as artistsand as internationd stars.Overtime,
thesestrategiesbecamean integrd pan ofthe aesthetics
and performance
oftheir music,oneso integral,in fact,that somemusiciansno longersaw
their relationshipwith the peopleandinstitutionsofpowerasproblematic.
Bythe middleofthe r99ospopularmusichadbecomemorethaniust a form
of massentertainment.It had turnedinto a meansof socialmobility and
self-protection for thosewilling to immortdize the wealthy and powerful
byciting their namesin their music.As it becameincreasingly
obviousthat
Mobutu'sdayswerenumbered,manymusiciansfelt nervousbecausethis
meantthat theintricatenetworksofpatron-clientrelationsbuilt aroundhis
powerfirlpresence
would bedestabilizedifnot completelyoverturned.
At first Kabilaseemedto haveno interestin beingtheobjectofmusicians'
praise.Intheweeksfollowinghis arrival,rumorscirculatedthata numberof
popularmusicianshadofferedcompositionsin honorof the newlyformed
government,but that Kabilawasignoringthem.Peoplein Kinshasaunderstoodthis as en attemptto distancehimself from Mobutuand his system
of rule, and no one seemedparticularlysurprised.After all, it was Kabila
himself who had beenheardsayingthat peoplein Kinshasadid nothing
but listento musicandthat oneofthe oblectives
ofhis leadership
wouldbe
get
to
the Congobâckto work. Musicians,especially
thosemâkinge living
throughmusic,found this situationunsetding.Walkingbackfrom a concen in Montreâlin the summerof 1997,I askeda Congolese
musicianwho
wastouringCanâdawith his groupwhat he thoughtaboutthe rumors,and
he expressed
a senseof frustrâtionwith the new regime'sstânce:"It's no
good,moncher.
to
Kabiladoesn'twantusto singhim. Whatarewe supposed
C H A P T E RO N E
do now?"Kabilawaseitïer uninterestedin plalng the old gameor unable
to understendit, a situationthat clearlymademusiciansinsecureaboutthe
firture.
LaGuidomonie
Within Africa, the Congois known primarily for two things: music and
Mobutu.While Congolesemusic is known for its seductivecombination
of melancholyandioie de vivre,the legacyof Mobutu'spoliticalsystemis
muchmoresinister(white 2oo5).A wealthofscholarshipexistson political
in the Congo,especially
during the yearsleadingup to ând
developments
I
in 196o,and much of it is availablein English.'?
following independence
refer readersto this literaturefor a moredetailedandysisof the sequence
followingindependence:
theendofcolonid rule,
ofeventssurroundingarrd
tÏe rise and fdl of Lumumba,Mobutu'sseizureofpower in 1965,the forPopulairedela Révolution)asthecountry's
metionofthe MI,R(Mouvement
only officiallyrecognizedpolitical partyand lateras the nsupremeinstituofthe earlyry7os(Zdirttion ofthe Republic,"the nadonalizationschemes
changesin internationd markets
anisation,radicalization,retrocession),
for copperand oil in the mid-rg7os,and in the earlyr98osthe beginning
ofa difficult periodof democraticdenid surroundingthe formationofthe
Union pour la Démocratieet le
first oppositionparty,ÉtienneTshisekedi's
ProgrèsSocial.
Ongoingconcernaboutthe statusofoppositionpolitics,dong with the
controversysurroundingthe Bindolottery scheme(see)ewsiewickir99rb)
and the dismantlingofthe BerlinWall in 1989,contributedto widespread
Êustration,especidlyin the capital,andin r99r Kinshasaexplodedin riots.
Referredto sardonicallyas k pilloge,this periodof only a few daysleft an
indeliblemark on the memoryof manyCongoleseas a low point in eco("the
nomicandpoliticalhistoryandasa symbolof howdeeplylemalzairois
Zairiancondition")hadpeneuatedsociety.Asimilar seriesofriots occurred
in r993,but this timethecivil unrestseemedboth moreorganizedandmore
brutd, primarilydueto the roleplayedbydisgruntledmembersof the military. During the rggos,Mobutu kept a safedistancefrom Kinshasa,preferringto dividehis time betweenGbadolite(thepresidentialvillagein the
north centralpart ofthe country)andvariousvillasin Europe.His famous
speechin Kinshasaon April 24, r99o, in which, crying,he announcedhis
resignationasthe headofthe rr,rtn,markedfor manypeoplethe beginning
C U T T U R E 'PSO L I T I C S
M|P r. Map ofthc DemocraticR.publicofCongo.
of the end of mobutisnr.Mobu$'s decision to re$âct this decision several
days later would confirm for many that the tears shedduring this speech
(after which he uttered thc famouswords "understandmy emodon") wcre
thoseofa crocodileandnot thoseofa leopard.
This periodalsosawimponant chançs in the musicscene.Sincethe eady
C H A P Î E RO N !
r99os,the musicâlgroupWengeMusicahasbeenheldup asthe flagshipof
the fourth generationofCongolesepopulardancemusic.Unlikemostwellknowngroupsin Kinshasa,
Wengewasformedbya groupofcofoundersinsteadofby a singlecharismaticleader.This organizâtional
structure(which
is rare,but not without precedent)
enabledWengeto hold audiences'
attention for a numberofyears,but in manywaysWengewasalsodisasterawaiting to happen.Fora long time the musiciansofWengeMusicamaintained
closetieswith Mobutu'ssonMwenzeKongolo(dso knownbyhis nickname,
"SeddamHussein"),who in additionto beinga high-rankingofficerin the
Zairianarmywasprobablythe most powerfirlfigurein the musicindusuy
ofthe r99os.Like his father,Kongolocombinedthe lureof moneywith the
threatofviolenceto controlmusicians'movementsandwords.As long as
musicianscontinuedto singhis nameon recordsandduringconcerts,they
wouldbenefitfrom politicalprotectionandfinancialsupport.Kongolowas
knownto havea specialaffinityforWenge,andhis positionasthe honorary
'president"of the group servedas a constantreminderthat it was in the
group'sbestinterestto staytogether.In fact, Kongolohad intervenedin
the pestby physicallythreateninganyonewho tried to breakup or separate
from the group.With the releaseofthe first wengesoloalbumin 1996(Feux
deI'omour),
however,thesingerJ.B.M'pianadrovea decisiye
wedgebetween
himselfandhis longtimerivalandfellowbandmemberWerra
Son.Furthermore,increasingpoliticaltensionin the easternpan of the countrymeânt
that Kongolowesoften absentfrom Kinshasaand no longerin a position
to mediateconflictwithin the group. In the Fâllof 1997,after an altercation during a concertat Kinshasa'sprestigiousIntercontinentalHotel, it
becameclearthat Wengewasbreakingup, and rumorsaboutthe group's
futurebeganto spreadacrossthe city like wildfire.
Thenextdayfansorganizeda protestin frontofthe band'sheadquarters,
andas the conflictwith Kabila'srebellionintensified,therewasincreasing
concernthat thesituationwith Wengemight leadto civilunrestin Kinshasa.
Finallyin December1997the newlyinstalledministerof informationand
culturalaffairs,RaphaelGhenda,calleda specialmeetingwith the conflicting partiesin hopesof brokeringan agreementthat would leadto reconciliation.Ghenda'schief of staffannouncedto the pressthat "therewere
someseriousproblemswithin Wengedueto anabsence
ofconsultation,but
we arenot yet talkingeboutthe possibilityofseparating.Furthermore,the
C U L I U RE ' 5 P O L I T I C S
musicianshevebeenaskedto not l!t themselves
bedisEactedât â timewhen
whatwe needmostis unityin orderto ensurenationd reconstruction"(qtd.
in Kasongor99Z).
who togetherwith the famous
Accordingto the authorMandaTchebwa,
singerTabu
Leywasapproached
bytheministerto facilitatethemeeting,the
closed-doorsessionlastednearlysix hours,with eachmusicianexpressing
of personalaccusadons
his grievances,
and resultedin a heatedexchange
group
together(personalcommunicaanda fragileconsensus
to keepthe
tion, May 2, zoo5).While the two rivds left the minister'sofficeshaking
handsin front ofthe cameras,in onlya manerof daysWengehadofÊcially
split into twor). B. M'piana'swengeMusicascsc (for the group'soriginal
name,Bonchich,Bongenre)andWenaSon'swengeMusicaMaisonMère.
Thisseparation
ledto a seriesofsecondaryoffshoots
in themonthsto come,
andthe dreamofa reunitedWengequicklybecamea thing ofthe past,PerhapsWerraSonhimselfsaidit bestwhenhe announcedto the local media
in the Congo."
that "therearetoo manyWenges
in Kinshasawastalkingabout
Duringthisperiodit seemedthat everyone
the conflictbenlreenthe two musicians.Most p!oplehâdân opinionebout
what hadhappenedandcontinueto rememberthis periodasa time during
which ftiends,families,andneighborsbecameincreasinglydivided
overthe
issueofthe group'sseparation.
A youngman in his mid-twentiestold me,
'I, B.'salbumreallymarkeda turning point in termsofpolitics. . . . From
that point on the conflict betweenthe musiciansgot worse ald for the first
time in our neighborhoodwewereableto seewho waswho" (groupinterview,May 15,2oo5).when anotheryoungman told me that he had "lost e
lot offriendsduringthat period"(ibid.),hewasreferringnotonly to friends
who left tÏe Congobecause
ofincreasingpoliticd insubility but dso to th!
factthat thewengecontroversy
wasslowlystartingto causedivisionamong
fans along ethnic lines,with peoplefrom KasaisupponingM'pianaand
peoplefrom theKikongo-speaking
supportingwerrâ
areasaroundK.inshasa
Son.WengeMusica'sethnicmakeuphad neversurfacedas an issuein the
group'spast,and the fâct that wenge'sproblemswerebeingreadin ethnic
termsseemedto signala structurd shift not only in popularmusicbut in
netional politics aswell.
populardancemusicwasthe
Onething that wasnot new in Congolese
('splintering") thât occurswhenevera disinternal dynamicof dislocation
C H A P T EO
RN E
gruntledmemberof a group (generallyone of the Ieadsingersor guitarists) decidesto strikeout on his own and establishhis own authorityas a
musicaland artistic leader.Splinteringhasbeena centraldy'namicin the
management
and performanceofpopular musicin Kinshasasinceits very
beginnings,andit mayor maynot be explainedby looking to ân equâtorial
tradition of "big man" politics in variousregionsof the Congobasin(see
chapter8).Whatisclearis thatthroughouthis poliricalcareerMobutumodeleda styleof politicalleadershipthat mâdestrategicuseof divisiveness,
most often es a meansof consolidatingauthority,and this aspectof his
leadership
alsobecamecommonin socialorganizationoutsideofthe politicalsphere.Mobutu'sstatusas"presidentfor life" wasonlyreinforcedbythe
seriesofhonorific tides that becamepart ofhis propaganda
campaignsin
tlte r97os:"Helmsmân,""FoundingPresident,""Fâtherofrhe Nation,"and
Guide."Mânypopularmusicians,alsodeeplyconcerned
"Revolutionary
with
their statusasleaders,adoptedthis aestheticofâuthoriryby playingon the
imageryof military strongmento asserttheir powerasartists.This preferencefor strong,charismaticleadership
andthetendencytowardsplintering
asa meansofestablishingpoliticalauthorityledto whatpeoplein Kinshasa
(from Mobutu'suseof the term guide),or the
todayrefer to asguidornonie
obsessive
preoccupation
with havinga followingandbecominga lecder.l
Oneofthe moststrikingexamples
ofthisguidomanie
is thetitle trackfrom
M'piana's2oooalbumT.H.,whichwasseennot onlyasa response
to Werra
Son'sSololc
Bien(rgg9)but alsoasan importântfollow-upto M'pienâ'sown
Titanic(r998).aThe musicvideofor "T.H." is typicalof most musicvideos
producedin Kinshasa.There
is no storylineorscenario:thesongconsists
of
a seriesofchoreographed
dancesequences,
and the musiciansare dressed
in coordinatedoutfits (in this videorhelatestgearfrom thehip-hopfashion
designerFUBU),with M'piana("The no. r Sovereign")
dresseddifferently
fiom the other musiciansin the band.M'pianais surroundedby a dozen
or so musiciansarrangedin a pyramidformationbehindhim singingthe
praisesof their leader,who is visiblyexcitedto be dancingin spiteofwhat
seemslike a feignedindifference:
Souverain
azalichampion,solo
tokobangate
Souverain
azalichampion,solo
tokobangate...
C U L T U R E ' 5P O L I T I C S
The Sovereign
is champion,we have
nothingto fear
TheSovereign
is champion,we have
n o t h i n gt o f e a r . . .
Souverain
a banginayebaye
kobengaye
Hewaskeepingto himselfandthey
calledhim
Souverain
a banginayebaye
kobengaye
Hewaskeepingto himselfandthey
Pona nini?
whv?
A beti libosoZenith
First he playedthe Zenith[theaterin
A beti lisusuOlympia
Bapesiye disqued'or, metch
esili
Bisotozdi humble
...
calledhim
Parisl
Then he playedthe olympia
Next a gold recordand then he won
the match
Weârehumble. . .
The song's introduction borrows musical elementsftom the performancesaccompanyingthe state-sponsored
political rallies that during
uunconditional
the r97osand r98osintendedto showthe
support"of rhe
people
Zairian
for their nation and its leader,a genreof political propagandathat becameknown as onimotion
(seechapter3).
politiquret culturelle
The ironyofthis videois not that it borrowsfrom the aesthetics
ofcultural
propaganda
undertïe Mobururegime,sinceasI will discusslaterthis parperformative
ticuler
genrehad becomeubiquitous in the national mediaby
th!earlyrg8os-whatis ironicis that M'pianawouldsurroundhimselfwith
suchceremony,braggingabouthis accomplishments
and demonstrating
the loyaltyofhisfollowers,whilemakingaclaimabouthis leadership
qualiselways
ties basedon his ability to remain
humble";the title of the song
(figurer). This is the
toujours
humble"
"TH" standsfor the Frenchexpression
kind ofdoublespeakfor which Mobutubecamefamous,andthe celebrities
ofthe popularmusicsceneofthe r99oshadassimilatedsimilarrhetorical
strategiesto the point whereit wasunclearwhethertheythemselves
were
fully consciousoftheir actions.
Popular
CuhurcandPolitics
As the dominantform ofpopular culturalproductionin Zairesinceat least
the l94os,populardancemusicin Kinshasais an excellentexampleofthe
privilegedform ofcultural expression
that becomesinstrumentdin the âr
ticulation of national identities(Abu-Lughodzoo5). If music from the
Congois oftentoutedas uAfrica'smostinfluentialpop music"(Barlowand
Eyrer995,:7), andtheCongo's"richestandmostdistinctivegift to thecon-
C H A P T E RO N !
Figrr! r. T. H- (J. 8. M'pian., WengeMusicaB.C.B.G.,Simon Music,2ooo).
tinent" (Fabianr998,8:), it is not because
ofthe music'spolitics.Indeed,
joyful
the
soundofthe musicandtheplayfuleroticismofthe choreographed
dancesequences
caneasilysuggest
the completeabsence
ofpolitics in Congolesepopular music.Through stereotypes
about singing,dancing,and
havinga good time, the wordsand soundsofCongolesepopularmusicând by extensionCongolese
popularmusiciansthemselves-havecometo
standfor Congolese
identityfar beyondthe Congo'sborders.A Congolese
musicpromoter,Socrates,
with whom I workedin Kinshasaexplainedthat
the stereotypes
aboutCongolesehe encountered
while travelingin otler
pansofAfrica wereveryoftenrelatedto music:",you work?'peopleusedto
sayto me, '\ryerhoughtyouguysdidn't work.Wethoughtyoujust singand
danceall the time.'Theymust think we eatmusic,"he sâid,visiblyamazed
thatanyonecouldbesoignorantabouthiscountry(interviewwith Socrares,
December:r,r995).
In fact, popularmusic is hard work, especiallyin the contextsof economiccrisisandpoliticalinstabilitythat cemeto characte
fizeZaire.Oneof
C UT T URE ' S P O L I T I C S
the thingsthat this bookwill showis how musiciansunderMobutudevelopeda wayoforganizingandperformingmusicthat enabledthem to compensatefor theeffectsofthecrisis.Forexample,
music's
considerCongolese
uniquewo-pan songstructure:a slow lyrical sectionfollowedby a fastpaceddancesequence.
This structuralinnovation,which did not emerge
until the rg7os,mâdeit possiblefor musiciansto extendthe periodof time
that assuredmufor choreographed
dancing,an aspectof liveperformance
in
following
dramatic
decreaseof
siciansa regularclientele concerts
the
recordsalesin the middlepan of the decade.In additionto thesechanges
in the structureofthe music,andduringroughlythe sameperiod,popular
music in K.inshase
witnessedthe emergence
of a phenomenonknown as
libcnga,
wherewealthypatronsandpublicfiguresoffer moneyto musicians
in exchangefor beingcited or sungby name.Beginningin the r98osand
throughoutthe r99os,libcngobecamean increasinglyimponant sourceof
incomefor Kinshasa's
mostwell-knownmusicians,but it alsobecameaway
for musiciansto urgethosein positionsof powerto act in sociallyresponsibleways,sincelibongo
aims to activatepatron-clientreletionsand referencesthe fearofabandonmentthat canexistin economieswith structural
limits on the redistributionofwealth.
The questionof sociallyresponsibleleadershipis one that will appear
with
frequentlyin myandysis,not only because
musiciansarepreoccupied
this issuebut alsobecausethe questionofleadershipis one that symbolicallylinkspoliticsandpopularmusicin this context.Duringa returnvisit to
Kinshasa,I wastravelingin a taxiwith severalftiendsand havinga conversationaboutbendleaders,
a commontopic amongmusicians.The converaboutmusicin Kinshasa:ul-es
sationbegenasdo mostgoodconversations
musicienssontbizarres!"(Musiciansarefteaks!).Thenmy friendsbeganto
vanity,extravagance,
andhungerfor
sharestoriesaboutmusicians'iedousy,
power.Onefriend,who up until that point had beenmosdylistening,dein particularthe atcidedto sharesomeaspectsofhis personalexperience,
He spokeaboutthe factthat musicianswererarely
tirudeofhis bandleader.
paid, sufferedinsultsin front of peersand fans,and wereleft in the dark
strategies.As he vented
aboutthe band'smovementsor the bandleader's
hadtouchedon a sensitive
his frustration,I couldseethat our conversation
topic andthat h!wasdedingwith strongfeelingsofresentment:"Theway
theyactisiust like Mobutu,exacdylike Mobutu."Hisvoicefilledwith anger,
C H A P TR
E O NE
elmostvisiblyshaking,as he tried to cometo termswith his own bandleader'sindifference.ult'sthe samething; theymakeall thesedecisionsand
theydon'tlistento enyone,no one!"Indeed,in the mindsofmany peoplein
Kinshasa,
musiciansandpoliticiansresembleeachotherin a numberofimponant ways:Theyâregluttonous,not only with food andmoney,but also
in their relationswith the oppositesex.Theyhavea fixationwith imponed
luxuryitems.Theyspeakin an aggressive
mannerto avoidappearingweakmindedor feeble.Theyareintolerantofdissentandopposedto the ideaof
sharingpower.
The links betweenpopularmusicand politics,however,go deeperthan
the imagethat musiciansponrayin public:theyarealsolocatedin the social organization,the performance,and the soundof the music.Takefor
examplethe atalaku,
the musicianin everydancebandwho bringslive performanceto life by singingand shoutingthe short percussive
phrasesthat
havecometo standfor the soundofmodern Congolese
dancemusic.As a
necessary
elementofevery self-respecting
danceband,andyet â musician
who invariablyfindshimselfatthe bonomofthe bandhierarchy,
theotolcku
playsa crucialbut ambiguousrolein the music.Thestoryofthe emergence
of the ataldkuis importânt,especiallybecauseof the otoloku's
relationship
to culturalpolicyunderMobutu.While not an inventionofthe propaganda
machineof the Mobutu regime,the atalokuwasa productof the political
culturein which propaganda
thrivedand thus retainsimponantelements
of the culturalpropagandainitiativesof the r97osand r98os.An ethnographicanalysisofthe otolaku
phenomenon
enablesusto seethelârgercontext of this political reality:how culturalpolicyunderMobutuencouraged
theobjectificationoftradition,howeconomicpolicyduringthesameperiod
causedmusiciansto remaindependenton the state,andhow authoritarian
rule in the Congoreproduceditself through a cultureof praiseand selfpromotion.
The ataloku'sprimary instrument,apartfrom his voice,is a hollowedout metal insecticidespraycen thât is modifiedto be usedas a maracas
(figlre 2). This instrumenthas alwaysbeena part of Congolesepopuler
music,but in the earlyyearsmusiciansusedimportedgourd-stylemaracas
(asthosecommonin Afro-Cubanmusicofthe period).Youngmusiciansin
the r97os,facedwith an increasingly
precariouseconomyand
a musicscene
controlledbyoldermusicianswith closetiesto theregime,struggledto gain
C U T T U R E 'P5O L I T I C S
Figule2. Insecticide
maracas.
PHoTo:
BOBw' WHITÉ.
accessto professiond-quality
instruments.This, theysay,westhe primâry
reasontheybeganfâbricatingspray-canmaracas,
which overtime hâvebecomean iconicsymbolof the populardancemusicin Kinshasa.From the
ataloku's
pointofview,thechoiceofthis particulartt?e ofcan-one madeof
a high-quality,durablemetalthat resonates
loudlyenoughto eliminatethe
needfor its own microphone-is not random.Most atolakupreferit overa
myriadofother cans(for exampleperfrrmespray,powderedmilk, sardines,
etc.),primarilybecause
of its sound[audio],but dso because
the production ofthis instrumentstandsasa sign of resourcefulness
(dy'brouillordise).
Themusicianwho presentedmewith my first spraycanmaracas
wasvisibly
proudofhis recyclingskills.He explainedhow he hadremovedthe nozzle,
perforatedeachline ofsound holes,and openeda smalltriangulardoor on
the bottom for insertingthe hardwoodtree seedsthat we would look for
together.I hâveheldonto the imageof this instrumentnot only because
it
C H A P T EO
RN E
represents
thedtdlaku,
a centralcharacterin mystory butalsobecause
ofthe
wayin whichthemaracaevokesa timeofcrisis,whenusingKinshasa's
mosquito problembecamea metaphorfor economicandpoliticâlinsecurity.s
Attemptsto understandthe significanceof musicin non-Western
societiesâregenerallyâssociated
with ethnomusicology
andwith researchthat
focuseson the role of musicalperformancein relativelyisolatedclassless
societies,primarilyoutsideof WesternEuropeand Nonh Americâ,Eaù
studiesin this ereaset out to catâlogueculturd diversityby documenting
stylisticandinstrumentalveriation,andtheytendedto viewmusicasan externalexpression
ofa culturalcoreor sensibility1Chernoffr979).
At leastas
far backasthe r96osethnomusicology
wasplaguedbyanalmostexistential
dilemmâthar pittedthe studyofmusicagainstthe studyofculrure,andthe
socialsciencesagainstthe humanities(Merriam1964).But as StevenFeld
carefullypointsout (zoor),the field of ethnomusicology
emergedprimarily
within the institutionalcontextofmusicology,a fact ignoredevenby many
ânthropologists.
Beforethe rgSostherewasverylittle researchandwriting
on popularmusic,whichmanyethnomusicologists
stillconsideredaderacrnated,contaminated
form of ,,traditional,'music(Barber1997,r). Butin the
later98osandearlyrggosthefirstin-depthethnogïaphies
ofpopularmusic
beganto appear(Coplan1985;Watermanrggo),and by the mid-rggosan
imponant numberof bookswerepublishedon popularmusicand performance(Guilbault1993;Averill1997;Erlmann1996),mostof themwrinen
by scholarswith trainingin ethnomusicology.
DuringtÏis period,while the
anthropological
studyof musicstill tendedto beconfusedwith ethnomusrcology,therewasat leâsta growingecceptance
ofthe ideathat the s$dy of
popularmusic,andpopularculturemoregenerally,
couldtell us something
aboutthe complexrelationshipbetweencultureandpolitics.
Thetermpopular
culture
dwaysrunsthe risk ofbeing confusedwith populorû16(white 2oo6c).The latterterm refersto anyform ofcultural ectivity
or culturalproductionframedin termsofits statusasa culturalproductor
performance.
Thisincludesbut is not limited to the performingans (dance,
theater,music,storytelling,comedy),the visualerrs (pâinting,sculpture,
handicrafts,canoons,musicvideos),cenainforms of popularficdon and
film, andcertainforms ofdecoration(includinggraffiti,houses,taxis,coffins, bodies).Thesecategoriesthus form a subsetof the largercategory
of popularculture,which in additionto everyrhingmentionedabovealso
C UL T URE ' S P O L I T I C S
r3
includesorality-based
forms of culturd expression(rumors,sayings,language,jokes,prayers),public forms of festivityand competition(sports,
calnival,beaurypageants),and everydaypracticesand gesturesthat transcendethniccategories
offolklore or tradition.Thepanicularcase
ofpopupopulardance
lar culturepresented
in this monograph-Congolese
musicwith other forms of popularculture.
sharestwo importantcharacteristics
First,it is commercially
robust,meaningthatitis integratedintolârge-scale
socialandcommercialnetworksandthereforecontributesandperpetuates
the circulationof culturalproductsin general.Second,it is supra-ethnic,
meaningthat by vimreofits extendedvisibility(andaudibility),it is accessibleto a largenumberand widevarietyofconsumers,regardless
of their
ethnicor linguisticorigin.
With this definitionit is possibleto distinguishpopularculturefrom culture in a stricdyanthropologicdsense,wherethe latter is generallyassociatedwith a systemof beliefs,vdues,and practices,and the formermost
popularculture
oftentakesthe form ofa productor performance.
Because
is often implicatedin large-scale
networksof commercialproductionand
distribution,it enablesus to seelargerstructurd processes
suchasthe formationofnetiond identities,themovementofinternationdcapitd,andthe
(Hunt 2oo2).Its
commerciâlizetion
ofculturd productsandperformances
abilityto circulatewidelymakespopularculturea kind oftrace elementfor
thinkingbeyondlocalboundaries(White2oo2).At the sametime,the s$dy
ofpopularculturegivesusprivilegedaccess
to informationâbouthowidenwithin theselargerglobalstructures
tities areconstructedandconsEained
(tules-Rosette
and Maftin 1997).In this sensepopularculturecan be seen
asâ correctiveto received
culturaltheory(Fabiân1998),not only because
it
shedslight on newareasofcultural productionbut alsobecause
it forcesus
place
to think ofcultureassomethingthat takes
at the intersectionoflocal
experience
and"largerimpersondsystems"(MarcusandFischerr986,77).
The chdlengeftom the point ofview of anthropologyis not only to show
"how the powerfulmomentsin popularmusicare accomplished"(Walser
and McClaryr99o, 289) but also how the powerofthese momentsis relatedto the music'sability to referencethings outsideof itself,what Tsitsi
Dangaremba
refersto asmusic'scapacityto "point unsystemadc
fingersat
the conditionsofthe times" (r988,4).
Thestudyofpolitical culture-a relativelyrecentphenomenon
in anthro-
C H A P T !R O N E
pologicalliterature-attemptsto applyanthropologicalresearchmethods
to the strucn[es and discoursesof the modernstate.6The turn towarda
moreempiricallygroundedqualitativeapproachhasmeantthat anthropologicalandhistoricalaccountshaveplayeda prominentrolein this emerging scholarlyliterature.T
Whilestudiesofpolitical culturedo not form a coherentbodyofwriting or research,manyof theseanalyses
sharethe basic
premisethat nation-states
arealwayssituatedin history:"Insteadoftdking
aboutthe stateasan entitythat always,alreadyconsistsofcenain features,
functions,and forms of governance,
let us approacheachactualstateas
a historicallyspecificconfigurationof stateness"(Hansenand Stepputat
2oor, 7). This "stateness"comesin manyshapesand sizes,but in many
pans of sub-Saharan
Africa it is often groundedin complexdialecticsof
authoritarianrule (Mbemberg92â),thoughthe analysisof sute formation
asa historicalprocessenablesus to seehow thesedynamicsareentangled
in thehistoryofcolonialrule(Mamdanir996).Wirhtheproliferationofnew
(HechtandSimone1994),localideasabout
typesof"invisiblegovernance"
extra.local
identitiesare increasinglyarticulatedthrough singing (Askew
:.ooz;Meintjeszoo3),dancing(Castaldizoo6;Durhamzooz;Taylorr998),
painting(Fabian1996;Jewsiewicki
1995),and other forms of popularcultural performance.
Thuspopularculture
represents
apowerfulanalyticaltool for understanding politicalculture,whichI definesimplyastheculturallypatternedbeliefs
and practicesthat inform the way that poweris soughtafter,yielded,and
understood.
Usingexamples
from myfieldworkwithmusiciansin Kinshasa,
I will try to painta portraitofhow popularcultureandpoliticalculturehâve
heldeachotherup andfixedeachotherin place,not only throughtangible
relationsofclientelismandpraisebut alsothrougha commonidiom ofbig
man-styleleadership.
Is itgoing too far to suggestthâtpopulardancemusic
can reved somethingnew aboutpolitics in Mobutu'sZaire?Possibly.But
sometwentyyearsafter)ohannes
Fabian'simponantearlyanicleon popular
culture,I believethat we still "must askourselves
whetherthe conceptof
popularculture
on irsoriginalityandvigor)does
{andespeciallyouremphasis
not leadto â surreptitiousdenialofthe politicalprocesses
ofclassstruggle
(r978,329).Pogularmusicin Kinshasais
andits neo-colonidsuppression"
interestingnotonlybecause
ofits "powerandbeauty"(Fabianr998,86) but
alsobecause
of how it uses-and is usedby-the institutionsofoower.It is
C U L T U R EP' SO L I T I C S
â mediatingforcethat providesuswith newwaysofunderstandingpolitics
andpopularconsciousness:
how expressions
ofpower areembodiedin the
actofperformance,how officialdommakesuseofthe voicesof music,how
structuralandstylisticelementsofartistic expression
aretied to long-term
politicaldelinquencyand
neglect.And thesefactors-to be seenasmoreof
an agonisticdancewith powerthan a resistance
to it (Mbembezoor)-are
part ofwhat makespopulardancemusicso political.
UltimatelShowever,popularcultureis morethanjustâ solutionto theoreticalproblems.It is a wayof bringing enthropologistscloserto the politicâl implicationsofthe work theydo asself-appointed
observers
ofother
people'scultures.Byits verynature,popularcultureleadsus to askdifficult
questionsaboutrelationsof power,unequalaccessto resources,the role
of the state,and the complexprocesses
by which cultureis produced,reproduced,andmadepublic.It urgesus to confrontour discomfortwith the
productsof masscommercialdesireand with culturalpracticestoo often
dismissedas derivativeor inauthentic.lt compelsus to criticâllyexamine
the decisionswe makebeforewe everget to the field,decisionsconcerning
what typeof phenomenaare to be considered"cultural" and our options
concerninghow to engagewith them (Hannerz1992,25r). FollowingLila
Abu-LughodI want to arguethat rhe most imponant reasonfor studying
popularcultureis that it belongsto aworld inwhich, in somesense,anthro(2oo5,52).
pologists
arealsonatives
FromBrazzaville
to Kinshasa
At roughlythesametime âsMaxGluckmananda teamofscholarsaffiliated
with the Rhodes-Livingstone
Institutein NorthernRhodesia(laterto becomeknownastheManchester
School),GeorgesBalandierwasconducting
researchon citiesand urbanphenomenain Westand CentralAfrica.Like
Gluckman,Bdandierwasat the centerofa networkofAfricanist scholars
(he becamethe first directorofthe Cenued'ÉtudesAfticainesat the École
desHautesÉtudesen Sciences
Socialesin Parisin 1957),and his teaching
and researchinfluencedan entiregenerationof youngscholarsin Europe
andAfrica.Balandierwas
well readin Britishsocialanthropology,
especially
that of Gluckmanandhis followers,with whom he sharedan emphasison
whole,interrelatingsystemsandon the centralityofconflict in the analysis
ofsocial change.Balandier'swork is especially
relevantto my research,not
r6
C H A P T E RO N E
is alsoimponantbecause
it servedasa countenreightto the
dier'sresearch
ManchesterSchool,which, it can be argued,was limited by too narrowa
suchas thosethat
focuson historicallyuniqueurbanlaborarrangements,
predominatedin the copperbelt regionof southernCentralAfrica,and by
an overreliance
on the determinacy
ofstructure.
in Brazzaville,looking
at KinI spentthefirst two monthsofmy research
noir6
ds BrozzcuillcJ
shasathroughthe eyesofBalandier.I hadreadSociologie
ftom coverto photocopied
cover,andI wasftlly preparedto seethe city not
place,
process,
but asa
onethat rvascontingentandincomplete.Even
asa
after the first phaseof my researchwasunderway,I remainedopen to the
or too big, I would
ideathat if for somereasonKinshasawastoo dangerous
alwayshaveBrazzaville,
andIwould alwayshaveBdandier.He,too, hadone
eyeon the othercongo:
"Acrosstheway,"to usee stockphrase,is a realcity.Leopoldvilleliesin a
fine mist, lifting a singletdl building.Froma distance,the comparison
with the Frenchcapitalis still a harmlessgame.. . . Up close,the inferiis easyto understând:concrete
ority complexof certainBrazzavillians
roads,numerouscommercialbuildings,modern hotelswith noiseless
servantsand the latestmechanicalgadgets;findly, the avenuecongested
with Americancars.Impressionsof opulence,speculation,of the bold
persistence
ofa capitalismthat is offto a newstart,unlikeFrenchcolonial capitalism,which has surrenderedall risks to the public powers.
The Congolese
Belgiansreveda cenainupstan'sarrogance:optimism,
in thefutureoftheir
a senseofsuperiority,andan unshakable
confidence
system.(r985,r8o-8r)
asanallegoryof
It is difficultto resistthetemptationto readthis passage
visionofthe Congolese
fiom "across
Franco-American
relations.Balandier's
French
similar
the
way
that
the
describethe
the wâynsoundsstrikingly
to
the latesttechnology,widespreadopulence,"a
United States:possessing
cenainupstart'sarrogance,"unshakableconfidencein its capitdism,and
I hardlythink that this readingwould surprise
of coursecarseverywhere.
AJTico
with the daringproposition
Balandier,who beganhis 1957Ambiguous
that to explâinotherculturesis inevitablytoexplâinoneself.Perhapssucha
readingis obviousto me because
asan AmericanI felt strangelyat homein
peopleI metin Kinshasawerefriendly,bold,andproudto be
Kinshasa.The
C H A P T E RO N E
zairois.
Unlikepeoplein Brazzâville,
who âssumethetyoupreferto bespoken
to in French,peoplein Kinshasaarenot reluctântto speekto foreignersin
Lingala.Much like Americans,theyhold deepand often uncriticalconvictionsabouttheir country'simponance-both geographically
andgeopolitically-and the presence
offoreignersin the Congoonly servesto reinforce
their ideasaboutthe Congo'splacein theworld.
SinceI hadno contactsin Kinshasa,I hadpreparedmyselffor the possibility that my fieldworkwould beginand end in Brazzaville,
whereI had
the namesof two people,a customsofficerwho workedat the airport ând
an administratorat the Zairianembassy.
WhenI arrivedto the airport in
Rrazzaville,
th!customsofficerfound me beforeI found her. Shewastall,
neadypressed,and a bit gnrff, but whenher subordinates
wereout ofour
sight shegaveme a complicitgrin as shewhiskedme throughthe airpon
ândput me in an "express"taxi (meaningno otherpassengers
andno stops
elongtheway)to theZairianembassy.
At the embassy
no onewasexpecting
me.Theonly introductionI hadwasa notefrom a closefriendin Brussels,
whoseauntworkedat the embassy
andwho I wastold couldhelpme find a
placeto stayonarrival.Theauntin questionegreedto rent mea smallstudio
in the family'scompoundin Poto Poto,which was verycloseto Mbakas
Streetwheremost of the city's musicdistributorswerebased.From this
baseI dividedmy time betweeninterviewinga handfulof first-generation
(Jean-Serge
musiciansstill basedin Brazzaville
Essous,EdoNganga,Nino
Malapet,andothers),attemptingto establishcontactwithofficialsftom the
Ministryof Culture,andtryingto trackdownmusicproducersanddistributors.Workingin Brazzaville
wasdifficult. Not manypeopleseemedgenuinelyenthusiasticaboutmy project,and thework I wasdoinglackedfocus
andenergy,so I decidedto makee trip to Kinshâsâ.
Crossingthe river wasshortwork. In fact, peopleliving in the PoolregionoftenremindvisitorsthatBrazzavilleand
Kinshasa,
separated
byamere
twenty-minuteferry ride,arethe two closestcapitalsin the world.What is
difficultaboutthis rideis thefearofwhatwaitson the otherside.In thedays
leadingup to my trip I heârdcountlesshorror storiesaboutthe zairoiiand
(theplacewherethe ferrylands)is
their corruption,andabouthow lebecch
a viper'snestof officids andfakeofficids whoseonly goalis to strip youof
everlthingyou have."Ifyou know someone,or ifyou havea lot of money
you can makeit throughokay,"a friend in Brazzaville
told me; "otherwise
C U I T U R E ' SP O L I T I C S
r9
forgetit." Unfomrnately,I hadneither.As the ferry srârtedour agâinstthe
current,Iwas takenwith a feelingofexcitementabouttheideaofhavingmy
own CongoRivercrossingstory.My excitementturnedto anxietywhenwe
got closeenoughto seepeopleon the oppositeshorepushingand shoving
to geta goodpositionon tie dock.I tried to remaincalmbyfocusingonthe
soundof the ferry motor and the rushingwater,but with little success.
As
soonas the ferry touchedthe dock,peopleftom both sidesstartedscrambling in everydirection,and from that momenton the restbecamea blur.
SomehowI managedto getthroughcustomswith my belongingsandwhat
wasleft ofmy savings,but onceawayfrom thebeach,Kinshasaseemedlike
a totallydifferentcity.
It becameobviousrelativelysoonthata lot ofresearchneededto bedone
on musicin Kinshasa.The
first fewpeopleI metin theKinshasamusicscene
(Ilo PabloandClaudeLengosfrom ZaikoFamiliaDei, the musicchronicler
and televisionpersonaliryMandaTchebwa,and Lofombofrom EmpireBakuba)wereextremelyhelpftrl,and theydso put me in contactwith other
peoplefrom the business.Heremusicpresenteditselfas a sourceoflivelihood for manypeople,â fact that would provebeneficialfor my research.
During tàe week there were bandspracticing all over the city. Throughout
the long Kinshasaweekend(Thursdayto Sunday),it was possibleto see
anynumberoftop billedgroupsplayinglivein concert.Whereyertherewas
electricitytherewasloud musicblaringinto the night, especially
the sound
ofthe newdancestephtisclcthatwouldlatermutateinto ndombolo
anddominatethe musicscenefor nearlyadecade.Musicianswerea visiblepan of the
urbanlandscape;
theywerepaintedon storeftonts,plasteredon billboards,
filling the televisionscreens,
drivingby in expensive
cars.Kinshasawasnot
simplyfilledwith music;it seemedheldtogetherbymusic.A taxidrivertold
me somethingthat I would hearagainand againin the followingmonths:
"Ifyou want to understandthe music,youhaveto understandthis ciry."
Lookingbackon this period,I am not entirelysurewhy I wasreluctant
to beginmy researchin Kinshasa.
which is oneMaybebecause
Brazzaville,
fifth the sizeofKinshasa,seemedmorenâvigablethan the Zairiancapital.
Or maybebecause
so manypeoplehadtold me that Kinshesawasspirding
outofcontrol andthattheideaofdoing research
if
thereseemeddangerous,
not impossible.
Or maybebecause
in thelaterg8osandearly199osa number
of importantproducersand distributorshad beenbasedin Kinshasa,but
C H A P T E RO N T
proro:s!RcE
Figure
desArtistes,
Matonge,
Kinshasa.
MAKoso
3.Plâce
when I arrivedthe region'smost importânt recordingstudiowas located
just outsideofBrazzaville.
Whateverthe reason,assoonasI setfoot in Kinshasa,I immediatelyknewthat I hadto get out of Brazzaville.
The musical
activityin Brazzaville
waslimitedto a fewnightclubsandlarge-scale
music
distributors,elementsthet failedto givean âccuratesenseofthe dynamics
ofthe musicindustryasa whole.Withtheexceptionofthe occasional
group
on tour from Kinshase,therewasalmostno livemusicscenein Brazzayille.
Kinshasa,
on theotherhand,wasalive,anddespitewhatmanyforeigners
to
the regionhâdtold me beforeleaving,the musicscenewason fire.
As are mostcitiesof morethan 5 million, Kinshasais overflowingwith
âutomobiles,billboardsand neon signs, tall buildings,satellitedishes,
and cellularphones(figure3). Peoplein Kinshasashowtheir urbancolors
througha wholeseriesof culturalmarkerssuchas language(Lingalawith
bits ofFrenchis the languageofchoice),dress(womencombinehigh heels
with three-piecetraditional-sryledressesmadeof local or imponed wax
cloth;menweardressslacks,dressshins,andimportedleathershoes),and
education(apartfrom politicsandmusic,this is still the primarymeansof
socialstatusandadvâncement).
Thepanicularneighborhood
theycallhome
C U L T U R E ' SP O L I T I C S
Figure4. SalonBilason,men'shair salonwith pictureof Pâpa\i?emba,
ReddyAmisi,
pHoTo:BoBù w{, I L
ând KesterEmene)a.
cân be a marker ofsocial status iust as it can be a source ofsilence or shame
(since those from the poor areas of the city tend not to draw attention to
their placeof residence),
but it is alsoa placeof comforr.For manyyoung
peoplein Kinshasa,however,the bestplaceto find a livelihoodis abroad,
presumablysomewhere
in Europe(potoor Mûuel)or North America(Super
Miguel),almostalwayswith the intention of a gloriousreturn to the blâck
man'sEurope(potomuindo),Kinshasa.
Whileit maybea clichéto saythat musicoccupiesa specialplacein Kinshasa's
urbanlandscape,
itstill needsto besaid.Musicanimates
households,
taxis,storefronts,end bars(figures4 and 5). It floodsthe airwavesoflocal
televisionandradiostations,regardless
oftheir religiousor politicalaffiliation. In the morning,storekeepers
begintheir dayby puttingout the loudspeakers.
The musictheychooseaftractscustomers,but it alsohelpsthem
wakeup and find the energyto begin sweepinglast night's leftoversand
yesterday's
waste.The musicplayedwill changethroughoutthe day,âlternating primarily betweenAmerican-inspired
Christianhymnsand one or
ânotherofthenumeroussplintergroupsthat resultedfrom thelatestseries
ofinternalbandconflicts.Thenonstopsounds,whicharefinecomingoutof
publicaddresssystemswith crackedspeakers,
alsohâveavisualeffect.They
C H A P T E RO N Ê
Fig!re5.welowasenga
pictured
in frontof hishairsâlon,
whichfeatures
a portrait
of
soBw wHrrE
Lutumba
5imâroandothermembers
ofthegroupBaneO.K.pHoro:
bring to life the postersand commercial paintings offamous musiciansthat
decorateplacesofbusiness acrossthe city. The quick and dirty musicvideos
that accompanyvinually everyalbum produced in Kinshasakeep the private
television stations afloat since the advertisementsthat separatethem also
referencethe musical idiom ofambiance so often evoked but almost never
-.^--.t,,.1ô6nô,.t
8
As statestructuresand marketmechanismsof the r99osfell into further decay,Kinshasaincreasinglycameto be knownas a placeofviolence
2oo5;Devisch
andcrisis(Biayarg97;DeBoeck2oo5;DeBoeckandPlissant
1995;TsambuBulu zoo4;Yoka1995,zooo).ePeoplehavebecomeaccustomedto thealmostpalpablemixtureofexhaust,din, anddustthat results
from too manyyearsof politicalneglect.with a stateofgeneralizedunemployment(at leastin officialterms),most peopleacceptthe fact that their
earningpotentialis notenoughto enablethemto payevenfor sharedprivate
taxis.so insteadtheywait, oftenfor hours,to geta spâcein oneofthe Iarge
transporttrucks known locallyasJlloJula(from the EnglishJull).As midnight approaches,
thosestill waitinggivein oneby oneand beginthe long
trek homeon foot. Peopleoften say,"Mbokaekufi" (the countryis dead),
and for sometime now "Kinshasala Belle"hasbeenknown as uKinshasa
C U L T UR E ' S P O L I I I C S
Fig!r!5.welowâsenga
picturedin frontof his hairsalon,whichfeatures
a portraat
of
aoBw wHrrt
Lutumba
Simaro
ofthegroupBaneO.K.pHoro:
andothermembers
bring to life the postersand commercial paintings offamous musiciansthat
decorateplacesofbusiness acrossthe city. The quick and dirry musicvideos
that accompanyvirtually everydbum produced in Kinshasakeep the private
television stations afloat since the advertisementsthat seperetethem also
referencethe musical idiom ofambiance so often evoked but almost never
-.^--.t,,,t-6--,1
8
As statestructuresand marketmechanismsof the r99osfell into further decay,Kinshasaincreasinglycameto be knownas a placeofviolence
andcrisis(Biayar9g7;DeBoeck2oo5;DeBoeckandPlissantzoo5;Devisch
1995;TsambuBulu:oo4;Yoka1995,zooo).ePeoplehavebecomeaccustomedto thedmost palpablemixtureofexhaust,dirt, anddustthat results
from too manyyearsof politicalneglect.with a stateofgeneralizedunemployment(at leastin officialterms),most peopleacceptthe fact that their
earningpotentialis notenoughto enablethemto payevenfor sharedprivate
taxis.so insteadtheywait, oftenfor hours,to geta spacein oneofthe Iarge
transporttrucks known locallyasJlloJulo(from the Englishflll). As midnight approaches,
thosestill waitinggivein oneby oneand beginthe long
trek homeon foot. Peopleoften say,"Mbokeekufi" (the countryis dead),
and for sometime now "Kinshasala Belle"hasbeenknown as "Kinshasa
C U L T U R I ' SP O L I T I C S
la Poubelle"(Kinshâsâthe GarbageCen)."This is not Kinshasa,"explained
WendoKolosoy,the doyenof modernCongolese
rumba."Youshouldhave
beenherebefore;it usedto b!a b!autifulplace,the most beautifulcity in
all ofAfrica! Youcoulddancewithout workingup a sweat.Now it's all dust
andnoise"(persondcommunication,lune r999),Throughoutmy research
in Kinshasa,
I hearda similarsentimentexpressed
oftenwith the samefrustrationandbewilderment.
How,Iwondered,couldoneofthe mostbeautiful
citiesin Africacometo belikenedto a garbagecan?Andhowcoulda garbage
canproducesomethingso full ofpowerand beauty?10
As an ethnography
ofpopular musicat the endofthe Mobuturegime,this
book exploresthe links, both materialand symbolic,amongthe performanceof populardancemusicand the emergence
of a panicularrypeof
political culturein Mobutu'sZâire.To do this requiresnot only attending
to the detailsof how popularmusicis producedand performedbut also
consideringhowmusicconstitutesa privilegedspacefor playingout certain
scenarioswith regardto what it meansto be a "bon chef" (goodleader).
My centralargumentis that at eachstageof its development
sinceindependence,popularmusicin Kinshasahasactedas a mediatingforcebetween
the ciry'srapidlygrowingpopulationofyouths, who try to navigatetheir
way through a complexpolitical economyof clientageand authoritarian
rule not oftheir making,and a state-based
classofpolitical eliteswho rely
on musicas a mechanismof political legitimacysince,as Mobutuwas so
fond of saying,"happyare thosewho sing and dance."Outsideofpolitics
and (to a lesserextent)education,popularmusicwould becomeoneofthe
few pathsto upwardsocid mobility for youngpeoplein Kinshasa,
andthis
provedimportantaspanicipationin politicallife becameincreasingly
subject to the whims of thosein power.Because
of Mobu$'s particularstyle
ofpolitical leadership,onethat anemptedto createan imageofhim asan
(militarystrongman)but alsoas an homme
(manof the
hommcfort
dupzuple
people),popularmusicians(themselves
mosdyftom modestbeckgrounds)
wereinstrumentalin shoringup supponfor the regime.Theproblemwith
this errângement,howeveçwas thet it gavemusicianslitde or no room
for ârtistic or political freedom,and that the musicianssuccessfirl
under
theseconditionsendedup unwininglyreproducingthe organizational
and
symbolicmechanisms
that would makeMobutuoneofthe mosthatedând
fearedpoliticalleadersin modernA.fricanhistory.
C H A P T ER O N E
Chapterr (the currentchapter)introducesseveraltheoreticalconcepts
importantfor thecriticd studyofpopularmusicin anAfricencontext,most
notablypopularcultureandpoliticalculture,but it âlsotakesa preliminary
look at the ethnographiccontextthat would giveriseto the uniquelyurban
culruralphenomenon
ofKinshasa.In chapterz I presenta brief overviewof
the primarygenres
ofpopularmusicin Kinshasa(religious,traditional,and
mod!rn).This is followedbya morein-depthlook at my principalobjectof
study,lo musique
modeme,
anda consideration
ofhow it evolvedoverseveral
generations
throughvarioustypesof accommodation
andaestheticborrowing, especidlyftom urbantraditiond music.Chapter3 considersthe politicd economyin whichZairianpopularmusicemerged:first, it examinesthe
ideologicalaspectsand politicalconsequences
of Mobutu'sculturalpolicy
(especially
the impactofthe regime'southenticitd
campaign);second,it asks
how the declineof the musicindustrycausedmusiciansto becomealmost
entirelydependenton the informâl sectorfor the promotionand distribution of their music.Theseinitial chaptersprovideimponalt musicaland
historicalinformationthatseryeasthe backdropÊom whichto undersund
thelargerquestion
ofhow popularmusicis relatedto theemergingpolitical
cultureofthe postcolonialera.
Thefollowingthreechaptersgivesomesenseofthe ethnographic
present
that constitutesthe coreof this study:the socialorgânizationand public
meaningsassociated
with the performanceof populardancemusicin the
final yearsofthe Mobutu regime(199o-96).In chapter4, I givea detailed
descriptionof the live concertatmospherein Kinshasaduringthis period,
focusingprimarily on the dynamicsof live performanceand the various
typesofinteractionamongmusiciansandmembersofthe audience.
Chapter 5 considersthe trajectoriesof a numberof differentmusiciansas they
aspiredtowardupwardsocialmobility througha careerin popularmusic.
A goodpan of this chapterexaminesmy own experience
asa memberofa
moderâtelysuccessfirl
local danceband,a storythat providessomeinsight
into tïe inner workingsof the musicscenein Kinshasa,but alsoprovides
importantinformationaboutmy 6eld research.
The materialin chapter6
is primarilyconcernedwith the wayin which popularsongtextsplayinto
differentaspectsoford cultureand sociâbilityoutsidethe confinesof the
locd musicscene.Morespecifically,
it considersthe rolethat lyricsplayin
expressing
a centralmotif in congolesepoliticalculturein the r99os-the
fearofabandonment-andhow this dynamicis playedoutthroughthe relaC U I T U R !' SP O I I T I C S
tivelyrecentphenomenon
of citing or "throwing" the namesof peoplewho
canprovidefinancialor politicd protection.
The final two chapters,which combineelementsof descriptionwith
morecriticalanalysis,revolvearoundthe questionofwhat exâcdylinks the
performance
ofpopular musicto theworld ofpolitics. Chapter7 describes
the socialorganizationof musicalgroupsin Kinshasaduring the period
underconsideration,
with specialattentionpaidto thervaythat hieralchies
are organizedand held in place.The secondpart of this chapterlooks at
how an ethosofchadsmâtic âuthoritarian leadershipis reinforcedthrough
the dynamicof dislocation or organizationd splintering. The find chapter
(chapter8) is anextended
reflectionon Mobutu'spoliticd legacyand
on how
in manywaysit representsa skewedversionoflocd ideasaboutmusicaland
politicd leadership.Appliedto the contextof popularmusic,this chapter
ettemptsto work through cenain socialand political idealsthat in some
senseemanatefrom "tradition,' especially
theideaofpolitical leadership
as
a form of reciprocity,or what onemusicianreferredto asan "agreement."
But it dso tries to cometo termswith the fact thet one styleof politicd
leadership- that of thewitch and not the chief- cameto dominatepoliticd
and sociallife during the postcolonid eraandasksexacdywhat role popular
music playedin making this politicd culture the only gamein town.
C H A P T !R
ON!