MEGA² I.22: Karl Marx, Artikel · Entwürfe. März bis

Transcription

KARL MARX
FRIEDRICH ENGELS
GESAMTAUSGABE
(MEGA)
ERSTE ABTEILUNG
WERKE • ARTIKEL · ENTWÜRFE
B A N D 22
Herausgegeben v o m I n s t i t u t für M a r x i s m u s - L e n i n i s m u s
b e i m Z e n t r a l k o m i t e e der
K o m m u n i s t i s c h e n Partei d e r S o w j e t u n i o n
u n d v o m I n s t i t u t für M a r x i s m u s - L e n i n i s m u s
beim Z e n t r a l k o m i t e e der
Sozialistischen Einheitspartei D e u t s c h l a n d s
KARL MARX
FRIEDRICH ENGELS
WERKE ARTIKEL
ENTWÜRFE
MÄRZ BIS NOVEMBER
1871
TEXT
DIETZ VERLAG BERLIN
1978
Redaktionskommission der Gesamtausgabe:
Günter Heyden und Anatoli Jegorow (Leiter),
Erich Kundel und Alexander Malysch (Sekretäre),
Rolf Dlubek, Heinrich Gemkow, Lew Golman,
Sofia Lewiowa, Michail Mtschedlow, Richard Sperl.
Redaktionskommission der Ersten Abteilung:
Rolf Dlubek (Leiter),
Erich Kundel, Alexander Malysch, Richard Sperl, Inge Taubert.
Bearbeitung des Bandes:
Hans-Dieter Krause (Leiter),
Liselotte Hermann, Brigitte Rieck, Rosie Rudich,
unter Mitarbeit von Irma Baude, Mathias Engel und Edith Voigt.
Gutachter: Nikita Kolpinski und Erich Kundel.
Text und Apparat
Mit 36 Abbildungen
© Dietz Verlag Berlin'1978
Lizenznummer 1
LSV 0046
'V
Technische Redaktion: Friedrich Hackenberger, Heinz Ruschinski
und Waltraud Schulze
Korrektur: Hanna Behrendt, Renate Kröhnert und Gerda Plauschinnat
Einband: Albert Kapr
Typografie: Albert Kapr/Horst Kinkel
Schrift: Times-Antiqua und Maxima
Printed in the German Democratic Republic
Gesamtherstellung: INTERDRUCK Graphischer Großbetrieb Leipzig
Papierherstellung: VEB Druck- und Spezialpapiere Golzern
Best.-Nr.: 7448021
DDR 135,-M
Inhalt
Text
Einleitung
19*
Editorische Hinweise
51*
Verzeichnis d e r Abkürzungen, Siglen und Z e i c h e n
Apparat
767
KARL M A R X · F R I E D R I C H E N G E L S : W E R K E · ARTIKEL
E N T W Ü R F E · M Ä R Z BIS N O V E M B E R 1871
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " .
March 20 or 21, 1871
3
771
Karl Marx • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e Editor
of " T h e T i m e s " and o t h e r p a p e r s
4
775
„Zukunft"
5
779
Karl Marx • A la rédaction du « W e r k e r » . 31 m a r s 1871
9
782
Karl Marx • An d i e Redaktionen d e s „ V o l k s s t a a t s " und d e r
Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " . April 3, 1871
10
783
Friedrich Engels • Der Streik d e r Z i g a r r e n a r b e i t e r in Antwerpen
11
785
Karl Marx • Mitteilung ü b e r Karl Vogt
12
787
Draft a n d A d d r e s s o f t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l )
13
789
Karl Marx • T h e Civil W a r in F r a n c e . (First Draft)
15
805
Karl Marx • T h e Civil W a r in F r a n c e . (First Draft, S e c o n d
T h e G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e
17
5*
Inhalt
Text
Dufaure
Lecomte and C l é m e n t T h o m a s
T h e National Assembly
Chanzy, Archbishop of Paris e t c .
Thiers
T h e Assembly and t h e Paris Revolution
T h i e r s ' finest Army
Thiers
The Commune
Paris
T h e Province
Trochu, Jules Favre, et T h i e r s ' Provinciais
The Commune
a) M e a s u r e s for t h e Working Class
2) M e a s u r e s for Working Class, but mostly for t h e
Middle C l a s s e s
3) G e n e r a l M e a s u r e s
4) M e a s u r e s of Public Safety
5) Financial M e a s u r e s
La C o m m u n e
T h e Rise of t h e C o m m u n e and t h e Central C o m m i t t e e
T h e C h a r a c t e r of t h e C o m m u n e
Peasantry
Union (Ligue) Républicaine
T h e C o m m u n a l Revolution as t h e R e p r e s e n t a t i v e of all
C l a s s e s of Society not living upon foreign labour
Republic only possible as avowedly Social Republic
W o r k m e n and C o m t e
T h e C o m m u n e (Social M e a s u r e s )
Decentralization by t h e Ruraux and T h e C o m m u n e
Comtist view
Thiers on t h e Rurals
G o v e r n m e n t of Defence
T h e G e n d a r m s and Policemen
Republican Deputies of Paris
V e n d ô m e affair e t c .
Karl Marx · T h e Civil W a r in France. (Second Draft)
1) G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e .
Trochu, Favre, Picard, Ferry
2) T h i e r s . Dufaure. Pouyer-Quertier
3) T h e Rural Assembly
5) O p e n i n g of t h e Civil War. 18 March Revolution. Clem e n t T h o m a s . Lecomte. T h e Affaire V e n d ô m e
6*
Apparat
22
24
27
27
28
28
29
30
39
40
41
43
45
45
46
47
48
50
50
50
53
60
63
63
64
65
65
69
73
74
74
75
75
76
83
85
88
91
93
890
Inhalt
Text
94
99
99
106
108
112
Apparat
Karl Marx • T h e Civil W a r in France. A d d r e s s of t h e G e n e r a l
Council of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association
I.
II.
III.
IV.
Notes
I.
II.
119
123
131
137
149
160
160
161
972
Friedrich Engels • Outline of an appeal to t h e W e a v e r s ' and
S p i n n e r s ' T r a d e Unions of M a n c h e s t e r for a s s i s t a n c e of t h e
Spanish textile w o r k e r s ' strike
163
1002
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Resolution of t h e G e n e r a l Council expelling Henri Louis Tolain from t h e International Working M e n ' s Association
165
1004
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Résolution du Conseil g é n é r a l
sur l'expulsion de Henri Louis Tolain de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen
von Friedrich Engels
166
1008
Friedrich Engels · A b e r m a l s „ H e r r V o g t "
167
1009
Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e " . June 8,
1871
174
1014
Friedrich Engels • M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e of t h e G e n eral Council. June 11, 1871. M i n u t e s
175
1017
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council on Jules Favre's Circular
176
1019
Karl Marx • Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich. A d r e s s e d e s G e n e ralrats d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation an alle Mitglieder in Europa und d e n V e r e i n i g t e n S t a a t e n . Ü b e r s e t z u n g
aus d e m Englischen von Friedrich Engels
179
1023
C l e m e n t T h o m a s . Lecomte e t c .
T h e Affaire at Belle-Epine
6) T h e C o m m u n e
7) Schluß
T h e lies in Thiers bulletins
Revised p a s s a g e s to part 5 and 6 of t h e Second Draft
I.
II.
183
192
7*
Inhalt
Text
198
212
224
224
225
Apparat
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l C o u n cil to t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s "
227
1040
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels · S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l C o u n cil to t h e Editor of " T h e S t a n d a r d "
228
1043
Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by
G e o r g e Jacob Holyoake's l e t t e r
229
1045
Friedrich Engels Letter from t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e
Editor of t h e " S p e c t a t o r " (resp. " E x a m i n e r " )
230
1048
Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e " E c h o " . Probably June 20 or
2 1 , 1871
233
1050
Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e "
234
1051
Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e "Daily N e w s " . June 26,1871
237
1053
III.
IV.
Beilagen
I.
II.
the
General
Council on
Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e
Friedrich Engels • S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council on t h e
l e t t e r s of G e o r g e Jacob Holyoake and Benjamin Lucraft
238
1055
Karl Marx • An d i e Redaktion d e r „ N e u e n Freien P r e s s e " .
30. Juni 1871
240
1058
Friedrich Engels • „ T h e Civil W a r in F r a n c e " und d i e e n g lische P r e s s e
241
1061
Karl Marx • Letter to t h e Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e " ,
Frederick G r e e n w o o d
243
1064
Friedrich Engels • Aufzeichnungen von
z w i s c h e n Karl Marx und Robert Reid
244
1067
246
1071
11, 1871
253
1077
Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of " T h e S t a n d a r d " . July 13, 1871
254
1078
Friedrich Engels • Notizen ü b e r G i u s e p p e Mazzini
255
1079
Karl Marx • Mr. W a s h b u r n e ,
Paris
einer
Unterredung
t h e American A m b a s s a d o r in
Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e " M o r n i n g A d v e r t i s e r " . July
8*
Inhalt
Text
Apparat
256
1081
1871
260
1085
Karl Marx • Au r é d a c t e u r de « L'International». 17 a o û t 1871
262
1087
1871
263
1090
Karl Marx · Au r é d a c t e u r du « G a u l o i s » . 24 a o û t 1871
264
1093
Karl Marx • Letter to t h e Editor of t h e " S u n " , C h a r l e s Dana
265
1095
Karl Marx · T h e C o m m u n e and Archbishop Darboy
268
1099
Karl Marx • Au r é d a c t e u r de «La Vérité». 30 a o û t 1871
271
1102
Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of t h e "Evening S t a n d a r d " . S e p t e m ber 4, 1871
272
1106
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Propositions to t h e G e n e r a l
Council c o n c e r n i n g p r e p a r a t i o n s for t h e London C o n f e r e n c e
275
1107
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Propositions to be s u b m i t t e d to
t h e C o n f e r e n c e by t h e G e n e r a l Council
276
1109
Friedrich Engels • M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e of t h e G e n eral Council S e p t e m b e r 9, 1871. M i n u t e s
278
1112
282
1114
a s s o z i a t i o n i n L o n d o n . 1 7 . b i s 2 3 . S e p t e m b e r 1871
283
1116
Friedrich Engels • Proposal on t h e m e e t i n g - p l a c e s and t h e
o p e n i n g of t h e s e s s i o n s of t h e London C o n f e r e n c e
285
1130
Friedrich Engels · Notizen von d e n Sitzungen d e r Londoner
Konferenz
286
1131
Friedrich Engels · Procès-verbal de la s é a n c e de la C o m m i s sion pour les affaires de Suisse du 18 s e p t e m b r e 1871
292
1140
Friedrich Engels • Propositions du Conseil g é n é r a l a d o p t é e s
par la C o n f é r e n c e
300
1157
Friedrich Engels · L'intervento di G i u s e p p e Mazzini c o n t r o
l'Associazione Internazionale degli O p é r a i . Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s
d e m Englischen von Carlo Cafiero
Friedrich Engels • To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s " . August 7,
Karl Marx • To t h e Editor of "Public O p i n i o n " . August 19,
Friedrich Engels · M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e of t h e G e n eral Council S e p t e m b e r 1 1 , 1871. M i n u t e s
Delegiertenkonferenz
der
Internationalen
Arbeiter-
9*
Inhalt
Text
Apparat
Friedrich Engels • D o c u m e n t pour le r a p p o r t d e s finances du
Conseil g é n é r a l
301
1161
Friedrich Engels • Résumé de la g e s t i o n financière du Conseil
g é n é r a l du 1 s e p t e m b r e 1869 au 31 août 1870
302
1163
Friedrich Engels • Gestion financière du Conseil g é n é r a l pour
l'année du 1 s e p t e m b r e 1870 au 31 août 1871
304
1164
Karl Marx • N o t e s sur la résolution Vaillant (Extrait d e s n o t e s
de Marx à la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres)
306
1165
Friedrich Engels • Über die politische Aktion d e r Arbeiterklasse. Rededisposition für die Sitzung d e r Londoner Konferenz am 2 1 . S e p t e m b e r 1871
307
1166
Friedrich Engels • Sur l'action politique de la classe o u v r i è r e .
N o t e m a n u s c r i t e du discours p r o n o n c é à la s é a n c e du 21 s e p t e m b r e 1871 de la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres
308
1168
Friedrich Engels · Projet de la résolution de la C o n f é r e n c e de
Londres relative à la lettre de Paul Robin à la C o n f é r e n c e
311
1170
Karl Marx • C o m p l é m e n t à u n e proposition d'André Bastelica
312
1172
Karl Marx • Résolution de la C o n f é r e n c e d e s d é l é g u é s de
l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs relative au différend e n t r e les fédérations d a n s la Suisse r o m a n d e
315
1173
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Résolutions d e s d é l é g u é s de la
C o n f é r e n c e d e l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs.
Réunie à Londres, du 17 au 23 s e p t e m b r e 1871. (Circulaire
publiée par le Conseil général de l'Association)
321
1182
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Resolutions of t h e C o n f e r e n c e
of D e l e g a t e s of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association. A s s e m b l e d at London from 17th to 23rd S e p t e m b e r 1871.
(Circular issued by t h e G e n e r a l Council of t h e Association)
335
1207
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels • Beschlüsse d e r D e l e g i e r t e n k o n ferenz d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation, a b g e h a l t e n
zu London vom 17. bis 23. S e p t e m b e r 1871. Auf d e r G r u n d l a g e
d e r französischen und d e r e n g l i s c h e n A u s g a b e b e a r b e i t e t
347
1209
Karl Marx • To t h e Editors of " W o o d h u l l G Claflin's W e e k l y " .
Covering letter to t h e letter from Jenny Marx to " W o o d hull & Claflin's W e e k l y "
359
1212
e r
e r
10·
Inhalt
Karl Marx • G e n e r a l Rules and Administrative Regulations of
t h e International Working M e n ' s Association. Official edition,
revised by t h e G e n e r a l Council
G e n e r a l Rules of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association
Administrative Regulations, revised in a c c o r d a n c e with t h e
Resolutions passed by t h e C o n g r e s s e s (1866 to 1869), and
by t h e London C o n f e r e n c e (1871)
Appendix
Karl Marx • Statuts g é n é r a u x et r è g l e m e n t s administratifs de
l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. Édition officielle, r é v i s é e par le Conseil g é n é r a l . Auf d e r G r u n d l a g e d e r
englischen A u s g a b e b e a r b e i t e t von Karl Marx und Friedrich
Engels
Statuts g é n é r a u x d e l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs
R è g l e m e n t s administratifs, r é v i s é s c o n f o r m é m e n t aux r é s o lutions d e s c o n g r è s successifs (1866 à 1869) et de la Conf é r e n c e de Londres (1871)
Appendice
Karl Marx • Allgemeine Statuten und V e r w a l t u n g s v e r o r d n u n g e n d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Amtliche d e u t s c h e Ausgabe, revidiert d u r c h d e n G e n e r a l r a t . Auf d e r Grundlage d e r e n g l i s c h e n und d e r französischen A u s g a b e b e a r b e i t e t von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels
Allgemeine Statuten d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation
V e r w a l t u n g s v e r o r d n u n g e n revidiert im Einklang mit d e n
Beschlüssen d e r Kongresse (1866—69) und d e r Londoner
Konferenz 1871
Anhang
Text
Apparat
361
1213
365
368
373
379
1238
383
386
392
397
1241
401
404
410
Friedrich Engels · Resolution of t h e G e n e r a l Council expelling G u s t a v e Durand from t h e International Working M e n ' s
Association
416
1245
Friedrich Engels • Résolution du Conseil g é n é r a l sur l'expulsion de G u s t a v e Durand de l'Association Internationale
d e s Travailleurs. V e r m u t l i c h e Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen
417
1248
Friedrich Engels • Resolution d e s G e n e r a l r a t s ü b e r d e n Ausschluß von G u s t a v e Durand aus d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen von Karl Marx
418
1249
11*
Inhalt
Text
Apparat
Friedrich Engels • Risoluzione del Consiglio G e n e r a l e sulla
e s p u l s i o n e di G u s t a v e Durand dall'Associazione Internazionale degli O p é r a i . Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen, u n t e r
Berücksichtigung d e r französischen Textfassung
419
1251
Karl Marx · Declaration of t h e G e n e r a l Council on N e c h a e v ' s
m i s u s e of t h e n a m e of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association
420
1253
Karl Marx • Déclaration du Conseil g é n é r a l sur l'usurpation
par N e t c h a ï e v du nom de l'Association Internationale d e s
Travailleurs. V e r m u t l i c h e Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen
423
1256
Karl Marx · Résolution du Conseil g é n é r a l sur les s t a t u t s de la
Section française de 1871 a d o p t é e à la s é a n c e du 17 o c t o b r e
1871
424
1258
Friedrich Engels · On t h e p r o g r e s s of t h e International Working M e n ' s Association in Italy and Spain
427
1265
Karl Marx · Dichiarazione del Consiglio G e n e r a l e sull'abuso
del n o m e dell'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai da
p a r t e di Neciaiev. Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen, u n t e r
Berücksichtigung d e r französischen Textfassung, von Friedrich Engels
429
1267
Karl Marx • Erklärung d e s G e n e r a l r a t s zum M i ß b r a u c h d e s
N a m e n s d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation d u r c h Netschajew. Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen
430
1268
Friedrich Engels · S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council conc e r n i n g Alexander Baillie C o c h r a n e ' s l e t t e r
431
1269
française de 1871
433
1272
Friedrich Engels • Der G r ü n d u n g s s c h w i n d e l in England
438
1281
440
1283
Karl Marx • Résolutions du Conseil g é n é r a l sur la Section
Friedrich
Engels · G i u s e p p e
Garibaldi's
effects on t h e Working C l a s s e s in Italy
12*
S t a t e m e n t and
its
Inhalt
Text
Apparat
zeichnungen von Reden
445
1291
Lettre au r é d a c t e u r du « C o u r r i e r de l'Europe»
447
1293
Karl Marx • Aan de r e d a c t i e van «De W e r k e r » . T u s s e n 1 en
7 april 1871. Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Französischen
448
1295
Account of an i n t e r v i e w with Karl Marx published in t h e
"World"
451
1296
Resolution t h a t t h e C o n f e r e n c e of D e l e g a t e s from t h e local
federations of t h e Spanish region, held at Valencia t h e
10th S e p t e m b e r 1871, p r e s e n t s t o t h e International Confer e n c e of London. Von Friedrich Engels r e d i g i e r t e Ü b e r s e t zung aus d e m S p a n i s c h e n
459
1302
Proposition p r é s e n t é e à la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres par la
C o n f é r e n c e de d é l é g u é s de la f é d é r a t i o n e s p a g n o l e à Valenc e , le 10 s e p t e m b r e 1871. Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m S p a n i s c h e n
465
1 308
Friedrich Engels • Traduction française de l'article 10 d e s
«Provisional Rules of t h e Association» de Karl Marx
468
1310
Jenny Marx · To t h e Editor of " W o o d h u l l G Claflin's W e e k l y " .
Not after S e p t e m b e r 23, 1871
469
1312
The S e v e n t h Anniversary of t h e International Working M e n ' s
Association. Account of t h e c e l e b r a t i o n s held in London Sept e m b e r 25, 1871
477
1314
Resolution on t h e Central C o m m i t t e e of t h e International's
sections in t h e United S t a t e s . Drawn up by t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e
480
1316
Karl Marx • La G u e r r e civile en F r a n c e . A d r e s s e du Conseil
g é n é r a l de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs. Von
Karl Marx r e d i g i e r t e Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Englischen
I
II
III
IV
481
485
491
496
506
1319
ANHANG
Artikel, D o k u m e n t e und Ü b e r s e t z u n g e n , d i e u n t e r Mitwirkung von
Marx und
E n g e l s v e r f a ß t w u r d e n , Auf-
13*
Inhalt
Protokolle
Text
517
Apparat
1345
519
1347
T h e minute book of t h e G e n e r a l Council of t h e International
Working M e n ' s Association. March 21 - N o v e m b e r 7,1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council March 21, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council March 28, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council April 4, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council May 2, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council June 6, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council July 4, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council August 1, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e General Council August 22, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 5, 1871
Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 16,1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 2, 1871
Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 7, 1871
Special M e e t i n g of t h e G e n e r a l Council O c t o b e r 16, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e G eneral Council O c t o b e r 31, 1871
M e e t i n g of t h e General Council N o v e m b e r 7, 1871
14*
521
525
528
531
536
539
544
547
551
555
558
559
562
565
568
570
573
576
580
585
589
593
595
598
600
604
608
610
615
618
620
624
627
631
633
637
Inhalt
Procès-verbaux de la C o n f é r e n c e d e s d é l é g u é s de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs r é u n i e à Londres du 17 au
23 s e p t e m b r e 1871
S é a n c e du 17 s e p t e m b r e 1871
S é a n c e du 18 s e p t e m b r e 1871
S é a n c e du 19 s e p t e m b r e 1871 (après-midi)
Séance
Séance
Séance
Séance
Séance
Séance
Séance
du
du
du
du
du
du
du
19
20
20
21
21
22
22
septembre
septembre
septembre
septembre
septembre
septembre
septembre
1871 (soir)
1871 (après-midi)
1871 (soir)
1871
1871
1871
1871
Text
Apparat
641
643
650
664
1397
674
682
693
704
709
719
735
Verzeichnis nicht ü b e r l i e f e r t e r Arbeiten
1459
REGISTER
Literaturregister
I. Arbeiten von Marx und Engels
II. Arbeiten a n d e r e r A u t o r e n
III. Periodica
1463
1463
1466
1478
Namenregister
1487
Sachregister
1526
Verzeichnis der Abbildungen
Der Volksstaat. Leipzig Nr. 26, 29. März 1871. Titelblatt
7
Karl Marx: The Civil War in France (First Draft). Seite 19 der Handschrift
71
Karl Marx: The Civil War in France (Second Draft). Seite 7 der Handschrift
101
Karl Marx. The Civil War in France. Third edition. [London] 1871.
Titelblatt
121
Karl Marx: Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich. Leipzig 1871. Titelblatt
181
Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels: Entwürfe von Erklärungen an das
„Echo" und die „Pall Mall Gazette"
The Eastern Post London. Nr. 144, 1. Juli 1871. Titelblatt
231
235
15*
Inhalt
Text
Karl Marx: To the Editor of the "Daily News". June 26, 1871. The
Eastern Post. London. Nr. 144, I.Juli 1871. Seite 5
236
Karl Marx: Mr. Washburne, the American Ambassador in Paris. Erste
Seite des Flugblatts
247
Friedrich Engels: Notizen über Giuseppe Mazzini
257
Karl Marx: Au rédacteur de la Vérité. Erste Seite der Handschrift
Friedrich Engels: Meeting of the Subcommittee of the General Council September 9, 1871. Minutes. Zweite Seite der Handschrift
273
279
Friedrich Engels: Notizen von den Sitzungen der Londoner Konferenz.
Zweite Seite der Handschrift
287
Friedrich Engels: Notizen von den Sitzungen der Londoner Konferenz.
Dritte Seite der Handschrift
288
Friedrich Engels: Procès-verbal de la séance de la Commission pour
les affaires de Suisse du 18 septembre 1871. Erste Seite der Handschrift
293,
Friedrich Engels: Über die politische Aktion der Arbeiterklasse.
Rededisposition für die Sitzung der Londoner Konferenz am 21. September 1871
309
Karl Marx: Complément à une proposition d'André Bastelica. Handschrift von Bastelica und Marx
313
L'Égalité. Genève. Nr. 20, 21. Oktober 1871. Titelblatt
317
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels: Résolutions des délégués de la Conference de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Londres
1871. Titelblatt
323
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels: Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the International Working Men's Association. London 1871.
Titelblatt
337
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels: Beschlüsse der Delegiertenkonferenz
der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation... Leipzig [1872]. Titelblatt
349
Karl Marx: General Rules and Administrative Regulations of the International Working Men's Association. Official edition, revised by the
General Council. London 1871. Titelblatt
363
Karl Marx: Statuts généraux et règlements administratifs de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs. Édition officielle, révisée par
le Conseil Général. Londres 1871. Titelblatt
381
Karl Marx: Allgemeine Statuten und Verwaltungsverordnungen der
Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Amtliche deutsche Ausgabe,
revidiert durch den Generalrat. Leipzig [1872]. Titelblatt
399
16*
Apparat
Inhalt
Text
Italienische Übersetzung der Resolution des Generalrats über den
Ausschluß von Gustave Durand aus der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. La Plebe. Lodi. Nr. 122, 19. Oktober 1871
421
De Werker Antwerpen. Nr. 35, 22. Juli 1871. Titelblatt
449
Resolution that the Conference of Delegates from the local federations of the Spanish region, held at Valencia the 10th September
1871, presents to the International Conference of London. Von Friedrich Engels redigierte Übersetzung aus dem Spanischen. Erste Seite
der Handschrift von Nicolas Alonso Marselau mit Änderungen von
Engels' Hand
461
Karl Marx. La Guerre civile en France. Troisième édition revue.
(Bruxelles [1872].) Titelblatt
483
Protokollbuch des Generalrats der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. Seite 284. Handschrift von John Haies, mit Unterschrift von Karl
Marx
605
Protokoll der Sitzung der Londoner Konferenz vom 18. September
1871. Erste Seite der Handschrift von Charles Rochat
651
Protokoll der Abendsitzung der Londoner Konferenz vom 19. September 1871. Neunte Seite der Mitschrift von Constant Martin
679
Apparat
Karl Marx: The Civil War in France (Second Draft). Seite 1 der Handschrift (S. 85.1-88.21 des Edierten Textes)
895
Karl Marx: The Civil War in France (Second Draft). Seite 6 der Handschrift (S. 93.6-98.12 des Edierten Textes)
923
Karl Marx: The Civil War in France. [London] 1871. Titelblatt der
Erstausgabe
973
Korrekturfahne zu Karl Marx' Arbeit „La Guerre civile en France"
(Bruxelles 1872) mit Korrekturen von Marx' und Charles, Longuets
Hand (S. 485.31-489.42 des Edierten Textes)
1327
Protokollbuch des Generalrats der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation. S.232. Handschrift von John Haies
1369
17*
Editorische Hinweise
D e r v o r l i e g e n d e Band w u r d e b e a r b e i t e t v o n H a n s - D i e t e r K r a u s e (Leitung),
Liselotte H e r m a n n , Brigitte Rieck und Rosie Rudich. An d e r V o r b e r e i t u n g
des
Bandes haben mitgearbeitet:
Voigt.
I r m a B a u d e , M a t h i a s E n g e l u n d Edith
Wissenschaftlich-technische
Waltraud
Schulze
und
Katharina
Arbeiten
Kühl.
Das
wurden
ausgeführt
von
Literaturregister w u r d e von
Irma Baude, d a s N a m e n r e g i s t e r von Rosie Rudich und Liselotte H e r m a n n ,
d a s S a c h r e g i s t e r von W a l d t r a u t Opitz und Jutta Nesler, u n t e r Mitarbeit von
Sabine
Edeling und
Brigitte
Rieck, z u s a m m e n g e s t e l l t . F e r n e r w a r e n b e -
teiligt: Jo Koch, Maria L e h m a n n und Käthe S c h w a n k .
D e r Band w u r d e s e i t e n s d e r R e d a k t i o n s k o m m i s s i o n b e t r e u t und b e g u t a c h t e t von
Erich
Kundel.
Gutachter des
IML b e i m Z K d e r KPdSU w a r
Nikita Kolpinski. A n d e r B e g u t a c h t u n g d e s G e s a m t m a n u s k r i p t s w a r b e t e i ligt I n g e T a u b e r t ; T e i l g u t a c h t e n z u e i n z e l n e n A r b e i t e n s o w i e S t e l l u n g n a h men
zu
bestimmten
Sachgebieten
erfolgten
durch
Mercedes
Alvarez
( M a d r i d ) , B e r t A n d r e a s ( G e n f ) , M a r y A s h r a f (Berlin), J e a n B r u h a t (Paris), M a deleine
Burgaleta
University,
(Paris),
Pennsylvania),
N i n a C a t a c h (Paris),
Ernesto
Gatta
P h i l i p S . F o n e r (Lincoln
(Berlin),
Beatrice
de
Gerloni
( T r e n t o ) , J o a c h i m H ö p p n e r (Berlin), M o t o m i Itizyo ( T o k i o ) , J o h a n n e s K l a r e
(Berlin), V i v i e n M o r t o n ( C l a r e , Suffolk), J o h n P e e t ( B e r l i n ) , A r v i d S p r e u
(Berlin),
H a n s W e t z l e r (Berlin) s o w i e d u r c h d e n V e r l a g
Éditions sociales
(Paris).
Die
Herausgeber danken
allen
wissenschaftlichen
Einrichtungen, die
bei d e r V o r b e r e i t u n g d e s B a n d e s U n t e r s t ü t z u n g g e w ä h r t e n . Die Einsichtn a h m e in die Originale von Marx und Engels ermöglichten das Internationale
I n s t i t u t für S o z i a l g e s c h i c h t e i n A m s t e r d a m
u n d — für e i n e H a n d -
s c h r i f t — d i e K i n k i - U n i v e r s i t ä t , O s a k a . F e r n e r ist z u d a n k e n d e r D e u t s c h e n
Staatsbibliothek,
Berlin, d e r U n i v e r s i t ä t s - und L a n d e s b i b l i o t h e k S a c h s e n -
A n h a l t , H a l l e / S . , d e r S ä c h s i s c h e n L a n d e s b i b l i o t h e k , D r e s d e n , d e r Bibliot h è q u e N a t i o n a l e , P a r i s , d e r British L i b r a r y , L o n d o n u n d d e m F e l t r i n e l l i Institut in M i l a n o .
58*
KARL M A R X
FRIEDRICH
ENGELS
WERKE - ARTIKEL · E N T W Ü R F E
M Ä R Z BIS N O V E M B E R 1871
Karl M a r x / F r i e d r i c h Engels
To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s "
March 20 or 2 1 , 1871
To the Editor of the Times
Sir
In your impression of the 1 6 M a r c h y o u r Paris c o r r e s p o n d e n t states:
"Karl Marx
h a s written a letter to o n e of his principal affiliés in Paris,
stating that he is n o t satisfied with t h e attitude which t h e m e m b e r s of t h a t
society (the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l " ) h a v e t a k e n up in that city e t c . " This s t a t e m e n t
your c o r r e s p o n d e n t has evidently taken from the Paris Journal of the
14 M a r c h w h e r e also t h e publication, in full, of the p r e t e n d e d letter is
promised. T h e Paris J o u r n a l of t h e 19 M a r c h does indeed contain a
th
5
th
th
10
th
letter dated L o n d o n 2 8 F e b r u a r y 1871 and purporting to be signed by m e ,
the c o n t e n t s of w h i c h agree with t h e s t a t e m e n t of your c o r r e s p o n d e n t . I n o w
beg to declare that this letter is, from beginning to end, an i m p u d e n t
forgery. |
3
Karl Marx
S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council to t h e Editor
of " T h e T i m e s " and o t h e r papers
The Times. Nr.27018,
23. März 1871
To the Editor of The Times.
Sir,—I am directed by t h e General Council of t h e International W o r k i n g
M e n ' s Association to solicit your favour to publish the following in the
columns of your journal:—
A s t a t e m e n t has gone the r o u n d of the English p r e s s that the Paris
5
m e m b e r s of the International Working M e n ' s Association h a d in so far
joined the so-called Anti-German L e a g u e as to declare all G e r m a n s to be
h e n c e f o r t h excluded from our association.
This statement is the very r e v e r s e of fact. Neither the Federal Council
of our association in Paris, nor any of the Paris sections r e p r e s e n t e d by 10
that council, h a v e ever p a s s e d any such resolution. T h e so-called AntiG e r m a n L e a g u e , as far as it exists at all, is t h e exclusive w o r k of t h e u p p e r
and middle classes; it was started by the J o c k e y Club, and kept up by the
adhesions of the A c a d e m y , of the S t o c k E x c h a n g e , of some b a n k e r s and
m a n u f a c t u r e r s , e t c . T h e working-classes h a v e nothing w h a t e v e r to do 15
with it.
T h e object of these calumnies is evident. A short time before the outb r e a k of the late w a r the International w a s m a d e the general scapegoat for
all u n t o w a r d e v e n t s . This is n o w repeated over again. While the Swiss and
the Prussian press accuse it of having created the late outrages u p o n Ger- 20
m a n s in Zurich, F r e n c h p a p e r s , such as the Courrier de Lyon, Courrier de
la Gironde, La Liberté, etc., tell of certain secret meetings of Internationals
having b e e n held at G e n e v a and B e r n e , the Prussian A m b a s s a d o r in t h e
chair, in which meetings a plan w a s c o n c o c t e d to h a n d over L y o n s to
the united Prussians and Internationals for the sake of c o m m o n plunder.
25
Y o u r s respectfully,
J. GEORGE ECCARIUS,
General S e c r e t a r y of the
International Working M e n ' s Association.
256, High H o l b o r n , M a r c h 22.
4
30
Karl Marx
An die Redaktionen d e s „ V o l k s s t a a t s " und der „Zukunft"
Der Volksstaat. Nr. 26,
29. März 1871
An die Redaktion des „VolksStaat".
5
10
15
20
25
30
Das Paris-Journal, eines der gelungensten Organe der Pariser Polizeip r e s s e , veröffentlichte in seiner N u m m e r v o m 14. M ä r z einen Artikel unter
d e m sensationellen Aushängeschild: „ L e G r a n d Chef d e l'Internationale."
(„Grand Chef" ist wohl die französische U e b e r s e t z u n g des S t i e b e r ' s c h e n
„ H a u p t - C h e f " ) . „ E r " , beginnt der Artikel, „ist, wie b e k a n n t , ein D e u t s c h e r ,
was schlimmer ist, ein P r e u ß e . Er n e n n t sich K a r l M a r x , w o h n t zu Berlin
etc. N u n wohl! Dieser Karl M a r x ist unzufrieden mit der Haltung der
französischen Mitglieder der Internationalen. Dies spricht schon für ihn.
Er findet, daß sie sich unendlich zu viel mit Politik und nicht genug mit
den sozialen Fragen beschäftigen. D a s ist seine Ansicht, u n d er hat sie so
eben sehr entschieden formulirt in einem Brief an seinen B r u d e r u n d
F r e u n d , den Bürger Serraillier, einen der Pariser H o c h p r i e s t e r der Internationalen. Karl M a r x bittet die französischen Mitglieder, i n s b e s o n d e r e die
Pariser Affiliirten, nicht aus d e m A u g e zu verlieren, d a ß ihre Gesellschaft
einen einzigen Z w e c k hat: die Organisation der Arbeit und die Zukunft der
Arbeitergesellschaften. Aber m a n desorganisirt die Arbeit, statt sie zu
organisiren, u n d er glaubt die Delinquenten z u m R e s p e k t der Statuten der
Assoziation zurückrufen zu m ü s s e n . Wir erklären uns im Stand, diesen
merkwürdigen Brief des H e r r n Karl M a r x publiziren zu k ö n n e n , sobald er
den Mitgliedern der Internationalen mitgetheilt w o r d e n sein w i r d " .
In seiner N u m m e r v o m 19. M ä r z hat das Paris-Journal in der T h a t einen
angeblich von mir u n t e r z e i c h n e t e n Brief, der sofort von der g e s a m m t e n
Pariser R e a k t i o n s p r e s s e n a c h g e d r u c k t w a r d u n d dann seinen W e g in L o n doner Blätter fand. Mittlerweile j e d o c h h a t t e Paris-Journal ausgewittert,
daß ich in London h a u s e u n d nicht in Berlin. Es datirt daher diesmal den
Brief von L o n d o n , im W i d e r s p r u c h zu seiner ersten Ankündigung. Diese
nachträgliche K o r r e k t u r leidet j e d o c h an dem Mißstand, daß sie mich mit
meinem zu L o n d o n befindlichen F r e u n d e Serraillier über den U m w e g v o n
Paris korrespondiren läßt. D e r Brief, wie ich bereits in der Times erklärt
h a b e , ist von Anfang bis zu E n d e eine u n v e r s c h ä m t e Fälschung.
5
Karl Marx
Dasselbe Paris-Journal u n d a n d e r e Pariser Organe der „guten P r e s s e "
verbreiteten das G e r ü c h t , der Pariser F ö d e r a l r a t h der Internationalen h a b e
den außerhalb seiner K o m p e t e n z liegenden B e s c h l u ß gefaßt, die D e u t schen von der Internationalen Arbeiterassociation auszuschließen. Die L o n doner Tagesblätter griffen die willkommene N a c h r i c h t hastig auf u n d erging e n sich in schadenfroh gerührten Leitartikeln über den endlich vollzogenen
Selbstmord der Internationalen. L e i d e r bringt die Times h e u t e folgende
Erklärung
des
Generalraths
der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation:
„ E i n e Mittheilung, w o n a c h die Pariser Mitglieder der Internationalen
Arbeiterassoziation den A u s s c h l u ß aller D e u t s c h e n aus der Internationalen
erklärt, also im Sinne der antideutschen Ligue gehandelt hätten, m a c h t die
R u n d e in der englischen Presse. Die Mittheilung steht im schreiendsten
W i d e r s p r u c h z u den T h a t s a c h e n . W e d e r der F ö d e r a l r a t h u n s e r e r A s s o ziation zu Paris, n o c h irgend eine der Pariser Sektionen, die er repräsentirt,
h a b e n jemals von einem solchen Beschluß geträumt. Die sogenannte antid e u t s c h e Ligue, so weit sie ü b e r h a u p t existirt, ist ausschließlich das W e r k
der Aristokratie u n d der Bourgeoisie. Sie w a r d ins L e b e n gerufen d u r c h den
Jockey-Club u n d in Gang gehalten d u r c h die Z u s t i m m u n g e n der A k a d e m i e ,
der B ö r s e , einiger Bankiers u n d Fabrikanten u. s. w. Die Arbeiterklasse h a t t e
nie damit zu schaffen. — Der Z w e c k dieser V e r l e u m d u n g e n springt ins
Auge. K u r z vor dem A u s b r u c h des neulichen Krieges m u ß t e die Internationale als S ü n d e n b o c k für alle mißliebigen Ereignisse herhalten. Dieselbe
T a k t i k wird jetzt wiederholt. W ä h r e n d z . B . Schweizer u n d p r e u ß i s c h e Blätter
sie als U r h e b e r der Unbilden gegen die D e u t s c h e n in Zürich denunziren,
berichten gleichzeitig französische Blätter, wie der „Courrier de L y o n " ,
der „Courrier de la G i r o n d e " , die Pariser „ L i b e r t e " u. s. w. v o n gewissen
geheimen Z u s a m m e n k ü n f t e n der „Internationalen" zu Genf u n d Bern,
unter dem Vorsitz des preußischen Gesandten, worin der Plan ausgeheckt
w o r d e n sei, den vereinigten P r e u ß e n u n d Internationalen Lyon zum Behuf
g e m e i n s a m e r Plünderung zu überliefern".
5
10
15
20
25
30
So weit die Erklärung des Generalraths. Es liegt in der N a t u r der S a c h e ,
daß die G r o ß w ü r d e n t r ä g e r u n d h e r r s c h e n d e n K l a s s e n der alten Gesellschaft, w e l c h e ihre eigne M a c h t u n d die Exploitation der p r o d u k t i v e n
V o l k s m a s s e n nur n o c h d u r c h nationale K ä m p f e u n d G e g e n s ä t z e erhalten
k ö n n e n , in der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation ihren g e m e i n s a m e n
35
Gegner e r k e n n e n . Ihn zu vernichten, sind alle Mittel gut.
L o n d o n , 23. M ä r z 1871.
Karl Marx,
Sekretär des Generalraths der Internationalen
Arbeiterassoziation für Deutschland.
6
40
Der Volksstaat. Leipzig. Nr. 26, 29. März 1871.
Titelblatt
Karl Marx
A la r é d a c t i o n du « W e r k e r »
31 mars 1871
General Council of the International
Working Men's Association,
256, High Holborn, London, W.C.
5
,
Citoyen,
L o n d r e s , 31 M a r s , 1871
Ma soi-disante lettre, a d r e s s é e a u x Internationaux de Paris, est t o u t
b o n n e m e n t , c o m m e je l'ai déjà déclaré d a n s le Times du 2 2
Mars, une
fabrication du Paris-Journal, un de ces j o u r n a u x de m a u v a i s lieu c o u v é s
dans l'égout, impérialiste. Du r e s t e , tous les organes de la « b o n n e p r e s s e »
10 en E u r o p e ont, à ce qu'il paraît, r e ç u le m o t d ' o r d r e d'employer le faux
c o m m e leur grand i n s t r u m e n t de guerre contre l'Internationale. A u x y e u x
de ces h o n n ê t e s s o u t e n e u r s de la religion, de l'ordre, de la famille et de la
propriété, [le cr]ime de faux n ' e s t pas m ê m e u n e peccadille.
Salut et fraternité
15
Karl M a r x .
è m e
9
Karl Marx
To t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s "
April 3, 1871
The Times. Nr.27028,
4. April 1871
Sir,—Will y o u allow me to again intrude u p o n y o u r c o l u m n s in order to
contradict widely-spread falsehoods? •
A L o m b a r d telegram, dated Paris, M a r c h 30, contains an e x t r a c t from
the Gaulois which, under the sensational heading, "Alleged Organization
5
of the Paris Revolution in L o n d o n , " has a d o r n e d the L o n d o n p a p e r s of
S a t u r d a y last. H a v i n g during the late W a r successfully rivalled the Figaro
and the Paris Journal in the concoction of M u n c h a u s i a d e s that m a d e the
Paris petite presse a b y w o r d all over the world, the Gaulois seems m o r e
t h a n ever convinced that the news-reading public will always cling to t h e 10
tenet, "Credo quia absurdum est." B a r o n M u n c h a u s e n himself, would
he h a v e u n d e r t a k e n to organize at L o n d o n "in the early p a r t of F e b r u a r y , "
w h e n M. Thiers did not yet hold any official post, " t h e insurrection of the
18th of M a r c h , " called into life by the attempt of the same M. Thiers to disarm
the Paris National G u a r d ? N o t content to send M M . Assi and Blanqui on 15
an imaginary voyage to L o n d o n , t h e r e to conspire w i t h myself in secret
conclave, the Gaulois adds to that conclave t w o imaginary persons—one
"Bentini, general agent for I t a l y , " and o n e " D e r m o t t , general agent for
E n g l a n d . " It also graciously confirms the dignity of " s u p r e m e chief of the
Internationale," first b e s t o w e d u p o n me by the Paris Journal. T h e s e t w o
20
worthies notwithstanding, the General Council of the International Working
M e n ' s Association will, I am afraid, continue to t r a n s a c t its business without
the i n c u m b r a n c e of either "chief" or " p r e s i d e n t . "
I h a v e t h e h o n o u r to b e , Sir, your obediently,
KARL MARX.
L o n d o n , April 3.
10
25
Friedrich Engels
Der Streik der Zigarrenarbeiter
in A n t w e r p e n
12. April 1871
In Antwerpen sind 500 Cigarrenarbeiter außer Arbeit. Die F a b r i k a n t e n
stellten ihnen die W a h l : e n t w e d e r ihre (zur Internationalen-Arbeiter-Assoziation gehörige) G e w e r k s c h a f t aufzulösen oder entlassen zu w e r d e n .
Alle o h n e A u s n a h m e w i e s e n diese Z u m u t h u n g entschieden zurück, u n d
5 so schlössen die F a b r i k a n t e n ihre W e r k s t ä t t e n .
Die Arbeiter h a b e n 6 0 0 0 F r . (1600 Thaler) in ihrer K a s s e ; sie h a b e n sich
mit d e n Cigarren-Arbeitern v o n Holland u n d England bereits in V e r b i n d u n g
gesetzt und jeder Z u z u g v o n dort ist verhindert. V o n England w e r d e n sie
nicht u n b e d e u t e n d e G e l d u n t e r s t ü t z u n g erhalten, 176 Pfund St. (1200 Thlr.)
10 sind bereits abgegangen u n d für w e i t e r e Hülfe wird gesorgt. Die A n t w e r p e r
verlangen übrigens nur Vorschuß, da sie erklären, im S t a n d e zu sein, j e d e
geleistete Hülfe z u r ü c k z u e r s t a t t e n . Sollten die d e u t s c h e n Cigarrenarbeiter
oder andere G e w e r k s c h a f t e n im S t a n d e sein, ihren A n t w e r p e r B r ü d e r n
U n t e r s t ü t z u n g z u w e n d e n zu k ö n n e n so ist zu hoffen, daß sie nicht damit
15
zurückhalten. G e l d s e n d u n g e n sind zu m a c h e n an Ph. Coenen, B o o m g a a r d s straat 3, A n t w e r p e n . Jedenfalls aber ist es ihre Pflicht, d e u t s c h e Cigarrenarbeiter v o n allem Z u z u g n a c h A n t w e r p e n abzuhalten, solange die F a b r i k a n t e n dort auf ihren F o r d e r u n g e n b e h a r r e n .
11
Karl Marx
Mitteilung über Karl V o g t
/ i n den jezt offiziell veröffentlichten „Papiers et Correspondance de la
famille impériale" findet sich unter dem B u c h s t a b e n V (die G e l d e m p fänger sind nämlich alphabetisch aufgeführt)
verbotenus:
„ Vogt, il lui est remis en août 1859 4 0 0 0 0 f r . " /
12
Karl Marx
T h e Civil W a r in France
(First Draft, S e c o n d Draft and A d d r e s s
of t h e G e n e r a l Council)
Karl Marx
(First Draft)
The Civil War in France (First Draft)
111 The Government of defence.
5
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20
25
Four m o n t h s after the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the war, w h e n the G o v e r n ment of Defence had t h r o w n a sop to the Paris National Guard by
allowing them to show their fighting capabilities at Buzenval, the
G o v e r n m e n t considered the o p p o r t u n e ntoment c o m e to p r e p a r e Paris for
capitulation. To t h e a s s e m b l y of t h e maires of Paris for capitulation,
Trochu, in p r e s e n c e of u[nd] supported by Jules F a v r e and others of his
colleagues, revealed at last his "plan". He said literally: " T h e first
question, addressed to me by my colleagues on the evening of the
4 September, w a s this: Paris can it stand, with any c h a n c e of success, a
siege against the Prussian a r m y ? I did not hesitate to answer in the negative.
Some of my colleagues here p r e s e n t will w a r r a n t the truth of t h e s e my
w o r d s , and the persistence of my opinion. I told t h e m in these v e r y t e r m s that,
under the existing state of things, t h e attempt of Paris to maintain a siege
against the Prussian a r m y would be a folly. Without doubt, I added, this
might be a heroical folly, b u t it would be nothing e l s e . . . The events have not
given the lie to my prevision. " H e n c e T r o c h u ' s plan, from the v e r y d a y of t h e
proclamation of the Republic, w a s the capitulation of Paris and of France.
In point of fact he w a s the c o m m a n d e r in chief of the Prussians. In a letter
to G a m b e t t a , Jules F a v r e himself confessed so m u c h that the e n e m y to be
p u t d o w n , was not the Prussian soldier, but the Paris " d e m a g o g u e
revolutionist". T h e highsounding promises to the p e o p l e , by the G o v e r n m e n t
of Defence, w e r e therefore as m a n y deliberate lies. Their " p l a n " t h e y
systematically carried out by entrusting the defence of Paris to Bonapartist generals, by disorganizing t h e National G u a r d and by organizing
famine u n d e r the maladministration of Jules F e r r y . T h e attempts of t h e
Paris w o r k m e n on the 5 of O c t o b e r , t h e 3 1 of O c t o b e r e t c , to supplant
these traitors by the C o m m u n e , w e r e p u t down as conspiracies with t h e
Prussian! After the capitulation the m a s k w a s t h r o w n off (cast aside). T h e
th
t h
s t
17
Karl Marx
capitulards b e c a m e a g o v e r n m e n t by the grace of Bismarck. Being his
prisoners, they stipulated with him a general armistice the conditions of
which disarmed F r a n c e and rendered all further resistance impossible.
Resuscitated at B o r d e a u x as the G o v e r n m e n t of the Republic, t h e s e very
same capitulards through Thiers, their e x - A m b a s s a d o r , a n d Jules F a v r e , their
Foreign minister, fervently implored Bismarck, in the n a m e of t h e majority of
the socalled National A s s e m b l y , and long before the rise of Paris, to
disarm and o c c u p y Paris and put d o w n "its canaille", as B i s m a r c k himself sneeringly told his admirers at Frankfurt on his return from F r a n c e
to Berlin. This occupation of Paris by t h e Prussians—such w a s the last w o r d
of the " p l a n " of the g o v e r n m e n t of defence. T h e cynical effrontery with
which, since their instalment at Versailles, the same m e n fawn u p o n and
appeal to the armed intervention of Prussia, has d u m b f o u n d e d e v e n t h e venal
p r e s s of E u r o p e . T h e heroic exploits of the Paris N a t i o n a l G u a r d , since they
fight no longer under but against the capitulards, h a v e forced e v e n the most
sceptical to b r a n d the w o r d " t r a i t o r " on the b r a z e n fronts of the T r o c h u ,
Jules F a v r e et Co. T h e d o c u m e n t s seized by t h e C o m m u n e , h a v e at last,
furnished the juridical proofs of their high treason. A m o n g s t t h e s e papers
t h e r e are letters of the Bonapartist sabreurs, to w h o m the execution of
T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " had b e e n confided, in w h i c h t h e s e infamous w r e t c h e s
crack j o k e s at and m a k e fun of their o w n " d e f e n c e of P a r i s " , (cf. for instance
the letter of Alphonse Simon Guiod, s u p r e m e c o m m a n d e r of the artillery
of the a r m y of defence of Paris and G r a n d Cross of t h e Legion of H o n o u r ,
to Suzanne, General of division of artillery, published by the Journal
officiel of the C o m m u n e . )
5
10
15
20
25
It is, therefore evident, that the m e n w h o n o w form the g o v e r n m e n t
of Versailles, can only be saved from the fate of convicted traitors by
civil war, the death of the Republic and a monarchical restauration u n d e r
the shelter of Prussian b a y o n e t s .
But—and this is m o s t characteristic of the m e n of t h e E m p i r e as well 30
as of the m e n w h o but on its soil and within its a t m o s p h e r e could grow into
mock-tribunes of the people—the victorious republic would not only brand
t h e m as traitors, it would h a v e to surrender them as c o m m o n felons to the
criminal court. L o o k only at Jules Favre, Ernest Picard, and Jules Ferry,
the great m e n , u n d e r Thiers, of the g o v e r n m e n t of d e f e n c e !
35
A series of authenticated judiciary d o c u m e n t s spreading over about
20 y e a r s , and published by M. Minière, a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e to the National
Assembly, p r o v e s that Jules Favre, living in adulterous concubinage with
the wife of a drunkard resident at Algiers, had, by a most complicated
concatenation of daring forgeries, contrived to grasp in the n a m e of his 40
b a s t a r d s , a large succession that m a d e him a rich m a n a n d that t h e conniv-
18
5
ance only of t h e B o n a p a r t i s t tribunals saved him from e x p o s u r e in a
law-suit u n d e r t a k e n by t h e legitimate claimants. Jules F a v r e , t h e n , this
u n c t u o u s m o u t h p i e c e of family, religion, p r o p e r t y , and order, h a s long
since b e e n forfeited to the Code Pénal. Lifelong penal servitude would
be his unavoidable lot u n d e r e v e r y h o n e s t g o v e r n m e n t . Ernest Picard,
t h e p r e s e n t Versailles h o m e minister, appointed b y himself o n t h e
4 of S e p t e m b e r H o m e minister of t h e g o v e r n m e n t of defence, after he
had tried in vain to be appointed by L. B o n a p a r t e , this E r n e s t Picard is t h e
b r o t h e r of one Arthur Picard. W h e n , together with Jules F a v r e and Co.,
he had the i m p u d e n c e to p r o p o s e this w o r t h y b r o t h e r of his as a c a n d i d a t e
in t h e Seine et Oise for the Corps législatif, t h e Imperialist g o v e r n m e n t
published t w o d o c u m e n t s , a r e p o r t of t h e Prefecture of Police (31 July,
1867) stating that this A r t h u r Picard w a s e x c l u d e d from t h e B o u r s e as an
" E s c r o c q " , and a n o t h e r d o c u m e n t of t h e 11 December 1868, according to
w h i c h A r t h u r had confessed t h e theft of 300,000 fcs, committed by him
as a director of o n e of t h e b r a n c h e s of t h e Société Générale, rue P a l e s t r o ,
Ν» 5. E r n e s t m a d e n o t only his w o r t h y A r t h u r t h e editor in chief of a p a p e r
of his own, t h e Electeur Libre, f o u n d e d u n d e r t h e E m p i r e a n d c o n t i n u e d to
this day, a paper, in w h i c h t h e republicans are daily d e n o u n c e d as
" r o b b e r s , b a n d i t s , a n d partageux", b u t o n c e b e c o m e t h e h o m e minister
of t h e " D e f e n c e " , E r n e s t e m p l o y e d A r t h u r as his financial m e d i u m
b e t w e e n t h e h o m e office t o t h e S t o c k E x c h a n g e , t h e r e t o discount t h e
State secrets e n t r u s t e d t o him. T h e w h o l e " f i n a n c i a l " c o r r e s p o n d e n c e
b e t w e e n E r n e s t and A r t h u r h a s fallen into t h e h a n d s of t h e C o m m u n e .
Like t h e l a c h r y m o s e J u l e s F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard, t h e J o e Miller of t h e Ver
sailles G o v e r n m e n t , is a m a n forfeited to t h e Code Pénal and t h e
galleys!
To m a k e up this trio, Jules Ferry, a p o o r briefless barrister before
4 S e p t e m b e r , not c o n t e n t to organize the famine of Paris, had contrived to
j o b a fortune out of this famine. T h e d a y on w h i c h he would h a v e to give an
a c c o u n t of his peculations during t h e Paris siege would be his day of
judgment!
N o w o n d e r t h e n that t h e s e m e n w h o can only hope t o e s c a p e t h e
hulks in a m o n a r c h y , p r o t e c t e d by P r u s s i a n b a y o n e t s , w h o b u t in t h e turmoil
of civil w a r can win their ticket of leave, that t h e s e d e s p e r a d o e s w e r e at
o n c e chosen by Thiers and a c c e p t e d by t h e Rurals as the safest tools of the
Counterrevolution !
No w o n d e r that w h e n in t h e beginning of April captured N a t i o n a l
G u a r d s w e r e e x p o s e d at Versailles to t h e ferocious outrages of Piétri's
" l a m b s " and the Versailles m o b , M. E r n e s t Picard, " w i t h his h a n d s in
his t r o u s e r s p o c k e t s , walked from g r o u p to group cracking j o k e s " while
th
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
19
Karl Marx
" o n the balcony of the Prefecture M a d a m e Thiers, M a d a m e Jules F a v r e
and a | | 2 | b e v y of similar Dames, looking in excellent health and spirits",
exulted in that disgusting scene. No w o n d e r t h e n , that while o n e p a r t of
F r a n c e winces under t h e heels of the c o n q u e r o r s while Paris, the heart
and head of F r a n c e , daily sheds streams of its b e s t blood in self-defence
5
against t h e h o m e traitors,
t h e Thiers, F a v r e s et C o . indulge in
revelries at the Palace of Louis X I V , such f. i. as the grand fête given by
Thiers in honour of Jules F a v r e on his return from R o u e n (whither he had
b e e n sent to conspire with t h e Prussians). It is t h e cynical orgy of
evaded felons!
10
If the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e first m a d e Thiers their Foreign A m b a s s a d o r ,
going a begging at all C o u r t s of E u r o p e t h e r e to b a r t e r a king for F r a n c e
for their intervention against Prussia, if, later on, they sent him on a travelling
tour throughout the F r e n c h p r o v i n c e s , t h e r e to conspire w i t h t h e 15
Châteaux and secretly p r e p a r e the General elections which together with
the Capitulation would take F r a n c e by surprise—Thiers, on his side, m a d e
t h e m his ministers and high functionaries. T h e y w e r e safe m e n .
T h e r e is one thing rather mysterious in the p r o c e e d i n g s of Thiers,
his recklessness in precipitating the revolution of Paris. N o t c o n t e n t to
goad Paris by the Antirepublican d e m o n s t r a t i o n s of his rurals, by the
threats to decapitate and decapitalize Paris, (by D u f a u r e ' s (Thiers' minister
of justice) law of the 10 of M a r c h on the échéances of bills w h i c h i m p e n d e d
b a n k r u p t c y on the Paris c o m m e r c e ) , by appointing Orleanist a m b a s s a d o r s ,
by t h e transfer of the A s s e m b l é e to Versailles, by an imposition of a n e w
t a x on n e w s p a p e r s , by t h e confiscation of the Republican Paris j o u r n a l s , by the
revival of the State of Siege, first proclaimed by Palikao and annulled with
the downfall of the Imperialist g o v e r n m e n t on the 4 of September, by
appointing Vinoy, the Décembriser and E x s e n a t o r governor of Paris,
Valentin, the Imperialist G e n d a r m e Prefect of Police, and Aurelle de
Paladines, the Jesuit General C o m m a n d e r in chief of the Paris National
Guard—he o p e n e d the civil w a r with feeble forces, by V i n o y ' s attack on the
Buttes M o n t m a r t r e , by the attempt first to r o b the N a t i o n a l G u a r d s of
C a n n o n s which belonged to t h e m and w i c h w e r e only left to t h e m by the Paris
convention, b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e their p r o p e r t y , and thus to disarm Paris.
20
th
25
t h
30
35
W h e n c e this feverish eagerness d'en finir? To disarm and p u t d o w n
Paris w a s of course the first condition of a monarchical counterrevolution, but an astute intriguer like Thiers could only risk the future of the
difficult enterprise in undertaking it without d u e preparation, with ridiculously insufficient m e a n s , e x c e p t u n d e r t h e s w a y of s o m e overwhelmingly 40
20
urgent m o v e . T h e m o t i v e w a s this. By the agency of Pouyer-Quertier,
his finance minister, Thiers had c o n c l u d e d a loan of t w o milliards to
be paid immediately d o w n and s o m e m o r e milliards to follow at certain
terms. In this loan transaction a truly royal pot-de-vin (drinkmoney)
5
w a s reserved for those grand citizens Thiers, Jules F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard,
Jules Simon, Pouyer-Quertier etc. But t h e r e w a s o n e hitch in t h e t r a n s action. Before definitively sealing the treaty, the c o n t r a c t o r s w a n t e d
one guarantee—the tranquillization of Paris. H e n c e t h e reckless p r o ceedings of Thiers. H e n c e the savage hatred against the Paris w o r k m e n
10
perverse e n o u g h to interfere with this fine j o b .
As to the Jules F a v r e s , Picards etc, we h a v e said e n o u g h to p r o v e
t h e m the w o r t h y accomplices of such a j o b b e r y . As to Thiers himself, it
is notorious that during his t w o ministries u n d e r Louis Philippe he
realized 2 millions, and that during his p r e m i e r s h i p (dating M a r s 1840) he
15 was taunted from the tribune of the C h a m b r e of Deputies with his B o u r s e
peculations, in a n s w e r to which he shed t e a r s , a commodity he disposes of
as freely as Jules F a v r e and t h e celebrated comedian Frederick L e m a î t r e .
It is no less notorious that the first m e a s u r e taken by M. Thiers to s a v e
F r a n c e from the financial ruin, fastened upon her by the war, was—to
20
endow himself with a yearly salary of 3 Millions of francs, exactly the
sum L . B o n a p a r t e got in 1850 as an equivalent from M . T h i e r s and his
troop in t h e Legislative Assembly for allowing t h e m to abolish the general
suffrage. This e n d o w m e n t of M . T h i e r s with 3 millions was the first
word of " t h e economic republic" the vista of which he had o p e n e d to
25 his Paris electors in 1869. As to Pouyer-Quertier, he is a cottonspinner
at Rouen. In 1869, he w a s the leader of the millowners' conclave t h a t
proclaimed a general reduction of wages n e c e s s a r y for the " c o n q u e s t " of
the English market—an intrigue, then baffled by the International. PouyerQuertier, otherwise a fervent and e v e n servile partisan of the E m p i r e ,
30 found only one fault with it, its commercial treaty with England damaging
to his o w n shop interests. H i s first step as M . T h i e r s ' finance minister
was to d e n o u n c e that " h a t e f u l " treaty and to p r o n o u n c e the necessity
of reestablishing the old p r o t e c t i v e duties for his o w n shop. His s e c o n d
step w a s the patriotic a t t e m p t to strike Alsace by the reestablished old
35
protective duties on the p r e t e x t that in this c a s e no international treaty
stood in the way of their re-introduction. By this m a s t e r s t r o k e his o w n
shop at R o u e n would h a v e got rid of t h e d a n g e r o u s competition of t h e
rival shops at Mülhausen. His last step w a s to m a k e a p r e s e n t to his son-inlaw, M . R o c h e L a m b e r t , of the receveur-generalship of the Loiret, o n e
40 of the rich booties falling into the lap of the governing bourgeois, and
which Pouyer-Quertier had found so m u c h fault with his Imperialist
21
1
Karl Marx
p r e d e c e s s o r M. M a g n e , endowing his o w n son with that big jobbing place.
This Pouyer-Quertier w a s t h e n exactly the m a n for the perpetration of the
above-said j o b .
30 Mars. Rappel. Jules F e r r y , ex-maire de Paris, a défendu, par u n e
circulaire du 28 M a r s , aux e m p l o y é s de l'octroi, de continuer t o u t e perception for the city of Paris.
5
Small state-rogueries,—a little c h a r a c t e r . . . cankering c o n s c i e n c e . . .
everlasting suggester of Parliamentary i n t r i g u e . . . p e t t y e x p e d i e n t s
and d e v i c e s . . . rehearsing his homilies of liberalism, of the "libertés 10
n é c e s s a i r e s " . . . eagerly b e n t o n . . . strong r e a s o n s t o weigh against the
c h a n c e s of f a i l u r e . . . cogent arguments which c o u n t e r p o i s e . . . kind of
heroism i n exaggerated b a s e n e s s . . . lucky parliamentary s t r a t a g e m s . . .
M. E. Picard est un malandrin, qui p e n d a n t toute la durée du siège a tripoté
à la B o u r s e sur les défaites de nos a r m é e s .
15
massacre,
trahison, incendie, assassinat, calomnie, mensonge.
In his speech to the assembly of maires etc. ( 2 5 April) Thiers says
himself that the "assassins of Clément T h o m a s a n d L e c o m t e " are a 20
handful of criminals « e t c e u x qui p o u r r o n t à j u s t e titre être c o n s i d é r é s
c o m m e complices de ces crimes par conspiration ou assistance, c. à. d. un
très petit nombre d'individus ».\
th
|3|
Dufaure.
Dufaure w a n t s to put d o w n Paris by p r e s s p r o s e c u t i o n s in the provinces. 25
M o n s t r u o u s to bring journals before a jury b e c a u s e preaching "Conciliation ".
D u f a u r e plays a great part in t h e Thiers intrigue. By his law of the
10 of M a r c h , he r o u s e d all the indebted c o m m e r c e of Paris. By his
law on Paris h o u s e r e n t s , he m e n a c e d all Paris. Both laws w e r e to punish 30
Paris for having saved the honour of F r a n c e and delayed the surrender
to B i s m a r c k for 6 m o n t h s . D u f a u r e is an Orleanist, and a " L i b e r a l " , in the
parliamentary sense of the w o r d . Consequently, he has always b e e n the
minister of repression and of the State of Siege.
th
He accepted his first portefeuille on the 13 M a y , 1839, after t h e defeat
22
35
of the dernière prise d ' a r m e s of t h e Republican p a r t y , w a s therefore the
minister of the pitiless repression of the July g o v e r n m e n t of that day.
Cavaignac, forced on the 2 9 O c t o b e r (1848) to raise the state of siege,
called into his ministry t w o ministers of L o u i s Philippe (Dufaure, for
the Interior, and Vivien). He appointed t h e m on the d e m a n d of the rue
Poitiers (Thiers), which d e m a n d e d guarantees. He thus h o p e d to secure t h e
support of the dynasties for the impending election of president. Dufaure
employed the m o s t illegal m e a n s to secure Cavaignac's candidature.
Intimidation and electoral corruption had never b e e n exercised on a larger
th
5
10
scale. Dufaure inundated F r a n c e with diffamatory prints against the other
candidates, and especially of L o u i s Bon., w h a t did not p r e v e n t him to
b e c o m e later on Louis B o n a p a r t e ' s minister. Dufaure b e c a m e again t h e
minister of the state of siege of 13 June 1849 (against the d e m o n s t r a t i o n of
the National G u a r d against the b o m b a r d m e n t of R o m e etc by t h e F r e n c h
15
army). He is n o w again the minister of t h e state of siege, proclaimed at
Versailles (for d e p a r t m e n t of Seine et Oise). P o w e r given to Thiers to declare
any d e p a r t m e n t w h a t e v e r in a state of siege. D u f a u r e , as in 1839, as in 1849,
w a n t s new repressive laws, n e w p r e s s laws, a law to "abridge the formalities
of the Courts M a r t i a l " . In a circular to t h e P r o c u r e u r s - G é n é r a u x he
20
denounces the cry of "conciliation " as a p r e s s crime to be severely p r o s e cuted. It is characteristic of the F r e n c h magistrature that only o n e single
Procureur Général (der of M a y e n n e ) w r o t e to Dufaure to " r e s i g n . . .
I cannot serve an Administration w h i c h orders m e , in a m o m e n t of civil
war, to r u s h into p a r t y struggles and p r o s e c u t e citizens, w h o m my c o n s c i e n c e
25
holds innocent, for uttering the w o r d conciliation". He belonged to t h e
" U n i o n L i b é r a l e " in 1847 w h i c h conspired against Guizot, as he belonged
to the " U n i o n l i b é r a l e " of 1869 w h i c h conspired against Louis B o n a p a r t e .
With r e s p e c t to the law of 10 M a r c h and the law of h o u s e r e n t s , it ought
t o b e r e m a r k e d that b o t h D u f a u r e ' s a n d P i c a r d ' s , b o t h a d v o c a t e s , b e s t
30 clients are amongst the h o u s e p r o p r i e t o r s and the big bourses averse to
losing anything by the siege of Paris.
N o w as after the Revolution of F e b r u a r y 1848, these m e n tell t h e
Republic, as the executioner told D o n Carlos, «Je vais t'assassiner, mais
35 c'esf pour ton bien ». (I shall m u r d e r thee, b u t for thy o w n good.)
23
Karl Marx
Lecomte and Clément Thomas.
th
After V i n o y ' s attempt to carry the Buttes M o n t m a r t r e (on the 18 M a r c h ,
they w e r e shot in the g a r d e n s of the C h â t e a u R o u g e , 4 o'clock, 18 )
General L e c o m t e and Clement T h o m a s w e r e taken prisoners and shot
by the same excited soldiers of t h e 8 1 of the line. It w a s a s u m m a r y
act of L y n c h justice performed despite the instances of some delegates
of the Central Committee. L e c o m t e , an epauletted cut-throat, had four
times c o m m a n d e d his t r o o p , on the place Pigalle, to charge an u n a r m e d
gathering of w o m e n and children. Instead of shooting the people, t h e
soldiers shot him. Clement T h o m a s , an ex-quartermaster, a " g e n e r a l "
extemporized at the eve of the J u n e m a s s a c r e s (1848) by the m e n of the
National, w h o s e gérant he had b e e n , had never dipped his sword in the
blood of any other e n e m y but that of the Paris working class. He
w a s one of the sinister plotters w h o deliberately p r o v o k e d the J u n e insurrection and one of its most atrocious executioners. W h e n on t h e
31 October 1870, the Paris Proletarian N a t i o n a l G u a r d s surprised the
" G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e " at the H ô t e l de Ville and t o o k them prisoners,
these m e n , w h o had [been] appointed by t h e m s e l v e s , t h e s e gens de paroles,
as one of them, Picard, called them recently, gave their word of honour
that they would m a k e place to the Commune. T h u s allowed to e s c a p e scot
free, t h e y launched T r o c h u ' s B r e t o n s on their too-confident c a p t o r s . O n e of
them, however, M. Tamisier, resigned his dignity as c o m m a n d e r in chief of
the National Guard. He refused to break his w o r d of h o n o u r . T h e n the
hour had again struck for Clement T h o m a s . He w a s appointed in Tamisier's
place c o m m a n d e r in chief of the National Guard. He w a s the true m a n for
T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " . H e never m a d e w a r u p o n the Prussians; h e m a d e w a r
u p o n the National Guard, w h o m he disorganized, disunited, calumniated,
weeding out all its officers hostile to T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " , setting o n e set of
National G u a r d s against the other, and w h o m he sacrificed in " s o r t i e s " so
planned as to cover t h e m with ridicule. H a u n t e d by t h e spectres of his J u n e
victims, this m a n , without any official charge, m u s t n e e d s again r e a p p e a r on
[the] t h e a t r e of w a r of the 18 of M a r s , w h e r e he scented another m a s s a c r e
of the Paris people. He fell a victim of L y n c h justice in the first m o m e n t of
popular exasperation. T h e m e n w h o had surrendered Paris to the tender
mercies of the Décembriseur Vinoy, in order to kill the Republic and p o c k e t
the pots-de-Vin stipulated by the Pouyer-Quertier contract, shouted n o w :
Assassins, Assassins! Their howl w a s re-echoed by the p r e s s of E u r o p e
so eager for the blood of the " P r o l e t a r i a n s " . A farce of hysterical "sensib l e n c e " was enacted in the rural A s s e m b l é e , and, as n o w as before, the
th
st
5
10
15
20
25
30
th
24
35
5
corpses of their friends w e r e m o s t w e l c o m e w e a p o n s against their e n e m i e s .
Paris and the Central C o m m i t t e e w e r e m a d e responsible for an accident
out of their control. It is k n o w n h o w in the d a y s of J u n e 1848 the " m e n
of o r d e r " shook E u r o p e with t h e cry of indignation against t h e Insurgents
because of the assassination of the A r c h b i s h o p of Paris. E v e n at t h a t
time they k n e w perfectly well from the e v i d e n c e of M . J a c q u e m e t , t h e
vicaire général of the A r c h b i s h o p , w h o had a c c o m p a n i e d him to t h e
barricades, that t h e Bishop h a d b e e n shot by t h e t r o o p s of " C a v a i g n a c " ,
and not by the insurged, b u t his d e a d corpse served their turn. M. D a r b o y ,
10
the p r e s e n t A r c h b i s h o p of Paris, o n e of t h e hostages t a k e n by the
Commune in self-defence against t h e savage atrocities of the Versailles government, h o w e v e r s e e m s , as a p p e a r s from his letter to Thiers, to h a v e
strange misgivings [that] Papa Transnonain be eager to speculate in his
dead b o d y , as an object of holy indignation. T h e r e p a s s e d hardly a day,
15 in which the Versailles journals did not a n n o u n c e his execution, which t h e
continued atrocities, a n d violation of t h e rules of w a r on the side of
" o r d e r " , would h a v e sealed on the part of e v e r y g o v e r n m e n t b u t that of the
C o m m u n e . T h e Versailles g o v e r n m e n t had hardly realized a first military
success, w h e n Captain D e s m a r e t s , w h o at t h e head of his g e n d a r m e s
20 assassinated the chivalrous F l o u r e n s , has b e e n d e c o r a t e d by Thiers.
Flourens had saved t h e lives o f the " d e f e n c e m e n " o n t h e 3 1 October.
Vinoy, the r u n a w a y (runagate), w a s appointed grand cross of the Legion of
H o n o u r , b e c a u s e h e h a d our b r a v e c o m r a d e D u v a l , w h e n t a k e n prisoner,
shot inside the r e d o u b t s , b e c a u s e as a s e c o n d instalment, he had shot
s t
25
some dozen captive troops of the line w h o had joined the Paris people and
inaugurated this civil w a r by the " m e t h o d s of D e c e m b e r " . General
Galliffet—"the h u s b a n d of that charming M a r c h i o n e s s | | 4 | w h o s e c o s t u m e s
at the masked balls w e r e o n e of t h e w o n d e r s of the E m p i r e " , as a L o n d o n
p e n n y a liner delicately p u t s it, " s u r p r i s e d " near Rueil a captain, lieutenant,
30
and private of National G u a r d s , h a d t h e m at o n c e shot, and immediately
published a proclamation to glorify himself in t h e deed. T h e s e are a few
of the murders officially narrated and gloried in by the Versailles government. 25 soldiers of the 8 0 Regiment of the line shot as " r e b e l s " by the
7 5 . " E v e r y m a n wearing t h e uniform of the regular a r m y w h o w a s
th
th
35
captured in the r a n k s of the C o m m u n i s t s w a s straightaway shot without
the slightest m e r c y . T h e g o v e r n m e n t t r o o p s w e r e perfectly f e r o c i o u s . "
"M.Thiers
communicated
the
encouraging
particulars
of Flourens'
death to the Assembly. "
Versailles 4. April. Thiers, that m i s s h a p e n dwarf, r e p o r t s on his p r i s o n e r s
40 brought to Versailles (in his p r o c l a m a t i o n ) : " N e v e r had m o r e degraded c o u n tenances of a degraded d e m o c r a c y m e t the afflicted g a z e of honest
25
Karl Marx
m e n . " (Piétri's men!)
officers or line men. "
"Vinoy
protests
against
any mercy
to
insurgent
th
On t h e 6 of April decree of the Commune on reprisals (and hostages):
"Considering that the Versailles g o v e r n m e n t openly t r e a d s u n d e r f o o t t h e
laws of humanity and t h o s e of war, and that it h a s b e e n guilty of h o r r o r s
such a s e v e n t h e invaders o f F r a n c e h a v e n o t d i s h o n o u r e d t h e m s e l v e s b y . . .
it is d e c r e e d e t c . " (Folgen die Artikel)
5
April 5. Proclamation of the Commune: " E v e r y d a y t h e banditti of
Versailles slaughter or shoot our prisoners, and e v e r y h o u r we learn that
another m u r d e r has b e e n c o m m i t t e d . . . T h e p e o p l e e v e n in its anger, 10
detests bloodshed, as it detests civil w a r , b u t it is its duty to p r o t e c t itself
against t h e savage a t t e m p t s of its e n e m i e s , and w h a t e v e r it m a y cost it
shall be an e y e for an e y e , a tooth for a t o o t h . "
« L e s sergents de ville qui se b a t t e n t c o n t r e Paris ont 10 fcs par
jour».
15
Versailles, 11 A ρ r i 1. M o s t horrible details of t h e cold-blooded shooting
of p r i s o n e r s , not d e s e r t e r s , related w i t h an e v i d e n t gusto by general
officers and other e y e w i t n e s s e s .
In his letter to Thiers, D a r b o y p r o t e s t s " a g a i n s t t h e atrocious e x c e s s e s
w h i c h add to the h o r r o r of o u r fratricidal w a r " . In t h e s a m e strain writes 20
D e g u e r r y (curé de la Madeleine): « T h e s e e x e c u t i o n s r o u s e des grandes
colères à Paris et p e u v e n t y produire des terribles représailles. » « Ainsi l'on
est résolu, à c h a q u e nouvelle exécution, d'en o r d o n n e r d e u x des n o m b r e u x
otages q u e l'on a entre les mains. Jugez à quel point ce q u e [je] v o u s d e m a n d e
c o m m e p r ê t r e est d ' u n e rigoureuse et absolue nécessité. »
25
In midst of t h e s e horrors Thiers writes to t h e P r e f e c t s : « L ' a s s e m b l é e
siège paisiblement. » (Elle aussi a le c œ u r léger.)
Thiers and la commission des q u i n z e of his rurals had t h e cool impud e n c e to " d e n y officially" the " p r e t e n d e d summary executions and
reprisals attributed to the troops of Versailles". B u t P a p a T r a n s n o n a i n , in his
30
circular of 16 April on the bombardment of Pans: "If s o m e c a n n o n - s h o t s
h a v e been fired, it is not the deed of t h e a r m y of Versailles, but of some
insurgents wanting to m a k e believe that they are fighting, while t h e y do not
dare show t h e m s e l v e s . " Thiers has p r o v e d that he surpasses his h e r o ,
N a p o l e o n I, at least in o n e thing—lying bulletins. (Of c o u r s e , Paris b o m b a r d s 35
itself, in order to be able to calumniate M. Thiers !)
th
To these atrocious p r o v o c a t i o n s of t h e B o n a p a r t i s t blacklegs, t h e
C o m m u n e has c o n t e n t e d itself to t a k e h o s t a g e s a n d to t h r e a t e n reprisals,
b u t its threats h a v e remained a dead letter! N o t e v e n t h e G e n d a r m e s
m a s k e r a d e d into officers, not even t h e captive sergents de ville, u p o n 40
w h o m explosive b o m b s h a v e been seized, w e r e placed before a court
26
martial! T h e C o m m u n e has refused to soil its h a n d s with the blood of
these b l o o d h o u n d s !
A few d a y s before the 1 8 M a r c h , C l é m e n t T h o m a s laid before t h e
w a r minister Le Flô a plan for t h e d i s a r m a m e n t of trois quarts of the
National G a r d e . « L a fine fleur de la canaille, disait-il, s'est c o n c e n t r é e
autour de M o n t m a r t r e et s'entend a v e c Belleville. »
th
5
The National Assembly
L ' a s s e m b l é e élue le 8 février sous la pression de l'ennemi, aux mains
desquels les h o m m e s qui g o u v e r n e n t à Versailles avaient remis t o u s les
forts et livré Paris sans défense, l'Assemblée de Versailles avait un b u t
unique et clairement d é t e r m i n é par la C o n v e n t i o n même, signée à Versailles
le 28 Janvier — de décider si la guerre pouvait être continuée ou traiter la
paix; et, d a n s ce cas, fixer les conditions de cette paix et assurer le plus
15 p r o m p t e m e n t possible l'évacuation du territoire français.
10
Chanzy, Archbishop of Paris etc.
20
Liberation of Chanzy t o o k p l a c e almost simultaneously with the retreat of
Saisset. T h e Royalist journalists w e r e u n a n i m o u s in decreeing the death of
the General. T h e y desired to fix that amiable proceeding on the R e d s .
T h r e e times he had b e e n ordered to execution, and n o w he w a s really going
to be shot.
After the Vendôme affair: T h e r e was consternation at Versailles. An
attack on Versailles w a s e x p e c t e d on 23 M a r c h , for the leaders of the
C o m m u n a l agitation had a n n o u n c e d that they would m a r c h on Versailles,
25
if the Assembly t o o k any hostile action. T h e assembly did not. On the contrary,
it voted as urgent a proposition to hold C o m m u n a l Elections at Paris e t c .
By the concessions t h e A s s e m b l y admitted its p o w e r l e s s n e s s . At t h e
same time Royalist Intrigues at Versailles. Bonapartist Generals and
the D u e d'Aumale. F a v r e a v o w e d he had received a letter from Bismarck,
30
announcing that unless order w e r e restored by the 26 M a r c h Paris would
be occupied by the G e r m a n t r o o p s . R e d s saw plainly through his little
artifice. Die V e n d ô m e affaire p r o v o q u é e by le faussaire, ce jésuite infâme
J. Favre, qui le (21 Mars?) est m o n t é à la tribune de l'Assemblée de Versailles
27
Karl Marx
pour insulter ce peuple qui l'a tiré du n é a n t et soulever Paris contre les
départements.
30 March Proclamation of the Commune: « Aujourd'hui les criminels, q u e
v o u s n ' a v e z pas m ê m e voulu poursuivre, a b u s e n t d e v o t r e magnanimité
pour organiser aux portes m ê m e s de la cité un foyer de conspiration monarchique. Ils invoquent la guerre civile, ils m e t t e n t en œ u v r e t o u t e s les
corruptions, ils a c c e p t e n t toutes les complicités, ils ont osé mendier j u s q u ' à
l'appui de l'étranger. »j
5
|5| Thiers.
th
On t h e 2 5 April, in his reception of the maires, adjuncts, and municipal 10
councillors of the suburban c o m m u n e s of the Seine, Thiers said:
« La république existe. Le chef du pouvoir exécutif n'est q u ' u n simple
citoyen. »
T h e progress of F r a n c e from 1830 to 1871, according to M . T h i e r s ,
consists in this: In 1830 L o u i s Philippe w a s " t h e b e s t of R e p u b l i c s " . 15
In 1871 the ministerial fossil of L o u i s Philippe's reign, little Thiers himself,
is the best of Republics.
( M . T h i e r s c o m m e n c e d his regime by an usurpation. By the N a t i o n a l
Assembly he w a s appointed chief of the ministry of the A s s e m b l y ; he
appointed himself chief of the executive of F r a n c e . )
20
The Assembly and the Paris Revolution.
( ( T h e Assembly, s u m m o n e d at the dictate of the Foreign invader, w a s ,
as is clearly laid d o w n in t h e Versailles c o n v e n t i o n of t h e 2 8 J a n u a r y ,
but elected for o n e single p u r p o s e : To decide the continuation of w a r or
settle t h e conditions of p e a c e . In their calling t h e F r e n c h people to electoral 25
u r n s , the Capitulards of Paris t h e m s e l v e s plainly defined that specific
mission of the Assembly a n d this a c c o u n t s to a great p a r t for its very
constitution. T h e continuation of the w a r having b e c o m e impossible t h r o u g h
the v e r y terms of the armistice humbly a c c e p t e d by the capitulards, the
Assembly had in fact but to register a disgraceful p e a c e and for this specific 30
p e r f o r m a n c e the worst m e n of F r a n c e w e r e best.
th
th
T h e Republic w a s proclaimed on t h e 4 of S e p t e m b e r , not by the pettifoggers w h o installed themselves at the H ô t e l de Ville as a g o v e r n m e n t of
defence, b u t by the Paris people. It w a s acclaimed t h r o u g h o u t F r a n c e
without a single dissentient voice. It c o n q u e r e d its o w n existence by a five 35
28
5
m o n t h s ' w a r w h o s e c o r n e r s t o n e w a s the prolonged resistance of Paris.
Without this war, carried on by the Republic and in the n a m e of t h e
Republic, the E m p i r e w o u l d h a v e b e e n restored by Bismarck after t h e
capitulation of Sedan, the pettifoggers with M. Thiers at their head would
h a v e had to capitulate not for Paris, b u t for personal guarantees against a
voyage to C a y e n n e , and the rural A s s e m b l y w o u l d n e v e r h a v e b e e n h e a r d
of. It met only by the grace of the Republican revolution, initiated at Paris.
Being no constituent A s s e m b l y , as M . T h i e r s himself has r e p e a t e d to
n a u s e o u s n e s s , it would, if n o t as a mere chronicler of the p a s s e d incidents
10
of the Republican Revolution, not e v e n h a v e h a d the right to proclaim t h e
destitution of the Bonapartist dynasty. T h e only legitimate p o w e r , therefore, in F r a n c e is the Revolution itself, centring in Paris. T h a t revolution
w a s not m a d e against N a p o l e o n the little, b u t against t h e social a n d
political conditions, w h i c h e n g e n d e r e d t h e Second E m p i r e , which received
15 their last finish u n d e r its sway, and w h i c h , as t h e w a r with Prussia
glaringly revealed, would leave F r a n c e a cadaver, if they w e r e n o t superseded by t h e regenerating p o w e r s of the F r e n c h working class. T h e
attempts of the Rural A s s e m b l y , holding only an A t t o r n e y ' s P o w e r from
the Revolution to sign the disastrous b o n d h a n d e d over by its p r e s e n t
20
" e x e c u t i v e " to the Foreign invader, its a t t e m p t to treat the Revolution as
its o w n capitulard, is, therefore, a m o n s t r u o u s usurpation. Its w a r against
Paris is nothing b u t a c o w a r d l y C h o u a n n e r i e u n d e r t h e shelter of Prussian
b a y o n e t s . It is a b a s e conspiracy to assassinate F r a n c e , in order to s a v e
the privileges, the monopolies and the luxuries of t h e degenerate, effete,
25
and putrefied classes that h a v e dragged her to t h e a b y s s from w h i c h
she can only be saved by the H e r c u l e a n h a n d of a truly social R e v o lution.))
Thiers' finest army
E v e n before he b e c a m e a " s t a t e s m a n " , M . T h i e r s had p r o v e d his lying
p o w e r s as a historian. But t h e vanity, so characteristic of dwarfish m e n ,
has this time b e t r a y e d him into t h e sublime of the ridiculous. His a r m y
of order, the dregs of the B o n a p a r t i s t soldatesca, freshly reimported, by
the grace of B i s m a r c k from Prussian prisons, the Pontifical Z o u a v e s , t h e
C h o u a n s of Charette, the V e n d e a n s of Cathelineau; the " m u n i c i p a l s " of
35 Valentin, the ex-sergents de ville of Piétri and t h e Corsican G e n s d a r m e s of
Valentin w h o u n d e r L. B o n a p a r t e w e r e only the spies of the a r m y b u t u n d e r
M . T h i e r s form its warlike flower, the w h o l e u n d e r the supervision of
epauletted m o u c h a r d s and u n d e r t h e c o m m a n d of the r u n a w a y D e c e m b r i s t
30
29
Karl Marx
Marshals w h o had no h o n o u r to lose—this motley, ungainly, hangdog lot, M.
Thiers d u b s "the finest army France ever possessed"] If he allows the
Prussians still to quarter at St. D e n i s , it is only to frighten t h e m by the sight of
the "finest a r m y " of Versailles.
Thiers.
Small state rogueries. Everlasting suggester of Parliamentary intrigues,
M . T h i e r s w a s never anything else b u t an " a b l e " journalist and a clever
" w o r d f e n c e r " , a m a s t e r of parliamentary roguery, a virtuoso in perjury,
a craftsman in all the small stratagems, b a s e perfidies, and subtle devices
of Parliamentary party-warfare. This mischievous g n o m e c h a r m e d the
F r e n c h bourgeoisie during half a century b e c a u s e he is t h e truest intellectual
expression of their o w n class-corruption. W h e n in the r a n k s of the
opposition he over and over r e h e a r s e d his stale homily of t h e "libertés
n é c e s s a i r e s " , to stamp t h e m out w h e n in p o w e r . W h e n out of office, he
used to t h r e a t e n E u r o p e with the sword of F r a n c e . A n d w h a t w e r e his
diplomatic p e r f o r m a n c e s in reality? To p o c k e t in 1841 the humiliation of
the L o n d o n treaty, to h u r r y on the w a r with Prussia by his declamations
against G e r m a n unity, to c o m p r o m i s e F r a n c e in 1870 by his begging t o u r at
all the C o u r t s of E u r o p e , to sign in 1871 t h e Paris capitulation to a c c e p t a
" p e a c e at any p r i c e " and implore from P r u s s i a a concession: leave and
m e a n s to get up a civil w a r in his own d o w n t r o d d e n country. To a m a n
of his stamp the u n d e r g r o u n d agencies | | 6 | of m o d e r n society r e m a i n e d
of course always u n k n o w n , b u t e v e n the palpable changes at its surface he
failed to understand. F. i. any deviation from the old F r e n c h protective
system he d e n o u n c e d as a sacrilege and, as a minister of Louis Philippe,
w e n t the length of treating disdainfully the construction of railways as a
foolish chimera and even u n d e r Louis B o n a p a r t e he eagerly o p p o s e d every
Reform of the rotten F r e n c h a r m y organization. A m a n without ideas, without convictions, a n d without courage.
A professional " R e v o l u t i o n i s t " in that s e n s e , that in his eagerness of
display, of wielding p o w e r and putting his h a n d s into the N a t i o n a l E x c h e quer, he never scrupled, w h e n banished to the b a n k s of the opposition,
to stir the popular passions and p r o v o k e a c a t a s t r o p h e to displace a rival;
he is at the same time a m o s t shallow m a n of routine, e t c . T h e working class
he reviled as "the vile multitude". O n e of his former colleagues in the
legislative assemblies, a c o t e m p o r a r y of his, a capitalist, and h o w e v e r a
m e m b e r of the Paris C o m m u n e , M. Beslay thus a d d r e s s e s him in a public
a d d r e s s : " T h e subjugation (asservissement) of labour to capital, such is
30
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the 'fonds' of y o u r politics (policy), and t h e day you saw t h e Republic of
L a b o u r installed at the Hôtel-de-Ville, you h a v e n e v e r ceased to cry to F r a n c e
'They are c r i m i n a l s ! ' " N o w o n d e r that M . T h i e r s has given orders b y his
h o m e minister E r n e s t Picard t o p r e v e n t " t h e International A s s o c i a t i o n "
from communicating w i t h Paris. (Sitting of Assembly. 28 Mars.) Circulaire
de Thiers, aux préfets et sous préfets: " T h e good w o r k m e n , so n u m e r o u s
as c o m p a r e d to the b a d o n e s , ought to k n o w , that if b r e a d flies again
from their m o u t h s , t h e y o w e it to t h e adepts of the International, w h o are
the tyrants of labour, of w h i c h t h e y p r e t e n d themselves t h e l i b e r a t o r s . "
10
Without the International
(Jetzt die Geldgeschichte) (Er u n d F a v r e h a b e n ihr Geld n a c h L o n d o n
übersiedelt.) It is a p r o v e r b t h a t if rogues fall o u t truth c o m e s out. We can
therefore not better finish t h e picture of Thiers t h a n by t h e w o r d s of t h e
L o n d o n Moniteur of the m a s t e r of his Versailles generals. S a y s t h e
15
Situation in its n u m b e r of t h e 21 M a r s : " M . Thiers has never b e e n minister
without pushing t h e soldiers to t h e m a s s a c r e of t h e people, he the parricide,
the m a n of incest, the peculator, the plagiarist, t h e traitor, the ambitious, t h e
impuissant. "
shrewd in cunning devices, and artful dodges.
20
B a n d e d with the republicans before the Revolution of July, he slipped
into his first ministry u n d e r L o u i s Philippe by ousting Laffitte, his old
protector. H i s first deed w a s to t h r o w his old collaborator A r m a n d Carrel
into prison. He insinuated himself with Louis Philippe as a spy u p o n a n d
25 the gaol-accoucheur of the D u c h e s s e of B e r r y , b u t his activity centred
in the m a s s a c r e of the insurgent Paris Republicans in the R u e T r a n s n o n a i n
and t h e S e p t e m b e r L a w s against t h e p r e s s , to be then cast aside as an
instrument b e c o m e blunted. H a v i n g intrigued himself again into p o w e r
in 1840, he planned the Paris fortifications o p p o s e d as an attempt on the
30
liberty of Paris by the whole d e m o c r a t i c p a r t y , e x c e p t t h e Bourgeois Republicans of the National. M. Thiers replied to their outcry from the Tribune of the
C h a m b r e des D é p u t é s : « Q u o i ! imaginer q u e des ouvrages de fortification
quelconque p e u v e n t nuire à la l i b e r t é . . . C'est se placer hors de t o u t e
réalité. Et d'abord, c'est calomnier un gouvernement quel qu'il soit de
35 supposer qu'il puisse un jour c h e r c h e r à se maintenir en b o m b a r d a n t la
capitale. Quoi ! A p r è s avoir b e r c é de ses b o m b e s la voûte des Invalides
ou du P a n t h é o n , après avoir i n o n d é de ses feux la d e m e u r e de vos familles,
il se présenterait à v o u s p o u r v o u s d e m a n d e r la confirmation de son
existence ! Mais il serait cent fois plus impossible après la victoire qu 'aupara40 vant. » Indeed, neither the g o v e r n m e n t of L o u i s Philippe nor t h a t of t h e
31
Karl Marx
Bonapartist R e g e n c y dared to withdraw from Paris a n d b o m b a r d it. This
e m p l o y m e n t of the fortifications w a s reserved to M. Thiers, their original
plotter.
W h e n King B o m b a of N a p l e s b o m b a r d e d Palermo in J a n u a r y 1848,
M . T h i e r s again declared in the C h a m b r e of D e p u t i e s :
5
« V o u s savez, Messieurs, ce qui se p a s s e à P a l e r m e : v o u s a v e z tous
tressailli d'horreur en a p p r e n a n t q u e p e n d a n t 48 h e u r e s u n e grande ville
a été b o m b a r d é e . Par q u i ? Etait-ce par un ennemi étranger, exerçant les
droits de la g u e r r e ? N o n , m e s s i e u r s , par son propre gouvernement. Et
p o u r q u o i ? Parce que cette ville infortunée demandait des droits. Eh b i e n !
10
pour la d e m a n d e de ses droits, il y a eu 48 h e u r e s de b o m b a r d e m e n t . Permettez moi d'en appeler à l'opinion e u r o p é e n n e . C'est un service à r e n d r e
à l'humanité que de venir, du haut de la plus grande tribune peut-être de
l ' E u r o p e , faire retentir quelques paroles d'indignation contre de tels actes.
Messieurs, lorsque, il y a 50 ans, les Autrichiens e x e r ç a n t les droits de la 15
guerre, pour s'épargner les longueurs d'un siège, voulurent b o m b a r d e r Lille,
lorsque plus tard les Anglais, qui exerçaient aussi les droits de la guerre,
b o m b a r d è r e n t C o p e n h a g u e ; et tout r é c e m m e n t , quand le régent Espartero,
qui avait rendu des services à son p a y s , pour réprimer une insurrection,
a voulu bombarder Barcelone ; d a n s t o u s les p a r t s , il y a eu une générale 20
indignation. »
Little m o r e than a year later, Thiers acted the m o s t fiery apologist of t h e
b o m b a r d m e n t of R o m e by the troops of the F r e n c h republic, and exalted his
friend, General Changarnier, for sabring d o w n the Paris National G u a r d s
protesting against this b r e a c h of the F r e n c h Constitution.
25
A few d a y s before the Revolution of F e b r u a r y 1848, fretting at the long
exile from place to which Guizot had c o n d e m n e d him, scenting t h e
growing c o m m o t i o n of the m a s s e s , w h i c h he h o p e d would enable him
to oust his rival and impose himself u p o n L o u i s Philippe, Thiers exclaimed in
the C h a m b r e of Deputies:
30
«Je suis du parti de la Révolution, tant en France qu'en Europe. Je
souhaite q u e le g o u v e r n e m e n t de la Révolution r e s t e d a n s les mains des
h o m m e s m o d é r é s . . . Mais q u a n d c e g o u v e r n e m e n t p a s s e r a d a n s les mains
d ' h o m m e s ardents, fut-ce des radicaux, je n ' a b a n d o n n e r a i pas ma cause
pour cela. Je serai toujours du parti de la Revolution. »
35
To put d o w n the F e b r u a r y Revolution w a s his exclusive occupation
from t h e day w h e n the Republic w a s proclaimed to t h e C o u p d'Etat.
T h e first d a y s after t h e F e b r u a r y explosion he anxiously hid himself, b u t
the Paris w o r k m e n despised him too m u c h to hate him. Still, with his
notorious cowardice w h i c h m a d e A r m a n d Carrel a n s w e r to his b o a s t " h e 40
would o n e day die on the b a n k s of the R h i n e " , " T h o u wil'st die in a gutter"—he
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dared not play a part on the public stage before the popular forces w e r e
b r o k e n d o w n t h r o u g h the m a s s a c r e of the Insurgents of J u n e . He confined himself first to t h e secret direction of the Conspiracy of the R e u n i o n
of the R u e de Poitiers w h i c h resulted in the R e s t a u r a t i o n of the E m p i r e ,
until the stage had b e c o m e sufficiently clear to reappear publicly on it.
During the siege of Paris, on the question w h e t h e r Paris was about to
capitulate, Jules F a v r e a n s w e r e d that, to utter the w o r d capitulation, t h e
b o m b a r d m e n t of Paris w a s w a n t e d ! This explains his melodramatic p r o t e s t s
against the Prussian b o m b a r d m e n t , and w h y the latter w a s a mockb o m b a r d m e n t , while the Thiers b o m b a r d m e n t is a stern reality. |
|7|
Parliamentary mountebank.
He is for 40 y e a r s on the stage. He has never initiated a single useful
m e a s u r e in any d e p a r t m e n t of state or life. Vain, sceptical, e p i c u r e a n :
He has never written or s p o k e n for things. In his eyes the things t h e m selves are only pretexts for the display of his p e n or his tongue. E x c e p t
his thirst for place a n d pelf and display t h e r e is nothing real about him,
not even his chauvinism.
In the true vein of vulgar professional journalists he n o w sneers in his
bulletins [at] the bad looks of his Versailles prisoners, now c o m m u n i c a t e s
that the rurals are "à leur a i s e " , n o w covers himself with ridicule by his
bulletin on the taking of " M o u l i n - S a q u e t " (4 of Mai), w h e r e 300 prisoners
were taken. « L e reste des insurgés s'est enfui à toutes j a m b e s , laissant
150 morts et blessés sur le c h a m p de bataille», and snappishly a d d s :
« Voilà la victoire q u e la C o m m u n e p e u t célébrer demain dans ses bulletins. »
«Paris sera sous peu délivré de ces terribles tyrans qui l'oppriment.»
(Paris—the " P a r i s " of the m a s s of the Paris people fighting against him is
not " P a r i s " . "Paris—that is t h e rich, the capitalist, the i d l e " (why not t h e
cosmopolitan stew?) This is t h e Paris of M. Thiers. T h e real Paris, working,
thinking, fighting Paris, the Paris of the people, the Paris of the C o m m u n e is
a "vile m u l t i t u d e " . T h e r e is t h e w h o l e case of M. Thiers, not only for Paris,
but for F r a n c e . T h e Paris that s h e w s its courage in the "pacific p r o c e s s i o n "
and Saisset's " e s c a p a d e " , that throngs n o w at Versailles, at Rueil, at
St. Denis, at St. G e r m a i n - e n - L a y e , followed by the C o c o t t e s sticking to
the " m e n of religion, family, order, and p r o p e r t y " (the Paris of t h e really
" d a n g e r o u s " , of the exploiting and lounging classes) ("the franc-fileurs")
and amusing itself by looking by t h e telescope at the battle going on, for
w h o m " t h e civil w a r is but an agreeable diversion"—that is the Paris of
M . T h i e r s , as the emigration of C o b l e n z w a s the F r a n c e of M. de C a l o n n e . )
In his vulgar journalist vein he k n o w s n o t e v e n to o b s e r v e sham dignity,
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Karl Marx
but he m u r d e r s the wives and girls, and children found under the ruins
of Neuilly not to s w e r v e from the etiquette of "legitimacy". He must n e e d s
illuminate the municipal elections he has ordered in F r a n c e by the conflagration of Clamart burnt by petroleum b o m b s . T h e R o m a n historians
finish off N e r o ' s character by telling us that the m o n s t e r gloried in being a
5
r h y m e s t e r and a comedian. B u t lift a professional m e r e journalist and
parliamentary m o u n t e b a n k like Thiers to p o w e r , and he will o u t n e r o
Nero.
He acts only his part as the blind tool of class interests in allowing the
Bonapartist " g e n e r a l s " to revenge themselves on Paris; b u t he acts his 10
personal part in t h e little byplay of bulletins, s p e e c h e s , a d d r e s s e s , in which
the vanity, vulgarity, and lowest taste of the journalist creep out.
He c o m p a r e s himself with Lincoln and the Parisians with the rebellious
slaveholders of the South. T h e S o u t h e r n e r s fought for t h e slavery of labour 15
and the territorial secession from the U n i t e d States. Paris fought for the
emancipation of labour and the secessionf rom p o w e r of Thiers stateparasites,
of the wouldbe slaveholders of F r a n c e !
In his speech to the Maires: « O n p e u t c o m p t e r sur ma parole à laquelle je 20
n'ai jamais m a n q u é ! »
« L ' a s s e m b l é e est u n e des plus libérales qu'ait n o m m é la F r a n c e . »
Er wird die Republik retten « p o u r v u q u e l'ordre et le travail ne soient
pas perpétuellement c o m p r o m i s par c e u x qui se p r é t e n d e n t les gardiens
particuliers du salut de la république ».
25
In der Sitzung der A s s e m b l é e vom 27 April sagt er: « L ' a s s e m b l é e est plus
libérale q u e lui-même ! »
He w h o s e rhetorical t r u m p c a r d w a s always the denunciation of t h e 30
Vienna treaties, he signs the Paris treaty, not only t h e d i s m e m b e r m e n t of
o n e part of F r a n c e , not only t h e occupation of almost l of it, but t h e
milliards of indemnity, without e v e n asking B i s m a r c k to specify and
p r o v e his w a r e x p e n s e s ! H e does not e v e n allow t h e A s s e m b l y a t B o r d e a u x
to discuss the p a r a g r a p h s of his capitulation!
35
l
2
He w h o upbraided throughout his life the B o u r b o n s b e c a u s e they c a m e
back in the rear of Foreign armies a n d b e c a u s e of their undignified behaviour
34
to the allies occupying F r a n c e after the conclusion of p e a c e , he asks
nothing from Bismarck in the treaty b u t o n e concession: 40,000 t r o o p s to
subdue Paris (as Bismarck stated in the Diet). Paris w a s for all p u r p o s e s
of internal defence a n d Foreign aggression fully secured by his armed
5 National Guard, b u t Thiers s u p e r a d d e d at o n c e to the capitulation of Paris
to t h e Foreigner t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e capitulation of Paris to himself and C o .
This stipulation w a s a stipulation for civil war. That w a r itself he o p e n s
not only with the passive permission of Prussia, but by the facilities she
lends him, by t h e captive F r e n c h troops she magnanimously d e s p a t c h e s
10
him from G e r m a n d u n g e o n s ! In his bulletins, in his a n d F a v r e ' s speeches in t h e
Assembly, he crawls in the d u s t before Prussia and threatens Paris every
eight days with her intervention, after having failed to get it, as stated by
Bismarck himself. T h e B o u r b o n s w e r e dignity itself c o m p a r e d to this
m o u n t e b a n k , this grand apostle of Chauvinism!
15
After the d o w n b r e a k of Prussia (Tilsit p e a c e 1807), its g o v e r n m e n t felt
that it could only save itself and the c o u n t r y by a great social regeneration.
It naturalized in Prussia—on a small scale, within the limits of a feudal
monarchy—the results of the F r e n c h revolution. It liberated the peasant
20 etc. After t h e Crimean defeat, w h i c h , h o w e v e r Russia might h a v e saved her
h o n o u r by the defence of S e b a s t o p o l and dazzled the Foreigner by her
diplomatic triumphs at Paris, laid open at h o m e the r o t t e n n e s s of her social
and administrative system, her g o v e r n m e n t e m a n c i p a t e d the serf and her
whole administrative and judicial system. In b o t h countries t h e daring social
25
reform w a s fettered and limited in its c h a r a c t e r b e c a u s e it w a s o c t r o y e d
from the t h r o n e a n d n o t c o n q u e r e d by t h e people. Still t h e r e w e r e great
social changes doing a w a y with the w o r s t privileges of the ruling classes and
changing the economical basis of t h e old society. T h e y felt that t h e great
malady could only be cured by heroic m e a s u r e s . T h e y felt that they could only
30
answer to the victors by social reforms, by calling into life elements of popular
regeneration. T h e F r e n c h c a t a s t r o p h e of 1870 stands unpa alleled in t h e
history of the m o d e r n w o r l d ! It s h e w e d official F r a n c e , the F r a n c e of
Louis B o n a p a r t e , t h e F r a n c e of the ruling classes and their state parasites—a
putrescent cadaver. And w h a t is the first a t t e m p t of the infamous men, w h o
35 had got at her g o v e r n m e n t by a surprise of the people and w h o continue to
hold it by a conspiracy with the Foreign invader, w h a t is their first a t t e m p t ?
T o assassinate, u n d e r Prussian p a t r o n a g e , b y L . B o n a p a r t e ' s soldatesca a n d
Piétri's police, the glorious w o r k of popular regeneration c o m m e n c e d at
Paris, to summon all the old legitimist s p e c t r e s , beaten by the July R e v o 40 lution, the fossile swindlers of Louis Philippe, b e a t e n by the revolution of
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F e b r u a r y , and celebrate an orgy of counterrevolution! S u c h heroism in
exaggerated self d e b a s e m e n t is u n h e a r d of in the annals of history! But,
w h a t is most characteristic, instead of arousing a general shout of indignation
on the part of official E u r o p e , and A m e r i c a , it e v o k e s a current of s y m p a t h y
and of fierce denunciation of Paris! (fossiles, vilains, h o m m e s t a r é s )
5
This p r o v e s that Paris, true to its historical a n t e c e d e n t s , seeks the regeneration of the F r e n c h people in making it t h e champion of the regeneration
of old society, making the social regeneration of m a n k i n d the national
business of F r a n c e ! It is the emancipation of t h e producing class from t h e
exploiting classes, their retainers and their state parasites w h o p r o v e 10
the t r u t h of the F r e n c h adage, that "les valets du diable sont pire q u e le
diable himself." Paris has hoisted the flag of mankind!
18 March. G o v e r n m e n t laid " s t a m p of 2 centimes on e a c h c o p y of e v e r y
periodical, w h a t e v e r its n a t u r e " , "forbidden to found n e w journals until
the raising of the state of siege". |
| 8 | The different fractions of the F r e n c h bourgeoisie had successively
their reigns, the great landed proprietors under t h e Restoration (the old
B o u r b o n s ) , the capitalists u n d e r the parliamentary m o n a r c h y of July,
(Louis Philippe), while its Bonapartist and republican elements kept rankling
in the background. Their p a r t y feuds and intrigues w e r e of course carried
on on p r e t e x t s of public welfare, and a popular revolution having got
rid of t h e s e monarchies, the other set in. All this changed with the Republic
(February). All the fractions of the Bourgeoisie combined together in t h e
Party of Order, that is the p a r t y of Proprietors and Capitalists, b o u n d
together to maintain the e c o n o m i c subjugation of labour and the r e p r e s s i v e
state machinery supporting it. Instead of a m o n a r c h y , w h o s e v e r y n a m e
signified the prevalence of o n e bourgeois fraction over the other, a
victory on one side and a defeat on the other, (the t r i u m p h of one side a n d
the humiliation of the other) t h e Republic w a s t h e a n o n y m o u s joint-stockc o m p a n y of the combined bourgeois fractions, of all t h e exploiteurs of t h e
people clubbed together, and indeed, Legitimists, B o n a p a r t i s t s , Orleanists,
Bourgeois Republicans, Jesuits, and Voltaireans, e m b r a c e d e a c h other. N o
longer hidden by the shelter of the crown, no longer able to interest the
people in their party feuds by m a s k e r a d i n g t h e m into struggles for popular
interest, no longer subordinate the one to the other. Direct and confessed
antagonism of their class rule to the emancipation of the producing
masses,—order the n a m e for the economical and political conditions of
their class rule and the servitude of labour, this a n o n y m o u s or republican
form of t h e bourgeois regime—this Bourgeois Republic, this Republic of
the Party of Order is the m o s t odious of all political regimes. Its direct
b u s i n e s s , its only raison d'être is to c r u s h d o w n the people. It is t h e
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terrorism of class rule. T h e thing is d o n e in this way. T h e people having
fought and m a d e the Revolution, proclaimed the Republic, and m a d e room
for a National A s s e m b l y , the Bourgeois w h o s e k n o w n R e p u b l i c a n p r o f essions
are a guarantee for their " R e p u b l i c " , are p u s h e d on t h e foreground of the
stage by the majority of the A s s e m b l y , c o m p o s e d of the v a n q u i s h e d and
professed enemies of the Republic. T h e Republicans are entrusted with
the task to goad the people into the trap of an insurrection to be crushed by
fire and sword. This p a r t w a s p e r f o r m e d by the p a r t y of t h e National w i t h
Cavaignac at their head after the Revolution of F e b r u a r y , (by the J u n e
Insurrection) By their crime against the m a s s e s , these Republicans lose
then their sway. T h e y h a v e d o n e their w o r k and, if yet allowed to support
the party of order in its general struggle against the Proletariate, they are
at the same time displaced from the g o v e r n m e n t , forced to fall back in
the last r a n k s , a n d only allowed " o n s u f f e r a n c e " . T h e combined royalist
15
bourgeois t h e n b e c o m e the fathers of t h e Republic, the true rule of the
" P a r t y of O r d e r " sets in. T h e material forces of the people being b r o k e n
for the time being, t h e w o r k of reaction—the breaking d o w n of all t h e
concessions c o n q u e r e d in four revolutions—begins piece by piece. T h e
people is stung to m a d n e s s n o t only by t h e deeds of the party of order, b u t
20 by the cynical effrontery with which it is treated as the vanquished, w i t h which
in its o w n n a m e , in the n a m e of the Republic, that low lot rules it s u p r e m e .
Of c o u r s e , that spasmodic form of anonymous class despotism c a n n o t last
long, can only be a transitory phasis. It k n o w s that it is seated on a
revolutionary volcano. On the other hand, if t h e p a r t y of order is united
25
in its w a r against the w o r k i n g class, in its capacity of the party of order,
the play of intrigue of its different fractions the o n e against t h e other,
each for the prevalence of its peculiar interest in the old order of society,
each for t h e Restoration of its o w n p r e t e n d e r and personal ambitions, sets
in in full force as soon as its rule seems secured (guaranteed) by the
30
destruction of the material revolutionary forces. This combination of
a c o m m o n w a r against the p e o p l e and a c o m m o n conspiracy against
the Republic, combined with the internal feuds of its rulers, and their play
of intrigues, paralyses society, disgusts and bewilders the m a s s e s of
the middleclass and " t r o u b l e s " b u s i n e s s , keeps t h e m in a chronic state
35 of disquietude. All t h e conditions of d e s p o t i s m are created (have b e e n
engendered) under this regime, b u t despotism without quietude, despotism
with parliamentary a n a r c h y at its head. T h e n the hour has struck for
a Coup d'Etat, and t h e incapable lot has to m a k e room for a n y lucky
pretender, making [an] end of t h e anonymous form of class rule. In this
40
w a y Louis B o n a p a r t e m a d e an end of the Bourgeois Republic after its 4 y e a r s
of existence. During all that time Thiers w a s the " â m e d a m n é e " of the p a r t y
37
Karl Marx
of order, that in the n a m e of the Republic m a d e w a r u p o n t h e Republic, a
class w a r u p o n t h e people, and, in reality, created t h e E m p i r e . He played
exactly the same part n o w as he played then, only then but as a parliamentary intriguer, n o w as the Chief of the Executive. Should he not be c o n q u e r e d
by t h e Revolution, he will n o w as t h e n be a baffled tool. W h a t e v e r countervailing g o v e r n m e n t will set in, its first act will be to cast aside the m a n w h o
surrendered F r a n c e to Prussia and b o m b a r d e d Paris.
5
Thiers had m a n y grievances against L. B o n a p a r t e . T h e latter had u s e d him
as a tool and a d u p e . He had frightened him by his arrest after t h e C o u p
d'Etat. He had annulled him by putting d o w n the parliamentary regime, the 10
only o n e under which a mere state-parasite, like Thiers, a mere talker can
play a political part. L a s t n o t least, Thiers having b e e n the historic
shoeblack of N a p o l e o n had so long described his d e e d s as to fancy he had
enacted t h e m himself. T h e legitimate caricature of N a p . I w a s in his e y e s
not N a p . the little, but little Thiers. With all that there w a s no infamy c o m - 15
mitted by L. B. which had not b e e n b a c k e d by Thiers, from the occupation
of R o m e by the F r e n c h troops to t h e w a r with Prussia.
Only a m a n of his shallow head can fancy for o n e m o m e n t , that a Republic
with his head on its shoulders, with a National A s s e m b l y half legitimist, 20
half Orleanist, with an a r m y under Bonapartist leaders, will, if victorious,
not p u s h him aside.
T h e r e is nothing m o r e grotesquely horrid than a T o m P o u c e affecting to
play the Timur T a m e r l a n e . With him the d e e d s of cruelty are not only 25
a m a t t e r of business, but a thing of theatrical display, of phantastical vanity.
To write his "bulletin's", to show his " s e v e r i t y " , to h a v e " h i s " t r o o p s , " h i s "
strategy, " h i s " b o m b a r d m e n t s , " h i s " p e t r o l e u m - b o m b s , t o hide " h i s "
cowardice under the coldbloodedness with w h i c h he allows t h e D e c e m brist blacklegs to take their revenge on Paris ! This kind of heroism in exagge- 30.
rated b a s e n e s s ! He exults in the i m p o r t a n t p a r t he plays and the noise
he m a k e s in the world! He quite fancies to be a great m a n ! and h o w
gigantic (titanic) h e , the dwarf, the parliamentary dribbler, m u s t look in the
e y e s of the world ! Inmidst the horrid scenes of this war, o n e c a n n o t help smiling
at t h e ridiculous capers Thiers Vanity c u t s ! M . T h i e r s is a m a n of lively 35
imagination, there r u n s an artist's vein through his blood, and an artist's
vanity able to gull him into a belief of his o w n lies, a n d a belief in his o w n
grandeur.
38
T h r o u g h all the s p e e c h e s , bulletins etc. of Thiers, r u n s a vein of elated
vanity.
|9|
5
10
that affreux Triboulet.
Splendid B o m b a r d m e n t (with p e t r o l e u m b o m b s ) from M o n t Valerien
on o n e part of the h o u s e s in the T e r n e s within t h e r a m p a r t , with a grandious
conflagration and a fearful t h u n d e r of c a n n o n shaking all Paris. B o m b s
purposely t h r o w n into T e r n e s and t h e C h a m p s E l y s é e s quarters.
Explosive b o m b s , p e t r o l e u m b o m b s .
The Commune.
T h e glorious British p e n n y a liner has m a d e t h e splendid discovery t h a t
this is not w h a t we u s e to u n d e r s t a n d by selfgovernment. Of c o u r s e , it is
not. It is not the selfadministration of t h e t o w n s by turtle-soup guttling
aldermen, jobbing vestries, and ferocious w o r k h o u s e guardians. It is
15 not the selfadministration of the counties by the holders of b r o a d a c r e s ,
long purses and e m p t y h e a d s . It is not the judicial abomination of " t h e
Great U n p a i d " . It is n o t political selfgovernment of the country t h r o u g h the
m e a n s of an oligarchic club and the reading of the Times n e w s p a p e r . It is
the people acting for itself by itself.
20
Within this w a r of cannibals t h e m o s t disgusting, the " l i t e r a r y " shrieks of t h e
hideous g n o m e seated at the head of the g o v e r n m e n t !
T h e ferocious t r e a t m e n t of the Versailles prisoners w a s not interrupted
o n e m o m e n t , and their coldblooded assassination w a s r e s u m e d so soon as
25 Versailles had convinced itself t h a t the C o m m u n e w a s too h u m a n e to
e x e c u t e its decree of reprisals !
T h e Paris Journal (at Versailles) says that 13 line soldiers m a d e prisoners
at the railway station of Q a m a r t w e r e shot offhand, and all prisoners wearing
the line uniforms w h o arrive in Versailles will be executed w h e n e v e r
30 doubts about their identity are cleared up !
M. Alexander D u m a s , fils, tells that a y o u n g m a n exercising the functions,
if not bearing the title, of a general, w a s shot after having m a r c h e d (in custody) a few h u n d r e d y a r d s along a r o a d .
5 Mai. Mot d'Ordre: D ' a p r è s la Liberté, qui paraît à Versailles « t o u s
35 les soldats de l'armée régulière qui ont été t r o u v é s à Clamart parmi les
insurgents ont été fusillés séance t e n a n t e » (by Lincoln Thiers !) (Lincoln
39
Karl Marx
acknowledged the belligerent rights) " T h e s e a r e t h e m e n denouncing on t h e
walls of all F r e n c h c o m m u n e s the Parisians as a s s a s s i n s ! " T h e banditti!
Desmarets.
Deputation de c o m m u n e à Bicêtre (27 April) p o u r faire u n e e n q u ê t e sur les
4 gardes nationaux du 185 bataillon de m a r c h e de la garde nationale, où
5
ils ont visité le survivant (grièvement blessé) Scheffer. Le malade a déclaré
q u e le 25 Avril, à la belle E p i n e , p r è s de Villejuif, il était surpris avec trois
de ces c a m a r a d e s par les c h a s s e u r s à cheval, qui leur ont dit de se r e n d r e .
C o m m e il leur était impossible de faire une résistance utile contre les forces
qui les entouraient, ils j e t è r e n t leurs armes à terre et se rendirent. L e s 10
soldats les entourèrent, les firent prisonniers sans exercer a u c u n e violence
ni a u c u n e m e n a c e envers eux. Ils étaient déjà prisonniers depuis quelques
instants, lorsqu'un capitaine des chasseurs à cheval arriva et se précipita
sur eux le revolver au poing. Il fit feu sur l'un d ' e u x sans dire un seul mot
et l'étendit raide mort, puis il en fit autant sur le garde Scheffer qui 15
reçut u n e balle en pleine poitrine et t o m b a à côté de ses c a m a r a d e s . L e s d e u x
autres gardes se retirèrent effrayés de cette infâme aggression, mais le
féroce capitaine se précipita sur les d e u x prisonniers et les tua de d e u x autres
coups de revolver. L e s c h a s s e u r s après les actes d'atroce et de féroce
lâcheté, se retirèrent a v e c leur chef, laissant leurs victimes é t e n d u e s sur 20
le sol.
e
N e w York Tribune outdoes the London papers.
M. T h i e r s ' " m o s t liberal and most freely elected National assembly that
ever existed in F r a n c e " is quite of a piece with his "finest a r m y that 25
F r a n c e ever p o s s e s s e d " . T h e municipal elections, carried on under Thiers
himself on the 3 0 of April, show their relations to t h e F r e n c h people ! Of
700,000 councillors (in r o u n d n u m b e r s ) returned by the 35,000 c o m m u n e s
still left in mutilated F r a n c e , 200 are Legitimists, 600 Orléanists, 7,000
a v o w e d Bonapartists, and all the rest Republicans or C o m m u n i s t s . (Versailles 30
Cor. Daily News, 5 May) Is any other proof w a n t e d that this A s s e m b l y with
the Orleanist m u m m y Thiers at its head r e p r e s e n t only an u s u r p a t o r y
minority?
th
Paris.
M . T h i e r s represented again and again the C o m m u n e as the instrument
of a handful of " c o n v i c t s " and "ticket of leave m e n " , of the scum of
40
35
Paris. And this " h a n d f u l " of d e s p e r a d o e s holds in check since m o r e t h a n
6 w e e k s the "finest a r m y that F r a n c e ever p o s s e s s e d " led by t h e invincible
M a c M a h o n and inspired by the genius of Thiers himself!
T h e exploits of the Parisians h a v e not only refuted him. All e l e m e n t s
5 of Paris h a v e spoken. « Il ne faut point confondre le m o u v e m e n t de Paris
avec la surprise de M o n t m a r t r e , qui n'en a été q u e l'occasion et le point de
départ ; ce m o u v e m e n t est général et p r o f o n d dans la conscience de
Paris; le plus grand n o m b r e de ceux-là m ê m e s qui, pour u n e cause ou
pour u n e autre, s'en sont t e n u s à l'écart, n ' e n d é s a v o u e n t point p o u r cela
10 la légitimité sociale.» W h o says this? T h e delegates of the Syndical
chambres, m e n w h o speak in the n a m e of 7—8,000 m e r c h a n t s a n d
industrials. T h e y h a v e g o n e to tell it at Versailles . . . T h e Ligue de la
réunion républicaine...
the manifestation of the Francs Maçons e t c .
The Province.
15
Les provinciaux espiègles.
If Thiers fancied o n e m o m e n t that the p r o v i n c e s w e r e really antagonistic
to the Paris m o v e m e n t , he would do all in his p o w e r to give the p r o v i n c e s
the greatest possible facilities to b e c o m e acquainted with that m o v e m e n t
and all "its h o r r o r s " . He would solicit t h e m to look at it in its naked
20 reality, to convince themselves with their o w n e y e s and ears of w h a t it is.
N o t h e ! H e and his " d e f e n c e m e n " try t o k e e p the provinces d o w n , t o
prevent their general rising for Paris, by a wall of lies as t h e y k e p t out t h e
n e w s from the provinces in Paris during t h e Prussian siege. T h e P r o v i n c e s
are only allowed to look at Paris through the Versailles camera obscura. (les
25
mensonges et les calomnies des j o u r n a u x de Versailles p a r v i e n n e n t seuls a u x
d é p a r t e m e n t s et y font loi.) Pillages and m u r d e r s of 20,000 ticket of leave
men dishonour the capital. «La Ligue se d o n n e p o u r premier devoir de
faire la lumière et de rétablir les relations normales e n t r e la province a n d
Paris. » As they w e r e , w h e n besieged in Paris, thus they are now in besieging
30
it in their turn. « Le mensonge, comme par le passé, est leur arme favorite.
Ils suppriment, saisissent les j o u r n a u x de la Capitale, interceptent les
communications, sift the letters, de telle sorte q u e la Province est réduite aux
nouvelles qu'il plaît a u x Jules F a v r e , Picard et Consorts de lui donner,
sans qu'il soit possible de vérifier l'exactitude de leur dire. » T h i e r s '
35
bulletins, P i c a r d s ' circulars, D u f a u r e s ' . . . T h e placards in the C o m m u n e s .
T h e felon press of Versailles and the G e r m a n s . T h e petit moniteur. T h e
reintroduction of p a s s p o r t s for travelling from o n e place to another. An
army of m o u c h a r d s spread in every direction. A r r e s t s (in R o u e n e t c u n d e r
41
f
Karl Marx
Prussian authority) etc. L e s milliers de commissaires de police r é p a n d u s
d a n s les environs de Paris o n t r e ç u du préfet g e n d a r m e Valentin l'ordre de
saisir tous les j o u r n a u x , à quelque n u a n c e qu'ils appartiennent, qui
s'impriment dans la ville insurgée, et de les brûler en place publique
c o m m e au meilleur t e m p s de la Ste Inquisition.
5
T h i e r s ' g o v e r n m e n t first appealed to t h e p r o v i n c e s to form battalions
of National G u a r d s and send t h e m to Versailles against Paris. " T h e Provi n c e , " as the Journal de Limoges says, " s h o w e d its discontent by refusing the battalion of volontaires w h i c h w e r e asked from it by Thiers and
his r u r a u x . " T h e few B r e t o n idiots, fighting u n d e r a white flag, e v e r y 10
o n e of t h e m wearing on his b r e a s t a J e s u s h e a r t in ||10| white cloth and
shouting " v i v e le r o i ! " are the only " p r o v i n c i a l " a r m y gathered r o u n d
Thiers.
The elections Vengeur 6 Mai.
M.Dufaure's presslaw (8 April) confessedly directed against the 15
" e x c e s s e s " of the Provincial p r e s s .
T h e n the n u m e r o u s arrestations in the Province. It is placed under the
laws of suspects. Blocus intellectuel et policier de la province.
April 23 Havre: T h e municipal council has d e s p a t c h e d t h r e e of its
m e m b e r s to Paris and Versailles with instructions to offer mediation, with 20
the view of terminating the civil w a r on the basis of the m a i n t e n a n c e of the
Republic, and t h e granting of municipal franchises to the w h o l e of
F r a n c e . . . 23 April delegates from Lyon received by Picard and Thiers—
"guerre à tout prix " deren A n t w o r t .
A d r e s s e des délégués de L y o n p r é s e n t é e à l'assemblée p a r G r e p p o 25
24 Avril.
T h e municipalities of the provincial t o w n s committed the great i m p u d e n c e
to send their deputations to Versailles in order to call u p o n t h e m to grant
what d e m a n d e d by Paris; not o n e C o m m u n e of F r a n c e has sent an a d d r e s s
approving of the acts of Thiers and the rurals; the provincial p a p e r s , like 30
t h e s e municipal councils, as Dufaure complains in his circular against
Conciliation to the Procureur Général « m e t t e n t sur la m ê m e ligne
l'Assemblée issue du suffrage universel et la p r é t e n d u e c o m m u n e de
P a r i s ; r e p r o c h e n t à la première de n'avoir pas accordé à Paris ses droits
municipaux etc » and w h a t is w o r s e , t h e s e municipal councils, f. i. that of Auch 35
" u n a n i m e m e n t lui d e m a n d e n t de proposer immédiatement un armistice avec
Paris and that the A s s e m b l y c h o s e n on the 8-th of F e b r u a r y , dissolves
itself b e c a u s e its m a n d a t e h a d e x p i r e d " . (Dufaure, l'assemblée de Versailles
26 April)
It ought to be r e m e m b e r e d that t h e s e w e r e t h e old municipal councils, 40
not t h o s e elected on 3 0 April. Their delegations so n u m e r o u s , t h a t Thiers
th
42
5
10
15
20
decided no longer to receive t h e m personally, but address t h e m to a
ministerial subaltern.
Lastly the elections of 30 April the final judgment of the A s s e m b l y a n d
the electoral surprise from w h i c h it h a d sprung. If t h e n , the provinces h a v e
till n o w only m a d e a passive resistance against Versailles without rising
for Paris, to be explained by the strongholds t h e old authorities hold h e r e
still, the t r a n c e in w h i c h the E m p i r e merged and the w a r maintained t h e
Province. It is evident that it is only t h e Versailles army, g o v e r n m e n t ,
and Chinese wall of lies, that stand b e t w e e n Paris and the p r o v i n c e s . If t h a t
wall falls, they will unite with it.
It is m o s t characteristic, that t h e s a m e m e n (Thiers et Co.) w h o in
M a y 1850 abolished by a parliamentary conspiracy (Bonaparte aided t h e m , to
get t h e m into a snare, to h a v e t h e m at his m e r c y , a n d to proclaim himself after
the c o u p d'état as t h e r e s t o r a t o r of t h e universal suffrage against t h e
party of order and its A s s e m b l y ) t h e universal suffrage, b e c a u s e u n d e r t h e
Republic it might still play t h e m freaks, are n o w its fanatical a d e p t s , m a k e
it their " l e g i t i m a t e " title against Paris, after it had received u n d e r Bonaparte such an organization as to be the m e r e plaything in the h a n d of t h e
E x e c u t i v e , a m e r e m a c h i n e of cheat, surprise, a n d forgery on t h e p a r t of
the E x e c u t i v e . C o n g r è s d e l a L i g u e d e s V i l l e s (RappeloMai!)
Trochu, Jules Favre, et Thiers' Provincials.
It m a y be asked h o w t h e s e s u p e r a n n u a t e d parliamentary m o u n t e b a n k s
and intriguers like Thiers, F a v r e , D u f a u r e , G a m i e r Pages (only strengthened
25 by a few rascals of the same stamp) continue to r e a p p e a r , after e v e r y revolution, on the surface, and u s u r p t h e e x e c u t i v e p o w e r ? these m e n t h a t
always exploit and b e t r a y the Revolution, shoot d o w n the people t h a t m a d e
it, and sequester t h e few liberal c o n c e s s i o n s c o n q u e r e d from former governm e n t s ? (which t h e y o p p o s e d t h e m s e l v e s ? )
30
T h e thing is v e r y simple. In t h e first instance, if very unpopular, like
Thiers after the F e b r u a r y Revolution, popular magnanimity spares t h e m .
After every successful rising of the people the cry of conciliation, raised
by t h e implacable enemies of the people, is r e e c h o e d by the people in t h e
first m o m e n t s of the e n t h u s i a s m at its o w n victory. After this first m o m e n t
35
men like Thiers and D u f a u r e eclipse t h e m s e l v e s as long as t h e people
hold material p o w e r and w o r k in t h e dark. T h e y r e a p p e a r as soon as it is disa r m e d and are acclaimed by t h e bourgeoisie as their chefs de file.
Or, like F a v r e , G a m i e r P a g e s , Jules Simon e t c (recruited by a few y o u n g e r
43
Karl Marx
t h
ones of similar stamp) and Thiers himself after the 4 of S e p t e m b e r , w e r e t h e
" r e s p e c t a b l e " republican opposition under Louis Philippe: afterwards t h e
parliamentary opposition u n d e r L. B o n a p a r t e . T h e reactionary regimes they
h a v e themselves initiated w h e n raised to p o w e r by the Revolution, secure
for t h e m the r a n k s of t h e opposition, deporting, killing, exiling the true
Revolutionists. T h e people forget their past, the middleclass look u p o n
them as their m e n , their infamous p a s t is forgotten, and thus they r e a p p e a r
to r e c o m m e n c e their treason a n d their w o r k of infamy.
5
Night of 1 to 2 May: the village of Clamart had b e e n in the hands of the
10
military, the railway station in that of the insurgents, (this station d o m i n a t e s
the F o r t of Issy.) By a surprise (their patrouilles being let in by a soldier on
guard, the watchword having been betrayed to them) the 23 Bataillon of C h a s seurs got in, surprised the garrison m o s t of them sleeping in their bed, m a d e
only 60 prisoners, bayoneted 300 of the insurgents. D a z u line soldiers
15
afterwards shot offhand. Thiers in his circular to the Prefects, civil and
military authorities of 2 May has t h e i m p u d e n c e to say: " I t (the C o m m u n e )
arrests generals (Cluseret!) only to shoot them, a n d institutes a c o m m i t t e e
of public safety which is utterly u n w o r t h y ! "
T r o o p s u n d e r General Lacretelle took the redoubt of Moulin Saquet 20
situated betwixt F o r t Issy and M o n t r o u g e , by a coup de main. T h e garrison
was surprised by treachery on the p a r t of t h e c o m m a n d a n t Gallien, w h o had
sold the p a s s w o r d to the Versaillese troops. 150 of the Federals b a y o n e t e d
and over 300 of t h e m m a d e prisoners.
M . T h i e r s , says the Times c o r r e s p o n d e n t w a s w e a k w h e n he ought to 25
h a v e b e e n firm (the c o w a r d is always w e a k as long as he has to apprehend
danger for himself) and firm, w h e n everything w a s to be gained by s o m e
concessions, (the rascal is always firm, w h e n the e m p l o y m e n t of material force
bleeds F r a n c e , gives great airs to himself, b u t w h e n h e , personally, is safe.
This is his whole cleverness. Like A n t h o n y , Thiers is an " h o n e s t m a n " . )
30
Thiers' bulletin über Moulin-Saquet (4 Mai) «Délivrance de Paris des
affreux tyrans qui l'oppriment» («les Versaillais étaient déguisés en
gardes nationaux. ») (« le plus grand n o m b r e des fédérés dormaient et ont
été frappés ou saisis d a n s leur sommeil. »)
« B l a n q u i , enseveli m o u r a n t dans un c a c h o t , F l o u r e n s h a c h é p a r les
g e n d a r m e s , Duval fusillé par Vinoy, les ont t e n u s dans leurs mains au
31 O c t o b r e , et qu'ils leur ont rien faits. »
44
35
1111 The Commune.
a) M e a s u r e s for the Working Class.
5
10
nightwork of journeymen bakers suppressed. (20 April)
the private jurisdiction, u s u r p e d by the Seigneurs of mills etc (manufacturers) (employers, great and small) being at the same time judges,
executors, gainers and parties in t h e disputes, t h a t right of a penal code of
their own, enabling t h e m to r o b the l a b o u r e r s ' wages by fines and deductions, as p u n i s h m e n t e t c , abolished in public and private w o r k s h o p s ;
penalties impended u p o n the employers in case they infringe u p o n this
th
law; fines and deductions e x t o r t e d since the 18 of M a r c h to be paid
b a c k to the w o r k m e n ; (27 April)
Sale of p a w n e d articles at P a w n Shops s u s p e n d e d ; (29 M a r c h )
A great lot of w o r k s h o p s and m a n u f a c t u r e s h a v e b e e n closed in P a r i s ;
their o w n e r s having run a w a y . This is the old m e t h o d of the industrial
15 capitalists, w h o consider themselves entitled " b y the s p o n t a n e o u s action
of the laws of political e c o n o m y " not only to m a k e a profit out of labour,
as the condition of labour, b u t to stop it altogether and throw the w o r k m e n
on the pavement—to p r o d u c e an artificial crisis w h e n e v e r a victorious r e v o lution t h r e a t e n s the " o r d e r " of their " s y s t e m " . T h e C o m m u n e , very wisely,
20 has appointed a C o m m u n a l commission which in cooperation with delegates
chosen by the different t r a d e s will inquire into t h e w a y s of handing over the
deserted w o r k s h o p s and m a n u f a c t u r e s to c o o p e r a t i v e w o r k m e n societies with
some indemnity for the capitalist d e s e r t e r s ; (16 April) (this commission has
also to m a k e statistics of the a b a n d o n e d w o r k s h o p s ) ;
25
C o m m u n e has given order to the mairies to m a k e no distinction b e t w e e n
the f e m m e s called illegitimate, the m o t h e r s and widows of national guards,
as to the indemnity of 75 c e n t i m e s ;
the public prostitutes till n o w kept for the " m e n of o r d e r " at Paris but
for their " s a f e t y " kept in penal servitude under the arbitrary rule of the
30 police; the C o m m u n e has liberated the prostitutes from this degrading
slavery, but swept away the soil upon w h i c h , and the m e n by w h o m , prostitution flourishes. T h e higher prostitutes—the cocottes—were of c o u r s e ,
under the rule of order, not the slaves, b u t the m a s t e r s of the police and
the g o v e r n o r s .
35
T h e r e w a s , of c o u r s e , no time to reorganize public instruction (education);
but by removing the religious a n d clerical element from it, the C o m m u n e has
taken the initiative in the mental emancipation of the people. It has
appointed a Commission for t h e organization de l'enseignement (primary and
45
Karl Marx
professional) (28 April). It has ordered that all tools of instruction like
b o o k s , m a p s , paper etc b e given gratuitously b y t h e schoolmasters w h o
receive them in their t u r n from the r e s p e c t i v e mairies to w h i c h they belong.
No schoolmaster is allowed on a n y p r e t e x t to ask p a y m e n t from his pupils for
t h e s e instruments of instruction. (28 April)
5
Pawnshops: toute r e c o n n a i s s a n c e du M o n t de Piété antérieure au
25 Avril 1871, p o r t a n t e n g a g e m e n t d'effets d'habillement, de m e u b l e s ,
de linge, de livres, d'objets de literie et d'instruments de travail nicht ü b e r
20 fcs p o u r r a être dégagée gratuitement à partir du 12 M a i courant.
(7 May)
10
2) M e a s u r e s for working class,
b u t mostly for the middle classes.
Houserent for the last 3 quarters up to April wholly remitted: W h o e v e r
had paid a n y of t h e s e 3 q u a r t e r s shall h a v e right of setting that sum against
future p a y m e n t s . T h e same law to prevail in the case of furnished 15
a p a r t m e n t s . No notice to quit coming from landlords to be valid for
3 m o n t h s to c o m e . (29 Mars)
échéances
(Payment of bills of exchange due): (expiration of bills):
all p r o s e c u t i o n s for bills of e x c h a n g e fallen d u e s u s p e n d e d . (12 April)
All commercial p a p e r s of that sort to be repaid in r e p a y m e n t spread 20
over two y e a r s , to begin n e x t July 15, the d e b t s being not chargeable with
interest. T h e total a m o u n t of the s u m s d u e divided in 8 equal coupures, payable by trimestre (first trimester to be dated from July 15). Only on t h e s e
partial p a y m e n t s w h e n fallen d u e judicial p r o s e c u t i o n s permitted. (16 April)
T h e Dufaure laws on leases and bills of e x c h a n g e entailed t h e b a n k r u p t c y of the 25
majority of the respectable s h o p k e e p e r s of Paris.
T h e notaries, huissiers, auctioneers, bum-bailiffs a n d other judicial officers making till n o w a fortune of their functions t r a n s f o r m e d into agents
of t h e C o m m u n e receiving from it fixed salaries like o t h e r w o r k m e n ;
As t h e Professors of the Ecole de M é d e c i n e h a v e run a w a y , the C o m m u n e 30
appointed a Commission for the foundation of free universities, no longer
stateparasites; given to t h e students t h a t h a d p a s s e d their examination
m e a n s to practise i n d e p e n d e n t of D o c t o r titles; (titles to be conferred by the
faculty).
Since the judges of t h e Civil tribunal of the Seine, like t h e other magis- 35
trates always ready to function u n d e r a n y class g o v e r n m e n t , h a d r u n
away, C o m m u n e appointed an a d v o c a t e to do the m o s t urgent business
until the reorganization of tribunals on t h e basis of general suffrage;
(26 April)
46
3) General M e a s u r e s .
Conscription abolished. In the p r e s e n t w a r every able m a n (National
Guard) m u s t serve. This m e a s u r e excellent to get rid of all traitors and
cowards hiding in Paris (29 Mars)
y
5
10
J
Games of hazard suppressed. (2 April)
\ C h u r c h separated from State; the religious budget s u p p r e s s e d ; all
clerical estates declared national properties, (3 April).
T h e C o m m u n e , having m a d e inquiries c o n s e q u e n t u p o n private informations, found that beside the old Guillotine the "government of order"
had c o m m a n d e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a new guillotine (more expeditive a n d
portable), and paid in a v a n c e . T h e C o m m u n e ordered b o t h the old and
the new guillotine to be b u r n e d publicly on the 6 of April. T h e Versailles
journals, reechoed by the press of o r d e r all over the world, narrated t h e
Paris people, as a d e m o n s t r a t i o n against the bloodthirstiness of the
C o m m u n a l s , had b u r n t t h e s e guillotines ! (6 April) All political prisoners w e r e
set free at o n c e after t h e Revolution of the 1 8 of M a r c h . But the C o m m u n e
knew that under the régime of L. Bonaparte and his w o r t h y successor of
the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e m a n y people w e r e simply incarcerated on no
charge w h a t e v e r as political suspects. C o n s e q u e n t l y it charged o n e of its
members—Protot—to m a k e inquiries. By him 150 people set free w h o
being arrested since six m o n t h s , had not yet u n d e r g o n e any judicial e x a m ination; m a n y of them, already arrested u n d e r B o n a p a r t e , h a d b e e n for a
year in prison without any charge or judicial examination. (9 April) This
fact, so characteristic of the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e , | | l 2 | enraged them.
T h e y asserted the C o m m u n e had liberated all felons. But w h o liberated
convicted felons? T h e forger Jules F a v r e . H a r d l y got into p o w e r , he
hastened to liberate Pic and Taillefer, c o n d e m n e d for theft and forgery in
the affaire of the Etendard. O n e of t h e s e m e n , Taillefer, daring to return to
Paris, has b e e n reinstated into his c o n v e n i e n t a b o d e . But this is n o t all.
T h e Versailles g o v e r n m e n t has delivered in the Maisons Centrales all
over F r a n c e convicted thief s on the condition of entering M . T h i e r s '
army!
th
15
th
20
25
30
Decree on the demolition of the column of the place Vendôme as "a
m o n u m e n t of barbarism, symbol of brute force a n d false glory, an affirma35 tion of militarism, a negation of international right". (12 April)
Election of Frankel (German m e m b e r of the International) to the
C o m m u n e declared valid: "considering that the flag of the C o m m u n e is
that of the Universal Republic and that foreigners can h a v e a seat in i t " ;
47
Karl Marx
(4 April) Frankel afterwards chosen a m e m b e r of t h e executive of the
C o m m u n e ; (21 April)
T h e Journal officiel has inaugurated the publicity of the sittings of the
C o m m u n e . (15 April)
D e c r e e of Paschal G r o u s s e t for the protection of Foreigners against
5
requisitions. N e v e r a g o v e r n m e n t in Paris so c o u r t e o u s to Foreigners.
(27 April)
T h e C o m m u n e has abolished political and professional oaths. (27 April)
Destruction of the monument dit
"Chapelle expiatoire de Louis XVI"
rue d'Anjou St. H o n o r é (œvre de la C h a m b r e introuvable de 1816) (7Mai)
10
4) M e a s u r e s of public safety.
D i s a r m a m e n t of the " l o y a l " National G u a r d s ; (30 Mars)
C o m m u n e declares incompatibility b e t w e e n seats in its r a n k s and at
Versailles ; (29 Mars).
Decree of Reprisals. N e v e r executed. Only t h e fellows arrested, Arch15
bishop of Paris and Curé of the Madeleine; w h o l e staff of t h e college of
Jesuits ; I n c u m b e n t s of all the principal c h u r c h e s ; Part of these fellows arrested as hostages, part as conspirators with Versailles, part b e c a u s e they tried
to save c h u r c h p r o p e r t y from the clutches of the C o m m u n e . (6 April) " T h e
Monarchists wage war like savages; they shoot prisoners, they m u r d e r the 20
w o u n d e d , they fire on a m b u l a n c e s , t r o o p s raise the butt-end of their rifles
in the air and then fire traitorously." (Proclamation of Commune)
In regard to t h e s e d e c r e e s of Reprisals to be r e m a r k e d :
In the first instance men of all layers of the Paris society—after the
e x o d u s of the capitalists, the idlers, and t h e parasite—have interposed at 25
Versailles to stop the Civil war—except the Paris clergy. T h e A r c h b i s h o p
and t h e curé de [la] Madeleine h a v e only written to Thiers b e c a u s e averse
to "the effusion of their own blood", in their quality as hostages.
Secondly: After the publication by the C o m m u n e of the D e c r e e of
reprisal, the taking of hostages etc, the atrocious t r e a t m e n t of the Versailles 30
prisoners by Piétri's lambs and Valentin's G e n d a r m e s did not c e a s e , but the
assassination of the captive Paris soldiers and N a t i o n a l Guard w a s
stopped to set in with r e n e w e d fury so soon as the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t
had convinced itself that t h e C o m m u n e w a s too h u m a n e to e x e c u t e its
decree of the 6 of April. T h e n the assassination set again in wholesale. T h e 35
C o m m u n e did not e x e c u t e one hostage, not o n e prisoner, not e v e n some
G e n d a r m e officers w h o u n d e r the disguise of National G u a r d s had entered
Paris as spies and w e r e simply arrested.
th
48
•
J.
Surprise of the Redoute of Clamart (2 May.) Railway Station in the
hands of the Parisians, m a s s a c r e , bayonetting, t h e 2 2 Battalion of C h a s seurs (Galliffet?) shoots line soldiers offhand without any formality.
(2 Mai)
Redoubt of Moulin Saquet, situated b e t w e e n F o r t Issy and M o n t r o u g e ,
surprised in the night by t r e a c h e r y on the part of the c o m m a n d a n t Gallien
w h o had sold the p a s s w o r d to the Versaillaise t r o o p s . Federals surprised in
their b e d s asleep—massacred great p a r t of them. (4 May?)
25 April 4 National guards (this constated by Commissaries sent to
Bicêtre w h e r e the only survivor of t h e 4 m e n , à Belle E p i n e , près Villejuif.
His n a m e Scheffer.) T h e s e m e n being surrounded by horse C h a s s e u r s , on
their order, unable to resist, surrendered, disarmed, nothing d o n e to them
by the soldiers. B u t then arrives the captain of the c h a s s e u r s , and shoots
them down o n e after the other with his revolver. Left them on the soil.
Scheffer fearfully w o u n d e d survived.
13 soldiers of the line m a d e prisoners at the railway Station of Clamart
w e r e shot offhand, and all prisoners wearing the line uniforms w h o arrive
in Versailles will be e x e c u t e d w h e n e v e r d o u b t s a b o u t their identity are
cleared u p . (Liberté at Versailles.) A l e x a n d e r D u m a s fils, now at Versailles,
tells that a y o u n g m a n exercising t h e functions, if not bearing the title, of
a general, w a s shot, by order of a B o n a p a r t i s t general, after having m a r c h e d
in custody a few 100 y a r d s along a r o a d
Parisian troops and National
G u a r d s surrounded in h o u s e s by G e n d a r m e s , inundate the house with
Petroleum and then fire it. S o m e c a d a v e r s of National G u a r d s (calcinés)
h a v e b e e n transported by the a m b u l a n c e of the press of the T e r n e s . (Mot
d'ordre 20 April) " T h e y have no right to a m b u l a n c e s " .
Thiers. Blanqui. Archbishop. General Chanzy. (Thiers s a i d h i s B o n a p a r t i s t s
should h a v e liked to be shot.)
Visitation in Houses, etc. Casimir Bouis n o m m é président d'une commission d ' e n q u ê t e in the doings of the dictators of 4 September. (14 April)
Private houses invaded and p a p e r s seized, but no furniture has b e e n carried
away and sold by auction. (Papers der fellows v o m 4. September, des
Thiers etc und bonapartistischer Polizeileute), f. i. in Hotel of Lafont,
inspecteur général des prisons. (11 April) T h e h o u s e s (properties) of
Thiers et Co. as traitors sealed but only the papers confiscated.
Arrest among themselves: This shocks t h e bourgeois w h o w a n t s political
idols and "great m e n " immensely.
" I t is provoking" (Daily News 6 May. Paris Correspondence), " h o w e v e r ,
and discouraging, that w h a t e v e r be t h e authority p o s s e s s e d by the C o m m u n e ,
it is continually changing h a n d s , and we k n o w n o t to-day with w h o m t h e
power m a y rest t o - m o r r o w . . . In all these eternal changes one sees m o r e
nd
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
49
Karl Marx
than ever the w a n t of a presiding mind. T h e C o m m u n e is a c o n c o u r s e of
equivalent atoms, each o n e jealous of another and none endowed with
supreme control over the others. "
Journal
suppression!
5) Financial M e a s u r e s .
(See Daily News. 6 may)
Principal outlay for war!
Only 8,928 fcs. from saisies—all t a k e n from ecclesiastics etc
Vengeur 6 Mai.
1131 La Commune.
T h e rise of the C o m m u n e and the Central C o m m i t t e e .
T h e C o m m u n e had b e e n proclaimed at L y o n s , then Marseilles, T o u l o u s e
etc after Sedan. G a m b e t t a tried his b e s t to b r e a k it d o w n .
T h e different m o v e m e n t s at Paris in the beginning of O c t o b e r aimed
at the establishment of the C o m m u n e , as a m e a s u r e of defence against t h e
Foreign invasion, as t h e realisation of t h e rise of t h e 4 of S e p t e m b e r .
Its establishment by the m o v e m e n t of the 31 O c t o b e r failed only b e c a u s e
Blanqui, F l o u r e n s and the other then leaders of the m o v e m e n t believed
in the gens de paroles w h o had given their parole d'honneur to abdicate
and m a k e r o o m to a C o m m u n e freely elected by all the a r r o n d i s s e m e n t s of
Paris. It failed b e c a u s e they saved the lives of those m e n so eager for the
assassination of their saviours. H a v i n g allowed T r o c h u and F e r r y to
e s c a p e , they [were] surprised then by T r o c h u ' s B r e t o n s . It ought to be
r e m e m b e r e d that on the 3 1 of O c t o b e r the self imposed " g o v e r n m e n t of
d e f e n c e " existed only on sufferance. It had not yet g o n e e v e n t h r o u g h the
farce of a plebiscite. U n d e r the c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t h e r e w a s of course
nothing easier t h a n to misrepresent the character of the m o v e m e n t , to
decry it as a treasonable conspiracy with t h e P r u s s i a n s , to i m p r o v e the
dismissal of the only m a n amongst t h e m w h o would n o t b r e a k his w o r d ,
for strengthening T r o c h u ' s B r e t o n s w h o w e r e for the G o v e r n m e n t of the
D e f e n c e w h a t the Corsican spadassins had b e e n for L. B o n a p a r t e by the
appointment of Clément T h o m a s as C o m m a n d e r in Chief of the National
G u a r d ; there was nothing easier for t h e s e old panic-mongers than—appealing
t h
st
50
F
to the cowardly fears of the middleclass w o r k i n g bataillons w h o had t a k e n
the initiative, throwing distrust a n d dissension amongst the w o r k i n g
bataillons t h e m s e l v e s , by an appeal to patriotism—to create o n e of t h o s e
d a y s of blind reaction and disastrous misunderstandings by w h i c h t h e y
5 h a v e always contrived to maintain their u s u r p e d p o w e r . As t h e y had
slipt into p o w e r the 4 of S e p t e m b e r by a surprise, they w e r e n o w enabled to
give it a m o c k sanction by a plebiscite of the true Bonapartist p a t t e r n
during days of reactionary terror.
T h e victorious establishment at Paris of t h e C o m m u n e in t h e beginning of
t h
10
N o v e m b e r 1870 (then already initiated in t h e great cities of the country a n d
sure to be imitated all over F r a n c e ) would not only h a v e t a k e n the d e f e n c e
out of the h a n d s of traitors a n d imprinted its enthusiasm as the p r e s e n t
heroic w a r of Paris s h o w s , it would h a v e altogether changed the character of
the war. It would h a v e b e c o m e the w a r of republican F r a n c e , hoisting t h e
15
flag of the social Revolution of the 1 9 century, against Prussia, the b a n n e r
bearer of the c o n q u e s t and counterrevolution. Instead of sending the
h a c k n e y e d old intriguer a begging at all c o u r t s of E u r o p e , it w o u l d h a v e
electrified t h e producing m a s s e s in the old and the new world. By t h e
escamotage of the C o m m u n e on O c t o b e r 3 1 , the Jules F a v r e et Co
20
secured the capitulation of F r a n c e to Prussia and initiated t h e p r e s e n t civil
war.
But this m u c h is s h o w n : T h e revolution of*the 4 S e p t e m b e r w a s n o t
only t h e reinstalment of the Republic b e c a u s e t h e place of the usurper h a d
b e c o m e v a c a n t by his capitulation at Sedan,—it not only c o n q u e r e d that
th
th
25
republic from the Foreign invader by the prolonged resistance of Paris
although fighting under the leadership of its enemies—that revolution w a s
working its w a y in the h e a r t of the w o r k i n g classes. T h e republic had c e a s e d
to be a n a m e for a thing of the past. It w a s impregnated with a n e w
world. Its real t e n d e n c y veiled from the eye of the world through t h e
30 deceptions, the lies and the vulgarizing of a p a c k of intriguing lawyers and
w o r d fencers, c a m e again a n d again to the surface in the s p a s m o d i c
m o v e m e n t s of the Paris working classes (and t h e S o u t h of F r a n c e ) w h o s e
w a t c h w o r d w a s always the s a m e : t h e Commune!
T h e Commune—the positive form of the Revolution against the E m p i r e
35 and the conditions of its existence—first e s s a y e d in t h e cities of S o u t h e r n
F r a n c e , again and again proclaimed in the spasmodic m o v e m e n t s during
the siege of Paris and escamotés by t h e sleights of h a n d s of t h e G o v e r n m e n t
of Defence and the Bretons of T r o c h u , the " p l a n of capitulation" hero—was
at last victoriously installed on the 2 6 M a r c h , b u t it had not suddenly
40 sprung into life on that day. It w a s t h e u n c h a n g e a b l e goal of the w o r k m e n ' s
revolution. T h e capitulation of Paris, the o p e n conspiracy against the R e p u b th
51
Karl Marx
lie at B o r d e a u x , the C o u p d ' E t a t initiated by the nocturnal attack on M o n t m a r t r e , rallied a r o u n d it all the living elements of Paris, no longer allowing
the defence m e n to limit it to the insulated efforts of the m o s t conscious
and revolutionary portions of the Paris working class.
T h e g o v e r n m e n t of defence w a s only u n d e r g o n e as a pis aller of the
first surprise, a necessity of the war. T h e t r u e answer of the Paris People to
the Second E m p i r e , the E m p i r e of Lies—was the C o m m u n e .
T h u s also the rising of all living Paris—with t h e exception of the pillars
of Bonapartism and its official opposition, t h e great capitalists, the financial
j o b b e r s , the sharpers, the loungers, and the old stateparasites—against
the government of D e f e n c e does n o t date from t h e 1 8 of M a r c h , although
it c o n q u e r e d on that day its first victory against the conspirators, it dates
from the 31 J a n u a r y , from the very day of the capitulation. T h e N a t i o n a l
Guard—that is all the a r m e d m a n h o o d of Paris—organized itself a n d really
ruled Paris from that day, independently of the u s u r p a t o r y g o v e r n m e n t of
the capitulards installed by t h e grace of Bismarck. It refused to deliver
its arms and artillery, which was its p r o p e r t y and only left them in t h e
capitulation b e c a u s e its p r o p e r t y . It w a s not t h e magnanimity of Jules
F a v r e that saved t h e s e arms from Bismarck, b u t the readiness of armed
Paris to fight for its a r m s against Jules F a v r e and Bismarck. In view of the
Foreign invader and the p e a c e negotiations Paris would not complicate the
situation. It was afraid of civil war. It o b s e r v e d a mere attitude of defence
and content with the de facto selfrule of Paris. B u t it organized itself quietly
and steadfastly for resistance. ( E v e n in the t e r m s of t h e capitulation itself
the capitulards had unmistakeably s h o w n their t e n d e n c y to m a k e t h e surrender to Prussia at the same time the m e a n s of their domination over Paris.
T h e only concession of Prussia, t h e y insisted u p o n , a concession, w h i c h
Bismarck would h a v e imposed u p o n t h e m as a condition, if they had
not begged it as a concession—was 40,000 soldiers for subduing Paris. In
the face of its 300,000 national guards,—more t h a n sufficient for securing
Paris from an attempt by the Foreign e n e m y , and for the defence of
its internal order—the d e m a n d of these 40,000 men—a thing which w a s
besides avowed—could h a v e no o t h e r p u r p o s e . ) On its existing military
organisation it grafted a political federation according to a v e r y simple plan.
It w a s the alliance of all the guard nationale, put in connection the one
with t h e other by the delegates of each c o m p a n y , appointing in their turn
the delegates of the bataillons, w h o in their turn appointed general delegates, generals of legions, w h o w e r e to r e p r e s e n t an arrondissement and
to c o o p e r a t e with the delegates of the 19 other a r r o n d i s s e m e n t s . T h o s e
20 delegates, c h o s e n by the majority of the bataillons of the National
Guard, c o m p o s e d the Central Committee, which on the 18 of M a r c h
5
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th
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initiated the greatest revolution of this c e n t u r y a n d still holds its p o s t in the
present glorious struggle of Paris. N e v e r w e r e elections m o r e sifted, n e v e r
delegates fuller representing t h e m a s s e s from which they had sprung. To the
objection of the outsiders that they w e r e unknown—in point of fact, that they
only w e r e k n o w n to t h e working classes, b u t no old stagers, no m e n illustrated by the infamies of their past, by their c h a s e after pelf and place—they
proudly a n s w e r e d : " S o w e r e the 12 A p o s t l e s " and they a n s w e r e d by
their deeds.
The character of the Commune.
T h e centralized s t a t e m a c h i n e r y which, with its ubiquitous and complicated
military, bureaucratic, clerical a n d judiciary organs, entoils (inmeshes)
the living civil society like a b o a constrictor, w a s first forged in the days
of absolute m o n a r c h y as a w e a p o n of n a s c e n t m o d e r n society in its
15 struggle of emancipation from feudalism. T h e seignorial privileges of the
medieval lords and cities and clergy w e r e transformed into the attributes of
a unitary state power, displacing t h e feudal dignitaries by salaried statefunctionaries, transferring t h e a r m s from medieval retainers of the landlords and the corporations of townish citizens to a standing army,
20 substituting to t h e c h e c k e r e d (party coloured) a n a r c h y of conflicting
medieval p o w e r s t h e regulated plan of a s t a t e p o w e r , with a systematic and
hierarchic division of labour. T h e first F r e n c h Revolution with its task to
found national unity (to create a nation) had to b r e a k d o w n all local, territorial, townish and provincial i n d e p e n d e n c e s . It w a s , therefore, forced to
25
develop, w h a t absolute m o n a r c h y h a d c o m m e n c e d , t h e centralization and
organization of state p o w e r , and to e x p a n d the circumference and the
attributes of the state power, t h e n u m b e r of its tools, its i n d e p e n d e n c e of,
and its supernaturalist sway of real society w h i c h in fact t o o k the place of
the medieval supernaturalist h e a v e n with its saints. E v e r y minor solitary
30 interest engendered by the relations of social groups was separated from
society itself, fixed and m a d e i n d e p e n d e n t of it and o p p o s e d to it in the
form of stateinterest, administered by state priests with exactly determined
hierarchical functions. |
|.14| This parasitical [ e x c r e s c e n c e upon] civil society, pretending to
35 be its ideal counterpart, grew to its full d e v e l o p m e n t u n d e r the s w a y of
the first B o n a p a r t e . T h e restauration and the m o n a r c h y of July added
nothing to it but a greater division of labour, growing at the same m e a s u r e
in which the division of labour within civil society created new groups
53
Karl Marx
of interest, and, therefore, n e w material for state action. In their struggle
against the Revolution of 1848, the parliamentary republic of F r a n c e and the
g o v e r n m e n t s of all continental E u r o p e , w e r e forced to strengthen, with
their m e a s u r e s of repression against the popular m o v e m e n t , the m e a n s of
action and the centralization of that g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r . All revolutions t h u s
only perfected the state machinery instead of throwing off this deadening
incubus. T h e fractions and parties of the ruling classes which alternately
struggled for supremacy, considered the o c c u p a n c y (seizure) and t h e direction of this i m m e n s e machinery of g o v e r n m e n t as t h e main booty of t h e
victor. It centred in the creation of i m m e n s e standing armies, a h o s t of
state vermin, and huge national d e b t s . During the time of the absolute m o n archy it w a s a m e a n s of the struggle of m o d e r n society against feudalism,
c r o w n e d by the F r e n c h revolution, and u n d e r the first B o n a p a r t e it served
not only to subjugate the Revolution and annihilate all popular liberties,
it w a s an instrument of the F r e n c h revolution to strike abroad, to create
for F r a n c e on the Continent instead of feudal m o n a r c h i e s more or less states
after t h e image of F r a n c e . U n d e r the Restauration and t h e M o n a r c h y of
July it b e c a m e not only a m e a n s of the forcible class domination of the
middleclass, and a m e a n s of adding to the direct e c o n o m i c exploitation
a s e c o n d exploitation of the people by assuring to their families all t h e
rich places of the State household. During the time of the Revolutionary
struggle of 1848 at last it served as a m e a n s of annihilating that Revolution
and all aspirations at the emancipation of the popular m a s s e s . B u t the
state parasite received only its last d e v e l o p m e n t during the second
E m p i r e . T h e governmental p o w e r with its standing a r m y , its all directing
b u r e a u c r a c y , its stultifying clergy and its servile tribunal hierarchy, h a d
grown so independent of society itself, that a grotesquely mediocre adventurer with a hungry band of d e s p e r a d o e s behind him sufficed do wield it.
It did no longer want the pretext of an a r m e d Coalition of old E u r o p e against
the m o d e r n world founded by the Revolution of 1789. It a p p e a r e d no
longer as a m e a n s of class domination, subordinate to its parliamentary
ministry of legislature. Humbling under its sway e v e n to the interests of the
ruling classes, w h o s e parliamentary s h o w w o r k it supplanted by selfelected
Corps Législatifs and self-paid senates, sanctioned in its absolute sway
by universal suffrage, the acknowledged necessity for keeping up " o r d e r " ,
that is the rule of the landowner and the capitalist over the p r o d u c e r ,
cloaking u n d e r the tatters of a m a s k e r a d e of the past, the orgies of the corruption of t h e p r e s e n t and the victory of the m o s t parasite fraction, the
financial swindler, the debauchery of all the reactionary influences of the
past let loose—a p a n d e m o n i u m of infamies—the Statepower had received
its last and supreme expression in the S e c o n d E m p i r e . Apparently the
54
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final victory of this g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r over society, it w a s in fact t h e
orgy of all the corrupt e l e m e n t s of that society. To the e y e of the uninitiated
it appeared only as the victory of the E x e c u t i v e over the legislative, of the
final defeat of the form of class rule pretending to be the a u t o c r a c y of
5
society under its form pretending to be a superior p o w e r to society. B u t in
fact it was only the last degraded and the only possible form of t h a t class
rule, as humiliating to those classes themselves as to the w o r k i n g classes
which they kept fettered by it.
T h e 4 of S e p t e m b e r w a s only the revindication of the Republique
th
10
against the grotesque a d v e n t u r e r that had assassinated it. T h e t r u e
antithesis to t h e Empire itself— that is to the state p o w e r , the centralized
executive, of which the Second E m p i r e w a s only the exhausting f o r m u l a was the Commune. This state p o w e r forms in fact the creation of the
middleclass, first a m e a n s to b r e a k down feudalism, then a m e a n s to crush
15 the emancipatory aspirations of the p r o d u c e r s , of t h e working class. All
reactions and all revolutions had only served to transfer that organized
power—that organized force of the slavery of labour—from one hand to
the other, from o n e fraction of the ruling classes to the other. It had served
the ruling classes as a m e a n s of subjugation and of pelf. It h a d sucked n e w
20
forces from every n e w change. It had served as the instrument of breaking
down every popular rise and served it to crush the working classes after
they had fought and b e e n ordered to secure its transfer from one part of its
o p p r e s s o r s to the others. This w a s , therefore, a Revolution not against
this or that, legitimate, constitutional, republican or Imperialist form of
25
State Power. It w a s a Revolution against t h e State itself, of this supernaturalist abortion of society, a r e s u m p t i o n by t h e p e o p l e for t h e people, of its o w n
social life. It w a s not a revolution to transfer it from one fraction of t h e
ruling classes to t h e other, but a Revolution to b r e a k down this horrid machinery of Classdomination itself. It w a s not o n e of t h o s e dwarfish struggles
30 b e t w e e n the executive and t h e parliamentary forms of class domination,
but a revolt against b o t h t h e s e f o r m s , integrating e a c h other, and of w h i c h
the parliamentary form w a s only the deceitful b y w o r k of the E x e c u t i v e .
T h e Second Empire was the final form of this State usurpation. T h e
C o m m u n e w a s its definite negation, and, therefore the initiation of the
35
th
social Revolution of the 19 c e n t u r y . W h a t e v e r therefore its fate at Paris,
it will m a k e le tour du monde. It was at o n c e acclaimed by the working
class of E u r o p e and t h e U n i t e d States as the magic w o r d of delivery. T h e
glories and the antediluvian deeds of the Prussian c o n q u e r o r seemed only
hallucinations of a bygone past.
40
It was only the working class that could formulate by the w o r d " C o m m u n e "
and initiate by the fighting C o m m u n e of Paris—this n e w aspiration. E v e n
55
Karl Marx
the last expression of that state p o w e r in the Second E m p i r e although
humbling for the pride of the ruling classes and casting to the winds their
parliamentary pretentions of selfgovernment, had b e e n only the last
possible form of their class rule. While politically dispossessing t h e m , it w a s
the orgy under which all the economic and social infamies of their régime
5
got full sway. The middling bourgeoisie and the p e t t y middleclass w e r e by
their economical conditions of life excluded from initiating a n e w revolution
and induced to follow in the tracks of the ruling classes or the followers of
the working class. T h e p e a s a n t s w e r e the passive economical basis of the
Second Empire, of that last triumph of a State separate of and independent 10
from society. Only the Proletarians, fired by a n e w social task to accomplish
by t h e m for all society, to do a w a y with all classes and class rule, w e r e the
m e n to b r e a k the instrument of that class rule—the State, t h e centralized and
organized governmental p o w e r usurping to be the m a s t e r instead of the
servant of society. In the active struggle against them by the ruling classes, 15
supported by the passive a d h e r e n c e of the p e a s a n t r y , the Second E m p i r e ,
the last crowning at the same time as the most signal prostitution of the
State—which had taken the place of the medieval church—had been
engendered. It had sprung into life against them. By them it was b r o k e n , not
as a peculiar form of centralized governmental p o w e r , b u t as its most power- 20
ful, elaborated into seeming i n d e p e n d e n c e from society expression, and,
therefore, also its most prostitute reality, c o v e r e d by infamy from top to
b o t t o m , having centred in absolute corruption at h o m e and absolute powerlessness abroad. |
|l5j Parliamentarism in F r a n c e had c o m e to an end. Its last t e r m and 25
fullest sway was the parliamentary Republic from M a y 1848 to the C o u p
d'Etat. T h e Empire that killed it, w a s its o w n creation. U n d e r the E m p i r e
with its Corps Législatif and its Senate—and in this form it has b e e n reproduced in the military monarchies of Prussia and Austria—it had b e e n a
mere farce, a m e r e b y w o r k of Despotism in its crudest form. Parliamentarism 30
then was dead in F r a n c e and the w o r k m e n ' s Revolution certainly was
not to a w a k e n it from the death.
But this o n e form of class rule had only b r o k e n d o w n to m a k e the E x e c utive, the governmental statemachinery t h e great and single object of
attack to the Revolution.
35
T h e Commune—the reabsorption of the State p o w e r by society, as its
o w n living forces instead of as forces controlling and subduing it, by the
popular masses themselves, forming their o w n force instead of the organized
force of their suppression—the political form of their social emancipation, 40
56
instead of the artificial force (their o w n force o p p o s e d to and organized against
them) of society wielded for their oppression by their enemies. T h e form w a s
simple like all great things. T h e Reaction of former Revolutions—the time
w a n t e d for all historical d e v e l o p m e n t s , a n d in the past always lost in all
5 Revolutions in the very d a y s of popular triumph, w h e n e v e r it had r e n d e r e d
its victorious a r m s , to be t u r n e d against itself—first by displacing t h e
army by the National guard. " F o r the first time since the 4 S e p t e m b e r
the republic is liberated from the government of its enemies... to the city
a national militia that defends t h e citizens against t h e p o w e r (the government)
th
10
instead of a permanent army that defends the government against t h e
citizens." (Proclamation of Central C o m m i t t e e of 22 Mars.) (the people
had only to organize this militia on a national scale, to h a v e d o n e a w a y with
the Standing armies; the first economical condition sine qua for all social
i m p r o v e m e n t s , discarding at o n c e this source of t a x e s and state debt, a n d
15
this constant danger to g o v e r n m e n t usurpation of class rule—of the regular
class rule or an a d v e n t u r e r pretending to save all classes); at t h e same
time the safest guarantee against Foreign aggression and making in fact
the costly military a p p a r a t u s impossible in all other states; the emancipation
of the p e a s a n t from the bloodtax and the m o s t fertile source of all state
20 taxation and state debts. H e r e already the point in which the C o m m u n e is a
bait for the peasant, the first w o r d of his emancipation. With t h e " i n d e p e n d e n t p o l i c e " abolished, and its ruffians supplanted by servants of t h e
C o m m u n e . T h e general suffrage, till n o w abused either for the parliam e n t a r y sanction of the H o l y State P o w e r , or a play in the h a n d s of the
25
ruling classes, only e m p l o y e d by t h e p e o p l e to c h o o s e the instruments of
parliamentary class rule o n c e in m a n y y e a r s , adapted to its real p u r p o s e s , to
c h o o s e by t h e c o m m u n e s their o w n functionaries of administration a n d
initiation. T h e Delusion as if administration and political governing w e r e
mysteries, t r a n s c e n d e n t functions only to be trusted to the hands of a trained
30 caste, stateparasites, richly paid s y c o p h a n t s and sinecurists, in t h e higher
p o s t s , absorbing the intelligences of the m a s s e s and turning them against
themselves in the lower places of t h e hierarchy. Doing away with the state
hierarchy altogether and replacing the h a u g h t e o u s masters of the people into
its always removable servants, a m o c k responsibility by a real r e s p o n 35 sibility, as they act continuously u n d e r public supervision. Paid like skilled
w o r k m e n , 12 p o u n d s a m o n t h , t h e highest salary n o t exceeding 240 £
a year, a salary s o m e w h a t m o r e t h a n Vs, according to a great scientific
authority, Professor H u x l e y , to satisfy a clerk for the Metropolitan School
Board. T h e whole sham of statemysteries and statepretensions w a s d o n e
40 away by a C o m m u n e , mostly consisting of simple working m e n , organizing
the defence of Paris, carrying w a r against t h e Pretorians of B o n a p a r t e , secur-
57
Karl Marx
ing t h e approvisionment of t h a t i m m e n s e t o w n , filling all t h e p o s t s hitherto
divided b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t , police, a n d Prefecture, doing their w o r k
publicly, simply, under the most difficult and complicated c i r c u m s t a n c e s , and
doing it, as Milton did his Paradise L o s t , for a few p o u n d s , acting in bright
daylight, with no pretentions to infallibility, n o t hiding itself behind
5
circumlocution office, not a s h a m e d to confess blunders by correcting t h e m .
Making in o n e order the public functions,—military, administrative, political—
real workmen's functions, instead of the hidden attributes of a trained c a s t e ;
(keeping order in the turbulence of civil w a r and revolution) (initiating
m e a s u r e s of general regeneration). W h a t e v e r the merits of the single 10
m e a s u r e s of the C o m m u n e , its greatest m e a s u r e w a s its o w n organisation,
extemporized with the Foreign E n e m y at o n e door, and the class e n e m y
at the other, proving by its life its vitality, confirming its thesis by its action.
Its a p p e a r a n c e w a s a victory over the victors of F r a n c e . Captive Paris r e sumed by o n e bold spring t h e leadership of E u r o p e , not depending on brute 15
force, b u t by taking the lead of the Social M o v e m e n t , by giving b o d y to the
aspirations of the working class of all countries.
With all the great t o w n s organized into C o m m u n e s after the m o d e l of
Paris no g o v e r n m e n t could repress the m o v e m e n t by the surprise of sudden
reaction. E v e n by this p r e p a r a t o r y step the time of incubation, the guarantee 20
of the m o v e m e n t , w o n . All F r a n c e organized into selfworking and selfgoverning c o m m u n e s , the standing a r m y replaced by the popular militias,
the a r m y of stateparasites r e m o v e d , the clerical hierarchy displaced by
the schoolmaster, the state judges transformed into C o m m u n a l organs, the
suffrage for the National representation not a m a t t e r of sleight of h a n d s for 25
an allpowerful government, b u t the deliberate expression of organized comm u n e s , the statefunctions r e d u c e d to a few functions for general national
purposes.
S u c h is the Commune—the political form of the social emancipation, of
the liberation of labour from the usurpation of t h e monopolists of the m e a n s 30
of labour, created by the labourers themselves or forming t h e gift of nature.
As the state machinery and parliamentarism are not the real life of the
ruling classes, b u t only the organized general organs of their dominion, the
political guarantees and forms and expressions of the old order of things,
so the C o m m u n e is not the social m o v e m e n t of the working class and 35
therefore of a general regeneration of mankind b u t the organized m e a n s of
action. T h e C o m m u n e does not away with the class struggles, t h r o u g h which
the working classes strive to the abolition of all classes and, therefore, of all
class rule (because it does not r e p r e s e n t a peculiar interest. It r e p r e s e n t s the
liberation of " l a b o u r " , that is the fundamental and natural condition of 40
individual and social life which only by usurpation, fraud, and artificial
58
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contrivances can be shifted from t h e few u p o n the m a n y ) , b u t it affords
t h e rational m e d i u m in w h i c h t h a t class struggle can run through its different
p h a s e s in the m o s t rational and h u m a n w a y . It could start violent
reactions and as violent revolutions. It begins the emancipation of labour—its
great goal—by doing a w a y with t h e u n p r o d u c t i v e a n d mischievous w o r k
of t h e state parasites, by cutting a w a y t h e springs w h i c h sacrifice an
i m m e n s e portion of t h e national p r o d u c e to the feeding of t h e statem o n s t e r , on the o n e side, by doing, on the other, the real w o r k of administration, local and national, for w o r k i n g m e n ' s w a g e s . It begins therefore with
an i m m e n s e saving, with economical reform as well as political transformation.!
|16| T h e c o m m u n a l organization o n c e firmly established on a national
scale, the catastrophes it might still h a v e to u n d e r g o , would be sporadic
slaveholders' insurrections, which, while for a m o m e n t interrupting t h e
w o r k of peaceful p r o g r e s s , would only accelerate the m o v e m e n t , by putting
t h e sword into the hand of t h e Social Revolution.
T h e working class k n o w that t h e y h a v e to pass through different
p h a s e s of class struggle. T h e y k n o w t h a t t h e superseding of the economical
conditions of the slavery of labour by the conditions of free and associated labour can only be t h e progressive w o r k of time, (that economical
transformation) that t h e y require n o t only a change of distribution, b u t a n e w
organization of production, or r a t h e r t h e delivery (setting free) of the
social forms of production in p r e s e n t organized labour, (engendered by
p r e s e n t industry) of t h e t r a m m e l s of slavery of their p r e s e n t class
character and their h a r m o n i o u s national and international coordination.
T h e y know that this w o r k of regeneration will be again and again relented
and i m p e d e d by t h e r e s i s t a n c e s of v e s t e d interests and class egotisms. T h e y
know that the p r e s e n t " s p o n t a n e o u s action of the natural laws of capital a n d
landed property"—can only be s u p e r s e d e d by " t h e s p o n t a n e o u s action of
the laws of the social e c o n o m y of free a n d associated l a b o u r " by a long
p r o c e s s of d e v e l o p m e n t of n e w conditions, as w a s the " s p o n t a n e o u s action
of t h e e c o n o m i c laws of s l a v e r y " and t h e " s p o n t a n e o u s action of t h e
economical laws of s e r f d o m " . But they k n o w at the same time t h a t great
strides m a y be taken at o n c e t h r o u g h the C o m m u n a l form of political organization and that the time has c o m e to begin that m o v e m e n t for themselves
and mankind.
59
Karl Marx
( Peasantry
{(War indemnity). E v e n before the instalment of the C o m m u n e , the
Central Committee had declared through its Journal Officiel: "the greater
part of the war indemnity should be paid by the authors of w a r . " T h i s is
the great "conspiracy against Civilization" t h e m e n of order are most
5
afraid of. It is t h e most practical question. With the C o m m u n e victorious,
the authors of the w a r will h a v e to pay its indemnity; with Versailles
victorious, the producing masses w h o h a v e already paid in blood, ruin,
and contributions, will h a v e again to p a y , and the financial dignitaries will
even contrive to m a k e a profit out of the transaction. T h e liquidation of the 10
w a r costs is to be decided by the civil war. T h e C o m m u n e r e p r e s e n t s on this
vital point not only the interests of the working class, the petty middleclass,
in fact, all the middleclass with the exception of the bourgeoisie (the
wealthy capitalist) (the rich l a n d o w n e r s , and their stateparasites). It
r e p r e s e n t s above all the interest of the French peasantry. On t h e m the 15'
greater p a r t of t h e w a r t a x e s will be shifted, if Thiers and his " R u r a u x "
are victorious. A n d people are silly enough to repeat the cry of the
" r u r a u x " that they—the great landed proprietors—represent the p e a s a n t ,
w h o is of course, in the naivety of his soul exceedingly anxious to p a y for
these good " l a n d o w n e r s " t h e milliards of the w a r indemnity w h o m a d e him 20
already p a y the milliard of the Revolution indemnity!
T h e same men deliberately c o m p r o m i s e d the Republic of F e b r u a r y by the
additional 45 Centimes tax on the p e a s a n t , but this t h e y did in the
n a m e of the Revolution, in the n a m e of the "provisional g o v e r n m e n t " ,
created by it. It is n o w in their o w n n a m e that t h e y w a g e a civil w a r against 25
t h e C o m m u n a l Republic to shift the w a r indemnity from their o w n shoulders
upon those of the peasant! He will of course be delighted by it!
T h e C o m m u n e will abolish Conscription, the party of order will fasten
the bloodtax on the peasant. T h e party of o r d e r will fasten u p o n him t h e
taxcollector for the p a y m e n t of a parasitical and costly statemachinery, 30
the C o m m u n e will give him a cheap g o v e r n m e n t . T h e p a r t y of order will
continue [to] grind him d o w n by the townish usurer, t h e C o m m u n e will
free him of the incubus of the mortgages lasting upon his plot of land. T h e
C o m m u n e will replace the parasitical judiciary b o d y eating the h e a r t of
his income—the notary, the huissier etc—into C o m m u n a l agents doing their 35
w o r k at w o r k m e n ' s salaries, instead of enriching himself out of the
p e a s a n t s ' work. It will b r e a k d o w n this w h o l e judiciary c o b w e b w h i c h
entangles the F r e n c h p e a s a n t and gives a b o d e s to the judiciary b e n c h and
maires of the bourgeois spiders that suck its blood! T h e p a r t y of order will
60
ψ
5
keep him u n d e r t h e rule of t h e g e n d a r m e , the C o m m u n e will r e s t o r e him
to i n d e p e n d e n t social a n d political life! T h e C o m m u n e will enlighten
him by the rule of the schoolmaster, the p a r t y of o r d e r force u p o n him t h e
stultification by t h e rule of t h e p r i e s t ! B u t t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t is a b o v e all a
m a n of r e c k o n i n g ! He will find it exceedingly r e a s o n a b l e t h a t t h e p a y m e n t of
t h e clergy will no longer [be] e x a c t e d from him by t h e tax-collector, but will
be left to t h e " s p o n t a n e o u s a c t i o n " of his religious i n s t i n c t s !
The F r e n c h p e a s a n t had elected L. B o n a p a r t e President of the Republic,
b u t t h e party of O r d e r (during t h e a n o n y m o u s Regime of the Republic u n d e r
10
t h e assembly c o n s t i t u a n t e , and législative) w a s t h e creator of t h e E m p i r e !
W h a t t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t really w a n t s , he c o m m e n c e d to show in 1849
and 1852 by opposing his maire to t h e G o v e r n m e n t ' s prefect, his schoolm a s t e r to the g o v e r n m e n t ' s p a r s o n , himself to the g o v e r n m e n t ' s g e n d a r m e !
T h e nucleus of the r e a c t i o n a r y laws of t h e P a r t y of Order in 1849—and
15
peculiarly in J a n u a r y and F e b r u a r y 1850—were specifically directed
against t h e F r e n c h P e a s a n t r y ! I f t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t had m a d e L . B o n a p a r t e
president of t h e Republic b e c a u s e in his tradition all the benefits he h a d
derived from the first Revolution w e r e phantastically transferred on t h e
first N a p o l e o n , t h e a r m e d risings of P e a s a n t s in s o m e d e p a r t m e n t s of
20
F r a n c e and t h e g e n d a r m hunting u p o n t h e m after t h e C o u p d ' E t a t p r o v e d
that that delusion was rapidly b r e a k i n g d o w n ! T h e E m p i r e was f o u n d e d on t h e
delusions artificially nourished and traditional prejudices, t h e C o m m u n e
would be founded on his living interests and his real w a n t s !
T h e h a t r e d of t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t c e n t r e s on t h e " r u r a l " , t h e m e n of t h e
25
C h â t e a u , t h e men of t h e Milliard of indemnity and t h e townish capitalist,
m a s k e r a d e d into a landed proprietor, w h o s e e n c r o a c h m e n t u p o n him
m a r c h e d n e v e r m o r e rapidly t h a n u n d e r t h e S e c o n d E m p i r e , partly fostered
by artificial state m e a n s , partly naturally growing out of the very developm e n t of m o d e r n agriculture. T h e " r u r a l s " k n o w that three m o n t h s rule of
30
t h e Republican C o m m u n e in F r a n c e w o u l d be t h e signal of t h e rising of t h e
p e a s a n t r y and t h e agricultural Proletariat against t h e m . H e n c e their
ferocious hatred of t h e C o m m u n e ! W h a t they fear even m o r e than t h e
emancipation of t h e townish proletariat is t h e emancipation of the p e a s a n t s !
T h e p e a s a n t s would soon acclaim t h e t o w n i s h proletariat as their o w n leaders
35
and seniors ! T h e r e exists of c o u r s e in F r a n c e as in m o s t continental Countries
a d e e p antagonism b e t w e e n t h e t o w n i s h and rural p r o d u c e r s , b e t w e e n the
industrial Proletariat and t h e p e a s a n t r y . T h e aspirations of t h e Proletariat,
the material basis of its m o v e m e n t is labour organized on a grand scale, alt h o u g h n o w despotically organized, and t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n central-
40
ized, although n o w centralized in t h e h a n d s of t h e monopolist, not only as a
m e a n s of production, but as a m e a n s of t h e exploitation and e n s l a v e m e n t of
61
Karl Marx
the p r o d u c e r . W h a t the proletariat has [to] do is to transform t h e p r e s e n t
capitalist character of that organized labour a n d t h o s e centralized m e a n s
of labour, to transform t h e m from the m e a n s of class rule and class exploitation into forms of free associated labour and social m e a n s of p r o d u c tion. On the other hand, the labour of the p e a s a n t is insulated, and t h e
m e a n s of production are parcelled, dispersed. On t h e s e economical
differences rests superconstructed a w h o l e world of different social and
political views. B u t this p e a s a n t r y proprietorship has long since o u t g r o w n
its normal p h a s e , that is the p h a s e in which it w a s a reality, a m o d e of
production and a form of p r o p e r t y which r e s p o n d e d to the economical
w a n t s of society and placed the rural p r o d u c e r s themselves into n o r m a l
conditions of life. It has entered its period of decay. On the o n e side a large
proletariat foncier (rural proletariat) has grown out of it w h o s e interests
are identical with those of the townish w a g e s labourer. T h e m o d e of
production itself has b e c o m e superannuated by the m o d e r n progress of
agronomy. Lastly—the peasant proprietorship itself has b e c o m e nominal,
leaving to the p e a s a n t the delusion of proprietorship, and expropriating him
from the fruit of his o w n labour. T h e competition of t h e great farm p r o ducers, the bloodtax, t h e statetax, the u s u r y of t h e townish mortgagee
and the multitudinous pilfering of t h e judiciary system t h r o w n a r o u n d him, |
|17| h a v e degraded him to t h e position of a H i n d o o R y o t , while e x p r o p riation—even expropriation from his nominal proprietorship—and, his
degradation into a rural proletarian is an every d a y ' s fact. W h a t separates
the p e a s a n t from the proletarian is, therefore, no longer his real interest, b u t
his delusive prejudice. If the C o m m u n e , as we h a v e s h o w n , is t h e only
p o w e r that can give him immediate great b o o n s even in its p r e s e n t
economical conditions, it i s the only form of g o v e r n m e n t that can secure to him
the transformation of his p r e s e n t economical conditions, r e s c u e him from
expropriation by the landlord on the o n e hand, from grinding, trudging
and misery on the p r e t e x t of proprietorship on t h e other, that can convert
his nominal proprietorship of the land in the real proprietorship of the
fruits of his labour, that can c o m b i n e for him t h e profits of m o d e r n a g r o n o m y ,
dictated by social w a n t s , and every day n o w e n c r o a c h i n g u p o n him as a
hostile agency, without annihilating his position as a really i n d e p e n d e n t
p r o d u c e r . Being immediately benefited by the c o m m u n a l Republic, he w o u l d
soon confide in it. )
62
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
w
Union (Ligue) Républicaine.
T h e party of disorder, w h o s e régime t o p p e d under the corruption of the
Second E m p i r e , has left Paris ( E x o d u s from Paris), followed by its appurt e n a n c e s , its retainers, its menials, its stateparasites, its m o u c h a r d s , its
5
" c o c o t t e s " , a n d the whole b a n d of low bohème (the c o m m o n criminals)
that form t h e c o m p l e m e n t of that bohème of quality. B u t the t r u e vital
elements of the middle classes, delivered by the w o r k m e n ' s revolution from
their sham r e p r é s e n t a n t s , has for t h e first time in the history of F r e n c h
Revolution, separated from it and c o m e out in its true colours. It is t h e
10 " L i g u e of Republican L i b e r t y " acting t h e intermediary b e t w e e n Paris a n d
the Provinces, disavowing Versailles and marching u n d e r the b a n n e r s of
the C o m m u n e .
15
20
25
30
35
The Communal Revolution as the Representative
of all classes of society not living upon foreign labour.
We h a v e seen that the Paris Proletarian fights for the F r e n c h P e a s a n t ,
and Versailles fights against him; t h a t the greatest anxiety of the " r u r a u x "
is that Paris be heard by the P e a s a n t s a n d no longer separated by him
through the b l o c k a d e ; that at t h e b o t t o m of its w a r u p o n Paris is t h e attempt
to k e e p the p e a s a n t r y as its b o n d m a n and treat him as before as its matière
"taillable à merci et m i s é r i c o r d e " .
F o r the first time in history the p e t t y and moyenne middleclass h a s
openly rallied round t h e w o r k m e n ' s Revolution, and proclaimed it as the
only m e a n s of their o w n salvation and t h a t of F r a n c e ! It forms with t h e m
the bulk of t h e National guard, it sits with t h e m in the C o m m u n e , it mediates
for t h e m in the U n i o n Républicaine!
T h e principal m e a s u r e s t a k e n by the C o m m u n e are t a k e n for the salvation
of the middleclass—the d e b t o r class of Paris against the Creditor class!
T h a t middleclass had rallied in the J u n e insurrection (1848) against the
Proletariat u n d e r the b a n n e r s of t h e capitalist class, their generals, a n d
their stateparasites. It w a s p u n i s h e d at o n c e on the 19 S e p t e m b e r 1848
by the rejection of the " c o n c o r d a t s à l'amiable". T h e victory over t h e
June insurrection s h o w e d itself at o n c e also as the victory of the creditor, t h e
wealthy capitalist, over the debtor, the middleclass. It insisted mercilessly
on its p o u n d of flesh. On t h e 1 3 J u n e 1849 the national guard of that
th
63
Karl Marx
middleclass w a s disarmed and sabred d o w n by the a r m y of the bourgeoisie!
During the Empire the dilapidation of the State R e s o u r c e s , upon which the
wealthy capitalist fed, this middleclass w a s delivered to the plunder of the
stockjobber, the Railway kings, the swindling associations of the Crédit
Mobilier etc and expropriated by Capitalist Association (Joint Stock
5
C o m p a n y ) . If lowered in its political position, attacked in its economical
interests, it w a s morally revolted by the orgies of that regime. T h e infamies
of the w a r gave the last shock and r o u s e d its feelings as F r e n c h m e n . T h e
disasters b e s t o w e d u p o n F r a n c e by that war, its crisis of national d o w n b r e a k
and its financial ruin, this middle class feels that not the corrupt class of 10
the would be slaveholders of F r a n c e , but only the manly aspirations and the
herculean p o w e r of the working class can c o m e to the r e s c u e !
T h e y feel that only the workingclass can e m a n c i p a t e t h e m from priestrule,
convert science from an i n s t r u m e n t of class rule into a popular force,
convert t h e m e n of science themselves from the p a n d e r e r s to class 15
prejudice, place hunting state parasites, and allies of capital into free
agents of thought! Science can only play its genuine part in the Republic
of L a b o u r .
Republic only possible as avowedly Social Republic.
20
This civil w a r has destroyed the last delusions a b o u t " R e p u b l i c " as the
E m p i r e the delusion of unorganized "universal suffrage" in the h a n d s of
the State G e n d a r m and the p a r s o n . All vital elements of F r a n c e acknowledge
that a Republic is only in F r a n c e and E u r o p e possible as a "Social
R e p u b l i c " , that is a Republic w h i c h disowns the capital and landowner 25
class of the State machinery to s u p e r s e d e it by the C o m m u n e , that frankly
a v o w s "social e m a n c i p a t i o n " as the great goal of the Republic and
g u a r a n t e e s thus that social transformation by the C o m m u n a l organisation.
T h e other Republic can be nothing b u t the anonymous terrorism of all
monarchical fractions, of t h e combined legitimists, orleanists, and b o n a - 30
partists to land in an E m p i r e q u e l c o n q u e as its final goal, the anonymous
terror of class rule which having d o n e its dirty w o r k will always burst into an
Empire !
T h e professional republicans of the rural assembly are m e n w h o really
believe, despite the experiments of 1848—51, despite the civil w a r against 35
Paris—the republican form of class despotism a possible, lasting form,
while the " p a r t y of o r d e r " d e m a n d s it only as a form of conspiracy for
fighting the Republic and reintroducing its only a d e q u a t e form, m o n a r c h y
64
or rather Imperialism, as the form of class despotism. In 1848 t h e s e voluntary dupes w e r e p u s h e d in the foreground till, by the insurrection of J u n e ,
they had p a v e d t h e w a y for t h e anonymous rule of all fractions of t h e
would be slaveholders in F r a n c e . In 1871, at Versailles, they are from
5 beginning p u s h e d in the b a c k g r o u n d , t h e r e to figure as the " R e p u b l i c a n "
decoration of T h i e r s ' rule a n d sanction by their p r e s e n c e the w a r of t h e
Bonapartist generals u p o n Paris! In u n c o n s c i o u s self irony t h e s e w r e t c h e s
hold their p a r t y meeting in t h e Salle des Paumes (Tennis-Court) to show
h o w they h a v e degenerated from their p r e d e c e s s o r s in 1789! By their
10 Schoelchers etc they tried to coax Paris in tendering its a r m s to Thiers
and to force it into d i s a r m a m e n t by the National G u a r d of " O r d e r " under
Saisset! We do not speak of t h e socalled Socialist Paris deputies like L o u i s
Blanc. T h e y undergo m e e k l y the insults of a Dufaure and the r u r a u x ,
dote upon T h i e r s ' " l e g a l " rights, and whining in p r e s e n c e of the banditti
15 cover themselves with infamy!
Workmen and Comte.
If the w o r k m e n h a v e o u t g r o w n the time of Socialist Sectarianism, it
ought not be forgotten that t h e y h a v e never b e e n in the leading strings of
20 Comtism. This sect has n e v e r afforded t h e International b u t a branch of
about half a dozen of m e n , and w h o s e p r o g r a m m w a s rejected by the General
Council. C o m t e is k n o w n to the Parisian w o r k m e n as t h e p r o p h e t in
politics of Imperialism (of personal Dictatorship), of capitalist rule in
political e c o n o m y , of hierarchy in all spheres of h u m a n action, e v e n in the
25
sphere of science, and as the author of a n e w catechism with a n e w p o p e
and n e w saints in place of the old o n e s . If his followers in England play
a more popular part than t h o s e in F r a n c e , it is not by preaching their
Sectarian doctrines, but by their personal valour, and by the a c c e p t a n c e
on their part of the forms of w o r k i n g m e n class struggle created without
30 them, as f. i. the tradeunions and strikes in England which by the by
are d e n o u n c e d as a heresy by their Paris coreligionists. |
1181 The Commune (Social Measures).
That the w o r k m e n of Paris h a v e t a k e n the initiative of the p r e s e n t R e v o lution and in heroic self sacrifice b e a r t h e brunt of his battle, is nothing
35 new. It is the striking fact of all F r e n c h revolutions! It is only a repetition
65
Karl Marx
of the past! T h a t the revolution is m a d e in the name and confessedly
for the popular m a s s e s , that is the producing m a s s e s , is a feature this
Revolution has in c o m m o n with all its p r e d e c e s s o r s . T h e new feature is that
the people, after the first rise, h a v e not disarmed themselves and
surrendered their p o w e r into the hands of the Republican m o u n t e b a n k s
5
of the ruling classes, that, by the constitution of the Commune, t h e y h a v e
taken the actual m a n a g e m e n t of their Revolution into their o w n h a n d s and
found at the same time, in the case of success, the m e a n s to hold it in the
hands of the People itself, displacing the Statemachinery, the governmental machinery of the ruling classes by a governmental machinery 10
of their own. This is their ineffable crime! W o r k m e n infringing upon the
governmental privilege of the u p p e r 10,000 and proclaiming their will to
b r e a k the economical basis of that class despotism, which for its o w n sake
wielded the organized Stateforce of society! This is it that has t h r o w n
the respectable classes in E u r o p e as in the U n i t e d States into the p a r o x y s m 15
of convulsions and a c c o u n t s for their shrieks of abomination, it is blasp h e m y , their fierce appeals to assassination of the people, and this
Billingsgate of abuse and calumny from their parliamentary tribunes and
their journalistic s e r v a n t s ' hall!
T h e greatest m e a s u r e of the C o m m u n e is its o w n existence, working, 20
acting u n d e r circumstances of u n h e a r d of difficulty! T h e red flag, hoisted by
the Paris C o m m u n e , c r o w n s in reality only t h e g o v e r n m e n t of w o r k m e n for
Paris! They h a v e clearly, consciously proclaimed the E m a n c i p a t i o n of
L a b o u r , and the transformation of Society, as their goal! B u t the actual
" s o c i a l " character of their Republic consists only in this, that w o r k m e n 25
govern the Paris C o m m u n e ! As to their m e a s u r e s , they must, by the nature
of things, be principally confined to the military defence of Paris and its
appro visionment!
S o m e patronizing friends of the working class, while hardly dissembling
their disgust e v e n at the few m e a s u r e s t h e y consider as "socialist" although 30
there is nothing socialist in t h e m e x c e p t their tendency—express their
satisfaction and try to coax genteel sympathies for the Paris C o m m u n e
by the great discovery that after all w o r k m e n are rational men and w h e n ever in p o w e r always resolutely turn their back u p o n Socialist enterprises !
T h e y do in fact neither try to establish in Paris a phalanstère nor an Icarie.
35
Wise m e n of their generation! T h e s e b e n e v o l e n t patronizers, profoundly
ignorant of the real aspirations and the real m o v e m e n t of the working classes,
forget one thing. All the Socialist founders of Sects belong to a p e r i o d in w h i c h
the working class themselves w e r e neither sufficiently trained and organized
by the m a r c h of capitalist society itself to enter as historical agents upon 40
the world's stage, nor w e r e the material conditions of their emancipation
66
5
10
15
20
sufficiently m a t u r e d in the old world itself. Their misery existed, b u t the
conditions of their o w n m o v e m e n t did n o t yet exist. T h e Utopian f o u n d e r s
of sects, while in their criticism of p r e s e n t society clearly describing the
goal of the social m o v e m e n t , the supersession of the w a g e s system with all
its economical conditions of class rule, found neither in society itself the
material conditions of its transformation n o r in the working class t h e organized p o w e r and the conscience of t h e m o v e m e n t . T h e y tried to c o m p e n s a t e
for the historical conditions of the m o v e m e n t by p h a n t a s t i c pictures and
plans of a new society in w h o s e p r o p a g a n d a t h e y saw the true m e a n s of
salvation. F r o m the m o m e n t the w o r k i n g m e n class m o v e m e n t b e c a m e
real, the phantastic Utopias e v a n e s c e d , n o t b e c a u s e the working class h a d
given up the end aimed at by t h e s e U t o p i s t s , b u t b e c a u s e t h e y had found
the real m e a n s to realize them, but in their place came a real insight into the
historic conditions of the m o v e m e n t and a m o r e and m o r e gathering force
of the military organization of the workingclass. B u t the last 2 e n d s of t h e
m o v e m e n t proclaimed by the U t o p i a n s are the last ends proclaimed by the
Paris Revolution and by the International. Only the m e a n s are different and
the real conditions of the m o v e m e n t are no longer clouded in Utopian fables.
T h e s e patronizing friends of the Proletariat in glossing over the loudly
proclaimed Socialist tendencies of this Revolution, are therefore but the
dupes of their o w n ignorance. It is not the fault of t h e Paris proletariat,
if for t h e m the U t o p i a n creations of the p r o p h e t s of t h e w o r k i n g m e n
m o v e m e n t are still t h e "Social R e v o l u t i o n " , that is to say, if t h e Social
Revolution is for them still "Utopian".
25
Journal officiel of the Central Committee 20 Mars:
" T h e proletarians of the capital, in midst the défaillances and the
t r e a s o n s of the governing (ruling) classes, h a v e u n d e r s t o o d (compris)
that the hour was arrived for t h e m to save the situation in taking into their
30 own hands the direction of public affairs (the Statebusiness)." T h e y d e n o u n c e
" t h e political incapacity and the m o r a l decrepitude of the b o u r g e o i s i e "
as the source of " t h e misfortunes of F r a n c e " . " T h e w o r k m e n , w h o p r o d u c e
everything and enjoy nothing, w h o suffer from misery in the midst of their
accumulated p r o d u c t s , the fruit of their w o r k and their sweat, . . . shall
35
they never be allowed to work for their emancipation?... T h e proletariat,
in face of the p e r m a n e n t m e n a c e against its rights, of the absolute negation
of all its legitimate aspirations, of the ruin of the c o u n t r y and all its h o p e s ,
has understood that it w a s its imperious duty and its absolute right to
take into its hands its o w n destinies and to assure their triumph in seizing
40 the state p o w e r (en s'emparant du p o u v o i r ) . "
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Karl Marx
It is here plainly stated that the g o v e r n m e n t of the working class is, in the
first instance, necessary to save F r a n c e from the ruins and the corruption
impended upon it by the ruling classes, that the dislodgment of these
classes from P o w e r (of these classes w h o have lost t h e capacity of ruling
France) is a necessity of national safety.
B u t it is no less clearly stated that the g o v e r n m e n t by the working class
can only save F r a n c e and do the national b u s i n e s s , by working for its
own emancipation, the conditions of that emancipation being at t h e same
time the conditions of t h e regeneration of F r a n c e .
It is proclaimed as a w a r of labour upon the monopolists of t h e m e a n s
of labour, upon capital.
[ T h e chauvinism of the bourgeoisie is only the s u p r e m e vanity, giving
a national cloak to all their o w n pretentions. It is a m e a n s , by p e r m a n e n t armies, to perpetuate international struggles, to subjugate in each country
the p r o d u c e r s by pitching t h e m against their b r o t h e r s in e a c h other country,
a m e a n s to p r e v e n t the international cooperation of the working classes,
the first condition of their emancipation. T h e t r u e c h a r a c t e r of that chauvinism (long since b e c o m e a m e r e phrase) has c o m e out during t h e war of
defence after Sedan, e v e r y w h e r e paralysed by t h e Chauvinist bourgeoisie,
in the capitulation of F r a n c e , in the civil w a r carried on u n d e r that high Priest
of Chauvinism, Thiers, on B i s m a r c k ' s sufferance! It c a m e out in the petty
police intrigue of the Anti-German league, Foreigners hunting in Paris
after the capitulation. It was h o p e d that the Paris people (and the F r e n c h
people) could be stultified into the passion of National hatred and by
factitious outrages to the Foreigner forget its real aspiration and its h o m e
betrayers!
5
10
15
20
25
H o w has this factitious m o v e m e n t disappeared (vanished) before the
b r e a t h of Revolutionary Paris! L o u d l y proclaiming its international t e n d e n cies—because the cause of the producer is every[where] the same and its
e n e m y e v e r y w h e r e the same, w h a t e v e r its nationality (in w h a t e v e r national 30
garb)—it proclaimed as a principle the admission of Foreigners into the
C o m m u n e , it chose even a Foreign w o r k m a n (a m e m b e r of the International)
into its E x e c u t i v e , it decreed [the destruction of] the symbol of F r e n c h
chauvinism—the V e n d ô m e column!
A n d , while their bourgeois chauvins have d i s m e m b e r e d F r a n c e , and act 35
u n d e r the dictatorship of the Foreign Invasion, t h e Paris w o r k m e n h a v e
b e a t e n t h e Foreign e n e m y by striking at their o w n class rulers, h a v e abolished frontiers, in conquering the post as the v a n g u a r d of the w o r k m e n of
all nations!I
|19| T h e genuine patriotism of the bourgeoisie—so natural for the real 40
proprietors of the different " n a t i o n a l " estates—has faded into a m e r e s h a m
68
c o n s e q u e n t u p o n t h e cosmopolitan c h a r a c t e r imprinted upon their financial,
commercial, and industrial enterprise. U n d e r similar c i r c u m s t a n c e s it
would be exploded in all countries as it did in F r a n c e .
Decentralization by the Ruraux and The Commune.
5
It has b e e n said that Paris, and w i t h it t h e o t h e r F r e n c h t o w n s , w e r e o p p r e s s e d
by the rule of the p e a s a n t s , and that its p r e s e n t struggle is for its e m a n c i pation from the rule of the p e a s a n t r y ! N e v e r w a s a m o r e foolish lie
uttered!
Paris as t h e central seat and t h e stronghold of the centralized governto ment machinery subjected the p e a s a n t r y to the rule of the g e n d a r m e s , t h e
tax collector, the Prefect, and the priest, and t h e rural m a g n a t e s , that is to
the despotism of its e n e m i e s , and deprived it of all life (took the life out
of it). It repressed all organs of i n d e p e n d e n t life in the rural districts. On the
other hand, the g o v e r n m e n t , the rural m a g n a t e s , the gendarm and the
15 priest, into w h o s e hands the w h o l e influence of the provinces w a s thus
t h r o w n by the centralized s t a t e m a c h i n e r y centring at Paris, brought this
influence to bear for the g o v e r n m e n t and the classes w h o s e g o v e r n m e n t
it w a s , not against Paris [of] t h e g o v e r n m e n t , the parasite, the capitalist, the
idle, the cosmopolitan stew, b u t against t h e Paris of the w o r k m e n and t h e
20 thinker. In this w a y , by the g o v e r n m e n t centralization with Paris as its
b a s e , the p e a s a n t s w e r e s u p p r e s s e d by t h e Paris of the g o v e r n m e n t and
the capitalist, and the Paris of the w o r k m e n w a s suppressed by the
provincial p o w e r h a n d e d over into the h a n d s of the enemies of the peasants.
25
T h e Versailles Moniteur (29 M a r s ) declares " t h a t Paris c a n n o t be a free
city, b e c a u s e it is the capital". This is the t r u e thing. Paris, the capital of the
ruling classes and its g o v e r n m e n t , c a n n o t be a "free city", and the
provinces c a n n o t be " f r e e " , b e c a u s e such a Paris is the capital. T h e p r o v inces can only be free with the Commune at Paris. T h e party of order is
30
still less infuriated against Paris b e c a u s e it has proclaimed its o w n emancipation from t h e m and their g o v e r n m e n t , than b e c a u s e , by doing so, it has
sounded the alarm signal for t h e emancipation of the peasant and the provinces from their sway.
Journal officiel de la Commune, 1 April: " t h e revolution of the 1 8 M a r c h
35 had not for its only object the securing to Paris of c o m m u n a l representation
elected, but subject to the despotic tutelage of a national power strongly
centralized. It is to conquer, and secure independence for all the communes
of F r a n c e , and also of all superior groups, d e p a r t m e n t s , and p r o v i n c e s ,
th
69
Karl Marx
united amongst themselves for their c o m m o n interest by a really national
p a c t ; it is to guarantee and p e r p e t u a t e the R e p u b l i c . . . Paris has renounced
her apparent omnipotence which is identical with her forfeiture, she h a s
not r e n o u n c e d that moral p o w e r , that intellectual influence, w h i c h so often
has m a d e her victorious in F r a n c e and E u r o p e in her p r o p a g a n d a . "
5
X
' T h i s time again Paris w o r k s and suffers for all F r a n c e , of which it
p r e p a r e s by its c o m b a t s and its sacrifices the intellectual, moral, administrative and e c o n o m i c regeneration, the glory and the p r o s p e r i t y . " (Programme
of the Commune de Paris sent out by balloon)
*
Mr. Thiers, in his tour t h r o u g h the p r o v i n c e s , managed the elections, and
a b o v e all, his o w n manifold elections. B u t there w a s o n e difficulty. T h e
Bonapartist provincials had for the m o m e n t b e c o m e impossible. (Besides, he
did not w a n t them, nor did they w a n t him.) M a n y of t h e old Orleanist
stagers had merged into the Bonapartist lot. It w a s , therefore, n e c e s s a r y ,
to appeal to the rusticated legitimist l a n d o w n e r s , w h o had k e p t quite aloof
from politics and w e r e just the m e n to be duped. T h e y h a v e given the
apparent character to the Versailles assembly, its c h a r a c t e r of the " c h a m b r e
i n t r o u v a b l e " of Louis X V I I I , its " r u r a l " character. In their vanity, they
believed of course, that their time had at last c o m e with the downfall of
the S e c o n d Bonapartist E m p i r e and u n d e r the shelter of Foreign invasion,
as it had c o m e in 1814 and 1815. Still they are m e r e d u p e s . So far as
t h e y act, t h e y can only act as elements of the " p a r t y of o r d e r " , and its
" a n o n y m o u s " terrorism as in 1848—1851. Their o w n p a r t y effusions lend
only t h e comical character to that association. T h e y are, therefore, forced to
suffer as president the jail-accoucheur of the D u c h e s s of Berry and as their
ministers the p s e u d o republicans of the g o v e r n m e n t of defence. T h e y will
be p u s h e d aside as soon as t h e y h a v e d o n e their service. But—a freak
of history—by this curious combination of circumstances they are forced
to attack Paris b e c a u s e of revolting against " t h e Republique u n e et
indivisible" (Louis Blanc e x p r e s s e s it so, Thiers calls it unity of F r a n c e ) ,
while their very first exploit w a s to revolt against unity by declaring for
the "decapitation and decapitalization" of Paris, by w a n t i n g the A s s e m b l y to
t h r o n e in a provincial town. W h a t they really w a n t is to go b a c k to w h a t
p r e c e d e d the centralized statemachinery, b e c o m e m o r e or less independent
of its prefects and its minister, and put into its p l a c e the provincial and
local domanial influence of the C h â t e a u x . T h e y w a n t a reactionary
decentralization of F r a n c e . W h a t Paris w a n t s is to supplant that centralization which has done its service against feodality, b u t h a s b e c o m e the
m e r e unity of an artificial b o d y , resting on g e n s d a r m e s , red and black armies,
repressing the life of real society, lasting as an incubus u p o n it, giving Paris an
" a p p a r e n t o m n i p o t e n c e " by enclosing it and leaving the provinces out-
70
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
Karl M a r x : T h e Civil W a r in France (First Draft).
S e i t e 19 d e r Handschrift
door—to supplant this unitarian F r a n c e w h i c h exists besides the F r e n c h
society—by t h e political union of F r e n c h society itself t h r o u g h the C o m m u nal organization.
T h e true partisans of breaking up the unity of F r a n c e are therefore t h e
5 rurals, opposite to the united s t a t e m a c h i n e r y so far as it interferes with
their o w n local i m p o r t a n c e (seignorial rights), so far as it is the antagonist
of feudalism.
W h a t Paris w a n t s is to b r e a k up that factitious unitarian system, so far
as it is the antagonist of the real living union of F r a n c e and a mere m e a n s of
10 class rule.
Comtist view.
M e n completely ignorant of the existing economical system are of c o u r s e
still less able to c o m p r e h e n d the w o r k m e n ' s negation to that system. T h e y
15 can of course not c o m p r e h e n d t h a t the social transformation the w o r k i n g
class aim at is the n e c c e s s a r y , historical, unavoidable birth of t h e p r e s e n t
system itself. T h e y talk in d e p r e c a t o r y tones of the threatened abolition
of " p r o p e r t y " b e c a u s e in their e y e s their p r e s e n t class form of property—a
transitory historical form—is p r o p e r t y itself, and t h e abolition of t h a t
20
form would therefore be the abolition of p r o p e r t y . As they n o w defend
the " e t e r n i t y " of capital rule and the w a g e s s y s t e m , if they had lived
in feudal times or in times of slavery they would have defended t h e feudal
system and the slavesystem as f o u n d e d on the n a t u r e of things, as
springing from nature, fiercely declaimed against their " a b u s e s " , b u t at
25 the same time from the height of their ignorance answering to the prophecies
of the abolition by the d o g m a of their " e t e r n i t y " righted by " m o r a l
c h e c k s " , (constraints)
Poor m e n ! T h e y do not e v e n k n o w that e v e r y social form of property has
" m o r a l s " of its o w n , and that the form of social p r o p e r t y which m a k e s
30 property the attribute of labour, far from creating individual " m o r a l constraints" will e m a n c i p a t e t h e " m o r a l s " of the individual from its class
constraints.
T h e y are as right in their appreciation of the aims of the Paris w o r k i n g
classes, as is M . B i s m a r c k in declaring t h a t w h a t the C o m m u n e w a n t s is
35 the Prussian municipal order.
73
Karl Marx
j20J H o w the breath of the popular revolution has changed Paris! T h e
revolution of F e b r u a r y w a s called t h e Revolution of moral c o n t e m p t ! It w a s
proclaimed by the cries of the p e o p l e : "à bas les grands voleurs! à bas les
a s s a s s i n s ! " S u c h w a s the sentiment of the people. B u t as to the bourgeoisie,
they w a n t e d broader sway for corruption! T h e y got it u n d e r Louis Bona5
p a r t e ' s (Napoleon the little) reign. Paris, t h e gigantic t o w n , the t o w n of historic
initiative, w a s transformed in the Maison dorée of all the idlers and
swindlers of the world, into a cosmopolitan stew! After the e x o d u s of the
" b e t t e r class of p e o p l e " , the Paris of the w o r k i n g class r e a p p e a r e d , heroic,
selfsacrificing, enthusiastic in the sentiment of its herculean task! No 10
c a d a v e r s on the Morgue, no insecurity of the streets. Paris w a s never m o r e
quiet within. Instead of the C o c o t t e s , the heroic w o m e n of Paris! Manly,
stern, fighting, working, thinking Paris! M a g n a n i m o u s Paris! In view
of the cannibalism of their e n e m i e s , making their prisoners only dangerless ! . .
" W h a t Paris will no longer stand is yet t h e existence of t h e C o c o t t e s and 15
C o c o d è s . W h a t it is resolved to drive away or transform is this useless,
sceptical and egotistical race which has taken possession of the gigantic
t o w n , to u s e it as its o w n . No celebrity of the E m p i r e shall h a v e the right
to say, Paris is very pleasant in the b e s t q u a r t e r s , b u t there are too
m a n y p a u p e r s in the o t h e r s . " (Vérité: 23 April) " P r i v a t e crime w o n d e r - 20
fully diminished at Paris. T h e a b s e n c e of thieves and c o c o t t e s , of assassinates
and streetattacks: all the c o n s e r v a t e u r s h a v e fled to Versailles!"
" T h e r e has not been signalized o n e single nocturnal attack e v e n in the
most distant and less frequented q u a r t e r s since the citizens do their police
business t h e m s e l v e s . "
25
Thiers on the rurals:
"This p a r t y k n o w s only to e m p l o y three m e a n s : Foreign invasion, civil
war and a n a r c h y . . . such a g o v e r n m e n t will never be that of F r a n c e " .
(Chambre des Députés of 5 Janvier 1833.)
30
th
Government of Defence.
And this same T r o c h u said in his famous p r o g r a m m e : " t h e governor of
Paris will never capitulate" and Jules F a v r e in his circular: " N o t a stone of
our fortresses, nor a foot of our t e r r i t o r i e s " same as D u c r o t : "I shall never 35
74
5
return to Paris save dead or v i c t o r i o u s . " He found afterwards at B o r d e a u x
that his life w a s n e c e s s a r y for keeping d o w n t h e " r e b e l s " of Paris. ( T h e s e
w r e t c h e s k n o w that in their flight to Versailles they h a v e leftbehind the proofs
of their crimes, and to d e s t r o y t h e s e proofs, t h e y would not recoil from
making of Paris a m o u n t a i n of ruins b a t h e d in a sea of b l o o d ) (Manifeste
à la Province, by balloon).
" T h e unity which has b e e n i m p o s e d u p o n us to the present, by t h e
E m p i r e , the M o n a r c h y , and Parliamentary G o v e r n m e n t is nothing b u t
10 centralization, despotic, unintelligent, arbitrary and o n e r o u s . T h e political
unity as desired by Paris, is a voluntary association of all local i n i t i a v e s . . .
a central delegation from the F e d e r a l C o m m u n e s . . . E n d of the old governmental and clerical world, of military s u p r e m a c y and b u r e a u c r a c y a n d
jobbing in monopolies and privileges to which the proletariat owed its slavery
15
and the country its misfortunes and disasters. " (Proclamation of C o m m u n e
19. April.)
The Gendarms and Policemen.
20
20,000 G e n d a r m e s d r a w n to Versailles from all F r a n c e (im G a n z e n
30,000 unter d e m E m p i r e ) u n d 12,000 Paris policeagents,—basis of t h e finest
army F r a n c e ever had.
Republican Deputies of Paris.
The Republican deputies of Paris " h a v e not protested either against the
b o m b a r d m e n t of Paris, nor t h e s u m m a r y e x e c u t i o n s of the prisoners, n o r
the calumnies against the People of Paris. T h e y have on the contrary by
their p r e s e n c e at t h e assembly a n d their m u t i s m e given a consecration
to all these acts supported by the notoriety the republican p a r t y has given
those men. " H a v e b e c o m e the allies and conscious accomplices of t h e
30 monarchical party. Declares t h e m traitors to their m a n d a t e and the
R e p u b l i c " . (Association générale des défenseurs de la République) (9 May)
25
"Centralization leads to apoplexy in Paris and to a b s e n c e of life e v e r y where e l s e " (Lamennais).
75
Karl Marx
« Aujourd'hui t o u t se r a p p o r t e à un centre, et ce c e n t r e est, p o u r ainsi
dire, l'Etat m ê m e . » (Montesquieu)\
J211 Vendôme affair etc.
T h e Central Committee of the N a t i o n a l G u a r d , constituted by t h e nomination of a delegate of e a c h c o m p a n y , on the e n t r a n c e of the Prussians into
5
Paris, t r a n s p o r t e d to M o n t m a r t r e , Belleville and La Villette the c a n n o n s
and mitrailleuses found by the subscription of the National guards t h e m selves, which c a n n o n s and mitrailleuses w e r e a b a n d o n e d by the g o v e r n m e n t
of the National defence, e v e n in those q u a r t e r s which w e r e to be occupied
by the Prussians.
10
th
On the morning of the 18 M a r c h the g o v e r n m e n t m a d e an energetic
appeal to the National Guard, b u t out of 400,000 National G u a r d only
300 m e n a n s w e r e d .
On the 18 M a r c h , at 3 o'clock in the morning, the agents of police, and
some bataillons of the line w e r e at M o n t m a r t r e , Belleville, and La Villette
to surprise t h e guardians of artillery and to t a k e it a w a y by force.
T h e National Guard resisted, the soldiers of the line levèrent la crosse en
l'air, despite the menaces and the orders of General Lecomte, shot the s a m e
day by his soldiers at the same time as Clément T h o m a s , ("troops of t h e line
threw the butts of their m u s k e t s in the air, and fraternized with the
insurgents.")
T h e bulletin of victory by Aurelle de Paladines w a s already printed, also
p a p e r s found on the Decembrisation of Paris.
On the 19 M a r c h the Central C o m m i t t e e declared t h e state of siege of
Paris raised, on the 20 Picard proclaimed it for the d e p a r t m e n t of the
Se/ne et Oise.
18 Mars (Morning: still believing in his victory:) proclamation of Thiers,
placarded on the walls: " T h e G o v e r n m e n t has resolved to act. T h e Criminals w h o affect to institute a g o v e r n m e n t m u s t be delivered to regular
justice, and the c a n n o n s taken a w a y m u s t be restored to t h e A r s e n a l s . "
L a t e in the afternoon, t h e nocturnal surprise having failed he appeals
to the National Guards: " T h e G o v e r n m e n t is not preparing a c o u p d'état.
T h e G o v e r n m e n t of the Republic has not and c a n n o t h a v e any other aim
than the safety of the R e p u b l i c . " He will only " d o a w a y with the insurgent
c o m m i t t e e . . . almost all unknown to the population".
L a t e in the evening, a third proclamation to the National Guard, signed
by Picard and d'Aurelle: " S o m e misguided m e n . . . resist forcibly t h e
National Guard and the a r m y . . . T h e G o v e r n m e n t h a s c h o s e n that your
th
76
15
20
25
30
35
arms should be left to you. Seize t h e m with resolution to establish t h e
reign of law and to save the Republic from anarchy. "
(On the 17 S c h o e l c h e r tries to w h e e d l e t h e m into disarming.)
Proclamation of the Central Committee of the 19 March, " t h e state of
5 siege is raised. T h e people of Paris is c o n v o k e d for its c o m m u n a l e l e c t i o n s . "
Id. to the National Guards: " Y o u h a v e charged us to organize the defence
of Paris and of y o u r r i g h t s . . . At this m o m e n t our m a n d a t e has expired;
we give it b a c k to y o u , we will not t a k e the place of those w h o m the popular
b r e a t h vient de r e n v e r s e r . "
th
10
T h e y allowed the m e m b e r s of the G o v e r n m e n t to withdraw quietly to
Versailles (even such as they had in their h a n d s like F e r r y ) .
T h e c o m m u n a l elections c o n v o k e d for the 22 M a r c h t h r o u g h the
demonstration of the p a r t y of order r e m o v e d to t h e 2 6 M a r c h .
21 Mars. T h e A s s e m b l y ' s frantic r o a r s of dissent against t h e w o r d s " V i v e
15
la R é p u b l i q u e " at the e n d of a Proclamation " t o Citizens and Army".
Thiers: " I t might be a v e r y legitimate proposal e t c " (Dissent of the rurals).
Jules Favre m a d e a h a r a n g u e against the doctrine of the Republic being
superior to universal suffrage, flattered t h e rural majority, t h r e a t e n e d t h e
Parisians with Prussian intervention and provokes—the demonstration of
th
20
the Paris of Order. Thiers: "come what may he would not send an armed
force to attack Paris. " (had no t r o o p s yet to do it.)
Le comité central était si p e u sûr de sa victoire, qu'il a c c e p t a a v e c
e m p r e s s e m e n t la médiation des maires et des d é p u t é s de P a r i s . . . L ' e n t ê t e ment de Thiers lui permit (au comité) de vivre un ou d e u x j o u r s : il eut alors
25 conscience de ses forces. F a u t e s sans n o m b r e des révolutionnaires. Au lieu
de mettre les sergents de ville h o r s d'état de nuire, on leur ouvrit les p o r t e s ;
ils allèrent à Versailles, où ils furent accueillis c o m m e les sauveurs ; on
laissa partir le 43 de ligne ; on r e n v o y a d a n s leur foyers t o u s les soldats
qui avaient fraternisé a v e c le p e u p l e ; on permit à la réaction de s'organiser
30
dans le centre m ê m e de Paris ; on laissa tranquille Versailles. Tridon,
Jaclard, Varlin, Vaillant voulaient q u ' o n allait i m m é d i a t e m e n t d é b u s q u e r
les r o y a l i s t e s . . . F a v r e et Thiers faisaient des d é m a r c h e s p r e s s a n t e s a u p r è s
des autorités prussiennes d a n s le b u t d'obtenir leur c o n c o u r s . . . p o u r
réprimer le m o u v e m e n t insurrectionnel de Paris.
35
L ' o c c u p a t i o n c o n s t a n t e de T r o c h u et de Clément T h o m a s d ' e n t r a v e r
toutes les tentatives d ' a r m e m e n t s et d'organisation de la garde nationale.
La m a r c h e sur Versailles fut d é c i d é e , p r é p a r é e et entreprise par le Comité
Central, à l'insu de la C o m m u n e et m ê m e en opposition directe avec sa
volonté n e t t e m e n t m a n i f e s t é e . . .
40
Bergeret... au lieu de faire sauter le p o n t de Neuilly, q u e les fédérés ne
77
Karl Marx
pouvaient garder à cause du M o n t Valerien et des batteries établies à
C o u r b e v o i e , il laissa les royalistes s'en e m p a r e r , s'y retrancher puissamm e n t et s'assurer par là u n e voie de c o m m u n i c a t i o n avec P a r i s . . .
As M. Littré said in a letter (Daily News 20 April): " P a r i s d i s a r m e d ; Paris
manacled by the Vinoys, the Valentins, the Paladines, the Republic w a s
lost. This the Parisians understood. With the alternative of succumbing
without fighting, and risking a terrible contest of uncertain issue, t h e y
chose to fight; and I c a n n o t but praise them for i t . "
5
T h e expedition to R o m e , the w o r k of Cavaignac, Jules F a v r e , and
Thiers.
10
« Un g o u v e r n e m e n t qui a tous les avantages intérieurs du g o u v e r n e m e n t
républicain et la force extérieure du g o u v e r n e m e n t m o n a r c h i q u e . Je parle
de la République federative... C'est u n e société des sociétés, qui en font
u n e nouvelle qui p e u t s'agrandir par des n o m b r e u x associés, j u s q u ' à ce
q u e sa puissance suffise à la sûreté de ceux qui se sont unis. Cette sorte 15
de r é p u b l i q u e . . . peut se maintenir d a n s sa g r a n d e u r sans que l'intérieur se
c o r r o m p e . La forme de cette société prévient tous les inconvénients. »
(Montesquieu, Esprit des lois, 1. IX. ch. I).
Constitutions de 1793 § 78) Il y a d a n s chaque commune de la république
u n e administration municipale. D a n s chaque district, u n e administration 20
intermédiaire, dans chaque département u n e administration centrale.
§ 79) les officiers municipaux sont élus par les assemblées de la c o m m u n e .
§ 80) L e s administrateurs sont n o m m é s par les assemblées électorales de
d é p a r t e m e n t et de district. § 81) L e s municipalités et les administrations
sont renouvelées tous les ans par moitié.
25
Conseil exécutif '§ 62) c o m p o s é de 24 m e m b r e s . 63) L ' a s s e m b l é e électorale
de c h a q u e d é p a r t e m e n t n o m m e un candidat. Le corps législatif choisit sur
la liste générale, les m e m b r e s du conseil. 64) Il est renouvelé par moitié à
c h a q u e législature, dans le dernier mois de sa session. 65) Le conseil est
chargé de la direction et de la surveillance de l'administration générale. 30
66) Il n o m m e , hors de son sein, les agens en chef de l'administration
générale de la république. 68) C e s agens ne f o r m e n t point un conseil;
ils sont séparés, sans r a p p o r t s immédiats entre e u x ; ils n ' e x e r c e n t a u c u n e
autorité personnelle. 73) Le Conseil r é v o q u e et r e m p l a c e les agens à sa
nomination. |
35
|22| R o u s e d on the o n e h a n d by J. F a v r e ' s call to civil w a r in the
Assembly—he told that the Prussians had t h r e a t e n e d to interfere, if the
Parisians did not give in at once,—encouraged by t h e f o r b e a r a n c e of t h e
people and the passive attitude t o w a r d s t h e m of the Central C o m m i t t e e ,
the " P a r t y of O r d e r " at Paris resolved on a coup de main w h i c h c a m e off 40
on the 22 M a r c h under the etiquette of a Peaceful Procession, a peaceable
78
φ
d e m o n s t r a t i o n against the R e v o l u t i o n a r y G o v e r n m e n t . And it was a peaceful
d e m o n s t r a t i o n of a very peculiar c h a r a c t e r . " T h e whole m o v e m e n t s e e m e d
a surprise. T h e r e w e r e no p r e p a r a t i o n s to m e e t i t . " A riotous m o b of
" g e n t l e m e n " , in their first r a n k t h e familiars of t h e E m p i r e , t h e H e e c k e r e n ,
5
10
15
20
25
30
Coëtlogon, and H. de P ê n e e t c , illtreating and disarming national guards
d e t a c h e d from a d v a n c e d sentinels (sentries) w h o fled to the Place V e n d ô m e
w h e n c e t h e National G u a r d s m a r c h a t o n c e t o t h e R u e N e u v e d e s Petits
C h a m p s . Meeting the rioters, they received o r d e r not to fire, but t h e rioters
a d v a n c e u n d e r t h e c r y : " d o w n with t h e A s s a s s i n s ! d o w n with t h e C o m m i t t e e ! " insult t h e g u a r d s , grasp at their m u s k e t s , shoot with a r e v o l v e r citizen Maljournal (lieutenant d'était major de la place) ( m e m b r e du C o m i t é c e n tral). General Bergeret calls u p o n t h e m to w i t h d r a w (disband) (retire). During
a b o u t 5 minutes t h e d r u m s are b e a t e n and t h e s o m m a t i o n s (replacing t h e
English reading of the riot acts) m a d e . T h e y reply by cries of insult. T w o
national guards fall severely w o u n d e d . M e a n w h i l e their c o m r a d e s hesitate
and fire into t h e air. T h e rioters try to forcibly break through the lines and to
disarm them. Bergeret c o m m a n d s fire a n d t h e c o w a r d s fly. T h e émeute is
at o n c e dispersed and t h e fire c e a s e s . S h o t s w e r e fired from h o u s e s on t h e
national guard. T w o of t h e m , Wahlin and F r a n ç o i s w e r e killed, eight a r e
w o u n d e d . T h e streets through w h i c h t h e " p a c i f i c " disband are s t r e w n w i t h
revolvers and s w o r d - c a n e s " , ( m a n y of t h e m picked up in t h e R u e de la
Paix) V i c o m t e de Molinet, killed from b e h i n d (by his own people) found
with a dagger fixed by a chain.
Rappel was beaten. A n u m b e r of cane s w o r d s , revolvers, and daggers lay
on t h e streets by w h i c h the " u n a r m e d " d e m o n s t r a t i o n had p a s s e d . Pistol
shots w e r e fired before t h e insurgents received orders to fire on t h e
c r o w d . T h e manifestors w e r e t h e aggressors (witnessed b y G e n e r a l
Sheridan from a w i n d o w ) .
This w a s then simply an a t t e m p t to do by t h e reactionists of Paris,
armed with revolvers, c a n e s w o r d s , and daggers, w h a t Vinoy had failed to do
with his sergents de ville, soldiers, c a n n o n and mitrailleuse. That t h e
" l o w e r o r d e r s " of Paris allowed t h e m s e l v e s not e v e n to be disarmed by t h e
" g e n t l e m e n " of Paris, w a s really t o o b a d !
W h e n on t h e 1 3 J u n e 1849 t h e N a t i o n a l G u a r d s of Paris m a d e a really
" u n a r m e d " and " p a c i f i c " p r o c e s s i o n to p r o t e s t against a crime, t h e a t t a c k
o n R o m e b y the F r e n c h t r o o p s , G e n e r a l Changarnier w a s praised b y his
intimate Thiers for sabring and shooting them d o w n . T h e state of siege
was declared, n e w laws of r e p r e s s i o n , n e w proscriptions, a new reign of
terror! Instead of all that, t h e Central C o m m i t t e e and t h e w o r k m e n of
Paris strictly kept on t h e defensive, during t h e e n c o u n t e r itself, allowed
the assailers, the gentlemen of t h e dagger, to r e t u r n quietly h o m e , a n d ,
th
35
40
79
Karl Marx
by their indulgence, by n o t calling t h e m to a c c o u n t for this daring enterprise, encouraged them so m u c h , that t w o days later, u n d e r t h e leadership
of admiral Saisset, sent from Versailles, rallied again and tried again their
h a n d s at civil war.
A n d this V e n d ô m e affair e v o k e d at Versailles a cry of "Assassination
of u n a r m e d c i t i z e n s " reverberating throughout the world. Be it remarked
that even Thiers while eternally reiterating the assassination of the
t w o generals, has n o t o n c e dared to remind the world of this " A s s a s s i n a t i o n
of u n a r m e d citizens".
5
As in the medieval times the knight m a y use any w e a p o n w h a t e v e r against 10
t h e plebejan, b u t the latter m u s t not dare e v e n to defend himself.
(27 M a r s . Versailles. Thiers: "I give a formal contradiction to t h o s e
w h o accuse me of leading the w a y for a monarchical settlement. I found
the Republic an accomplished fact. Before God and m e n I declare I will not
betray it". )
15
After the second rising of the p a r t y of Order, the Paris people t o o k no
reprisals w h a t e v e r . T h e Central C o m m i t t e e e v e n committed the great
blunder, against the advice of its m o s t energetic m e m b e r s , not to m a r c h
at o n c e at Versailles, w h e r e , after the flight of A d m . Saisset and the
ridiculous collapse of the National G u a r d of O r d e r , C o n s t e r n a t i o n ruled 20
s u p r e m e , there being not yet any forces of resistance organized.
After t h e election of the C o m m u n e , the p a r t y of order tried again their
forces at the ballot b o x , and, w h e n again b e a t e n , effected their E x o d u s
from Paris. During the election handshaking a n d fraternization of t h e
Bourgeois (in the courts of the Mayoralties) with the insurgent National 25
G u a r d s , while among themselves t h e y talk of nothing b u t "decimation en
m a s s e " , "mitrailles", "frying at C a y e n n e " , " w h o l e s a l e fusillades". " T h e
r u n a w a y s of yesterday think to-day by flattering the m e n of the Hôtel-deVille to keep t h e m quiet until the Rurals and Bonapartist generals, w h o
are gathering at Versailles will be in a position to fire on t h e m . "
30
Thiers c o m m e n c e d the a r m e d attack on the National G u a r d for the
second time in Affair of April 2. Fighting b e t w e e n C o u r b e v o i e and Neuilly,
close to Paris. National G u a r d s b e a t e n , bridge of Neuilly occupied by
T h i e r s ' soldiers. Several t h o u s a n d s of National G u a r d s having c o m e out
of Paris and occupied Courbevoie et P u t e a u x a n d the bridge of Neuilly, 35
routed. M a n y prisoners taken. M a n y of the insurgents immediately shot as
rebels. Versailles troops began the firing.
Commune: " T h e G o v e r n m e n t of Versailles has attacked u s . N o t being
able to count upon the army, it has sent Pontifical Z o u a v e s of Charette,
B r e t o n s of T r o c h u , and G e n d a r m e s of Valentin, i n o r d e r t o b o m b a r d N e u i l l y . " 40
On 2 April the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t had sent forward a division chiefly
Dd
80
consisting of Gendarmes, Marines, Forest Guard, and Police. Vinoy with
two brigades of infantry, a n d Galliffet at the head of a brigade of cavalry a n d
a battery of artillery a d v a n c e d u p o n Courbevoie.
Paris. April 4. Millière (Declaration) " t h e people of Paris w a s not making
any aggressive a t t e m p t . . . w h e n the G o v e r n m e n t o r d e r e d it to be attacked
by the ex-soldiers of the E m p i r e , organized as pretorian troops, u n d e r the
C o m m a n d of e x - S e n a t o r s . " |
81
Karl Marx
( S e c o n d Draft)
The Civil War in France (Second Draft)
111 1) Government of Defence.
Trochu, Favre, Picard, Ferry.
t h
5
10
[ T h e republic, proclaimed on the 4 S e p t e m b e r by the Paris w o r k m e n , w a s
acclaimed through all F r a n c e w i t h o u t a single voice of dissent. Its right of
life w a s fought for in a 5 m o n t h s ' defensive w a r (centring in) b a s e d u p o n t h e
resistance of Paris. W i t h o u t t h a t w a r of defence w a g e d in the n a m e of t h e
Republic, William the " C o n q u e r o r " would h a v e restored the E m p i r e of
his "good b r o t h e r " Louis B o n a p a r t e . T h e cabal of barristers, with Thiers
for their statesman, and T r o c h u for their general, w h o installed themselves at the Hôtel-de-Ville at a m o m e n t of surprise, w h e n the real leaders
of t h e Paris working class w e r e still shut up in Bonapartist prisons and t h e
Prussian a r m y w a s already marching u p o n Paris. So deeply w e r e t h e Thiers,
the Jules F a v r e , t h e Picard t h e n i m b u e d with the belief in the historical
leadership of Paris, that to legitimate their title as the g o v e r n m e n t of
15
national defence they founded their claim exclusively upon their having
b e e n chosen in the elections to the C o r p s Législatif, in 1869, as the Deputies
of Pans.
[ In our S e c o n d a d d r e s s on t h e late war, five days after the a d v e n t of
those m e n , we told y o u w h a t t h e y w e r e . If they had seized the g o v e r n m e n t
20 without consulting Paris, Paris had proclaimed the republic in the t e e t h of
their resistance. A n d their first step w a s to send Thiers begging about at all
courts of E u r o p e t h e r e to b u y if possible Foreign mediation bartering the
Republic for a king. Paris did b e a r w i t h their a s s u m p t i o n of power, b e c a u s e
they highly professed on their solemn v o w to wield that p o w e r for t h e
25
single p u r p o s e of national defence. Paris, h o w e v e r , w a s not to be seriously
defended without arming the working class, organizing t h e m into a National
Guard, and training their r a n k s t h r o u g h the w a r itself. B u t Paris a r m e d w a s
the social Revolution armed. T h e victory of Paris over its Prussian besieger
would h a v e been a victory of t h e Republic over F r e n c h classrule. In this
85
Karl Marx
conflict b e t w e e n national duty and class interest, the G o v e r n m e n t of
national Defence did not hesitate one m o m e n t to turn into a g o v e r n m e n t
of national defection. In a letter to G a m b e t t a , Jules F a v r e confessed that w h a t
T r o c h u stood in defence of, was not the Prussian soldier, but the Paris
w o r k m a n . F o u r m o n t h s after the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the siege, w h e n they
5
thought the o p p o r t u n e m o m e n t c o m e for breaking the first w o r d of
capitulation, T r o c h u , in the p r e s e n c e of Jules F a v r e and others of his colleagues, addresses the reunion of the maires of Paris in t h e s e t e r m s :
" T h e first question, addressed to me by my colleagues, on the very
evening of the 4 September, w a s this: Paris can it, with any c h a n c e of
10
success, stand a siege against the Prussian a r m y ? I did not hesitate to answer
in the negative. Some of my colleagues here p r e s e n t will w a r r a n t the truth of my
w o r d s , and the persistence of my opinion. I told t h e m , in these very t e r m s ,
that under the existing state of things, the attempt of Paris to maintain a
siege against the Prussian a r m y would be a folly. Without doubt, I added, 15
th
it might be a heroic folly, b u t it would be nothing m o r e
The events
(managed by himself) have not given the lie to my prevision. " (This little
speech of T r o c h u ' s w a s after t h e armistice published by M. C o r b o n , one of
the Maires present.) T h u s , on the very evening of the proclamation of
the Republic, T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " , k n o w n to his colleagues, w a s nothing else
but the capitulation of Paris and France. To c u r e Paris of its " h e r o i c
folly", it had to undergo a t r e a t m e n t of decimation and famine, long
enough to screen the u s u r p e r s of the 4 of S e p t e m b e r from the v e n g e a n c e
of the D e c e m b e r men. If t h e "national d e f e n c e " h a d been m o r e than a false
p r e t e n c e for " g o v e r n m e n t " , its self appointed m e m b e r s would h a v e abdicated
on the 5 of September, publicly revealed T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " , and called
u p o n the Paris people to at o n c e surrender to the c o n q u e r o r or t a k e the w o r k
of defence in its own hands. Instead of this the imposters published highsounding manifestoes w h e r e i n T r o c h u " t h e governor will never c a p i t u l a t e "
and Jules F a v r e the Foreign minister "not c e d e a stone of o u r fortresses, n o r
a foot of our territory". T h r o u g h t h e w h o l e time of t h e siege T r o c h u ' s plan
was systematically carried out. In fact, the vile Bonapartist cut-throats,
to w h o s e trust they gave the generalship of Paris, c r a c k e d in their intimate
c o r r e s p o n d e n c e ribald j o k e s at the well u n d e r s t o o d farce of the defence.
(See f.i. the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of Alphonse Simon Guiod, s u p r e m e comm a n d e r of the artillery of the army of defence of Paris and Grand Cross of
the Legion of H o n o u r , to Suzanne, General of Division of Artillery, published
by the Journal Officiel of the C o m m u n e . ) T h e m a s k of imposture w a s
d r o p p e d at the capitulation of Paris. T h e "government of national defence"
u n m a s k e d itself as the "government of France by Bismarck's prisoners"—a
p a r t which Louis B o n a p a r t e himself at Sedan had considered too infamous
20
th
25
lh
86
30
35
40
even for a m a n of his stamp. On their wild flight to Versailles, after the
events of the 18 M a r c h , the capitulards h a v e left in the hands of Paris
the d o c u m e n t a r y e v i d e n c e of their t r e a s o n , to destroy which, as t h e C o m m u n e says in its Manifesto to the Provinces, " t h e y would not recoil from
5 battering Paris into a heap of ruins w a s h e d in a sea of b l o o d " .
th
S o m e of the most influential m e m b e r s of the government of defence
had m o r e o v e r urgent private r e a s o n s ' o f their o w n to be passionately b e n t
upon such a c o n s u m m a t i o n . L o o k only at Jules F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard, and
Jules F e r r y !
10
[ Shortly after t h e conclusion of the armistice, M.Millière, o n e of the
representatives of Paris to the National A s s e m b l y , published a series of
authentic legal d o c u m e n t s in proof t h a t Jules Favre, living in concubinage
with the wife of a drunkard, resident at Algiers, had, by a most daring
concoction of forgeries, spread over m a n y y e a r s , contrived to grasp, in
15 the name of the children of his adultery, a large succession which m a d e
him a rich man, and that, in a law suit u n d e r t a k e n by the legitimate
heirs, he only escaped e x p o s u r e through the connivance of the Bonapartist tribunals. Since those dry legal d o c u m e n t s w e r e not to be got rid
of by any h o r s e p o w e r of rhetorics, Jules F a v r e , in the same heroism of self20
abasement, remained for o n c e tongue-tied until the turmoil of the civil w a r
allowed him to b r a n d the Paris people in the Versailles assembly as a band
of " e s c a p e d c o n v i c t s " in utter revolt against family, religion, order and
property!
(Pic affaire). This very forger had hardly got into p o w e r w h e n he sym25 pathetically hastened to liberate t w o brother forgers, Pic and Taillefer,
under the Empire itself convicted to the hulks for theft and forgery. One of
these men, Taillefer, daring to return to Paris after t h e instalment of the
C o m m u n e , was at o n c e returned to a convenient a b o d e ; and then Jules
F a v r e told all E u r o p e that Paris was setting free all the felonious inhabitants
30 of her prisons!
Ernest Picard, appointed by himself t h e homeminister of the F r e n c h
Republic on the 4 of September, after having striven in vain to b e c o m e
the homeminister of L o u i s B o n a p a r t e , is the brother of o n e Arthur Picard,
an individual expulsed from t h e Paris b o u r s e as a blackleg (Report of the
th
35
Prefecture of Police d. d. 13 July 1867) and convicted on his o w n confession
of a theft of 300,000 fcs while a director of o n e of the b r a n c h e s of t h e
Société Générale, (see R e p o r t of the Prefecture of Police 11 D e c e m b e r
1868). Both these reports h a v e b e e n still published at the time of the
Empire. This A r t h u r Picard was m a d e by E r n e s t Picard the rédacteur en chef
40 of his "Electeur libre" to act, during the whole siege, as his financial
go-between, discounting at the B o u r s e t h e state secrets in the trust of
87
Karl Marx
E r n e s t and safely speculating on the disasters of the F r e n c h army, while
the c o m m o n jobbers w e r e misled by the false n e w s , and official lies,
published in the "Electeur libre", the organ of the h o m e minister. T h e
whole financial c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n that w o r t h y pair of brethren has
fallen into the h a n d s of t h e C o m m u n e . No w o n d e r t h a t E r n e s t Picard,
5
t h e Joe Miller of the Versailles g o v e r n m e n t , " w i t h his h a n d s in his
t r o u s e r s ' p o c k e t s , walked from group to group cracking j o k e s " , at the
first b a t c h of Paris National G u a r d s , m a d e prisoners, and e x p o s e d to the
ferocious outrages of Piétri's lambs.
Jules Ferry, a pennyless barrister before the 4 of S e p t e m b e r , contrived,
10
as the Maire of Paris, to j o b during the siege a fortune out of the famine
which w a s to a great part the w o r k of his maladministration. T h e day on
w h i c h he would h a v e to give an a c c o u n t of his maladministration w o u l d be
his day of judgement. T h e d o c u m e n t a r y proofs are in the h a n d s of the
Commune.
15
T h e s e m e n , therefore, are the deadly foes of t h e w o r k i n g m e n ' s Paris,
not only as parasites of the ruling classes, not only as the betrayers of Paris
during the siege, but a b o v e all as c o m m o n felons w h o b u t in t h e ruins
of Paris, this stronghold of the F r e n c h Revolution, can h o p e to find their
tickets of leave. These d e s p e r a d o e s w e r e exactly the m e n to b e c o m e the 20
ministers of Thiers. |
t h
| 2 | 2) Thiers. Dufaure. Pouyer-Quertier.
In the "parliamentary s e n s e " things are only a p r e t e x t for w o r d s serving
as a snare for the adversary, an a m b u s c a d e for the people, or a m a t t e r
of artistic display for the speaker himself.
Their master, M . T h i e r s , t h e mischievous g n o m e , has c h a r m e d the
F r e n c h bourgeoisie for almost half a c e n t u r y b e c a u s e he is the m o s t cons u m m a t e intellectual expression of their o w n class corruption. E v e n before
he b e c a m e a statesman, he had shown his lying p o w e r s as a historian.
E a g e r of display, like all dwarfish m e n , greedy of place and pelf, with a
barren intellect but lively fancy, epicurean, sceptical, of an encyclopedic
facility for mastering the surface of things, and turning things into a m e r e
p r e t e x t for talk, a wordf encer of rare conversational p o w e r , a writer of lucid
shallowness, a m a s t e r of small state roguery, a virtuoso in perjury, a craftsm a n in all the petty stratagems, cunning devices a n d b a s e perfidies of parliamentary party warfare, national and class prejudices standing him in the
place of ideas, and vanity in the place of c o n s c i e n c e , in order to displace a
rival, a n d to shoot the people, in order to stifle t h e Revolution, mischievous
88
r
w h e n in opposition, odious w h e n in p o w e r , n e v e r scrupling to p r o v o k e
revolutions t h e history of his public life is t h e chronicle of the miseries of
his country. F o n d of brandishing with his dwarfish a r m s in the face of E u r o p e
the sword of the first N a p o l e o n , w h o s e historical shoeblack he had b e c o m e ,
5 his Foreign policy always culminated in t h e utter humiliation of F r a n c e ,
from t h e L o n d o n convention of 1841 to t h e Paris capitulation of 1871 and t h e
p r e s e n t civil w a r he wages u n d e r the shelter of Prussian invasion. It need not be
said that to such a m a n the d e e p e r u n d e r c u r r e n t s of m o d e r n society
remained a close b o o k , b u t e v e n t h e m o s t palpable changes at its surface
10
w e r e a b h o r r e n t to a brain all w h o s e vitality had fled to the tongue. F. i. he
n e v e r fatigued to d e n o u n c e a n y deviation from t h e old F r e n c h p r o t e c t i v e
system as a sacrilege, railways he sneeringly derided, w h e n a minister of
L o u i s Philippe, as a wild chimera, a n d e v e r y reform of t h e rotten F r e n c h
a r m y system he b r a n d e d u n d e r L o u i s B o n a p a r t e as a profanation. W i t h all his
15
versatility of talent and shiftiness of p u r p o s e , he w a s steadily w e d d e d to t h e
traditions of a fossilized routine, and never, during his long official career,
b e c a m e guilty of o n e single, e v e n the smallest m e a s u r e of practical u s e .
Only the old world's edifice, m a y be p r o u d of being c r o w n e d by t w o s u c h
m e n as N a p o l e o n t h e little and little Thiers. [ T h e socalled a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s
20
of culture appear in such a m a n only as t h e refinement of d e b a u c h e r y and
the
of selfishness.
[ Banded with t h e republicans u n d e r t h e restauration, Thiers insinuated
himself with Louis Philippe as a spy u p o n and the jailaccoucheur of t h e
D u c h e s s of Berry, but his activity w h e n he h a d first slipt into a ministry
25 (1834—35) centred in t h e m a s s a c r e of the insurgent Republicans at the r u e
T r a n s n o n a i n and the incubation of t h e atrocious S e p t e m b e r laws against the
press.
[ Reappearing as the chief of the cabinet in M a r c h 1840, he c a m e o u t with
the plot of the Paris fortifications. To the [outcry] of t h e Republican p a r t y ,
30 against the sinister attempt on the liberty of Paris, he replied: " W h a t ! To
fancy that any w o r k s of fortification could e n d a n g e r liberty! A n d first
of all, you calumniate every Government whatever in supposing that it
could one day try to maintain itself by b o m b a r d i n g the c a p i t a l . . . B u t it
would be hundred times m o r e impossible after its victory than b e f o r e . "
35
Indeed no F r e n c h g o v e r n m e n t w h a t e v e r save that of M. Thiers himself
with his ticket-of-leave ministers and his rural assembly r u m i n a n t s could
h a y e dared upon such a deed! A n d this too in t h e m o s t classic form; o n e p a r t
of his fortifications in the h a n d s of his Prussian c o n q u e r o r s and p r o tectors.
40
[ W h e n King B o m b a tried his h a n d s at P a l e r m o in J a n u a r y 1848, Thiers
rose in the C h a m b r e of D e p u t i e s : " Y o u k n o w , gentlemen, w h a t p a s s e s at
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Karl Marx
P a l e r m o : you all shook with h o r r o r " (in the " p a r l i a m e n t a r y " sense) " w h e n
hearing that during 48 hours a great town has been bombarded. By w h o m ?
w a s it by a Foreign e n e m y , exercising the rights of w a r ? N o , gentlemen, by
its own government. " (If it had b e e n by its o w n g o v e r n m e n t , u n d e r the
eyes and on the sufferance of the Foreign e n e m y , all would, of c o u r s e , h a v e
5
been right.) " A n d w h y ? Because that unfortunate town (city) demanded
its rights. Well, then. F o r the d e m a n d of its rights, it has had 48 hours of
bombardment." (If the b o m b a r d m e n t h a d lasted 4 w e e k s and m o r e all
would h a v e been right) " . . .Allow me to appeal to the opinion of E u r o p e . It is
doing a service to mankind to c o m e and m a k e r e v e r b e r a t e from t h e 10
greatest tribune p e r h a p s of E u r o p e some words of indignation (indeed!
words!) against such a c t s . . . W h e n the regent E s p a r t e r o , w h o had r e n d e r e d
services to his country, (what Thiers never did), in order to suppress
an insurrection, wanted to bombard Barcelona, there w a s from all parts of the
world a general shriek of indignation."
15
Well, about a year later this fine-souled m a n b e c a m e the sinister suggester
and the m o s t fierce defender (apologist) of the b o m b a r d m e n t of R o m e
by the troops of the F r e n c h republic, u n d e r the c o m m a n d of the legitimist
Oudinot.
A few d a y s before the Revolution of F e b r u a r y , fretting at the long exile 20
from p o w e r to which Guizot had c o n d e m n e d him, smelling in the air the
c o m m o t i o n , Thiers exclaimed again in the C h a m b r e of D e p u t i e s :
"I am of the party of Revolution not only in F r a n c e , but in E u r o p e . I wish
the g o v e r n m e n t of the Revolution to remain in the hands of m o d e r a t e m e n . . .
B u t if that government should pass into the h a n d s of ardent m e n , e v e n 25
of the Radicals, I should not for all that desert (abandon) my cause. I shall
always be of the party of the Revolution. "
T h e Revolution of F e b r u a r y c a m e . I n s t e a d of displacing the cabinet
Guizot by the cabinet Thiers, as the little m a n had dreamt, it displaced
Louis Philippe by the Republic. To put down that Revolution w a s 30
M . T h i e r s ' exclusive business from the proclamation of the Republic to
t h e Coup d'Etat. On t h e first day of the popular victory, he anxiously hid
himself, forgetting that the c o n t e m p t of the people rescued him from
its hatred. Still, with his legendary courage, he continued to shy the public
stage until after the bloody disruption of the material forces of t h e Paris pro- 35
letariat by Cavaignac, the bourgeois republican. T h e n the scene w a s cleared
for his sort of action. His hour had again struck. He b e c a m e the leading mind
of the "Party of Order" and its "Parliamentary Republic", that a n o n y m o u s
reign in which all the rival factions of the ruling classes conspired together to
crush the working class and conspired against e a c h other each for the 40
restoration of its own m o n a r c h y . |
90
| 4 | 3) The Rural Assembly.
If this rural assembly, meeting at B o r d e a u x , m a d e this g o v e r n m e n t , the
" g o v e r n m e n t of defence m e n " had b e f o r e h a n d t a k e n good care to m a k e
that assembly. F o t that p u r p o s e they had dispatched Thiers on a travelling
5 tour through the p r o v i n c e s , t h e r e to f o r e s h a d o w coming e v e n t s a n d m a k e
ready for the surprise of the general elections. Thiers had to o v e r c o m e one
difficulty. Quite apart from having b e c o m e an abomination to the F r e n c h
people the Bonapartists, if n u m e r o u s l y elected, would at o n c e h a v e r e s t o r e d
the Empire and embaled M . T h i e r s and Co. for a voyage to C a y e n n e . T h e
10
Orleanists w e r e too sparsely scattered to fill their o w n places and t h o s e
vacated by the Bonapartists. To galvanize the Legitimist p a r t y , had therefore
b e c o m e unavoidable. Thiers w a s not afraid of his task. Impossible as a
government of m o d e r n F r a n c e , and therefore contemptible as rivals for
place and pelf, w h o could be fitter to be handled as the blind tool of Counter-
15
revolution, than the p a r t y w h o s e action, in the w o r d s of Thiers, had always
been confined to the t h r e e r e s o u r c e s of " F o r e i g n invasion, civil war, and
a n a r c h y " . (Speech of Thiers at the Chambre of Deputies of January 5,
1833). A select set of the Legitimists, expropriated by the Revolution of
1789, had regained their estates by enlisting in the servant hall of t h e first
20 N a p o l e o n , the bulk of t h e m by the milliard of indemnity and the private
donations of the Restauration. E v e n their seclusion from participation in
active politics u n d e r the successive reigns of L o u i s Philippe and N a p o l e o n
the little, served as a lever to the reestablishment of their wealth as landed
proprietors. F r e e d from court dissipation and representation c o s t s at
25
Paris, they had, out of the very c o r n e r s of provincial F r a n c e , only to gather
the golden apples falling into their c h â t e a u x from the tree of m o d e r n industry,
railways enhancing the price of their land, a g r o n o m y applied to it by
capitalist farmers, increasing its p r o d u c e , and the inexhaustible d e m a n d of a
rapidly swollen t o w n population securing the g r o w t h of m a r k e t s for that
30 produce. T h e very same social agencies w h i c h reconstituted their material
wealth and r e m a d e their i m p o r t a n c e as p a r t n e r s of that j o i n t s t o c k c o m p a n y
of m o d e r n slaveholders, screened t h e m from the infection of the m o d e r n
ideas and allowed them, in rustic i n n o c e n c e , nothing to forget and nothing to
learn. Such people furnished the m e r e passive material to be w o r k e d upon by
35 a man like Thiers. While executing the mission, entrusted to him by the
government of Defence, the mischievous imp o v e r r e a c h e d his mandataries
in securing to himself that multitude of elections which w a s to convert
the defence m e n from his o p p o n e n t m a s t e r s into his a v o w e d servants.
[ T h e electoral traps being t h u s laid, t h e F r e n c h people w a s suddenly
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Karl Marx
s u m m o n e d by the capitulards of Paris to c h o o s e within 8 d a y s a national
a s s e m b l y with the exclusive t a s k by virtue of the t e r m s of the convention of
the 3 1 January, dictated b y Bismarck, t o decide o n w a r o r p e a c e . Quite
apart from t h e extraordinary c i r c u m s t a n c e s , u n d e r w h i c h that election o c curred, with no time for deliberation, with o n e half of F r a n c e u n d e r t h e s w a y
5
of Prussian b a y o n e t s , with its other half secretly w o r k e d upon by the
g o v e r n m e n t intrigue, with Paris secluded from the p r o v i n c e s , the F r e n c h
people felt instinctively that the very t e r m s of the armistice, u n d e r g o n e by t h e
capitulards, left F r a n c o no alternative choice but t h a t of a p e a c e à outrance
and that for its sanction the w o r s t m e n of F r a n c e would be the best. H e n c e the
10
rural a s s e m b l y emerging at B o r d e a u x .
st
[ Still we must distinguish b e t w e e n t h e old regime orgies and t h e real
historical business of the rurals. Astonished to find t h e m s e l v e s the strongest
fraction of an immense majority, c o m p o s e d of t h e m s e l v e s a n d the Orleanists,
with a contingent of Bourgeois republicans and a m e r e sprinkling of Bonapartists, they verily believed in t h e long e x p e c t e d a d v e n t of their r e t r o spective millennium. T h e r e w e r e the heels of the Foreign invasion trampling
u p o n F r a n c e , there w a s the downfall of t h e E m p i r e and the captivity of a
B o n a p a r t e , and there t h e y w e r e t h e m s e l v e s . T h e w h e e l of history had
evidently turned round to stop at the Chambre introuvable of 1816, with
its d e e p and impassionate curses against the Revolutionary deluge and
its abominations, with its "decapitation a n d decapitalization of P a r i s " ,
its " d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n " breaking through the n e t w o r k of state rule by the
local influences of the Châteaux and its religious homilies and its t e n e t s
of antediluvian politics, with its gentilhommery, flippancy, its généalogie
spite against the drudging m a s s e s , and its Oeil de Boeuf views of the
world. Still in point of fact they h a d only to act their p a r t as joint stock holders
of t h e " p a r t y of o r d e r " , as monopolists of t h e m e a n s of production. F r o m
1848 to 1851, they had only to form a fraction of t h e interregnum of
the "parliamentary r e p u b l i c " , with this difference that then they w e r e
r e p r e s e n t e d by their e d u c a t e d and trained parliamentary c h a m p i o n s , the
Berryer, the Falloux, the Larochejaquelein, while n o w they had to ask
in their rustic r a n k and file, imparting t h u s a different t o n e and t u n e to t h e
assembly, maskerading its bourgeois reality u n d e r feudal colours. Their
g r o t e s q u e exaggerations serve only to set off t h e liberalism of their
banditti government. E n s n a r e d into an usurpation of p o w e r s b e y o n d their
electoral m a n d a t e s , t h e y live only on the sufferance of their selfmade rulers.
T h e Foreign invasion of 1814 and 1815 having b e e n the deadly w e a p o n
wielded against them by the bourgeois p a r v e n u s , t h e y h a v e in injudicial blindness b e s t o w e d upon themselves the responsibility of this u n p r e c e d e n t e d
surrender of F r a n c e to the Foreigner by their bourgeois foes. A n d the
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15
20
25
30
35
40
r
F r e n c h people astonished and insulted by the r e a p p e a r a n c e of all t h e
noble P o u r c e a u g n a c s it believed buried long since, has b e c o m e a w a r e that
beside making t h e Revolution of the 19 c e n t u r y it has to finish off t h e
Revolution of 1789 by driving the r u m i n a n t s to the last goal of all rustic
5 animals—the shambles. |
th
| 6 | 5) Opening of the civil war. 18 March Revolution.
Clement Thomas. Lecomte. The Affaire Vendôme.
[ T h e d i s a r m a m e n t of Paris, as a m e r e necessity of the contrerevolutionary
plot might h a v e b e e n u n d e r t a k e n in a m o r e temporizing c i r c u m s p e c t m a n n e r ,
10 but as a clause of the urgent financial t r e a t y with its irresistible fascinations
it b r o o k e d no delay. Thiers had therefore to try his h a n d s at a coup d'Etat.
He opened t h e civil w a r by sending V i n o y , the D é c e m b r i s e r , at the head
of a multitude of sergents de ville and a few regiments of the line, upon
the nocturnal expedition against t h e Buttes M o n t m a r t r e . T h i e r s ' felonious
15
attempt having b r o k e n d o w n on t h e resistance of t h e National G u a r d s
and their fraternization with the soldiers, on the following day, in a
manifesto, stuck to the walls of Paris, Thiers told t h e National G u a r d s of his
magnanimous resolve to leave t h e m their arms with which he felt sure,
they would be eager to rally r o u n d the g o v e r n m e n t against " t h e r e b e l s " .
20
Out of 300,000 national guards only 300 r e s p o n d e d to his s u m m o n s . T h e
glorious w o r k m e n ' s Revolution of the 1 8 M a r c h had t a k e n undisputed
possession (sway) of Paris.
[ T h e Central C o m m i t t e e , w h i c h directed the defence of M o n t m a r t r e a n d
emerged on the d a w n of the 18 M a r c h as the leader of the Revolution, w a s
25 neither an expedient of the m o m e n t nor t h e offspring of secret conspiracy.
From the v e r y day of the capitulation, by w h i c h the g o v e r n m e n t of t h e
national defence had disarmed F r a n c e b u t r e s e r v e d to itself a b o d y g u a r d
of 40,000 troops for t h e p u r p o s e of cowing Paris, Paris stood on the w a t c h .
T h e national guard reformed its organization and entrusted its s u p r e m e
30 control to a Central C o m m i t t e e , consisting of the delegates of the single
companies, mostly w o r k m e n , with their main strength in the w o r k m e n ' s
suburbs, b u t soon a c c e p t e d by t h e w h o l e b o d y save its old Bonapartist formations. On the e v e of the e n t r a n c e of the Prussians into Paris, the Central
committee took m e a s u r e s for t h e r e m o v a l to M o n t m a r t r e , Belleville, a n d
th
th
35
La Villette, of the c a n n o n s a n d mitrailleuses treacherously a b a n d o n e d by
the capitulards, e v e n in those q u a r t e r s w h i c h the Prussians w e r e a b o u t to
occupy. It thus m a d e safe of the artillery, furnished by t h e subscriptions of
the National Guard, officially recognized as their private property in t h e
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Karl Marx
st
convention of the 3 1 of J a n u a r y , a n d on that very title e x e m p t e d from t h e
general surrender of a r m s . During t h e w h o l e interval from the meeting of
t h e National Assembly at B o r d e a u x to t h e 18 of M a r c h , the Central
C o m m i t t e e had been the p e o p l e ' s g o v e r n m e n t of the capital, strong enough
to persist in its firm attitude of defence despite the provocations of the
A s s e m b l y , the violent m e a s u r e s of the E x e c u t i v e , and the m e n a c i n g
concentration of t r o o p s .
th
5
[ T h e defeat of Vinoy by the National G u a r d w a s b u t a c h e c k given to
the Counterrevolution plotted by ruling classes, but t h e Paris people t u r n e d
at o n c e that incident of their self defence into the first act of a social 10
Revolution. T h e revolution of the 4 S e p t e m b e r had r e s t a u r e d the Republic
after the throne of the u s u r p e r had b e c o m e vacant. T h e tenacious resista n c e of Paris during its siege, serving as t h e basis for the defensive w a r in
the provinces, had w r u n g from the Foreign invader the recognition of that
Republic, b u t its true meaning and p u r p o s e w e r e only revealed on the 15
18 of March. It was to s u p e r s e d e the social and political conditions of
class rule, upon which the old world's system rests, w h i c h had e n g e n d e r e d
the Second E m p i r e and under its tutelage, ripened into r o t t e n n e s s . E u r o p e
thrilled as under an electric shock. It seemed for a m o m e n t to d o u b t
w h e t h e r its late sensational p e r f o r m a n c e s of state and war had any reality 20
in t h e m and w e r e not the m e r e sanguinary d r e a m s of a long b y g o n e past.
T h e traces of the long e n d u r e d famine still u p o n their figures, and u n d e r
the very eye of Prussian b a y o n e t s , the Paris working class c o n q u e r e d in o n e
b o u n d the championship of progress etc.
t h
th
In the sublime enthusiasm of historic initiative, the Paris w o r k m e n ' s R e v o - 25
lution m a d e it a point of h o n o u r to keep the proletarian clean of the crimes
in which the revolutions and still m o r e the counterrevolutions of their
betters abound.
Clement Thomas. Lecomte etc.
30
B u t the horrid " a t r o c i t i e s " that h a v e sullied this Revolution?
So far as these atrocities imputed to t h e m by their enemies are n o t the
deliberate calumny of Versailles or the horrid spawn of the p e n n y a liner's
brain, t h e y relate only to two facts—the execution of t h e Generals L e c o m t e
and Clement T h o m a s and the V e n d ô m e Affaire, of w h i c h we shall dispose 35
in a few w o r d s .
O n e of the paid cut-throats selected for t h e execution of the nocturnal
c o u p de main on M o n t m a r t r e , General L e c o m t e h a d on the place Pigalle four
94
s t
times ordered his t r o o p s of the 8 1 of the line to charge an u n a r m e d
gathering, and on their refusal fiercely insulted t h e m . Instead of shooting
w o m e n and children, some of his o w n m e n shot him, w h e n t a k e n prisoner
in the afternoon of the 1 8 M a r c h , in t h e g a r d e n s of the C h â t e a u r o u g e .
T h e inveterate habits acquired by t h e F r e n c h soldatesca u n d e r the training
of the enemies of the working class, are of c o u r s e not likely to change t h e v e r y
m o m e n t they change sides. T h e same soldiers e x e c u t e d Clement T h o m a s .
" G e n e r a l " Clement T h o m a s , a discontent ex-quartermaster sergeant had,
in the latter times of L o u i s Philippe's reign, enlisted in the " r e p u b l i c a n "
National newspaper, t h e r e to serve in the double quality of s t r a w m a n
(responsible Gérant) and bully. T h e m e n of the National having abused
the F e b r u a r y Revolution, to cheat themselves into p o w e r m e t a m o r p h o s e d
their old q u a r t e r m a s t e r serjeant into a " G e n e r a l " on t h e eve of the b u t c h e r y
of J u n e , of which h e , like Jules F a v r e , w a s one of the sinister plotters and
b e c a m e one of the m o s t merciless e x e c u t o r s . T h e n his generalship c a m e to a
sudden end. He disappears only to rise again to t h e surface on t h e I ' N o v e m ber 1870. T h e day before t h e g o v e r n m e n t of defence, caught at the H ô t e l de
Ville, had, u p o n their w o r d of h o n o u r , solemnly b o u n d themselves to Blanqui, Flourens and the other r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e working class to abdicate
their usurped p o w e r into the h a n d s of a C o m m u n e to be freely c h o s e n by
Paris. T h e y b r o k e , of c o u r s e , their w o r d of h o n o u r , to let loose the B r e t o n s of
Trochu, w h o had t a k e n the place of the C o r s i c a n s of L. B[onaparte], upon
the people guilty of believing in their h o n o u r . M. Tamisier alone refusing to
b r a n d himself by such a b r e a c h of faith, tendering at o n c e his resignation
of the c o m m a n d e r s h i p in chief of t h e National Guard, " G e n e r a l " C l e m e n t
T h o m a s w a s shuffled into his place. During his whole tenure of office he
m a d e w a r not upon the Prussians, b u t u p o n t h e Paris National Guard, |
I proving inexhaustible in p r e t e x t s to p r e v e n t its general a r m a m e n t , in
devices of disorganization by pitching its bourgeois element against its
working m e n ' s elements, of w e e d i n g out the officers hostile to T r o c h u ' s
" p l a n " and disbanding, u n d e r t h e stigma of cowardice, the very proletarian
bataillons w h o s e heroism is n o w astonishing their m o s t inveterate enemies.
Clement T h o m a s felt p r o u d of having r e c o n q u e r e d his J u n e p r e e m i n e n c e
as the personal e n e m y of the Paris w o r k i n g class. Only a few d a y s
before t h e 18 of M a r c h he laid before t h e warminister Le Flô a n e w plan
of his own for finishing off "la fine fleur (the cream) of the Paris canaille".
As if haunted by the J u n e s p e c t r e s , he m u s t n e e d s appear, in the quality
of an amateur detective, on the scene of action after V i n o y ' s rout!
T h e Central C o m m i t t e e tried in vain to r e s c u e t h e s e t w o criminals,
L e c o m t e and Clement T h o m a s , from the soldier's wild lynch justice, of
which they themselves and the Paris w o r k m e n w e r e as guilty as the
lh
5
10
15
s
20
25
30
35
40
th
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Karl Marx
Princess A l e x a n d r a of the people crushed to d e a t h on the day of her
e n t r a n c e in L o n d o n . Jules F a v r e with his forged P a t h o s , flung his curses
u p o n Paris, the den of assassins. T h e Rural A s s e m b l y mimicked hysterical
contortions of "sensiblerie". T h e s e m e n n e v e r shed their crocodile tears
but as a p r e t e x t for shedding the blood of t h e people. To handle respectable
5
c a d a v e r s as w e a p o n s of civil w a r has always b e e n a favourite trick with
the p a r t y of order. H o w did E u r o p e ring in 1848 with their shouts of horror
at the assassination of the A r c h b i s h o p of Paris by the insurgents of J u n e ,
and while they w e r e fully a w a r e from the evidence of an e y e w i t n e s s :
M. J a q u e m e t , the A r c h b i s h o p ' s vicar, that the Bishop h a d b e e n shot by 10
Cavaignac's o w n soldiers! T h r o u g h t h e letters to Thiers of the p r e s e n t
A r c h b i s h o p of Paris, a m a n with no m a r t y r ' s vein in him, t h e r e r u n s t h e
shrewd suspicion that his Versailles friends w e r e quite the m e n to console
themselves of his prospective execution in the violent desire to fix that
amiable proceeding on the C o m m u n e ! H o w e v e r , w h e n t h e cry of " a s s a s s i n s " 15
had served its turn, Thiers coolly disposed of it by declaring from the tribune
of the National A s s e m b l y , that the " a s s a s s i n a t i o n " w a s the private deed
of a few, " v e r y f e w " o b s c u r e individuals.
T h e " m e n of o r d e r " , t h e reactionists of Paris, trembling at the p e o p l e ' s
victory as the signal of retribution, w e r e quite astonished by proceedings,
strangely at variance with their o w n traditional m e t h o d s of celebrating a
defeat of the people. E v e n the sergeants de ville, instead of being disarmed
and locked u p , had the d o o r s of Paris flung wide o p e n for their safe retreat
to Versailles, while the " m e n of o r d e r " , left not only u n h u r t , w e r e allowed
to rally quietly and lay hold on t h e strongholds in the v e r y c e n t r e of
Paris. T h e y interpreted, of c o u r s e , the indulgence of the Central C o m m i t t e e
and the magnanimity of the a r m e d w o r k m e n as m e r e s y m p t o m s of
conscious w e a k n e s s . H e n c e their plan to try u n d e r t h e m a s k of an
" u n a r m e d " demonstration the w o r k which four d a y s before V i n o y ' s
c a n n o n and mitrailleuses had failed in. Starting from their q u a r t e r s of
luxury, this riotous m o b of " g e n t l e m e n " , with all t h e "petits c r e v é s " in
their r a n k s and the familiars of t h e E m p i r e , the H e e c k e r e n , Coëtlogon,
H. de P ê n e etc at their head, fell in m a r c h i n g order u n d e r the cries of
" d o w n with the Assassins! d o w n with the Central C o m m i t t e e , Vive
l'Assemblée N a t i o n a l e ! " illtreating and disarming the d e t a c h e d p o s t s of
National G u a r d s they m e t with on their p r o g r e s s . W h e n then at last
debouching into the place V e n d ô m e , t h e y tried, u n d e r shouts of ribald
insults, to dislodge the National G u a r d s from their h e a d q u a r t e r s and
forcibly b r e a k through the lines. In a n s w e r to their pistol shots the regular
sommations (the F r e n c h equivalent of t h e English reading of the Riot
acts) w e r e m a d e , but proved ineffective to stop the aggressors. T h e n fire w a s
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c o m m a n d e d by the general of t h e National G u a r d and t h e s e rioters dispersed
in wild flight. T w o national guards killed, eight dangerously w o u n d e d , and
the streets, t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e y disbanded, strewn with revolvers, daggers
and c a n e swords, gave clear evidence of t h e " u n a r m e d " character of their
" p a c i f i c " demonstration. W h e n , on the 1 3 J u n e 1849, the National guards
of Paris m a d e a really " u n a r m e d " d e m o n s t r a t i o n of protest against t h e
felonious assault on R o m e by F r e n c h t r o o p s , Changarnier, the general
of the " p a r t y of o r d e r " , had their r a n k s sabred, trampled d o w n by cavalry
and shot d o w n , the state of siege w a s at o n c e proclaimed, n e w arrests, n e w
proscriptions, a n e w reign of terror set in. B u t the " l o w e r o r d e r s " m a n a g e
these things otherwise. T h e r u n a w a y s of the 2 2 M a r c h being neither
followed up on their flight nor afterwards called to a c c o u n t by t h e judge
of instruction (juge d'instruction), w e r e able t w o days later to m u s t e r
again an " a r m e d " d e m o n s t r a t i o n u n d e r Admiral Saisset. E v e n after t h e
grotesque failure of this their second rising t h e y w e r e , like all other Paris
citizens, allowed to try their h a n d s at t h e ballot b o x for the election of t h e
C o m m u n e , and w h e n succumbing in this bloodless battle, they at last
purged Paris from their p r e s e n c e by an u n m o l e s t e d E x o d u s , dragging
along with t h e m the c o c o t t e s , the lazzaroni and t h e other d a n g e r o u s class
of the capital. T h e " a s s a s s i n a t i o n of the u n a r m e d c i t i z e n s " on the
2 2 of M a r c h is a m y t h w h i c h e v e n Thiers and his rurals h a v e n e v e r dared
to harp upon, entrusting it exclusively to the servant hall of E u r o p e a n
journalism.
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If there is to be found fault with in the c o n d u c t of the Central C o m m i t t e e
and the Paris w o r k m e n t o w a r d s t h e s e " m e n of o r d e r " from 18-th M a r c h
to the time of their E x o d u s it is an e x c e s s of m o d e r a t i o n bordering u p o n
weakness.
L o o k n o w to the other side of t h e medal!
After the failure of their nocturnal surprise of M o n t m a r t r e , t h e p a r t y
of order began their regular Campaign against Paris in the c o m m e n c e m e n t
of April. F o r inaugurating the civil w a r by the m e t h o d s of D e c e m b e r , the
m a s s a c r e in cold blood of the captured soldiers of the line and infamous
murder of our b r a v e friend D u v a l , Vinoy, the r u n a w a y , is appointed by
35 Thiers G r a n d Cro s s of the Legion of H o n o u r ! Gallif f et, the fancy m a n of that
w o m a n so notorious for her shameless m a s k e r a d e s at the orgies of t h e
Second E m p i r e , boasts in an official manifesto of his cowardly assassination of Paris National G u a r d s , their lieutenant and their captain, m a d e
by surprise and treason. D e s m a r ê t s , the g e n d a r m e , is decorated for his
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butchery like chopping of the highsouled and chivalrous F l o u r e n s , the
" e n c o u r a g i n g " particulars of w h o s e d e a t h are triumphatly c o m m u n i cated to the Assembly by Thiers. In t h e horribly g r o t e s q u e exultation of a
T o m P o u c e playing the part of T i m u r T a m e r l a n e , Thiers denies t h e " r e b e l s "
against his littleness all the rights and c u s t o m s of civilized warfare, e v e n
the rights of " a m b u l a n c e s " .
W h e n the C o m m u n e had published on the 7 April its decree of reprisals,
declaring it its duty to p r o t e c t itself against the cannibal exploits of the
Versailles banditti and to d e m a n d an e y e for an eye, a t o o t h for a tooth, the
atrocious treatment of the Versailles prisoners, of w h o m Thiers says in o n e
of his bulletins " n e v e r had m o r e degraded c o u n t e n a n c e s of a degraded
d e m o c r a c y ||7| m e t the afflicted gazes of h o n e s t men"—did not c e a s e , b u t the
fusillades of the captives w e r e stopped. H a r d l y h o w e v e r had he and his
Decembrist general b e c o m e a w a r e , that t h e C o m m u n e ' s decree w a s but an
empty threat, that even their spying g e n d a r m e s caught in Paris u n d e r the
disguise of National G u a r d s , that e v e n their sergeants de ville c a p t u r e d with
explosive b o m b s upon them w e r e spared, w h e n at o n c e the old regime set in
wholesale and has continued to this day. T h e National G u a r d s w h o had surr e n d e r e d at Belle Epine to an overwhelming force of C h a s s e u r s w e r e then
shot down one after the other by the captain of the peloton on h o r s e b a c k ;
h o u s e s , to which Parisian troops and National guards h a d fled, s u r r o u n d e d
by G e n s d a r m e s , inundated with petroleum, and t h e n set on fire, the
calcinated corpses being afterward t r a n s p o r t e d by Paris a m b u l a n c e ; the
bayonetting of the national guards surprised by treason in their b e d s at t h e
R e d o u b t of Moulin Saquet, the m a s s a c r e of Clamart, prisoners wearing
the line uniform shot offhand, all t h e s e high deeds flippantly told in
Thiers bulletin, are only a few incidents of this slaveholders' rebellion!
But would it not be ludicrous to quote single facts of ferocity in view of
this civil war, fomented amidst the ruins of F r a n c e , by the conspirators of
Versailles from the m e a n e s t motives of class interest, and the b o m b a r d m e n t of Paris under the patronage of Bismarck, in the sight of his soldiers !
T h e flippant m a n n e r in w h i c h Thiers r e p o r t s on these things in the bulletin,
has even shocked the not oversensitive n e r v e s of the Times. All this
is h o w e v e r " r e g u l a r " as the Spaniards say. All the fights of the ruling
classes against the producing classes menacing their privileges are full of
the same horrors, although n o n e exhibits such an e x c e s s of humanity on
the part of the o p p r e s s e d and few s u c h an a b a s e m e n t . . . Theirs has always
b e e n the old axiom of knight-errantry that e v e r y w e a p o n is fair if used
against the plebeian.
" L ' a s s e m b l é e siège paisiblement", writes Thiers to the Prefects.
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The Affaire at Belle-Epine.
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T h e affair at Belle-Epine, n e a r Villejuif this: On the 25 April four national
guards, being s u r r o u n d e d by a t r o o p of m o u n t e d C h a s s e u r s , w h o bid t h e m
to surrender and lay d o w n their a r m s . U n a b l e to resist, they o b e y e d and
w e r e left u n h u r t by t h e c h a s s e u r s . S o m e time later t h e n their Captain, a w o r t h y
officer of Galliffet's, arrives in full galop and shoots the prisoners d o w n
with his revolver, o n e after the other, and then trots off with his t r o o p . T h r e e
of the guards w e r e dead, one, n a m e d Scheffer, griefly w o u n d e d , survives,
and is afterwards brought to the Hospital of Bicêtre. Thither the C o m m u n e sent a commission to t a k e up the evidence of the dying m a n which it
published in its rapport. W h e n o n e of the Paris m e m b e r s of the Assemblée
interpellated the w a r minister u p o n that r e p o r t , the rurals d r o w n e d the
voice of the d e p u t y and forbid the minister to answer. It would be an
insult to their " g l o r i o u s " army—not to c o m m i t m u r d e r , b u t to speak of it.
T h e tranquillity of mind with which that Assembly b e a r s with t h e
h o r r o r s of civil w a r is told in o n e of T h i e r s ' bulletins to his prefects:
" L ' a s s e m b l é e siège p a i s i b l e m e n t " (has the coeur leger like Ollivier) and
the executive with its ticket of leave m e n shows by its gastronomical
feats, given by Thiers and at the table of G e r m a n princes, that their digestion
is not troubled e v e n by the ghosts of L e c o m t e and Clément T h o m a s .
6) The Commune.
[ T h e C o m m u n e had, after S e d a n , b e e n proclaimed by the w o r k m e n of
L y o n s , Marseilles, and T o u l o u s e . G a m b e t t a did his best to destroy it.
During the siege of Paris the e v e r r e c u r r e n t w o r k m e n ' s c o m m o t i o n s again
and again crushed on false p r e t e n c e s by T r o c h u ' s B r e t o n s , those w o r t h y
substitutes of L. B o n a p a r t e ' s C o r s i c a n s , w e r e as m a n y attempts to dislodge
the g o v e r n m e n t of i m p o s t o r s by the C o m m u n e . T h e C o m m u n e then silently
elaborated, was the true secret of the Revolution of the 4 of S e p t e m b e r .
H e n c e on the very d a w n of the 18 M a r c h , after the rout of the Counterrevolution, d r o w s y E u r o p e started up from its d r e a m s of the Prussian
E m p i r e under the Paris t h u n d e r b u r s t s of Vive la Commune!
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[ W h a t is t h e C o m m u n e , this sphinx so tantalizing to the Bourgeois
mind?
[ In its m o s t simple conception the form u n d e r which the working class
a s s u m e the political p o w e r in their social strongholds, Paris and the other
centres of industry. " T h e proletarians of the capital", said the Central C o m -
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Seite 7 d e r Handschrift
Karl Marx
mittee in its p r o c l a m a t i o n of the 20 M a r c h , " h a v e , in t h e midst of the
failures and t r e a s o n s of t h e ruling classes, u n d e r s t o o d t h a t for t h e m the h o u r
h a d struck to save the situation by taking into their o w n h a n d s the direction
of public a f f a i r s . . . T h e y h a v e u n d e r s t o o d t h a t it w a s their i m p e r i o u s d u t y
a n d their absolute right to t a k e into their o w n h a n d s their o w n destiny
b y seizing u p o n t h e political p o w e r " (state p o w e r ) .
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[ B u t the proletariat c a n n o t , as t h e ruling classes a n d their different
rival fractions h a v e d o n e in their successive h o u r s of their t r i u m p h ,
simply lay hold on the existent s t a t e b o d y a n d wield this r e a d y m a d e agency
for their o w n p u r p o s e . T h e first condition for the holding of political 10
p o w e r , is to transform t h e traditional w o r k i n g m a c h i n e r y a n d d e s t r o y it
as an i n s t r u m e n t of class rule. T h a t huge g o v e r n m e n t a l m a c h i n e r y , entoiling
like a b o a constrictor t h e real social b o d y in t h e ubiquitous m e s h e s of a
standing army, a hierarchical b u r e a u c r a c y , an o b e d i e n t police, clergy a n d
a servile magistrature, w a s first forged in t h e d a y s of absolute m o n a r c h y
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as a w e a p o n of n a s c e n t middleclass society in its struggles of e m a n c i p a t i o n
from feudalism. T h e first F r e n c h Revolution, with its task to give full
s c o p e to t h e free d e v e l o p m e n t of m o d e r n middleclass society had to s w e e p
away all t h e local, territorial, t o w n i s h and provincial strongholds of
feudalism, p r e p a r e d t h e social soil for t h e s u p e r s t r u c t u r e of a centralized 20
statepower, with o m n i p r e s e n t organs ramified after the plan of a systematic
and hierarchic division of labour. |
| δ | B u t t h e working class c a n n o t simply lay hold o n t h e r e a d y m a d e statem a c h i n e r y and wield it for their own p u r p o s e . T h e political i n s t r u m e n t of
their e n s l a v e m e n t c a n n o t serve as the political i n s t r u m e n t of their emanci- 25
pation.
[ T h e m o d e r n bourgeois state is e m b o d i e d in t w o great organs, p a r l i a m e n t
and g o v e r n m e n t . Parliamentary o m n i p o t e n c e had, during t h e p e r i o d of
t h e p a r t y of order republic, from 1848 to 1851, e n g e n d e r e d its o w n
negative—the S e c o n d E m p i r e , and Imperialism, w i t h its m e r e m o c k e r y 30
of parliament, is t h e regime now flourishing in m o s t of t h e great military
states of t h e continent. At first view a p p a r e n t l y t h e u s u r p a t o r y dictatorship
of the g o v e r n m e n t a l b o d y over society itself, rising alike a b o v e and
humbling alike all classes, it has in fact, on t h e E u r o p e a n c o n t i n e n t at
least, b e c o m e t h e only possible state form in w h i c h t h e appropriating class
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can c o n t i n u e to sway it over t h e p r o d u c i n g class. T h e assembly of t h e
ghosts of all t h e defunct F r e n c h p a r l i a m e n t s w h i c h still h a u n t s Versailles,
wields no real force save to g o v e r n m e n t a l m a c h i n e r y as shaped by t h e
Second Empire.
[ T h e huge g o v e r n m e n t a l parasite, entoiling t h e social b o d y like a b o a
constrictor in t h e ubiquitous m e s h e s of its b u r e a u c r a c y , police, standing
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army, clergy and magistrature
dates its birth from the days of absolute
m o n a r c h y . T h e centralized s t a t e p o w e r had at that time to serve n a s c e n t
middleclass society as a mighty w e a p o n in its struggles of emancipation
from feudalism. T h e F r e n c h Revolution of the 18 century, with its t a s k
to sweep a w a y the medieval rubbish of seigniorial, local, townish, and
provincial privileges, could not b u t simultaneously clear the social soil
of the last obstacles h a m p e r i n g t h e full d e v e l o p m e n t of a centralized
statepower, with o m n i p r e s e n t organs w r o u g h t after the plan of a systematic and hierarchic division of labour. S u c h it burst into life u n d e r t h e first
E m p i r e , itself the offspring of the coalition w a r s of old semifeudal
E u r o p e against m o d e r n F r a n c e . During the subsequent parliamentary
regimes of the Restauration, the July M o n a r c h y , and the party of order
Republic, the supreme m a n a g e m e n t of that statemachinery with its irresistible allurements of place, pelf and p a t r o n a g e , b e c a m e not only t h e
butt of contest b e t w e e n the rival fractions of the ruling class, b u t at the same
degree that the e c o n o m i c progress of m o d e r n society swelled the r a n k s of
the working class, a c c u m u l a t e d its miseries, organized its resistance a n d
developed its tendencies at emancipation, that, in o n e w o r d , the struggle
of classes, the struggle b e t w e e n labour and capital a s s u m e d shape and form,
the physiognomy and the c h a r a c t e r of the state p o w e r u n d e r w e n t a striking
change. It had always b e e n the p o w e r for the m a i n t e n a n c e of order, i. e. t h e
existing order of society, and, therefore, of the subordination and exploitation
of the producing class by the appropriating class. B u t as long as this order w a s
accepted as the uncontrovertible and u n c o n t e s t e d necessity, the state p o w e r
could a s s u m e an aspect of impartiality. It k e p t up the existing subordination
of the masses which w a s the unalterable order of things and a social fact
undergone without contest on the part of the m a s s e s , exercised by their
"natural s u p e r i o r s " without solicitude. With the e n t r a n c e of society itself
into a new p h a s e , the p h a s e of class struggle, the character of its organized
public force, the state p o w e r , could not b u t change also (but also u n d e r g o a
marked change) and m o r e and m o r e d e v e l o p its character as the instrument
of classdespotism, the political engine for forcibly perpetuating t h e social
enslavement of the p r o d u c e r s of w e a l t h by its appropriators, of t h e
economic rule of capital over labour. After e a c h n e w popular revolution,
resulting in the transfer of the direction of t h e statemachinery from one set
of the ruling classes to another, t h e r e p r e s s i v e character of the state p o w e r
was m o r e fully developed and m o r e mercilessly used, b e c a u s e t h e p r o m ises m a d e , and seemingly a s s u r e d by t h e Revolution, could only be
b r o k e n by the e m p l o y m e n t of force. Besides, the change w o r k e d by t h e
successive revolutions, sanctioned only politically the social fact, t h e
growing p o w e r of capital, and, therefore, transferred the statepower itself
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more a n d more directly into ihe hands of the direct antagonists of the workingclass. T h u s the Revolution of July transferred the p o w e r from the hands
of the landowners into those of the great manufacturers (the great capitalists)
and the Revolution of F e b r u a r y into those of the united fractions of t h e ruling
class, united in their antagonism to the working class, united as " t h e party of
o r d e r " , the order of their o w n class rule. During the period of the
parliamentary republic the state p o w e r b e c a m e at last the avowed instrum e n t of w a r wielded by the appropriating class against the productive m a s s
of the people. But as an a v o w e d instrument of civil w a r it could only be
wielded during a time of civil war and the condition of life for the parliamentary republic w a s , therefore, the continuance of openly declared civil
war, the negative of that very " o r d e r " in the n a m e of which the civil
w a r w a s waged. This could only be a spasmodic, exceptional state of things.
It was impossible as the normal political form of society, unbearable e v e n
to the m a s s of the middleclass. W h e n therefore all elements of popular
resistance w e r e b r o k e n down, the parliamentary republic had to disappear
(give w a y to) before the Second E m p i r e .
T h e E m p i r e , professing to rest u p o n the producing majority of the
nation, the p e a s a n t s , apparently out of the range of the class struggle b e t w e e n capital and labour (indifferent and hostile to both the contesting
social powers), wielding the state p o w e r as a force superior to the ruling
and ruled classes, imposing u p o n b o t h an armistice, (silencing the political,
and, therefore revolutionary form of the class struggle), divesting the state
p o w e r from its direct form of classdespotism by braking the parliamentary
and, therefore, directly political p o w e r of the appropriating classes, was
the only possible stateform to secure the old social order a respite of life.
It w a s , therefore, acclaimed throughout the world as the "saviour of o r d e r "
and the object of admiration during 20 y e a r s on the p a r t of the w o u l d be
slaveholders all over the world. U n d e r its sway coincident with the change
brought upon the m a r k e t of the world by California, Australia, and the w o n derful d e v e l o p m e n t of the United States, an u n s u r p a s s e d period of industrial
activity set [in], an orgy of stockjobbery, finance swindling, Joint Stock
C o m p a n y adventure—leading all to rapid centralization of capital by the
expropriation of the middleclass and widening the gulph b e t w e e n the
capitalist class and the working class. T h e whole turpitude of the capitalist
regime, gave full scope to its innate t e n d e n c y , b r o k e loose unfettered. At
the same time an orgy of luxurious d e b a u c h , meretricious splendour,
a p a n d e m o n i u m of all the low passions of the higher classes. This ultimate
form of t h e g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r w a s at the s a m e time its most prostitute, |
]8 j shameless plunder of the state r e s o u r c e s by a b a n d of a d v e n t u r e r s ,
hotbed of huge state debts, the glory of prostitution, a factitious life of
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false p r e t e n c e s . T h e g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r with all its tinsel covering from
top to b o t t o m immerged in m u d . T h e maturity of r o t t e n n e s s of t h e state
machinery itself, and the p u t r e s c e n c e of the whole social body, flourishing
under it, w e r e laid b a r e by t h e b a y o n e t s of Prussia, herself only eager to
transfer the E u r o p e a n seat of that regime of gold, blood, and mud from
Paris to Berlin.
[ This w a s the s t a t e p o w e r in its ultimate and most prostitute shape,
in its supreme and b a s e s t reality, which the Paris working class had to
o v e r c o m e , and of which this class alone could rid society. As to parliamentarism, it had b e e n killed by its o w n triumph and by the E m p i r e . All the
working class had to do w a s not to revive it.
[ W h a t the w o r k m e n had to b r e a k d o w n w a s not a m o r e or less incomplete
form of the g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r of old society, it w a s that p o w e r itself in its
ultimate and exhausting shape
the Empire. T h e direct opposite to the
Empire w a s the Commune.
In its m o s t simple c o n c e p t i o n the C o m m u n e m e a n t the preliminary
destruction of the old g o v e r n m e n t a l machinery at its central seats, Paris a n d
the other great cities of F r a n c e , and its superseding by real selfgovernment
which, in Paris and the great cities, the social strongholds of the working
class, was the g o v e r n m e n t of the w o r k i n g class. T h r o u g h the siege Paris
had got rid of the a r m y w h i c h w a s replaced by a National Guard, with its
bulk formed by the w o r k m e n of Paris. It w a s only d u e to this state of things,
that the rising of the 1 8 of M a r c h had b e c o m e possible. This fact w a s
to b e c o m e an institution, and the national guard of the great cities, the
people armed against g o v e r n m e n t a l usurpation to supplant the standing
army, defending the g o v e r n m e n t against the people. T h e c o m m u n e to
consist of the municipal councillors of the different arrondissements, ( as
Paris w a s the initiator and the m o d e l , we h a v e to refer to it ) c h o s e n by
the suffrage of all citizens, responsible, and r e v o c a b l e in short t e r m s . T h e
majority of that b o d y would naturally consist of w o r k m e n or acknowledged
representatives of the w o r k i n g class. It w a s to be a working, not a parliamentary b o d y , executive and legislative at the same time. T h e police agents,
instead of being the agents of a central g o v e r n m e n t , w e r e to be t h e servants
of the C o m m u n e , being, like the functionaries in all the other d e p a r t m e n t s
of administration, to be appointed and always revocable by the C o m m u n e ; all
the functionaries, like the m e m b e r s of t h e C o m m u n e itself, having to do
their work at w o r k m e n ' s w a g e s . T h e judges w e r e also to be elected, r e v o cable, and responsible. T h e initiative in all m a t t e r s of social life to be
reserved to the C o m m u n e . In one w o r d all public functions, even the few
ones that would belong to the Central G o v e r n m e n t , w e r e to be e x e c u t e d
by c o m m u n a l agents, and, therefore, under the control of the C o m m u n e . It is
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Karl Marx
o n e of the absurdities to say, that the Central functions, not of g o v e r n m e n t a l
authority over the people, but necessitated by the general and c o m m o n w a n t s
of the country, would b e c o m e impossible. T h e s e functions would exist,
but the functionaries themselves could not, as in the old governmental
machinery, raise themselves over real society, b e c a u s e the functions w e r e
to be executed by communal agents, and, therefore, always under real
control. T h e public functions would cease to be a private p r o p e r t y b e s t o w e d
by a central g o v e r n m e n t upon its tools. With the standing a r m y and the
governmental police the physical force of repression was to be broken.
By the disestablishment of all c h u r c h e s as proprietary bodies and the
b a n i s h m e n t of religious instruction from all public schools (together with
gratuitous instruction) into the r e c e s s e s of private life, t h e r e to live upon
the alms of the faithful, the divestment of all educational institutes from
governmental patronage and servitude, the mental force of repression
w a s to be broken, science m a d e not only accessible to all, but freed from the
fetters of government p r e s s u r e and class prejudice. T h e municipal taxation
to be determined and levied by the C o m m u n e , the taxation for general
state p u r p o s e s to be levied by c o m m u n a l functionaries, and disbursed by the
C o m m u n e itself for the general p u r p o s e s , (its d i s b u r s e m e n t for the general
p u r p o s e s to be supervised by the C o m m u n e itself.)
T h e governmental force of repression and authority over society w a s
thus to be b r o k e n in its merely repressive organs, and w h e r e it had legitim a t e functions to fulfil, t h e s e functions w e r e not to be exercised by a
b o d y superior to the society, but by the responsible agents of society
itself. I
5
10
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25
|9| 7) Schluss.
To fighting, working, thinking Paris, electrified by the enthusiasm of
historic initiative, full of heroic reality, the n e w society in its t h r o e s , there
is o p p o s e d at Versailles the old society, a world of antiquated s h a m s and
accumulated lies.. Its true representation is that rural A s s e m b l y , peopled 30
with the gibberish ghouls of all the defunct regimes into which class rule
had successively embodied itself in F r a n c e , at their head a senile m o u n t e b a n k of parliamentarism, and their sword in the h a n d s of the Imperialist
capitulards, bombarding Paris u n d e r the eyes of their Prussian c o n q u e r o r s .
T h e i m m e n s e ruins which the second E m p i r e , in its fall, has h e a p e d upon 35
F r a n c e , is for t h e m only an opportunity to dig out and t h r o w to the surface
the rubbish of former ruins, of Legitimism or Orleanism.
T h e flame of life is to burn in an a t m o s p h e r e of the sepulchral exhalations
106
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20
of all the bygone emigration. (The very air they b r e a t h e is the sepulchral
exhalation of all b y g o n e emigrations)
T h e r e is nothing real a b o u t t h e m but their c o m m o n conspiracy against
life, their egotism of class interest, their wish to feed u p o n the carcass of
F r e n c h society, their c o m m o n slaveholders' interests, their hatred of t h e
present, and their w a r u p o n Paris.
E v e r y t h i n g about t h e m is a caricature, from that old fossile of Louis
Philippe's regime, C o u n t J a u b e r t exclaiming in the National a s s e m b l y ,
in the palace of Louis X I V " w e are the s t a t e " (they are in fact t h e State
spectre in its secession from society) and the Republican fawners u p o n
Thiers holding their reunions in the Jeu de Paumes (Tennis Court) to show
their degeneracy from their p r e d e c e s s o r s in 1789.
Thiers at the h e a d , the bulk of t h e majority split into t h e s e t w o groups
of Legitimists and Orleanists, in t h e tail the Republicans of "old s t y l e " .
E a c h of these fractions intrigues for a restoration of its o w n , the Republicans for that of the parliamentary Republic
building their hopes upon the
senile vanity of Thiers, forming in the m e a n t i m e the Republican decoration of
his rule and sanctioning by their p r e s e n c e the w a r of the Bonapartist generals
upon Paris, after having tried to c o a x it into the a r m s of Thiers and to disarm
it under Saisset! Knights of the sad figure, t h e humiliations they voluntarily
bear with, show w h a t Republicanism, as a special form of class rule,
has c o m e d o w n to. It w a s in view of t h e m that Thiers said to the assembled
maires of the Seine and Oise: W h a t could they m o r e w a n t . " W a s not h e , a
simple citizen, at the head of the S t a t e . " Progress from 1830 to 1870
25
that then Louis Philippe was t h e b e s t of Republics, and that n o w Louis
Philippe's Minister, little Thiers himself, is the b e s t of Republics.
Being forced to do their real work—the war against Paris, through the
Imperialist soldiers, G e n d a r m e s , and police, u n d e r the sway of the retired
Bonapartist generals, t h e y tremble in their shoes at the suspicion that—as
30 during their regime of 1848—51—they are only forging the instrument for a
second Restoration of the E m p i r e . T h e Pontifical Z o u a v e s and t h e V e n d e a n s
of Cathelineau and the B r e t o n s of C h a r e t t e are in fact their " p a r l i a m e n t a r y "
army, the mere p h a n t a s m s of an a r m y c o m p a r e d with the Imperialist reality.
While fuming with rage at the very n a m e of the Republic, they accept
35 B i s m a r c k ' s dictates in its n a m e , w a s t e in its n a m e the rests of F r e n c h
wealth upon the civil war, d e n o u n c e Paris in its n a m e , forge laws of p r o s p e c tive proscription against the rebels in its n a m e , usurp dictation over F r a n c e
in its n a m e .
40
Their title [is] t h e general suffrage, w h i c h t h e y h a d always o p p o s e d during
their o w n régimes from 1815 to 1848, abolished in M a y 1850, after it had
been established against t h e m by the Republic, and which t h e y n o w
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Karl Marx
accept as the prostitute of the E m p i r e , forgetting that with it they a c c e p t
the E m p i r e of the Plebiscites! T h e y themselves are impossible even with the
general suffrage.
T h e y r e p r o a c h Paris to revolt against national unity, and their first w o r d
w a s t h e decapitation of that Unity by t h e decapitalization of Paris. Paris
has d o n e the thing they p r e t e n d e d to want, but it has d o n e it, not as they
w a n t e d it, as a reactionary dream of the past, b u t as t h e revolutionary vindication of the future. Thiers, the Chauvin, threatens since the 1 8 M a r c h Paris with
the "intervention of P r u s s i a " , asked at B o r d e a u x for t h e " i n t e r v e n t i o n
of Prussia", acts against Paris in fact only by the m e a n s a c c o r d e d to him
by Prussia. T h e B o u r b o n s w e r e dignity itself, c o m p a r e d to this m o u n t e b a n k
of Chauvinism.
W h a t e v e r m a y be the name—in case they are victorious—of their
Restoration, with w h a t e v e r successful p r e t e n d e r at its head, its reality
can only be the E m p i r e , the ultimate and indispensable political form of the
rule of their rotten classes. If they succeed to r e s t o r e it, and they m u s t r e s t o r e
it with any of their plans of restoration successful—they succeed only to
accelerate the putrefaction of the old society t h e y r e p r e s e n t and the maturity
of the new o n e they c o m b a t . Their dim eyes see only the political o u t w o r k
of the defunct regimes and t h e y dream of reviving them by placing a H e n r y
the 5 or the C o u n t of Paris at their h e a d s . T h e y do not see that the social
bodies which b o r e t h e s e political s u p e r s t r u c t u r e s h a v e withered a w a y ,
that these regimes w e r e only possible under n o w o u t g r o w n conditions and
p a s t p h a s e s of F r e n c h society, and that it c a n only yet b e a r with Imperialism,
in its p u t r e s c e n t state, and the Republic of L a b o u r in its state or régénération. T h e y do not see that t h e cycles of political forms w e r e only the
political expression of the real changes society u n d e r w e n t .
T h e Prussians w h o in coarse war exultation of triumph look at the agonies
of F r e n c h society and exploit t h e m with the sordid calculation of a Shylock,
and the flippant c o a r s e n e s s of the K r a u t j u n k e r , are t h e m s e l v e s already
punished by the transplantation of t h e E m p i r e to t h e G e r m a n soil. T h e y
themselves are d o o m e d to set free in F r a n c e the s u b t e r r a n e a n agencies
which will engulph them with the old order of things. T h e Paris C o m m u n e m a y
fall, b u t the Social Revolution it has initiated, will triumph. Its birthstead is
everywhere.
5
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t h
The lies in Thiers bulletins.
T h e i m m e n s e sham of that Versailles, its lying c h a r a c t e r could not better
be embodied and r e s u m e d than in Thiers, the professional liar, for w h o m the
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35
r
"reality of t h i n g s " exists only in their " p a r l i a m e n t a r y s e n s e " , that is
as a lie.
In his a n s w e r to t h e A r c h b i s h o p ' s letter he coolly denies " t h e p r e t e n d e d
executions and reprisals (!) attributed to t h e t r o o p s of V e r s a i l l e s " , a n d
5
h a s this i m p u d e n t lie confirmed by a c o m m i s s i o n appointed for this v e r y purp o s e by his rurals. He k n o w s of c o u r s e their t r i u m p h a n t p r o c l a m a t i o n s
b y t h e Bonapartist generals t h e m s e l v e s . B u t i n " t h e parliamentary s e n s e "
of the word they do not exist.
th
In his circular of the 16 April on the bombardment of Paris: "If s o m e
10 c a n n o n - s h o t s h a v e b e e n fired, it is not t h e deed of t h e a r m y of Versailles, b u t
of some insurgents wanting to make believe that they are fighting, while
they do not dare show t h e m s e l v e s . " Of c o u r s e , Paris b o m b a r d s itself, in
order to m a k e the world believe that it fights!
15
L a t e r : «notre artillerie ne bombarde pas: elle canonne, il est vrai. »
Thiers bulletin on Moulin-Saquet (4 May): «Délivrance de Paris des
affreux tyrans qui l'oppriment. » (by killing t h e Paris National G u a r d s
asleep.)
The motley lot of an army—the dregs of t h e Bonapartist soldatesca
released from prison by the grace of B i s m a r c k , with the G e n d a r m e s of
20 Valentin and t h e Sergants de Ville of Piétri for their nucleus, set off by t h e
Pontifical Z o u a v e s , t h e C h o u a n s of C h a r e t t e and the V e n d e a n s of
Cathélineau, the w h o l e placed u n d e r the r u n a w a y D e c e m b r i s t generals of
capitulation, he d u b s "the finest army France ever possessed". Of c o u r s e ,
if t h e Prussians quarter still at St. D e n i s , it is b e c a u s e Thiers w a n t s to frighten
25 t h e m by t h e sight of that "finest of fine a r m i e s " .
If such is the "finest army"—the Versailles a n a c h r o n i s m is " t h e m o s t
liberal and most freely elected a s s e m b l y that ever existed in F r a n c e " .
T h i e r s caps his eccentricity by telling t h e maires etc that " h e is a m a n ,
w h o has never b r o k e n his w o r d " , of c o u r s e in t h e parliamentary sense of
30 w o r d keeping.
·
He is t h e truest of R e p u b l i c a n s a n d ( S é a n c e v o m 27 April) Λ I: « L ' assem
blée est plus libérale q u e lui-même. »
To the Makes: « On p e u t c o m p t e r sur ma parole à laquelle je n'ai j a m a i s
m a n q u é », in an u n p a r l i a m e n t a r y s e n s e , w h i c h I h a v e n e v e r kept.
35
« L ' a s s e m b l é e est u n e des plus libérales qu'ait n o m m é la F r a n c e . » |
110| He c o m p a r e s himself with Lincoln and t h e Parisians with t h e rebellious
slaveholders of t h e S o u t h . T h e S o u t h e r n e r s w a n t e d territorial Secession from
the United States for t h e slavery of labour. Paris w a n t s the secession of M.
Thiers himself and t h e interests he r e p r e s e n t s from p o w e r for t h e e m a n c i 40 pation of labour.
T h e revenge w h i c h t h e B o n a p a r t i s t G e n e r a l s , t h e G e n d a r m e s and t h e
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Karl Marx
C h o u a n s w r e a k upon Paris is a necessity of t h e class war against labour, but
in the little byplay of his bulletins Thiers t u r n s it into a p r e t e x t of caricaturing his idol, the first N a p . , and m a k e s himself t h e laughing stock of
E u r o p e by boldly affirming, that the F r e n c h army through its w a r u p o n
t h e Parisian has regained the r e n o w n it had lost in the w a r against the
Prussian. The whole war thus a p p e a r s as m e r e childplay to give vent to
the childish vanity of a dwarf, elated at having to describe his own battles,
fought by his o w n army, under his o w n secret c o m m a n d e r s h i p in chief.
5
A n d his lies culminate in regard to Paris and the P r o v i n c e .
Paris which in reality holds in c h e c k for two m o n t h s the finest a r m y F r a n c e 10
ever p o s s e s s e d , despite the secret help of the Prussian, is in fact only
anxious to be delivered from its " a t r o c i o u s t y r a n t s " , by Thiers, and
therefore it fights against him, although a mere handful of criminals.
He does not tire of representing the C o m m u n e as a handful of convicts,
ticket of leave men, scum. Paris fights against him b e c a u s e it w a n t s to 15
be delivered by him from " t h e affreux tyrants that o p p r e s s it". And this
" h a n d f u l " of d e s p e r a d o e s holds in c h e c k since t w o m o n t h s " t h e finest
a r m y that F r a n c e ever p o s s e s s e d " led by the invincible M a c M a h o n and
inspired by the N a p o l e o n i c genius of Thiers himself !
T h e resistance of Paris is no reality, b u t T h i e r s ' lies about Paris are.
20
N o t content to refute him by its exploits, all t h e living elements of
Paris h a v e spoken to him, but in vain, to dislodge him out of his lying
world. " Y o u must not confound the m o v e m e n t of Paris with the surprise
of M o n t m a r t r e , which was only its opportunity and starting point: this
m o v e m e n t is general and profound in the c o n s c i e n c e of P a r i s ; the greatest 25
n u m b e r even of those w h o by o n e r e a s o n or a n o t h e r keep b a c k (stand aside),
do for all that not disavow its social legitimity." By w h o m he w a s told
this? By the delegates of the syndical c h a m b r e s , speaking in the n a m e of
7—8,000 m e r c h a n t s and Industrials. T h e y w e n t to tell it him personally at
Versailles. T h u s t h e Ligue of the Republican Union, t h u s the Masons' 30
lodges by their delegates and their d e m o n s t r a t i o n s . B u t he sticks to it.
In his bulletin of Moulin-Saquet (4 M a y ) : « 300 prisoners t a k e n . . . the rest
of the insurgents has fled à toutes j a m b e s , laissant 150 m o r t s et blessés
sur le c h a m p de b a t a i l l e . . . Voilà la victoire q u e la C o m m u n e p e u t célébrer
dans ses bulletins. Paris sera sous peu délivré de ses terribles tyrans qui 35
l'oppriment. » B u t the fighting Paris, the real Paris is not his Paris. His
Paris is itself a parliamentary lie. " T h e rich, the idle, the capitalist P a r i s " , the
cosmopolitan stew, this is his Paris. T h a t is t h e Paris w h i c h w a n t s to be
restored to him, the real Paris, is the Paris of t h e "vile m u l t i t u d e " . T h e
Paris that shew its courage in the "pacific p r o c e s s i o n " and Saisset's 40
s t a m p e d o , that throngs n o w at Versailles, at Rueil, at St. D e n i s , at
110
St. G e r m a i n - e n - L a y e , followed by the C o c o t t e s , sticking to the " m a n of
family, religion, o r d e r " and a b o v e all "of p r o p e r t y " , the Paris of the
lounging classes, the Paris of t h e francs-fileurs, amusing itself by
looking through telescopes at t h e battles going on, treating the civil w a r
5 but as an agreeable diversion, that is the Paris of M . T h i e r s , as t h e emigration of Coblenz w a s the F r a n c e of M. de Calonne and as the emigration at
Versailles is the F r a n c e of M . T h i e r s .
If the Paris, that w a n t s to be delivered of the C o m m u n e by Thiers,
his rurals, D e c e m b r i s e u r s and G e n d a r m e s , is a lie, so is his " p r o v i n c e "
10 which through him and his rurals w a n t s to be delivered from Paris.
Before the definitive conclusion at F r a n k f o r t of the p e a c e treaty, he
appealed to the provinces to send their bataillons of national guards and
volunteers to Versailles to fight against Paris. T h e Province refused point
blank. Only the Bretagne sent a handful of C h o u a n s "fighting under a white
15 flag, every o n e of t h e m wearing on his b r e a s t a J e s u s heart in white cloth
and shouting: vive le r o i ! " T h u s is the provincial F r a n c e listening to his
s u m m o n s so that he w a s forced to lend captive F r e n c h troops from Bismarck, lay hold on the Pontifical Z o u a v e s (the real a r m e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s
of his provincial F r a n c e ) and m a k e 20,000 G e n d a r m e s and 12,000 sergents
20
de ville the nucleus of his a r m y .
Despite the wall of lies, the intellectual and police b l o c k a d e , by which
he tried to (debar) fence off Paris from the provinces, the provinces,
instead of sending him bataillons to w a g e w a r upon Paris, inundated him with
so m a n y delegations insisting upon p e a c e with Paris, that he refused to
25 receive them any longer in p e r s o n . T h e t o n e of the addresses sent up from
the Provinces, proposing m o s t of t h e m the immediate conclusion of an
armistice with Paris, the dissolution of the A s s e m b l y , " b e c a u s e its m a n d a t e
had e x p i r e d " and the grant of the municipal rights d e m a n d e d by Paris,
was so offensive that D u f a u r e d e n o u n c e s t h e m in his "circular against
30 conciliation" to the prefects. On the other hand, the rural assembly and
Thiers received not o n e single a d d r e s s of approval on the part of the
provinces.
But the grand défi the Provinces gave to T h i e r s ' " l i e " about the provinces
w e r e the municipal elections of the 30 April, carried on under his govern35 ment, on the basis of a law of his A s s e m b l y . O u t of 700,000 councillors (in
round numbers) returned by the 35,000 c o m m u n e s still left in mutilated
F r a n c e , the united Legitimists, Orleanists and Bonapartists did n o t carry
8,000! T h e supplementary elections still m o r e hostile! This s h o w e d plainly
how far the National Assembly, c h o s e n by surprise, and on false p r e t e n c e s ,
40 represents F r a n c e , provincial F r a n c e , F r a n c e minus Paris!
But the plan of an assembly of t h e municipal delegates of the great
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Karl Marx
provincial t o w n s at B o r d e a u x , forbidden by Thiers on t h e ground of his
law of 1834 and an Imperialist o n e of 1855, forced him to avow that his
" P r o v i n c e s " are a lie, as " h i s " Paris is. He a c c u s e s t h e m to resemble
the " f a l s e " Paris, to be eagerly b e n t u p o n "laying the fundaments of
C o m m u n i s m and Rebellion". Again he has b e e n a n s w e r e d by the late r e s o 5
lutions of the municipal councils of N a n t e s , V i e n n e , C h a m b é r y , L i m o u x ,
C a r c a s s o n n e , Angers, C a r p e n t r a s , Montpellier, Privas, Grenoble etc,
insisting u p o n p e a c e with Paris, " t h e absolute affirmation of the Republic,
the recognition of the c o m m u n a l right w h i c h " , as the municipal council
of Vienne says, « t h e élus of the 8. février promised, d a n s leurs circulaires
10
lorsqu'ils étaient candidats. Pour faire cesser la guerre étrangère, elle
(l'Assemblée Nationale) a cédé d e u x provinces et promis cinq milliards
à la P r u s s e . Q u e ne doit-elle pas faire pour m e t t r e fin à la guerre civile? »
(Just the contrary. T h e t w o provinces are not their " p r i v a t e " property, and
as to t h e p r o m i s s o r y n o t e of 5 milliards, t h e thing is exactly that it shall be 15
paid by t h e F r e n c h people and not by them.)
If, therefore, Paris m a y justly complain of t h e P r o v i n c e s that they limit
t h e m s e l v e s to pacific d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , leaving it unaided against all the
State f o r c e s . . . the Province has in most u n e q u i v o c o u s t o n e s given the lie to
Thiers and the Assembly to be r e p r e s e n t e d t h e r e , has declared their 20
P r o v i n c e a lie as is their whole existence, a sham, a false p r e t e n c e .
T h e General Council feels proud of the p r o m i n e n t part the Paris b r a n c h e s
of the International h a v e t a k e n in the glorious revolution of Paris. N o t , as
the imbeciles fancy, as if the Paris, or any other b r a n c h of the International 25
received its mot d'ordre from a centre. But the flower of the working class
in all civilized countries belonging to the International, and being imbued
with its ideas, they are sure e v e r y w h e r e in the working class m o v e m e n t s to
t a k e t h e lead.
[Revised p a s s a g e s to part 5 and 6 of t h e S e c o n d Draft]
|Seite 9| [ A r m e d Paris w a s t h e only serious obstacle in the w a y of t h e
counterrevolutionary conspiracy. Paris w a s , t h e r e f o r e , to be disarmed. On
this point the B o r d e a u x assembly was sincerity itself. If the roaring r a n t
of its rurals had not b e e n audible enough, the s u r r e n d e r of Paris handed over 35
by Thiers to the tender mercies of the triumvirat of Vinoy, the Décembriser,
Valentin, the Bonapartist G e n d a r m , and Aurelles de Paladine, the Jesuit
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General, would h a v e cut off e v e n t h e last subterfuge of d o u b t as to t h e
ultimate aim of the d i s a r m a m e n t of Paris. B u t if their p u r p o s e w a s frankly
avowed, the p r e t e x t on w h i c h t h e s e atrocious felons initiated t h e civil
w a r w a s the m o s t shameless, t h e m o s t barefaced (glaring) of lies. T h e
artillery of the Paris National Guard, said Thiers, belonged to the State and to
the State it m u s t be r e t u r n e d . T h e fact w a s this. F r o m the v e r y day of t h e
capitulation by which B i s m a r c k ' s prisoners had signed the surrender of
F r a n c e but r e s e r v e d to t h e m s e l v e s a n u m e r o u s b o d y g u a r d for the e x p r e s s
p u r p o s e of cowing Paris, Paris stood on its w a t c h . T h e national g u a r d r e o r g a n ized themselves and e n t r u s t e d their s u p r e m e control to a central c o m m i t t e e
elected by their whole b o d y , save s o m e fragments of the old Bonapartist formations. On the e v e of t h e e n t r a n c e of the Prussians into Paris, their
central committee t o o k m e a s u r e s for t h e r e m o v a l to M o n t m a r t r e , Belleville,
and La Villette of the c a n n o n and mitrailleuses treacherously a b a n d o n e d by
the capitulards in the v e r y q u a r t e r s the Prussians w e r e about to o c c u p y .
T h a t artillery had b e e n furnished by t h e subscriptions of the National Guard.
As their private p r o p e r t y it w a s officially recognized in the convention of
the 2 8 January, and on that v e r y title e x e m p t e d from the general surrender
of a r m s , belonging to the g o v e r n m e n t , into the hands of the c o n q u e r o r .
A n d Thiers dared initiate the civil w a r on t h e m e n d a c i o u s p r e t e x t that t h e
artillery of the National G u a r d w a s state p r o p e r t y !
T h e seizure of this artillery w a s evidently b u t to serve as the p r e p a r a t o r y
m e a s u r e for the general d i s a r m a m e n t of the Paris National Guard, and
therefore of the Revolution of the 4 of S e p t e m b e r . B u t that revolution
had b e c o m e the legal status of F r a n c e . Its republic w a s recognized in t h e
t e r m s of the capitulation itself by the c o n q u e r o r , it w a s after the capitulation
acknowledged by the Foreign p o w e r s , in its n a m e the National A s s e m b l y
had b e e n s u m m o n e d . T h e Revolution of t h e Paris w o r k m e n of the 4 of
September w a s the only legal title of the National Assembly seated at
B o r d e a u x and its E x e c u t i v e . W i t h o u t it, the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y had at o n c e to
give room to the Corps Législatif, elected by general suffrage and dispersed
by the arm of the Revolution. Thiers and his ticket of leave m e n would h a v e
had to capitulate for safe c o n d u c t s and securities against a v o y a g e to
C a y e n n e . T h e National A s s e m b l y , w i t h its A t t o r n e y ' s P o w e r to settle the
t e r m s of p e a c e with Prussia, w a s only an incident of the Revolution. Its true
e m b o d i m e n t w a s a r m e d Paris, that had initiated t h e Revolution, u n d e r g o n e
for it a five m o n t h s siege with its h o r r o r s of famine, that had m a d e its
prolonged resistance, despite T r o c h u ' s " p l a n " , the basis of a t r e m e n d o u s
war of defence in the p r o v i n c e s , and Paris w a s n o w s u m m o n e d with coarse insuit by the rebellious slaveholders at B o r d e a u x to lay d o w n its a r m s and
acknowledge that the popular revolution of the 4 S e p t e m b e r had had no
th
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Karl Marx
other p u r p o s e but the simple transfer of p o w e r from the h a n d s of Louis
B o n a p a r t e and his minions into those of his monarchical rivals, or to stand
forward as the self sacrificing champion of F r a n c e to be saved from her ruin
and to be regenerated only through the revolutionary o v e r t h r o w of the
political and social conditions that had engendered the Empire and u n d e r
5
its fostering care, m a t u r e d into utter r o t t e n n e s s . Paris, Paris emaciated
by a five m o n t h s ' famine, did not hesitate one m o m e n t . It heroically
resolved to run all the hazards of a resistance against the F r e n c h conspirators
u n d e r the very eye of the Prussian a r m y q u a r t e r e d before its gates. B u t in its
utter a b h o r r e n c e of civil war, the popular g o v e r n m e n t of Paris, the Central 10
C o m m i t t e e of the National Guard, continued to persist in its merely defensive
attitude, despite the p r o v o c a t i o n s of the A s s e m b l y , the usurpations of t h e
E x e c u t i v e , and the menacing concentration of t r o o p s in and a r o u n d
Paris. |
th
|8| [ On the d a w n of the 18 M a r c h Paris a r o s e under t h u n d e r b u r s t s of 15
Vive la Commune! W h a t is t h e C o m m u n e , that sphinx so tantalizing to
t h e bourgeois mind?
[ " T h e proletarians of the capital", said the Central C o m m i t t e e in its
manifesto of the 18 M a r c h , " h a v e , in the midst of the failures and t r e a s o n s
of the ruling classes, u n d e r s t o o d that for t h e m the hour has struck to 20
save the situation by taking into their o w n h a n d s the direction of public
a f f a i r s . . . T h e y h a v e u n d e r s t o o d that it is their imperious duty and their
absolute right to take into their own h a n d s their o w n destinies by seizing
the political p o w e r . " B u t the working class cannot, as t h e rival factions of
the appropriating class h a v e d o n e in their h o u r s of triumph, simply lay hold 25
on the r e a d y m a d e statemachinery, a n d wield it for its o w n p u r p o s e s .
th
[ T h e centralized statepower, with its ubiquitous organs of standing
army, police, b u r e a u c r a c y , clergy and magistrature, organs w r o u g h t after
the plan of a systematic and hierarchic division of labour, dates from the
days of absolute m o n a r c h y w h e n it served n a s c e n t middleclass society 30
as a mighty w e a p o n in its struggles for emancipation from feudalism. T h e
F r e n c h Revolution of t h e 18 c e n t u r y s w e p t a w a y the rubbish of seigniorial,
local, townish and provincial privileges, thus clearing the social soil of its
last medieval obstacles to the final superstructure of the state. It received
its final shape under the First E m p i r e , the offspring of the Coalition w a r s of 35
old, semifeudal E u r o p e against m o d e r n F r a n c e . U n d e r the following
parliamentary regimes, the hold of the g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r , with its
irresistible allurements of place, pelf, and p a t r o n a g e , b e c a m e not only the
b o n e of contention b e t w e e n the rival factions of t h e ruling classes. Its
political character changed simultaneously with the e c o n o m i c changes 40
of society. At the same p a c e that the progress of industry developed, widened
th
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5
and intensified the class antagonism b e t w e e n capital and labour, t h e
governmental p o w e r a s s u m e d m o r e and more the character of the national
p o w e r of capital over labour, of a political force organized to enforce social
enslavement, of a m e r e engine of class despotism. On the heels of every
popular revolution, marking a n e w progressive p h a s e in the m a r c h (development) (course) of the struggle of classes, (class struggle), the r e p r e s s i v e
character of the state p o w e r c o m e s out m o r e pitiless and m o r e divested of
disguise. T h e Revolution of July, by transferring the m a n a g e m e n t of t h e
state machinery from the landlord to the capitalist, transfers it from the dis-
10
tant to t h e immediate antagonist of t h e w o r k i n g m e n . H e n c e t h e state p o w e r
a s s u m e s a more clearly defined attitude of hostility and repression in regard
of the working class. T h e Revolution of F e b r u a r y hoists the colours of t h e
"social R e p u b l i c " , thus proving at its o u t s e t that the true meaning of
state p o w e r is revealed, that its p r e t e n c e of being the armed force of
15
public welfare, the e m b o d i m e n t of the general interests of societies rising
above and keeping in their r e s p e c t i v e spheres the warring private interests is
exploded, that its secret as an instrument of classdespotism is laid open,
that the w o r k m e n do w a n t the republic, no longer as a political modification of the old system of class rule, but as the revolutionary m e a n s of
20
breaking d o w n class rule itself. In view of the m e n a c e s of " t h e social
r e p u b l i c " the ruling class feels instinctively that the a n o n y m o u s reign of
the parliamentary republic can be t u r n e d into a j o i n t s t o c k c o m p a n y of their
conflicting factions, while the p a s t m o n a r c h i e s by their very title signify
the victory of o n e faction and the defeat of the other, the p r e v a l e n c e of
25
o n e section's interests of that class over that of the other, land over capital
or capital over land. In opposition to the working class the hitherto ruling
class, in w h a t e v e r specific forms it m a y appropriate the labour of the m a s ses, has o n e and the same economic interest, to maintain the e n s l a v e m e n t
of labour and reap its fruits directly as landlord and capitalist, indirectly
30 as the state parasites of the landlord and the capitalist, to enforce that
" o r d e r " of things which m a k e s t h e producing multitude, "a vile m u l t i t u d e "
serving as a mere source of wealth and dominion to their betters. H e n c e
Legitimists, Orleanists, Bourgeois Republicans and the Bonapartist adventurers, eager to qualify themselves as defenders of p r o p e r t y by first pilfering
35
it, club together and merge into the "Party of Order", the practical upshot
of that revolution m a d e by the proletariat u n d e r enthusiastic shouts of the
"Social Republic". T h e parliamentary republic of t h e Party of O r d e r is not
only the reign of terror of the ruling class. T h e state p o w e r b e c o m e s in their
hand the avowed instrument of the civil war in the hand of the capitalist and
40 the landlord, not their state parasites against revolutionary aspirations
of the p r o d u c e r . |
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Karl Marx
I U n d e r the monarchical regimes the repressive m e a s u r e s and t h e confessed principles of the d a y ' s g o v e r n m e n t are d e n o u n c e d to the p e o p l e by
t h e fractions of the ruling classes that- are out of power, t h e oppositions' r a n k s of the ruling class interest the people in their p a r t y feuds, by
appealing to its o w n interests, by their attitudes of tribunes of the people,
5
by the revindication of popular liberties. But in the a n o n y m o u s reign of
t h e republic, while amalgamating the m o d e s of repression of old p a s t
regimes (taking out of the arsenals of all p a s t regimes the arms of repression),
and wielding t h e m pitilessly, the different fractions of the ruling class
celebrate an orgy of renegation. With cynical effrontery t h e y d e n y the 10
professions of their past, trample u n d e r foot their " s o c a l l e d " principles,
c u r s e the revolutions they h a v e p r o v o k e d in their n a m e , and curse the
n a m e of the republic itself, although only its a n o n y m o u s reign is wide
e n o u g h to admit them into a c o m m o n crusade against t h e people.
[ T h u s this most cruel is at the same time t h e m o s t odious and revolting
form of class rule. Wielding t h e state p o w e r only as an instrument of civil
war, it can only hold it by perpetuating civil w a r . W i t h parliamentary a n a r c h y
at its head, crowned by the uninterrupted intrigues of e a c h of the fractions
of the " o r d e r " p a r t y for the restoration of e a c h o w n pet regime, in
o p e n w a r against the whole b o d y of society out of its own n a r r o w circle,
the p a r t y of order rule b e c o m e s the m o s t intolerable rule of disorder.
Having in its war against the m a s s of the people b r o k e n all its m e a n s of
resistance and laid it helplessly under t h e sword of the E x e c u t i v e , the p a r t y
of order itself and its parliamentary regime is w a r n e d off the stage by
the sword of the E x e c u t i v e . T h a t parliamentary p a r t y of order republic
can therefore only be an interreign. Its natural u p s h o t is Imperialism,
w h a t e v e r the n u m b e r of the E m p i r e . U n d e r the form of imperialism, the
statepower with the sword for its scepter, professes to rest u p o n t h e p e a s a n t ry, that large m a s s of p r o d u c e r s apparently outside t h e class struggle of
labour and capital, professes to save the working class by breaking d o w n
parliamentarism and therefore the direct subserviency of the state p o w e r
to the ruling classes, professes to save the ruling classes themselves by
subduing the working classes without insulting them, professes, if not
public welfare, at least national glory. It is therefore proclaimed as the
"saviour of o r d e r " . H o w e v e r galling to the political pride of the ruling
class and its state parasites, it p r o v e s itself to be the really a d e q u a t e regime
of the bourgeois " o r d e r " by giving full scope to all the orgies of its
industry, turpitudes of its speculation, and all the meretricious splendours
of its life. T h e state t h u s seemingly lifted a b o v e civil society, b e c o m e s at
the same time itself the hotbed of all the corruptions of that society. Its o w n
utter r o t t e n n e s s , and the rottenness of the society to be saved of it, w a s laid
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bare by t h e b a y o n e t of Prussia, but so m u c h is this Imperialism the u n avoidable political form of " o r d e r " , that is the " o r d e r " of bourgeois
society, that Prussia herself s e e m e d only to r e v e r s e its central seat at Paris in
order to transfer it to Berlin.
[ T h e E m p i r e is not, like its p r e d e c e s s o r s , t h e legitimate m o n a r c h y , t h e
constitutional m o n a r c h y and the parliamentary republic, one of the political
forms of bourgeois society, it is at the same time its most prostitute, its
most complete, and its ultimate political form. It is the statepower of m o d e r n
classrule, at least on the E u r o p e a n continent.
1
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Karl Marx
A d d r e s s of t h e G e n e r a l Council
of t h e
International Working M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n
The Civil War in France · I
|3| To all the members of the Association
in Europe and the United States.
I.
On the 4th of September, 1870, w h e n the working m e n of Paris proclaimed
the Republic, which w a s almost instantaneously acclaimed t h r o u g h o u t
F r a n c e , without a single voice of dissent, a cabal of place-hunting barristers,
with Thiers for their statesman and T r o c h u for their general, took hold of
the H ô t e l de Ville. At that time t h e y w e r e imbued with so fanatical a faith
in the mission of Paris to r e p r e s e n t F r a n c e in all e p o c h s of historical crisis,
that, to legitimate their u s u r p e d titles as G o v e r n o r s of F r a n c e , they thought
it quite sufficient to p r o d u c e their lapsed m a n d a t e s as representatives of
Paris. In our second address on the late W a r , five days after the rise of
these m e n , we told you w h o t h e y w e r e . Y e t , in the turmoil of surprise, with
the real leaders of the w o r k i n g class still shut up in Bonapartist prisons and
the Prussians already marching u p o n Paris, Paris b o r e with their assumption
of p o w e r , on the e x p r e s s condition that it w a s to be wielded for the single
p u r p o s e of national defence. Paris, h o w e v e r , was not to be defended without
arming its working class, organizing t h e m into an effective force, and
training their r a n k s by the w a r itself. B u t Paris a r m e d w a s the Revolution
armed. A victory of Paris over the Prussian aggressor would h a v e b e e n a
victory of the F r e n c h w o r k m a n over the F r e n c h capitalist and his State
parasites. In this conflict b e t w e e n national d u t y and class interest, the
G o v e r n m e n t of National D e f e n c e did n o t hesitate one m o m e n t to turn into
a G o v e r n m e n t of National Defection.
T h e first step they took w a s to send Thiers on a roving tour to all the
courts of E u r o p e , t h e r e to b e g mediation by offering the barter of the
Republic for a king. F o u r m o n t h s after the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the siege,
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Karl Marx
w h e n they thought the o p p o r t u n e m o m e n t c o m e for breaking the first w o r d
of capitulation, T r o c h u , in the p r e s e n c e of Jules F a v r e and others of his
colleagues, addressed the assembled m a y o r s of Paris in t h e s e terms:—
" T h e first question put to me by my colleagues on the v e r y evening of
the 4th of S e p t e m b e r was this: Paris, can it, with a n y c h a n c e of s u c c e s s |
5
| 4 | stand a siege by the Prussian a r m y ? I did not hesitate to answer in the
negative. S o m e of my colleagues here p r e s e n t will w a r r a n t the truth of my
w o r d s and the persistence of my opinion. I told them, in these v e r y t e r m s , that,
under the existing state of things, the attempt of Paris to hold out a siege by
the Prussian army, would be a folly. W i t h o u t doubt, I added, it would 10
be an heroic folly; b u t that w o u l d be all
T h e e v e n t s ( m a n a g e d by
himself) h a v e not given the lie to my p r e v i s i o n . " This nice little speech of
T r o c h u w a s afterwards published by M . C o r b o n , o n e of the m a y o r s present.
T h u s , on the very evening of the proclamation of the Republic, T r o c h u ' s
" p l a n " w a s k n o w n to his colleagues to be the capitulation of Paris. If
national defence had b e e n m o r e than a p r e t e x t for the personal g o v e r n m e n t
of Thiers, F a v r e , & Co., the u p s t a r t s of the 4th of S e p t e m b e r w o u l d h a v e
abdicated on the 5th—would h a v e initiated the Paris people into T r o c h u ' s
" p l a n , " and called u p o n t h e m to surrender at o n c e , or to take their o w n fate
into their o w n h a n d s . I n s t e a d of this, the infamous impostors resolved u p o n
curing the heroic folly of Paris by a regimen of famine and b r o k e n h e a d s ,
and to dupe her in the meanwhile by ranting m a n i f e s t o e s , holding forth that
T r o c h u , " t h e G o v e r n o r of Paris, will n e v e r capitulate," and Jules F a v r e , the
Foreign Minister, will " n o t c e d e an inch of our territory, nor a stone of our
f o r t r e s s e s . " In a letter to G a m b e t t a , that very s a m e Jules F a v r e a v o w s that
w h a t they w e r e " d e f e n d i n g " against w e r e not t h e Prussian soldiers, b u t the
working m e n of Paris. During the whole c o n t i n u a n c e of the siege the
Bonapartist cut-throats, w h o m T r o c h u had wisely intrusted with the
c o m m a n d of the Paris army, exchanged, in their intimate c o r r e s p o n d e n c e ,
ribald j o k e s at the well-understood m o c k e r y of defence (see, for instance,
the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of A l p h o n s e Simon Guiod, s u p r e m e c o m m a n d e r of the
artillery of the A r m y of D e f e n c e of Paris and G r a n d Cross of the Legion of
H o n o u r , to S u z a n n e , general of division of artillery, a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e
published by the Journal Officiel of the C o m m u n e ) . T h e m a s k of i m p o s t u r e
was at last d r o p p e d on the 28th of J a n u a r y , 1871. With the true heroism of
utter self-debasement, the G o v e r n m e n t of National D e f e n c e , in their
capitulation, came out as the G o v e r n m e n t of F r a n c e by B i s m a r c k ' s prisoners—a part so b a s e that L o u i s B o n a p a r t e himself had, at S e d a n , shrunk
from accepting it. After the events of the 18th of M a r c h , on their wild flight
to Versailles, t h e capitulards left in the h a n d s of Paris the d o c u m e n t a r y
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evidence of their t r e a s o n , to d e s t r o y which, as the C o m m u n e says in its
manifesto to the p r o v i n c e s , " t h o s e m e n would not recoil from battering
Paris into a h e a p of ruins w a s h e d by a sea of b l o o d . "
To be eagerly bent u p o n such a c o n s u m m a t i o n , some of the leading
5 m e m b e r s of the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e had, besides, m o s t peculiar r e a s o n s
of their own.
Shortly after the conclusion of the armistice, M. Millière, one of t h e
representatives of Paris to the National A s s e m b l y , n o w shot by e x p r e s s
order of Jules F a v r e , published a series of authentic legal d o c u m e n t s in
10 proof that Jules F a v r e , living in concubinage w i t h the wife of a d r u n k a r d
resident at Algiers, had, by a m o s t daring concoction of forgeries, spread |
| s | over m a n y y e a r s , contrived to grasp, in the n a m e of the children of his
adultery, a large succession, which m a d e him a rich m a n , and that, in a
lawsuit u n d e r t a k e n by the legitimate heirs, he only escaped e x p o s u r e by t h e
15
c o n n i v a n c e of the Bonapartist tribunals. As t h e s e dry legal d o c u m e n t s w e r e
not to be got rid of by any a m o u n t of rhetorical horse-power, Jules F a v r e ,
for the first time in his life, held his tongue, quietly awaiting the o u t b r e a k
of the civil war, in order, t h e n , frantically to d e n o u n c e the people of Paris
as a band of escaped convicts in utter revolt against family, religion, order,
20 and property. This same forger h a d hardly got into p o w e r , after t h e 4th of
September, w h e n he sympathetically let loose u p o n society Pic and Taillefer,
convicted, even u n d e r t h e E m p i r e , of forgery, in the scandalous affair of t h e
" E t e n d a r d . " O n e of these m e n , Taillefer, having dared to return to Paris
u n d e r the C o m m u n e , w a s at o n c e reinstated in prison; and then Jules F a v r e
25
exclaimed, from the tribune of the National A s s e m b l y , that Paris w a s
setting free all her jailbirds!
E r n e s t Picard, the J o e Miller of t h e G o v e r n m e n t of National D e f e n c e ,
w h o appointed himself F i n a n c e Minister of t h e Republic after having in vain
striven to b e c o m e the H o m e Minister of t h e E m p i r e , is the brother of o n e
30 A r t h u r Picard, an individual expelled from the Paris B o u r s e as a blackleg
(see report of the Prefecture of Police, dated 31st July, 1867), and convicted,
on his own confession, of a theft of 300,000 francs, while m a n a g e r of o n e
of the b r a n c h e s of the Société Générale, r u e Palestro, N o . 5 (see report of
the Prefecture of Police, 11th D e c e m b e r , 1868). This A r t h u r Picard w a s
35
m a d e by E r n e s t Picard the editor of his p a p e r , l'Electeur Libre. While the
c o m m o n run of stockjobbers w e r e led a s t r a y by the official lies of this
Finance-Office paper, A r t h u r w a s running b a c k w a r d s and forwards b e t w e e n
the F i n a n c e Office and the B o u r s e , there to discount the disasters of the
F r e n c h army. T h e whole financial c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of that w o r t h y pair of
40
brothers fell into the hands of the C o m m u n e .
Jules F e r r y , a penniless barrister b e f o r e the 4th of September, contrived,
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as M a y o r of Paris during the siege, to j o b a fortune out of famine. T h e day
on which he would have to give an account of his maladministration would
be the day of his conviction.
T h e s e m e n , then, could find, in the ruins of Paris only, their tickets-ofleave: they w e r e the very m e n B i s m a r c k w a n t e d . W i t h the help of some
5
shuffling of cards, Thiers, hitherto the secret p r o m p t e r of the G o v e r n ment, now appeared at its head, with the ticket-of-leave m e n for his
Ministers.
Thiers, that m o n s t r o u s g n o m e , has c h a r m e d the F r e n c h bourgeoisie for
almost half a century, b e c a u s e he is the most c o n s u m m a t e intellectual 10
expression of their o w n class-corruption. Before he b e c a m e a s t a t e s m a n he
had already proved his lying p o w e r s as an historian. T h e chronicle of his
public life is the r e c o r d of the misfortunes of F r a n c e . Banded, before 1830,
with the Republicans, he slipped into office u n d e r L o u i s Philippe by betraying his protector Laffitte, ingratiating himself with t h e king by exciting 15
mob-riots against the clergy, during which the c h u r c h of Saint G e r m a i n
1'Auxerrois and the A r c h b i s h o p ' s palace w e r e plundered, and by acting the
minister-spy upon, and t h e jail-accoucheur of, t h e D u c h e s s 116| de B e r r y . T h e
m a s s a c r e of the Republicans in the R u e T r a n s n o n a i n , and the s u b s e q u e n t
infamous laws of September against the p r e s s and the right of association, 20
w e r e his work. Reappearing as the chief of the Cabinet in M a r c h , 1840, he
astonished F r a n c e with his plan of fortifying Paris. To the Republicans, w h o
d e n o u n c e d this plan as a sinister plot against the liberty of Paris, he replied
from the tribune of the C h a m b e r of Deputies:—
" W h a t ! to fancy that any w o r k s of fortification could ever endanger 25
liberty! And first of all you calumniate any possible G o v e r n m e n t in supposing that it could some day attempt to maintain itself by bombarding the
capital;
b u t that g o v e r n m e n t would be a h u n d r e d times m o r e impossible
after its victory than b e f o r e . " Indeed, no G o v e r n m e n t would ever h a v e
dared to b o m b a r d Paris from the forts, b u t that G o v e r n m e n t which had 30
previously surrendered these forts to the Prussians.
W h e n King B o m b a tried his hand at P a l e r m o , in J a n u a r y , 1848, Thiers,
then long since out of office, again rose in the C h a m b e r of D e p u t i e s : " Y o u
k n o w , gentlemen, w h a t is happening at P a l e r m o . Y o u , all of y o u , shake with
horror (in the parliamentary s e n s e ) on hearing that during forty-eight h o u r s 35
a large t o w n has been bombarded—by w h o m ? W a s it by a foreign e n e m y
exercising the rights of w a r ? N o , gentlemen, it w a s by its o w n G o v e r n m e n t .
And w h y ? B e c a u s e that unfortunate t o w n d e m a n d e d its rights. Well, t h e n ,
for the d e m a n d of its rights it has got forty-eight h o u r s of b o m b a r d m e n t
Allow me to appeal to the opinion of E u r o p e . It is doing a service to 40
mankind to arise, and to m a k e r e v e r b e r a t e , from w h a t is p e r h a p s the
126
greatest tribune in E u r o p e , s o m e w o r d s (indeed w o r d s ) of indignation
against such acts
W h e n the Regent E s p a r t e r o , w h o had r e n d e r e d services to his country, ( w h i c h M . T h i e r s never d i d ) intended b o m b a r d i n g
Barcelona, in order to suppress its insurrection, t h e r e arose from all p a r t s
5 of the world a general o u t c r y of indignation."
Eighteen month afterwards, M. Thiers w a s amongst the fiercest defenders
of the b o m b a r d m e n t of R o m e by a F r e n c h a r m y . In fact, the fault of
King B o m b a seems to h a v e consisted in this only, that he limited his
b o m b a r d m e n t to forty-eight h o u r s .
10
A few days before the Revolution of F e b r u a r y , fretting at the long exile
from place and pelf to which Guizot had c o n d e m n e d him, and sniffing in the
air the scent of an approaching popular c o m m o t i o n , Thiers, in that p s e u d o heroic style which w o n him the nickname of M i r a b e a u - m o u c n e / d e c l a r e d to
the C h a m b e r of Deputies: "I am of the p a r t y of Revolution, not only in
15
F r a n c e , b u t in E u r o p e . I wish the G o v e r n m e n t of the Revolution to r e m a i n
in the hands of m o d e r a t e m e n
but if that G o v e r n m e n t should fall into the
hands of ardent minds, e v e n into t h o s e of Radicals, I shall, for all that, not
desert my cause. I shall always be of the party of the R e v o l u t i o n . " T h e
Revolution of F e b r u a r y c a m e . I n s t e a d of displacing the Guizot Cabinet by
20 the Thiers Cabinet, as the little m a n h a d dreamt, it superseded Louis Philippe
by the Republic. On the first day of the popular victory he carefully hid
himself, forgetting that the c o n t e m p t of the working m e n screened him from
their hatred. Still, with his legendary courage, he continued to shy the public
stage, until the | | 7 | J u n e m a s s a c r e s had cleared it for his sort of action. T h e n
25
he b e c a m e the leading mind of the " P a r t y of O r d e r " and its Parliamentary
Republic, that a n o n y m o u s interregnum, in which all the rival factions of the
ruling class conspired together to c r u s h the people, and conspired against
each other to restore e a c h of t h e m its o w n m o n a r c h y . T h e n , as n o w , Thiers
denounced the Republicans as the only obstacle to the consolidation of t h e
30 Republic; then, as n o w , he spoke to the Republic as the hangman spoke to
D o n Carlos—"I shall assassinate t h e e , b u t for thy o w n g o o d . " N o w , as
then, he will h a v e to exclaim on the day after his victory: L'Empire est
fait—the E m p i r e is c o n s u m m a t e d . Despite his hypocritical homilies about
necessary liberties and his personal grudge against Louis B o n a p a r t e , w h o
35 had m a d e a dupe of him, and kicked out parliamentarism—and outside of
its factitious a t m o s p h e r e the little m a n is conscious of withering into nothingness—he had a hand in all the infamies of the S e c o n d Empire, from the
occupation of R o m e by F r e n c h t r o o p s to t h e w a r with Prussia, w h i c h he
incited by his fierce invective against G e r m a n unity—not as a cloak of
40 Prussian despotism, but as an e n c r o a c h m e n t u p o n t h e vested right of F r a n c e
in G e r m a n disunion. F o n d of brandishing, with his dwarfish a r m s , in the
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face of E u r o p e the sword of t h e first N a p o l e o n , w h o s e historical shoe-black
he had b e c o m e , his foreign policy always culminated in the utter humiliation
of F r a n c e , from the L o n d o n convention of 1840 to the Paris capitulation of
1871, and the p r e s e n t civil war, w h e r e he h o u n d s on the prisoners of Sedan
and M e t z against Paris by special permission of Bismarck. Despite his
versatility of talent and shiftiness of p u r p o s e , this m a n has his w h o l e
lifetime been w e d d e d to the most fossil routine. It is self-evident that to
him the deeper under-currents of m o d e r n society remained for ever hidden;
b u t e v e n the m o s t palpable changes on its surface w e r e a b h o r r e n t to a brain
all the vitality of which had fled to the tongue. T h u s he never tired of
denouncing as a sacrilege any deviation from the old F r e n c h protective
system. W h e n a minister of L o u i s Philippe, he railed at railways as a wild
chimera; and w h e n in opposition u n d e r L o u i s B o n a p a r t e , he b r a n d e d as a
profanation every attempt to reform the rotten F r e n c h a r m y system. N e v e r
in his long political career has he b e e n guilty of a single—even the smallest—
m e a s u r e of any practical use. Thiers was consistent only in his greed for
wealth and his hatred of the men that p r o d u c e it. H a v i n g entered his first
ministry u n d e r Louis Philippe p o o r as J o b , he left it a millionaire. His last
ministry u n d e r the same king (of t h e 1st of M a r c h , 1840) e x p o s e d him to
public taunts of peculation in the C h a m b e r of D e p u t i e s , to w h i c h he w a s
content to reply by tears—a c o m m o d i t y he deals in as freely as Jules F a v r e ,
or any other crocodile. At B o r d e a u x his first m e a s u r e for saving F r a n c e
from impending financial ruin w a s to e n d o w himself with t h r e e millions a
year, the first and the last w o r d of the " E c o n o m i c a l R e p u b l i c , " the vista of
which he had o p e n e d to his Paris electors in 1869. O n e of his former
colleagues of the C h a m b e r of Deputies of 1830, himself a capitalist and,
nevertheless, a devoted m e m b e r of the Paris C o m m u n e , M . B e s l a y , lately
addressed Thiers thus in a public placard:—"The e n s l a v e m e n t of labour by
capital has always been the c o r n e r - s t o n e of y o u r | | 8 | policy, and from the
very day you saw the Republic of L a b o u r installed at t h e Hôtel de Ville, y o u
h a v e never c e a s e d to cry o u t to F r a n c e : ' T h e s e are c r i m i n a l s ! ' " A m a s t e r in
small state roguery, a virtuoso in perjury and treason, a craftsman in all the
p e t t y stratagems, cunning devices, and b a s e perfidies of Parliamentary
party-warf are; never scrupling, w h e n out of office, to fan a revolution, and to
stifle it in blood w h e n at the helm of the S t a t e ; w i t h class prejudices
standing him in the place of ideas, and vanity in the place of a h e a r t ; his
private life as infamous as his public life is odious—even now, w h e n playing
the p a r t of a F r e n c h Sulla, he cannot help setting off the abomination of his
deeds by the ridicule of his ostentation.
5
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T h e capitulation of Paris, by surrendering to Prussia n o t only Paris, b u t 40
all F r a n c e , closed the long-continued intrigues of t r e a s o n with the e n e m y ,
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which the usurpers of the 4th S e p t e m b e r had begun, as T r o c h u himself said,
on that very same d a y . On the other h a n d , it initiated the civil w a r they w e r e
n o w to wage, with the assistance of Prussia, against the Republic and Paris.
T h e trap w a s laid in the v e r y t e r m s of the capitulation. At that time a b o v e
one-third of the territory w a s in the h a n d s of the e n e m y , the capital w a s cut
off from the p r o v i n c e s , all c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w e r e disorganized. To elect
under such circumstances a real representation of F r a n c e was impossible,
unless ample time w e r e given for preparation. In view of this, the capitulation stipulated that a N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y m u s t be elected within eight
d a y s ; so that in m a n y p a r t s of F r a n c e the n e w s of the impending election
arrived on its eve only. This A s s e m b l y , m o r e o v e r , w a s , by an express clause
of the capitulation, to be elected for the sole p u r p o s e of deciding on p e a c e
or war, and, eventually, to conclude a treaty of p e a c e . T h e population could
not but feel that the t e r m s of t h e armistice r e n d e r e d the continuation of the
war impossible, and that for sanctioning the p e a c e imposed by Bismarck,
the worst m e n in F r a n c e w e r e the best. B u t n o t content with t h e s e precautions, Thiers, even before t h e secret of the armistice had b e e n b r o a c h e d
to Paris, set out for an electioneering tour t h r o u g h the provinces, t h e r e to
galvanize b a c k into life the Legitimist p a r t y , w h i c h n o w , along with the
Orleanists, had to t a k e t h e place of the t h e n impossible Bonapartists. He
was not afraid of them. Impossible as a g o v e r n m e n t of m o d e r n F r a n c e , and,
therefore, contemptible as rivals, w h a t p a r t y w e r e m o r e eligible as tools of
counter-revolution than the p a r t y w h o s e action, in the w o r d s of Thiers
himself (Chamber of Deputies, 5th J a n u a r y , 1833), " h a d always b e e n confined to the three r e s o u r c e s of foreign invasion, civil war, and a n a r c h y " ?
T h e y verily believed in the a d v e n t of their long-expected retrospective
millennium. There w e r e the heels of foreign invasion trampling u p o n
F r a n c e ; there w a s the downfall of an E m p i r e , and the captivity of a Bonap a r t e ; and there they w e r e t h e m s e l v e s . T h e wheel of history had evidently
rolled b a c k to stop at the " c h a m b r e i n t r o u v a b l e " of 1816. In the Assemblies
of the Republic, 1848 to ' 5 1 , they had b e e n r e p r e s e n t e d by their e d u c a t e d and
trained Parliamentary c h a m p i o n s ; it w a s the rank-and-file of the p a r t y
which now rushed in—all the P o u r c e a u g n a c s of F r a n c e .
As soon as this assembly of " R u r a l s " had m e t at B o r d e a u x , Thiers 1191 m a d e
it clear to t h e m that the p e a c e preliminaries m u s t be assented to at o n c e ,
without even the h o n o u r s of a Parliamentary d e b a t e , as the only condition
on which Prussia would permit t h e m to o p e n the w a r against the Republic
and Paris, its stronghold. T h e counter-revolution had, in fact, no time to
lose. T h e Second E m p i r e had m o r e t h a n doubled the national debt, and
plunged all the large t o w n s into h e a v y municipal d e b t s . T h e war had fearfully swelled the liabilities, and mercilessly ravaged the r e s o u r c e s of the
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nation. To complete the ruin, the Prussian Shylock w a s there with his b o n d
for the keep of half a million of his soldiers on F r e n c h soil, his indemnity
of five milliards, and interest at 5 per c e n t on the unpaid instalments
thereof. W h o was to pay the bill? It w a s only by the violent o v e r t h r o w of
the Republic that the appropriators of wealth could h o p e to shift on to the
shoulders of its p r o d u c e r s the cost of a war w h i c h they, t h e appropriators,
had themselves originated. T h u s , t h e i m m e n s e ruin of F r a n c e spurred on
these patriotic representatives of land and capital, under the very eyes and
p a t r o n a g e of the invader, to graft u p o n the foreign w a r a civil war—a
slaveholders' rebellion.
T h e r e stood in the w a y of this conspiracy o n e great obstacle—Paris. To
disarm Paris was the first condition of s u c c e s s . Paris w a s therefore
s u m m o n e d by Thiers to surrender its a r m s . T h e n Paris w a s e x a s p e r a t e d by
t h e frantic anti-republican d e m o n s t r a t i o n s of the " R u r a l " Assembly and by
T h i e r s ' s o w n equivocations about the legal status of the Republic; by the
threat to decapitate and decapitalize Paris; the a p p o i n t m e n t of Orleanist
a m b a s s a d o r s ; Dufaure's laws on over-due commercial bills and house-rents,
inflicting ruin on the c o m m e r c e and industry of P a r i s ; P o u y e r - Q u e r t i e r ' s tax
of two centimes u p o n every c o p y of every imaginable publication; the
sentences of d e a t h against Blanqui and F l o u r e n s ; the suppression of the
Republican j o u r n a l s ; the transfer of the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y to Versailles;
the renewal of the state of siege declared by Palikao, and expired on the 4th
of S e p t e m b e r ; the appointment of Vinoy, the Décembriseur, as governor of
Paris—of Valentin, the Imperialist gendarme, as its prefect of police—and
of D'Aurelle de Paladines, the Jesuit general, as the commander-in-chief of
its National Guard.
And now we h a v e to address a question to M . T h i e r s and the m e n of
national defence, his u n d e r s t r a p p e r s . It is k n o w n that, through the agency
of M. Pouyer-Quertier, his finance minister, Thiers had contracted a loan of
t w o milliards. N o w , is it true, or not,—
1. T h a t the business w a s so managed that a consideration of several
h u n d r e d millions was secured for the private benefit of Thiers, Jules
F a v r e , E r n e s t Picard, Pouyer-Quertier, and Jules S i m o n ? and—
2. T h a t no m o n e y w a s to be paid d o w n until after t h e "pacification" of
Paris?
At all events, there m u s t h a v e been something very pressing in the matter,
for Thiers and Jules F a v r e , in t h e n a m e of the majority of the B o r d e a u x
A s s e m b l y , unblushingly solicited the immediate occupation of Paris by
Prussian troops. Such, however, w a s not t h e game of Bismarck, as he
sneeringly, and in public, told the admiring F r a n k f o r t Philistines on his
return to G e r m a n y . |
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The Civil War in France · II
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II.
A r m e d Paris was t h e only serious obstacle in the w a y of the counterrevolutionary conspiracy. Paris w a s , therefore, to be disarmed. On this point
the B o r d e a u x Assembly w a s sincerity itself. If the roaring rant of its Rurals
5 had not b e e n audible enough, the surrender of Paris by Thiers to the t e n d e r
mercies of the triumvirate of Vinoy the Décembriseur, Valentin the Bonapartist gendarme, and Aurelle de Paladines the Jesuit general, would h a v e
cut off even the last subterfuge of doubt. B u t while insultingly exhibiting the
true p u r p o s e of the d i s a r m a m e n t of Paris, the conspirators asked her to lay
10
d o w n her a r m s on a p r e t e x t w h i c h w a s the m o s t glaring, the most barefaced
of lies. T h e artillery of the Paris National Guard, said Thiers, belonged to
the State, and to the State it m u s t be r e t u r n e d . T h e fact w a s this:—From the
very day of the capitulation, by w h i c h B i s m a r c k ' s prisoners had signed t h e
surrender of F r a n c e , but r e s e r v e d to themselves a n u m e r o u s body-guard for
15
the e x p r e s s p u r p o s e of cowing Paris, Paris stood on the w a t c h . T h e National
G u a r d reorganized themselves and intrusted their supreme control to a
Central Committee elected by their whole body, save some fragments of the
old Bonapartist formations. On t h e e v e of the e n t r a n c e of the Prussians into
Paris, the Central C o m m i t t e e took m e a s u r e s for the removal to M o n t m a r t r e ,
20 Belleville, and La Villette of t h e c a n n o n and mitrailleuses treacherously
a b a n d o n e d by the capitulards in and a b o u t t h e very quarters the P r u s s i a n s
w e r e to occupy. T h a t artillery had b e e n furnished by the subscriptions of
the National Guard. As their private p r o p e r t y , it w a s officially recognized
in the capitulation of the 28th of J a n u a r y , and on that very title e x e m p t e d
25
from the general surrender, into the hands of the conqueror, of a r m s
belonging to the G o v e r n m e n t . A n d Thiers w a s so utterly destitute of e v e n
the flimsiest pretext for initiating the w a r against Paris, that he had to resort
to the flagrant lie of the artillery of the National G u a r d being State property!
30
T h e seizure of her artillery w a s evidently but to serve as the preliminary
to the general d i s a r m a m e n t of Paris, and, therefore, of the Revolution of the
4th of September. B u t t h a t Revolution h a d b e c o m e t h e legal status of
F r a n c e . T h e republic, its w o r k , w a s recognized by the conqueror in the
t e r m s of the capitulation. After the capitulation, it w a s acknowledged by all
35
the foreign P o w e r s , and in its n a m e the National Assembly had b e e n
s u m m o n e d . T h e Paris working m e n ' s revolution of the 4th of S e p t e m b e r
w a s the only legal title of the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y seated at B o r d e a u x , and
of its executive. Without it, the National A s s e m b l y would at o n c e h a v e to
give w a y to the Corps Législatif, elected in 1869 by universal suffrage u n d e r
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Karl Marx
F r e n c h , not u n d e r Prussian, rule, a n d forcibly dispersed by t h e a r m of t h e
Revolution. |j l l | T h i e r s a n d his ticket-of-leave m e n would h a v e had to capit
ulate for safe-conducts signed by L o u i s B o n a p a r t e , to save t h e m from a
v o y a g e to C a y e n n e . T h e N a t i o n a l Assembly, with i t s p o w e r of a t t o r n e y to settle
t h e t e r m s of p e a c e with Prussia, w a s b u t an incident of t h a t Revolution, t h e
5
t r u e e m b o d i m e n t of w h i c h w a s still a r m e d Paris, w h i c h h a d initiated it, under
gone for it a five m o n t h s ' siege, with its h o r r o r s of famine, and m a d e her
prolonged resistance, despite T r o c h u ' s plan, the basis of an o b s t i n a t e w a r
of defence in the p r o v i n c e s . A n d Paris w a s n o w either to lay d o w n her a r m s
at t h e insulting b e h e s t of the rebellious slaveholders of B o r d e a u x , a n d 10
acknowledge that her R e v o l u t i o n of t h e 4th of S e p t e m b e r m e a n t nothing b u t
a simple transfer of p o w e r from L o u i s B o n a p a r t e to his R o y a l rivals; or she
h a d to stand forward as the self-sacrificing c h a m p i o n of F r a n c e , w h o s e
salvation from ruin, a n d w h o s e r e g e n e r a t i o n w e r e impossible, w i t h o u t t h e
revolutionary o v e r t h r o w of t h e political and social conditions t h a t had 15
e n g e n d e r e d t h e s e c o n d E m p i r e , and, u n d e r its fostering c a r e , m a t u r e d into
u t t e r r o t t e n n e s s . Paris, e m a c i a t e d by a five m o n t h s ' famine, did n o t hesitate
o n e m o m e n t . S h e heroically resolved to r u n all t h e h a z a r d s of a r e s i s t a n c e
against the F r e n c h conspirators, even w i t h P r u ssia n c a n n o n frowning u p o n
her from her o w n forts. Still, in its a b h o r r e n c e of t h e civil w a r into w h i c h 20
Paris w a s to be goaded, the C e n tr a l C o m m i t t e e c o n t i n u e d to persist in a
merely defensive attitude, despite t h e p r o v o c a t i o n s of t h e Assembly, t h e
u s u r p a t i o n s of the E x e c u t i v e , and t h e m e n a c i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n of t r o o p s in
a n d a r o u n d Paris.
T h i e r s o p e n e d t h e civil war by sending Vinoy, at t h e head of a multitude
of sergents-de-ville and some regiments of t h e line, u p o n a n o c t u r n a l expe
dition against M o n t m a r t r e , t h e r e to seize, by surprise, t h e artillery of t h e
N a t i o n a l G u a r d . It is well k n o w n how this a t t e m p t b r o k e d o w n before t h e
r e s i s t a n c e of the N a t i o n a l G u a r d a n d t h e fraternization of t h e line w i t h t h e
p e o p l e . Aurelle de Paladines had printed b e f o r e h a n d his bulletin of victory,
and Thiers held r e a d y t h e placards a n n o u n c i n g his m e a s u r e s of coup d'état.
N o w these had t o b e replaced b y T h i e r s ' appeals, imparting his magnanim o u s resolve to leave t h e National Guard in t h e p o s s e s s i o n of their a r m s ,
with which, he said, he felt sure they w o u l d rally r o u n d t h e G o v e r n m e n t
against the rebels. Out of 300,000 National G u a r d s only 300 r e s p o n d e d to
this s u m m o n s to rally round little Thiers against t h e m s e l v e s . T h e glorious
working m e n ' s Revolution of t h e 18th M a r c h t o o k u n d i s p u t e d sway of Paris.
T h e Central Committee w a s its provisional G o v e r n m e n t . E u r o p e seemed,
for a m o m e n t , to doubt w h e t h e r its r e c e n t sensational p e r f o r m a n c e s of state
and w a r had any reality in t h e m , or w h e t h e r t h e y w e r e t h e d r e a m s of a long
bygone past.
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F r o m the 18th of M a r c h to the e n t r a n c e of the Versailles troops into Paris,
t h e proletarian revolution r e m a i n e d so free from t h e acts of violence in
which the revolutions, a n d still m o r e the counter-revolutions, of t h e " b e t t e r
c l a s s e s " abound, that no facts w e r e left to its o p p o n e n t s to cry o u t about,
5 but t h e execution of Generals L e c o m t e and Clement T h o m a s , and t h e affair
of the Place V e n d ô m e .
O n e of the Bonapartist officers engaged in the nocturnal attempt against
M o n t m a r t r e , General L e c o m t e , had four times ordered the 81st | | 1 2 | line
regiment to fire at an u n a r m e d gathering in the Place Pigalle, and on their
10 refusal fiercely insulted them. Instead bf shooting w o m e n and children, his
o w n m e n shot him. T h e inveterate habits acquired by the soldiery u n d e r t h e
training of the enemies of t h e working class are, of course, not likely to
change the very m o m e n t t h e s e soldiers c h a n g e sides. T h e same m e n e x e cuted Clement T h o m a s .
15
" G e n e r a l " Clement T h o m a s , a m a l c o n t e n t ex-quartermaster-sergeant,
had, in the latter times of L o u i s Philippe's reign, enlisted at the office of the
Republican n e w s p a p e r Le National, t h e r e to serve in the double capacity of
responsible man-of-straw (gérant responsable) a n d of duelling bully to t h a t
very combative journal. After t h e revolution of F e b r u a r y , the m e n of t h e
20
National having got into p o w e r , t h e y m e t a m o r p h o s e d this old quartermaster-sergeant into a general on t h e eve of the b u t c h e r y of J u n e , of w h i c h
h e , like Jules F a v r e , w a s o n e of the sinister plotters, and b e c a m e o n e of the
m o s t dastardly e x e c u t i o n e r s . T h e n he and his generalship disappeared for
a long time, to again rise to t h e surface on t h e 1st N o v e m b e r , 1870. T h e d a y
25 before the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e , caught at t h e H ô t e l de Ville, h a d
solemnly pledged their parole to Blanqui, F l o u r e n s , a n d other r e p r e s e n t a tives of the working class, to abdicate their usurped p o w e r into t h e h a n d s
of a c o m m u n e to be freely elected by Paris. I n s t e a d of keeping their w o r d ,
they let loose on Paris the B r e t o n s of T r o c h u , w h o n o w replaced the
30 Corsicans of B o n a p a r t e . General Tamisier alone, refusing to sully his n a m e
by such a b r e a c h of faith, resigned the commandership-in-chief of the
National Guard, and in his place Clement T h o m a s for o n c e b e c a m e again
a general. During the whole of his t e n u r e of c o m m a n d , he m a d e war, n o t
u p o n t h e Prussians, but u p o n the Paris N a t i o n a l G u a r d . H e p r e v e n t e d their
35
general a r m a m e n t , pitted the bourgeois battalions against the working m e n ' s
battalions, w e e d e d out the officers hostile to T r o c h u ' s " p l a n , " and disb a n d e d , u n d e r t h e stigma of c o w a r d i c e , the v e r y same proletarian battalions
w h o s e heroism has n o w astonished their m o s t inveterate enemies. C l e m e n t
T h o m a s felt quite p r o u d of having r e c o n q u e r e d his J u n e pre-eminence as
40 the personal e n e m y of the w o r k i n g class of Paris. Only a few d a y s before
the 18th of M a r c h , he laid b e f o r e t h e W a r Minister, Le F l ô , a plan of his o w n
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Karl Marx
for "finishing off la fine fleur (the c r e a m ) of t h e Paris canaille." After
V i n o y ' s rout, he m u s t n e e d s appear u p o n the scene of action in the quality
of an amateur spy. T h e Central C o m m i t t e e and the Paris w o r k i n g men w e r e
as m u c h responsible for the killing of Clement T h o m a s and L e c o m t e as the
Princess of Wales w a s for the fate of t h e people crushed to d e a t h on t h e d a y
of her entrance into L o n d o n .
5
T h e m a s s a c r e of u n a r m e d citizens in t h e Place V e n d ô m e is a m y t h which
M . T h i e r s and the Rurals persistently ignored in the A s s e m b l y , intrusting its
propagation exclusively to the s e r v a n t s ' hall of E u r o p e a n journalism. " T h e
m e n of o r d e r , " the reactionists of Paris, trembled at the victory of the 18th 10
of M a r c h . To them it w a s the signal of popular retribution at last arriving.
T h e ghosts of the victims assassinated at their hands from the days of J u n e ,
1848, d o w n to the 22nd of J a n u a r y , 1871, arose before their faces. Their
panic was their only punishment. E v e n the sergents-de-ville, instead of
being di sarmed and locked u p , as j 1131 ought to h a v e b e e n d o n e , h a d t h e gates 15
of Paris flung wide o p e n for their safe retreat to Versailles. T h e m e n of
order w e r e left not only u n h a r m e d , b u t allowed to rally and quietly to seize
m o r e than one stronghold in the very centre of Paris. This indulgence of the
Central Committee—this magnanimity of the a r m e d w o r k i n g men—so
strangely at variance with the habits of t h e " p a r t y of o r d e r , " the latter 20
misinterpreted as mere s y m p t o m s of conscious w e a k n e s s . H e n c e their silly
plan to try, under the cloak of an u n a r m e d d e m o n s t r a t i o n , w h a t Vinoy had
failed to perform with his cannon and mitrailleuses. On the 22nd of M a r c h
a riotous m o b of swells started from t h e q u a r t e r s of luxury, all t h e petits
crevés in their r a n k s , and at their head the notorious familiars of t h e 25
Empire—the H e e c k e r e n , Coëtlogon, H e n r i d e P ê n e , e t c . U n d e r t h e cowardly
p r e t e n c e of a pacific demonstration, this rabble, secretly a r m e d w i t h the
w e a p o n s of the b r a v o , fell into marching order, ill-treated and disarmed t h e
d e t a c h e d patrols and sentries of the National G u a r d s they met.with on their
p r o g r e s s , and, on debouching from the R u e de la Paix, with t h e cry of 30
" D o w n with the Central C o m m i t t e e ! D o w n with the a s s a s s i n s ! T h e National
A s s e m b l y for e v e r ! " attempted to b r e a k t h r o u g h t h e line d r a w n up t h e r e ,
and thus to carry by a surprise the head-quarters of the National Guard in the
Place V e n d ô m e . In reply to their pistol-shots, t h e regular sommations (the
F r e n c h equivalent of the English Riot Act) w e r e m a d e , and, proving ineffec- 35
tive, fire w a s c o m m a n d e d by t h e general of the N a t i o n a l Guard. O n e volley
dispersed into wild flight the silly c o x c o m b s , w h o expected that the m e r e
exhibition of their " r e s p e c t a b i l i t y " would h a v e the same effect u p o n the
Revolution of Paris as J o s h u a ' s t r u m p e t s upon the walls of Jericho. T h e
r u n a w a y s left behind t h e m t w o National G u a r d s killed, nine severely w o u n d - 40
ed (among t h e m a m e m b e r of the Central C o m m i t t e e ) , and the whole scene
134
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of their exploit strewn with revolvers, daggers, and sword-canes, in e v i d e n c e
of the " u n a r m e d " c h a r a c t e r of their " p a c i f i c " demonstration. W h e n , on the
13th of J u n e , 1849, t h e N a t i o n a l G u a r d m a d e a really pacific d e m o n s t r a t i o n
in protest against the felonious assault of F r e n c h troops upon R o m e ,
Changarnier, then general of t h e p a r t y of order, w a s acclaimed by the
National Assembly, and especially by M. Thiers, as the saviour of society,
for having launched his troops from all sides u p o n these u n a r m e d m e n , to
shoot and sabre t h e m d o w n , and to trample them under their h o r s e s ' feet.
Paris, then, w a s placed u n d e r a state of siege. Dufaure hurried t h r o u g h t h e
Assembly new laws of repression. N e w arrests, n e w proscriptions—a n e w
reign of terror set in. But the lower orders m a n a g e these things otherwise.
T h e Central C o m m i t t e e of 1871 simply ignored the heroes of the "pacific
d e m o n s t r a t i o n ; " so m u c h so, that only t w o d a y s later they w e r e enabled to
muster, under Admiral Saisset, for that armed d e m o n s t r a t i o n , c r o w n e d by
the famous s t a m p e d e to Versailles. In their reluctance to continue the civil
w a r opened by T h i e r s ' burglarious attempt on M o n t m a r t r e , the Central
Committee m a d e t h e m s e l v e s , this time, guilty of a decisive mistake in n o t
at once marching upon Versailles, then completely helpless, and thus putting
an end to the conspiracies of Thiers and his Rurals. Instead of this, t h e p a r t y
of order was again allowed to try its strength at the ballot-1 j 14 |box, on the 26th
of M a r c h , the day of the election of the C o m m u n e . T h e n , in the mairies of
Paris, they exchanged bland w o r d s of conciliation with their too g e n e r o u s
c o n q u e r o r s , muttering in their h e a r t s solemn vows to exterminate t h e m in
d u e time.
N o w , look at the r e v e r s e of the medal. Thiers opened his second campaign
against Paris in the beginning of April. T h e first b a t c h of Parisian prisoners
brought into Versailles w a s subjected to revolting atrocities, while E r n e s t
Picard, with his hands in his t r o u s e r s ' p o c k e t s , strolled about jeering t h e m ,
and while M e s d a m e s Thiers and F a v r e , in the midst of their ladies of
h o n o u r (?) applauded, from the balcony, the outrages of the Versailles m o b .
T h e captured soldiers of the line w e r e m a s s a c r e d in cold blood; our b r a v e
friend, General Duval, t h e ironfounder, w a s shot without any form of trial.
Galliffet, the kept m a n of his wife, so notorious for her shameless exhibitions
at the orgies of the S e c o n d E m p i r e , b o a s t e d in a proclamation of having
c o m m a n d e d the m u r d e r of a small t r o o p of National G u a r d s , with their
captain and lieutenant, surprised and disarmed by his C h a s s e u r s . Vinoy, the
r u n a w a y , w a s appointed by Thiers G r a n d C r o s s of the Legion of H o n o u r ,
for his general order to shoot d o w n every soldier of t h e line t a k e n in t h e
ranks of the Federals. D e s m a r e t s , the g e n d a r m e , w a s decorated for the
t r e a c h e r o u s butcher-like chopping in pieces of the high-souled and chivalrous
Flourens, w h o had saved t h e h e a d s of the G o v e r n m e n t of Defence on
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Karl Marx
the 31st of October, 1870. " T h e encouraging p a r t i c u l a r s " of his assassination
w e r e triumphantly expatiated u p o n by Thiers in t h e N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y .
W i t h the elated vanity of a parliamentary T o m T h u m b , permitted to play the
p a r t of a Tamerlane, he denied the rebels against his littleness e v e r y right
of civilized warfare, up to the right of neutrality for a m b u l a n c e s . N o t h i n g
m o r e horrid than that m o n k e y allowed for a time to give full fling to his
tigerish instincts, as foreseen by Voltaire. (See n o t e , p. 35.)
After the decree of the C o m m u n e of the 7th April, ordering reprisals and
declaring it to be its duty " t o p r o t e c t Paris against the cannibal exploits of
the Versailles banditti, and to d e m a n d an e y e for an eye, a t o o t h for a
t o o t h , " Thiers did not stop the b a r b a r o u s t r e a t m e n t of prisoners, m o r e o v e r
insulting t h e m in his bulletins as follows:—"Never h a v e m o r e degraded
c o u n t e n a n c e s of a degraded d e m o c r a c y m e t the afflicted gazes of h o n e s t
men,"—honest like Thiers himself and his ministerial ticket-of-leave m e n .
Still the shooting of prisoners w a s suspended for a time. H a r d l y , h o w e v e r ,
h a d Thiers and his D e c e m b r i s t generals b e c o m e a w a r e that the C o m m u n a l
decree of reprisals w a s b u t an e m p t y threat, that e v e n their g e n d a r m e spies
caught in Paris u n d e r the disguise of N a t i o n a l G u a r d s , that e v e n sergentsde-ville t a k e n with incendiary shells u p o n t h e m , w e r e spared,—when the
wholesale shooting of prisoners w a s r e s u m e d and carried on uninterruptedly
to the end. H o u s e s to which National G u a r d s had fled w e r e s u r r o u n d e d by
g e n d a r m e s , inundated with p e t r o l e u m (which h e r e o c c u r s for the first time
in this war), and then set fire to, t h e charred c o r p s e s being afterwards
brought out by the ambulance of the P r e s s at t h e T e r n e s . F o u r National
G u a r d s having surrendered to a t r o o p of m o u n t e d C h a s s e u r s at Belle E p i n e ,
on the 25th of April, w e r e afterwards shot d o w n , o n e after another, by the
captain, a w o r t h y m a n of ||15| Galliffet's. O n e of his four victims, left for
dead, Scheffer, crawled b a c k to the Parisian o u t p o s t s , and deposed to this
fact before a commission of t h e C o m m u n e . W h e n Tolain interpellated the
W a r Minister upon the r e p o r t of this commission, the Rurals d r o w n e d his
voice and forbade Le Flô to answer. It w o u l d be an insult to their " g l o r i o u s "
a r m y to speak of its deeds. T h e flippant t o n e in w h i c h T h i e r s ' bulletins
a n n o u n c e d the bayoneting of the Federals surprised asleep at Moulin Saquet,
and the wholesale fusillades at Clamart shocked the n e r v e s even of the not
oversensitive L o n d o n Times. B u t it would be ludicrous to-day to a t t e m p t
recounting the merely preliminary atrocities c o m m i t t e d by the b o m b a r d e r s
of Paris and the fomenters of a slaveholders' rebellion p r o t e c t e d by foreign
invasion. Amidst all these h o r r o r s , Thiers, forgetful of his parliamentary
laments on the terrible responsibility weighing d o w n his dwarfish shoulders,
b o a s t s in his bulletins that l'Assemblée siège paisiblement (the A s s e m b l y
continues meeting in peace), and p r o v e s by his c o n s t a n t carousals, n o w with
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The Civil War in France · III
Decembrist generals, n o w with G e r m a n princes, that his digestion is not
troubled in the least, n o t e v e n by the ghosts of L e c o m t e and C l e m e n t
Thomas.
III.
5
On the d a w n of the 18th of M a r c h , Paris a r o s e to the t h u n d e r b u r s t of " V i v e
la C o m m u n e ! " W h a t is the C o m m u n e , t h a t sphinx so tantalizing to the
bourgeois mind?
" T h e proletarians of P a r i s , " said t h e Central C o m m i t t e e in its manifesto
of the 18th M a r c h , " a m i d s t t h e failures a n d t r e a s o n s of the ruling classes,
10 h a v e u n d e r s t o o d that the hour has struck for t h e m to save the situation by
taking into their o w n h a n d s the direction of public affairs. . . . T h e y h a v e
u n d e r s t o o d that it is their imperious d u t y and their absolute right to r e n d e r
themselves masters of their o w n destinies, by seizing u p o n the governmental
p o w e r . " But the working class c a n n o t simply lay hold of the r e a d y - m a d e
15
State machinery, and wield it for its o w n p u r p o s e s .
T h e centralized State p o w e r , with its ubiquitous organs of standing army,
police, b u r e a u c r a c y , clergy, and judicature—organs w r o u g h t after t h e plan
of a systematic and hierarchic division of labour—originates from the d a y s
of absolute m o n a r c h y , serving n a s c e n t middle-class society as a mighty
20 w e a p o n in its struggles against feudalism. Still, its d e v e l o p m e n t remained
clogged by all m a n n e r of mediaeval rubbish, seignorial rights, local privileges,
municipal and guild monopolies and provincial constitutions. T h e gigantic
b r o o m of the F r e n c h Revolution of t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y swept a w a y all
these relics of b y g o n e times, thus clearing simultaneously the social soil of
25 its last hindrances to the s u p e r s t r u c t u r e of t h e m o d e r n State edifice raised
under the First E m p i r e , itself the offspring of the coalition w a r s of old
semi-feudal E u r o p e against m o d e r n F r a n c e . During the s u b s e q u e n t régimes
the G o v e r n m e n t , placed u n d e r parlia|] 1 6 | m e n t a r y control—that is, u n d e r the
direct control of the propertied classes—became n o t only a hotbed of huge
30
national debts and crushing t a x e s ; with its irresistible allurements of place,
pelf, and patronage, it b e c a m e n o t only t h e b o n e of contention b e t w e e n the
rival factions and a d v e n t u r e r s of the ruling classes ; b u t its political c h a r a c t e r
changed simultaneously with the e c o n o m i c changes of society. At the same
p a c e at which the progress of m o d e r n industry developed, widened, intensi-
35
fied the class-antagonism b e t w e e n capital and labour, the State p o w e r
a s s u m e d more and m o r e the c h a r a c t e r of t h e national p o w e r of capital over
labour, of a public force organized for social enslavement, of an engine of
class despotism. After every revolution marking a progressive phase in the
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Karl Marx
class struggle, the purely repressive c h a r a c t e r of the State p o w e r stands out
in bolder and bolder relief. T h e Revolution of 1830, resulting in the transfer
of G o v e r n m e n t from the landlords to the capitalists, transferred it from t h e
more r e m o t e to the more direct antagonists of the working men. T h e
bourgeois Republicans, w h o , in the n a m e of the Revolution of F e b r u a r y ,
t o o k the State power, used it for the J u n e m a s s a c r e s , in order to convince
the working class that " s o c i a l " republic m e a n t the republic ensuring their
social subjection, and in order to c o n v i n c e t h e royalist bulk of the bourgeois
and landlord class that they might safely leave the cares and e m o l u m e n t s
of g o v e r n m e n t to the bourgeois " R e p u b l i c a n s . " H o w e v e r , after their o n e
heroic exploit of J u n e , the bourgeois Republicans had, from the front, to fall
b a c k to the rear of t h e " P a r t y of Order"—a combination formed by all the
rival fractions and factions of the appropriating class in their n o w openly
declared antagonism to the producing classes. T h e p r o p e r form of their
joint-stock G o v e r n m e n t w a s the Parliamentary Republic, with L o u i s
B o n a p a r t e for its President. Theirs w a s a régime of a v o w e d class terrorism
and deliberate insult t o w a r d s the "vile m u l t i t u d e . " If the Parliamentary
Republic, as M . T h i e r s said, "divided them ( t h e different fractions of t h e
ruling c l a s s ) l e a s t , " it opened an abyss b e t w e e n that class and the whole
b o d y of society outside their spare r a n k s . T h e restraints by which their o w n
divisions had under former régimes still checked t h e State p o w e r , w e r e
r e m o v e d by their union; and in view of the threatening upheaval of the
proletariate, they now used that State p o w e r mercilessly and ostentatiously
as the national war-engine of capital against labour. In their uninterrupted
c r u s a d e against the producing m a s s e s they w e r e , h o w e v e r , b o u n d not only
to invest the executive with continually increased p o w e r s of repression, but
at the same time to divest their o w n parliamentary stronghold—the National
Assembly—one by one, of all its o w n m e a n s of defence against the E x e c u t i v e .
T h e E x e c u t i v e , in the p e r s o n of Louis B o n a p a r t e , turned them out. T h e
natural offspring of the " P a r t y - o f - O r d e r " Republic w a s t h e S e c o n d E m pire.
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T h e E m p i r e , with the coup d'état for its certificate of birth, universal
suffrage for its sanction, and the sword for its sceptre, p r o f e s s e d to rest
upon the p e a s a n t r y , the large mass of p r o d u c e r s not directly involved in the
struggle of capital and labour. It professed to save the working class by 35
breaking d o w n Parliamentarism, and, with it, the undisguised subserviency
of G o v e r n m e n t to the propertied classes. It professed to 11171 save the p r o p e r tied classes by upholding their e c o n o m i c s u p r e m a c y over the working class;
and, finally, it professed to unite all classes by reviving for all the chimera
of national glory. In reality, it w a s the only form of g o v e r n m e n t possible at 40
a time w h e n the bourgeoisie had already lost, and the working class had not
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yet acquired, t h e faculty of ruling t h e nation. It w a s acclaimed t h r o u g h o u t
t h e world as t h e saviour of society. U n d e r its sway, bourgeois society, freed
from political c a r e s , attained a d e v e l o p m e n t u n e x p e c t e d even by itself. Its
industry and c o m m e r c e e x p a n d e d to colossal d i m e n s i o n s ; financial swin5 dling celebrated c o s m o p o l i t a n orgies; t h e m i s e r y of t h e m a s s e s w a s set off
by a shameless display of gorgeous, m e r e t r i c i o u s , and d e b a s e d luxury. T h e
State p o w e r , a p p a r e n t l y soaring high a b o v e society, w a s at t h e s a m e time
itself t h e greatest scandal of t h a t society and t h e very hotbed of all its
c o r r u p t i o n s . Its o w n r o t t e n n e s s , a n d the r o t t e n n e s s of t h e society it had
10
saved, w e r e laid b a r e by t h e b a y o n e t of Prussia, herself eagerly b e n t u p o n
transferring t h e s u p r e m e seat of t h a t régime from Paris to Berlin. Imperialism
is, at t h e same time, the m o s t prostitute a n d the ultimate form of t h e S t a t e
p o w e r which n a s c e n t middle-class society had c o m m e n c e d to elaborate as
a m e a n s of its o w n e m a n c i p a t i o n from feudalism, and which full-grown
15
bourgeois society had finally t r a n s f o r m e d into a m e a n s for t h e e n s l a v e m e n t
of labour by capital.
T h e direct antithesis to t h e E m p i r e w a s t h e C o m m u n e . T h e cry of "Social
R e p u b l i c , " with w h i c h t h e revolution of F e b r u a r y w a s u s h e r e d in by t h e
Paris proletariate, did but e x p r e s s a vague aspiration after a Republic that
20
was not only to s u p e r s e d e the m o n a r c h i c a l form of class-rule, b u t class-rule
itself. T h e C o m m u n e w a s the positive form of that Republic.
Paris, the central seat of t h e old g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r , and, at t h e s a m e
time, t h e social stronghold of t h e F r e n c h w o r k i n g class, had risen in a r m s
against the a t t e m p t of Thiers and the Rurals to r e s t o r e and p e r p e t u a t e that
25
old governmental p o w e r b e q u e a t h e d to t h e m by the E m p i r e . Paris could
resist only b e c a u s e , in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e siege, it had got rid of t h e a r m y ,
and replaced it by a National G u a r d , t h e bulk of w h i c h consisted of w o r k i n g
m e n . This fact was n o w to be t r a n s f o r m e d into an institution. T h e first d e c r e e
of t h e C o m m u n e , t h e r e f o r e , w a s the suppression of t h e standing a r m y , a n d
30
the substitution for it of the a r m e d p e o p l e .
T h e C o m m u n e w a s f o r m e d of t h e municipal councillors, c h o s e n by
universal suffrage in the various w a r d s of t h e t o w n , responsible and r e v o c able at short t e r m s . T h e majority of its m e m b e r s w e r e naturally w o r k i n g
m e n , of acknowledged r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e w o r k i n g class. T h e C o m m u n e
35 was to be a working, not a p a r l i a m e n t a r y , b o d y , executive and legislative at
the s a m e time. Instead of continuing to be t h e agent of t h e Central G o v e r n ment, t h e police was at o n c e stripped of its political attributes, and turned
into the responsible and at all times r e v o c a b l e agent of the C o m m u n e . So
w e r e t h e officials of all other b r a n c h e s of the Administration. F r o m t h e
40
m e m b e r s of the C o m m u n e d o w n w a r d s , t h e public service had to be d o n e
at workmen's wages. T h e v e s t e d interests a n d t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n allowances
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of the high dignitaries of State disappeared along j 1181 with t h e high dignitaries
t h e m s e l v e s . Public functions ceased to be the private p r o p e r t y of t h e tools
of the Central G o v e r n m e n t . N o t only municipal administration, b u t the
whole initiative hitherto exercised by the State w a s laid into the h a n d s of
the C o m m u n e .
5
H a v i n g o n c e got rid of the standing a r m y and t h e police, the physical
force elements of the old G o v e r n m e n t , t h e C o m m u n e w a s anxious to b r e a k
the spiritual force of repression, the " p a r s o n - p o w e r , " by the disestablishm e n t and d i s e n d o w m e n t of all c h u r c h e s as proprietary bodies. T h e priests
w e r e sent b a c k to the r e c e s s e s of private life, t h e r e to feed u p o n t h e alms 10
of the faithful in imitation of their p r e d e c e s s o r s , the Apostles. T h e w h o l e
of the educational institutions w e r e o p e n e d to t h e p e o p l e gratuitously, and
at the same time cleared of all interference of C h u r c h and State. T h u s , not
only w a s education m a d e accessible to all, b u t science itself freed from t h e
fetters which class prejudice and g o v e r n m e n t a l force had imposed u p o n it. 15
T h e judicial functionaries w e r e to be divested of that sham i n d e p e n d e n c e
w h i c h had but served to m a s k their abject subserviency to all succeeding
g o v e r n m e n t s to which, in turn, they had taken, and b r o k e n , the o a t h s of
allegiance. L i k e the rest of public s e r v a n t s , magistrates and judges w e r e to
be elective, responsible, and revocable.
20
T h e Paris C o m m u n e w a s , of course, to serve as a model to all the great
industrial centres of F r a n c e . T h e c o m m u n a l régime o n c e established in
Paris and the secondary centres, the old centralized G o v e r n m e n t would in
t h e p r o v i n c e s , t o o , h a v e to give w a y to the self-government of the p r o d u c e r s .
In a rough sketch of national organization w h i c h the C o m m u n e had no time
to develop, it states clearly that the C o m m u n e w a s to be the political form
of even the smallest c o u n t r y hamlet, and that in t h e rural districts the
standing a r m y w a s to be replaced by a national militia, with an e x t r e m e l y
short term of service. T h e rural c o m m u n e s of e v e r y district w e r e to administer their c o m m o n affairs by an assembly of delegates in the central
town, a n d these district assemblies w e r e again to send deputies to t h e
National Delegation in Paris, e a c h delegate to be at a n y time r e v o c a b l e and
b o u n d by the mandat impératif (formal instructions) of his constituents. T h e
few b u t important functions which still w o u l d r e m a i n for a central governm e n t w e r e not to be suppressed, as has b e e n intentionally mis-stated, but
w e r e to be discharged by C o m m u n a l , and therefore strictly responsible
agents. T h e unity of the nation w a s not to be b r o k e n , b u t , on the contrary,
to be organized by the C o m m u n a l constitution, and to b e c o m e a reality by
t h e destruction of the State p o w e r w h i c h claimed to be t h e e m b o d i m e n t of
that unity independent of, and superior to, the nation itself, from w h i c h it
w a s b u t a parasitic e x c r e s c e n c e . While t h e merely r e p r e s s i v e organs of the
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old governmental p o w e r w e r e to be a m p u t a t e d , its legitimate functions w e r e
to be w r e s t e d from an authority usurping pre-eminence over society itself,
and restored to the responsible agents of society. Instead of deciding o n c e
in three or six y e a r s w h i c h m e m b e r of the ruling class w a s to m i s r e p r e s e n t
5 the people in Parliament, universal suffrage w a s to serve the people,
constituted in C o m m u n e s , as individual suffrage serves every other employer in t h e search for t h e w o r k m e n a n d | | l 9 | managers in his business. A n d
it is well k n o w n that c o m p a n i e s , like individuals, in matters of real business
generally know h o w to p u t the right m a n in the right place, and, if they for
10
o n c e m a k e a mistake, to r e d r e s s it promptly. On the other hand, nothing
could be m o r e foreign to the spirit of t h e C o m m u n e than to s u p e r s e d e
universal suffrage by hierarchic investiture.
It is generally t h e fate of completely n e w historical creations to be
mistaken for the c o u n t e r p a r t of older and e v e n defunct forms of social life,
15 to which they m a y b e a r a certain likeness. T h u s , this n e w C o m m u n e , which
breaks the m o d e r n State p o w e r , has b e e n mistaken for a r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e
mediaeval C o m m u n e s , which first p r e c e d e d , and afterwards b e c a m e the
substratum of, that v e r y State p o w e r — T h e c o m m u n a l constitution has
b e e n mistaken for an a t t e m p t to b r e a k up into a federation of small States,
20
as d r e a m t of by M o n t e s q u i e u and the Girondins, that unity of great nations
which, if originally brought a b o u t by political force, has now b e c o m e a
powerful coefficient of social production.—The antagonism of the C o m m u n e
against the State p o w e r has b e e n mistaken for an exaggerated form
of t h e ancient struggle against over-centralization. Peculiar historical
25 circumstances m a y h a v e p r e v e n t e d the classical d e v e l o p m e n t , as in F r a n c e ,
of the bourgeois form of g o v e r n m e n t , and m a y h a v e allowed, as in E n g l a n d ,
to complete the great central State organs by corrupt vestries, jobbing
councillors, and ferocious poor-law guardians in the towns, and virtually
hereditary magistrates in the counties. T h e C o m m u n a l Constitution would
30 h a v e restored to t h e social b o d y all the forces hitherto absorbed by the State
parasite feeding u p o n , and clogging the free m o v e m e n t of, society. By this
one act it would h a v e initiated the regeneration of France.—The provincial
F r e n c h middle-class saw in the C o m m u n e an attempt to restore t h e s w a y
their order had held over the c o u n t r y u n d e r Louis Philippe, and which,
35
u n d e r Louis N a p o l e o n , was supplanted by the p r e t e n d e d rule of the c o u n t r y
over the t o w n s . In reality, the C o m m u n a l Constitution brought the rural
p r o d u c e r s under the intellectual lead of the central towns of their districts,
and there secured to t h e m , in t h e w o r k i n g m e n , t h e natural trustees of their
interests.—The very existence of the C o m m u n e involved, as a m a t t e r of
40 course, local municipal liberty, b u t no longer as a check upon t h e , n o w
superseded, State power. It could only enter into the head of a Bismarck,
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Karl Marx
w h o , w h e n not engaged on his intrigues of blood a n d iron, always likes to
r e s u m e his old trade, so befitting his mental calibre, of contributor to
Kladderadatsch (the Berlin Punch), it could only enter into such a head, to
ascribe to the Paris C o m m u n e aspirations after that caricature of the old
F r e n c h municipal organization of 1791, the Prussian municipal constitution
5
w h i c h degrades the t o w n g o v e r n m e n t s to m e r e s e c o n d a r y wheels in t h e
police-machinery of the Prussian State.—The C o m m u n e m a d e that catchword of bourgeois revolutions, c h e a p g o v e r n m e n t , a reality, by destroying
the t w o greatest sources of expenditure—the standing a r m y a n d State
functionarism. Its very existence p r e s u p p o s e d the non-existence of mon- 10
archy, which, in E u r o p e at least, is the normal i n c u m b r a n c e and indispensable cloak of class-rule. It supplied the Republic with the basis of really
democratic institutions. B u t neither cheap g o v e r n m e n t nor the " t r u e R e p u b l i c " w a s its ultimate aim; they w e r e its m e r e c o n c o m i t a n t s . !
1201 T h e multiplicity of interpretations to which the C o m m u n e has b e e n 15
subjected, and the multiplicity of interests which construed it in their
favour, show that it w a s a thoroughly e x p a n s i v e political form, while all
previous forms of g o v e r n m e n t h a d b e e n emphatically r e p r e s s i v e . Its t r u e
secret was this. It w a s essentially a working-class g o v e r n m e n t , t h e p r o d u c e
of the struggle of the producing against the appropriating class, t h e political 20
form at last discovered under w h i c h to w o r k out the economical emancipation of L a b o u r .
E x c e p t on this last condition, the C o m m u n a l Constitution would h a v e
b e e n an impossibility and a delusion. T h e political rule of t h e p r o d u c e r
c a n n o t coexist with the perpetuation of his social slavery. T h e C o m m u n e 25
w a s therefore to serve as a lever for uprooting t h e economical foundations
u p o n which rests the existence of classes, and therefore of class rule. With
labour emancipated, e v e r y man b e c o m e s a working m a n , and p r o d u c t i v e
labour ceases to be a class attribute.
It is a strange fact. In spite of all the tall talk and all the i m m e n s e 30
literature, for the last sixty y e a r s , a b o u t E m a n c i p a t i o n of L a b o u r , no sooner
do the working m e n a n y w h e r e take the subject into their o w n h a n d s with
a will, than uprises at o n c e all the apologetic phraseology of the m o u t h p i e c e s
of p r e s e n t society with its two poles of Capital and Wage-slavery (the
landlord now is b u t the sleeping p a r t n e r of the capitalist), as if capitalist 35
society w a s still in its purest state of virgin i n n o c e n c e , with its antagonisms
still u n d e v e l o p e d , with its delusions still u n e x p l o d e d , w i t h its prostitute
realities n o t yet laid b a r e . T h e C o m m u n e , t h e y exclaim, intends to abolish
p r o p e r t y , the basis of all civilization! Y e s , gentlemen, the C o m m u n e intended
to abolish that class-property which m a k e s the labour of t h e m a n y the 40
wealth of the few. It aimed at the expropriation of the expropriators. It
142
The Civil War in France III
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wanted to m a k e individual p r o p e r t y a truth by transforming the m e a n s of
production, land and capital, n o w chiefly the m e a n s of enslaving and e x ploiting labour, into m e r e i n s t r u m e n t s of free and associated labour.—But
this is C o m m u n i s m , " i m p o s s i b l e " C o m m u n i s m ! W h y , those m e m b e r s of
the ruling classes w h o are intelligent enough to perceive the impossibility
of continuing the p r e s e n t system—and t h e y are many—have b e c o m e t h e
obtrusive and full-mouthed apostles of co-operative production. If co-operative production is not to remain a sham and a s n a r e ; if it is to supersede the
Capitalist system; if united co-operative societies are to regulate national
production upon a c o m m o n plan, thus taking it under their o w n control, and
putting an end to the c o n s t a n t a n a r c h y and periodical convulsions which are
the fatality of Capitalist production—what else, gentlemen, would it be b u t
Communism, "possible" Communism?
T h e working class did not e x p e c t miracles from the C o m m u n e . T h e y h a v e
no ready-made Utopias to introduce par décret du peuple. T h e y k n o w that
in order to work out their own emancipation, and along with it that higher
form to which present society is irresistibly tending by its o w n economical
agencies, they will h a v e to pass t h r o u g h long struggles, through a series of
historic p r o c e s s e s , transforming c i r c u m s t a n c e s and men. T h e y h a v e no
ideals to realize, but to set free elements of the n e w society with w h i c h
old collapsing bourgeois society itself is pregnant. ||211 In the full consciousness of their historic mission, and with the heroic resolve to act up to it, the
working class can afford to smile at the c o a r s e invective of the g e n t l e m e n ' s
gentlemen with the pen and inkhorn, and at the didactic p a t r o n a g e of
well-wishing bourgeois-doctrinaires, pouring forth their ignorant platitudes
and sectarian crotchets in t h e oracular t o n e of scientific infallibility.
W h e n the Paris C o m m u n e took the m a n a g e m e n t of the revolution in its
own h a n d s ; w h e n plain working m e n for the first time dared to infringe u p o n
the Governmental privilege of their "natural s u p e r i o r s , " and, u n d e r
circumstances of unexampled difficulty, p e r f o r m e d their w o r k modestly,
conscientiously, and efficiently—performed it at salaries the highest of
which barely a m o u n t e d to one-fifth of w h a t , according to high scientific
authority, is the minimum required for a secretary to a certain metropolitan
school-board,—the old world writhed in convulsions of rage at the sight of
the Red Flag, the symbol of the Republic of L a b o u r , floating over t h e Hôtel
de Ville.
A n d yet, this w a s the first revolution in w h i c h the working class w a s
openly acknowledged as the only class capable of social initiative, e v e n by
the great bulk of the Paris middle class—shopkeepers, t r a d e s m e n , merchants—the wealthy capitalists alone e x c e p t e d . T h e C o m m u n e had saved
them by a sagacious settlement of that ever-recurring cause of dispute
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Karl Marx
a m o n g the middle classes themselves—the debtor and creditor a c c o u n t s .
T h e same portion of the middle class, after t h e y had assisted in putting
d o w n the working m e n ' s insurrection of J u n e , 1848, had b e e n at o n c e
u n c e r e m o n i o u s l y sacrificed to their creditors by the then Constituent
A s s e m b l y . But this w a s not their only motive for n o w rallying r o u n d the
w o r k i n g class. T h e y felt that there was b u t o n e alternative—the C o m m u n e ,
or the Empire—under w h a t e v e r n a m e it might r e a p p e a r . T h e E m p i r e had
ruined t h e m economically by the h a v o c it m a d e of public wealth, by the
wholesale financial swindling it fostered, by the p r o p s it lent to the artificially accelerated centralization of capital, and the concomitant expropriation of their o w n ranks. It had suppressed t h e m politically, it had shocked
t h e m morally by its orgies, it had insulted their Voltairianism by handing
over the education of their children to the frères Ignorantins, it had revolted
their national feeling as F r e n c h m e n by precipitating t h e m headlong into a
w a r which left only o n e equivalent for the ruins it made—the d i s a p p e a r a n c e
of t h e E m p i r e . In fact, after the e x o d u s from Paris of the high Bonapartist
and capitalist Bohême, the true middle-class P a r t y of O r d e r c a m e out in the
shape of the " U n i o n R é p u b l i c a i n e , " enrolling themselves u n d e r the colours
of the C o m m u n e and defending it against the wilful misconstruction of
Thiers. W h e t h e r the gratitude of this great b o d y of the middle class will
stand the p r e s e n t severe trial, time m u s t show.
T h e C o m m u n e w a s perfectly right in telling the p e a s a n t s that "its victory
w a s their only h o p e . " Of all the lies hatched at Versailles and re-echoed by
the glorious E u r o p e a n penny-a-liner, o n e of the m o s t t r e m e n d o u s w a s that
the Rurals r e p r e s e n t e d the F r e n c h p e a s a n t r y . Think only of the love of the
F r e n c h p e a s a n t for the m e n to w h o m , after 1815, he had to pay the milliard
of indemnity! In the e y e s of t h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t , ||22 j the very existence of a
great landed proprietor is in itself an e n c r o a c h m e n t on his c o n q u e s t s of
1789. T h e bourgeois, in 1848, h a d b u r t h e n e d his plot of land with the
additional tax of forty-five cents in t h e f r a n c ; but t h e n he did so in the n a m e
of the revolution; while now he had f o m e n t e d a civil w a r against the
revolution, to shift on to the p e a s a n t ' s shoulders t h e chief load of the five
milliards of indemnity to be paid to the Prussian. T h e C o m m u n e , on t h e
other hand, in one of its first proclamations, declared that the true originators of the w a r would be m a d e to p a y its cost. T h e C o m m u n e w o u l d h a v e
delivered the p e a s a n t of the blood tax,—would h a v e given him a cheap
government,—transformed his p r e s e n t b l o o d - s u c k e r s , the n o t a r y , a d v o c a t e ,
executor, and other judicial v a m p i r e s , into salaried c o m m u n a l agents,
elected by, and responsible t o , himself. It would h a v e freed him of t h e
t y r a n n y of the garde champêtre, the g e n d a r m e , and the prefect; w o u l d h a v e
p u t enlightenment by the schoolmaster in the place of stultification by the
144
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,.,....,.,... ,...,....., Stellungen der Versa1ller am 20. Mai
Stellungen der Kommunarden
Z.April
Hauptrichtung der Truppenbewegungen
der Versailler
__ _..
2.~3.April
~ 9.Aprii~ZO Mai
Zl.Mai
~
Zahlenerklärung:
-zo.Mai
Hauptrichtung der Truppenbewegungen
der KOmmunarden
_ ..... 2.~3 . Apri!
9.April~20.
Mai
1 ArcdeTriomphe
2 Generalstab
3 Justizpalast
4 Tu1lerien
5
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priest. A n d the F r e n c h p e a s a n t is, a b o v e all, a m a n of reckoning. He w o u l d
find it extremely r e a s o n a b l e t h a t t h e p a y of t h e priest, instead of being
extorted by the tax-gatherer, should only d e p e n d u p o n the s p o n t a n e o u s
action of the parishioners' religious instincts. S u c h w e r e the great immediate
b o o n s which t h e rule of t h e Commune—and that rule alone—held o u t to t h e
F r e n c h peasantry. It is, therefore, quite superfluous here to expatiate u p o n
the m o r e complicated but vital p r o b l e m s w h i c h the C o m m u n e alone w a s
able, and at the same time compelled, to solve in favour of the p e a s a n t , viz.,
the h y p o t h e c a r y debt, lying like an incubus u p o n his parcel of soil, t h e
prolétariat fonder (the rural proletariate), daily growing u p o n it, a n d his
expropriation from it enforced, at a m o r e and m o r e rapid rate, by t h e
very development of m o d e r n agriculture a n d t h e competition of capitalist
farming.
T h e F r e n c h p e a s a n t had elected L o u i s B o n a p a r t e president of t h e
Republic; but the P a r t y of O r d e r created the E m p i r e . W h a t the F r e n c h
p e a s a n t really w a n t s he c o m m e n c e d to show in 1849 and 1850, by opposing
his maire to the G o v e r n m e n t ' s prefect, his schoolmaster to the G o v e r n m e n t ' s priest, and himself to the G o v e r n m e n t ' s g e n d a r m e . All the laws m a d e
by the party of order in J a n u a r y and F e b r u a r y , 1850, w e r e a v o w e d m e a s u r e s
of repression against the p e a s a n t . T h e p e a s a n t w a s a Bonapartist, b e c a u s e
the great Revolution, with all its benefits to him, w a s , in his e y e s , personified
in N a p o l e o n . This delusion, rapidly breaking d o w n under the S e c o n d
Empire (and in its very n a t u r e hostile to t h e Rurals), this prejudice of the
past, how could it h a v e withstood the appeal of the C o m m u n e to t h e living
interests and urgent w a n t s of t h e p e a s a n t r y ?
T h e Rurals—this w a s , in fact, their chief apprehension—knew that t h r e e
m o n t h s ' free communication of C o m m u n a l Paris with the provinces would
bring about a general rising of the p e a s a n t s , and h e n c e their anxiety to
establish a police b l o c k a d e a r o u n d Paris, so as to stop the spread of the
rinderpest.
If the C o m m u n e w a s t h u s t h e t r u e representative of all the healthy
elements of F r e n c h society, and therefore the truly national G o v e r n m e n t ,
it w a s , at the same time, as a w o r k i n g m e n ' s G o v e r n m e n t , as t h e b o l d |
1231 champion of the emancipation of labour, emphatically international.
Within sight of the Prussian a r m y , that h a d a n n e x e d to G e r m a n y t w o
F r e n c h provinces, t h e C o m m u n e a n n e x e d to F r a n c e t h e working people all
over the world.
T h e Second E m p i r e had b e e n t h e jubilee of cosmopolitan blackleggism,
the rakes of all countries rushing in at its call for a share in its orgies and
in the plunder of the F r e n c h p e o p l e . E v e n at this m o m e n t the right h a n d of
Thiers is G a n e s c o , the foul Wallachian, and his left hand is M a r k o w s k i , the
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Russian spy. T h e C o m m u n e admitted all foreigners to the h o n o u r of dying
for an immortal cause. B e t w e e n the foreign w a r lost by their t r e a s o n , and
the civil w a r fomented by their conspiracy with the foreign invader, the
bourgeoisie had found t h e time to display their patriotism by organizing
police-hunts upon the G e r m a n s in F r a n c e . T h e C o m m u n e m a d e a G e r m a n
5
working-man its minister of labour. Thiers, the bourgeoisie, the Second
E m p i r e , had continually deluded Poland by loud professions of s y m p a t h y ,
while in reality betraying her t o , and doing the dirty w o r k of, Russia. T h e
C o m m u n e h o n o u r e d the heroic sons of Poland by placing them at the head
of the defenders of Paris. And, to broadly m a r k the n e w era of history it w a s 10
conscious of initiating, u n d e r the eyes of the conquering Prussians on t h e
o n e side, and of the Bonapartist army, led by Bonapartist generals, on the
other, t h e C o m m u n e pulled d o w n that colossal symbol of martial glory, the
V e n d ô m e column.
T h e great social m e a s u r e of the C o m m u n e w a s its o w n working existence. 15
Its special m e a s u r e s could but betoken the t e n d e n c y of a g o v e r n m e n t of the
people by the people. Such w e r e the abolition of t h e nightwork of journ e y m e n b a k e r s ; the prohibition, u n d e r penalty, of the e m p l o y e r s ' practice
to r e d u c e wages by levying u p o n their w o r k p e o p l e fines u n d e r manifold
pretexts,—a p r o c e s s in which t h e employer c o m b i n e s in his o w n p e r s o n t h e 20
parts of legislator, judge, and executor, and filches t h e m o n e y to boot.
A n o t h e r m e a s u r e of this class w a s the surrender, to associations of w o r k m e n ,
u n d e r r e s e r v e of c o m p e n s a t i o n , of all closed w o r k s h o p s and factories, no
matter w h e t h e r the respective capitalists had a b s c o n d e d or preferred to
strike work.
25
T h e financial m e a s u r e s of the C o m m u n e , remarkable for their sagacity
and moderation, could only be such as w e r e compatible with t h e state of a
besieged town. Considering the colossal robberies committed u p o n the city
of Paris by the great financial companies and c o n t r a c t o r s , under the protection of H a u s s m a n n , the C o m m u n e would h a v e had an incomparably 30
b e t t e r title to confiscate their p r o p e r t y t h a n L o u i s N a p o l e o n had against
t h e Orleans family. T h e H o h e n z o l l e r n and the English oligarchs w h o b o t h
h a v e derived a good deal of their estates from C h u r c h plunder, w e r e , of
c o u r s e , greatly shocked at the C o m m u n e clearing b u t 8,000f. out of secularisation.
35
While the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t , as soon as it had r e c o v e r e d some spirit
and strength, used the most violent m e a n s against the C o m m u n e ; while it
put d o w n t h e free expression of opinion all over F r a n c e , e v e n to the
forbidding of meetings of delegates from the large t o w n s ; while it subjected
Versailles and the rest of F r a n c e to an espionage far surpassing that of the 40
Second E m p i r e ; while it b u r n e d by its g e n d a r m e inquisitors | | 2 4 | all p a p e r s
146
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printed at Paris, and sifted all c o r r e s p o n d e n c e from and to Paris; while in
the National A s s e m b l y the m o s t timid attempts to put in a w o r d for Paris
were howled d o w n in a m a n n e r u n k n o w n e v e n to the Chambre introuvable
of 1816; with the savage w a r f a r e of Versailles outside, and its a t t e m p t s at
corruption and conspiracy inside Paris—would the C o m m u n e n o t h a v e
shamefully b e t r a y e d its trust by affecting to k e e p up all the decencies a n d
a p p e a r a n c e s of liberalism as in a time of profound p e a c e ? H a d the G o v e r n ment of the C o m m u n e b e e n akin to that of M. Thiers, there would h a v e b e e n
no m o r e occasion to suppress Party-of-Order p a p e r s at Paris than t h e r e w a s
to suppress C o m m u n a l p a p e r s at Versailles.
It w a s irritating indeed to t h e Rurals that at the very same time t h e y
declared the return to the C h u r c h to be t h e only m e a n s of salvation for
F r a n c e , the infidel C o m m u n e u n e a r t h e d the peculiar mysteries of the Picpus
n u n n e r y , and of the C h u r c h of Saint L a u r e n t . It w a s a satire u p o n M. Thiers
that, while he showered grand crosses u p o n the Bonapartist generals in
acknowledgment of their m a s t e r y in losing battles, signing capitulations,
and turning cigarettes at Wilhelmshöhe, the C o m m u n e dismissed and
arrested its generals w h e n e v e r they w e r e suspected of neglecting their
duties. T h e expulsion from, and arrest b y , the C o m m u n e of one of its
m e m b e r s w h o had slipped in u n d e r a false n a m e , and had u n d e r g o n e at
L y o n s six d a y s ' imprisonment for simple b a n k r u p t c y , w a s it not a deliberate
insult hurled at the forger, Jules F a v r e , t h e n still the foreign minister of
F r a n c e , still selling F r a n c e to B i s m a r c k , and still dictating his orders to that
paragon G o v e r n m e n t of Belgium? B u t indeed the C o m m u n e did not pretend
to infallibility, the invariable attribute of all g o v e r n m e n t s of the old stamp.
It published its doings and sayings, it initiated the public into all its shortcomings.
In every revolution t h e r e intrude, at t h e side of its t r u e agents, m e n of a
different s t a m p ; some of t h e m survivors of a n d d e v o t e e s to past revolutions,
without insight into the p r e s e n t m o v e m e n t , but preserving popular influence
by their k n o w n h o n e s t y and courage, or by the sheer force of tradition;
others mere bawlers, w h o , by dint of repeating y e a r after year the same set
of stereotyped declamations against the G o v e r n m e n t of t h e day, h a v e
sneaked into the reputation of revolutionists of t h e first water. After the
18th of March, some such m e n did also turn up, and in some cases contrived
to play pre-eminent parts. As far as their p o w e r w e n t , they h a m p e r e d the
real action of the working class, exactly as m e n of that sort have h a m p e r e d
the full d e v e l o p m e n t of every p r e v i o u s revolution. T h e y are an unavoidable
evil; with time they are shaken off; but time was not allowed to the
Commune.
Wonderful, indeed, w a s the change the C o m m u n e had w r o u g h t in Paris!
147
Karl Marx
No longer a n y trace of the meretricious Paris of the Second E m p i r e . No
longer w a s Paris the r e n d e z v o u s of British landlords, Irish a b s e n t e e s ,
A m e r i c a n ex-slaveholders and s h o d d y m e n , Russian ex-serfowners, a n d
Wallachian b o y a r d s . N o m o r e corpses a t the M o r g u e , n o nocturnal burglaries, scarcely any r o b b e r i e s ; in fact, for the first time since t h e d a y s of
5
F e b r u a r y , 1848, the streets of Paris w e r e safe, and t h a t without any police
of any kind. " W e , " said a m e m b e r of the C o m m u n e , " h e a r |J251 no longer of
assassination, theft, and personal assault; it s e e m s indeed as if the police
had dragged along with it to Versailles all its C o n s e r v a t i v e f r i e n d s . " T h e
cocottes had refound the scent of their protectors—the absconding m e n of
10
family, religion, and, a b o v e all, of p r o p e r t y . In their stead, the real w o m e n
of Paris showed again at the surface—heroic, noble, and devoted, like the
w o m e n of antiquity. Working, thinking, fighting, bleeding Paris—almost
forgetful, in its incubation of a n e w society, of the cannibals at its g a t e s radiant in t h e enthusiasm of its historic initiative!
15
O p p o s e d to this n e w world at Paris, behold the old world at Versailles—
t h a t assembly of the ghouls of all defunct régimes, Legitimists and Orleanists, eager to feed u p o n t h e carcass of the nation,—with a tail of antediluvian Republicans, sanctioning, by their p r e s e n c e in t h e A s s e m b l y , t h e
slaveholders' rebellion, relying for the m a i n t e n a n c e of their Parliamentary 20
Republic u p o n the vanity of the senile m o u n t e b a n k at its head, and caricaturing 1789 by holding their ghastly meetings in the Jeu de Paume. T h e r e it
w a s , this Assembly, the representative of everything dead in F r a n c e , p r o p p e d
up to the semblance of life by nothing b u t the swords of the generals of
Louis B o n a p a r t e . Paris all truth, Versailles all lie; and that lie v e n t e d 25
through the m o u t h of Thiers.
Thiers tells a deputation of the m a y o r s of the Seine-et-Oise,—"You m a y
rely upon my w o r d , which I h a v e never b r o k e n ! " He tells t h e Assembly
itself that "it w a s the m o s t freely elected a n d m o s t Liberal A s s e m b l y
F r a n c e e v e r p o s s e s s e d " ; he tells his motley soldiery that it w a s " t h e 30
admiration of the world, and the finest a r m y F r a n c e ever p o s s e s s e d " ; he
tells the provinces that the b o m b a r d m e n t of Paris by him w a s a m y t h : "If
some cannon-shots h a v e b e e n fired, it is n o t t h e deed of t h e a r m y of
Versailles, but of some insurgents trying to m a k e believe that t h e y are
fighting, while they dare not show their f a c e s . " He again tells the provinces 35
that " t h e artillery of Versailles does not b o m b a r d Paris, b u t only c a n n o n a d e s
i t . " He tells the A r c h b i s h o p of Paris that the p r e t e n d e d e x e c u t i o n s and
reprisals (!) attributed to the Versailles troops w e r e all m o o n s h i n e . He tells
Paris that he w a s only anxious " t o free it from the h i d e o u s tyrants w h o
o p p r e s s i t , " and that, in fact, the Paris of the C o m m u n e w a s " b u t a handful 40
of criminals."
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The Civil War in France • IV
T h e Paris of M. Thiers w a s n o t t h e real Paris of the "vile m u l t i t u d e , " b u t
a p h a n t o m Paris, the Paris of t h e francs-fileurs, t h e Paris of the B o u l e v a r d s ,
male and female—the rich, the capitalist, the gilded, the idle Paris, n o w
thronging with its l a c k e y s , its blacklegs, its literary bohème, and its cocottes
5 at Versailles, Saint-Denis, Rueil, and Saint-Germain; considering the civil
war b u t an agreeable diversion, eyeing t h e battle going on through telescopes, counting the r o u n d s of c a n n o n , a n d swearing gy their o w n h o n o u r
and that of their prostitutes, t h a t t h e p e r f o r m a n c e w a s far better got up t h a n
it used to be at the P o r t e St. Martin. T h e men w h o fell w e r e really d e a d ; the
10 cries of the w o u n d e d w e r e cries in good e a r n e s t ; and, besides, t h e w h o l e
thing w a s so intensely historical.
This is the Paris of M. Thiers, as t h e Emigration of Coblentz w a s t h e
F r a n c e of M. de Calonne. |
1261 IV.
15
T h e first attempt of t h e slaveholders' conspiracy to put d o w n Paris by
getting the Prussians to o c c u p y it, w a s frustrated by B i s m a r c k ' s refusal. T h e
second attempt, that of the 18th of M a r c h , e n d e d in the r o u t of the a r m y a n d
the flight to Versailles of the G o v e r n m e n t , w h i c h ordered the w h o l e administration to b r e a k up and follow in its track. By the semblance of p e a c e 20 negotiations with Paris, Thiers found t h e time to p r e p a r e for w a r against it.
But w h e r e to find an a r m y ? T h e r e m n a n t s of t h e line regiments w e r e w e a k
in n u m b e r and unsafe in character. His urgent appeal to the provinces to
succour Versailles, by their National G u a r d s and volunteers, met with a f l a t
refusal. Brittany alone furnished a handful of Chouans fighting u n d e r a
25
white flag, every o n e of t h e m w e a r i n g on his b r e a s t the h e a r t of J e s u s in
white cloth, and shouting " V i v e le R o i ! " ( L o n g live t h e King!) Thiers w a s ,
therefore, compelled to collect, in hot h a s t e , a motley crew, c o m p o s e d of
sailors, marines, Pontifical Z o u a v e s , Valentin's g e n d a r m e s , and Piétri's
sergents de ville a n d mouchards. This a r m y , h o w e v e r , w o u l d h a v e b e e n
30 ridiculously ineffective without the instalments of imperialist war-prisoners,
which Bismarck granted in n u m b e r s just sufficient to keep the civil w a r
a-going, and keep the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t in abject d e p e n d e n c e on
Prussia. During the w a r itself, the Versailles police had to look after t h e
Versailles army, while the g e n d a r m e s had to drag it on by exposing t h e m 35
selves at all posts of danger. T h e forts which fell w e r e not taken, but bought.
T h e heroism of the F e d e r a l s c o n v i n c e d Thiers t h a t the resistance of Paris
w a s not to be b r o k e n by his o w n strategic genius and the b a y o n e t s at his
disposal.
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Meanwhile, his relations with t h e p r o v i n c e s b e c a m e m o r e and m o r e
difficult. N o t o n e single address of approval c a m e in to gladden Thiers and
his Rurals. Quite the contrary. Deputations and a d d r e s s e s demanding, in a
t o n e anything but respectful, conciliation with Paris on the basis of the
unequivocal recognition of the Republic, the a c k n o w l e d g m e n t of the
5
C o m m u n a l liberties, and the dissolution of t h e N a t i o n a l Assembly, w h o s e
m a n d a t e was extinct, p o u r e d in from all sides, and in such n u m b e r s that
D u f a u r e , Thiers's Minister of Justice, in his circular of April 23rd to the
public p r o s e c u t o r s , c o m m a n d e d them to treat " t h e cry of conciliation" as
a crime! In regard, h o w e v e r , of the hopeless p r o s p e c t held out by his 10
campaign, Thiers resolved to shift his tactics by ordering, all over the
c o u n t r y , municipal elections to take place on the 30th of April, on the basis
of the new municipal law dictated by himself to the National A s s e m b l y .
W h a t with the intrigues of his prefects, w h a t with police intimidation, he felt
quite sanguine of imparting, by the verdict of t h e provinces, to t h e National 15
Assembly that moral p o w e r it had never p o s s e s s e d , and of getting at last
from the provinces the physical force required for the c o n q u e s t of Paris.
His banditti-warfare against Paris, exalted in his o w n bulletins, and t h e
attempts of his ministers at the establishment, t h r o u g h o u t F r a n c e , of a|
|27| reign of terror, Thiers w a s from the beginning anxious to a c c o m p a n y with
a little byplay of conciliation, which had to serve m o r e t h a n one p u r p o s e . It
w a s to d u p e the provinces, to inveigle the middle-class element in Paris, and,
a b o v e all, to afford the professed Republicans in the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y the
opportunity of hiding their treason against Paris behind their faith in Thiers.
On the 21st of M a r c h , w h e n still without an army, he had declared to the
A s s e m b l y : " C o m e w h a t m a y , I will not send an a r m y to P a r i s . " On the 27th
M a r c h he r o s e again: "I h a v e found t h e Republic an accomplished fact, and
I am firmly resolved to maintain it." In reality, he p u t d o w n the revolution
at L y o n s and Marseilles in the n a m e of the Republic, while the roars of his
Rurals d r o w n e d the very mention of its n a m e at Versailles. After this
exploit, he toned d o w n the " a c c o m p l i s h e d f a c t " into an hypothetical fact.
T h e Orleans princes, w h o m he had cautiously w a r n e d off B o r d e a u x , w e r e
n o w , in flagrant b r e a c h of the law, permitted to intrigue at D r e u x . T h e
concessions held out by Thiers in his interminable interviews with the
delegates from Paris and the p r o v i n c e s , although constantly varied in t o n e
and colour, according to time and c i r c u m s t a n c e s , did in fact never c o m e to
m o r e than the prospective restriction of revenge to the "handful of criminals
implicated in the m u r d e r of L e c o m t e and C l e m e n t T h o m a s , " on the wellu n d e r s t o o d premiss that Paris and F r a n c e w e r e u n r e s e r v e d l y to a c c e p t
M. Thiers himself as the best of possible Republics, as he, in 1830, had d o n e
with L o u i s Philippe. E v e n t h e s e concessions he not only t o o k care to r e n d e r
150
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doubtful by the official c o m m e n t s p u t u p o n t h e m in the Assembly t h r o u g h
his Ministers. He had his D u f a u r e to act. D u f a u r e , this old Orleanist lawyer,
had always b e e n the justiciary of the state of siege, as now in 1871, u n d e r
Thiers, so in 1839 u n d e r Louis Philippe, and in 1849 u n d e r Louis B o n a p a r t e ' s
presidency. While out of office he m a d e a fortune by pleading for the Paris
capitalists, and m a d e political capital by pleading against the laws he had
himself originated. He n o w hurried t h r o u g h the National Assembly not only
a set of repressive laws w h i c h w e r e , after t h e fall of Paris, to extirpate t h e
last remnants of Republican liberty in F r a n c e ; he f o r e s h a d o w e d the fate of
Paris by abridging t h e , for him, too slow p r o c e d u r e of courts-martial, and
by a new-fangled, D r a c o n i c c o d e of deportation. T h e Revolution of 1848,
abolishing the penalty of death for political crimes, had replaced it by
deportation. L o u i s B o n a p a r t e did not d a r e , at least not in t h e o r y , to r e establish the régime of the guillotine. T h e Rural Assembly, not yet bold
enough even to hint that the Parisians w e r e not rebels, but assassins, h a d
therefore to confine its p r o s p e c t i v e v e n g e a n c e against Paris to D u f a u r e ' s
n e w code of deportation. U n d e r all t h e s e circumstances Thiers himself
could not h a v e gone on with his c o m e d y of conciliation, had it not, as he
intended it to do, d r a w n forth shrieks of rage from the Rurals, w h o s e
ruminating mind did neither u n d e r s t a n d the play, nor its necessities of
hypocrisy, tergiversation, and procrastination.
In sight of the impending municipal elections of the 30th April, Thiers
enacted o n e of his great conciliation scenes of the 27th April. Amidst a
flood of sentimental rhetoric, he exclaimed from the tribune of the
Assembly: " T h e r e exists no conspiracy against the Republic but that
of ||28| Paris, which compels us to shed F r e n c h blood. I repeat it again and
again. L e t those impious a r m s fall from the h a n d s which hold t h e m , a n d
chastisement will be arrested at o n c e by an act of p e a c e excluding only the
small n u m b e r of criminals." To the violent interruption of the Rurals he
replied: " G e n t l e m e n , tell m e , I implore y o u , am I w r o n g ? Do you really regret
that I could have stated the truth that the criminals are only a handful? Is it
not fortunate in the midst of our misfortunes that those w h o h a v e b e e n
capable to shed the blood of C l e m e n t T h o m a s and General L e c o m t e are b u t
rare e x c e p t i o n s ? "
F r a n c e , however, t u r n e d a deaf ear to w h a t Thiers flattered himself to be
a parliamentary siren's song. O u t of 700,000 municipal councillors r e t u r n e d
by the 35,000 c o m m u n e s still left to F r a n c e , the united Legitimists, Orleanists, and Bonapartists did not carry 8,000. T h e supplementary elections
w h i c h followed w e r e still m o r e decidedly hostile. T h u s , instead of getting
from the provinces the badly-needed physical force, the National A s s e m b l y
lost even its last claim to moral force, that of being the expression of t h e
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Karl Marx
universal suffrage of the country. To complete the discomfiture, t h e newlyc h o s e n municipal councils of all the cities of F r a n c e openly threatened the
usurping Assembly at Versailles with a counter A s s e m b l y at B o r d e a u x .
T h e n the long-expected m o m e n t of decisive action had at last c o m e for
Bismarck. He peremptorily s u m m o n e d Thiers to send to Frankfort plenipotentiaries for the definitive settlement of p e a c e . In humble obedience to
t h e call of his master, Thiers h a s t e n e d to d e s p a t c h his trusty Jules F a v r e ,
b a c k e d b y Pouyer-Quertier. Pouyer-Quertier, a n " e m i n e n t " R o u e n cottonspinner, a fervent and even servile partisan of t h e S e c o n d E m p i r e , had
never found any fault with it save its commercial t r e a t y with England,
prejudicial to his o w n shop-interest. H a r d l y installed at B o r d e a u x as Thiers's
Minister of F i n a n c e , he d e n o u n c e d that " u n h o l y " treaty, hinted at its near
abrogation, and h a d e v e n t h e effrontery to try, although in vain (having
c o u n t e d without Bismarck), the immediate e n f o r c e m e n t of the old protective
duties against Alsace, w h e r e , he said, no p r e v i o u s international treaties
stood in the w a y . This m a n , w h o considered counter-revolution as a m e a n s
to p u t d o w n wages at R o u e n , and the surrender of F r e n c h provinces as a
m e a n s to bring up the price of his w a r e s in F r a n c e , w a s he not the one
predestined to be picked out by Thiers as the h e l p m a t e of Jules F a v r e in his
last and crowning t r e a s o n ?
On the arrival at Frankfort of this exquisite pair of plenipotentiaries, bully
B i s m a r c k at o n c e m e t them with the imperious alternative: Either the
restoration of the E m p i r e , or the unconditional a c c e p t a n c e of my o w n p e a c e
t e r m s ! T h e s e t e r m s included a shortening of the intervals in w h i c h the w a r
indemnity w a s to be paid, and the continued o c c u p a t i o n of the Paris forts
by Prussian troops until Bismarck should feel satisfied with the state of
things in F r a n c e ; Prussia thus being recognized as the s u p r e m e arbiter in
internal F r e n c h politics! In return for this he offered to let loose, for the
extermination of Paris, the captive Bonapartist a r m y , a n d to lend t h e m the
direct assistance of E m p e r o r William's t r o o p s . He pledged his good faith by
making p a y m e n t of the first instalment of the | | 2 9 | indemnity d e p e n d e n t on
t h e "pacification" of Paris. S u c h a bait w a s , of c o u r s e , eagerly swallowed
by Thiers and his plenipotentiaries. T h e y signed t h e t r e a t y of p e a c e on
t h e 10th of M a y , a n d h a d it e n d o r s e d by t h e Versailles A s s e m b l y on the
18th.
In the interval b e t w e e n the conclusion of p e a c e a n d the arrival of the
Bonapartist prisoners, Thiers felt the m o r e b o u n d to r e s u m e his c o m e d y of
conciliation, as his Republican tools stood in sore n e e d of a p r e t e x t for
blinking their eyes at the preparations for the carnage of Paris. As late as
the 8th M a y he replied to a deputation of middle-class conciliators—"Whenever the insurgents will m a k e up their minds for capitulation, the gates of
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Paris shall be flung wide o p e n during a w e e k for all e x c e p t the m u r d e r e r s
of Generals Clement T h o m a s a n d L e c o m t e . "
A few days afterwards, w h e n violently interpellated on t h e s e p r o m i s e s by
the Rurals, he refused to enter into any explanations; not, h o w e v e r , without
5 giving t h e m this significant hint:—"I tell y o u t h e r e are impatient m e n
amongst you, m e n w h o are in too great a hurry. T h e y m u s t h a v e a n o t h e r
eight d a y s ; at the end of t h e s e eight d a y s there will be no m o r e danger, and
the task will be p r o p o r t i o n a t e to their courage and to their c a p a c i t i e s . " As
soon as M a c M a h o n w a s able to assure him that he could shortly enter Paris,
10
Thiers declared to the A s s e m b l y t h a t " h e w o u l d enter Paris with the laws
in his h a n d s , and d e m a n d a full expiation from the w r e t c h e s w h o had
sacrificed the lives of soldiers and d e s t r o y e d public m o n u m e n t s . " As the
m o m e n t of decision d r e w near he said—to t h e A s s e m b l y , "I shall be
pitiless!"—to Paris, that it w a s d o o m e d ; and to his Bonapartist banditti, t h a t
15
they had State license to w r e a k v e n g e a n c e u p o n Paris to their h e a r t s '
content. At last, w h e n t r e a c h e r y h a d o p e n e d the gates of Paris to General
D o u a y , on t h e 21st M a y , Thiers, on t h e 22nd, revealed to the Rurals t h e
" g o a l " of his conciliation c o m e d y , w h i c h they h a d so obstinately persisted
in not understanding. "I told y o u a few d a y s ago that we w e r e approaching
20
our goal; to-day I c o m e to tell y o u the goal is reached. T h e victory of order,
justice, and civilization is at last w o n ! "
So it w a s . T h e civilization a n d justice of bourgeois order c o m e s out in its
lurid light w h e n e v e r the slaves and drudges of that order rise against their
m a s t e r s . T h e n this civilization and justice stand forth as undisguised savagery
25 and lawless revenge. E a c h n e w crisis in the class struggle b e t w e e n t h e
appropriator and the p r o d u c e r brings out this fact m o r e glaringly. E v e n the
atrocities of the bourgeois in J u n e , 1848, vanish before the ineffable
infamy of 1871. T h e self-sacrificing heroism with which the population of
Paris—men, w o m e n , and children—fought for eight d a y s after the e n t r a n c e
30 of the Versaillese, reflects as m u c h t h e g r a n d e u r of their cause, as t h e
infernal deeds of the soldiery reflect the innate spirit of that civilization of
which they are the m e r c e n a r y vindicators. A glorious civilization, indeed,
the great problem of w h i c h is how to get rid of the h e a p s of corpses it m a d e
after the battle w a s over!
35
To find a parallel for the c o n d u c t of Thiers and his b l o o d h o u n d s we m u s t
go b a c k to the times of Sulla a n d t h e t w o Triumvirates of R o m e . T h e same
wholesale slaughter in cold b l o o d ; t h e s a m e disregard, in mas|J30Jsacre, of
age and sex; the same system of torturing p r i s o n e r s ; the same proscriptions,
but this time of a whole class; t h e s a m e savage h u n t after concealed leaders,
40
lest o n e might e s c a p e ; t h e s a m e denunciations of political and private e n e mies; t h e same indifference for the b u t c h e r y of entire strangers to t h e feud.
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Karl Marx
T h e r e is but this difference, that the R o m a n s had no mitrailleuses for t h e
despatch, in the lump, of the proscribed, a n d that they h a d not " t h e law in
their h a n d s , " nor on their lips the cry of "civilization."
A n d after those horrors, look u p o n the other, still m o r e hideous, face of
that bourgeois civilization as described by its o w n p r e s s !
" W i t h stray s h o t s , " writes the Paris c o r r e s p o n d e n t of a L o n d o n T o r y
p a p e r , "still ringing in the distance, and u n t e n d e d w o u n d e d wretches dying
amid the t o m b s t o n e s of P è r e la Chaise—with 6,000 terror-stricken insurgents wandering in an agony of despair in the labyrinth of the c a t a c o m b s ,
and w r e t c h e s hurried through the streets to be shot d o w n in scores by t h e
mitrailleuse—it is revolting to see the cafés filled with the votaries of
absinthe, billiards, and d o m i n o e s ; female profligacy perambulating the
b o u l e v a r d s , and the sound of revelry disturbing the night from the cabinets
particuliers of fashionable r e s t a u r a n t s . " M . E d o u a r d H e r v é writes in t h e
Journal de Paris, a Versaillist journal suppressed by the Commune:—"The
w a y in which the population of Paris (!) manifested its satisfaction yesterday was rather more than frivolous, and we fear it will grow w o r s e as time
p r o g r e s s e s . Paris has now a fête day a p p e a r a n c e , w h i c h is sadly out of p l a c e ;
and, unless we are to be called the Parisiens de la décadence, this sort of
thing must c o m e to an e n d . " A n d then he q u o t e s t h e passage from Tacitus:—
" Y e t , on the m o r r o w of that horrible struggle, even before it w a s completely
over, Rome—degraded and corrupt—began o n c e m o r e to wallow in the
voluptuous slough which w a s destroying its b o d y and polluting its s o u l alibi proelia et vulnera, alibi b a l n e a e popinaeque—(here fights and w o u n d s ,
t h e r e b a t h s and r e s t a u r a n t s ) . " M. H e r v é only forgets to say that the " p o p u lation of P a r i s " he speaks of is but the population of t h e Paris of M. Thiers—
the francs-fileurs returning in throngs from Versailles, Saint-Denis, Rueil,
and Saint-Germain—the Paris of the " D e c l i n e . "
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In all its bloody triumphs over the self-sacrificing c h a m p i o n s of a new and
better society, that nefarious civilization, based u p o n the e n s l a v e m e n t of 30
labour, d r o w n s the m o a n s of its victims in a hue-and-cry of calumny,
r e v e r b e r a t e d by a world-wide e c h o . T h e serene working m e n ' s Paris of the
C o m m u n e is suddenly changed into a p a n d e m o n i u m by the b l o o d h o u n d s of
" o r d e r . " A n d w h a t does this t r e m e n d o u s c h a n g e p r o v e to the bourgeois
mind of all countries? W h y , that the C o m m u n e has conspired against 35
civilization! The Paris people die enthusiastically for the C o m m u n e in
n u m b e r s unequalled in any battle k n o w n to history. W h a t does that p r o v e ?
W h y , that the C o m m u n e w a s not the p e o p l e ' s o w n g o v e r n m e n t , b u t the
usurpation of a handful of criminals! T h e w o m e n of Paris joyfully give up
their lives at the barricades and on the place of execution. W h a t does this 40
p r o v e ? W h y , that the d e m o n of the C o m m u n e has changed t h e m into
154
Megaeras and H e c a t e s ! T h e m o d e r a t i o n of the C o m m u n e during t w o m o n t h s
of undisputed sway is equalled only by the ||311 heroism of its defence. W h a t
does that p r o v e ? W h y , that for m o n t h s t h e C o m m u n e carefully hid, u n d e r
a m a s k of moderation and h u m a n i t y , the blood-thirstiness of its fiendish
5 instincts, to be let loose in t h e h o u r of its agony!
T h e working m e n ' s Paris, in the act of its heroic self-holocaust, involved
in its flames buildings and m o n u m e n t s . While tearing to pieces the living
b o d y of the proletariate, its rulers m u s t no longer expect to return triumphantly into the intact architecture of their a b o d e s . T h e G o v e r n m e n t of
10
Versailles cries, " I n c e n d i a r i s m ! " a n d w h i s p e r s this cue to all its agents,
down to the r e m o t e s t hamlet, to h u n t up its enemies e v e r y w h e r e as suspect
of professional incendiarism. T h e bourgeoisie of the whole world, w h i c h
looks complacently u p o n the wholesale m a s s a c r e after the battle, is convulsed by horror at the desecration of brick and mortar!
15
W h e n g o v e r n m e n t s give state-licenses to their navies to "kill, burn, and
d e s t r o y , " is that a license for incendiarism? W h e n the British t r o o p s
wantonly set fire to the Capitol at W a s h i n g t o n a n d to the s u m m e r palace of
the Chinese E m p e r o r , was that incendiarism? W h e n the Prussians, not for
military r e a s o n s , b u t out of t h e m e r e spite of revenge, burnt d o w n , by t h e
20 help of petroleum, t o w n s like C h â t e a u d u n a n d innumerable villages, w a s
that incendiarism? W h e n Thiers, during six w e e k s , b o m b a r d e d Paris, u n d e r
the pretext that he w a n t e d to set fire to those houses only in which t h e r e
w e r e people, w a s that incendiarism?—In w a r , fire is an arm as legitimate as
any. Buildings held by the e n e m y are shelled to set t h e m on fire. If their
25 defenders h a v e to retire, they t h e m s e l v e s light the flames to p r e v e n t t h e
attack from making use of the buildings. To be b u r n t d o w n has always b e e n
the inevitable fate of all buildings situated in t h e front of battle of all the
regular armies of the world. B u t in the w a r of the enslaved against their
enslavers, the only justifiable w a r in history, this is by no m e a n s to hold
30
good! T h e C o m m u n e used fire strictly as a m e a n s of defence. T h e y used it
to stop up to the Versailles t r o o p s t h o s e long straight a v e n u e s w h i c h
H a u s s m a n n had expressly o p e n e d to artillery-fire; they used it to cover
their retreat, in the same w a y as the Versaillese, in their a d v a n c e , used their
shells Which destroyed at least as m a n y buildings as the fire of the
35 C o m m u n e . It is a matter of dispute, e v e n n o w , which buildings w e r e set fire
to by the defence, and which by t h e attack. A n d the defence resorted to fire
only then, w h e n the Versaillese troops had already c o m m e n c e d their
wholesale murdering of prisoners—Besides, the C o m m u n e had, long
before, given full public notice that, if driven to extremities, they would
40
b u r y themselves under the ruins of Paris, and m a k e Paris a second M o s c o w ,
as the G o v e r n m e n t of D e f e n c e , b u t only as a cloak for its t r e a s o n , had
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Karl Marx
promised to do. F o r this p u r p o s e T r o c h u had found t h e m the p e t r o l e u m .
T h e C o m m u n e k n e w that its o p p o n e n t s cared nothing for the lives of t h e
Paris people, but cared m u c h for their o w n Paris buildings. A n d Thiers, on
the other hand, had given t h e m notice t h a t he w o u l d be implacable in his
v e n g e a n c e . No sooner had he got his a r m y ready on o n e side, and the
5
Prussians shutting up t h e trap on t h e other, than he proclaimed: "I shall be
pitiless! T h e expiation will be complete, and | | 3 2 | justice will be s t e r n ! " If the
acts of t h e Paris w o r k i n g m e n w e r e Vandalism, it w a s t h e vandalism of
defence in despair, not t h e vandalism of triumph, like that w h i c h the
Christians perpetrated u p o n t h e really priceless art t r e a s u r e s of h e a t h e n 10
antiquity; and even that vandalism has b e e n justified by the historian as an
unavoidable and comparatively trifling c o n c o m i t a n t to the Titanic struggle
b e t w e e n a n e w society arising and an old o n e breaking d o w n . It w a s still less
the vandalism of H a u s s m a n n , razing historic Paris to m a k e place for the
Paris of the sightseer!
15
B u t t h e execution by the C o m m u n e of the sixty-four hostages, with the
A r c h b i s h o p of Paris at their head! T h e bourgeoisie and its a r m y in J u n e ,
1848, re-established a c u s t o m which h a d long disappeared from the practice
of war—the shooting of their defenceless prisoners. This brutal c u s t o m has
since b e e n m o r e or less strictly adhered to by the s u p p r e s s o r s of all popular
c o m m o t i o n s in E u r o p e and India; t h u s proving t h a t it constitutes a real
" p r o g r e s s of civilization" ! On t h e other hand, t h e P r u s s i a n s , in F r a n c e , had
re-established the practice of taking hostages—innocent m e n , w h o , w i t h
their lives, w e r e to a n s w e r to them for the acts of o t h e r s . W h e n Thiers, as
we h a v e seen, from the very beginning of the conflict, enforced the h u m a n e
practice of shooting d o w n t h e C o m m u n a l p r i s o n e r s , t h e C o m m u n e , to
p r o t e c t their lives, w a s obliged to resort to the Prussian practice of securing
h o s t a g e s . T h e lives of the hostages h a d b e e n forfeited over and over again
by the continued shooting of prisoners on the p a r t of the Versaillese. H o w
could t h e y be spared any longer after the c a r n a g e w i t h w h i c h M a c M a h o n ' s
p r a e t o r i a n s celebrated their e n t r a n c e into Paris? W a s e v e n the last c h e c k
u p o n the unscrupulous ferocity of bourgeois governments—the taking of
hostages—to be m a d e a mere sham of? T h e real m u r d e r e r of A r c h b i s h o p
D a r b o y is Thiers. T h e C o m m u n e again and again had offered to e x c h a n g e
the archbishop, and ever so m a n y priests into the bargain, against the single
Blanqui, then in the hands of Thiers. Thiers obstinately refused. He k n e w
that with Blanqui he would give to the C o m m u n e a h e a d ; while the archbishop would serve his p u r p o s e best in the shape of a corpse. Thiers acted
u p o n the p r e c e d e n t of Cavaignac. H o w , in J u n e , 1848, did not Cavaignac
and his m e n of order raise shouts of horror by stigmatizing the insurgents
as the assassins of A r c h b i s h o p Affre! T h e y k n e w perfectly well that t h e
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ψ
a r c h b i s h o p h a d b e e n shot b y t h e soldiers o f order. M . J a q u e m e t , t h e
a r c h b i s h o p ' s vicar-general, p r e s e n t o n t h e spot, h a d immediately afterwards
h a n d e d t h e m in his e v i d e n c e to t h a t effect.
All this c h o r u s of c a l u m n y w h i c h t h e p a r t y of o r d e r n e v e r fail, in their
5
orgies of blood, to r a i s e against their victims, only p r o v e s t h a t t h e b o u r g e o i s
of our days considers himself t h e legitimate s u c c e s s o r to t h e b a r o n of old,
w h o t h o u g h t every w e a p o n in his o w n h a n d fair against t h e plebeian, while
in t h e h a n d s of t h e plebeian a (Weapon of any kind constituted in itself a
crime.
10
T h e c o n s p i r a c y of t h e ruling class to b r e a k d o w n t h e R e v o l u t i o n by a civil
w a r carried on u n d e r t h e p a t r o n a g e of t h e foreign invader—a c o n s p i r a c y
which we h a v e t r a c e d from t h e very 4 t h of S e p t e m b e r d o w n to 1133 ] t h e
e n t r a n c e of M a c M a h o n ' s p r a e t o r i a n s t h r o u g h t h e gate of St. Cloud—culmina
ted in t h e carnage of Paris. B i s m a r c k gloats o v e r t h e ruins of Paris, in w h i c h
15
he saw p e r h a p s t h e first i n s t a l m e n t of t h a t general d e s t r u c t i o n s of g r e a t cities
he h a d p r a y e d for w h e n still a simple R u r a l in t h e P r u s s i a n Chambre introuv
able of 1849. He gloats o v e r t h e c a d a v r e s of t h e Paris proletariate. F o r him this
is n o t only t h e e x t e r m i n a t i o n of revolution, b u t t h e extinction of F r a n c e ,
n o w decapitated in reality, a n d by t h e F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t itself. With t h e
20
shallowness characteristic of all successful s t a t e s m e n , he sees b u t t h e
surface of this t r e m e n d o u s historic e v e n t . W h e n e v e r before has history
exhibited t h e spectacle of a c o n q u e r o r c r o w n i n g his victory by t u r n i n g into,
n o t only t h e g e n d a r m e , b u t t h e hired b r a v o o f t h e c o n q u e r e d G o v e r n m e n t ?
T h e r e existed no w a r b e t w e e n P r u s s i a a n d t h e C o m m u n e of Paris. On t h e
25
c o n t r a r y , t h e C o m m u n e h a d a c c e p t e d t h e p e a c e preliminaries, a n d P r u s s i a
h a d a n n o u n c e d h e r neutrality. P r u s s i a w a s , t h e r e f o r e , n o belligerent. S h e
acted t h e p a r t of b r a v o , a c o w a r d l y b r a v o , b e c a u s e incurring no d a n g e r ;
a hired b r a v o , b e c a u s e stipulating b e f o r e h a n d t h e p a y m e n t of h e r bloodm o n e y of 500 millions on t h e fall of Paris. A n d t h u s , at last, c a m e out t h e
30
t r u e c h a r a c t e r of t h e w a r , o r d a i n e d by P r o v i d e n c e as a c h a s t i s e m e n t of
godless a n d d e b a u c h e d F r a n c e b y p i o u s a n d m o r a l G e r m a n y ! A n d this
unparalleled b r e a c h of t h e law of n a t i o n s , e v e n as u n d e r s t o o d by t h e old
world lawyers, instead of a r o u s i n g t h e " c i v i l i z e d " G o v e r n m e n t s of E u r o p e
to declare t h e felonious P r u s s i a n G o v e r n m e n t , t h e m e r e tool of t h e St. P e t e r s -
35
burg Cabinet, an o u t l a w a m o n g s t n a t i o n s , only incites t h e m to c o n s i d e r
w h e t h e r t h e few victims w h o e s c a p e t h e double c o r d o n a r o u n d Paris are n o t
to be given up to t h e h a n g m a n at Versailles!
T h a t after t h e m o s t t r e m e n d o u s w a r o f m o d e r n times, t h e conquering a n d
t h e c o n q u e r e d h o s t s should f r a t e r n i z e for t h e c o m m o n m a s s a c r e of t h e
40
proletariate—this unparalleled e v e n t d o e s indicate, n o t , as B i s m a r c k t h i n k s ,
t h e final r e p r e s s i o n of a n e w society u p h e a v i n g , b u t t h e crumbling into d u s t
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Karl Marx
of bourgeois society. T h e highest heroic effort of which old society is still
capable is national w a r ; and this is n o w p r o v e d to be a m e r e g o v e r n m e n t a l
h u m b u g , intended to defer t h e struggle of classes, and to be t h r o w n aside
as soon as that class struggle bursts out into civil war. Class rule is no longer
able to disguise itself in a national uniform; the national G o v e r n m e n t s are
one as against the proletariate !
5
After Whit-Sunday, 1871, t h e r e can be neither p e a c e nor truce possible
b e t w e e n the working men of F r a n c e and the appropriators of their p r o d u c e .
T h e iron h a n d of a m e r c e n a r y soldiery m a y keep for a time b o t h classes tied
d o w n in c o m m o n oppression. B u t the battle m u s t b r e a k out again and again 10
in ever-growing dimensions, and t h e r e can be no d o u b t as to w h o will be the
victor in the end,—the appropriating few, or t h e i m m e n s e working majority.
A n d the F r e n c h working class is only the a d v a n c e d guard of t h e m o d e r n
proletariate.
While the E u r o p e a n G o v e r n m e n t s thus testify, before Paris, to the inter- 15
national character of class rule, they cry d o w n the International Working
M e n ' s Association—the international counter-organization of labour against
the cosmopolitan conspiracy of capital—as the head ||34| fountain of all
t h e s e disasters. Thiers d e n o u n c e d it as t h e d e s p o t of labour, pretending to be
its liberator. Picard ordered that all c o m m u n i c a t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e F r e n c h 20
Internationals and those abroad should be cut off; C o u n t J a u b e r t , Thiers's
mummified accomplice of 1835, declares it the great problem of all civilized
g o v e r n m e n t s to w e e d it out. T h e Rurals roar against it, and the w h o l e
E u r o p e a n p r e s s joins the c h o r u s . A n h o n o u r a b l e F r e n c h writer, completely
foreign to our Association, speaks as follows:—"The m e m b e r s of the 25
Central Committee of the National G u a r d , as well as t h e greater part of the
m e m b e r s of the C o m m u n e , are the most active, intelligent, and energetic
minds of the International Working M e n ' s Association;
m e n w h o are
thoroughly honest, sincere, intelligent, d e v o t e d , p u r e , and fanatical in the
good sense of the w o r d . " T h e police-tinged bourgeois mind naturally figures 30
to itself the International Working M e n ' s Association as acting in the
m a n n e r of a secret conspiracy, its central b o d y ordering, from time to time,
explosions in different countries. Our Association is, in fact, nothing b u t the
international b o n d b e t w e e n t h e most a d v a n c e d w o r k i n g m e n in t h e various
countries of the civilized world. W h e r e v e r , in w h a t e v e r shape, and under 35
w h a t e v e r conditions the class struggle obtains any consistency, it is b u t
natural that m e m b e r s of our association should stand in t h e foreground. T h e
soil out of w h i c h it grows is m o d e r n society itself. It c a n n o t be s t a m p e d out
by any a m o u n t of carnage. To stamp it out, the G o v e r n m e n t s would h a v e
to stamp out the despotism of capital over labour—the condition of their 40
o w n parasitical existence.
158
5
Working m e n ' s Paris, with its C o m m u n e , will be for e v e r celebrated as the
glorious harbinger of a n e w society. Its m a r t y r s are enshrined in the great
heart of the working class. Its e x t e r m i n a t o r s history has already nailed to
that eternal pillory from w h i c h all the p r a y e r s of their priests will not avail
to redeem them.
T H E GENERAL COUNCIL.
M . J . Boon, Fred. Bradnick, G . H . B u t t e r y , Caihil, D e l a h a y e , William H a l e s ,
A. H e r m a n n , K o l b , F r e d . L e s s n e r , L o c h n e r , J. P. MacDonnell, George Milner, T h o m a s M o t t e r s h e a d , Ch. Mills, Charles M u r r a y , Pfander, R o a c h ,
10 Rochat, Riihl, Sadler, A. Serraillier, Cowell Stepney, Alf. Taylor, William
Townshend.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARIES.
Eugène Dupont, for F r a n c e .
Karl M a r x , for G e r m a n y and
15 Holland.
Fred. Engels, for Belgium a n d Spain.
H e r m a n n Jung, for Switzerland.
H E R M A N N J U N G , Chairman.
J O H N W E S T O N , Treasurer.
20
Office-256, High Holborn, London,
May 30th, 1871. |
P. Giovacchini, for Italy.
Z é v y Maurice, for H u n g a r y .
A n t o n Zabicki, for Poland.
J a m e s C o h e n , for D e n m a r k .
J. G. E c c a r i u s , for t h e U n i t e d States.
G E O R G E H A R R I S , Financial Sec.
J O H N H A L E S , General Sec.
W. C,
159
Karl Marx
135 J Notes.
I.
" T h e column of prisoners halted in the A v e n u e U h r i c h , and w a s d r a w n u p ,
four or five d e e p , on t h e footway facing to the r o a d . General M a r q u i s de
Galliffet and his staff dismounted a n d c o m m e n c e d an inspection from the
5
left of the line. Walking d o w n slowly a n d eyeing t h e r a n k s , the General
stopped here and t h e r e , tapping a m a n on the shoulder or beckoning him out
of the rear r a n k s . In most c a s e s , without further parley, the individual t h u s
selected w a s m a r c h e d out into t h e centre of the road, > w h e r e a small
s u p p l e m e n t a r y column w a s , t h u s , soon formed. . . . It w a s evident that there 10
w a s considerable room for error. A m o u n t e d officer pointed out to General
Galliffet a m a n and w o m a n for s o m e particular offence. T h e w o m a n , rushing
out of the r a n k s , threw herself on her k n e e s , and, w i t h o u t s t r e t c h e d a r m s ,
p r o t e s t e d her innocence in passionate t e r m s . T h e general waited for a
p a u s e , and then with most impassible face and u n m o v e d d e m e a n o u r , said, 15
' M a d a m e , I h a v e visited e v e r y theatre in Paris, y o u r acting will h a v e no
effect on m e ' ('ce n'est pas la peine de jouer la comédie')
It w a s not a
good thing on that day to be noticeably taller, dirtier, cleaner, older, or uglier
than o n e ' s neighbours. O n e individual in particular struck me as probably
owing his speedy release from the ills of this world to his having a b r o k e n 20
n o s e . . . . Over a h u n d r e d being t h u s c h o s e n , a firing p a r t y told off, and the
column r e s u m e d its m a r c h , leaving t h e m behind. A few minutes afterwards
a dropping fire, in our rear c o m m e n c e d , and continued for over a quarter
of an hour. It w a s the execution of t h e s e summarily-convicted wretches."—
Paris Correspondent "Daily News, " J u n e 8 t h . - T h i s Galliffet, " t h e k e p t
25
m a n of his wife, so notorious for her shameless exhibitions at the orgies of
the S e c o n d E m p i r e , " went, during the war, by the n a m e of the F r e n c h
"Ensign Pistol."
160
The Civil War in France · Notes
" T h e Temps, which is a careful journal, and not given to sensation, tells
a dreadful story of people imperfectly shot and buried before life w a s
extinct. A great n u m b e r w e r e buried in the square r o u n d St. Jacques-laB o u c h e r i e ; some of t h e m v e r y superficially. In the daytime the r o a r of t h e
5 b u s y streets prevented a n y notice being t a k e n ; b u t in the stillness of the
night the inhabitants of the h o u s e s in the neighbourhood w e r e r o u s e d by
distant m o a n s , and in the morning a clenched h a n d w a s seen protruding
through the soil. In c o n s e q u e n c e of this, e x h u m a t i o n s w e r e ordered to t a k e
place. . . . T h a t m a n y w o u n d e d h a v e b e e n buried alive I h a v e not the slightest
10 doubt. O n e case I can v o u c h for. W h e n Brunei w a s shot with his mistress
on the 24th ult. in the c o u r t y a r d of a house in the Place V e n d ô m e , the bodies
lay there until the afternoon of the 27th. W h e n the burial p a r t y c a m e to
r e m o v e the c o r p s e s , t h e y found the w o m a n living still, and took her to an
ambulance. T h o u g h she had received four bullets she is n o w out of dan15
ger."—Pans Correspondent "Evening Standard," J u n e 8th.
II.
T h e following letter a p p e a r e d in the Times of J u n e 13th:—
"To the Editor of the 'Times. '
"Sir,—On J u n e 6, 1871, M . J u l e s F a v r e issued a circular to all the
20 E u r o p e a n P o w e r s , calling upon t h e m to h u n t d o w n the International j
1361 Working-Men's Association. A few r e m a r k s will suffice to characterize
that d o c u m e n t .
" I n the very preamble of our statutes it is stated that the International w a s
founded ' S e p t e m b e r 28, 1864, at a public meeting held at St. Martin's Hall,
25 L o n g A c r e , L o n d o n . ' F o r p u r p o s e s of his o w n Jules F a v r e p u t s b a c k the date
of its origin behind 1862.
" I n order to explain our principles, he professes to quote 'their (the
International's) sheet of the 25th of M a r c h , 1869.' A n d then w h a t d o e s he
quote? T h e sheet of a society w h i c h is not the International. This sort of
30 m a n œ u v r e he already recurred to w h e n , still a comparatively y o u n g lawyer,
he had to defend the National n e w s p a p e r , p r o s e c u t e d for libel by Cabet.
Then he pretended to r e a d e x t r a c t s from C a b e t ' s p a m p h l e t s while reading
interpolations of his own—a trick e x p o s e d while the Court w a s sitting, and
which, but for the indulgence of Cabet, would h a v e b e e n punished by Jules
35 F a v r e ' s expulsion from t h e Paris bar. Of all t h e d o c u m e n t s quoted by him
as d o c u m e n t s of the International, not one belongs to the International. He
says, for instance, 'The Alliance declares itself Atheist, says the General
Council, constituted in L o n d o n in July, 1869.' T h e General Council never
161
Karl Marx
issued such a d o c u m e n t . On the c o n t r a r y , it issued a d o c u m e n t w h i c h
q u a s h e d t h e original statutes of t h e 'Alliance'—L'Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e
Socialiste at Geneva—quoted by Jules F a v r e .
" T h r o u g h o u t his circular, w h i c h p r e t e n d s in part also to be directed against
the E m p i r e , Jules F a v r e r e p e a t s against the International b u t t h e police
5
inventions of the public p r o s e c u t o r s of t h e E m p i r e , and w h i c h b r o k e d o w n
miserably e v e n before t h e law c o u r t s of that E m p i r e .
" I t is k n o w n that in its t w o a d d r e s s e s (of July and S e p t e m b e r last) on t h e
late w a r , the General Council of t h e International d e n o u n c e d the Prussian
plans of c o n q u e s t against F r a n c e . L a t e r o n , Mr. Reitlinger, Jules F a v r e ' s 10
private secretary, applied, though of c o u r s e in vain, to s o m e m e m b e r s of t h e
G e n e r a l Council for getting up by t h e Council a d e m o n s t r a t i o n against
B i s m a r c k , in favour of the G o v e r n m e n t of National D e f e n c e ; t h e y w e r e
particularly requested not to m e n t i o n t h e Republic. T h e p r e p a r a t i o n s for a
d e m o n s t r a t i o n with regard to t h e e x p e c t e d arrival of Jules F a v r e in L o n d o n 15
w e r e made—certainly with t h e best of intentions—in spite of t h e General
Council, which, in its a d d r e s s of t h e 9th of S e p t e m b e r , had distinctly
f o r e w a r n e d t h e Paris w o r k m e n against Jules F a v r e a n d his colleagues.
" W h a t would Jules F a v r e say if, in its t u r n , t h e International w e r e to send
a circular on Jules F a v r e to all the C a b i n e t s of E u r o p e , drawing their parti- 20
cular attention to t h e d o c u m e n t s published at Paris by t h e late M. Minière?
I am, Sir, y o u r o b e d i e n t servant,
"JOHN HALES,
" S e c r e t a r y to the General Council of the International
" W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association.
"256, High H o l b o r n , W . C , J u n e 12th."
25
In an article on " T h e International Society and its a i m s , " that pious
informer, t h e L o n d o n Spectator (June 24th), a m o n g s t other similar tricks,
q u o t e s , e v e n m o r e fully than Jules F a v r e has d o n e , t h e a b o v e d o c u m e n t of
t h e " A l l i a n c e " as t h e w o r k of the International, and that eleven days after 30
t h e refutation had b e e n published in t h e Times. We do not w o n d e r at this.
F r e d e r i c k the G r e a t used to say that of all Jesuits t h e w o r s t are t h e
P r o t e s t a n t ones.j
162
IF
Friedrich Engels
Outline of an appeal to t h e W e a v e r s ' and Spinners'
Trade Unions of M a n c h e s t e r for a s s i s t a n c e of t h e Spanish
t e x t i l e w o r k e r s ' strike
/ M e s s r s Batllo B r o t h e r s , Barcelona, o w n a large C o t t o n spinning a n d
w e a v i n g concern and employ a b o u t 900 w o r k p e o p l e . N o t only do t h e y
p a y , by far, w o r s e wages t h a n any other firm in the t r a d e , b u t they h a v e
also continually a t t e m p t e d to r e d u c e w a g e s still m o r e by superseding m e n
5
by w o m e n and g r o w n up people by children. Lately, they h a v e without
exception discharged all such h a n d s as w e r e suspected of belonging to
the T r a d e s ' union of the U n i t e d C a r d e r s , Spinners and w e a v e r s . On the
2 6 F e b r u a r y a large meeting w a s held by the m e m b e r s of this U n i o n to
consider the state of things in M e s s r s Batllo's w o r k s . A n e w list of wages w a s
th
10
unanimously adopted which, although establishing a slight rise upon the
prices hitherto paid, w a s still v e r y m u c h below t h e v e r y lowest rates paid by
o t h e r s ; and a deputation w a s appointed to d e m a n d the adoption of this list
and in case of this being refused, the people employed at the mill w e r e
to strike work.
15
T h e deputation w a s not e v e n received, Messrs B. refusing to receive
any b u t a deputation from their o w n w o r k m e n . This fresh deputation
submitted the n e w list of prices b u t m e t with a flat refusal. T h e whole of the
workpeople at o n c e struck, with the exception of a b o u t || 25, most of w h o m
h a v e since joined the strike. This t o o k place on the 2 7 F e b r u a r y , and
th
20
consequently, the h a n d s h a v e n o w b e e n on strike for nearly nine w e e k s ,
and the funds at the disposal of the U n i o n are beginning to run slow. T h e
remaining branches of the International in Spain are doing their b e s t to
collect m o n e y for t h e m , but they h a v e j u s t n o w a good m a n y strikes to
support. N o t to mention minor affairs, the c o o p e r s of Santander a n d
25
the T a n n e r s of Valencia are on strike b e c a u s e their m a s t e r s insist u p o n their
giving up their T r a d e s ' U n i o n s as well as the International; and t h u s , t h e r e
are altogether some 1500 m e n out at p r e s e n t in Spain w h o m the various
b r a n c h e s of the International there h a v e to support.
Barcelona and n e i g h b o u r h o o d are t h e S o u t h L a n c a s h i r e of Spain, there
30 are large and n u m e r o u s C o t t o n Spinning and Weaving establishments t h e r e
163
Friedrich Engels
and the greater part of the population of this district lives u p o n t h e Cotton
T r a d e . T h e y h a v e lately suffered m u c h from the competition of English
y a r n s and it would m a k e a particularly good impression in Spain if t h e L a n c a shire Cotton T r a d e could do something in favour of t h e Cotton Spinners
and Powerloom W e a v e r s of Spain. T h e active and intimate commercial rela5
tion b e t w e e n the different countries of the world h a v e led || to this, that
every event affecting society in one c o u n t r y necessarily p r o d u c e s its effects
u p o n all other countries; and it would n o t at all be astonishing if a general
reduction of wages in the Spanish C o t t o n T r a d e (such as a p p e a r s inevitable
if this strike be unsuccessful) should in the long r u n contribute to k e e p 10
wages low in South L a n c a s h i r e also./
164
Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels
R e s o l u t i o n of t h e G e n e r a l Council
e x p e l l i n g Henri Louis Tolain from t h e
I T h e G e n e r a l Council of the I. W. M. A.
Considering t h e resolution of t h e F e d e r a l Council of t h e Paris Sections
expelling Citizen Tolain from t h e Association b e c a u s e after having b e e n
elected to the N a t i o n a l A s s e m b l y as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of t h e Working Classes,
h e has d e s e r t e d their c a u s e i n t h e m o s t disgraceful m a n n e r ; which resolution
the G e n e r a l Council is called u p o n to confirm;
Considering t h a t the place of every F r e n c h m e m b e r of the I. W. M. A. is
u n d o u b t e d l y on t h e side of t h e C o m m u n e of Paris and not in t h e u s u r p a t o r y
and counter-revolutionary A s s e m b l y of Versailles;
Confirms t h e resolution of t h e Paris F e d e r a l Council and declares t h a t
Citizen Tolain is expelled from t h e I. W. Μ. A. |
I T h e G e n e r a l Council w a s p r e v e n t e d from taking action in this m a t t e r
sooner, by the fact t h a t the a b o v e resolution of t h e Paris F e d e r a l Council
w a s laid before t h e m , in an a u t h e n t i c s h a p e , on t h e 25 t h April only. |
165
Résolution du C o n s e i l g é n é r a l
sur l'expulsion de Henri Louis Tolain
d e l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs
Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen von Friedrich Engels
L'Internationale.
Nr. 122, 14. Mai 1871
Conseil Général.
L o n d r e s , séance du 25 avril.
L e Conseil Général,
Vu la résolution du Conseil Fédéral des sections de Paris, par laquelle le
citoyen Tolain est expulsé de l'Association p a r c e q u e ce citoyen, ayant
5
été élu à l'assemblée nationale pour y r e p r é s e n t e r la classe ouvrière, a trahi
sa cause de la manière la plus lâche ; résolution q u e le Conseil Général est
invité à confirmer ;
Considérant que la place de t o u t m e m b r e français de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs est, sans aucun doute, à côté de la C o m m u n e de 10
Paris et non dans l'assemblée usurpatrice et contre-révolutionnaire de
Versailles ;
Confirme la résolution du Conseil Fédéral de Paris et déclare le citoyen
Tolain expulsé de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs.
Le Conseil Général n ' a y a n t reçu communication authentique de cette 15
résolution que le 21 avril, a été d a n s l'impossibilité de statuer plus tôt.
Pour extrait c o n f o r m e ,
Le secrétaire provisoire pour la Belgique,
F. ENGELS.
166
Friedrich Engels
Abermals „Herr Vogt"
10. Mai 1871
Abermals „Herr Vogt".
Seit der Augsburger C a m p a g n e von 1859, die ihm eine so gewaltige T r a c h t
Prügel eingebracht hatte, schien H e r r Vogt die Politik satt b e k o m m e n zu
haben. Er w a n d t e sich mit g a n z e r E n e r g i e den N a t u r w i s s e n s c h a f t e n zu,
5 in denen er bereits früher, wie er selbst sagt, so „ s t a u n e n e r r e g e n d e "
E n t d e c k u n g e n geleistet h a t t e . So h a t t e er — um dieselbe Zeit, wo
durch K ü c h e n m e i s t e r u n d L e u c k a r t die h ö c h s t komplizirte Entwicklungsgeschichte der E i n g e w e i d e w ü r m e r n a c h g e w i e s e n u n d damit ein wirklich
großer Fortschritt in der Wissenschaft g e m a c h t w u r d e — die s t a u n e n e r r e 10
gende E n t d e c k u n g g e m a c h t , d a ß die E i n g e w e i d e w ü r m e r aus zwei K l a s s e n
b e s t e h e n : R u n d w ü r m e r , w e l c h e r u n d , u n d Plattwürmer, w e l c h e platt sind.
Jetzt stellte er dieser gewaltigen E r r u n g e n s c h a f t eine n o c h g r ö ß e r e zur
Seite. Die Auffindung vieler fossilen M e n s c h e n k n o c h e n aus vorgeschichtlichen Zeiten hatte das vergleichende Studium der Schädel aus v e r s c h i e d e n e n
15 M e n s c h e n r a ç e n in die M o d e gebracht. M a n m a ß die Schädel in allen Richtungen, m a n verglich, m a n diskutirte, m a n k a m zu keinem Resultat, bis
Vogt endlich mit g e w o h n t e r Siegesgewißheit die L ö s u n g des Räthsels verkündigte, daß sämmtliche M e n s c h e n s c h ä d e l in zwei Klassen zerfallen:
solche, w e l c h e länglich (Langköpfe, Dolichocephalen) u n d solche, w e l c h e
20 rundlich sind (Kurzköpfe, B r a c h y c e p h a l e n ) . W a s die g e n a u e s t e n u n d
fleißigsten B e o b a c h t e r d u r c h langjährige, m ü h s a m e Arbeit nicht fertig
gebracht hatten, Vogt b r a c h t e es zu S t a n d e d u r c h die einfache A n w e n d u n g
seines Würmerprinzips. Stellen wir n e b e n diese staunenerregenden E n t deckungen n o c h die E n t d e c k u n g einer n e u e n Species im Gebiet der poli25
tischen Zoologie, nämlich die E n t d e c k u n g der Schwefelbande, so wird a u c h
der U n b e s c h e i d e n s t e zugeben m ü s s e n , d a ß Vogt für ein M e n s c h e n l e b e n
genug geleistet hatte.
Aber der große Geist u n s e r e s Vogt h a t t e keine R u h e . Die Politik behielt
ihre unwiderstehlichen Reize für d e n M a n n , der a u c h auf der Bierbank so
167
Friedrich Engels
G r o ß e s leistete. Die T r a c h t Prügel von A n n o Sechzig w a r glücklich verw u n d e n , der M a r x ' s c h e „ H e r r V o g t " nicht m e h r im B u c h h a n d e l zu h a b e n ,
über alle die faulen G e s c h i c h t e n w a r aber u n d abermals Gras g e w a c h s e n ,
unser Vogt hatte unter dem Beifall des d e u t s c h e n Philisters Vorlesungsreisen gehalten, hatte sich auf allen N a t u r f o r s c h e r v e r s a m m l u n g e n , ethnographischen und antiquarischen K o n g r e s s e n breit gemacht und an die
wirklichen wissenschaftlichen G r ö ß e n herangedrängt; er k o n n t e sich also
wieder einigermaßen „ a n s t ä n d i g " v o r k o m m e n u n d berufen glauben, den
d e u t s c h e n Philister, den er naturwissenschaftlich eingepaukt, a u c h politisch
einzupauken. Es gingen große Dinge vor: N a p o l e o n der Kleine hatte bei
Sedan kapitulirt, die P r e u ß e n standen vor Paris, Bismarck verlangte Elsaß
u n d Lothringen. Da w a r es die höchste Zeit für Vogt, sein gewichtiges W o r t
zu sprechen.
Dies W o r t nennt sich: Carl Vogts Politische Briefe an Friedrich K o l b ,
Biel 1870; es enthält zwölf Briefe, die zuerst in der Wiener „ T a g e s p r e s s e "
erschienen und a u ß e r d e m in Vogts Moniteur, d e m „Bieler H a n d e l s k o u r i e r "
abgedruckt w u r d e n . Vogt erklärt sich gegen A n n e x i o n u n d gegen die Verp r e u ß u n g Deutschlands, u n d es ärgert ihn schändlich, daß er hierin als reiner
N a c h t r e t e r der v e r h a ß t e n Sozialdemokraten, d . h . der „ S c h w e f e l b a n d e "
dasteht. Auf den allgemeinen Inhalt des Pamphlets einzugehen, w ä r e überflüssig, da es ganz gleichgültig ist, wie ein Vogt über dergleichen Dinge denkt.
Z u d e m sind die A r g u m e n t e , die er vorbringt, nur die der gewöhnlichsten
Bierphilister-Kannegießerei, nur daß Vogt diesmal nicht den d e u t s c h e n ,
sondern den schweizer Philister zurückspiegelt. U n s interessirt n u r die
a n g e n e h m e Persönlichkeit des H e r r n Vogt selbst, wie sie sich d u r c h ihre verschiedenen W e n d u n g e n und Wandlungen durchwindet.
Wir n e h m e n also das B r o s c h ü r c h e n u n d legen d a n e b e n Vogts U n g l ü c k s b u c h , die „Studien zur gegenwärtigen L a g e E u r o p a s , 1859", an deren
N a c h w e h e n er so schwer und so lange gelitten hat. Da finden wir, bei aller
Geistesverwandtschaft, bei der ganz gleichen Lüderlichkeit der Schreibart — auf Seite 10 gewinnt Vogt seine „ A n s c h a u u n g e n " „mit eigenen O h r e n " ,
w a s allerdings ganz eigne O h r e n sein m ü s s e n — da finden wir, daß heute
H e r r Vogt gerade das Gegentheil von d e m sagt, w a s er vor elf J a h r e n
predigte. Die „ S t u d i e n " hatten den Z w e c k , den d e u t s c h e n Philister zu überr e d e n , daß Deutschland kein Interesse h a b e , sich in d e n Krieg zu mischen,
den Louis B o n a p a r t e damals gegen O e s t e r r e i c h beabsichtigte. Zu diesem
Z w e c k m u ß t e Louis B o n a p a r t e als ein völkerbefreiender „Schicksalsm e n s c h " dargestellt, m u ß t e gegen die landläufigen Angriffe der Republikaner u n d selbst m a n c h e r bürgerlichen Liberalen in S c h u t z g e n o m m e n
w e r d e n , u n d der angebliche Republikaner Vogt ließ sich a u c h d a z u herbei —
mit arg sauersüßer Miene freilich und nicht o h n e daß m a n ihm einiges
168
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5
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B a u c h g r i m m e n ansah, aber e r that e s doch. B ö s e Zungen u n d L e u t e v o n
der „ S c h w e f e l b a n d e " wollten b e h a u p t e n , der b r a v e Vogt unterziehe sich
allen diesen B e s c h w e r d e n u n d G r i m a s s e n , nur weil er v o n bonapartistischer
Seite das erhalten h a b e , w a s die Engländer , C o n s i d e r a t i o n " n e n n e n ,
nämlich baares Geld. Es w a r e n auch allerhand verdächtige Dinge v o r g e k o m men. Vogt hatte verschiedentlichen L e u t e n Geld angeboten, w e n n sie in
seinem Sinn, d . h . in A n p r e i s u n g der völkerbefreienden A b s i c h t e n des
Louis B o n a p a r t e , in der P r e s s e wirken wollten. H e r r B r a ß , d e s s e n T u g e n d
bekanntlich über allen Zweifel e r h a b e n ist, seitdem er die „ N o r d d e u t s c h e
Allgemeine Z e i t u n g " leitet, selbst H e r r B r a ß wies öffentlich „ d e n französischen F u t t e r t r o g zurück, den V o g t ihm v o r s e t z e n w o l l t e " . A b e r wir
wollen von diesen u n a n g e n e h m e n G e s c h i c h t e n nicht weiter sprechen u n d
z u n ä c h s t a n n e h m e n , daß V o g t ' s B a u c h g r i m m e n und Grimassen ihm
erbeigenthümlich gehörten. N u n , seitdem ist das Unglück von S e d a n
passirt, u n d damit ä n d e r t sich a u c h Alles für H e r r n Vogt. Der völkerbefreiende F r a n z o s e n k a i s e r selbst wird n o c h mit einiger Zurückhaltung
behandelt, es heißt v o n ihm blos, daß „die Revolution ihm schon auf d e m
N a c k e n saß. A u c h o h n e den Krieg h ä t t e das Kaiserreich das N e u j a h r 1871
nicht in den Tuilerien g e s e h n " . (S. 3.) A b e r seine F r a u ! H ö r e n wir:
„Freilich, w e n n Eugenie gesiegt h ä t t e (denn sie steht oder stand vielmehr,
diese ungebildete Spanierin, die nicht einmal orthographisch schreiben
kann, im Felde mit d e m g a n z e n D r a c h e n s c h w a n z e fanatischer Pfaffen
und L a n d b e v ö l k e r u n g hinter sich) w e n n Eugenie gesiegt hätte, so w ä r e die
L a g e m o m e n t a n n o c h schrecklicher g e w o r d e n " , als n a c h den p r e u ß i s c h e n
Siegen etc.
Also: siegten die F r a n z o s e n 1859 über die Oesterreicher, so siegte der
völkerbefreiende B o n a p a r t e ; siegten sie 1870 ü b e r die P r e u ß e n , so siegte
die ungebildete Eugenie mit ihrem D r a c h e n s c h w a n z . M a n sieht den
Fortschritt.
N o c h schlimmer geht es d e m D r a c h e n s c h w a n z des Louis B o n a p a r t e ,
d e n n es zeigt sich jetzt, daß a u c h er einen solchen hat. Gleich auf S.4 ist
die R e d e von „ d e n furchtbaren V e r s c h l e u d e r u n g e n des K a i s e r r e i c h s " .
S. 16 von dem „Gesindel, w e l c h e s an der Spitze der kaiserlichen A r m e e
u n d Verwaltung s t a n d " . Diese V e r s c h l e u d e r u n g e n u n d dieses Gesindel
standen bereits 1859 u n d lange v o r h e r in voller Blüthe; Vogt, der damals
keine Augen für sie h a t t e , sieht sie j e t z t ganz genau: wieder ein F o r t schritt. Damit nicht genug. W e n n a u c h Vogt selbst nicht g e r a d e z u seinen
früheren Befreier anschimpft, so k a n n er d o c h nicht umhin, den Brief eines
französischen Gelehrten zu citiren, worin es heißt: „ w e n n Sie irgend
einen Einfluß haben, so s u c h e n Sie die ärgste E n t e h r u n g von u n s abzuw e n d e n — celle de r a m e n e r l'infâme (die, den Ehrlosen — L o u i s B o n a -
169
Friedrich Engels
parte — zurückzuführen). Lieber Heinrich den V., die Orleans, einen
Hohenzollern, lieber Alles als diesen gekrönten Traupmann, der Alles vergiftete was er berührte." (S. 13.)
W i e schlimm indeß der E x k a i s e r u n d seine ungebildete Gattin nebst ihren
respektiven D r a c h e n s c h w ä n z e n a u c h sein mögen, so tröstete u n s Vogt
5
d o c h damit, daß n o c h Einer in der Familie ist, der eine A u s n a h m e m a c h t : der
Prinz N a p o l e o n , besser b e k a n n t unter d e m N a m e n Plonplon. V o n ihm
sagt Vogt S. 33., daß Plonplon zu Vogt selbst gesagt h a b e „er w ü r d e keinen
R e s p e k t vor den S ü d d e u t s c h e n h a b e n , w e n n sie anders h a n d e l t e n " ( d . h .
w e n n sie nicht mit gegen die F r a n z o s e n zögen), a u c h sei er von dem Unglück- 10
liehen Ausgange des Krieges überzeugt g e w e s e n u n d h a b e d a v o n keinen
H e h l gemacht. W e r wird nun n o c h Vogt des U n d a n k s zeihen? Ist es nicht
r ü h r e n d a n z u s e h n wie er, der „ R e p u b l i k a n e r " , dem „ P r i n z e n " a u c h im
P e c h n o c h die B r u d e r h a n d reicht und ihm ein Zeugniß ausstellt, worauf
dieser sich berufen kann, w e n n ja die große K o n k u r r e n z ausgeschrieben 15
w e r d e n sollte um einen E r s a t z m a n n für d e n „ E h r l o s e n " ?
In den „ S t u d i e n " wird Rußland u n d die russische Politik d u r c h w e g gelobt, dies Reich sei seit Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft „eher ein G e n o s s e
der freiheitlichen B e w e g u n g als ein Gegner d e r s e l b e n " ; Polen sei auf dem
besten Wege, mit Rußland zu v e r s c h m e l z e n , (wie der Aufstand 1863
b e w i e s e n hat!) u n d Vogt findet es ganz natürlich, daß Rußland „ d e n festen
P u n k t bildet, um welchen sich die slavischen Nationalitäten m e h r u n d m e h r
zu gruppiren s t r e b e n " . U n d daß damals, 1859 die russische Politik mit
Louis N a p o l e o n H a n d in H a n d ging, w a r natürlich in Vogts A u g e n ein
e n o r m e s Verdienst. Jetzt ist das Alles anders — jetzt heißt e s : „ i c h b i n keinen
Augenblick im Zweifel, daß ein Konflikt zwischen der slavischen u n d
germanischen Welt b e v o r s t e h t . . . u n d daß Rußland in diesem die F ü h r e r schaft auf der einen Seite ü b e r n e h m e n w i r d . " (30. 31.) U n d n u n wird
nachgewiesen, daß n a c h der Annexion des E l s a ß e s F r a n k r e i c h in diesem
Konflikt sofort sich auf Seite der Slaven stellen, ja den A u s b r u c h dieses
Konflikts möglichst beschleunigen wird, um das E l s a ß wieder zu gewinnen,
so daß dieselbe russisch-französische Allianz, die 1859 ein Glück für D e u t s c h land gewesen sein soll, ihm jetzt als P o p a n z u n d S c h r e c k e n s g e s p e n s t vorgehalten wird. Aber Vogt k e n n t seinen d e u t s c h e n Philister. Er w e i ß , daß er
ihm Alles bieten, sich z e h n m a l w i d e r s p r e c h e n darf. Wir fragen n u n unwillkürlich, wie es kam, daß Vogt vor elf J a h r e n die Schamlosigkeit h a b e n
k o n n t e , eine Allianz zwischen Rußland u n d dem bonapartistischen F r a n k reich als die b e s t e Garantie der freiheitlichen E n t w i c k l u n g D e u t s c h l a n d s
und Europas auszuposaunen?
20
25
30
35
U n d n u n gar P r e u ß e n ? In den „ S t u d i e n " wird P r e u ß e n deutlich zu 40
verstehn gegeben, es möge L o u i s N a p o l e o n s Pläne gegen Oestreich indirekt
170
unterstützen, sich auf Vertheidigung des d e u t s c h e n Bundesgebiets beschränken, u n d d a n n „bei späteren F r i e d e n s v e r h a n d l u n g e n seinen L o h n
in n o r d d e u t s c h e n F l a c h l a n d e n e r h a l t e n " . Die G r ä n z e n des späteren N o r d b u n d e s — das Erzgebirge, der Main u n d das M e e r — w e r d e n P r e u ß e n
5 schon damals als K ö d e r vorgehalten. U n d im N a c h w o r t zur zweiten Auflage, die w ä h r e n d des italienischen Krieges erschienen, als das F e u e r
den Bonapartisten schon auf den N ä g e l n b r a n n t e u n d keine Zeit m e h r
zu verlieren w a r mit U m s c h w e i f e n u n d R e d e n s a r t e n — da platzt a u c h Vogt
direkt mit der S p r a c h e h e r a u s , fordert P r e u ß e n auf, einen Bürgerkrieg
10
in Deutschland zu beginnen zur Stiftung einer einheitlichen Centraigewalt,
zur Einverleibung D e u t s c h l a n d s in P r e u ß e n — diese Einigung D e u t s c h l a n d s
w e r d e nicht so viel W o c h e n k o s t e n wie der Krieg in Italien M o n a t e . N u n
gut. G e n a u sieben J a h r e später, u n d ebenfalls im E i n v e r s t ä n d n i ß mit L o u i s
N a p o l e o n , handelt P r e u ß e n genau n a c h den von Vogt nachgeplapperten
15
bonapartistischen Einflüsterungen; es stürzt sich in einen Bürgerkrieg, holt
sich einstweilen seinen L o h n in n o r d d e u t s c h e n Flachlanden, schafft für den
N o r d e n wenigstens eine einheitliche Centralgewalt — u n d H e r r Vogt? H e r r
Vogt k o m m t jetzt plötzlich u n d j a m m e r t u n s vor, daß „der Krieg von 1870 die
nothwendige unausbleibliche Folge desjenigen von 1866 w a r " ! (S.3.) Er
20
lamentirt über die unersättliche Eroberungspolitik P r e u ß e n s , die stets „auf
eine angebotene E r o b e r u n g angebissen, wie der Haifisch auf ein Stück
S p e c k " (S.20); „nie und nirgends h a b e ich einen Staat u n d ein Volk
gesehen, das besser diesen N a m e n (Raubstaat) verdiente als P r e u ß e n " (S. 35).
Er beklagt die Einverleibung D e u t s c h l a n d s in P r e u ß e n als das größte Unglück,
25
das Deutschland u n d E u r o p a z u s t o ß e n k o n n t e (8ter und 9ter Brief). D a s
hat n u n Bismarck d a v o n , daß er V o g t ' s R a t h gefolgt ist, u n d das hat Vogt
davon, daß er Bismarck einen R a t h gegeben hat.
Soweit schien indeß Alles n o c h gut für u n s e r n Vogt zu gehen. Die alten
anrüchigen G e s c h i c h t e n w a r e n beim Philister wirklich vergessen, die
30 „ S t u d i e n " waren total verschollen, Vogt k o n n t e sich wieder für einen anständigen Bürger u n d p a s s a b l e n D e m o k r a t e n ausgeben, u n d sich etwas darauf
zu G u t e thun, daß diese seine „Politischen B r i e f e " der banalen Philisterströmung in Deutschland entgegentraten. Selbst die fatale Uebereinstimmung in der Annexionsfrage mit den Sozialdemokraten k o n n t e ihm nur zur
35
E h r e gereichen: da Vogt nicht zur S c h w e f e l b a n d e übergetreten w a r , so
m u ß t e nothwendig die Schwefelbande sich zu Vogt b e k e h r t h a b e n ! Da auf
einmal fällt der Blick auf eine schmale d ü n n e Zeile in den neuerdings veröffentlichten Verwendungslisten der g e h e i m e n F o n d s von Louis N a p o l e o n :
„ V o g t - il lui a été remis en A o û t 1859, fr. 4 0 0 0 0 . "
40
„Vogt — es sind ihm im August 1859 Übermacht w o r d e n 40 000 F r a n k e n . "
Vogt? W e r ist Vogt? W e l c h ein U n g l ü c k für Vogt, daß keine n ä h e r e B e -
171
Friedrich Engels
Zeichnung dabei steht! Ja, stände da, der Professor K a r l Vogt in Genf, mit
Straße und H a u s n u m m e r , so k ö n n t e Vogt sagen: D a s bin ich nicht, das
ist mein Bruder, meine F r a u , mein ältester Sohn, Alles, nur ich nicht — aber
so! Vogt kurzweg, o h n e Signalement, V o r n a m e n , A d r e s s e , das k a n n n u r
der E i n e Vogt sein, der w e l t b e r ü h m t e G e l e h r t e , der große E n t d e c k e r der
5
R u n d w ü r m e r und der P l a t t w ü r m e r , der L a n g s c h ä d e l u n d der K u r z s c h ä d e l
und der Schwefelbande, der M a n n , dessen R e n o m m é e selbst bei den
Polizisten der geheimen F o n d s so b e k a n n t ist, d a ß j e d e n ä h e r e B e z e i c h n u n g
überflüssig w ä r e ! U n d d a n n — giebt es einen a n d e r n Vogt, der der bonapartistischen Regierung 1859 solche Dienste geleistet h ä t t e , daß sie sie im 10
August jenes Jahres (und Vogt war gerade damals in Paris) mit 40 000 F r a n k e n
bezahlte? D a ß Sie die Dienste geleistet h a b e n , H e r r Vogt, ist n o t o r i s c h ; Ihre
„ S t u d i e n " sind der Beweis dafür; diese „ S t u d i e n " erschienen in erster Auflage im Frühjahr, in zweiter im S o m m e r ; daß Sie v o m ersten April 1859
bis in den S o m m e r hinein L e u t e über L e u t e aufforderten, gegen B e z a h l u n g 15
Ihrerseits im bonapartistischen I n t e r e s s e thätig zu sein, h a b e n Sie selbst
z u g e s t a n d e n ; im August 1859, nach Beendigung des Krieges, waren Sie in
Paris — u n d nun sollen wir glauben, daß der Vogt k u r z w e g , d e m B o n a p a r t e im
August 1859 die 40 000 F r a n k e n auszahlen ließ, ein anderer, ganz u n b e k a n n t e r
Vogt sei? Unmöglich. Wir s c h w ö r e n es bei allen R u n d w ü r m e r n u n d 20
P l a t t w ü r m e r n : solange Sie uns nicht das Gegentheil b e w e i s e n , m ü s s e n wir ann e h m e n , daß Sie der fragliche Vogt sind.
A b e r , sagen Sie vielleicht, das ist ja eine B e h a u p t u n g , die auf nichts
b e r u h t als auf dem W o r t d e r jetzigen französischen Regierung, d . h . der
K o m m u n a l i s t e n oder, w a s dasselbe ist, K o m m u n i s t e n , die a u c h Schwefel- 25
b a n d e heißen; w e r wird solchen M e n s c h e n glauben? Hierauf w ä r e zu
a n t w o r t e n , daß die Veröffentlichung der C o r r e s p o n d a n c e et papiers de la
famille impériale d u r c h die „Regierung der nationalen
Verteidigung"
erfolgte, deren offizieller A k t sie ist, für den sie einsteht. U n d w a s hielten
Sie von dieser Regierung, Jules F a v r e , T r o c h u u. s. w. — „Die M ä n n e r , 30
welche jetzt an die Spitze geschnellt w o r d e n sind, stehen N i e m a n d n a c h an
Intelligenz, Thatkraft und erprobter G e s i n n u n g — a b e r das Unmögliche
k ö n n e n sie nicht l e i s t e n " — das sagen Sie v o n ihnen auf S. 52. N e i n , H e r r
Vogt, das Unmögliche k ö n n e n sie nicht leisten, a b e r sie hätten doch
wenigstens Ihren N a m e n u n t e r d r ü c k e n k ö n n e n als D a n k für diese w a r m e 35
A n e r k e n n u n g , die ihnen so selten zu Theil g e w o r d e n !
I n d e ß , wie Sie selbst sagen, H e r r Vogt, „Geld ist n u n einmal das
Aequivalent des S c h a d e n s , welchen das Individuum erleidet an seiner
P e r s o n " (S.24) und, w e n n Ihre w e r t h e P e r s o n d u r c h Ihre politischen
Sprünge von 1859 „ S c h a d e n " — hoffentlich nur moralischen — erlitten 40
hat, so trösten Sie sich gefälligst mit d e m „ A e q u i v a l e n t " .
172
Als der Kriegslärm vorigen S o m m e r losging, w a r e n Sie „ ü b e r z e u g t ,
daß der ganze französische Regierungsspektakel nur dazu dienen sollte,
in scheinbaren R ü s t u n g e n die furchtbaren V e r s c h l e u d e r u n g e n des Kaiserreichs zu decken. U n t e r L o u i s Philipp thaten dies die Holzwürmer — die
über den E t a t g e h e n d e n g e h e i m e n A u s g a b e n w u r d e n auf das H o l z k o n t o der
M a r i n e geschrieben — u n t e r d e m K a i s e r r e i c h hätten alle H o l z w ü r m e r
der E r d e nicht genügt, die Ausfälle zu d e c k e n " . (S.4.) — Da sind wir also
wieder bei den beliebten W ü r m e r n a n g e k o m m e n , u n d zwar bei den Holzw ü r m e r n . Zu welcher K l a s s e g e h ö r e n diese, zu den R u n d w ü r m e r n oder zu
den P l a t t w ü r m e r n ? W e r k ö n n t e das e n t s c h e i d e n ? N u r Sie, H e r r Vogt,
und Sie entscheiden es in Wirklichkeit. L a u t der C o r r e s p o n d a n c e etc.
gehören Sie selbst zu den „ H o l z w ü r m e r n " u n d h a b e n Sie „die ü b e r den
E t a t g e h e n d e n geheimen A u s g a b e n " mit aufgegessen bis zum Belauf von
40000 F r a n k e n . U n d daß Sie ein „ R u n d w u r m " sind, weiß Jeder, der Sie
kennt.
173
Karl Marx
To t h e Editor of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e "
June 8, 1871
|To the Editor of the "Pall Mall Gazette."
Sir,
F r o m the Paris c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of your y e s t e r d a y ' s publication I see that
while fancying to live at L o n d o n , I w a s , in reality, arrested in H o l l a n d
on the r e q u e s t of B i s m a r c k - F a v r e . B u t , m a y b e , this is b u t o n e of t h e
5
i n n u m e r a b l e sensational stories about the International w h i c h for t h e last
t w o m o n t h s the Franco-Prussian police has n e v e r tired of fabricating, t h e
Versailles press of publishing, and t h e rest of the E u r o p e a n p r e s s of
reproducing.
I h a v e t h e h o n o u r , Sir, to be
10
Y o u r s obediently
Karl Marx.
1, M o d e n a Villas, Maitland Park.
J u n e 8, 1871-1
174
Friedrich Engels
M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e of t h e
G e n e r a l Council June 11, 1871
Minutes
I International Association of Working Men.
Meeting of the Sub Committee
of General Council
11 June 1871, at 122 Regent's Park Road.
th
5
T h e S u b c o m m i t t e had b e e n called to consider the propriety of issuing
a reply to Jules F a v r e ' s Circular of J u n e 6 respecting the International.
Present Citizens È c c a r i u s , E n g e l s , M a r x , Hales and W e s t o n . Citizen
W e s t o n w a s appointed to the Chair and Cit. Engels secretary of t h e
meeting.
10
Cit. Engels read a draft reply w h i c h w a s adopted unanimously.
It w a s also resolved u n a n i m o u s l y to send this reply to all the daily
p a p e r s of L o n d o n .
T h e Minutes of the meeting w e r e r e a d and adopted unanimously.
F. Engels. J o h n W e s t o n |
th
175
Karl Marx/Fried rich Engels
S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council on
Jules Favre's Circular
The Times. Nr. 27088,
13. Juni 1871
Sir,—On J u n e 6, 1871, M . J u l e s F a v r e issued a circular to all the E u r o p e a n
P o w e r s , calling u p o n t h e m to h u n t d o w n the International Working M e n ' s
Association. A few r e m a r k s will suffice to characterize that d o c u m e n t .
In the very preamble of our statutes it is stated that the International w a s
founded " S e p t e m b e r 28, 1864, at a public meeting held at St. Martin's
Hall, L o n g A c r e , L o n d o n . " F o r p u r p o s e s of his o w n Jules F a v r e puts b a c k
the date of its origin behind 1862.
5
In order to explain our principles, he professes to quote "their (the
International's) sheet of the 25th of M a r c h , 1869." A n d then w h a t does he 10
q u o t e ? T h e sheet of a society w h i c h is n o t the International. This sort of
m a n œ u v r e he already r e c u r r e d to w h e n , still a comparatively y o u n g
lawyer, he had to defend the National n e w s p a p e r , p r o s e c u t e d for libel by
Cabet. T h e n he p r e t e n d e d to read extracts from C a b e t ' s p a m p h l e t s while
reading interpolations of his own—a trick e x p o s e d while the court w a s 15
sitting, and which b u t for the indulgence of C a b e t , w o u l d h a v e b e e n p u n i s h e d
by Jules F a v r e ' s expulsion from the Paris bar. Of all the d o c u m e n t s quoted
by him as d o c u m e n t s of the International not o n e belongs to the International.
He says, for instance, " T h e Alliance declares itself Atheist, says the General
Council, constituted in L o n d o n in July, 1869." T h e General Council never 20
issued such a d o c u m e n t . On the contrary, it issued a d o c u m e n t w h i c h
quashed the original statutes of the "Alliance"—L'Alliance de la D é m o cratie Socialiste at Geneva—quoted by Jules F a v r e .
T h r o u g h o u t his circular, w h i c h pretends in p a r t also to be directed against
the E m p i r e , Jules F a v r e r e p e a t s against the International b u t the police 25
inventions of the public p r o s e c u t o r s of the E m p i r e , and w h i c h b r o k e
d o w n miserably even before the law courts of that E m p i r e .
It is k n o w n that in its t w o a d d r e s s e s (of July and S e p t e m b e r last) on
the late war the General Council of the International d e n o u n c e d the
176
Statement by the General Council on Jules Favre's Circular
Prussian plans of c o n q u e s t against F r a n c e . L a t e r on Mr. Reitlinger, Jules
F a v r e ' s private secretary, applied, t h o u g h of course in vain, to some
m e m b e r s of the General Council for getting up by the Council a d e m o n stration against B i s m a r c k , in favour of the G o v e r n m e n t of National
5 D e f e n c e ; they w e r e particularly r e q u e s t e d not to mention the Republic.
T h e preparations for a d e m o n s t r a t i o n with regard to the expected arrival of
Jules F a v r e in L o n d o n w e r e made—certainly with the best of intentions—in
spite of the General Council, w h i c h in its address of t h e 9th of S e p t e m b e r
had distinctly forewarned the Paris w o r k m e n against Jules F a v r e and his
10 colleagues.
W h a t would Jules F a v r e say if in its turn the International w e r e to send
a circular on Jules F a v r e to all t h e Cabinets of E u r o p e , drawing their
particular attention to the d o c u m e n t s published at Paris by the late M. Milhere?
15
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN HALES,
Secretary to the General Council of the International
Working M e n ' s Association.
256, High Holborn, W . C , J u n e 12.
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Karl Marx
Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich
Adresse des Generalrats
der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation
an alle M i t g l i e d e r in Europa
und d e n V e r e i n i g t e n Staaten
Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Englischen von Friedrich Engels
Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · I
| l | A n alle Mitglieder
der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation in Europa
und den Vereinigten Staaten.
I.
5
Am 4. September 1870, als die Pariser Arbeiter die Republik proklamirten,
der fast in demselben Augenblick ganz F r a n k r e i c h o h n e eine einzige Stimme
des W i d e r s p r u c h s zujubelte — da n a h m eine K a b a l e stellenjagender
A d v o k a t e n , mit Thiers als S t a a t s m a n n u n d T r o c h u als General, Besitz v o m
Hotel de Ville (Stadthaus). Diese L e u t e w a r e n damals d u r c h d r u n g e n von
10
einem so fanatischen G l a u b e n an d e n Beruf von Paris, in allen E p o c h e n
geschichtlicher Krisis F r a n k r e i c h zu vertreten, daß, um ihre usurpirten
Titel als Regenten F r a n k r e i c h s zu rechtfertigen, es ihnen genügend schien,
ihre verfallenen M a n d a t e als A b g e o r d n e t e für Paris vorzuzeigen. In u n s e r e r
zweiten A d r e s s e über den letzten Krieg, fünf Tage n a c h dem E m p o r k o m m e n
15 dieser L e u t e , sagten wir E u c h , w e r sie w a r e n . U n d d e n n o c h , im Sturm der
U e b e r r u m p e l u n g , mit den wirklichen F ü h r e r n der Arbeiter n o c h in Bonaparte's Gefängnissen, u n d mit den P r e u ß e n schon im vollen M a r s c h auf
Paris, duldete Paris ihre Ergreifung der S t a a t s m a c h t ; aber nur auf die
ausdrückliche Bedingung hin, daß diese S t a a t s m a c h t dienen sollte einzig
20 und allein zum Z w e c k der nationalen Vertheidigung. Paris aber w a r nicht zu
vertheidigen, o h n e seine Arbeiterklasse zu bewaffnen, sie in eine b r a u c h bare Kriegsmacht zu v e r w a n d e l n u n d ihre Reihen d u r c h den Krieg selbst
einzuschulen. Aber Paris in Waffen, das w a r die Revolution in Waffen. Ein
Sieg von Paris über den p r e u ß i s c h e n Angreifer w ä r e ein Sieg gewesen des
25
französischen Arbeiters über den französischen Kapitalisten | | 2 | u n d seine
Staatsparasiten. In diesem Zwiespalt z w i s c h e n nationaler Pflicht u n d
Klasseninteresse z a u d e r t e die Regierung der nationalen Vertheidigung
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Karl Marx
keinen Augenblick, — sie verwandelte sich in eine Regierung des nationalen
Verraths.
Das erste, was sie that, war, Thiers auf die W a n d e r u n g zu schicken, zu
allen H ö f e n E u r o p a s , um dort Vermittlung zu erbetteln mit d e m Angebot,
die Republik gegen einen König a u s z u t a u s c h e n . Vier M o n a t e n a c h Beginn
der Belagerung, als der Augenblick g e k o m m e n schien, das erste W o r t von
Kapitulation fallen zu lassen, r e d e t e T r o c h u , in G e g e n w a r t von Jules F a v r e
und andern Regierungsmitgliedern, die v e r s a m m e l t e n Maires (Bezirksbürgermeister) von Paris an wie folgt:
5
„Die erste Frage, die mir v o n meinen Kollegen n o c h am selben A b e n d des 10
4. S e p t e m b e r s vorgelegt w u r d e , w a r diese: K a n n Paris, mit irgend welcher
Aussicht auf Erfolg, eine Belagerung durch die p r e u ß i s c h e A r m e e aushalten?
Ich zögerte nicht, dies zu verneinen. M e h r e r e meiner hier a n w e s e n d e n
Kollegen w e r d e n einstehn für die W a h r h e i t meiner W o r t e und für mein
B e h a r r e n auf dieser Meinung. Ich sagte ihnen, in diesen selben W o r t e n , d a ß , 15
wie die Dinge lägen, der V e r s u c h , Paris gegen eine p r e u ß i s c h e Belagerung
zu halten, eine Thorheit sei. O h n e Zweifel, fügte ich hinzu, eine heroische
T h o r h e i t ; aber das w ü r d e a u c h Alles sein — Die Ereignisse (die er selbst
leitete) haben meine Voraussicht nicht L ü g e n gestraft." Diese nette kleine
R e d e T r o c h u ' s w u r d e nachher von einem der a n w e s e n d e n Maires, H e r r n 20
C o r b o n , veröffentlicht.
Also: Am selben A b e n d , wo die Republik proklamirt w u r d e , w a r es
T r o c h u ' s Kollegen bekannt, daß T r o c h u ' s „ P l a n " in der Kapitulation von
Paris bestand. Wäre die nationale Vertheidigung m e h r gewesen, als ein
bloßer V o r w a n d für die persönliche H e r r s c h a f t von Thiers, F a v r e u n d
K o m p a g n i e — die E m p o r k ö m m l i n g e des 4. S e p t e m b e r hätten am 5. abgedankt, hätten das Pariser Volk eingeweiht in T r o c h u ' s „ P l a n " , und hätten
es aufgefordert, e n t w e d e r sofort zu kapituliren, oder sein eigenes Geschick
in seine eigene H a n d zu n e h m e n . Statt dessen aber beschlossen die ehrlosen
Betrüger, die „heroische T h o r h e i t " von Paris d u r c h B e h a n d l u n g mit H u n g e r
u n d blutigen Köpfen zu kuriren, und es inzwischen zum N a r r e n zu halten
durch groß sprechende Manifeste, wie z . B . : „ T r o c h u , der G o u v e r n e u r v o n
Paris, wird nie kapituliren!" u n d Jules F a v r e , der auswärtige Minister,
„wird nicht einen Zollbreit u n s e r e s Gebiets u n d nicht einen Stein u n s e r e r
F e s t u n g e n a b t r e t e n . " In einem Brief an G a m b e t t a b e k e n n t derselbe Jules
F a v r e , j | 3 | daß das, wogegen sie sich „vertheidigten", nicht die p r e u ß i s c h e n
Soldaten waren, sondern die Pariser Arbeiter. W ä h r e n d der ganzen Belagerung rissen die bonapartistischen Gurgelabschneider, d e n e n T r o c h u
weislich das K o m m a n d o der Pariser A r m e e a n v e r t r a u t hatte, in ihrer vertraulichen K o r r e s p o n d e n z schnöde W i t z e über den w o h l v e r s t a n d e n e n
H o h n der Vertheidigung. M a n sehe z . B . die K o r r e s p o n d e n z von A l p h o n s e
184
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35
40
r
Simon Guiod, O b e r k o m m a n d a n t der Artillerie der Pariser A r m e e , G r o ß k r e u z der Ehrenlegion, an S u z a n n e , Divisionsgeneral der Artillerie, w e l c h e
K o r r e s p o n d e n z v o n der K o m m u n e veröffentlicht w u r d e . Endlich, a m
28. J a n u a r 1871, ließen sie die T r u g m a s k e fallen. Mit dem ganzen H e l d e n 5 muth der äußersten Selbsterniedrigung trat die Regierung der nationalen
Vertheidigung in der Kapitulation von Paris h e r v o r als die Regierung Frankreichs durch Bismarcks Gefangene — eine Rolle von solcher N i e d e r t r a c h t ,
daß selbst Louis N a p o l e o n in S e d a n vor ihr z u r ü c k g e b e b t war. N a c h d e m
18. M ä r z , in ihrer wilden Flucht n a c h Versailles, ließen die „ K a p i t u l a r d s "
10
den aktenmäßigen Beweis ihres V e r r a t h s in Paris zurück. Um diesen zu
zerstören, sagt die K o m m u n e in einem ihrer Manifeste an die Provinzen,
„würden diese L e u t e nicht davor z u r ü c k s c h r e c k e n , Paris in einen T r ü m m e r haufen zu verwandeln, bespült von einem B l u t m e e r . "
Aber um einen solchen Ausgang herbeizuführen, dafür hatten m e h r e r e
15
der Hauptmitglieder der Vertheidigungs-Regierung a u ß e r d e m n o c h ganz
b e s o n d e r e Privatgründe.
K u r z nach A b s c h l u ß des Waffenstillstandes veröffentlichte Minière,
Abgeordneter für Paris zur N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g , jetzt e r s c h o s s e n auf
expressen Befehl von Jules F a v r e , eine Reihe authentischer gerichtlicher
20 Aktenstücke zum Beweise, daß Jules F a v r e , jn wilder E h e lebend mit der
Frau eines in Algier w o h n e n d e n T r u n k e n b o l d s , d u r c h eine h ö c h s t v e r w e gene Anhäufung v o n F ä l s c h u n g e n , die sich über eine lange Reihe v o n
Jahren erstrecken, im N a m e n der K i n d e r seines E h e b r u c h s eine g r o ß e
Erbschaft erschlichen u n d sich d a d u r c h z u m reichen M a n n g e m a c h t h a t t e ;
25
und d a ß , in einem v o n den r e c h t m ä ß i g e n E r b e n u n t e r n o m m e n e n P r o z e s s e ,
er der E n t d e c k u n g nur entging d u r c h die b e s o n d e r e Begünstigung der
bonapartistischen Gerichte. Da über diese t r o c k e n e n , gerichtlichen Aktenstücke nicht h i n w e g z u k o m m e n war, a u c h nicht mit n o c h so viel rhetorischen
Pferdekräften, hielt Jules F a v r e z u m ersten Male in seinem L e b e n d e n
30
Mund, in aller Stille den A u s b r u c h des Bürgerkriegs erwartend, um d a n n
das Pariser Volk w ü t h e n d zu verlästern als eine B a n d e | | 4 | a u s g e b r o c h e n e r
Sträflinge, in hellem Aufruhr gegen Familie, Religion, Ordnung u n d Eigenthum. U n d dieser selbe F ä l s c h e r w a r k a u m zur Herrschaft g e k o m m e n , als
er, gleich n a c h dem 4. S e p t e m b e r , Pic und Taillefer mitfühlend in Freiheit
35
setzte, die Beide, sogar unter d e m K a i s e r r e i c h , w e g e n Fälschung verurtheilt
waren bei der Skandalgeschichte mit der Zeitung „ L ' E t e n d a r d . " Einer
dieser Edlen, Taillefer, hatte die F r e c h h e i t , unter der K o m m u n e n a c h Paris
hineinzugehen u n d w u r d e sofort wieder eingesteckt; u n d darauf rief Jules
Favre von der Tribüne der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g in die Welt hinaus, daß die
40 Pariser alle ihre Zuchthäusler freiließen!
E r n e s t Picard, der Karl Vogt der Regierung der nationalen Vertheidigung,
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Karl Marx
der sich selbst z u m Minister des I n n e r n der Republik e r n a n n t e , n a c h d e m er
vergeblich gestrebt h a t t e , der Minister des I n n e r n des Kaiserreichs zu
w e r d e n — ist der Bruder eines gewissen A r t h u r Picard, der als Schwindler
v o n der Pariser B ö r s e ausgestoßen (Bericht der Pariser Polizei-Präfektur
v o m 3 1 . Juli 1867) u n d auf eigenes G e s t ä n d n i ß überführt w u r d e eines
5
Diebstahls von 300 000 F r a n k e n , begangen als Direktor eines Zweigbüreaus
der Société Générale, R u e Palestro N r . 5 (Bericht der Polizei-Präfektur v o m
11. D e z e m b e r 1868). Diesen A r t h u r Picard e r n a n n t e E r n e s t Picard z u m
R e d a k t e u r seines Blattes „ L ' E l e c t e u r L i b r e " . W ä h r e n d die gewöhnliche
Sorte Börsenleute durch die offiziellen L ü g e n dieses Ministerialblattes irre 10
geleitet w u r d e n , lief A r t h u r Picard hin u n d her z w i s c h e n dem Ministerium
u n d der B ö r s e und v e r w a n d e l t e hier die Niederlagen der französischen
A r m e e n in b a a r e n Profit. Die ganze G e s c h ä f t s k o r r e s p o n d e n z dieses biedern
B r ü d e r p a a r e s fiel in die H ä n d e der K o m m u n e .
Jules F e r r y , ein brotloser A d v o k a t vor dem 4. September, b r a c h t e es 15
fertig, als Maire von Paris w ä h r e n d der Belagerung, aus der H u n g e r s n o t h
ein V e r m ö g e n für sich herauszuschwindeln. D e r Tag, an d e m er sich w e g e n
seiner Mißverwaltung zu v e r a n t w o r t e n h a b e n wird, wird a u c h der T a g
seiner Verurtheilung sein.
Diese M ä n n e r nun k o n n t e n ihre Tickets-of-leave* n u r in den Ruinen von
Paris finden; sie w a r e n gerade die L e u t e , die B i s m a r c k b r a u c h t e . Ein wenig
Taschenspielerei — | | 5 | u n d Thiers, bisher der geheime Zuflüsterer der
Regierung, erschien jetzt als ihre Spitze, mit den Ticket-of-leave-Männern
als Ministern.
Thiers, diese Zwergmißgeburt, hat die französische Bourgeoisie m e h r als
ein halbes J a h r h u n d e r t lang b e z a u b e r t , weil er der vollendetste geistige
A u s d r u c k ihrer eignen K l a s s e n v e r d e r b t h e i t ist. E h e er S t a a t s m a n n w u r d e ,
h a t t e er schon seine Stärke im L ü g e n als Geschichtsschreiber dargethan.
Die Chronik seines öffentlichen L e b e n s ist die Geschichte der U n g l ü c k e
F r a n k r e i c h s . Verbündet, vor 1830, mit den Republikanern, e r h a s c h t e er
unter Louis Philippe eine Ministerstelle, indem er seinen P r o t e k t o r Laffitte
verrieth. Beim König schmeichelte er sich ein d u r c h A n h e t z u n g von
P ö b e l e x c e s s e n gegen die Geistlichkeit, w ä h r e n d d e r e n die K i r c h e SaintGermain l'Auxerrois u n d der erzbischöfliche Palast geplündert w u r d e n , und
d u r c h sein B e n e h m e n gegen die Herzogin v o n B e r r y , bei der er zu gleicher
Zeit den Minister-Spion u n d den Gefängniß-Geburtshelfer spielte. Sein
W e r k w a r die Niedermetzelung der Republikaner in der R u e T r a n s n o n a i n ,
sein W e r k die darauf folgenden infamen S e p t e m b e r g e s e t z e gegen Presse
20
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* In England giebt man gemeinen Verbrechern nach Verbüßung des größeren Theils ihrer Haft
häufig Urlaubsscheine, mit denen sie entlassen und unter Polizeiaufsicht gestellt werden. Diese 40
Scheine heißen tickets-of-leave und ihre Inhaber ticket-of-leave-men.
186
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20
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und Assoziationsrecht. 1840, wo er als Ministerpräsident wieder auftauchte,
setzte er F r a n k r e i c h in E r s t a u n e n mit seinem Plan, Paris zu befestigen. D e n
Republikanern, die diesen Plan als heimtückisches K o m p l o t t gegen die
Freiheit von Paris anklagten, a n t w o r t e t e er in der D e p u t i r t e n k a m m e r :
„Wie? Sie bilden sich ein, d a ß F e s t u n g s w e r k e je die Freiheit gefährden
k ö n n t e n ? V o r Allem v e r l e u m d e n Sie j e d e mögliche Regierung, w e n n Sie
v o r a u s s e t z e n , sie k ö n n t e je v e r s u c h e n , sich d u r c h ein B o m b a r d e m e n t von
Paris aufrecht zu e r h a l t e n . . . eine solche Regierung w ä r e n a c h ihrem Siege
hundert Mal unmöglicher als v o r h e r . " In der T h a t , keine Regierung w ü r d e
je gewagt haben, Paris von d e n F o r t s zu b o m b a r d i r e n , außer der Regierung,
die vorher diese selben F o r t s den P r e u ß e n ausgeliefert hatte.
Als König B o m b a sich im J a n u a r 1848 an Palermo v e r s u c h t e , e r h o b sich
Thiers, damals schon lange kein Minister m e h r , abermals in der K a m m e r :
„Sie wissen, meine H e r r e n , w a s in P a l e r m o vorgeht. Sie alle e r b e b e n v o r
Schauder (im parlamentarischen Sinn), w e n n Sie hören, daß achtundvierzig
Stunden lang eine große Stadt b o m b a r d i r t w o r d e n ist — v o n w e m ? V o n
einem fremden Feind in A n w e n d u n g des K r i e g s r e c h t s ? Nein, meine H e r r e n ,
von ihrer eignen Regierung. | | 6 | U n d w e ß w e g e n ? Weil die unglückliche
Stadt ihre R e c h t e forderte. U n d für die F o r d e r u n g ihrer R e c h t e erhielt sie
achtundvierzig S t u n d e n B o m b a r d e m e n t . . . E r l a u b e n Sie mir an die Meinung von E u r o p a zu appelliren. Es heißt der Menschlichkeit einen Dienst
erweisen, w e n n m a n sich e r h e b t u n d v o n vielleicht der größten Tribüne E u r o pas wiederhallen läßt einige W o r t e (jawohl, Worte!) der E n t r ü s t u n g gegen
solche Thaten. Als der Regent E s p a r t e r o , der seinem L a n d e Dienste geleistet hatte, (und das w a r m e h r als Thiers je gethan) beabsichtigte, B a r c e lona zu b o m b a r d i r e n , zur U n t e r d r ü c k u n g eines A u f s t a n d e s , da e r h o b sich
von allen E n d e n der Welt ein allgemeiner Schrei der E n t r ü s t u n g . "
A c h t z e h n M o n a t e später befand sich Thiers unter den w ü t h e n d s t e n
Vertheidigern des B o m b a r d e m e n t s von R o m d u r c h eine französische
A r m e e . D e r Fehler des K ö n i g s B o m b a scheint in der T h a t nur darin gelegen
zu haben, daß er sein B o m b a r d e m e n t auf achtundvierzig S t u n d e n b e schränkte.
Wenige Tage vor der F e b r u a r - R e v o l u t i o n , u n w i r s c h ob der langen Verb a n n u n g von A m t u n d Unterschleif, w o z u Guizot ihn verurtheilt h a t t e , u n d
in der Luft eine h e r a n n a h e n d e V o l k s b e w e g u n g witternd, erklärte Thiers, in
dem falschen Heldenstyl, der ihm den S p o t t n a m e n M i r a b e a u - m o u c h e
(Mirabeau-Fliege) einbrachte, der D e p u t i r t e n k a m m e r :
„ I c h gehöre zur Partei der Revolution, nicht allein in Frankreich, sondern
in E u r o p a . Ich w ü n s c h e , daß die Regierung der Revolution in den H ä n d e n
gemäßigter M ä n n e r bleiben m ö g e ;
aber sollte diese Regierung in die
H ä n d e heftiger L e u t e fallen, selbst in die v o n Radikalen, so w e r d e ich
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Karl Marx
d a r u m doch meine Sache nicht im Stich lassen. Ich w e r d e immer zur Partei
der Revolution g e h ö r e n . "
Die Februar-Revolution k a m . Statt das Ministerium Guizot d u r c h das
Ministerium Thiers zu ersetzen, wie das Männlein g e t r ä u m t hatte, verdrängte sie Louis Philippe d u r c h die Republik. Am ersten Tage des Sieges
v e r s t e c k t e er sich sorgfältig, vergessend, daß die V e r a c h t u n g der Arbeiter
ihn vor ihrem H a ß schützte. D e n n o c h hielt er sich, mit seinem altbekannten
M u t h , v o n der öffentlichen B ü h n e fern, bis die Juni-Metzeleien sie für seine
Sorte Aktion freigefegt hatten. D a n n w u r d e er der leitende Kopf der
„ O r d n u n g s p a r t e i " mit ihrer parlamentarischen Republik, j e n e m a n o n y m e n
Zwischenreich, in dem alle die v e r s c h i e d e n e n F r a k t i o n e n der h e r r s c h e n d e n
Klasse mit einander konspirirten zur U n t e r d r ü c k u n g des V o l k e s u n d |
| 7 1 gegen einander, jede zur Wiederherstellung ihrer eigenen M o n a r c h i e . Damals wie jetzt klagte Thiers die Republikaner an als das einzige H i n d e r n i ß
der Befestigung der Republik; damals wie jetzt s p r a c h er zur Republik, wie
der H e n k e r zu D o n Carlos: „ I c h w e r d e Dich m o r d e n , aber zu D e i n e m eigenen
b e s t e n . " J e t z t wie damals wird er ausrufen m ü s s e n am Tage n a c h seinem
Siege: „l'Empire est fait" — das Kaiserreich ist fertig. T r o t z seiner, heuchlerischen Predigten von „nothwendigen F r e i h e i t e n " u n d seines persönlichen
Aergers gegen Louis B o n a p a r t e , der ihn gebraucht u n d d e n Parlamentarism u s hinausgeworfen hatte, — u n d außerhalb der künstlichen A t m o s p h ä r e
des Parlamentarismus schrumpft das Männlein, wie es w o h l w e i ß , zu einem
N i c h t s z u s a m m e n — trotz alledem hatte Thiers eine H a n d in allen Infamien
des zweiten Kaiserreichs, v o n der B e s e t z u n g R o m s d u r c h französische
T r u p p e n bis zum Kriege gegen P r e u ß e n , zu d e m er aufhetzte d u r c h seine
heftigen Ausfälle gegen die d e u t s c h e Einheit — nicht als D e c k m a n t e l für
den preußischen D e s p o t i s m u s , sondern als Eingriffe in das e r e r b t e A n r e c h t
F r a n k r e i c h s auf die deutsche Uneinigkeit. W ä h r e n d seine Z w e r g s a r m e gern
im Angesicht E u r o p a ' s das S c h w e r t des ersten N a p o l e o n u m h e r s c h w a n g e n ,
d e s s e n historischer S c h u h p u t z e r er g e w o r d e n w a r , gipfelte seine auswärtige
Politik stets in der ä u ß e r s t e n Erniedrigung F r a n k r e i c h s , v o n der L o n d o n e r
C o n v e n t i o n von 1840 bis zur Pariser Kapitulation von 1871 und z u m jetzigen
Bürgerkriege, worin er, mit hoher obrigkeitlicher E r l a u b n i ß B i s m a r c k ' s , die
Gefangenen von Sedan und M e t z gegen Paris h e t z t e . T r o t z der Beweglichkeit seines Talents und der Veränderlichkeit seiner Zielpunkte ist dieser
M a n n sein ganzes L e b e n lang an die allerfossilste Routine gekettet g e w e s e n .
Es ist klar, daß ihm die tiefer liegenden S t r ö m u n g e n der m o d e r n e n Gesellschaft ewig verborgen bleiben m u ß t e n ; aber selbst die handgreiflichsten
V e r ä n d e r u n g e n auf der gesellschaftlichen Oberfläche w i d e r s t r e b t e n einem
Gehirn, d e s s e n ganze Lebenskraft in die Z u n g e geflüchtet w a r . So w u r d e er
nie m ü d e , jede A b w e i c h u n g v o n dem veralteten französischen Schutzzoll-
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system als eine H e i l i g t h u m s s c h ä n d u n g anzuklagen. Als Minister L o u i s
Philippe's v e r s u c h t e er, die E i s e n b a h n e n als ein hirnverbranntes B l e n d w e r k
niederzuschreien; in der Opposition u n t e r Louis B o n a p a r t e b r a n d m a r k t e er
als eine Entheiligung j e d e n V e r s u c h zur Reform des verfaulten französisehen H e e r w e s e n s . N i e m a l s in seiner langen politischen L a u f b a h n hat er
sich einer einzigen, a u c h nicht der geringsten Maßregel von | J 8 | p r a k t i s c h e m
N u t z e n schuldig gemacht. Thiers w a r k o n s e q u e n t nur in seiner Gier n a c h
Reichthum und in seinem H a ß gegen die L e u t e , die ihn hervorbringen. Er
trat in sein erstes Ministerium u n t e r L o u i s Philippe arm wie H i o b ; er verließ
es als Millionär. Als sein letztes Ministerium unter demselben Könige (vom
ersten M ä r z 1 8 4 0 ) ihm in der K a m m e r öffentliche Anklagen wegen U n t e r schleif zuzog, begnügte er sich, d u r c h T h r ä n e n zu a n t w o r t e n — ein Artikel,
in d e m er e b e n so flott „ m a c h t " , w i e Jules F a v r e oder irgend ein a n d e r e s
Krokodil. In B o r d e a u x w a r sein erster Schritt zur R e t t u n g F r a n k r e i c h ' s vom
h e r e i n b r e c h e n d e n Finanzruin der, sich selbst mit drei Millionen jährlich
a u s z u s t a t t e n ; es w a r dies das erste u n d letzte W o r t jener „ ö k o n o m i s c h e n
Republik", worauf er seinen Pariser Wählern 1 8 6 9 Aussicht g e m a c h t hatte.
Einer seiner früheren Kollegen aus der K a m m e r von 1 8 3 0 , selbst ein
Kapitalist, — was ihn nicht v e r h i n d e r t e , ein aufopferndes Mitglied der
Pariser K o m m u n e zu sein — H e r r Beslay, sagte neulich in einem M a u e r a n schlage zu Thiers: „Die K n e c h t u n g der Arbeit d u r c h das Kapital ist jederzeit der E c k s t e i n Ihrer Politik g e w e s e n , u n d seit Sie die Republik der Arbeit
im Pariser S t a d t h a u s eingesetzt sehen, h a b e n Sie o h n e Aufhören F r a n k r e i c h
zugerufen: „ S e h t diese V e r b r e c h e r ! " — Ein Meister kleiner Staatsschufterei, ein Virtuose des Meineids u n d V e r r a t h s , ausgelernt in allen d e n
niedrigen Kriegslisten, h e i m t ü c k i s c h e n Kniffen u n d gemeinen Treulosigkeiten des parlamentarischen P a r t e i k a m p f e s ; stets bereit, w e n n v o m A m t e
verdrängt, eine Revolution a n z u f a c h e n , u n d sie im Blut zu ersticken, sobald
er am Staatsruder; mit K l a s s e n v o r u r t h e i l e n an der Stelle v o n I d e e n ; mit
Eitelkeit an der Stelle eines H e r z e n s ; sein Privatleben so infam, wie sein
öffentliches L e b e n niederträchtig — k a n n er nicht umhin, selbst jetzt, wo
er die Rolle eines französischen Sulla spielt, die Scheußlichkeit seiner
T h a t e n zu e r h ö h e n d u r c h die L ä c h e r l i c h k e i t seiner Großthuerei.
Die Kapitulation von Paris, die den P r e u ß e n nicht nur Paris, sondern ganz
F r a n k r e i c h überlieferte, b e s c h l o ß die l a n g a n d a u e r n d e n verrätherischen
Intriguen mit dem F e i n d e , die die U s u r p a t o r e n des 4. S e p t e m b e r s , wie
T r o c h u selbst gesagt, schon an diesem selben T a g e begonnen. A n d e r e r s e i t s
eröffnete sie den Bürgerkrieg, den sie jetzt, mit preußischer U n t e r s t ü t z u n g ,
gegen die Republik u n d Paris zu führen hatten. S c h o n in dem Wortlaute d e r
40 Kapitulation selbst w a r die Falle gelegt. D a m a l s w a r über ein Drittel des
L a n d e s in den H ä n d e n des
F e i n d e s , die H a u p t s t a d t w a r v o n d e n
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Karl Marx
P r o v i n z e n abgeschnitten, alle Verkehrsmittel w a r e n in U n o r d n u n g . Es w a r
unmöglich, unter solchen U m s t ä n d e n eine wirkliche V e r t r e t u n g F r a n k r e i c h s
zu erwählen, w e n n nicht volle Zeit zur Vorbereitung gegeben w u r d e . Gerade
deßhalb bedang die Kapitulation, daß eine N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g innerhalb
acht Tagen zu wählen sei, so daß in m a n c h e n Theilen F r a n k r e i c h s die
N a c h r i c h t von der v o r z u n e h m e n d e n W a h l erst den Tag vorher a n k a m .
F e r n e r sollte die V e r s a m m l u n g , n a c h einem ausdrücklichen Artikel der
Kapitulation, gewählt w e r d e n für den einzigen Z w e c k , über Krieg u n d
Frieden zu entscheiden und v o r k o m m e n d e n Falles einen F r i e d e n s v e r t r a g
abzuschließen. D a s Volk m u ß t e fühlen, daß die Waffenstillstandsbedingungen die Fortführung des Krieges unmöglich m a c h t e n , u n d daß, um den v o n
Bismarck aufgenöthigten F r i e d e n zu bestätigen, die schlechtesten L e u t e in
F r a n k r e i c h gerade die besten seien. Aber, nicht zufrieden mit allen diesen
Vorsichtsmaßregeln, hatte Thiers, schon e h e das Geheimniß des Waffenstillstandes den Parisern mitgetheilt w o r d e n , sich auf eine Wahlreise in die
P r o v i n z e n begeben, um dort die legitimistische Partei ins L e b e n z u r ü c k z u galvanisiren, die jetzt mit den Orleanisten die Stelle der augenblicklich
unmöglich g e w o r d e n e n Bonapartisten auszufüllen hatte. Er h a t t e keine
Angst vor ihnen. Unmöglich als Regierung des m o d e r n e n F r a n k r e i c h s , u n d
daher verächtlich als N e b e n b u h l e r , — w e l c h e Partei gab ein willkommeneres
W e r k z e u g der Reaktion ab, als die Partei, d e r e n Aktion, in T h i e r s ' eigenen
W o r t e n (Deputirtenkammer, 5. J a n u a r 1833) „sich immer b e s c h r ä n k t hatte
auf die drei Hülfsquellen: auswärtige Invasion, Bürgerkrieg u n d A n a r c h i e " ?
Sie aber, die Legitimisten, glaubten in W a h r h e i t an den A d v e n t ihres rückw ä r t s gewandten tausendjährigen Reichs. Da w a r e n die F e r s e n auswärtiger
Invasion, die F r a n k r e i c h zu B o d e n traten; da war der Fall eines Kaiserreiches
u n d die Gefangenschaft eines B o n a p a r t e ; und da w a r e n sie selber wieder.
D a s Rad der Geschichte hatte sich offenbar z u r ü c k g e d r e h t bis zu der
C h a m b r e introuvable (der L a n d r a t h s - u n d J u n k e r k a m m e r ) von 1816. In d e n
V e r s a m m l u n g e n der Republik 1848 bis 1851 w a r e n sie vertreten g e w e s e n
durch ihre gebildeten u n d eingeschulten p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e n F ü h r e r ; jetzt
aber drängten sich die gemeinen Soldaten der Partei h e r v o r — alle Pourceaugnacs von Frankreich.
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Sobald diese V e r s a m m l u n g von R u r a u x (Krautjunkern) in B o r d e a u x
eröffnet war, m a c h t e Thiers es ihnen klar, d a ß sie ||l0[ die Friedenspräli- 35
minarien sofort a n z u n e h m e n hätten, selbst o h n e die E h r e n b e z e u g u n g einer
parlamentarischen D e b a t t e , als einzige Bedingung, unter der P r e u ß e n ihnen
erlauben w e r d e , gegen die Republik u n d ihre feste Burg Paris den Krieg zu
eröffnen. Die Contrerevolution hatte in der T h a t keine Zeit zu verlieren. D a s
zweite K a i s e r t h u m hatte die Staatsschuld v e r d o p p e l t u n d die großen Städte 40
in s c h w e r e Lokalschulden gestürzt. D e r Krieg h a t t e die A n s p r ü c h e an die
190
Nation furchtbar e r h ö h t u n d ihre Hülfsquellen rücksichtslos v e r w ü s t e t . Z u r
Vollendung des Ruins stand da der p r e u ß i s c h e Shylock mit seinem Schein
für den Unterhalt einer halben Million seiner Soldaten auf französischem
B o d e n , für seine E n t s c h ä d i g u n g von fünf Milliarden und Zinsen zu fünf
5 Prozent auf d e r e n u n b e z a h l t e R a t e n . W e r sollte die R e c h n u n g zahlen? N u r
durch den gewaltsamen Sturz der Republik k o n n t e n die Aneigner des
Reichthums hoffen, die K o s t e n eines v o n ihnen selbst herbeigeführten
Krieges auf die Schultern der H e r v o r b r i n g e r dieses R e i c h t h u m s zu wälzen.
U n d so spornte gerade der unermeßliche Ruin F r a n k r e i c h s diese patrioti10
sehen Vertreter von G r u n d b e s i t z u n d Kapital an, unter den A u g e n u n d der
hohen Protektion des fremden E r o b e r e r s , den auswärtigen Krieg zu ergänzen durch einen Bürgerkrieg, eine Sklavenhalter-Rebellion.
Dieser V e r s c h w ö r u n g stand im W e g e Ein großes Hinderniß — Paris. Paris
zu entwaffnen, w a r erste Bedingung des Erfolgs. Paris w u r d e daher von
15 Thiers aufgefordert, seine Waffen niederzulegen. D a n n w u r d e Paris aufgehetzt durch die tollen antirepublikanischen D e m o n s t r a t i o n e n der K r a u t j u n k e r v e r s a m m l u n g u n d d u r c h T h i e r s ' eigene zweideutige A u s s p r ü c h e ü b e r
den rechtlichen B e s t a n d der Republik; d u r c h die D r o h u n g , Paris zu enthaupten u n d e n t h a u p t s t a d t e n (décapiter et décapitaliser); die E r n e n n u n g
20
orleanistischer G e s a n d t e n ; D u f a u r e ' s G e s e t z e wegen der verfallenen
Wechsel und H a u s m i e t h e n , die den H a n d e l u n d die Industrie von Paris mit
dem U n t e r g a n g e b e d r o h t e n ; P o u y e r - Q u e r t i e r ' s Steuer von 2 Centimen auf
jedes E x e m p l a r jeder nur möglichen Druckschrift; die Todesurtheile gegen
Blanqui u n d F l o u r e n s ; die U n t e r d r ü c k u n g der republikanischen Blätter; die
25 Verlegung der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g n a c h Versailles; die E r n e u e r u n g des
von Palikao erklärten und d u r c h den 4. S e p t e m b e r vernichteten Belagerungsz u s t a n d e s ; die E r n e n n u n g des D e z e m b e r h e l d e n Vinoy z u m G o u v e r n e u r ,
des G e n s d a r m e n Valentin zum Polizeipräfekten, | | l l | und des Jesuitengenerals d'Aurelle de Paladines z u m O b e r - K o m m a n d a n t e n der Nationalgarde
30
von Paris.
U n d n u n haben wir an H e r r n Thiers u n d an die H e r r e n v o n der Nationalvertheidigung, seine C o m m i s , eine F r a g e zu richten. Es ist bekannt, daß
durch seinen Finanzminister H e r r n Pouyer-Quertier, Thiers ein A n l e h e n
von zwei Milliarden beantragt h a t t e , sofort zahlbar. Ist es n u n w a h r oder
35 nicht:
1) daß dies Geschäft so a b g e m a c h t w u r d e , daß eine Provision v o n
m e h r e r e n hundert Millionen in die Privattaschen von Thiers, Jules F a v r e ,
E r n e s t Picard, Pouyer-Quertier und Jules Simon floß, u n d
2) daß keine Zahlung g e m a c h t w e r d e n sollte, bis nach der „Pacification"
40 von Paris?
In j e d e m Falle m u ß die S a c h e sehr dringlich g e w e s e n sein, d e n n Thiers
191
Kar! Marx
und Jules F a v r e suchten o h n e alle Scham im N a m e n der V e r s a m m l u n g in
B o r d e a u x u m B e s e t z u n g von Paris durch p r e u ß i s c h e T r u p p e n nach. D a s
p a ß t e aber nicht in B i s m a r c k ' s Spiel, wie er, spöttisch und ganz öffentlich,
den b e w u n d e r n d e n Frankfurter Philistern bei seiner R ü c k k e h r n a c h
D e u t s c h l a n d erzählte.
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II.
Paris w a r das einzige ernstliche Hinderniß auf dem W e g e der contre-revolutionären V e r s c h w ö r u n g . Paris m u ß t e also entwaffnet w e r d e n . In Beziehung auf diesen P u n k t w a r die B o r d e a u x e r V e r s a m m l u n g die Aufrichtigkeit
selbst. W ä r e das r a s e n d e Gebrüll ihrer K r a u t j u n k e r nicht hörbar genug
gewesen, die U e b e r a n t w o r t u n g von Paris d u r c h Thiers in die H ä n d e des
Triumvirats — Vinoy, der D e z e m b e r m ö r d e r , Valentin, der bonapartistische
G e n s d ' a r m , u n d Aurelle de Paladines, der Jesuitengeneral — h ä t t e a u c h den
letzten Zweifel unmöglich gemacht. A b e r w ä h r e n d die V e r s c h w ö r e r den
w a h r e n Z w e c k der Entwaffnung frech zur S c h a u stellten, forderten sie
Paris zur Waffenstreckung auf unter einem V o r w a n d e , der die schreiendste,
schamloseste L ü g e war. D a s G e s c h ü t z der Nationalgarde, sagte Thiers,
gehört d e m Staat und m u ß d e m Staat wieder abgegeben w e r d e n . Die Thatsache w a r diese: V o n dem Tage der Kapitulation an, als B i s m a r c k ' s G e fangene Frankreich ihm ausgeliefert, aber sich selbst eine zahlreiche L e i b w a c h e ausbedungen hatten zu dem ausdrücklichen Z w e c k e , Paris niederzuhalten — von d e m Tage an stand Paris auf der W a c h t . Die Nationalgarde
reorj|l2|ganisirte sich und vertraute ihre Oberleitung einem Centraikomitee
an, das d u r c h ihre ganze M a s s e , einige der alten bonapartistischen Abtheilungen a u s g e n o m m e n , erwählt war. Am V o r a b e n d des E i n m a r s c h e s der
P r e u ß e n in Paris besorgte das Centraikomitee den T r a n s p o r t n a c h M o n t m a r t r e , la Villette und Belleville der von d e n Kapitulards verrätherischer
Weise in und bei den von den P r e u ß e n zu b e s e t z e n d e n Stadttheilen zurückgelassenen K a n o n e n u n d Mitrailleusen. Dies G e s c h ü t z w a r d u r c h die Beiträge
der Nationalgarde selbst beschafft w o r d e n . Als ihr Eigenthum w a r es amtlieh a n e r k a n n t in der Kapitulation v o m 28. Januar, u n d in dieser b e s o n d e r e n
Eigenschaft a u s g e n o m m e n w o r d e n von der allgemeinen Ablieferung der der
Regierung gehörenden Waffen an den Sieger. U n d Thiers w a r so d u r c h u n d
d u r c h b a r eines jeden, a u c h des durchsichtigsten V o r w a n d e s , um den Krieg
mit Paris einzuleiten, daß er auf die platte L ü g e angewiesen blieb: das
G e s c h ü t z der Nationalgarde sei Staatseigenthum!
Die Beschlagnahme des G e s c h ü t z e s sollte nur dienen als Vorspiel der
allgemeinen Entwaffnung v o n Paris u n d damit der Revolution v o m 4. Sep-
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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich • II
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tember. Aber diese Revolution w a r der gesetzliche Z u s t a n d F r a n k r e i c h s
geworden. Die Republik, ihr W e r k , w a r im W o r t l a u t der Kapitulation v o m
Sieger anerkannt. N a c h der Kapitulation w a r sie anerkannt w o r d e n von
allen fremden M ä c h t e n ; in ihrem N a m e n war die V e r s a m m l u n g berufen. Die
Pariser Arbeiterrevolution v o m 4. S e p t e m b e r w a r der einzige Rechtstitel der
Nationalversammlung in B o r d e a u x u n d ihrer vollziehenden Gewalt. O h n e
den 4. S e p t e m b e r hätte die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g sofort d e m , 1869 unter
französischer und nicht unter p r e u ß i s c h e r Herrschaft durch allgemeines
Stimmrecht erwählten u n d gewaltsam von der Revolution zersprengten,
gesetzgebenden K ö r p e r Platz m a c h e n m ü s s e n . Thiers u n d seine Ticket-ofleave-Leute hätten v e r h a n d e l n m ü s s e n w e g e n eines Geleitscheines, unterzeichnet von Louis B o n a p a r t e , um einer Reise n a c h C a y e n n e zu entgehen.
Die Nationalversammlung, mit ihrer Vollmacht, den F r i e d e n mit P r e u ß e n
a b z u m a c h e n , w a r n u r ein einzelner Zwischenfall in jener Revolution, deren
w a h r e V e r k ö r p e r u n g n o c h immer das bewaffnete Paris w a r ; Paris, das diese
Revolution gemacht, das um ihretwillen eine fünfmonatliche Belagerung mit
ihren Schrecken der H u n g e r s n o t h ausgehalten, u n d das in seinem trotz
T r o c h u ' s „ P l a n " verlängerten W i d e r s t a n d die Grundlage eines hartnäckigen
Vertheidigungskrieges in den P r o v i n z e n ge| 113 |liefert hatte. U n d Paris sollte
jetzt e n t w e d e r seine Waffen niederlegen auf das beleidigende G e h e i s c h der
rebellischen Sklavenhalter v o n B o r d e a u x , u n d a n e r k e n n e n , daß seine
Revolution vom 4. S e p t e m b e r nur die einfache U e b e r t r a g u n g der Staatsm a c h t von Louis B o n a p a r t e an seine königlichen N e b e n b u h l e r b e d e u t e ; —
oder es m u ß t e vortreten als der selbstopfernde V o r k ä m p f e r F r a n k r e i c h s ,
dessen Rettung vom U n t e r g a n g u n d d e s s e n W i e d e r g e b u r t unmöglich w a r e n
o h n e den revolutionären U m s t u r z der politischen und gesellschaftlichen
Bedingungen, die das zweite K a i s e r t h u m erzeugt hatten u n d die unter seiner
schützenden O b h u t bis zur ä u ß e r s t e n Fäulniß herangereift w a r e n . Paris,
noch abgezehrt von fünfmonatlicher A u s h u n g e r u n g , zauderte keinen Augenblick. Es beschloß heldenmüthig, alle Gefahren des Widerstandes gegen
die französischen V e r s c h w ö r e r auszuhalten, t r o t z d e m , daß noch immer
preußische K a n o n e n von seinen eigenen F o r t s auf es herabgähnten. Dabei
aber, in seinem A b s c h e u gegen d e n Bürgerkrieg, in den Paris hineingetrieben
w e r d e n sollte, beharrte das Centraikomitee in einer vertheidigenden Haltung, trotz der Aufreizungen der V e r s a m m l u n g , der Eingriffe der vollziehenden Gewalt, u n d der d r o h e n d e n T r u p p e n z u s a m m e n z i e h u n g e n in und um
Paris.
Thiers eröffnete den Bürgerkrieg, i n d e m er den Vinoy an der Spitze eines
H a u f e n s Polizeisergeanten und einiger Linienregimenter auf einen nächtliehen R a u b z u g gegen M o n t m a r t r e a u s s c h i c k t e , um dort durch U e b e r raschung das G e s c h ü t z d e r Nationalgarde w e g z u n e h m e n . Es ist b e k a n n t ,
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wie dieser V e r s u c h scheiterte am W i d e r s t a n d der Nationalgarde u n d an der
V e r b r ü d e r u n g der T r u p p e n mit d e m Volk. Aurelle de Paladines hatte schon
im V o r a u s seinen Siegesbericht gedruckt, u n d Thiers hielt die M a u e r anschläge bereit, die seine Staatsstreich-Maßregeln v e r k ü n d e n sollten. Beides
m u ß t e jetzt ersetzt w e r d e n d u r c h T h i e r s ' Aufrufe, worin er seinen großmüthigen E n t s c h l u ß v e r k ü n d e t e , der Nationalgarde ihre Waffen zu lassen;
er zweifle nicht, sagte er, sie w e r d e sie b e n u t z e n , um sich gegen die R e bellen an die Regierung anzuschließen. U n t e r allen 300000 Nationalgardisten e n t s p r a c h e n nur 300 diesem Aufruf des kleinen Thiers, sich, gegen
sich selbst, an ihn anzuschließen. Die ruhmvolle Arbeiterrevolution des
18. M ä r z nahm unbestrittenen Besitz von Paris. Das Centraikomitee w a r
ihre provisorische Regierung. E u r o p a schien einen Augenblick zu zweifeln,
ob seine neulichen erstaunlichen Haupt-, Staats- und Kriegsaktionen
ir|| 14|gend w e l c h e Wirklichkeit b e s ä ß e n , oder ob sie die T r ä u m e einer längst
v e r s c h w u n d e n e n Vergangenheit seien.
V o m 18. M ä r z bis zum Eindringen der Versailler T r u p p e n in Paris, blieb
die proletarische Revolution so rein v o n allen den G e w a l t t h a t e n , von d e n e n
die Revolutionen, u n d n o c h m e h r die K o n t r e r e v o l u t i o n e n der „ h ö h e r e n
K l a s s e n " strotzen, d a ß die Gegner keine a n d e r n H a n d h a b e n für ihre Entr ü s t u n g finden, als die Hinrichtung der Generale L e c o m t e u n d Clement
T h o m a s und den Z u s a m m e n s t o ß auf der Place V e n d ô m e .
Einer der bonapartistischen Offiziere, der bei dem nächtlichen Ueberfall
auf M o n t m a r t r e eine Rolle spielte, General L e c o m t e , hatte vier Mal d e m
81. Linienregiment befohlen, auf einen unbewaffneten H a u f e n in der Place
Pigalle zu feuern; als die T r u p p e n sich weigerten, schimpfte er sie w ü t h e n d
a u s . Statt Weiber u n d Kinder zu erschießen, e r s c h o s s e n seine eigenen
L e u t e ihn selbst. Die eingewurzelten G e w o h n h e i t e n , die den Soldaten unter
der Z u c h t der F e i n d e der Arbeiter beigebracht w o r d e n , verlieren sich
selbstredend nicht in demselben Augenblick, wo diese Soldaten zu den
Arbeitern Übergehn. Dieselben L e u t e richteten a u c h C l e m e n t T h o m a s hin.
„ G e n e r a l " Clement T h o m a s , ein malkontenter E x - W a c h t m e i s t e r , hatte
sich in der letzten Zeit Louis Philippe's bei der Redaktion des republikanischen Blattes „ L e N a t i o n a l " a n w e r b e n lassen, wo er gleichzeitig die P o s t e n
eines verantwortlichen S t r o h m a n n s (gérant r e s p o n s a b l e , der das Absitzen
der Gefängnißstrafe übernahm) u n d Duellanten bei diesem sehr kämpflustigen Blatt ausfüllte. Als n a c h der Februar-Revolution die H e r r e n v o m
„ N a t i o n a l " ans Ruder k a m e n , verwandelten sie diesen alten W a c h t m e i s t e r
in einen General. Es w a r dies am V o r a b e n d der Junischlächterei, die er, wie
a u c h Jules F a v r e , mitgeplant h a t t e , u n d bei der er eine der niederträchtigsten
Henkerrollen ü b e r n a h m . D a n n v e r s c h w a n d er und seine Generalschaft auf
lange Zeit, um wieder aufzutauchen am 1. N o v e m b e r 1870. D e n Tag v o r h e r
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hatte die Regierung der Vertheidigung im S t a d t h a u s e Blanqui, Flourens und
anderen V e r t r e t e r n der Arbeiter ihr feierliches W o r t gegeben, ihre u s u r p i r t e
Gewalt in die H ä n d e einer freigewählten Pariser K o m m u n e niederzulegen.
Statt ihr W o r t zu halten, ließ sie gegen Paris die B r e t o n e n T r o c h u ' s los, die
jetzt die Corsen B o n a p a r t e s v e r t r a t e n . D e r General Tamisier allein weigerte
sich, seinen N a m e n mit einem solchen W o r t b r u c h zu beflecken, u n d legte
seinen Posten als O b e r k o m m a n d a n t der Nationalgarde nieder. An seiner
Stelle 1115 j w u r d e jetzt Clement T h o m a s wieder ein General. W ä h r e n d seines
ganzen O b e r k o m m a n d o s führte er Krieg, nicht gegen die P r e u ß e n , sondern
gegen die Pariser N a t i o n a l g a r d e . Er verhinderte ihre allgemeine Bewaffnung, hetzte die Bourgeoisbataillone gegen die Arbeiterbataillone, beseitigte
die dem „ P l a n " T r o c h u ' s feindlichen Offiziere, u n d löste, unter dem Brandmal der Feigheit, dieselben proletarischen Bataillone auf, deren H e l d e n m u t h jetzt ihren erbittertsten F e i n d e n B e w u n d e r u n g abgerungen hat.
Clement T h o m a s w a r ordentlich stolz darauf, seinen alten Juni-Vorrang als
persönlicher Feind des Pariser Proletariats w i e d e r erobert zu h a b e n . N o c h
einige Tage v o r d e m 18. M ä r z legte er d e m Kriegsminister Le F l ô einen
eigenen Plan vor, z u r „ A u s r o t t u n g d e r Blüthe d e r Pariser Kanaille". N a c h
V i n o y ' s Niederlage k o n n t e er es sich nicht v e r s a g e n , als Privatspion auf
dem Kampfplatz zu erscheinen. D a s Centraikomitee u n d die Pariser Arbeiter
waren e b e n s o verantwortlich für die E r s c h i e ß u n g von Clement T h o m a s u n d
L e c o m t e , wie die Prinzessin von Wales für das Geschick der bei ihrem
Einzug in L o n d o n im G e d r ä n g e zu T o d e g e q u e t s c h t e n L e u t e .
Die angebliche Schlächterei unbewaffneter Bürger in der Place V e n d ô m e
ist ein M ä h r c h e n , w o v o n Thiers u n d die K r a u t j u n k e r in der V e r s a m m l u n g
hartnäckig geschwiegen h a b e n , u n d d e s s e n Verbreitung sie ausschließlich
der Bedientenstube der e u r o p ä i s c h e n T a g e s p r e s s e a n v e r t r a u t e n .
Die „ O r d n u n g s m ä n n e r " , die R e a k t i o n ä r e v o n Paris, zitterten bei d e m
Siege des 18. M ä r z . F ü r sie w a r er das W a h r z e i c h e n der endlich hereinb r e c h e n d e n Volksvergeltung. Die G e s p e n s t e r d e r unter ihren H ä n d e n
g e m o r d e t e n Opfer, von den Junitagen 1848 bis z u m 22. J a n u a r 1871, stiegen
vor ihren Augen e m p o r . Ihr S c h r e c k e n w a r ihre einzige Strafe. Selbst die
Polizeisergeanten, statt wie sich's gebührte, entwaffnet und eingesperrt zu
w e r d e n , fanden die T h o r e von Paris weit geöffnet, um sicher n a c h Versailles
zu e n t k o m m e n . Nicht allein, daß den O r d n u n g s m ä n n e r n Nichts geschah, m a n
erlaubte ihnen sogar, sich w i e d e r zu s a m m e l n u n d m e h r als einen starken
Posten mitten in Paris zu b e s e t z e n . Diese N a c h s i c h t des Centraikomitees,
diese G r o ß m u t h der bewaffneten Arbeiter, so sonderbar im W i d e r s p r u c h
mit den G e w o h n h e i t e n der O r d n u n g s p a r t e i , w u r d e n von dieser Partei als
Zeichen bewußter S c h w ä c h e mißdeutet. D a h e r ihr alberner Plan, unter d e m
Deckmantel einer u n b e w a f f n e t e n D e m o n s t r a t i o n das n o c h einmal zu ver-
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suchen, w a s Vinoy mit seinen K a n o n e n u n d M i | | l 6 | t r a i l l e u s e n nicht h a t t e
erreichen können. Am 22. M ä r z setzte sich von den Stadtvierteln des Wohllebens ein Zug „feiner H e r r e n " in Bewegung, alle Stutzer in ihren Reihen,
und an ihrer Spitze die w o h l b e k a n n t e n S t a m m g ä s t e des K a i s e r t h u m s , die
H e e c k e r e n , Coëtlogon, H e n r i de P ê n e u s w . U n t e r dem feigen V o r w a n d einer
friedlichen Demonstration, aber im Geheimen gerüstet mit den Waffen des
M e u c h e l m ö r d e r s , o r d n e t e sich diese B a n d e , entwaffnete und mißhandelte
die P o s t e n und Patrouillen der N a t i o n a l g a r d e , auf die ihr Zug stieß, und, aus
der R u e de la Paix in die Place V e n d ô m e vordringend, v e r s u c h t e sie, unter
dem Ruf: „ N i e d e r mit dem C e n t r a i k o m i t e e ! N i e d e r mit den M ö r d e r n ! Es
lebe die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g ! " die dort aufgestellte W a c h e zu durchb r e c h e n und so das dahinter gelegene H a u p t q u a r t i e r der Nationalgarde zu
ü b e r r u m p e l n . Als A n t w o r t auf ihre R e v o l v e r s c h ü s s e , w u r d e n die regelmäßigen gesetzlichen Aufforderungen an sie g e m a c h t ; als diese wirkungslos
blieben, k o m m a n d i r t e der General der Nationalgarde F e u e r . Eine Salve
zerstreute in wilde Flucht die albernen G e c k e n , die erwartet h a t t e n , die
bloße Schaustellung ihrer „anständigen Gesellschaft" w e r d e auf die Pariser
Revolution wirken wie die T r o m p e t e n J o s u a s auf die M a u e r n von Jericho.
Sie ließen zurück zwei Nationalgarden todt, n e u n schwer v e r w u n d e t
(darunter ein Mitglied des Centraikomitees) u n d d e n ganzen Schauplatz
ihrer G r o ß t h a t bestreut mit Revolvern, D o l c h e n und Stockdegen, z u m
Zeugniß des „ u n b e w a f f n e t e n " C h a r a k t e r s ihrer „friedlichen" D e m o n s t r a tion. Als am 13. Juni 1849 die Pariser Nationalgarde eine wirklich friedliche
D e m o n s t r a t i o n m a c h t e , um gegen den r ä u b e r i s c h e n Angriff französischer
T r u p p e n auf Rom zu protestiren — da w u r d e Changarnier, damals General
der Ordnungspartei, v o n der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g u n d b e s o n d e r s v o n
Thiers als der Retter der Gesellschaft ausgerufen, weil er seine T r u p p e n von
allen Seiten auf diese waffenlosen L e u t e losgelassen hatte, um sie niederzuschießen, niederzusäbeln und unter ihren Pferdehufen zu zertreten.
D a m a l s w u r d e Paris in Belagerungszustand erklärt; Dufaure hetzte n e u e
U n t e r d r ü c k u n g s g e s e t z e d u r c h die V e r s a m m l u n g ; n e u e Verhaftungen, n e u e
Aechtungen, eine n e u e Schreckensherrschaft traten ein. Aber die „ u n t e r e n
K l a s s e n " m a c h e n das anders. D a s Centraikomitee v o n 1871 ließ die H e l d e n
der „friedlichen D e m o n s t r a t i o n " einfach laufen, u n d so w a r e n sie, bereits
zwei Tage später, im Stande, sich unter dem Admiral Saisset zu j e n e r
bewaffneten D e m o n s t r a t i o n | | l 7 | z u s a m m e n z u f i n d e n , die mit dem b e w u ß t e n
A u s r e i ß e n n a c h Versailles endigte. In seinem W i d e r s t r e b e n , den d u r c h
T h i e r s ' nächtlichen E i n b r u c h in M o n t m a r t r e eröffneten Bürgerkrieg aufzun e h m e n , m a c h t e sich das Centraikomitee diesmal eines e n t s c h e i d e n d e n
Fehlers d a d u r c h schuldig, daß es nicht sofort auf das damals vollständig
hülflose Versailles marschirte, u n d damit d e n V e r s c h w ö r u n g e n des Thiers
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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · II
und seiner K r a u t j u n k e r ein Ziel setzte. Statt d e s s e n erlaubte m a n der
Ordnungspartei nochmals ihre S t ä r k e an der Wahlurne zu versuchen, als am
26. M ä r z die C o m m u n e gewählt w u r d e . An diesem Tage wechselten die
O r d n u n g s m ä n n e r in den Bezirksbürgermeistereien wohlwollende W o r t e der
5 V e r s ö h n u n g mit ihren zu großmüthigen Siegern, gleichzeitig in ihren H e r z e n
feierliche Gelübde knurrend, seiner Zeit blutige R a c h e zu n e h m e n .
U n d jetzt schaut die K e h r s e i t e der Medaille! Thiers eröffnete seinen
zweiten Feldzug gegen Paris Anfangs April. Die e r s t e K o l o n n e von Pariser
Gefangenen, die n a c h Versailles hinein k a m , w u r d e e m p ö r e n d behandelt,
10 w ä h r e n d E r n e s t Picard, die H ä n d e in den H o s e n t a s c h e n , h e r u m s c h l e n d e r t e
u n d sie v e r h ö h n t e , u n d die F r a u e n v o n Thiers u n d F a v r e , in Mitte ihrer
Ehren(?)damen, vom h o h e n B a l k o n h e r a b die Schändlichkeiten des Versailler Pöbels beklatschten. Die gefangenen Liniensoldaten w u r d e n einfach
e r s c h o s s e n ; unser tapferer F r e u n d General Duval, der Eisengießer, w u r d e
15
o h n e alle F o r m R e c h t e n s g e m o r d e t . Galliffet, der „ L o u i s " seiner F r a u , so
notorisch durch die schamlose Schaustellung ihres L e i b e s bei den Gelagen
des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s , Galliffet prahlte in einer Proclamation, daß er die
E r m o r d u n g einiger durch seine Reiter ü b e r r a s c h t e n und entwaffneten
Nationalgardisten, sammt ihrem H a u p t m a n n u n d Lieutenant, befohlen
20 habe. Vinoy, der Ausreißer, w u r d e von Thiers zum G r o ß k r e u z der E h r e n legion ernannt für seinen Tagesbefehl, worin er v o r s c h r i e b , j e d e n bei d e n
K o m m u n a l i s t e n gefangenen Liniensoldaten zu erschießen. D e s m a r e t s , der
G e n s d a r m , w u r d e dekorirt, weil er den hochherzigen und ritterlichen
F l o u r e n s verrätherisch n a c h M e t z g e r a r t in S t ü c k e z e r h a u e n hatte, F l o u r e n s ,
25 der am 31. Oktober 1870 der Vertheidigungsregierung ihre Köpfe gerettet
hatte. Die „ e r m u n t e r n d e n E i n z e l h e i t e n " seiner E r m o r d u n g w u r d e n v o n
Thiers in der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g mit B e h a g e n des Breiteren mitgetheilt.
Mit der aufgeblasenen Eitelkeit eines parlamentarischen Däumlings, d e m
man erlaubt, die Rolle des T a m e r l a n zu spielen, verweigerte er den Rebellen
30
gegen seine Winzigkeit 11181 j e d e s R e c h t civilisirter Kriegführung, selbst das
der Neutralität für ihre V e r b a n d p l ä t z e . N i c h t s Scheußlicheres als dieser
Affe, schon von Voltaire vorgeahnt, der für eine kleine Zeit seinen Tigergelüsten freien Lauf lassen kann.
N a c h d e m die K o m m u n e (Dekret v o m 7. April) Vergeltungsmaßregeln
35 angeordnet und es für ihre Pflicht erklärt hatte, „Paris gegen die kannibalischen T h a t e n der Versailler B a n d i t e n zu schützen u n d A u g ' um Auge,
Zahn um Zahn zu v e r l a n g e n " — stellte Thiers d e n n o c h die g r a u s a m e
Behandlung der Gefangenen nicht ein; er beleidigte sie obendrein n o c h in
seinen Berichten wie folgt: „ N i e m a l s ist der b e t r ü b t e Blick ehrlicher L e u t e
40
auf so entwürdigte Gesichter einer entwürdigten D e m o k r a t i e gefallen" —
ehrlicher L e u t e wie Thiers selbst u n d seine Ticket-of-Leave-Männer.
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T r o t z d e m w u r d e das E r s c h i e ß e n der Gefangenen für einige Zeit eingestellt.
K a u m aber hatten Thiers und seine D e z e m b e r g e n e r a l e gefunden, daß das
Vergeltungsdekret der K o m m u n e nur eine leere D r o h u n g war, daß selbst
ihre G e n s d a r m e n s p i o n e , die in Paris, als Nationalgardisten verkleidet, a b gefangen w a r e n , daß selbst Polizeisergeanten, Träger v o n B r a n d g r a n a t e n ,
v e r s c h o n t blieben, — so fing auch das m a s s e n w e i s e E r s c h i e ß e n der Gefangenen wieder an und w u r d e bis zum E n d e durchgeführt. H ä u s e r , in
welche Nationalgardisten geflüchtet w a r e n , w u r d e n v o n G e n s d a r m e n u m ringt, mit Petroleum (das hier zum ersten Mal v o r k o m m t ) Übergossen u n d
in B r a n d gesteckt; die h a l b v e r b r a n n t e n L e i c h e n w u r d e n später v o n der
A m b u l a n z der P r e s s e (in L e s T e r n e s ) herausgeholt. Vier Nationalgardisten,
die sich am 25. April bei Belle E p i n e einigen berittenen Jägern ergeben
hatten, w u r d e n n a c h h e r einer n a c h dem a n d e r n v o m Rittmeister, einem
würdigen K n e c h t Galliffets, niedergeschossen. Einer der Vier, Scheffer, für
todt zurückgelassen, k r o c h zu den Pariser V o r p o s t e n u n d legte gerichtliches
Zeugnis ab über die T h a t s a c h e v o r einem A u s s c h u ß der K o m m u n e . Als
Tolain den Kriegsminister über den Bericht dieses A u s s c h u s s e s interpellirte,
erstickte das Geschrei der K r a u t j u n k e r seine S t i m m e ; sie v e r b o t e n Le Flô zu
a n t w o r t e n . Es w ä r e eine Beleidigung für ihr „ r u h m v o l l e s " H e e r , v o n seinen
T h a t e n — zu sprechen. D e r nachlässige T o n , in d e m T h i e r s ' Berichte die
N i e d e r m e t z e l u n g der bei Moulin S a q u e t im Schlafe ü b e r r a s c h t e n Nationalgardisten u n d die massenhaften E r s c h i e ß u n g e n in Clamart mittheilten,
verletzte selbst die N e r v e n der wahrhaftig nicht überempfindlichen L o n doner „ T i m e s " . A b e r es w ä r e lächerlich, die bloß ein|| 19(leitenden S c h e u ß lichkeiten aufzählen zu wollen, begangen v o n den B o m b a r d i r e r n von Paris
u n d den Aufhetzern einer Sklavenhalter-Rebellion u n t e r dem S c h u t z des
fremden E r o b e r e r s . In Mitten aller dieser S c h r e c k e n , vergißt Thiers seinen
parlamentarischen J a m m e r von wegen der furchtbaren Verantwortlichkeit,
die auf seinen Zwergschultern lastet, prahlt, d a ß l'Assemblée siège paisiblement (die V e r s a m m l u n g tagt in F r i e d e n weiter) u n d beweist durch seine
steten F e s t e s s e n , heute mit D e z e m b e r g e n e r a l e n , morgen mit d e u t s c h e n
Prinzen, daß seine V e r d a u u n g nicht im M i n d e s t e n gestört ist, nicht einmal
durch die G e s p e n s t e r von L e c o m t e u n d Clement T h o m a s .
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III.
Am M o r g e n des 18. M ä r z 1871 w u r d e Paris g e w e c k t durch den Donnerruf: 35
„ E s lebe die K o m m u n e ! " W a s ist die K o m m u n e , diese Sphinx, die den
Bourgeoisverstand auf so h a r t e P r o b e n setzt?
„Die Proletarier von P a r i s " , sagte das Centraikomitee in seinem Manifest
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v o m 18. M ä r z , „in Mitten der Niederlagen u n d des V e r r a t h s der h e r r s c h e n den Klassen, haben begriffen, daß die S t u n d e geschlagen hat, wo sie die
Lage retten müssen, d a d u r c h , daß sie die Leitung der öffentlichen Angelegenheiten in ihre eignen H ä n d e n e h m e n
Sie h a b e n begriffen, daß es
ihre höchste Pflicht u n d ihr absolutes R e c h t ist, sich zu H e r r e n ihrer eigenen
Geschicke zu m a c h e n u n d die Regierungsgewalt zu ergreifen." — A b e r die
Arbeiterklasse k a n n nicht die fertige Staatsmaschinerie einfach in Besitz
n e h m e n und diese für ihre eignen Z w e c k e in B e w e g u n g setzen.
Die centralisirte S t a a t s m a c h t , mit ihren allgegenwärtigen O r g a n e n —
stehende A r m e e , Polizei, B u r e a u k r a t i e , Geistlichkeit, Richterstand, O r g a n e
geschaffen n a c h d e m Plan einer systematischen u n d hierarchischen Theilung der Arbeit — stammt her aus den Zeiten der absoluten M o n a r c h i e , wo
sie der e n t s t e h e n d e n Bourgeoisgesellschaft als eine mächtige Waffe in ihren
K ä m p f e n gegen den F e u d a l i s m u s diente. D e n n o c h blieb ihre E n t w i c k l u n g
gehemmt durch allerhand mittelalterlichen Schutt, grundherrliche u n d
Adels-Vorrechte, Lokalprivilegien, städtische u n d Zunft-Monopole u n d
Provinzialverfassungen. D e r riesige B e s e n der französischen Revolution
des a c h t z e h n t e n J a h r h u n d e r t s fegte alle diese T r ü m m e r vergangner Zeiten
weg, u n d reinigte so gleichzeitig d e n gesellschaftlichen B o d e n v o n d e n
letzten Hindernissen, die dem U e b e r b a u des m o d e r n e n Staatsgebäudes im
Wege gestanden. Dies m o d e r n e S t a a t s g e b ä u d e e r h o b sich unter dem ersten
K a i s e r t h u m , ||20| das selbst wieder erzeugt w o r d e n w a r durch die Koalitionskriege des alten halbfeudalen E u r o p a ' s gegen das m o d e r n e F r a n k r e i c h .
W ä h r e n d der nachfolgenden H e r r s c h a f t s f o r m e n w u r d e die Regierung unter
parlamentarische K o n t r o l e gestellt, d . h . unter die direkte K o n t r o l e der
besitzenden K l a s s e n . Einerseits entwickelte sie sich jetzt zu einem Treibhaus für kolossale Staatsschulden u n d e r d r ü c k e n d e Steuern u n d w u r d e mit
ihrer unwiderstehlichen Anziehungskraft, ihrer Amtsgewalt, ihren Einkünften, ihrer Stellenvergebung der Zankapfel für die k o n k u r r i r e n d e n
Fraktionen und A b e n t e u r e r der h e r r s c h e n d e n Klassen, — andrerseits
ä n d e r t e sich ihr politischer C h a r a k t e r gleichzeitig mit den ö k o n o m i s c h e n
V e r ä n d e r u n g e n der Gesellschaft. In dem M a ß , wie der Fortschritt der
m o d e r n e n Industrie den K l a s s e n g e g e n s a t z zwischen Kapital und Arbeit
entwickelte, erweiterte, vertiefte, in d e m s e l b e n M a ß erhielt die S t a a t s m a c h t
mehr und m e h r den Charakter einer öffentlichen Gewalt zur U n t e r d r ü c k u n g
der Arbeit, einer Maschine der Klassenherrschaft. N a c h jeder Revolution,
die einen Fortschritt des K l a s s e n k a m p f s bezeichnet, tritt der rein unterdrückende Charakter der S t a a t s m a c h t offener u n d offener hervor. Die
Revolution von 1830 ü b e r t r u g die Regierung von d e n G r u n d b e s i t z e r n auf
die Kapitalisten und damit von den entfernteren auf die direkteren Gegner
der Arbeiter. Die Bourgeoisrepublikaner, die im N a m e n der F e b r u a r r e v o -
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lution das Staatsruder ergriffen, g e b r a u c h t e n es z u r Herbeiführung der
Junischlächtereien, um der Arbeiterklasse zu b e w e i s e n , daß die „ s o z i a l e "
Republik weiter nichts b e d e u t e , als ihre soziale U n t e r d r ü c k u n g d u r c h die
Republik; und um der königlich gesinnten M a s s e der Bourgeois u n d Grundbesitzer zu beweisen, daß sie die Sorgen u n d die Geldvortheile der Regierung ruhig den Bourgeoisrepublikanern überlassen k ö n n t e n . N a c h dieser
ihrer einzigen H e l d e n t h a t v o m Juni blieb den Bourgeoisrepublikanern
j e d o c h nur übrig, zurückzutreten aus dem ersten Glied ins letzte Glied der
„ O r d n u n g s p a r t e i " — einer Koalition, gebildet aus allen konkurrirenden
F r a k t i o n e n und F a k t i o n e n der aneignenden K l a s s e n in ihrem jetzt offen
erklärten Gegensatz zu den hervorbringenden Klassen. Die a n g e m e s s e n e
F o r m ihrer Gesammtregierung war die p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e Republik mit Louis
B o n a p a r t e als P r ä s i d e n t e n ; eine Regierung des u n v e r h o h l e n e n Klassenterrorismus und der absichtlichen Beleidigung der „vile m u l t i t u d e " (der
schoflen Menge). W e n n , wie Thiers sagte, die parlamentarische Republik
die v e r s c h i e d e n e n Fraktionen der h e r r s c h e n d e n K l a s s e n am | | 2 1 1 wenigsten
theilte, so eröffnete sie dagegen einen Abgrund zwischen dieser K l a s s e u n d
dem g a n z e n , außerhalb ihren dünngesäeten Reihen lebenden Gesellschaftskörper. Die Schranken, die, unter früheren Regierungen, ihre eignen Spaltungen der Staatsmacht n o c h auferlegt h a t t e n , w a r e n durch ihre Vereintgung jetzt gefallen. Angesichts der d r o h e n d e n E r h e b u n g des Proletariats
b e n u t z t e die vereinigte besitzende K l a s s e j e t z t die S t a a t s m a c h t rücksichtslos u n d frech als das nationale K r i e g s w e r k z e u g des Kapitals gegen die
Arbeit. A b e r ihr u n u n t e r b r o c h e n e r K r e u z z u g gegen die produzirenden
M a s s e n zwang sie nicht nur, die vollziehende Gewalt mit stets w a c h s e n d e r
U n t e r d r ü c k u n g s m a c h t a u s z u s t a t t e n ; er z w a n g sie a u c h , ihre eigene parlamentarische Zwingburg — die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g — n a c h u n d n a c h aller
Vertheidigungsmittel gegen die vollziehende Gewalt zu entblößen. Die
vollziehende Gewalt, in der P e r s o n des L o u i s B o n a p a r t e , setzte sie vor die
Thür. D e r leibliche N a c h k o m m e der Republik der „ O r d n u n g s p a r t e i " w a r
das zweite Kaiserthum.
Das K a i s e r t h u m , mit d e m Staatsstreich als G e b u r t s s c h e i n , dem allgemeinen Stimmrecht als Beglaubigung, u n d d e m Säbel als Szepter, gab vor,
sich auf die B a u e r n zu stützen, auf jene große M a s s e der P r o d u z e n t e n , die
nicht unmittelbar in den K a m p f zwischen Kapital u n d Arbeit verwickelt
w a r e n . Es gab vor, die Arbeiterklasse zu r e t t e n , indem es den Parlamentarismus brach und mit ihm die unverhüllte Unterwürfigkeit der Regierung
unter die besitzenden Klassen. Es gab vor, die besitzenden Klassen zu
retten durch Auf rechthaltung ihrer ö k o n o m i s c h e n H o h e i t über die Arbeiterklasse: und schließlich gab es vor, alle Klassen zu vereinigen durch die
Wiederbelebung des Trugbilds des nationalen R u h m s . In Wirklichkeit w a r es
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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · III
die einzige mögliche Regierungsform zu einer Zeit, wo die Bourgeoisie die
Fähigkeit, die N a t i o n zu b e h e r r s c h e n , schon verloren, u n d wo die Arbeiterklasse diese Fähigkeit n o c h nicht e r w o r b e n h a t t e . Die ganze Welt j a u c h z t e
ihm zu als dem Retter der Gesellschaft. U n t e r seiner Herrschaft erreichte
5 die Bourgeoisgesellschaft, aller politischen Sorgen e n t h o b e n , eine von ihr
selbst nie geahnte Entwickelung. I h r e Industrie, ihr H a n d e l dehnten sich zu
unermeßlichen Verhältnissen a u s ; der Finanzschwindel feierte kosmopolitische Orgien; das E l e n d der M a s s e n hob sich grell ab gegenüber d e m
schamlosen P r u n k eines gleißenden, überladenen und schuftigriechenden
10 L u x u s . Die Staatsmacht, scheinbar h o c h ü b e r der Gesellschaft s c h w e b e n d ,
w a r d e n n o c h | | 2 2 | selbst der skandalöseste Skandal dieser Gesellschaft u n d
gleichzeitig die Brutstätte aller ihrer Fäulniß. Ihre eigne V e r r o t t u n g und die
V e r r o t t u n g der von ihr geretteten Gesellschaft w u r d e bloßgelegt d u r c h die
Bajonette P r e u ß e n s , das selbst vor Begierde b r a n n t e , den S c h w e r p u n k t
15
dieses Regimes von Paris n a c h Berlin zu verlegen. D e r Imperialismus ist die
prostituirteste u n d zugleich die schließliche F o r m jener S t a a t s m a c h t , die die
entstehende bürgerliche Gesellschaft ins L e b e n gerufen hatte als das W e r k zeug ihrer eigenen Befreiung v o m F e u d a l i s m u s , und die die vollentwickelte
Bourgeoisgesellschaft verwandelt h a t t e in ein W e r k z e u g zur K n e c h t u n g der
20
Arbeit durch das Kapital.
D e r gerade Gegensatz des K a i s e r t h u m s w a r die K o m m u n e . Der Ruf n a c h
der „sozialen Republik", w o m i t das Pariser Proletariat die F e b r u a r r e v o l u tion einführte, drückte nur das u n b e s t i m m t e Verlangen aus n a c h einer
Republik, die nicht nur die m o n a r c h i s c h e F o r m der Klassenherrschaft
25
beseitigen sollte, sondern die K l a s s e n h e r r s c h a f t selbst. Die K o m m u n e w a r
die bestimmte F o r m dieser Republik.
Paris, der Mittelpunkt u n d Sitz der alten Regierungsmacht, und gleichzeitig der gesellschaftliche S c h w e r p u n k t der französischen Arbeiterklasse,
Paris hatte sich in Waffen e r h o b e n gegen den V e r s u c h des Thiers u n d seiner
30 Krautjunker, diese ihnen v o m K a i s e r t h u m ü b e r k o m m e n e alte Regierungsm a c h t wiederherzustellen und zu verewigen. Paris k o n n t e nur W i d e r s t a n d
leisten, weil es in Folge der Belagerung die A r m e e los g e w o r d e n war, an
deren Stelle es eine hauptsächlich aus Arbeitern b e s t e h e n d e Nationalgarde
gesetzt hatte. Diese T h a t s a c h e galt es jetzt in eine bleibende Einrichtung zu
35 verwandeln. D a s erste D e k r e t der K o m m u n e w a r daher die U n t e r d r ü c k u n g
des stehenden H e e r e s u n d seine E r s e t z u n g d u r c h das bewaffnete Volk.
Die K o m m u n e bildete sich aus d e n d u r c h allgemeines Stimmrecht in den
verschiedenen Bezirken v o n Paris gewählten Stadträthen. Sie w a r e n verantwortlich und jederzeit absetzbar. Ihre M e h r z a h l b e s t a n d selbstredend
40 aus Arbeitern oder a n e r k a n n t e n V e r t r e t e r n der Arbeiterklasse. Die
K o m m u n e sollte nicht eine p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e , sondern eine arbeitende
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Körperschaft sein, vollziehend und gesetzgebend zu gleicher Zeit. Die
Polizei, bisher das W e r k z e u g der Staatsregierung, w u r d e sofort aller ihrer
politischen Eigenschaften entkleidet und in das verantwortliche und jederzeit absetzbare W e r k z e u g der K o m m u n e verwandelt. E b e n s o die B e a m t e n
aller anderen Verwaltungszweige. V o n den Mitgliedern der K o m m u n e an
a b w ä r t s , m u ß t e der öffent||23|liche Dienst für Arbeiterlohn besorgt w e r d e n .
Die e r w o r b e n e n A n r e c h t e und die Repräsentationsgelder der h o h e n Staatswürdenträger v e r s c h w a n d e n mit diesen W ü r d e n t r ä g e r n selbst. Die öffentlichen A e m t e r hörten auf, das Privateigenthum der Handlanger der Centrairegierung zu sein. N i c h t nur die städtische Verwaltung, sondern a u c h die
ganze, bisher durch den Staat ausgeübte Initiative w u r d e in die H ä n d e der
K o m m u n e gelegt.
D a s stehende H e e r und die Polizei, die W e r k z e u g e der materiellen M a c h t
der alten Regierung einmal beseitigt, ging die K o m m u n e sofort darauf a u s ,
das geistliche U n t e r d r ü c k u n g s w e r k z e u g , die Pfaffenmacht, zu b r e c h e n ; sie
dekretirte die Auflösung u n d Enteignung aller K i r c h e n , soweit sie besitzende
K ö r p e r s c h a f t e n w a r e n . Die Pfaffen w u r d e n in die Stille des Privatlebens
zurückgesandt, um dort, n a c h dem Bilde ihrer Vorgänger, der Apostel, sich
v o n dem A l m o s e n der Gläubigen zu nähren. Sämmtliche Unterrichtsanstalten w u r d e n dem Volk unentgeltlich geöffnet u n d gleichzeitig von aller
E i n m i s c h u n g des Staats u n d der K i r c h e gereinigt. D a m i t w a r nicht n u r die
Schulbildung für J e d e r m a n n zugänglich g e m a c h t , sondern auch die Wissenschaft selbst von den ihr d u r c h das Klassenvorurtheil u n d die Regierungsgewalt auferlegten Fesseln befreit.
Die richterlichen B e a m t e n verloren j e n e scheinbare Unabhängigkeit, die
nur dazu gedient hatte, ihre Unterwürfigkeit u n t e r alle auf einander folgenden Regierungen zu v e r d e c k e n , deren jeder sie, der Reihe n a c h , den E i d der
T r e u e g e s c h w o r e n u n d gebrochen hatten. W i e alle übrigen öffentlichen
Diener, sollten sie fernerhin gewählt, verantwortlich u n d a b s e t z b a r sein.
Die Pariser K o m m u n e sollte selbstverständlich allen großen gewerblichen
Mittelpunkten F r a n k r e i c h s z u m Muster dienen. Sobald die k o m m u n a l e
O r d n u n g der Dinge einmal in Paris u n d den Mittelpunkten zweiten R a n g e s
eingeführt war, hätte die alte centralisirte Regierung a u c h in den P r o v i n z e n
der Selbstregierung der P r o d u z e n t e n w e i c h e n m ü s s e n . In einer k u r z e n
Skizze der nationalen Organisation, die die K o m m u n e nicht die Zeit hatte,
weiter auszuarbeiten, heißt es ausdrücklich, daß die K o m m u n e die politische F o r m selbst des kleinsten Dorfs sein, u n d d a ß das stehende H e e r auf
d e m L a n d e d u r c h eine Volksmiliz mit ä u ß e r s t k u r z e r Dienstzeit ersetzt
w e r d e n sollte. Die L a n d g e m e i n d e n eines j e d e n B e z i r k s sollten ihre gemeins a m e n Angelegenheiten d u r c h eine V e r s a m m l u n g von A b g e o r d n e t e n in der
B e z i r k s h a u p t s t a d t verwalten, u n d diese B e z i r k s v e r s a m m l u n g e n d a n n
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wieder A b g e o r d n e t e zur Nationaldelegation in P a | J 2 4 j r i s schicken; die A b g e o r d n e t e n sollten j e d e r z e i t a b s e t z b a r u n d an die b e s t i m m t e n Instruktionen
ihrer Wähler g e b u n d e n sein. Die wenigen, aber wichtigen F u n k t i o n e n , w e l c h e
d a n n n o c h für eine Centrairegierung übrig blieben, sollten nicht, w i e dies
absichtlich gefälscht w o r d e n , abgeschafft, s o n d e r n an k o m m u n a l e , d . h .
streng verantwortliche B e a m t e ü b e r t r a g e n w e r d e n . Die Einheit der N a t i o n
sollte nicht g e b r o c h e n , s o n d e r n im Gegentheil organisirt w e r d e n d u r c h die
K o m m u n a l v e r f a s s u n g ; sie sollte eine Wirklichkeit w e r d e n d u r c h die Vernichtung j e n e r S t a a t s m a c h t , w e l c h e sich für die V e r k ö r p e r u n g dieser Einheit a u s g a b , aber unabhängig u n d überlegen sein wollte gegenüber der
N a t i o n , an deren K ö r p e r sie d o c h nur ein S c h m a r o t z e r a u s w u c h s w a r .
W ä h r e n d es galt, die bloß u n t e r d r ü c k e n d e n O r g a n e der alten Regierungsm a c h t a b z u s c h n e i d e n , sollten ihre berechtigten F u n k t i o n e n einer Gewalt,
die ü b e r der Gesellschaft zu stehen b e a n s p r u c h t e , entrissen u n d d e n verantwortlichen Dienern der Gesellschaft z u r ü c k g e g e b e n w e r d e n . Statt E i n m a l
in drei oder sechs J a h r e n zu e n t s c h e i d e n , w e l c h e s Mitglied der h e r r s c h e n d e n K l a s s e das V o l k im P a r l a m e n t e ver- und z e r t r e t e n soll, sollte das
allgemeine S t i m m r e c h t d e m in K o m m u n e n konstituirten V o l k d i e n e n , w i e
das individuelle S t i m m r e c h t j e d e m a n d e r n Arbeitgeber dazu dient, Arbeiter,
A u f s e h e r u n d B u c h h a l t e r in seinem Geschäft a u s z u s u c h e n . U n d es ist
b e k a n n t genug, d a ß Gesellschaften e b e n s o g u t wie Einzelne, in wirklichen
G e s c h ä f t s s a c h e n gewöhnlich d e n r e c h t e n M a n n zu finden, u n d falls sie sich
einmal t ä u s c h e n , dies bald w i e d e r g u t zu m a c h e n wissen. Andrerseits aber
k o n n t e nichts dem Geist der K o m m u n e f r e m d e r sein, als das allgemeine
S t i m m r e c h t durch h i e r a r c h i s c h e Investitur zu ersetzen.
Es ist das gewöhnliche Schicksal n e u e r geschichtlicher Schöpfungen, für
das Seitenstück älterer u n d selbst verlebter F o r m e n des gesellschaftlichen
L e b e n s v e r s e h e n zu w e r d e n , d e n e n sie einigermaßen ähnlich sehen. So ist
diese n e u e K o m m u n e , die die m o d e r n e S t a a t s m a c h t bricht, a n g e s e h e n
w o r d e n für eine W i e d e r b e l e b u n g der mittelalterlichen K o m m u n e n , w e l c h e
jener S t a a t s m a c h t erst vorausgingen und d a n n ihre Grundlage bildeten. —
Die K o m m u n a l v e r f a s s u n g ist v e r s e h e n w o r d e n für einen V e r s u c h , einen
Bund kleiner Staaten, wie M o n t e s q u i e u und die Girondins ihn t r ä u m t e n , an
die Stelle jener Einheit großer V ö l k e r zu setzen, die, w e n n ursprünglich
d u r c h Gewalt zu S t a n d e gebracht, d o c h jetzt ein mächtiger F a k t o r der
gesellschaftlichen P r o d u k t i o n g e w o r d e n ist. — D e r G e g e n s a t z der K o m m u n e
gegen die S t a a t s m a c h t ist v e r s e h e n w o r d e n für eine | | 2 5 | übertriebene F o r m
des alten K a m p f e s gegen U e b e r c e n t r a l i s a t i o n . B e s o n d e r e geschichtliche
U m s t ä n d e mögen die klassische E n t w i c k e l u n g der Bourgeois-Regierungsform, wie sie in F r a n k r e i c h vor sich gegangen, in a n d e r e n L ä n d e r n verhindert, u n d mögen gestattet h a b e n , d a ß , wie in England, die großen centralen
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Staatsorgane sich ergänzen d u r c h k o r r u p t e Pf arreiversammiungen (vestries),
geldschachernde Stadträthe u n d w u t h s c h n a u b e n d e A r m e n v e r w a l t e r in den
Städten, u n d d u r c h thatsächlich erbliche Friedensrichter auf d e m L a n d e .
Die K o m m u n a l v e r f a s s u n g w ü r d e im Gegentheil dem gesellschaftlichen
K ö r p e r alle die Kräfte zurückgegeben h a b e n , die bisher der S c h m a r o t z e r a u s w u c h s „ S t a a t " , der von der Gesellschaft sich nährt und ihre freie
B e w e g u n g h e m m t , aufgezehrt hat. D u r c h diese T h a t allein w ü r d e sie die
Wiedergeburt F r a n k r e i c h s in G a n g gesetzt haben. — Die Mittelklasse der
Provinzialstädte sah in der K o m m u n e einen V e r s u c h zur Wiederherstellung
der Herrschaft, die sie unter Louis Philippe ü b e r das L a n d ausgeübt h a t t e
u n d die unter Louis B o n a p a r t e verdrängt w u r d e d u r c h die angebliche H e r r schaft des L a n d e s über die Städte. In Wirklichkeit a b e r hätte die K o m m u n a l verfassung die ländlichen P r o d u z e n t e n unter die geistige F ü h r u n g der B e zirkshauptstädte gebracht und ihnen dort, in den städtischen Arbeitern, die
natürlichen Vertreter ihrer I n t e r e s s e n gesichert. — D a s bloße B e s t e h e n der
K o m m u n e führte, als etwas Selbstverständliches,' die lokale Selbstregierung
mit sich, aber n u n nicht m e h r als Gegengewicht gegen die, jetzt überflüssig
g e m a c h t e , Staatsmacht. Es k o n n t e nur einem B i s m a r c k einfallen, der, w e n n
nicht von seinen Blut- und Eisen-Intriguen in A n s p r u c h g e n o m m e n , gern zu
seinem alten, seinem geistigen Kaliber so sehr z u s a g e n d e n H a n d w e r k als
Mitarbeiter am „ K l a d d e r a d a t s c h " z u r ü c k k e h r t — nur einem solchen Kopf
k o n n t e es einfallen, der Pariser K o m m u n e eine S e h n s u c h t u n t e r z u s c h i e b e n
n a c h jener Karikatur der alten französischen Städteverfassung von 1791,
der p r e u ß i s c h e n Städteordnung, die die städtischen V e r w a l t u n g e n zu bloßen
untergeordneten R ä d e r n in der p r e u ß i s c h e n Staatspolizei-Maschinerie erniedrigt. — Die K o m m u n e m a c h t e das Stichwort aller Bourgeoisrevolutionen
— wohlfeile Regierung — zur Wahrheit, indem sie die beiden größten
Ausgabequellen, die A r m e e u n d das B e a m t e n t h u m , aufhob. Ihr bloßes
B e s t e h e n setzte das N i c h t b e s t e h e n der M o n a r c h i e v o r a u s , die, wenigstens
in E u r o p a , der regelrechte Ballast u n d der unentbehrliche D e c k m a n t e l der
Klassenherrschaft ist. Sie verschaffte der Republik die Grundlage wirklich
demokratischer Einrich||26|tungen. A b e r w e d e r „wohlfeile R e g i e r u n g " ,
n o c h die „ w a h r e R e p u b l i k " w a r ihr E n d z i e l ; beide ergaben sich n e b e n b e i
u n d v o n selbst.
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Die Mannichfaltigkeit der D e u t u n g e n , d e n e n die K o m m u n e unterlag, und 35
die Mannichfaltigkeit der I n t e r e s s e n , die sich in ihr ausgedrückt fanden,
beweisen, daß sie eine durch u n d d u r c h ausdehnungsfähige politische F o r m
war, w ä h r e n d alle früheren Regierungsformen wesentlich u n t e r d r ü c k e n d
gewesen w a r e n . Ihr w a h r e s Geheimniß war dies: sie w a r wesentlich eine
Regierung der Arbeiterklasse, das Resultat des K a m p f e s der hervorbrin- 40
genden gegen die aneignende K l a s s e , die endlich e n t d e c k t e politische
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F o r m , u n t e r der die ö k o n o m i s c h e Befreiung der Arbeit sich vollziehen
konnte.
O h n e diese letzte Bedingung w a r die K o m m u n a l v e r f a s s u n g eine U n möglichkeit u n d eine T ä u s c h u n g . Die politische H e r r s c h a f t des P r o d u z e n t e n
5
k a n n nicht b e s t e h e n n e b e n der Verewigung seiner gesellschaftlichen K n e c h t schaft. Die K o m m u n e sollte d a h e r als H e b e l dienen, um die ö k o n o m i s c h e n
Grundlagen u m z u s t ü r z e n , auf d e n e n der B e s t a n d der K l a s s e n u n d damit der
Klassenherrschaft ruht. Einmal die Arbeit emanzipirt, so wird jeder M e n s c h
ein Arbeiter, und produktive Arbeit h ö r t auf, eine Klasseneigenschaft zu
10 sein.
Es ist eine eigenthümliche T h a t s a c h e : T r o t z all des großen G e r e d e s u n d
der unermeßlichen Literatur der letzten sechszig J a h r e über E m a n z i p a t i o n
der Arbeit — k a u m n e h m e n die Arbeiter irgendwo die S a c h e in ihre eigenen
H ä n d e , so ertönen auch sofort w i e d e r alle die apologetischen R e d e n s a r t e n
15 der F ü r s p r e c h e r der jetzigen Gesellschaft mit ihren beiden Polen: Kapital
und L o h n s k l a v e r e i (der G r u n d b e s i t z e r ist jetzt n u r n o c h der stille Gesellschafter des Kapitalisten) — als ob die kapitalistische Gesellschaft n o c h im
Stande reinster jungfräulicher U n s c h u l d lebte, alle ihre G e g e n s ä t z e n o c h
unentwickelt, alle ihre S e l b s t t ä u s c h u n g e n n o c h unenthüllt, alle ihre prosti20
tuirte Wirklichkeit n o c h nicht bloßgelegt. Die K o m m u n e , rufen sie a u s , will
das Eigenthum, die Grundlage aller Civilisation abschaffen! Jawohl, meine
H e r r e n , die K o m m u n e wollte j e n e s K l a s s e n e i g e n t h u m abschaffen, das die
Arbeit der Vielen in den R e i c h t h u m der Wenigen verwandelt. Sie beabsichtigte die Enteignung der Enteigner. Sie wollte das individuelle E i g e n t h u m
25
zu einer Wahrheit m a c h e n , indem sie die Produktionsmittel, den E r d b o d e n
und das Kapital, jetzt vor Allem die Mittel zur K n e c h t u n g u n d A u s b e u t u n g
der Arbeit, in bloße W e r k z e u g e der freien u n d associirten A r | | 2 7 | b e i t verwandelt. — Aber dies ist der K o m m u n i s m u s , der „ u n m ö g l i c h e " K o m m u n i s m u s ! N u n , diejenigen L e u t e aus d e n h e r r s c h e n d e n Klassen, die verständig
30
genug sind, die Unmöglichkeit der F o r t d a u e r des jetzigen S y s t e m s einzusehen — und deren gibt es Viele — h a b e n sich zu zudringlichen und vollmäuligen Aposteln der genossenschaftlichen P r o d u k t i o n aufgeworfen. W e n n aber
die genossenschaftliche Produktion nicht eitel Schein und Schwindel bleiben,
w e n n sie das kapitalistische System v e r d r ä n g e n , w e n n die G e s a m m t h e i t der
35 Genossenschaften die nationale P r o d u k t i o n n a c h einem gemeinsamen Plan
regeln, sie damit unter ihre eigne L e i t u n g n e h m e n , u n d der beständigen
Anarchie u n d den periodisch w i e d e r k e h r e n d e n Convulsionen w e l c h e das
F a t u m (unvermeidliche Schicksal) der kapitalistischen Produktion sind, ein
E n d e m a c h e n soll — w a s w ä r e das a n d e r e s , meine H e r r e n , als der K o m m u -
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nismus, der „ m ö g l i c h e " K o m m u n i s m u s ?
Die Arbeiterklasse verlangte keine W u n d e r v o n der K o m m u n e . Sie h a t
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keine fix und fertigen U t o p i e e n d u r c h V o l k s b e s c h l u ß einzuführen. Sie w e i ß ,
daß, um ihre eigne Befreiung u n d mit ihr j e n e h ö h e r e L e b e n s f o r m hervorzuarbeiten, der die gegenwärtige Gesellschaft d u r c h ihre eigene ö k o n o m i sche Entwickelung unwiderstehlich entgegenstrebt, daß sie, die Arbeiterklasse, lange K ä m p f e , eine ganze Reihe geschichtlicher P r o z e s s e d u r c h z u m a c h e n hat, durch welche die M e n s c h e n wie die U m s t ä n d e gänzlich u m gewandelt w e r d e n . Sie hat keine Ideale zu verwirklichen; sie hat n u r die
E l e m e n t e der n e u e n Gesellschaft in Freiheit zu setzen, die sich bereits im
S c h o o ß der z u s a m m e n b r e c h e n d e n Bourgeoisgesellschaft entwickelt h a b e n .
Im vollen B e w u ß t s e i n ihrer geschichtlichen S e n d u n g u n d mit d e m H e l d e n entschluß, ihrer würdig zu handeln, k a n n die Arbeiterklasse sich begnügen,
zu lächeln gegenüber den plumpen Schimpfereien der L a k a i e n v o n der
P r e s s e , u n d gegenüber der lehrhaften P r o t e k t i o n w o h l m e i n e n d e r BourgeoisDoktrinäre, die ihre u n w i s s e n d e n G e m e i n p l ä t z e u n d S e k t i r e r m a r o t t e n im
Orakelton wissenschaftlicher Unfehlbarkeit abpredigen.
Als die Pariser K o m m u n e die Leitung der Revolution in ihre eigne H a n d
n a h m ; als einfache Arbeiter z u m ersten Mal es w a g t e n , das Regierungsprivilegium ihrer „natürlichen O b e r n " , der Besitzenden, a n z u t a s t e n , und,
unter U m s t ä n d e n von beispielloser Schwierigkeit, ihre Arbeit b e s c h e i d e n ,
gewissenhaft, u n d wirksam verrichteten — sie verrichteten für Gehalte,
deren höchstes k a u m ein Fünftel von d e m w a r , w a s n a c h einem h o h e n
wissen||28|schaftlichen G e w ä h r s m a n n (Professor H u x l e y ) das Geringste ist
für einen Sekretär des L o n d o n e r Schulraths, — da w a n d sich die alte Welt
in W u t h k r ä m p f e n beim Anblick der r o t h e n F a h n e , die, das Symbol der
Republik der Arbeit, über d e m S t a d t h a u s e w e h t e .
U n d d o c h w a r dies die erste Revolution, in der die Arbeiterklasse offen
a n e r k a n n t war als die einzige K l a s s e , die n o c h einer gesellschaftlichen
Initiative fähig w a r ; a n e r k a n n t selbst d u r c h die große M a s s e der Pariser
Mittelklasse — Kleinhändler, H a n d w e r k e r , K a u f l e u t e — die reichen K a p i talisten allein a u s g e n o m m e n . Die K o m m u n e h a t t e sie gerettet d u r c h eine
weise Erledigung jener immer w i e d e r k e h r e n d e n U r s a c h e des Streits unter
der Mittelklasse selbst, d e r Frage z w i s c h e n S c h u l d n e r n und Gläubigern.
D e r s e l b e Theil der Mittelklasse hatte sich 1848 bei der U n t e r d r ü c k u n g des
Arbeiterauf stands vom Juni betheiligt; u n d unmittelbar darauf w a r er d u r c h
die konstituirende V e r s a m m l u n g o h n e alle U m s t ä n d e seinen Gläubigern
z u m Opfer gebracht w o r d e n . Aber dies w a r nicht der einzige G r u n d , w e ß wegen er sich jetzt an die Arbeiter anschloß. Er fühlte, daß es n u r n o c h eine
W a h l g a b : die K o m m u n e , oder das K a i s e r t h u m , gleichviel unter w e l c h e m
N a m e n . D a s K a i s e r t h u m hatte diese Mittelklasse ö k o n o m i s c h ruinirt d u r c h
seine Verschleuderung des öffentlichen R e i c h t h u m s , d u r c h d e n von ihm
großgezogenen Finanzschwindel, d u r c h seine Beihülfe zur künstlich be-
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schleunigten Centralisation des Kapitals, u n d die dadurch bedingte Enteignung eines großen Theils dieser Mittelklasse. Es hatte sie politisch unterdrückt, sie sittlich e n t r ü s t e t d u r c h seine Orgien, es h a t t e ihren Voltairianismus beleidigt durch Ueberlieferung der E r z i e h u n g ihrer Kinder an die
„ u n w i s s e n d e n Brüderlein", es h a t t e ihr Nationalgefühl als F r a n z o s e n
empört, indem es sie kopfüber in einen Krieg stürzte, der für alle die
V e r w ü s t u n g , die er anrichtete, n u r einen E r s a t z ließ — die V e r n i c h t u n g des
K a i s e r t h u m s . In der That, n a c h der A u s w a n d e r u n g der h o h e n bonapartistischen und kapitalistischen Z i g e u n e r b a n d e aus Paris, trat die w a h r e Ordnungspartei der Mittelklasse h e r v o r als die „ U n i o n R é p u b l i c a i n e " , stellte
sich unter die F a h n e der K o m m u n e u n d vertheidigte sie gegen T h i e r s '
absichtliche Entstellungen. Ob die D a n k b a r k e i t dieser großen M a s s e der
Mittelklasse die jetzigen s c h w e r e n Prüfungen b e s t e h e n wird, bleibt abzuwarten.
Die K o m m u n e h a t t e vollständig R e c h t , als sie den B a u e r n zurief: „ U n s e r
Sieg ist E u r e einzige H o f f n u n g ! " V o n allen den | | 2 9 | L ü g e n , die in Versailles
ausgeheckt u n d von den ruhmvollen e u r o p ä i s c h e n P r e ß z u a v e n weiterposaunt w u r d e n , war eine der ungeheuerlichsten die, daß die Krautjunker der
N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g die V e r t r e t e r der französischen B a u e r n seien. M a n
d e n k e sich n u r die L i e b e des französischen B a u e r n für die L e u t e , d e n e n er,
n a c h 1815, eine Milliarde E n t s c h ä d i g u n g zahlen m u ß t e ! In den Augen des
französischen Bauern ist ja schon die bloße E x i s t e n z eines großen G r u n d besitzers ein Eingriff in seine E r o b e r u n g e n von 1789. Der Bourgeois hatte
1848 die Bodenparzelle des B a u e r n mit der Zuschlagssteuer von 45 Centimen auf den F r a n k e n belastet, aber er that es im N a m e n der Revolution;
jetzt h a t t e er einen Bürgerkrieg gegen die Revolution entzündet, um die
Hauptlast der den P r e u ß e n bewilligten fünf Milliarden Kriegsentschädigung
den B a u e r n aufzubürden. Die K o m m u n e dagegen erklärte gleich in einer
ihrer ersten Proklamationen, d a ß die wirklichen U r h e b e r des Krieges a u c h
dessen K o s t e n tragen m ü ß t e n . Die K o m m u n e w ü r d e d e m B a u e r die Blutsteuer a b g e n o m m e n , ihm eine wohlfeile Regierung gegeben, u n d seine
jetzigen Blutsauger, den N o t a r , den A d v o k a t e n , d e n Gerichtsvollzieher u n d
andere gerichtliche V a m p y r e , in b e s o l d e t e K o m m u n a l b e a m t e , v o n ihm
selbst gewählt und ihm verantwortlich, v e r w a n d e l t haben. Sie w ü r d e ihn
befreit h a b e n von der Willkührherrschaft des F l u r s c h ü t z e n , des G e n s d a r men u n d des Präfekten; sie w ü r d e an Stelle der V e r d u m m u n g d u r c h den
Pfaffen die Aufklärung d u r c h d e n Schullehrer gesetzt haben. U n d der
französische B a u e r ist vor Allem ein M a n n , der rechnet. Er w ü r d e es
äußerst vernünftig gefunden h a b e n , daß die B e z a h l u n g des Pfaffen, statt
durch den Steuereinnehmer eingetrieben zu w e r d e n , nur von der freiwilligen
Bethätigung des Frömmigkeitstriebs seiner G e m e i n d e abhängen solle. Dies
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w a r e n die großen unmittelbaren W o h l t h a t e n , die die H e r r s c h a f t der
K o m m u n e — und sie allein — den französischen B a u e r n in Aussicht stellte.
Es ist daher ganz überflüssig, hier näher einzugehen auf die verwickeiteren
wirklichen Lebensfragen, die die K o m m u n e allein fähig, u n d gleichzeitig
gezwungen war, zu G u n s t e n des B a u e r n zu lösen — die H y p o t h e k e n s c h u l d ,
die wie ein Alp auf seiner Parzelle lastete, das ländliche Proletariat, das
täglich auf ihr h e r a n w u c h s , u n d seine eigne Enteignung von dieser Parzelle,
die mit stets wachsender Geschwindigkeit d u r c h die Entwickelung der
m o d e r n e n Ackerbauwissenschaft u n d die K o n k u r r e n z des kapitalistischen
B o d e n b a u e s sich d u r c h s e t z t e .
D e r französische B a u e r h a t t e Louis B o n a p a r t e zum P r ä | | 3 0 | s i d e n t e n der
Republik gewählt, a b e r die Ordnungspartei schuf d a s zweite K a i s e r t h u m .
W a s der französische B a u e r wirklich bedarf, fing er an 1849 u n d 50 zu
zeigen, indem er überall seinen Maire d e m Regierungspräfekten, seinen
Schullehrer dem Regierungspfaffen u n d sich selbst dem Regierungsgensdarm e n entgegen stellte. Alle von der Ordnungspartei im J a n u a r u n d F e b r u a r
1850 erlassenen G e s e t z e w a r e n eingestandene Z w a n g s m a ß r e g e l n gegen die
Bauern. D e r Bauer war Bonapartist, weil die große Revolution, mit all ihren
Vortheilen für ihn, in seinen Augen in N a p o l e o n v e r k ö r p e r t war. Diese
T ä u s c h u n g , die unter dem zweiten K a i s e r t h u m r a s c h am Z u s a m m e n b r e c h e n
w a r (und sie war ihrer ganzen N a t u r n a c h den K r a u t j u n k e r n feindlich), dies
Vorurtheil der Vergangenheit, wie hätte es b e s t e h e n k ö n n e n gegenüber d e m
Appel der K o m m u n e an die lebendigen I n t e r e s s e n u n d dringenden Bedürfnisse der B a u e r n ?
Die Krautjunker — dies w a r in der T h a t ihre H a u p t b e f ü r c h t u n g —
w u ß t e n , daß drei M o n a t e freien V e r k e h r s zwischen d e m k o m m u n a l e n Paris
und den Provinzen einen allgemeinen B a u e r n a u f s t a n d zu W e g e bringen
w ü r d e n . D a h e r ihre ängstliche Eile, Paris mit einer Polizeiblokade zu u m geben u n d die Verbreitung der Rinderpest zu h e m m e n .
W e n n sonach die K o m m u n e die w a h r e Vertreterin aller gesunden Elem e n t e der französischen Gesellschaft war, u n d d a h e r die wahrhaft nationale
Regierung, so w a r sie gleichzeitig, als eine Arbeiterregierung, als der k ü h n e
V o r k ä m p f e r der Befreiung der Arbeit, im vollen Sinne des W o r t e s international. U n t e r den Augen der p r e u ß i s c h e n A r m e e , die zwei französische
P r o v i n z e n an Deutschland annexirt h a t t e , annexirte die K o m m u n e die
Arbeiter der ganzen Welt an Frankreich.
Das zweite Kaiserthum war das Jubelfest der kosmopolitischen Prellerei
g e w e s e n , die Hochstapler aller L ä n d e r w a r e n auf seinen Ruf herzugestürzt,
theilzunehmen an seinen Orgien u n d an der A u s p l ü n d e r u n g des französischen Volkes. Selbst in diesem Augenblick n o c h ist T h i e r s ' rechte H a n d
G a n e s c o , d e r walachische L u m p , und seine linke H a n d M a r k o w s k i , d e r
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russische Spion. Die K o m m u n e ließ alle F r e m d e n zu zu der E h r e , für eine
unsterbliche Sache zu fallen. — Zwischen dem durch ihren V e r r a t h verlorenen auswärtigen Krieg u n d d e m d u r c h ihre V e r s c h w ö r u n g mit d e m
fremden E r o b e r e r e n t z ü n d e t e n Bürgerkrieg hatte die Bourgeoisie die Zeit
gefunden, ihren Patriotismus d u r c h die Organisation von Polizeijagden auf
die D e u t s c h e n in 1 1 3 1 1 F r a n k r e i c h zu bethätigen. Die K o m m u n e m a c h t e einen
Deutschen zu ihrem Arbeitsminister. — Thiers, die Bourgeoisie, das zweite
K a i s e r t h u m , hatten Polen immerfort d u r c h laute Verheißungen der Theiln a h m e getäuscht, w ä h r e n d sie in Wirklichkeit es an Rußland verriethen u n d
Rußlands schmutzige Arbeit verrichteten. Die K o m m u n e ehrte die H e l d e n söhne Polens, indem sie sie an die Spitze der Vertheidiger von Paris stellte.
Und, um ganz u n v e r k e n n b a r die n e u e geschichtliche A e r a zu bezeichnen,
die sie einzuleiten sich b e w u ß t war, warf die K o m m u n e , unter den A u g e n ,
hier der siegreichen P r e u ß e n , dort der v o n bonapartistischen Generalen
geführten bonapartistischen A r m e e , das kolossale Symbol des K r i e g s r u h m s
nieder, die V e n d o m e s ä u l e .
Die große soziale Maßregel der K o m m u n e w a r ihr eignes arbeitendes
Dasein. Ihre b e s o n d e r e n Maßregeln k o n n t e n nur die Richtung a n d e u t e n , in
der eine Regierung des Volkes d u r c h das Volk sich bewegt. Dahin gehören
die Abschaffung der N a c h t a r b e i t der Bäckergesellen; das Verbot, bei
Strafe, der bei Arbeitgebern üblichen Praxis, den L o h n her a b z u d r ü c k e n
durch Auferlegung von Geldstrafen auf die Arbeiter unter allerlei Vorw ä n d e n , — ein Verfahren, w o b e i der Arbeitgeber in Einer Person G e s e t z geber, Richter und Vollstrecker ist u n d obendrein das Geld einsteckt. Eine
andere Maßregel dieser A r t w a r die Auslieferung von allen geschlossenen
W e r k s t ä t t e n u n d Fabriken an Arbeitergenossenschaften, unter Vorbehalt
der Entschädigung, gleichviel ob der betreffende Kapitalist geflüchtet war
oder aber vorzog, die Arbeit einzustellen.
Die finanziellen Maßregeln der K o m m u n e , ausgezeichnet d u r c h ihre
Einsicht u n d ihre Mäßigung, k o n n t e n sich n u r auf solche b e s c h r ä n k e n , die
mit der Lage einer belagerten Stadt verträglich w a r e n . In A n b e t r a c h t der
ungeheuren Diebstähle, begangen an der Stadt Paris d u r c h die großen
Finanzkompagnien u n d B a u u n t e r n e h m e r u n t e r H a u s s m a n n ' s Herrschaft,
hätte die K o m m u n e ein weit größeres R e c h t gehabt, ihr Eigenthum zu
konfisciren, als Louis B o n a p a r t e das der Familie Orleans. Die Hohenzollern
und die englischen Oligarchen, die Beide ein gutes Stück ihrer Besitzungen
von geraubtem Kircheneigenthum herleiten, w a r e n natürlich h ö c h s t entrüstet über die K o m m u n e , die aus der Säkularisation nur 8000 F r a n k e n
profitirte.
W ä h r e n d die Versailler Regierung, sobald sie wieder zu etwas M u t h und
Stärke g e k o m m e n , die g e w a l t s a m s t e n Mittel gegen die K o m m u n e an-
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w a n d t e ; w ä h r e n d sie die freie M e i n u n g s ä u ß e r u n g über ganz F r a n k r e i c h
u n t e r d r ü c k t e u n d sogar V e r s a m m | | 3 2 | l u n g e n v o n Delegirten der großen
Städte v e r b o t ; w ä h r e n d sie Versailles und das übrige F r a n k r e i c h einer Spionage, weit schlimmer als die des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s , unterwarf; w ä h r e n d
sie d u r c h ihre Gensdarmen-Inquisitoren alle in Paris gedruckten Zeitungen
v e r b r a n n t e und alle Briefe v o n u n d n a c h Paris e r b r a c h ; w ä h r e n d in der
Nationalversammlung die furchtsamsten V e r s u c h e , ein W o r t für Paris zu
verlautbaren, niedergeheult w u r d e n in einer, seihst in der J u n k e r k a m m e r
v o n 1816 unerhörten Weise; w ä h r e n d der blutdürstigen Kriegführung der
Versailler außerhalb, u n d ihrer V e r s u c h e der B e s t e c h u n g u n d V e r s c h w ö rung innerhalb Paris — hätte da die K o m m u n e nicht ihre Stellung s c h m ä h lich verrathen, w e n n sie alle A n s t a n d s f o r m e n des Liberalismus, wie im
tiefsten Frieden, b e o b a c h t e t hätte? W ä r e die Regierung der K o m m u n e der
des H e r r n Thiers v e r w a n d t g e w e s e n , es w ä r e e b e n s o w e n i g V e r a n l a s s u n g
dagewesen, Ordnungsparteiblätter in Paris, wie K o m m u n a l b l ä t t e r in Versailles zu unterdrücken.
Es war in der T h a t ärgerlich für die Krautjunker, daß gerade um die Zeit,
wo sie die R ü c k k e h r zur K i r c h e als einziges Mittel zur R e t t u n g F r a n k r e i c h s
erklärten, die ungläubige K o m m u n e die eigenthümlichen Geheimnisse des
N o n n e n k l o s t e r s Picpus u n d der K i r c h e St. L a u r e n t aufdeckte. Es w a r eine
Satire auf Thiers, daß, w ä h r e n d er G r o ß k r e u z e auf die bonapartistisehen
Generale regnen ließ für ihre Meisterschaft im Schlachtenverlieren, Kapitulationsunterzeichnen und Wilhelmshöher Cigarettendrehen, die K o m m u n e
ihre Generale absetzte u n d verhaftete, sobald sie der Vernachlässigung
ihres Dienstes verdächtig w a r e n . Die A u s s t o ß u n g u n d Verhaftung eines
Mitgliedes, das sich unter falschem N a m e n eingeschlichen, u n d früher in
L y o n sechs Tage Gefängniß wegen einfachen B a n k e r o t t s erlitten hatte —
war sie nicht eine vorbedachte Beleidigung, ins Gesicht geschleudert dem
Fälscher Jules F a v r e , damals n o c h immer auswärtiger Minister F r a n k r e i c h s ,
n o c h immer F r a n k r e i c h verkaufend an B i s m a r c k , n o c h immer Befehle
diktirend jener unvergleichlichen belgischen Regierung? A b e r , in der T h a t ,
die K o m m u n e m a c h t e keinen A n s p r u c h auf Unfehlbarkeit, wie dies alle die
alten Regierungen o h n e A u s n a h m e thun. Sie veröffentlichte alle ihre R e d e n
und H a n d l u n g e n , sie weihte das Publikum ein in alle ihre U n v o l l k o m m e n heiten.
In jeder Revolution drängen sich, n e b e n ihren wirklichen V e r t r e t e r n ,
L e u t e andern Gepräges vor. Einige sind die U e b e r l e b e n d e n früherer
Revolutionen, mit denen sie v e r w a c h s e n sind; ||33| o h n e Einsicht in die
gegenwärtige Bewegung, aber n o c h im Besitz großen Einflusses auf das
Volk durch ihren b e k a n n t e n M u t h u n d C h a r a k t e r , oder a u c h durch bloße
Tradition. A n d r e sind bloße Schreier, die, Jahrelang dieselben ständigen
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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich - III
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Deklamationen gegen die Regierung des Tages wiederholend, sich in d e n Ruf
von Revolutionären des reinsten W a s s e r s eingeschlichen haben. A u c h n a c h
dem 18. M ä r z k a m e n solche L e u t e zum Vorschein u n d spielten sogar in einigen
Fällen eine hervorragende Rolle. Soweit ihre M a c h t ging, h e m m t e n sie die
wirkliche Aktion der Arbeiterklasse, wie sie die volle E n t w i c k l u n g jeder
früheren Revolution g e h e m m t h a b e n . Sie sind ein unvermeidliches U e b e l ;
mit der Zeit schüttelt m a n sie a b ; aber gerade diese Zeit w u r d e der
K o m m u n e nicht gelassen.
W u n d e r b a r in der T h a t w a r die V e r w a n d l u n g , die die K o m m u n e an Paris
vollzogen hatte! K e i n e Spur m e h r von d e m buhlerischen Paris des zweiten
K a i s e r t h u m s . Paris w a r nicht länger der Sammelplatz von britischen Grundbesitzern, irischen A b s e n t e e s , amerikanischen Ex-Sklavenhaltern u n d
E m p o r k ö m m l i n g e n , russischen Ex-Leibeignenbesitzern und walachischen
Bojaren. Keine Leichen m e h r in der M o r g u e , keine nächtlichen E i n b r ü c h e ,
fast keine Diebstähle m e h r ; seit den F e b r u a r t a g e n v o n 1848 w a r e n die
Straßen von Paris wirklich wieder einmal sicher, u n d das o h n e irgend
welche Polizei. „ W i r " , sagte ein Mitglied der K o m m u n e , „wir h ö r e n jetzt
nichts m e h r von M o r d , R a u b u n d Thätlichkeiten gegen P e r s o n e n ; es scheint
in der That, als ob die Polizei alle ihre k o n s e r v a t i v e n F r e u n d e mit n a c h
Versailles geschleppt h a b e . " Die C o c o t t e n hatten die F ä h r t e ihrer B e s c h ü t zer wiedergefunden — der flüchtigen M ä n n e r der Familie, der Religion u n d
vor Allem des E i g e n t h u m s . An ihrer Stelle k a m e n die wirklichen Weiber
von Paris wieder an die Oberfläche — heroisch, hochherzig u n d aufopfernd
wie die Weiber des A l t e r t h u m s . Paris, arbeitend, denkend, kämpfend,
blutend, über seiner Vorbereitung einer n e u e n Gesellschaft fast vergessend
der Kannibalen vor seinen T h o r e n , strahlend in der Begeisterung seiner
geschichtlichen Initiative!
U n d nun, gegenüber dieser n e u e n Welt in Paris, siehe da die alte Welt in
Versailles — diese V e r s a m m l u n g der Ghuls aller verstorbenen Régimes,
Legitimisten u n d Orleanisten, gierig, v o m L e i c h n a m der N a t i o n zu zehren
— mit einem S c h w a n z vorsündfluthlicher Republikaner, die d u r c h ihre
Gegenwart in der V e r s a m m l u n g der Sklavenhalter-Rebellion z u s t i m m t e n ,
die Erhaltung ihrer parlamentarischen Republik von der Eitelkeit ||34| des
bejahrten Pickelhärings an der Spitze der Regierung erhofften, u n d 1789
karrikirten durch Abhaltung ihrer gespensterhaften V e r s a m m l u n g e n im Jeu
de P a u m e (Ballspielhaus, wo die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g von 1789 ihre b e r ü h m t e n Beschlüsse faßte). Da w a r sie, diese V e r s a m m l u n g , die Vertreterin
von allem, w a s abgestorben w a r in F r a n k r e i c h , aufgestützt zur Positur
scheinbaren L e b e n s d u r c h N i c h t s als die Säbel der Generale von L o u i s
B o n a p a r t e . Paris ganz Wahrheit, Versailles ganz Lüge, u n d diese L ü g e
losgelassen durch den M u n d v o n Thiers.
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Thiers sagt einer Deputation der Bürgermeister des Seine- u n d OiseD e p a r t e m e n t s : „Sie k ö n n e n sich auf mein W o r t verlassen, das ich nie
g e b r o c h e n h a b e ! " Der V e r s a m m l u n g selbst sagt er, sie sei „die freiestgewählte und liberalste V e r s a m m l u n g , die F r a n k r e i c h je b e s e s s e n " ; seiner
buntgemischten Soldateska, sie sei „die B e w u n d e r u n g der Welt u n d die
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schönste A r m e e , die F r a n k r e i c h je g e h a b t " ; d e n Provinzen, das B o m b a r d e m e n t von Paris sei ein M a h r c h e n : „ w e n n einige K a n o n e n s c h ü s s e gefallen
sind, so geschah das nicht d u r c h die Versailler A r m e e , sondern d u r c h einige
Insurgenten, die glauben m a c h e n wollen, sie schlügen sich, wo sie sich d o c h
nirgends zu zeigen w a g e n . " D a n n wieder sagt er den P r o v i n z e n : „Die 10
Artillerie von Versailles bombardirt Paris nicht, sie kanonirt es b l o ß . " D e m
Erzbischof von Paris sagt er, die den Versailler T r u p p e n n a c h e r z ä h l t e n
E r s c h i e ß u n g e n u n d Repressalien (!) seien lauter L ü g e n . Er v e r k ü n d e t an
Paris, er beabsichtige nur „ e s von den scheußlichen T y r a n n e n zu befreien,
die es b e d r ü c k e n " , und das Paris der K o m m u n e sei in der T h a t „nur eine 15
Handvoll V e r b r e c h e r " .
D a s Paris des Thiers w a r nicht das wirkliche Paris der „schoflen M e n g e " ,
sondern ein Phantasie-Paris, das Paris der F r a n c s - F i l e u r s , das Paris der
B o u l e v a r d s , männlich wie weiblich, das reiche, das kapitalistische, das
vergoldete, das faulenzende Paris, das sich jetzt mit seinen L a k a i e n , seinen 20
H o c h s t a p l e r n , seiner literarischen Zigeunerbande u n d seinen Cocotten in
Versailles, Saint Denis, Rueil u n d Saint G e r m a i n drängte; für das der Bürgerkrieg nur ein a n g e n e h m e s Zwischenspiel w a r ; das den K a m p f d u r c h s
Fernglas b e t r a c h t e t e , die K a n o n e n s c h ü s s e zählte, u n d bei seiner eignen
E h r e und der seiner H u r e n schwor, das Schauspiel sei unendlich b e s s e r 25
arrangirt, als es im T h e a t e r der P o r t e Saint Martin je g e w e s e n . Die Gefallenen w a r e n wirklich todt, das Geschrei der V e r w u n d e t e n w a r kein
bloßer Schein; und dann, wie welthistorisch w a r nicht die ganze S a c h e ! |
j 351 Dies ist das Paris des H e r r n T h i e r s , ganz wie die Emigration v o n
C o b l e n z das Frankreich des H e r r n von Calonne war. —
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IV.
D e r erste V e r s u c h der Sklavenhalter-Verschwörung zur U n t e r w e r f u n g von
Paris, w o n a c h die P r e u ß e n es b e s e t z e n sollten, scheiterte an B i s m a r c k ' s
Weigerung. D e r zweite V e r s u c h , am 18. M ä r z , endigte mit der Niederlage
der A r m e e und der Flucht der Regierung n a c h Versailles, wohin ihr die 35
g e s a m m t e Verwaltungsmaschinerie folgen m u ß t e . D u r c h Vorspiegelung
von Friedensunterhandlungen mit Paris g e w a n n Thiers jetzt die Zeit, den
Krieg gegen Paris vorzubereiten. Aber w o h e r eine A r m e e n e h m e n ? Die
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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · IV
Ueberbleibsel der Linienregimenter w a r e n s c h w a c h an Zahl und unsicher
von Stimmung. Seine dringenden Aufrufe an die Provinzen, Versailles mit
ihren Nationalgarden und Freiwilligen zu Hülfe zu eilen, stießen auf offene
Weigerung. N u r die Bretagne sandte eine Handvoll C h o u a n s , die unter der
5 weißen F a h n e fochten, Jeder mit d e m H e r z e n J e s u in weißem L i n n e n auf
der Brust, u n d deren Schlachtruf w a r : V i v e le Roi! (Es lebe der König!)
Thiers blieb also darauf angewiesen, in aller Eile eine buntscheckige B a n d e
z u s a m m e n zu trommeln, M a t r o s e n , Seesoldaten, päpstliche Z u a v e n , Valentin's G e n s d a r m e n , Piétri's Stadtsergeanten und M o u c h a r d s (Spione). Diese
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A r m e e w ä r e j e d o c h bis zur Lächerlichkeit ungenügend gewesen, o h n e die
nach und nach eintreffenden imperialistischen Kriegsgefangenen, die Bism a r c k in A b s c h l a g s s e n d u n g e n losließ, hinreichend einerseits, den Bürgerkrieg im Gang, u n d andrerseits Versailles in kriechender Abhängigkeit v o n
P r e u ß e n zu halten. Im Verlauf dieses Krieges selbst, hatte die Versailler
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Polizei der Versailler A r m e e aufzupassen, w ä h r e n d die G e n s d a r m e n diese
A r m e e mit sich fortreißen m u ß t e n , indem sie sich überall an den gefährlichsten Posten zuerst aussetzten. Die F o r t s , w e l c h e fielen, w u r d e n nicht
g e n o m m e n , sondern gekauft. Der H e l d e n m u t h der K o m m u n a l i s t e n überzeugte Thiers, d a ß der W i d e r s t a n d von Paris nicht durch sein eigenes
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strategisches Genie und die ihm verfügbaren Bajonette zu b r e c h e n w a r .
Gleichzeitig w u r d e n seine Beziehungen zu d e n Provinzen immer schwieriger. Nicht eine einzige Billigungsadresse lief ein, um Thiers und seine
Krautjunker aufzuheitern. G a n z im Gegentheil. Deputationen und A d r e s s e n
strömten ein von allen Seiten u n d verlangten in einem keineswegs achtungs25 vollen Ton, ||36| V e r s ö h n u n g mit Paris auf Grundlage der unzweideutigen
A n e r k e n n u n g der Republik, der Bestätigung der k o m m u n a l e n Freiheiten u n d
der Auflösung der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g , deren M a n d a t erloschen sei. In
solchen M a s s e n k a m e n sie an, d a ß D u f a u r e , T h i e r s ' Justizminister, den
Staatsanwälten in einem Cirkular v o m 23. April befahl, „ d e n Ruf n a c h
30 V e r s ö h n u n g " als ein V e r b r e c h e n zu b e h a n d e l n ! Im Hinblick j e d o c h auf die
hoffnungslose Aussicht, die ihm sein F e l d z u g eröffnete, beschloß Thiers,
seine Taktik zu ä n d e r n und schrieb für das g a n z e L a n d G e m e i n d e r a t h s wahlen für den 30. April a u s , auf G r u n d der n e u e n , v o n ihm der Nationalversammlung diktirten G e m e i n d e o r d n u n g . Mit den Intriguen seiner Präfek35 ten hier, mit der E i n s c h ü c h t e r u n g seiner Polizei dort, e r w a r t e t e er ganz
zuversichtlich, durch den W a h r s p r u c h der Provinzen der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m lung die moralische M a c h t zu geben, die sie nie b e s e s s e n hatte, und von den
Provinzen die materielle M a c h t zu erhalten, deren er zur Besiegung v o n
Paris bedurfte.
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Seinen Räuberkrieg gegen Paris, verherrlicht in seinen eigenen Bulletins,
und die V e r s u c h e seiner Minister, in ganz F r a n k r e i c h eine n e u e S c h r e c k e n s -
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herrschaft zu errichten, hatte Thiers gleich von Anfang für nöthig gehalten
d u r c h eine kleine V e r s ö h n u n g s k o m ö d i e zu ergänzen, die m e h r als E i n e m
Z w e c k e dienen sollte. Sie sollte die Provinzen hinters Licht führen, die
Mittelklassen in Paris anlocken, und vor Allem den angeblichen Republik a n e r n der N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g die Gelegenheit geben, ihren V e r r a t h
gegen Paris hinter ihrem Glauben an Thiers zu verbergen. Am 2 1 . M ä r z , als
er n o c h keine A r m e e b e s a ß , hatte er der V e r s a m m l u n g erklärt: „ K o m m e
w a s da will, ich w e r d e keine A r m e e n a c h Paris s c h i c k e n . " Am 27. M ä r z
erhob er sich wieder: „ I c h h a b e die Republik als vollendete T h a t s a c h e
vorgefunden, u n d ich bin fest entschlossen, sie aufrecht zu e r h a l t e n . " In
Wirklichkeit u n t e r d r ü c k t e er die Revolution in L y o n u n d Marseille im
N a m e n der Republik, w ä h r e n d das Gebrüll seiner K r a u t j u n k e r die bloße
E r w ä h n u n g ihres N a m e n s in Versailles niederheulte. N a c h dieser Heldenthat milderte er die vollendete T h a t s a c h e h e r a b zu einer vorausgesetzten
T h a t s a c h e . Die Orleansprinzen, die er vorsichtig aus B o r d e a u x wegbeschieden hatte, durften jetzt, in offenem G e s e t z e s b r u c h , frei in D r e u x intriguiren. Die Zugeständnisse, die Thiers in seinen endlosen Z u s a m m e n k ü n f t e n
mit den Delegirten von Paris u n d den P r o v i n z e n in Aussicht stellte — so sehr
sie a u c h fortwährend in Ton und F ä r b u n g wechselten — liefen | | 3 7 | schließlich immer darauf hinaus, daß seine R a c h e sich voraussichtlich auf die
„ H a n d v o l l V e r b r e c h e r , betheiligt beim M o r d e v o n C l e m e n t T h o m a s und
L e c o m t e " b e s c h r ä n k e n solle, unter der w o h l v e r s t a n d e n e n Bedingung, d a ß
Paris u n d F r a n k r e i c h den H e r r n Thiers selbst rückhaltslos als die b e s t e der
Republiken a n e r k e n n e n sollte, gerade wie er 1830 mit Louis Philippe gethan.
U n d selbst diese Zugeständnisse — nicht nur daß er Sorge trug, sie zweifeihaf t zu m a c h e n d u r c h die offiziellen E r l ä u t e r u n g e n , die seine Minister in der
National-Versammlung dazu m a c h t e n ; nein, er h a t t e a u c h seinen Dufaure
z u m H a n d e l n . Dufaure, dieser alte orleanistische A d v o k a t , w a r jederzeit
der Oberrichter des Belagerungszustandes g e w e s e n , wie jetzt, 1871, unter
Thiers, so 1839 unter Louis Philippe u n d 1849 unter Louis B o n a p a r t e ' s
Präsidentschaft. W e n n er nicht Minister w a r , bereicherte er sich, indem er
für die Pariser Kapitalisten plaidirte u n d m a c h t e politisches Kapital, indem
er gegen die von ihm selbst eingeführten G e s e t z e plaidirte. Jetzt, nicht
zufrieden, eine Reihe U n t e r d r ü c k u n g s g e s e t z e durch die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m lung zu hetzen, die, n a c h dem Fall von Paris, die letzten Reste republikanischer Freiheit in Paris ausrotten sollten — d e u t e t e er selbst das Geschick
v o n Paris im V o r a u s an, indem er die, ihm n o c h zu langwierige, Verf ahrungsweise der Kriegsgerichte abkürzte u n d ein n e u g e b a c k e n e s drakonisches
Deportationsgesetz einbrachte. Die Revolution von 1848, w e l c h e die T o d e s strafe für politische V e r b r e c h e n abschaffte, hatte sie d u r c h Deportation
ersetzt. Louis N a p o l e o n wagte nicht, die H e r r s c h a f t der Guillotine wieder-
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herzustellen, wenigstens nicht offen ausgesprochen. Die J u n k e r v e r s a m m lung, n o c h nicht k ü h n genug, selbst n u r a n z u d e u t e n , daß die Pariser nicht
Rebellen, sondern M ö r d e r seien, m u ß t e deßhalb ihre v o r w e g g e n o m m e n e
Rache gegen Paris auf D u f a u r e ' s n e u e s Deportationsgesetz b e s c h r ä n k e n .
U n t e r allen diesen U m s t ä n d e n w ü r d e Thiers seine V e r s ö h n u n g s k o m ö d i e
unmöglich weiter gespielt h a b e n , h ä t t e sie nicht, w a s er gerade wollte, das
Wuthgeschrei der K r a u t j u n k e r hervorgerufen, deren w i e d e r k ä u e n d e r Verstand w e d e r das Spiel v e r s t a n d , n o c h die Nothwendigkeit seiner Heuchelei,
Falschheit u n d Hinhaltung.
Angesichts der b e v o r s t e h e n d e n G e m e i n d e r a t h s w a h l e n v o m 30. April
führte Thiers am 27. eine seiner g r o ß e n V e r s ö h n u n g s s c e n e n auf. Mitten in
einer Fluth sentimentalen R e d e e r g u s s e s , rief er v o n der Tribüne der N a t i o nalversammlung a u s : „Die einzige V e r s c h w ö r u n g gegen die Republik, die
es gibt, ist die von Paris, die u n s zwingt, französisches Blut zu j j 381 vergießen. Ich wiederhole es aber u n d a b e r m a l s : laßt diese ruchlosen Waffen
fallen aus den H ä n d e n D e r e r , die sie führen, u n d die Strafe wird augenblicklich aufgehalten w e r d e n d u r c h einen F r i e d e n s a k t , der nur die kleine Zahl
der Verbrecher ausschließt. " D e n heftigen U n t e r b r e c h u n g e n der Krautjunker
antwortete er: „Sagen Sie mir, meine H e r r e n , ich bitte Sie inständigst, h a b e
ich U n r e c h t ? Thut es Ihnen wirklich leid, d a ß ich in Wahrheit sagen k o n n t e ,
daß der V e r b r e c h e r nur eine H a n d v o l l sind? Ist es nicht ein Glück inmitten
all unseres Unglücks, daß die L e u t e , die fähig w a r e n , das Blut von Clement
T h o m a s und General L e c o m t e zu vergießen, nur seltene A u s n a h m e n
bilden?"
Frankreich j e d o c h hatte nur t a u b e O h r e n für T h i e r s ' R e d e n , in d e n e n er
sich schmeichelte, einen p a r l a m e n t a r i s c h e n Sirenengesang geleistet zu
haben. A u s allen den 700000 G e m e i n d e r ä t h e n , gewählt in den 35000 n o c h
bei F r a n k r e i c h gebliebenen G e m e i n d e n , setzten die vereinigten Legitimisten,
Orleanisten und Bonapartisten nicht 8000 durch. Die nachfolgenden E r s a t z wählen fielen n o c h feindseliger aus. Die N a t i o n a l v e r s a m m l u n g , statt von
den Provinzen die so sehr benöthigte materielle M a c h t zu erhalten, verlor
selbst den letzten A n s p r u c h auf moralische M a c h t : den, der A u s d r u c k des
allgemeinen Stimmrechts von F r a n k r e i c h zu sein. U n d um die Niederlage
zu vollenden, b e d r o h t e n die neugewählten G e m e i n d e r ä t h e aller französisehen Städte die u s u r p a t o r i s c h e V e r s a m m l u n g v o n Versailles mit einer
Gegenversammlung in B o r d e a u x .
Damit war der langerwartete Augenblick z u m entscheidenden Auftreten
für Bismarck g e k o m m e n . Er befahl Thiers im H e r r s c h e r t o n , unverzüglich
Bevollmächtigte für den endgültigen F r i e d e n s s c h l u ß nach Frankfurt zu
senden. In demüthigem G e h o r s a m gegen d e n Ruf seines H e r r n u n d Meisters, beeilte sich Thiers, seinen b e w ä h r t e n Jules F a v r e , unterstützt von
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Pouyer-Quertier abzuschicken. Pouyer-Quertier, ein „ h e r v o r r a g e n d e r "
B a u m Wollspinner von R o u e n , ein glühender u n d selbst serviler A n h ä n g e r
des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s , h a t t e an diesem nie e t w a s U n r e c h t e s entdeckt,
außer d e m Handelsvertrag mit England, der seinem eignen FabrikantenInteresse schadete. K a u m in B o r d e a u x zum Finanzminister von Thiers
eingesetzt, klagte er auch schon diesen „unheiligen" Vertrag an, m a c h t e
A n d e u t u n g e n , daß er bald abgeschafft w e r d e , u n d hatte sogar die U n v e r schämtheit, w e n n a u c h u m s o n s t (da er seine R e c h n u n g o h n e B i s m a r c k
g e m a c h t hatte) die sofortige Wiedereinführung der alten Schutz||39|zölle
gegen das Elsaß zu versuchen, w o , wie er sagte, d e m keine n o c h gültigen
internationalen Verträge im Wege stünden. Dieser M a n n , der die Contrerevolution als ein Mittel ansah, um den Arbeitslohn in R o u e n herunterzud r ü c k e n , und die Abtretung französischer P r o v i n z e n als ein Mittel, den
Preis seiner Waaren in Frankreich heraufzuschrauben — w a r er nicht schon
im V o r a u s angezeigt als der würdige G e n o s s e Jules F a v r e ' s , in seinem letzten,
sein ganzes W e r k k r ö n e n d e n V e r r a t h ?
Als dies fürtreffliche Paar von Bevollmächtigten n a c h Frankfurt k a m ,
s c h n a u z t e Bismarck sie alsbald mit dem K o m m a n d o an: E n t w e d e r Wiederherstellung des K a i s e r t h u m s , oder unweigerliche A n n a h m e meiner eigenen
Friedensbedingungen! Diese Bedingungen enthielten eine A b k ü r z u n g der
Zahlungsfristen für die Kriegsentschädigung, n e b s t fortdauernder B e s e t z u n g
der Pariser F o r t s durch preußische T r u p p e n , bis B i s m a r c k mit d e m Stand
der Dinge in Frankreich sich zufrieden erkläre — so daß P r e u ß e n als
höchster Schiedsrichter in den innern Angelegenheiten Frankreichs anerk a n n t w u r d e ! Dagegen w a r er bereit, zur A u s r o t t u n g von Paris die gefangene
bonapartistische A r m e e loszulassen u n d ihnen die direkte U n t e r s t ü t z u n g
der T r u p p e n des K a i s e r s Wilhelm zu leihen. Er verbürgte seine Ehrlichkeit
dadurch, daß er die Zahlung der ersten E n t s c h ä d i g u n g s r a t e von der „Pacification" v o n Paris abhängig machte. Solch ein K ö d e r w u r d e natürlich von
Thiers u n d seinen Bevollmächtigten gierig verschlungen. Sie u n t e r s c h r i e b e n
den V e r t r a g am 10. Mai u n d besorgten seine Bestätigung d u r c h die Nationalversammlung schon am 18.
In der Zwischenzeit vom F r i e d e n s s c h l u ß bis zur Ankunft der b o n a p a r tistischen Gefangenen, fühlte sich Thiers um so m e h r verpflichtet, seine
V e r s ö h n u n g s k o m ö d i e wieder a u f z u n e h m e n , als seine republikanischen
Handlanger in äußerster Bedrängniß w a r e n w e g e n eines V o r w a n d s , um bei
den Vorbereitungen zum Pariser Blutbad ein A u g e z u z u d r ü c k e n . N o c h am
8. Mai a n t w o r t e t e er einer Deputation v o n versöhnlichen Mittelbürgern:
„Sobald die Insurgenten sich zur Kapitulation entschließen, sollen die
T h o r e von Paris eine W o c h e lang weit geöffnet w e r d e n für Alle, außer den
M ö r d e r n der Generale Clement T h o m a s u n d L e c o m t e . "
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Einige Tage nachher, heftig von d e n K r a u t j u n k e r n wegen dieser Z u s a g e
zur R e d e gestellt, weigerte er alle Auskunft, fügte aber diesen bezeichnenden W i n k hinzu: „ I c h sage Ihnen, es gibt Ungeduldige unter Ihnen, die zu
viel Eile haben. Sie ||40| m ü s s e n n o c h acht Tage w a r t e n ; am E n d e dieser
acht Tage wird keine Gefahr m e h r sein und die Aufgabe wird d a n n ihrem
M u t h und ihren Fähigkeiten e n t s p r e c h e n . " Sobald M a c M a h o n im Stande war,
zu versprechen, daß er bald in Paris einrücken k ö n n e , erklärte Thiers der
Nationalversammlung, er „ w e r d e in Paris einziehen mit dem Gesetz in der
H a n d u n d volle S ü h n e verlangen von den E l e n d e n , die das L e b e n v o n
Soldaten geopfert und öffentliche D e n k m ä l e r zerstört h ä t t e n " . Als der
Augenblick der E n t s c h e i d u n g h e r a n r ü c k t e , sagte er zur National-Versammlung: „ich w e r d e o h n e Barmherzigkeit s e i n " ; zu Paris, sein Urtheil sei
g e s p r o c h e n ; und zu seinen bonapartistischen. Banditen, sie hätten Staatserlaubniß, an Paris ihre R a c h e n a c h H e r z e n s l u s t a u s z u ü b e n . Endlich, als am
2 1 . Mai der V e r r a t h dem General D o u a y die T h o r e von Paris geöffnet hatte,
enthüllte Thiers, am 22., seinen K r a u t j u n k e r n das „ Z i e l " seiner V e r s ö h n lichkeitskomödie, die sie so hartnäckig m i ß v e r s t a n d e n hatten. „ I c h h a b e
Ihnen vor einigen Tagen gesagt, wir n ä h e r t e n u n s dem Ziele; heute k o m m e
ich Ihnen zu sagen — das Ziel ist erreicht. D e r Sieg der Ordnung, Gerechtigkeit und Civilisation ist endlich g e w o n n e n . "
U n d das w a r er. Die Civilisation u n d Gerechtigkeit der Bourgeois-Ordnung tritt hervor in ihrem w a h r e n , gewitterschwangern Licht, sobald die
Sklaven in dieser O r d n u n g sich gegen ihre H e r r e n e m p ö r e n . D a n n stellt sich
diese Civilisation u n d Gerechtigkeit dar als unverhüllte Wildheit u n d gesetzlose R a c h e . J e d e n e u e Krisis im K l a s s e n k a m p f zwischen dem Aneigner u n d
dem Hervorbringer des R e i c h t h u m s bringt diese T h a t s a c h e greller z u m
Vorschein. Selbst die Scheußlichkeiten der Bourgeois v o m Juni 1848 verschwinden vor der unsagbaren N i e d e r t r a c h t von 1871. Der selbstopfernde
H e l d e n m u t h , womit das Pariser Volk — M ä n n e r , Weiber u n d K i n d e r —
acht Tage lang n a c h dem E i n r ü c k e n der Versailler, fortkämpften, strahlt
ebenso sehr zurück die G r ö ß e ihrer S a c h e , wie die höllischen T h a t e n der
Soldateska zurückstrahlen d e n eingebornen Geist jener Civilisation, d e r e n
gemiethete Vorkämpfer u n d R ä c h e r sie sind. E i n e ruhmvolle Civilisation in
der That, deren große Aufgabe es ist, wie die H a u f e n von L e i c h e n los
w e r d e n , die sie m o r d e t e , n a c h d e m der K a m p f vorüber war!
Um ein Seitenstück zu finden für das B e n e h m e n des Thiers und seiner
Bluthunde, müssen wir z u r ü c k g e h e n zu den Zeiten des Sulla u n d der beiden
römischen Triumvirate. Dieselbe m a s s e n w e i s e Schlächterei bei kaltem
Blut; dieselbe M i ß | | 4 l | a c h t u n g , beim M o r d e n , v o n Alter und G e s c h l e c h t ;
dasselbe System, Gefangne zu m a r t e r n ; dieselben A e c h t u n g e n , aber diesmal
gegen eine ganze K l a s s e ; dieselbe wilde Jagd n a c h den versteckten F ü h r e r n ,
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damit a u c h nicht Einer e n t k o m m e ; dieselbe Angeberei gegen politische und
Privatfeinde; dieselbe Gleichgültigkeit bei der Niedermetzelung von dem
K a m p f ganz fremden L e u t e n . N u r der eine U n t e r s c h i e d ist da, daß die
R ö m e r n o c h keine Mitrailleusen hatten, um die G e ä c h t e t e n schockweise
a b z u t h u n , und daß sie nicht „in ihren H ä n d e n das G e s e t z " trugen, n o c h
auf ihren Lippen den Ruf der „Civilisation".
U n d n a c h diesen S c h a n d t h a t e n , seht jetzt auf die andere, n o c h ekelhaftere
Seite dieser Bourgeois-Civilisation, b e s c h r i e b e n durch ihre eigene P r e s s e !
„ W ä h r e n d , schreibt der Pariser C o r r e s p o n d e n t eines L o n d o n e r T o r y blattes, w ä h r e n d n o c h einzelne Schüsse in der F e r n e e r t ö n e n u n d unverpflegte V e r w u n d e t e zwischen den Grabsteinen des P è r e la Chaise v e r e n d e n ,
w ä h r e n d 6000 e r s c h r e c k t e Insurgenten im T o d e s k a m p f der Verzweiflung in
den Irrgängen der K a t a k o m b e n sich verloren h a b e n , und m a n Unglückliche
n o c h durch die Straßen treiben sieht, um von den Mitrailleusen schockweise
niedergeschossen zu w e r d e n — ist es e m p ö r e n d , die Cafés gefüllt zu sehen
mit Absinthtrinkern, Billard- u n d Dominospielern; zu sehen, wie weibliche
Verworfenheit sich auf den Boulevards breit macht, und zu hören, wie der
laute Schall der Schwelgerei aus den P r i v a t z i m m e r c h e n v o r n e h m e r R e staurants die N a c h t r u h e stört." H e r r E d u a r d H e r v é schreibt im „Journal de
P a r i s " , einem v o n der K o m m u n e u n t e r d r ü c k t e n Versaillistischen Journal:
„Die Art, wie die Pariser Bevölkerung (!) gestern ihre Befriedigung an den
T a g legte, w a r in der T h a t m e h r als frivol, u n d wir fürchten, das wird mit
der Zeit schlimmer w e r d e n . Paris hat jetzt ein festliches A u s s e h e n , das
wahrlich nicht am Platze ist, und falls wir nicht ,die Pariser des Verfalls'
genannt zu w e r d e n w ü n s c h e n , m u ß dem ein E n d e g e m a c h t w e r d e n . " U n d
dann citirt er die Stelle des Tacitus: „ U n d doch, den Morgen n a c h jenem
schrecklichen Kampf, und selbst, ehe er vollständig ausgefochten war,
begann Rom, erniedrigt und verderbt, von N e u e m sich zu wälzen in j e n e m
Sumpf der Wollust, der seinen Leib zerstörte und seine Seele befleckte —
alibi proelia et vulnera, alibi b a l n e a e p o p i n a e q u e (hier K ä m p f e u n d W u n d e n ,
dort Bäder und R e s t a u r a n t s ) . " — H e r r H e r v é vergißt nur, daß die „Pariser
B e v ö l k e r u n g " , von der er spricht, nur die B e v ö l k e r u n g | | 4 2 | des Paris von
Thiers ist, die Francs-Fileurs, die haufenweise von Versailles, Saint Denis,
Rueil u n d Saint Germain z u r ü c k k e h r e n , in der T h a t das „Paris des Verfalls".
In j e d e m ihrer blutigen T r i u m p h e über die selbstopfernden V o r k ä m p f e r
einer n e u e n und besseren Gesellschaft, ü b e r t ä u b t diese, auf die K n e c h t u n g
der Arbeit gegründete, schmähliche Civilisation das G e s c h r e i ihrer Schlachtopfer durch einen Hetzruf der V e r l ä u m d u n g , den ein weltweites E c h o
wiederhallt. Das heitere Arbeiterparis der K o m m u n e v e r w a n d e l t sich plötzlich, unter den H ä n d e n der Bluthunde der „ O r d n u n g " , in ein P a n d ä m o n i u m .
U n d w a s beweist diese ungeheure V e r w a n d l u n g dem Bourgeoisverstand
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Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich • IV
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aller L ä n d e r ? N i c h t s , als daß die K o m m u n e sich gegen die Civilisation
v e r s c h w o r e n hat! D a s Pariser Volk opfert sich begeistert für die K o m m u n e ;
die Zahl seiner T o d t e n ist u n e r r e i c h t in irgend einer früheren Schlacht. W a s
beweist das? N i c h t s , als daß die K o m m u n e nicht des Volks eigne Regierung,
sondern die Gewalthandlung einer H a n d v o l l V e r b r e c h e r war! Die Weiber
von Paris geben freudig ihr L e b e n hin, an den Barrikaden wie auf d e m
Richtplatz. W a s beweist d a s ? N i c h t s , als daß der D ä m o n der K o m m u n e sie
in M e g ä r e n u n d H e k a t e n v e r w a n d e l t hat! Die Mäßigung der K o m m u n e ,
w ä h r e n d zweimonatlicher unbestrittener H e r r s c h a f t , findet ihres Gleichen
10
nur in dem H e l d e n m u t h ihrer Vertheidigung. W a s beweist das? N i c h t s , als
daß die K o m m u n e zwei M o n a t e lang, unter der M a s k e der Mäßigung u n d
Menschlichkeit, den Blutdurst ihrer teuflischen Gelüste sorgfältig verbarg,
um sie in der S t u n d e ihres T o d e s k a m p f e s loszulassen!
D a s Paris der Arbeiter hat im A k t seiner heroischen Selbstopferung
15 G e b ä u d e und M o n u m e n t e mit in die F l a m m e n gezogen. W e n n die Beherrscher des Proletariats seinen lebendigen L e i b in S t ü c k e reißen, dürfen sie
nicht länger darauf r e c h n e n , triumphirend in die unangetasteten M a u e r n
ihrer W o h n s i t z e wieder einzuziehen. Die Versailler Regierung schreit:
Brandstiftung! u n d flüstert dies Stichwort allen ihren H a n d l a n g e r n zu bis
20 ins entfernteste Dorf, auf ihre Gegner überall Jagd zu m a c h e n als der
gewerbsmäßigen Brandstiftung verdächtig. Die Bourgeoisie der g a n z e n
Welt sieht der M a s s e n s c h l ä c h t e r e i nach der Schlacht wohlgefällig zu, aber
sie entsetzt sich über die E n t w e i h u n g von D a c h u n d F a c h !
W e n n Regierungen ihren Kriegsflotten Staatsfreibrief geben, „zu t ö d t e n ,
25 zu v e r b r e n n e n und zu z e r s t ö r e n " , ist das 11431 ein Freibrief für Brandstiftung?
Als die britischen T r u p p e n muthwillig das Kapitol in Washington u n d den
Sommerpalast des K a i s e r s von China v e r b r a n n t e n , w a r das Brandstiftung?
Als Thiers sechs W o c h e n lang Paris b o m b a r d i r t e , unter dem V o r w a n d , d a ß
er bloß solche H ä u s e r a n z ü n d e n wollte, in d e n e n L e u t e seien, w a r das
30
Brandstiftung? — Im Krieg ist F e u e r eine vollständig rechtmäßige Waffe.
G e b ä u d e , v o m Feinde besetzt, b o m b a r d i r t m a n , um sie a n z u z ü n d e n .
M ü s s e n die Vertheidiger sie verlassen, so stecken sie selber sie in Brand,
damit die Angreifer sich nicht darin festsetzen k ö n n e n . N i e d e r g e b r a n n t zu
w e r d e n , w a r stets das unvermeidliche Schicksal aller in der Sehlachtfront
35
aller regelmäßigen A r m e e n der Welt gelegenen G e b ä u d e . Aber im Krieg der
G e k n e c h t e t e n gegen ihre U n t e r d r ü c k e r , d e m einzig rechtmäßigen Krieg in
der Geschichte, da soll dies bei L e i b e nicht gelten! Die K o m m u n e hat das
Feuer, im strengsten Sinne des W o r t s , als Vertheidigungsmittel gebraucht.
Sie w a n d t e es an, um den Versailler T r u p p e n j e n e langen graden Straßen zu
40 versperren, die H a u s s m a n n absichtlich d e m Artilleriefeuer offen gelegt
hatte; sie w a n d t e es an, um ihren R ü c k z u g zu d e c k e n , grade wie die
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Versailler in ihrem Vordringen ihre G r a n a t e n a n w a n d t e n , die m i n d e s t e n s
ebensoviel H ä u s e r zerstörten wie das F e u e r der K o m m u n e . N o c h jetzt ist
es streitig, w e l c h e G e b ä u d e d u r c h die Vertheidiger u n d w e l c h e d u r c h die
Angreifer angezündet w u r d e n . U n d die Vertheidiger n a h m e n Zuflucht z u m
F e u e r erst dann, als die Versailler T r u p p e n bereits mit ihrem M a s s e n a b m o r d e n der Gefangenen b e g o n n e n hatten. — Z u d e m h a t t e die K o m m u n e
längst v o r h e r öffentlich angekündigt, d a ß , w e n n zum A e u ß e r s t e n getrieben,
sie sich unter den T r ü m m e r n von Paris b e g r a b e n , und aus Paris ein zweites
M o s k a u m a c h e n w e r d e , wie die Vertheidigungsregierung, freilich nur als
D e c k m a n t e l ihres V e r r a t h s , dies ebenfalls v e r s p r o c h e n h a t t e . G e r a d e für
diesen Z w e c k hatte T r o c h u das nöthige P e t r o l e u m herbeigeschafft. Die
K o m m u n e w u ß t e , daß ihren Gegnern N i c h t s lag am L e b e n des Pariser
Volks, a b e r sehr viel an ihren eigenen Pariser G e b ä u d e n . U n d Thiers,
seinerseits, hatte erklärt, er w e r d e in seiner R a c h e unerbittlich sein. Sobald
er erst seine A r m e e schlagfertig hatte auf d e r einen Seite, und auf der
a n d e r n die P r e u ß e n den Ausgang absperrten, rief er a u s : „ I c h w e r d e erbarmungslos sein! Die B u ß e wird vollständig sein, die Justiz streng." W e n n die
T h a t e n der Pariser Arbeiter Vandalismus w a r e n , so w a r e n sie der Vandalism u s der verzweifelnden Ver||44|theidigung, nicht der Vandalismus des
T r i u m p h s , wie der, dessen die Christen sich schuldig m a c h t e n an den wirklieh u n s c h ä t z b a r e n K u n s t w e r k e n des heidnischen A l t e r t h u m s ; u n d selbst
dieser Vandalismus ist vom Geschichtschreiber gerechtfertigt w o r d e n als ein
unumgängliches u n d verhältnißmäßig u n b e d e u t e n d e s M o m e n t in d e m Riesenkampf zwischen einer neuen, e m p o r k o m m e n d e n und einer alten z u s a m m e n b r e c h e n d e n Gesellschaft. N o c h weniger w a r es der Vandalismus H a u s s m a n n ' s , der das historische Paris wegfegte, um dem Paris des B u m m l e r s
Platz zu schaffen.
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A b e r die Hinrichtung der vierundsechszig Geiseln, v o r a n den Erzbischof
von Paris, durch die K o m m u n e ! — Die Bourgeoisie u n d ihre A r m e e hatten
im Juni 1848 eine längst aus der Kriegführung v e r s c h w u n d e n e Sitte w i e d e r 30
eingeführt — das Erschießen ihrer wehrlosen Gefangenen. Diese brutale
Sitte ist seitdem mehr oder weniger a n g e w a n d t w o r d e n bei jeder U n t e r d r ü c k u n g eines Volksaufstands in E u r o p a u n d Indien, w o m i t b e w i e s e n ist,
daß sie ein wirklicher „Fortschritt der Civilisation" w a r ! Andrerseits hatten
die P r e u ß e n in Frankreich die Sitte w i e d e r ins L e b e n gerufen, Geiseln zu 35
n e h m e n — unschuldige L e u t e , die ihnen, mit ihrem L e b e n , für die H a n d lungen A n d e r e r hafteten. Als Thiers, wie wir sahen, s c h o n v o m Anfang des
K a m p f e s an die menschliche Sitte des E r s c h i e ß e n s der kommunalistischen
Gefangenen in Kraft setzte, blieb der K o m m u n e nichts übrig, z u m S c h u t z
des L e b e n s dieser Gefangnen, als zur p r e u ß i s c h e n Sitte des Geiselngreifens 40
ihre Zuflucht zu n e h m e n . D a s L e b e n der Geiseln w a r aber u n d abermals
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verwirkt durch das anhaltende E r s c h i e ß e n v o n Gefangenen durch die Versailler. W i e k o n n t e m a n ihrer n o c h länger s c h o n e n n a c h dem Blutbade,
w o m i t M a c M a h o n s Prätorianer ihren E i n m a r s c h in Paris feierten? Sollte
a u c h das letzte Gegengewicht gegen die rücksichtslose Wildheit der Bour5 geoisregierungen — die Ergreifung v o n Geiseln — z u m bloßen G e s p ö t t
w e r d e n ? Der wirkliche M ö r d e r des Erzbischofs D a r b o y ist Thiers. Die
K o m m u n e hatte aber u n d abermals angeboten, den Erzbischof u n d einen
ganzen Haufen Pfaffen in den K a u f a u s z u w e c h s e l n , gegen den einzigen von
Thiers festgehaltenen Blanqui. Thiers weigerte sich hartnäckig. Er w u ß t e ,
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daß er der K o m m u n e mit Blanqui einen Kopf geben w e r d e , w ä h r e n d der
Erzbischof seinen Z w e c k e n am b e s t e n dienen w ü r d e als — L e i c h e . Thiers
a h m t e hierin Cavaignac nach. W e l c h e n Schrei des E n t s e t z e n s ließen nicht |
|451 im Juni 1848, Cavaignac u n d seine O r d n u n g s m ä n n e r los, als sie die Insurgenten als M ö r d e r des Erzbischofs Affre b r a n d m a r k t e n ! U n d d o c h w u ß t e n
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sie ganz genau, daß der Erzbischof von den Ordnungssoldaten erschossen
w o r d e n . J a c q u e m e t , der Generalvikar des E r z b i s c h o f s , hatte ihnen unmittelbar n a c h der T h a t sein dahin lautendes Zeugniß eingehändigt.
Dieser ganze V e r l e u m d u n g s c h o r , den die Ordnungspartei in ihren Blutfesten nie verfehlt gegen ihre Schlachtopfer a n z u s t i m m e n , beweist bloß,
20 daß der heutige Bourgeois sich für den rechtmäßigen Nachfolger des ehemaligen F e u d a l h e r r n ansieht, der jede Waffe, in seiner eignen H a n d , für
gerechtfertigt hielt gegenüber d e m Plebejer, w ä h r e n d irgendwelche Waffe
in der H a n d des Plebejers v o n v o r n h e r e i n ein V e r b r e c h e n a u s m a c h t e .
Die V e r s c h w ö r u n g der h e r r s c h e n d e n K l a s s e zum U m s t u r z der Revolution
25 durch einen unter d e m S c h u t z des f r e m d e n E r o b e r e r s geführten Bürgerkrieg — eine V e r s c h w ö r u n g , deren S p u r e n wir gefolgt sind vom S e p t e m b e r
bis h e r a b z u m E i n m a r s c h der M a c M a h o n ' s c h e n Prätorianer d u r c h das
St. Clouder T h o r — gipfelte in d e m Blutbade v o n Paris. Bismarck schaut mit
vergnügten Sinnen auf die T r ü m m e r v o n Paris, in d e n e n er vielleicht die
30 „erste R a t e " jener allgemeinen Z e r s t ö r u n g der großen Städte sah, die er
bereits erfleht hatte, als er n o c h ein einfacher Rural in der preußischen
C h a m b r e introuvable von 1849 w a r . Er schaut zufrieden auf die L e i c h e n des
Pariser Proletariats. F ü r ihn ist dies nicht nur die Austilgung der Revolution,
sondern zugleich die Austilgung F r a n k r e i c h s , das jetzt in Wirklichkeit ent35
hauptet ist, u n d durch die französische Regierung obendrein. Mit der, allen
erfolgreichen S t a a t s m ä n n e r n eignen, Seichtigkeit sieht er nur die Oberfläche
dieses u n g e h e u r e n geschichtlichen Ereignisses. Wo hat je v o r h e r die
Geschichte das Schauspiel vorgeführt eines Siegers, der seinen Sieg damit
krönt, daß er sich nicht nur z u m G e n s d a r m e n , sondern auch zum gemie40 theten B r a v o der besiegten Regierung hergibt? Z w i s c h e n P r e u ß e n u n d der
K o m m u n e v o n Paris w a r kein Krieg. Im Gegentheil, die K o m m u n e h a t t e die
221
Kar/ Marx
Friedenspräliminarien a n g e n o m m e n u n d P r e u ß e n h a t t e seine Neutralität
erklärt. Preußen war also keine kriegführende Partei. Es handelte als B r a v o ;
als feiger B r a v o , weil es keinerlei Gefahr auf sich lud; als gemietheter
B r a v o , weil es im V o r a u s die Zahlung seines Blutgeldes von 500 Millionen
von d e m Fall von Paris abhängig m a c h t e . U n d so k a m d e n n end||46|lich
5
an den Tag der w a h r e Charakter jenes Krieges, den die V o r s e h u n g angeo r d n e t hatte zur Züchtigung des gottlosen u n d liederlichen F r a n k r e i c h s d u r c h
das fromme und sittliche D e u t s c h l a n d ! U n d dieser u n e r h ö r t e B r u c h des Völk e r r e c h t s , selbst wie es von den Juristen der alten Welt v e r s t a n d e n , statt die
„zivilisirten" Regierungen E u r o p a s aufzurütteln, daß sie dies rechtsbrüchige 10
P r e u ß e n , das bloße W e r k z e u g des Petersburger K a b i n e t s , in die A c h t der
Völker erklären — treibt sie nur zu der E r w ä g u n g , ob die wenigen Schlachtopfer, die der doppelten P o s t e n k e t t e um Paris entgehen, nicht a u c h n o c h
dem Versailler H e n k e r auszuliefern sind!
D a ß nach dem gewaltigsten Krieg der n e u e r e n Zeit, die siegreiche u n d die 15
besiegte A r m e e sich v e r b ü n d e n z u m g e m e i n s a m e n A b s c h l a c h t e n des Proletariats — ein so u n e r h ö r t e s Ereigniß beweist, nicht wie Bismarck glaubt, die
endliche N i e d e r d r ü c k u n g der sich e m p o r a r b e i t e n d e n neuen Gesellschaft,
sondern die vollständige Zerbröckelung der alten Bourgeoisgesellschaft.
D e r h ö c h s t e heroische A u f s c h w u n g , d e s s e n die alte Gesellschaft n o c h fähig 20
war, ist der Nationalkrieg, u n d dieser erweist sich jetzt als reiner Regierungsschwindel, der keinen a n d e r n Z w e c k m e h r hat, als den K l a s s e n k a m p f
hinauszuschieben, u n d der bei Seite fliegt, sobald der K l a s s e n k a m p f in
Bürgerkrieg auflodert. Die K l a s s e n h e r r s c h a f t ist nicht länger im S t a n d e ,
sich unter einer nationalen Uniform zu v e r s t e c k e n ; die nationalen Regie- 25
rungen sind Eins gegenüber dem Proletariat!
N a c h Pfingstsonntag 1871 k a n n es keinen F r i e d e n u n d keine W a f f e n r u h e
m e h r geben zwischen den Arbeitern F r a n k r e i c h s u n d den Aneignern ihrer
Arbeitserzeugnisse. Die eiserne H a n d einer g e m i e t h e t e n Soldateska mag
beide Klassen, für eine Zeitlang, in g e m e i n s a m e r U n t e r d r ü c k u n g nieder- 30
halten. A b e r der K a m p f m u ß aber u n d abermals a u s b r e c h e n , in stets
w a c h s e n d e r Ausbreitung, u n d es k a n n kein Zweifel sein, w e r der endliche
Sieger sein wird — die wenigen Aneigner, oder die u n g e h e u r e arbeitende
Majorität. U n d die französischen Arbeiter bilden nur die V o r h u t des ganzen
m o d e r n e n Proletariats.
35
W ä h r e n d die europäischen Regierungen so, vor Paris, den internationalen
C h a r a k t e r der Klassenherrschaft bethätigen, schreien sie Zeter ü b e r die
Internationale Arbeiterassoziation — die internationale Gegen-Organisation
der Arbeit gegen die weltbürgerliche V e r s c h w ö r u n g des Kapitals — als
Hauptquelle alles dieses Unheils. Thiers klagte sie an als den D e s | | 4 7 | p o t e n 40
der Arbeit, der sich als ihren Befreier ausgebe. Picard befahl alle Verbindung der französischen Internationalen mit d e n e n des A u s l a n d e s abzu222
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schneiden; Graf Jaubert, der alte, zur M u m i e g e w o r d e n e Mitschuldige des
Thiers v o n 1835, erklärte es für die H a u p t a u f g a b e aller Regierungen, sie auszurotten. Die Krautjunker der N a t i o n a l - V e r s a m m l u n g heulen gegen sie, u n d
die g e s a m m t e europäische P r e s s e stimmt ein in den Chor. Ein e h r e n w e r t h e r
französischer Schriftsteller, der u n s r e r Assoziation d u r c h a u s fremd ist,
spricht sich aus wie folgt: „Die Mitglieder des Centraikomitees der Nationalgarde, wie a u c h der größere Theil der Mitglieder der K o m m u n e , sind die
thätigsten, einsichtigsten u n d energischsten K ö p f e der Internationalen
Arbeiter-Assoziation. . . . L e u t e , d u r c h a u s ehrlich, aufrichtig, einsichtig, voll
Hingebung, rein und fanatisch im guten Sinn des W o r t e s . " D e r polizeigefärbte Bourgeoisverstand stellt sich natürlich die Internationale ArbeiterAssoziation vor als eine A r t geheimer V e r s c h w ö r u n g , deren Centraibehörde
von Zeit zu Zeit A u s b r ü c h e in v e r s c h i e d e n e n L ä n d e r n befiehlt. U n s e r e
Assoziation ist aber in der T h a t n u r das internationale Band, das die fortgeschrittensten Arbeiter in den v e r s c h i e d e n e n L ä n d e r n der civilisirten Welt
vereinigt. Wo immer, und in w e l c h e r Gestalt immer, u n d unter welchen
Bedingungen immer der K l a s s e n k a m p f irgend welchen Bestand erhält, da
ist es a u c h natürlich, daß Mitglieder u n s e r e r Assoziation im V o r d e r g r u n d
stehen. Der B o d e n , aus d e m sie e m p o r w ä c h s t , ist die m o d e r n e Gesellschaft
selbst. Sie k a n n nicht niedergestampft w e r d e n d u r c h n o c h so viel Blutvergießen. Um sie niederzustampfen, m ü ß t e n die Regierungen vor Allem die
Zwingherrschaft des Kapitals ü b e r die Arbeit niederstampfen — also die
Bedingung ihres eigenen S c h m a r o t z e r - D a s e i n s .
Das Paris der Arbeiter, mit seiner K o m m u n e , wird ewig gefeiert w e r d e n
als der ruhmvolle V o r b o t e einer n e u e n Gesellschaft. Seine M ä r t y r e r sind
eingeschreint in d e m großen H e r z e n der Arbeiterklasse. Seine Vertilger hat
die Geschichte schon j e t z t an j e n e n Schandpfahl genagelt, von d e m alle
Gebete ihrer Pfaffen o h n m ä c h t i g sind, sie zu erlösen.
Der Generalrath:
30
M . J . B o o n , Fred. Bradnick, G . H . B u t t e r y , Caihil, William H a i e s , K o l b ,
Fred. L e s s n e r , G. Milner, T h o m a s M o t t e r s h e a d , Charles M u r r a y , Pfänder,
Roach, Rühl, Sadler, Cowell S t e p n e y , Alf. Taylor, W. T o w n s h e n d . |
|48| Correspondirende Sekretäre:
Eugène D u p o n t , für F r a n k r e i c h . — K a r l M a r x , für D e u t s c h l a n d u n d
35 Holland. — Friedrich Engels, für Belgien u n d Spanien. — H e r m a n n Jung, für
die Schweiz. — P. Giovacchini, für Italien. — Z é v y Moritz, für U n g a r n . —
Anton Zabicki, für Polen. — J . C o h e n , für D ä n e m a r k . — J . G . E c c a r i u s , für
die Vereinigten Staaten.
H e r m a n n Jung, V o r s i t z e n d e r . — J o h n W e s t o n , Schatzmeister.
Georg H a r r i s , Finanz-Sekretär. — J o h n H a i e s , General-Sekretär.
256, High H o l b o r n , L o n d o n , W . C . , 30. Mai 1871. |
40
223
Karl Marx
| 4 9 | Beilagen.
I. „Die Gefangenen-Kolonne m a c h t e Halt in der A v e n u e U h r i c h , u n d w u r d e
in vier o d e r fünf Gliedern auf dem F u ß s t e i g aufgestellt, F r o n t nach der
S t r a ß e . Der General Marquis de Galliffet und sein Stab stiegen v o m Pferd
u n d inspicirten die Linie, vom linken Flügel anfangend. D e r General ging
langsam entlang, die Reihen besichtigend; hier u n d da hielt er, einen M a n n
an der Schulter b e r ü h r e n d , oder ihn aus den hinteren Gliedern hervorwink e n d . Die so A u s g e s u c h t e n w u r d e n , meist o h n e weitere V e r h a n d l u n g ,
mitten in der Straße aufgestellt, wo sie bald eine kleine S o n d e r - K o l o n n e
b i l d e t e n . . . Es w a r augenscheinlich, daß hierbei für Mißgriffe beträchtlicher
R a u m gelassen war. Ein berittener Offizier m a c h t e den General auf einen
M a n n und eine F r a u wegen irgend einer b e s o n d e r e n Missethat aufmerksam.
Die F r a u , aus den Reihen h e r v o r s t ü r z e n d , fiel auf die K n i e e und b e t h e u e r t e
mit ausgestreckten A r m e n heftig ihre U n s c h u l d . Der General w a r t e t e eine
P a u s e ab, und sagte dann, mit vollständig ruhigem Gesicht u n d unbewegter
Haltung: M a d a m e , ich habe alle T h e a t e r in Paris b e s u c h t , es ist nicht der
M ü h e w e r t h , K o m ö d i e zu spielen (il ne v a u t p a s la peine de jouer la
Comédie) . . . Es w a r an jenem Tage nicht gut für E i n e n , w e n n er merklich
größer, schmutziger, reinlicher, älter, oder häßlicher als seine N e b e n l e u t e
war. V o n einem M a n n e fiel es mir b e s o n d e r s auf, d a ß er seine schleunige
Erlösung aus diesem irdischen J a m m e r t h a l wohl nur seiner eingeschlagenen
Nase verdankte
U e b e r H u n d e r t w u r d e n so ausgesucht, ein Zug Soldaten
z u m Erschießen kommandirt, und 1 1 5 0 | die übrige K o l o n n e marschirte weiter,
w ä h r e n d J e n e zurückblieben. Einige M i n u t e n n a c h h e r fing hinter u n s das
F e u e r an, das — mit kurzen U n t e r b r e c h u n g e n — über eine Viertelstunde
anhielt. Es w a r die Hinrichtung dieser s u m m a r i s c h verurtheilten Unglücklichen." — Pariser K o r r e s p o n d e n t , Daily N e w s vom 8. Juni. — Dieser
Galliffet, „der Louis seiner F r a u , so notorisch durch die schamlose Bloßstellung ihres Leibes bei den Gelagen des zweiten K a i s e r t h u m s " , war,
224
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•Γ
I
Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich · Beilagen
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30
35
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w ä h r e n d des Kriegs, b e k a n n t unter d e m N a m e n des französischen Fähndrich Pistol.
„Der T e m p s , ein bedächtiges und keineswegs der Sensation ergebnes
Blatt, erzählt eine schauerliche G e s c h i c h t e von halbtodtgeschossenen und
vor ihrem T o d begrabnen L e u t e n . E i n e große Anzahl w u r d e auf dem Platz
bei St. Jacques-la-Boucherie b e g r a b e n , m a n c h e v o n ihnen nur leicht mit
E r d e bedeckt. W ä h r e n d des Tags überhallte der Straßenlärm Alles, a b e r in
der Stille der N a c h t w u r d e n die B e w o h n e r der umliegenden H ä u s e r geweckt
d u r c h fernes Stöhnen, und am M o r g e n sah m a n eine geballte F a u s t aus dem
Boden ragen. In Folge dessen w u r d e die Wiederausgrabung der L e i c h e n
b e f o h l e n . . . D a ß viele V e r w u n d e t e lebendig begraben w u r d e n , daran k a n n
ich nicht im Mindesten zweifeln. F ü r einen Fall k a n n ich einstehn. Als
Brunei mit seiner Geliebten am 24. Mai im H o f e eines H a u s e s des V e n d ô m e platzes erschossen w o r d e n , ließ m a n sie bis z u m N a c h m i t t a g des 27. liegen. Als m a n d a n n endlich k a m , die L e i c h e n zu entfernen, fand m a n das
Weib n o c h am L e b e n u n d n a h m sie zu einem Verbandplatz. Obwohl von
vier Kugeln getroffen, ist sie jetzt außer G e f a h r . " Pariser K o r r e s p o n d e n t ,
E v e n i n g Standard vom 8. Juni.
II. Der folgende Brief erschien in der L o n d o n e r „ T i m e s " v o m 13. Juni:
„ A n den R e d a k t e u r der T i m e s . — Mein H e r r ! — Am 6. Juni 1871 hat H e r r
Jules F a v r e ein Rundschreiben an alle E u r o p ä i s c h e n M ä c h t e erlassen, worin
er sie auffordert, die Internationale Arbeiter-Assoziation zu T o d e zu
hetzen. Einige B e m e r k u n g e n w e r d e n hinreichen, dies A k t e n s t ü c k zu k e n n zeichnen.
Schon in der Einleitung zu u n s e r n Statuten ist angegeben, d a ß die Internationale gegründet w u r d e ,am 28. S e p t e m b e r 1864, auf einer öffentlichen
Versammlung in St. Martin's Hall, L o n g A c r e , L o n d o n . ' A u s ihm selbst am
besten b e k a n n t e n G r ü n d e n verlegt Jules F a v r e das D a t u m ihres U r s p r u n g s
hinter das J a h r 1862 zurück. |
| 5 l | Um unsre G r u n d s ä t z e zu erläutern, gibt er vor, ,ihre (der Internationalen) Druckschrift v o m 25. M ä r z 1869' anzuführen. U n d w a s führt er a n ?
Die Druckschrift einer Gesellschaft, die nicht die Internationale ist. Diese
Sorte M a n ö v e r praktizirte er schon, als er, n o c h ein ziemlich junger A d v o k a t ,
den ,National\ ein Pariser Blatt, gegen C a b e t ' s Verleumdungsklage vertheidigte. Damals gab er vor, A u s z ü g e aus C a b e t ' s Flugschriften vorzulesen,
w ä h r e n d er von ihm selbst e i n g e s c h o b e n e Z w i s c h e n s ä t z e vorlas. Dies
Taschenspielerstückchen w u r d e indeß vor vollem Gerichtshof bloßgelegt
und, w ä r e Cabet nicht so nachsichtig g e w e s e n , er w ä r e mit seiner A u s s t o ßung aus dem Pariser A d v o k a t e n s t a n d bestraft w o r d e n . V o n allen A k t e n stücken, die er als A k t e n s t ü c k e der Internationalen anführte, gehört a u c h
nicht Eins der Internationalen an. So sagt er: ,Die Allianz erklärt sich für
225
Karl Marx
atheistisch, sagt der Generalrath, konstituirt in L o n d o n , im Juli 1869.' D e r
Generalrath hat nie solch ein A k t e n s t ü c k erlassen. Im Gegëntheil, er erließ
ein A k t e n s t ü c k , das die Originalstatuten der ,Allianz' — L'Alliance de la D é mocratie Socialiste in Genf —, die Jules F a v r e citirt, annullirte.
In seinem ganzen Circular, das theilweise a u c h gegen das K a i s e r t h u m
gerichtet zu sein vorgibt, wiederholt Jules F a v r e gegen die Internationale
nur die Polizeimährchen der Staatsanwälte des K a i s e r t h u m s , die selbst vor
den Gerichtshöfen desselben K a i s e r t h u m s sich in ihr elendes N i c h t s auflösten.
5
Es ist bekannt, daß der Generalrath der Internationalen in seinen beiden 10
A d r e s s e n (vom Juli u n d S e p t e m b e r 1870) über den damaligen Krieg die
p r e u ß i s c h e n E r o b e r u n g s p l ä n e gegen F r a n k r e i c h anklagte. Später w a n d t e
sich H e r r Reitlinger, Jules F a v r e ' s Privatsekretär, natürlich vergebens, an
einige Mitglieder des G e n e r a l r a t h s , damit der G e n e r a l r a t h eine antibism a r c k ' s c h e M a s s e n k u n d g e b u n g zu G u n s t e n der Regierung der nationalen 15
Vertheidigung veranstalte; es w u r d e b e s o n d e r s gebeten, dabei der Republik
mit keinem Wort zu e r w ä h n e n . Die Vorbereitungen zu einer M a s s e n k u n d gebung bei Gelegenheit der e r w a r t e t e n Ankunft Jules F a v r e ' s in L o n d o n
w u r d e n eingeleitet — gewiß in bester Absicht — gegen den Willen des
Generalraths, der in seiner A d r e s s e v o m 9. S e p t e m b e r die Pariser Arbeiter 20
ausdrücklich u n d im V o r a u s gegen Jules F a v r e u n d seine Kollegen gewarnt
hatte.
W a s w ü r d e Jules F a v r e sagen, w e n n seinerseits der Ge||52|neralrath der
Internationalen ein Rundschreiben über Jules F a v r e an alle europäischen
Cabinette erließe, um ihre b e s o n d e r e Aufmerksamkeit auf die d u r c h d e n 25
verstorbenen H e r r n M i n i è r e in Paris veröffentlichten A k t e n s t ü c k e zu
lenken?
Ich bin, mein H e r r , Ihr ergebener Diener,
John Haies,
Sekretär des Generalraths der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation.
30
256, High H o l b o r n , W . C . , L o n d o n , 12. Juni 1871."
In einem Artikel über „die Internationale Assoziation und ihre Z i e l e " citirt
der L o n d o n e r Spectator als frommer Denunziant, unter a n d e r n ähnlichen
Kunstgriffen, u n d n o c h vollständiger als Jules F a v r e gethan, das obige
A k t e n s t ü c k der „Alliance" als das W e r k der Internationalen, u n d das elf 35
Tage n a c h Veröffentlichung obiger Widerlegung in der Times. Dies k a n n
uns nicht w u n d e r n . Schon Friedrich der G r o ß e pflegte zu sagen, daß von
allen Jesuiten die protestantischen die schlimmsten sind.|
226
S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council
to t h e Editor of " T h e T i m e s "
I To the Times.
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T h e General Council of this Association has instructed me to state, in reply
to your leader of J u n e 19,1871, on the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l " the following facts.
T h e pretended Paris manifestoes, published by t h e Paris-Journal a n d
similar journals, manifestoes w h i c h you place on the same line as our
A d d r e s s on the Civil w a r in F r a n c e , are m e r e fabrications of the Versailles
police.
Y o u say:
" T h e 'political n o t e s ' published by Professor Beesly, and q u o t e d the
other day in these columns, are q u o t e d also, with entire approval, in t h e
a d d r e s s of the Council, and we c a n n o w u n d e r s t a n d how justly the E x E m p e r o r w a s entitled to be called the saviour of s o c i e t y . "
N o w , the Council, in its a d d r e s s , quotes nothing from the "political
n o t e s " except the t e s t i m o n y of the writer, w h o is a k n o w n and h o n o u r a b l e
F r e n c h savant, as to the personal c h a r a c t e r of the "Internationals" implicated in the last Paris revolution. W h a t has this to do with the " E x E m p e r o r " and the society saved by him! The " p r o g r a m m e " of the Association w a s not, as you say, " p r e p a r e d " by Mssrs Tolain and Odger " s e v e n
years a g o " . It was issued by t h e Provisional Council, chosen at t h e public
meeting held at St. Martin's Hall, L o n g A c r e , on 28 S e p t e m b e r 1864.
M. Tolain has n e v e r b e e n a m e m b e r of that Council, nor w a s he p r e s e n t at
L o n d o n , w h e n the p r o g r a m m e w a s d r a w n u p .
Y o u say that " M i l l i è r e " w a s " o n e of the most ferocious m e m b e r s of t h e
C o m m u n e " . Millière has never b e e n a m e m b e r of the C o m m u n e .
" W e " , you p r o c e e d , " s h o u l d also point out that Assi, lately President of
the Association e t c . "
Assi has never been a m e m b e r of the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l " , and as to t h e
dignity of " P r e s i d e n t of the A s s o c i a t i o n " , it has b e e n abolished as long
ago as 1867-1
227
ei
S t a t e m e n t b y t h e G e n e r a l Council
to t h e Editor of " T h e Standard"
To the Editor of the "Standard".
In y o u r leader on t h e "International" (of t h e 19. June) you say:
"Of t h e two p r o g r a m m e s (that of L o n d o n and that of Paris) recently
issued in favour of the C o m m u n e that of t h e Paris b r a n c h has t h e merit of
being the m o r e honest and t h e m o r e o u t s p o k e n .
5
Unfortunately, the " P a r i s " manifesto has b e e n issued not b y our Paris
B r a n c h , but by t h e "Versailles P o l i c e " .
Y o u say:
" T h e L o n d o n Internationalists insist no less earnestly t h a n their Paris
b r e t h r e n that " t h e old society must perish and ought to p e r i s h " . T h e y speak 10
of the burning of the public buildings and t h e shooting of t h e hostages as
"a gigantic effort to bring society down"—which, although unsuccessful
o n c e , will be p e r s e v e r e d in until it s u c c e e d s . "
N o w the General Council of this Association s u m m o n s you to q u o t e t h e
e x a c t pages and lines of our A d d r e s s w h e r e t h e w o r d s attributed by you to 15
us do occur!J
228
Friedrich Engels
S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council
o n G e o r g e Jacob H o l y o a k e ' s letter
I To the Editor of the Daily News
Sir
5
10
15
20
I am instructed by the General Council of the International Working M e n ' s
Association to state, in reply to Mr G e o . J a c o b H o l y o a k e ' s Letter in T u e s d a y ' s Daily News—.
1. As to the insinuation that the a d d r e s s issued by the Council " m a y
b e c o m e a cause of d e a t h or deportation at Versailles", the Council thinks
that its Paris friends are better judges t h a n Mr H o l y o a k e .
2. It is a rule with the Council that the n a m e s of all its m e m b e r s w h e t h e r
absent or p r e s e n t are a p p e n d e d to its public d o c u m e n t s . On this occasion,
however, an exception w a s m a d e , a n d the c o n s e n t of absent m e m b e r s w a s
formally requested.
3. As to the statement that this a d d r e s s " c a n n o t be an English p r o d u c t i o n ,
though manifestly revised by s o m e S a x o n or Celtic p e n " , the Council
begs to o b s e r v e that, as a matter of c o u r s e , the productions of an international Society c a n n o t h a v e any national character. H o w e v e r , the Council
need not h a v e any secrets in this matter. T h e a d d r e s s , like m a n y previous
publications of the Council, was d r a w n up by 11 the Corresponding S e c r e t a r y
for G e r m a n y , Dr Karl M a r x , w a s adopted unanimously and " r e v i s e d " by
nobody.
4. On t h e . . . 1870, Mr George J a c o b H o l y o a k e p r e s e n t e d himself as a
Candidate for m e m b e r s h i p of t h e Council b u t w a s not admitted.
I am Sir your obedient Servant.
S e c r e t a r y to General Council I. W. M. A.|
229
Friedrich E n g e l s
Letter from t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l
to t h e Editor of t h e " S p e c t a t o r " (resp. "Examiner")
I To the Editor
of the Spectator (resp. Examiner)
Sir
Y o u will m u c h oblige the General Council of the International Working
M e n ' s Association by giving publicity to the fact that all the p r e t e n d e d
Manifestoes and other publications of the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l s " of Paris, with
w h i c h the English Press is n o w teeming (and w h i c h all of t h e m w e r e first
published by the notorious " P a r i s J o u r n a l " ) are w i t h o u t o n e exception p u r e
fabrications of the Versailles Police.
I amj
230
Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels: Entwürfe von Erklärungen an das „ E c h o " und die
„Pall Mall G a z e t t e "
Karl Marx
To t h e Editor of t h e " E c h o "
Probably June 20 or 2 1 , 1871
I To the Editor of the "Echo."
Sir,
In your leading article of J u n e 19 y o u say: "If the 'International' b o a s t s of
having caused this civil w a r and having directed the councils of its l e a d e r s ,
let it at least be k n o w n e t c . " /
233
Friedrich
Engels
Statement by the General Council
t o t h e Editor o f t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e "
/Editor Pall Mall Gazette
Sir
T h e Pall Mall G a z e t t e o f T u e s d a y says: M r G . J . H o l y o a k e e t c
N o w Mr. G. J. H[olyoake] d o e s n o t state anything of t h e kind. He states,
in T u e s d a y ' s Daily N e w s :
w h i c h is something quite different.
It is a rule (same as to Daily N e w s N r 2)
I am Sir e t c J[ohn] H[ales]
S e c r e t a r y to G e n e r a l Council I. W. Μ. A. I
234
T h e Eastern Post. London. Nr. 144, 1. Juli 1871.
Titelblatt
Karl M a r x : To t h e Editor of t h e "Daily N e w s " . June 26, 1871.
T h e Eastern Post. London. Nr. 144, I.Juli 1871. S.5
r
Karl Marx
To t h e Editor of t h e "Daily N e w s "
June 26, 1871
The Eastern Post.
Nr. 144, 1. Juli 1871
Sir,—A Council consisting of m o r e t h a n thirty m e m b e r s cannot, of c o u r s e ,
draw up its o w n d o c u m e n t s . It m u s t entrust that t a s k to some one or other
of its m e m b e r s , reserving to itself the right of rejecting or amending. T h e
address on the "Civil W a r in F r a n c e , " d r a w n up by myself, w a s unanimously
5 adopted by the General Council of the International, and is therefore the
official e m b o d i m e n t of its o w n views. W i t h regard however, to the p e r s o n a l
charges brought forward against Jules F a v r e and Co., t h e case stands
otherwise. On this point t h e great majority of the Council had to rely u p o n
my t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s . This w a s t h e v e r y r e a s o n w h y I supported the motion
10 of another m e m b e r of the Council t h a t Mr. J o h n H a l e s , in his a n s w e r to
Mr. H o l y o a k e should n a m e me as the a u t h o r of t h e a d d r e s s . I hold myself
alone responsible for t h o s e c h a r g e s , and h e r e b y challenge Jules F a v r e and
Co. to p r o s e c u t e me for libel. In his letter Mr. Llewellyn Davies says, " I t
is melancholy to r e a d the charges of p e r s o n a l b a s e n e s s so freely flung by
15
F r e n c h m e n at one a n o t h e r . " D o e s this s e n t e n c e n o t s o m e w h a t s m a c k of that
Pharisaical self-righteousness with w h i c h William C o b b e t t had so often
taunted the British mind? L e t me a s k Mr. Llewellyn Davies w h i c h w a s
w o r s e , the F r e n c h petite presse, fabricating in the service of the police the
most infamous slanders against the C o m m u n a l s , dead, captive, or hidden,
20 or the English p r e s s r e p r o d u c i n g t h e m to this d a y , despite its professed
c o n t e m p t for the petite presse. I do n o t consider it a F r e n c h inferiority
that such serious charges for i n s t a n c e as t h o s e b r o u g h t forward against t h e
late L o r d Palmerston, during a q u a r t e r of a c e n t u r y , by a m a n like Mr. David
U r q u h a r t , could h a v e b e e n b u r k e d in E n g l a n d b u t not in F r a n c e .
237
Friedrich Engels
S t a t e m e n t by t h e G e n e r a l Council on t h e letters
of G e o r g e Jacob H o l y o a k e and Benjamin Lucraft
[Manuscript]
I To the Editor Daily News
SirI am instructed by the Council to state, in reply to the letters of M e s s r s
G. J. Holy[oak]e and B . L [ u c r a f t ] , in M o n d a y ' s Daily News—
1. Mr H o l y o a k e , in t h e c o u r s e of last year, a t t e n d e d a meeting of the
Council and, after he had retired, Mr J o h n W e s t o n declared that Mr George
J a c . Holfyoake] wished to b e c o m e a m e m b e r of the Council principally
with a view of appearing as a delegate at the n e x t General Congress of t h e
Association to be held in Paris S e p t e m b e r 1870. This c o m m u n i c a t i o n w a s ,
h o w e v e r , received in such a m a n n e r that Mr W e s t o n did not insist.
2. At the Meeting of the Council of the 2 3 M a y , Mr Lucraft being
present, it w a s officially a n n o u n c e d that the draft of the A d d r e s s on the
Civil War in F r a n c e would be read a n d discussed at t h e n e x t ordinary
meeting, M a y 3 0 . It w a s thus left entirely to Mr L u c r a f t to decide w h e t h e r
he would be p r e s e n t or absent on that day. At the meeting of T u e s d a y
2 0 J u n e , M r Lucraft w a s compelled t o o w n that h e h a d n o t e v e n then r e a d
the a d d r e s s itself, and that all his impressions a b o u t it w e r e derived from
the statements of the P r e s s only.
T h e resignations of M e s s r B. Lucraft and G . O d g e r h a v e this day b e e n
a c c e p t e d by the Council. |
r d
th
th
238
Statement by the General Council on the letters of G.J. Holyoake and B. Lucraft
[Printed text]
The Daily News.
Nr. 7852, 29. Juni 1871
To the Editor of the Daily News.
Sir,—I am instructed by the General Council of the International W o r k i n g
M e n ' s Association to reply to the letters of M e s s r s . G . J . H o l y o a k e a n d
5 B. Lucraft, which a p p e a r e d in y o u r issue of M o n d a y last. I find, on referring
to the minutes of the Council, that M r . H o l y o a k e attended a meeting of t h e
Council, by permission, on the 16th of N o v e m b e r , 1869, and during t h e
sitting expressed his desire to b e c o m e a m e m b e r of the Council, and to
attend the n e x t General Congress of t h e International, to be held in Paris,
10
September, 1870. After he had retired, Mr. J o h n W e s t o n p r o p o s e d him as
a candidate for m e m b e r s h i p , but the proposition was received in such a
m a n n e r that Mr. W e s t o n did not insist, b u t w i t h d r e w it. W i t h regard to
Mr. Lucraft's statement that h e w a s not p r e s e n t w h e n the address w a s
voted upon, I may say that Mr. Lucraft w a s p r e s e n t at a meeting of t h e C o u n -
15
cil held on the 23rd of M a y , 1871, w h e n it w a s officially a n n o u n c e d that t h e
draught of t h e address on the "Civil W a r in F r a n c e " would be read a n d
discussed at the n e x t ordinary meeting of t h e Council, M a y t h e 30th. It w a s
therefore left entirely to Mr. Lucraft to decide w h e t h e r he would be p r e s e n t
or absent u p o n that occasion, and not only did he know that it was the rule
20
of the Council to a p p e n d the n a m e s of all its m e m b e r s , p r e s e n t or a b s e n t ,
to its public d o c u m e n t s , b u t he w a s o n e of t h e m o s t strenuous supporters of
that rule, and resisted on several occasions a t t e m p t s m a d e to dispense with
it—on M a y 23, amongst others—and he t h e n voluntarily informed the Council
that "his entire s y m p a t h y w a s with t h e C o m m u n e of P a r i s . " On T u e s d a y
25 evening, J u n e 20, at a meeting of t h e Council, Mr. Lucraft w a s forced to
admit that he had not e v e n then r e a d the address itself, but that all his
impressions about it w e r e derived from t h e s t a t e m e n t s of t h e p r e s s . W i t h
r e s p e c t to Mr. Odger's repudiation, all I can say is that he w a s waited u p o n
personally and informed that the Council w a s about to issue an a d d r e s s ,
30
and w a s asked if he objected to his n a m e appearing in connection with it,
and he said " N o . " T h e public can d r a w its o w n conclusions. I may add t h a t
t h e resignations of M e s s r s . L u c r a f t and Odger h a v e b e e n accepted by t h e
Council unanimously—I am, sir, y o u r obedient servant,
JOHN
HALES,
S e c r e t a r y to the General Council of the
International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association.
35
256, High H o l b o r n , W. C.
239
Karl Marx
An die Redaktion der „ N e u e n Freien P r e s s e "
30. Juni 1871
Neue Freie Presse. Morgenblatt. Nr. 2462,
4. Juli 1871
An die Redaction der „Neuen Freien Presse".
U n t e r d e m Titel: „ E i n e socialistische S o i r é e " , gezeichnet W., bringt die
Wiener „Presse" ein Feuilleton, worin ich die E h r e h a b e zu figuriren. W.
traf mich, wie er sagt, in einer Soirée bei Herzen. Er erinnert sich sogar der
R e d e n , die ich dort gehalten habe.
Ein entschiedener Gegner H e r z e n ' s , verweigerte ich stets mit ihm zus a m m e n z u k o m m e n und h a b e den M a n n d a h e r niemals in meinem L e b e n
gesehen.
Ich bezweifle, ob der phantasiereiche W. jemals in L o n d o n war. A u ß e r
in Palästen gibt es dort keine „Marmortreppen", die W. sogar in H e r z e n ' s
„ C o t t a g e " fand.
Ich fordere denselben W., den die L o r b e e r n des Paris-Journal u n d ähnlicher Polizei-Organe nicht schlafen lassen, hiemit auf, sich zu n e n n e n .
London, 30. Juni 1871
240
KARL
MARX
Friedrich Engels
"The Civil War in France"
und die e n g l i s c h e P r e s s e
Der Volksstaat. Nr.54,
5. Juli 1871
5
10
15
20
25
30
London, 30. Juni. Solange L o n d o n steht, hat keine Druckschrift ein solches
A u f s e h e n hervorgerufen, wie die A d r e s s e des Generalraths der Internationalen. Die große Presse v e r s u c h t e Anfangs ihr beliebtes Mittel des Todtschweigens; aber einige Tage reichten hin ihr zu beweisen, daß dies hier
nicht ging. „ T e l e g r a p h " , „ S t a n d a r d " , „ S p e c t a t o r " , „Pall Mall G a z e t t e " ,
„ T i m e s " m u ß t e n sich n a c h einander b e q u e m e n , das „ b e a c h t e n s w e r t h e
D o k u m e n t " zu beleitartikeln. D a n n k a m e n Briefe Dritter in den Blättern,
die auf Dies u n d J e n e s im B e s o n d e r n aufmerksam m a c h t e n . D a n n wieder
Leitartikel, und am W o c h e n s c h l u ß k a m e n die W o c h e n b l ä t t e r abermals
darauf zurück. Die ganze P r e s s e hat einstimmig b e k e n n e n m ü s s e n , daß
die Internationale eine e u r o p ä i s c h e G r o ß m a c h t ist, mit der m a n r e c h n e n
m u ß , die m a n nicht beseitigt, indem m a n nicht von ihr spricht. Die stylistische Meisterschaft, mit der die A d r e s s e abgefaßt ist — eine Sprache, so
kraftvoll wie die William C o b b e t t ' s , sagt der „ S p e c t a t o r " — m u ß t e n sie Alle
anerkennen. D a ß diese B o u r g e o i s p r e s s e über eine so energische Geltendm a c h u n g des proletarischen S t a n d p u n k t e s , eine so entscheidende R e c h t fertigung der Pariser K o m m u n e ziemlich einstimmig herfallen w e r d e , w a r
zu erwarten. E b e n s o daß die v o n d e n Pariser Polizeiblättern fabrizirten
Stieberiaden u n d die von Jules F a v r e der Internationalen in die S c h u h e
geschobenen Schriftstücke einer ganz a n d e r n Gesellschaft (der Bakunin'schen Allianz der Sozialdemokratie), trotz des öffentlichen Widerspruchs des Generalraths, ihr zugeschrieben w u r d e n . Indeß w u r d e d o c h
schließlich selbst dem Philister der L ä r m zu arg. „Daily N e w s " fing an, zu
beruhigen und der „ E x a m i n e r " , das einzige Blatt, das sich wirklich anständig b e n a h m , trat in einem eingehenden Artikel entschieden für die
Internationale auf. Zwei englische Mitglieder des Generalraths, deren
Einer (Odger) schon lange mit der Bourgeoisie auf einem viel zu guten F u ß
gestanden, und der A n d e r e (Lucraft) d u r c h seine Wahl in den L o n d o n e r
Schulrath b e d e u t e n d rücksichtsvoller gegen die Meinung „ r e s p e k t a b l e r "
L e u t e g e w o r d e n zu sein scheint, ließen sich d u r c h den Zeitungslärm be-
241
Friedrich Engels
w e g e n , ihren Austritt zu erklären, der auch einstimmig a n g e n o m m e n w u r d e .
Sie sind bereits d u r c h zwei andere englische Arbeiter ersetzt u n d w e r d e n
bald m e r k e n , was es auf sich hat, in der S t u n d e der E n t s c h e i d u n g das Proletariat zu verrathen.
Ein englischer Pfaffe Llewellyn Davies j a m m e r t e in der „Daily N e w s "
5
über die in der A d r e s s e enthaltenen S c h m ä h u n g e n gegen Jules F a v r e u n d
C o n s o r t e n , u n d meinte, es sei d o c h w ü n s c h e n s w e r t h , daß die W a h r h e i t
oder U n w a h r h e i t dieser Anklagen festgestellt w e r d e , meinetwegen d u r c h
einen P r o z e ß der französischen Regierung gegen den Generalrath. Am
n ä c h s t e n Tage erklärte Karl Marx im selben Blatt, er halte sich, als Ver10
fasser der Adresse, persönlich
verantwortlich für diese Anklagen; die
französische Gesandtschaft scheint aber keinen Befehl zu haben, mit
einer Verläumdungsklage gegen ihn v o r z u g e h e n . Schließlich erklärt d a n n
die „Pall Mall G a z e t t e " das sei a u c h gar nicht nöthig, der Privatcharakter
eines S t a a t s m a n n e s sei immer heilig, u n d nur seine öffentlichen H a n d l u n g e n 15
dürften angegriffen w e r d e n . Natürlich, w e n n der Privatcharakter der
englischen Staatsmänner vor die Oeffentlichkeit gezogen w ü r d e , so w ä r e
der jüngste Tag der oligarchischen und bürgerlichen Welt g e k o m m e n .
Ein Artikel von und über den L u m p e n Netschajeff hat aus dem „Wiener
W a n d e r e r " die R u n d e der d e u t s c h e n P r e s s e g e m a c h t , worin seine T h a t e n 20
verherrlicht w e r d e n , z u s a m m e n mit denen v o n Serebrenikoff u n d Elpidin.
Sollte dies sich wiederholen, so w e r d e n wir auf dies saubere Kleeblatt
näher z u r ü c k k o m m e n . F ü r jetzt nur die B e m e r k u n g , daß Elpidin ein n o t o rischer russischer Spion ist.
242
Karl Marx
Letter to t h e Editor
of t h e "Pall Mall G a z e t t e " ,
Frederick G r e e n w o o d
The Pall Mall Gazette.
Nr. 1992, 3.Juli 1871
Haverstock-hill, N.
June 30, 1871.
W.,
Sir,—I h a v e declared in the Daily News—and y o u h a v e reprinted in t h e Pall
Mall—that I hold myself alone responsible for the charges brought forward
against Jules " F a v r e and C o . "
In your y e s t e r d a y ' s publication you declare t h e s e charges to be "libels."
I declare you to be a libeller. It is no fault of mine that you are as ignorant
as arrogant. If we lived on the Continent, I should call you to a c c o u n t in
another way.—Obediently,
KARL MARX.
243
Friedrich Engels
Aufzeichnungen von einer Unterredung zwischen
Karl Marx und Robert Reid
I Robert Reid
Ex-Correspondent Daily Telegraph.
l.Juli 1871
B o w e r C o r r e s p o n d e n t Morning Advertiser im R e s t a u r a n t Peters bei d e m
Arrest, w u r d e mit dem anderen Times-Correspondenten Dallas und einem
Russischen A t t a c h é freigelassen, ging aber wieder hinein um seine
(englische) D a m e zu holen, die aber grade mit einem a n d e r e n H e r r n schön
that he pitched into him assaulted him w a s t a k e n in c u s t o d y and locked up
for that.
Diese 3 p u b l i e n t einen Brief in der Vérité der falsch war. 1) es seien
Mitglieder der C o m m u n e im Café g e w e s e n mit r o t h e n u n d goldenen Schärp e n u n d a u c h H u r e n im Café die ihre K a r t e n vorgezeigt, u n d 2) daß der
B o w e r verhaftet o h n e G r u n d (es w a r e n n u r die Polizei-Commissare die
mit rothen Schärpen aber o h n e Goldfransen).
Im Telegraph Reid's R e p o r t s often altered. A v e r y important letter w a s
suppressed b y them.
On 2 0 M a y hatte Wr[ight] die Zeitung. Telegraph 17 or 1 8 M a y Versailles C o r r e s p o n d e n t stated that C o u r b e t had with a h a m m e r destroyed
objects of art in L o u v r e . Reid zeigte am 20. dies T e l e g r a m m dem Courbet.
Folgender Brief von C o u r b e t an d e n Editor des Telegraph:
Sir N o t only h a v e I not destroyed any w o r k s of art in the L o u v r e , b u t on
the contrary it w a s under my care that all those which had been dispersed
by various ministers in different buildings t h r o u g h o u t the capital w e r e
collected, and restored to their p r o p e r places in t h e M u s e u m . In like m a n n e r
the L u x e m b u r g w a s benefited. It w a s I w h o p r e s e r v e d and arranged all the
w o r k s of art r e m o v e d from the house of M. Thiers. I am a c c u s e d of having
destroyed the Column V e n d ô m e w h e n the fact is on r e c o r d that the d e c r e e
for its destruction w a s p a s s e d 14 April and I w a s elected to the C o m m u n e
th
10
15
th
th
244
5
20
25
Γ
Aufzeichnungen von einer Unterredung zwischen Karl Marx und Robert Reid
5
on t h e 20, six d a y s afterwards. I w a r m l y urged t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n of t h e
bas-reliefs and p r o p o s e d to form a M u s e u m of t h e m in t h e C o u r t of t h e
Invalides. K n o w i n g t h e purity of t h e m o t i v e s by [| w h i c h I h a v e b e e n
actuated, I also k n o w t h e difficulties o n e inherits in c o m i n g after a régime
such as the E m p i r e .
Salut et fraternité
G. C o u r b e t .
H ô t e l de Ville 20 M a y 7 1 .
Dieser Brief d u r c h Reid an d e n T e l e g r a p h geschickt aber u n t e r d r ü c k t .
10
Gegen 10./12. April s. P a p e r s .
Tolain C o r r e s p o n d e n t der T i m e s w ü n s c h t e zu wissen was der G e n e r a l - R a t h
dazu sagen w ü r d e — Times u n t e r d r ü c k t ] u n s e r e n B e s c h l u ß .
15
Reid w a r für den Telegraph engagiert T e l e g r a m m e zu schicken und ist bereit
zu s c h w ö r e n daß sie zu U n g u n s t e n der C o m m u n e abgeändert w o r d e n im
Abdruck.
20
A d o l p h u s Smith E x - C o r r e s p o n d e n t Daily N e w s Vorlesung über C o m m u n e
Charing C r o s s T h e a t r e 3/7/71.
Bei der D e m o n s t r a t i o n R u e de la Paix zugegen. Die G e w e h r e der N a t i o nal-Garde in Place V e n d ô m e w a r e n in P y r a m i d e n zusammengestellt u n d
ein Engländer d e n er n a n n t e ( L e a t h a m ? ) u n d der in erster Reihe des Zugs
25
w a r , sprang auf sie los um sich einer P y r a m i d e zu bemächtigen.
J o u r d e w a r im b r e n n e n d e n Finanzministerium bis zuletzt, r e t t e t e B ü c h e r
und Gelder. U n d der soll's a n g e s t e c k t h a b e n ! E i n gegenüber w o h n e n d e r
Engländer d e n er n e n n e n k a n n , sah 2 B o m b e n d u r c h s D a c h einschlagen,
platzen u n d bald drauf R a u c h , d a n n F l a m m e , d a n n das ganze G e b ä u d e
allmählich in F l a m m e n . |
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245
Karl Marx
Mr. W a s h b u r n e ,
t h e A m e r i c a n A m b a s s a d o r in Paris
I m l M r . Washburne,
The American Ambassador, in Paris.
To the N e w York Central Committee
for the United States' Sections
of the International Working Men's Association.
5
Citizens,—The General Council of the Association consider it their duty to
c o m m u n i c a t e publicly to y o u evidence on the c o n d u c t , during the F r e n c h
Civil W a r , of Mr. W a s h b u r n e , the A m e r i c a n A m b a s s a d o r .
I. T h e following statement is m a d e by Mr. R o b e r t Reid, a S c o t c h m a n w h o 10
has lived for seventeen y e a r s in Paris, and acted during the Civil W a r as a
c o r r e s p o n d e n t for the L o n d o n Daily Telegraph and t h e N e w York Herald.
L e t us r e m a r k , in passing, that the Daily Telegraph, in the interests of t h e
Versailles G o v e r n m e n t , falsified even the short telegraphic d e s p a t c h e s
transmitted to it by Mr. Reid.
15
Mr. Reid, n o w in England, is ready to confirm his s t a t e m e n t by affidavit.
" T h e sounding of the general alarm, mingled with t h e r o a r of the cannon,
continued all night. To sleep w a s impossible. W h e r e , I thought, are t h e
representatives of E u r o p e and A m e r i c a ? Can it be possible that in the midst
of this effusion of innocent blood they should m a k e no effort at conciliation? 20
I could b e a r the thought no longer; and k n o w i n g that Mr. W a s h b u r n e w a s in
t o w n , I resolved at o n c e to go and see him. This w a s , I think, on the 17th of
April; the exact date m a y , h o w e v e r , be ascertained from my letter to L o r d
L y o n s , to w h o m I w r o t e on the same day. Crossing the C h a m p s E l y s é e s , on
my w a y to Mr. W a s h b u r n e ' s residence, I m e t n u m e r o u s ambulance-waggons 25
filled with fhe w o u n d e d and dying. Shells w e r e bursting a r o u n d the A r c de
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Karl M a r x : Mr. W a s h b u r n e , t h e American A m b a s s a d o r in Paris.
Erste Seite d e s Flugblatts
Mr. Washburne, the American Ambassador in Paris
T r i o m p h e , a n d m a n y i n n o c e n t p e o p l e w e r e a d d e d t o t h e long list o f
M. Thiers's victims.
"Arriving at N o . 95, R u e de Chaillot, I inquired at t h e C o n c i e r g e ' s for t h e
U n i t e d S t a t e s ' A m b a s s a d o r , a n d w a s directed t o t h e s e c o n d floor. T h e
5
particular flight or flat y o u dwell in is, in Paris, an almost unerring indication
of y o u r w e a l t h a n d position,—a sort of social b a r o m e t e r . We find h e r e a
marquis on t h e first front floor, a n d an h u m b l e m e c h a n i c on t h e fifth b a c k
floor,—the stairs t h a t divide t h e m r e p r e s e n t t h e social gulf b e t w e e n t h e m .
As I climbed up t h e stairs, m e e t i n g no stout flunkeys in r e d b r e e c h e s a n d
10
silk stockings, I thought, ' A h ! t h e A m e r i c a n s lay their m o n e y out to t h e b e s t
advantage,—we t h r o w o u r s away.'
" E n t e r i n g t h e s e c r e t a r y ' s r o o m , I inquired for Mr. Washburne.—Do y o u
wish to see him personally?—I do.—My n a m e having | | 2 | b e e n sent in,
I w a s u s h e r e d into his p r e s e n c e . He w a s lounging in an easy-chair, r e a d i n g
15
a n e w s p a p e r . I e x p e c t e d he w o u l d rise; b u t he r e m a i n e d sitting w i t h t h e
p a p e r still before him, an a c t of gross r u d e n e s s in a c o u n t r y w h e r e t h e
p e o p l e are generally so polite.
" I told M r . W a s h b u r n e t h a t w e w e r e b e t r a y i n g t h e c a u s e o f h u m a n i t y , i f
we did not e n d e a v o u r to bring a b o u t a conciliation. W h e t h e r we s u c c e e d e d
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or n o t , it w a s at all e v e n t s o u r d u t y to t r y ; and t h e m o m e n t s e e m e d t h e m o r e
favourable, as t h e P r u s s i a n s w e r e j u s t t h e n pressing Versailles for a defi
nitive settlement. T h e united influence of A m e r i c a and E n g l a n d w o u l d t u r n
t h e b a l a n c e in favour of p e a c e .
" M r . W a s h b u r n e said, 'The men in Paris are rebels. Let them lay down
their arms. ' I replied t h a t t h e N a t i o n a l g u a r d s h a d a legal right to their a r m s ;
b u t t h a t w a s not t h e q u e s t i o n . W h e n h u m a n i t y i s o u t r a g e d , t h e civilized
world has a right to interfere, a n d I ask y o u to c o - o p e r a t e w i t h L o r d L y o n s
to t h a t effect.—Mr. W a s h b u r n e : ' T h e s e m e n at Versailles will listen to
nothing.'—'If they refuse, t h e m o r a l responsibility will rest with them.'—
M r . W a s h b u r n e : Ί d o n ' t see t h a t . I c a n ' t do anything in t h e m a t t e r . Y o u
had b e t t e r see L o r d L y o n s . '
" S o e n d e d our interview. I left M r . W a s h b u r n e sadly disappointed. I f o u n d
a m a n r u d e and h a u g h t y , w i t h n o n e of t h o s e feelings of fraternity y o u
might e x p e c t to find in t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of a d e m o c r a t i c republic. On t w o
35
o c c a s i o n s I h a d h a d t h e h o n o u r of an interview with L o r d C o w l e y , w h e n
h e was o u r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n F r a n c e . H i s frank, c o u r t e o u s m a n n e r f o r m e d
a striking c o n t r a s t to t h e cold, p r e t e n t i o u s , a n d would-be-aristocratic style
of t h e A m e r i c a n A m b a s s a d o r .
" I also urged u p o n L o r d L y o n s t h a t , i n t h e d e f e n c e o f h u m a n i t y , E n g l a n d
40
w a s b o u n d to m a k e an e a r n e s t effort at reconciliation, feeling c o n v i n c e d
t h a t t h e British G o v e r n m e n t could n o t l o o k coldly on s u c h atrocities as
249
Karl Marx
the m a s s a c r e s of the Clamart station and Moulin Saquet, not to speak of t h e
h o r r o r s of Neuilly, without incurring the malediction of every lover of
humanity. L o r d L y o n s a n s w e r e d m e verbally t h r o u g h Mr. E d w a r d Malet,
his secretary, that he had forwarded my letter to the G o v e r n m e n t , and
would willingly forward any other c o m m u n i c a t i o n I might h a v e to m a k e on
that subject. At one m o m e n t m a t t e r s w e r e m o s t favourable for reconciliation, and had our G o v e r n m e n t t h r o w n their weight in t h e balance, the world
would h a v e b e e n spared the carnage of Paris. At all e v e n t s , it is not the fault
of L o r d L y o n s if the British G o v e r n m e n t failed in their duty.
" B u t , to return to Mr. W a s h b u r n e . On W e d n e s d a y forenoon, the 24th of
M a y , I was passing along the Boulevard des Capucines, | | 3 | w h e n I h e a r d
my n a m e called, and, turning round, saw Dr. H o s s a r t standing beside
Mr. W a s h b u r n e , w h o w a s in an open carriage amidst a great n u m b e r of
A m e r i c a n s . After the usual salutations, I entered into a conversation with
Dr. H o s s a r t . Presently the conversation b e c a m e general on the horrid
scenes a r o u n d ; w h e n Mr. W a s h b u r n e , addressing me with the air of a m a n
w h o k n o w s the truth of w h a t he is saying,—All who belong to the Commune,
and those that sympathize with them, will be shot, ' Alas ! I k n e w that they
w e r e killing old and y o u n g for the crime of sympathy, but I did not e x p e c t
to hear it semi-officially from Mr. W a s h b u r n e ; yet, while he w a s repeating
this sanguinary p h r a s e , there w a s still time for him to save the A r c h b i s h o p . "
II. " O n the 24th of M a y , Mr. W a s h b u r n e ' s secretary came to offer to the
C o m m u n e , then assembled at the Mairie of the 11th A r r o n d i s s e m e n t , on the
part of the Prussians, an intervention b e t w e e n t h e Versaillese and the
Federals on the following terms:—
' " S u s p e n s i o n of hostilities.
" ' R e - e l e c t i o n of the C o m m u n e on t h e o n e side, and of the National
A s s e m b l y on the other.
" ' T h e Versailles troops to leave Paris, and to t a k e up their quarters in
and a r o u n d the fortifications.
" 'The National G u a r d to continue to guard Paris.
" ' N o p u n i s h m e n t to be inflicted upon the m e n serving or having served
in the Federal A r m y . '
" T h e C o m m u n e in an extraordinary sitting, a c c e p t e d the propositions,
with the proviso that t w o m o n t h s should be given to F r a n c e in order to
p r e p a r e for the general elections of a Constituent A s s e m b l y .
"A second interview with t h e Secretary of the A m e r i c a n E m b a s s y took
place. At its morning sitting of the 25th M a y , the C o m m u n e resolved to send
five citizens—amongst t h e m V e r m o r e l , Delescluze, and Arnold—as plenipotentiaries to V i n c e n n e s , w h e r e , according to the information given by
Mr. W a s h b u r n e ' s secretary, a Prussian delegate w o u l d t h e n be found. T h a t
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Mr. Washburne, the American Ambassador in Paris
deputation w a s , h o w e v e r , p r e v e n t e d from passing by the National G u a r d s
on duty at the gate of V i n c e n n e s . C o n s e q u e n t u p o n another and final interview with the same A m e r i c a n S e c r e t a r y , Citizen Arnold, to w h o m he h a d
delivered a safe c o n d u c t , on t h e 26th M a y , w e n t to St. Denis, w h e r e he
5
was—not admitted by the P r u s s i a n s .
" T h e result of this A m e r i c a n intervention (which p r o d u c e d a belief in the
r e n e w e d neutrality of, and t h e intended intercession b e t w e e n the belligerents, by the Prussians) w a s , at the m o s t critical j u n c t u r e , to p a r a l y z e
the defence for t w o d a y s . Despite the precautions t a k e n to keep t h e nego-
10
tiations secret, they b e c a m e ||4| soon k n o w n to the National G u a r d s , w h o
then, full of confidence in Prussian neutrality, fled to the Prussian lines,
there to surrender as prisoners. It is k n o w n h o w this confidence w a s abused
by the Prussians, shooting by their sentries p a r t of the fugitives, and handing
over to the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t those w h o h a d surrendered.
"During the whole c o u r s e of the civil w a r , Mr. W a s h b u r n e , through his
secretary, never tired of informing t h e C o m m u n e of his ardent sympathies,
which only his diplomatic position p r e v e n t e d him from publicly manifesting,
and of his decided r e p r o b a t i o n of the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t . "
This statement, N o . I I . , is m a d e by a m e m b e r of the Paris C o m m u n e , w h o ,
like Mr. Reid, will in case of need, confirm it by affidavit.
To fully appreciate Mr. W a s h b u r n e ' s c o n d u c t , t h e statements of
Mr. R o b e r t Reid and t h a t of the m e m b e r of the Paris C o m m u n e m u s t be
read as a whole, as part and c o u n t e r p a r t of the same s c h e m e . While Mr.
W a s h b u r n e declares t o Mr. Reid t h a t the C o m m u n a l s are " r e b e l s " w h o
d e s e r v e their fate, he declares to t h e C o m m u n e his sympathies with its
cause and his c o n t e m p t of the Versailles G o v e r n m e n t . On the same 24th of
May, while, in p r e s e n c e of Dr. H o s s a r t and m a n y Americans, informing
Mr. Reid that not only t h e C o m m u n a l s b u t e v e n their mere sympathizers
w e r e irrevocably d o o m e d to death, he informed, through his secretary, t h e
C o m m u n e that not only its m e m b e r s w e r e to be saved, b u t every m a n in t h e
Federal army.
We n o w request you, dear Citizens, to lay t h e s e facts before the W o r k i n g
Class of the U n i t e d States, and to call u p o n t h e m to decide w h e t h e r
Mr. W a s h b u r n e is a p r o p e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the A m e r i c a n Republic.
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T H E GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE
INTERNATIONAL WORKING M E N ' S ASSOCIATION:—
M . J . B o o n , Fred. Bradnick, G . H . B u t t e r y , Caihil, William H a l e s , K o l b ,
F . L e s s n e r , George Milner, T h o s . M o t t e r s h e a d , C h a s . M u r r a y , P . M a c D o n nell, Pfander, J o h n R o a c h , Rühl, Sadler, Cowell Stepney, Alfred Taylor,
40 W. T o w n s h e n d .
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Karl Marx
CORRESPONDING SECRETARIES:—
E u g è n e D u p o n t , for F r a n c e ; Karl M a r x , for G e r m a n y and Holland;
F. Engels, for Belgium and Spain; H. Jung, for Switzerland; P. Giovacchini,
for Italy; Zévy Maurice, for H u n g a r y ; A n t o n Zabicki, for Poland; J a m e s
C o h e n , for D e n m a r k ; J. G. E c c a r i u s , for t h e U n i t e d States.
H E R M A N N J U N G , Chairman.
J O H N W E S T O N , Treasurer.
Office-256, High Holborn,
July 11th, 1871.1
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London,
G E O R G E H A R R I S , Financial Sec.
J O H N H A L E S , General Secretary.
W.
C,
Karl Marx
To t h e Editor of t h e " M o r n i n g A d v e r t i s e r "
July 11, 1871
The Morning Advertiser.
Nr. 24997, 13. Juli 1871
To the Editor of the Morning Advertiser.
Sir,—In one of your leading articles of to-day you q u o t e a string of p h r a s e s ,
such as, " L o n d o n , Liverpool, and M a n c h e s t e r in revolt against odious
capital," etc., with the authorship of w h i c h you are kind enough to credit
me.
Permit me to state that the w h o l e of the q u o t a t i o n s u p o n which y o u b a s e
your article are forgeries from beginning to end. Y o u h a v e probably b e e n
misled by some of the fabrications w h i c h the Paris police are in the habit
of issuing almost daily in my n a m e , in order to p r o c u r e evidence against
the captive " I n t e r n a t i o n a l s " at Versailles.
I am, Sir, y o u r s , etc.,
KARL MARX.
1, Modena-villas, Maitland Park, Haverstock-hill,
N . W . , July 11, 1871.
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Karl Marx
To t h e Editor of " T h e Standard"
July 13, 1871
The Standard.
Nr. 14651, 17. Juli 1871
To the Editor of The Standard.
Sir,—In this morning's Standard your Paris c o r r e s p o n d e n t translates from
the Gazette de France a letter dated Berlin, April 28, 1871, and purporting
to be signed by m e . I beg to state that this letter is from beginning to end
a forgery, quite as m u c h as all the previous p r e t e n d e d letters of mine lately
published in the Paris Journal and other F r e n c h police p a p e r s . If the Gazette
de France professes to h a v e t a k e n the letter from G e r m a n p a p e r s , this
m u s t be a falsehood t o o . A G e r m a n p a p e r would never h a v e dated that
fabrication from Berlin.—I am, Sir, your o b e d i e n t servant,
KARL MARX.
L o n d o n , July 13.
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Friedrich Engels
N o t i z e n ü b e r G i u s e p p e Mazzini
|Mazzini Verfasser des Manifest u n d Statut, verworfen — w a r ganz central
u n d vulgärdemokratisch u n d geheimgesellschaftlich. — D[ie] I t a l i e n e r ] u n d
Wolff blieben bis zur Affaire Lefort, wo Wolff von der Sitzung ging, die
anderen erst n a c h Le L u b e z a u s t r a t e n , ca. 3 M o n a t e n a c h Stiftung. Sie
5 wollten internationale Ass[oziation] der Friendly Societies u n d w u n d e r t e n
sich über das Mißverständniß, sie wollten w a s ganz andres als wir. S c h o n
im Journal de Liège gegen Vésinier v o m Centrai-Rath erklärt d a ß
M[azzini] nie zur Assoziation gehört u n d daß seine Vorlage v e r w o r f e n
wurde.
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Juni-Insurrektions-Brochure L. Bl[an]cs gegen Mazz[ini] der die Insurgenten ganz wie jetzt den Bourgeois d e n u n z i r t e . |
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Friedrich Engels
L'intervento di G i u s e p p e Mazzini c o n t r o
l'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai
Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen von Carlo Cafiero
II Libero Pensiero.
Hr.9, 31. August 1871
Mazzini nel suo Indirizzo agli opérai italiani dice:
" Q u e s t ' A s s o c i a z i o n e fondata anni addietro in L o n d r a ed alia quale io
ricusai fin da principio la mia c o o p e r a z i o n e
Un nucleo d'individui,
che s'assuma di governare direttamente u n a v a s t a moltitudine d'uomini
diversi per patria, t e n d e n z e , condizioni politiche, interessi economici,
m e z z i d'azione, finira s e m p r e per n o n o p e r a r e , ο d o v r à o p e r a r e tirannicam e n t e . Per questo io mi ritrassi e si ritrasse p o c o d o p o la sezione operaia
italiana e c c . "
5
O r a e c c o i fatti. D o p o la riunione del 28 settembre 1864 nella quale
l'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai fu fondata, t o s t o c h è il consiglio 10
provvisorio eletto in quell'Assemblea si r a d u n o , il maggiore L. Wolff
p r é s e n t é un manifesto ed un progetto di Statuti steso da Mazzini stesso.
N e l qual progetto non solamente non si t r o v a v a difficoltà a governare
direttamente una moltitudine ecc. non solamente non diceva che q u e s t o
nucleo d'individui
finira sempre per non operare, ο dovrà operare
15
tirannicamente, ma al contrario gli statuti e r a n o ispirati ad u n a centralizzata
cospirazione, dando poteri tirannici al corpo centrale — Il manifesto era
nello stile solito di Mazzini: la d e m o c r a z i a b o r g h e s e che offriva diritti
politici agli opérai, o n d e poter c o n s e r v a r e i privilegi sociali delle classi
medie e superiori.
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Q u e s t o manifesto e progetto di statuto furono n a t u r a l m e n t e rigettati.
Gl'italiani rimasero m e m b r i sino a che alcune questioni non furono di
n u o v o m e s s e fuori per causa di certi borghesi francesi, che volevano servirsi dell'Internazionale. N o n essendo questi riusciti, Wolff d a p p r i m a e
poscia gli altri si ritirarono. Ε cosî l'Internazionale la fece finita con Mazzini. 25
Qualche t e m p o d o p o il Consiglio centrale provvisorio, r i s p o n d e n d o ad un
articolo di Vesinier, dichiaro nel „Journal de L i è g e " che Mazzini n o n era
stato mai m e m b r o dell'associazione internazionale e che i suoi progetti,
manifesti e statuti erano stati rigettati. Mazzini ha furiosamente attaccata
la C o m u n e di Parigi anche sulla s t a m p a inglese. Q u e s t o è proprio ciô, che 30
256
Friedrich Engels: Notizen ü b e r G i u s e p p e Mazzini
L'intervento di G.Mazzini contro l'Associazione Internazionale degli Opérai
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egli ha sempre f atto, q u a n d o i proletari si s o n o sollevati; d o p o l'insurrezione
di Giugno 1848 egli fece lo s t e s s o , d e n u n c i a n d o i proletarii insorti, t a n t o
oltraggiosamente, c h e lo stesso Luigi B l a n c scrisse un opuscolo c o n t r o di
Lui. Ε Luigi Blanc ha diverse volte r i p e t u t o in quel t e m p o che l'insurrezione
di G i u g n o era l'opéra di agenti b o n a p a r t i s t i !
Mazzini chiama M a r x u o m o d'ingegno
dissolvente, di tempra dominatrice e c c . forse p e r c h é M a r x ha s a p u t o m o l t o b e n dissolvere la cabala
ordita da Mazzini a d a n n o dell'Internazionale, dominando talmente la mal
dissimulata libidine di autorità del v e c c h i o cospiratore, si di r e n d e r l o per
sempre i n n o c u o all'Associazione. Se è cosî, l'Internazionale d e v ' e s s e r b e n
lieta di p o s s e d e r e fra i suoi m e m b r i un ingegno ed una tempra, c h e in tal
guisa dissolvendo e dominando l'ha t e n u t a in piedi per sette anni, l a v o r a n d o
più c h e ogni altro u o m o per p o r t a r l a alla sua attual superba posizione.
Riguardo alio s m e m b r a m e n t o dell'Associazione, che, s e c o n d o Mazzini,
è già cominciato in Inghilterra, il fatto è c h e due m e m b r i inglesi del Consiglio, c h e e r a n o divenuti t r o p p o intimi con la borghesia, t r o v a r o n o ,,1'Indirizzo sulla guerra Civile" t r o p p o spinto e si ritirarono. In loro v e c e q u a t t r o
nuovi m e m b r i inglesi ed u n o irlandese s o n o e n t r a t i a far p a r t e del Consiglio
Generale, il quale si stima c o n cio più rafforzato di prima.
I n v e c e di e s s e r e in u n o stato di dissoluzione l'Internazionale è o r a p e r la
prima volta riconosciuta p u b b l i c a m e n t e da t u t t a la s t a m p a inglese c o m e u n a
grande p o t e n z a e u r o p e a ; e mai un piccolo o p u s c o l o ha fatto in L o n d r a
tanta impressione q u a n t o l'Indirizzo del Consiglio Generale sulla g u e r r a
civile in Francia, del quale si p u b b l i c h e r à o r a la t e r z a edizione.
È mestieri c h e gli opérai italiani o s s e r v i n o c h e il g r a n d e cospiratore ed
agitatore Mazzini n o n ha p e r essi altro consiglio c h e : Educatevi, istruitevi
come meglio potete ( c o m e se ciô p o t e s s e e s s e r fatto senza mezzi!)
adopratevi a creare più frequenti le società cooperatrici di consume (nemm e n o di produzione!) — E fidate nelVavvenirelU
259
Friedrich Engels
To the Editor of "The T i m e s "
A u g u s t 7, 1871
I To the Editor of the Times
Sir—The r e m a r k s of The Times on t h e r e p e a t e d p o s t p o n e m e n t of t h e trial
of the Communist prisoners at Versailles h a v e u n d o u b t e d l y hit the nail on
the head and h a v e e x p r e s s e d the feeling of the F r e n c h public. T h e angry
n o t e of the Journal Officiel in reply to t h e s e r e m a r k s is b u t o n e of the m a n y
5
proofs of the fact. In c o n s e q u e n c e of the article in the Times, m a n y reclamations h a v e been addressed to the Paris p r e s s , reclamations which, under
t h e s e circumstances, had no c h a n c e of being published. I h a v e before me
the letter of a F r e n c h m a n w h o s e official position enables him to k n o w the
facts he is writing about, and w h o s e t e s t i m o n y as to the motives of this 10
u n a c c o u n t a b l e delay ought to h a v e some value. H e r e are some extracts
from this letter:
r d
" N o b o d y as yet k n o w s w h e n the 3 Court-martial will o p e n its sittings.
T h e cause of this a p p e a r s to be that Captain Grimai, Commissaire de la
République (public accuser) has b e e n s u p e r s e d e d by another and m o r e 15
reliable m a n ; it has been found o u t at the last m o m e n t , on perusal of his
general report which w a s to be r e a d in court, that he w a s p e r h a p s a little bit
of a republican, that he had served u n d e r F a i d h e r b e etc in the A r m y of t h e
N o r t h etc—Well; all at o n c e another officer p r e s e n t s himself at his office
saying: here is my commission, I am y o u r s u c c e s s o r ; t h e poor captain was 20
so surprised that he w e n t nearly mad
|| M. Thiers has the pretention to
do everything by himself, this mania goes so far that not only has he called
together, contrary to all rules of fairness, all the juges d'instruction in his
cabinet, b u t he pretends even to regulate the composition of t h e public to
be admitted into the C o u r t ; he himself, t h r o u g h M. B. St. Hilaire, distributes 25
the tickets of admission
" I n the m e a n time the prisoners at Satory die like flies—pitiless death
w o r k s faster than the justice of these little s t a t e s m e n . . . T h e r e is in the
Versailles Cellular prison a big fellow w h o does not speak a w o r d of
260
To the Editor of "The Times" August 7, 1871
F r e n c h , he is supposed to be an Irishman. H o w he got into this trouble is
still a m y s t e r y — A m o n g s t t h e prisoners t h e r e is a very h o n e s t m a n called
, he has b e e n in his cell for two m o n t h s and has not yet b e e n
examined. It is i n f a m o u s . "
I am Sir
Y o u r obedient servant
Justitia.
L o n d o n 7 August 1871./
th
261
Karl Marx
Au r é d a c t e u r de «L'International»
17 août 1871
I Au Rédacteur de l'International
Monsieur,
D a n s un article intitulé «La Société <L'Internationale > » v o u s dites :
« En dehors de leurs d u r e s é c o n o m i e s , les ouvriers, infatués d ' e u x - m ê m e s ,
fournissent aux m e m b r e s du Conseil t o u t le confortable désirable p o u r vivre
agréablement à L o n d r e s . »
Je v o u s ferai r e m a r q u e r q u ' à l'exception du Secrétaire général r e c e v a n t
un salaire de 10 shillings par semaine — tous les m e m b r e s du conseil
remplissent leurs fonctions et les o n t toujours remplies gratuitement.
Je d e m a n d e l'insertion de ces lignes d a n s v o t r e p r o c h a i n n u m é r o .
Si v o t r e journal continue à r é p a n d r e des calomnies pareilles, il sera
poursuivi judiciairement.
J'ai l'honneur de v o u s saluer
K. M a r x |
262
Karl Marx
To t h e Editor of "Public O p i n i o n "
A u g u s t 19, 1871
Public Opinion. Nr. 518,
26. August 1871
To the Editor of "Public Opinion"
Sir,—In your publication of to-day y o u translate from the Berlin National
Zeitung, a notorious organ of B i s m a r c k ' s , a m o s t atrocious libel against the
International Working M e n ' s Association, in w h i c h t h e following passage
5 occurs:—"'Capital,' says Karl M a r x , 'trades in the strength and life of t h e
w o r k m a n ; ' b u t this n e w M e s s i a h himself is not a step farther a d v a n c e d ; he
takes from the m e c h a n i c t h e m o n e y paid him by the capitalist for his
labour, and generously gives him in e x c h a n g e a bill on a State t h a t m a y
possibly exist a t h o u s a n d y e a r s h e n c e . W h a t edifying stories are told a b o u t
10
the vile corruption of Socialist agitators, w h a t a shameful abuse t h e y m a k e
of the m o n e y confided to t h e m , a n d w h a t mutual accusations they throw in
each o t h e r ' s faces, are things we h a v e abundantly learned by the Congresses
and from the organs of the party. T h e r e is h e r e a m o n s t r o u s volcano of
filth, from w h o s e eruptions nothing better could issue t h a n a Parisian
15 C o m m u n e . "
In reply to the venal writers of t h e National Zeitung, I consider it quite
sufficient to declare that I h a v e never asked or received o n e single farthing
from the working class of this or any other c o u n t r y .
Save the general Secretary, w h o receives a weekly salary of ten shil20 lings, all the m e m b e r s of the General Council of the " I n t e r n a t i o n a l " do
their w o r k gratuitously. T h e financial a c c o u n t s of the General Council,
annually laid before the General C o n g r e s s e s of the Association, h a v e alw a y s b e e n sanctioned u n a n i m o u s l y without provoking any discussion
whatever.
25
I am, Sir, y o u r obedient servant, K A R L M A R X .
H a v e r s t o c k Hill, Aug. 19, 1871.
263
Karl Marx
Au r é d a c t e u r du « G a u l o i s »
24 août 1871
Le Gaulois. Nr. 1145,
27. August 1871
e
Brighton, 2 4 août, 1871.
Au Rédacteur du Gaulois,
Monsieur,
C o m m e v o u s avez publié des extraits du c o m p t e r e n d u d'une conversation
q u e j ' a i eue avec un des c o r r e s p o n d a n t s du New York Herald, j ' e s p è r e q u e
v o u s publierez aussi la déclaration suivante que j ' a i e n v o y é e au New York
Herald. Je v o u s c o m m u n i q u e cette déclaration dans sa forme originale,
c'est-à-dire en anglais.
J'ai l'honneur d'être v o t r e serviteur,
Karl Marx.
5
10
L o n d o n , 17 August, 1871
To the Editor of the " N e w York Herald".
Sir,
In the Herald of August 3rd, I find a r e p o r t of a conversation, I had with o n e
of y o u r c o r r e s p o n d e n t s . I b e g to say that I m u s t decline all and every 15
responsibility for the statements attributed to me in that report, w h e t h e r
such statements refer to individuals c o n n e c t e d with t h e late events in
F r a n c e , or to any political and economical opinions. Of w h a t I am r e p o r t e d
to h a v e said, one part I said differently, and another I n e v e r said at all.
Y o u r s obediently.
K A R L MARX.
264
20
Karl Marx
Letter to t h e Editor of t h e " S u n " , C h a r l e s Dana
The Sun.
9. September 1871
Brighton, August 23, 1871.
5
10
15
20
25
30
My dear Sir: In the first instance I m u s t b e g y o u to e x c u s e my prolonged
silence. I should h a v e a n s w e r e d y o u r letter long ago if I had not b e e n quite
o v e r b u r d e n e d with w o r k , so m u c h so that my health b r o k e down, a n d my
doctor found it n e c e s s a r y to b a n i s h me for a few m o n t h s to this sea-bathing
place, with the strict injunction to do nothing.
I shall comply with your w i s h after my r e t u r n to L o n d o n w h e n a favorable
occasion o c c u r s for rushing into print.
I h a v e sent a declaration to t h e N e w York Herald, in which I decline all
and every responsibility for t h e t r a s h and positive falsehoods with w h i c h
its c o r r e s p o n d e n t b u r d e n s m e . I do not k n o w w h e t h e r the Herald has printed
it.
T h e n u m b e r of t h e C o m m u n a l refugees arriving in L o n d o n is on the
increase, while our m e a n s of supporting t h e m is daily on the d e c r e a s e , so
that m a n y find themselves in a v e r y deplorable state. We shall m a k e an
appeal for assistance to t h e A m e r i c a n s .
To give y o u an inkling of t h e state of things t h a t under the République
Thiers prevails in F r a n c e , I will tell y o u w h a t h a s h a p p e n e d to my o w n
daughters.
My second daughter, L a u r a , is married to M o n s i e u r Lafargue, a medical
man. T h e y left Paris a few d a y s b e f o r e the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the first siege
for B o r d e a u x , w h e r e L a f a r g u e ' s father lived. T h e latter, having fallen very
ill, w a n t e d to see his son, w h o a t t e n d e d him, indeed w a s at his sick b e d
until the time of his death. Lafargue and my daughter then continued to
stay at B o r d e a u x , w h e r e t h e former p o s s e s s e s a h o u s e . During the time of
the C o m m u n e , Lafargue acted as S e c r e t a r y to t h e B o r d e a u x b r a n c h e s of
the International, and w a s also sent as a delegate to Paris, w h e r e he stayed
six d a y s to m a k e himself acquainted w i t h t h e state of things t h e r e . During
all the time he w a s n o t molested by t h e B o r d e a u x police. T o w a r d the middle
of M a y my t w o unmarried daughters set out for B o r d e a u x , and t h e n c e
together with the family L a f a r g u e to B a g n è r e s de L u c h o n , in the P y r e n e e s ,
265
Karl Marx
near the Spanish f r o n t i e r . . . T h e r e t h e eldest daughter, w h o had suffered
from a severe attack of pleurisy, took the mineral w a t e r s and u n d e r w e n t
regular medical treatment. Lafargue and his wife had to attend to a dying
b a b y , and my youngest daughter a m u s e d herself as m u c h in the charming
environs of L u c h o n as the family afflictions permitted. L u c h o n is a place of
5
resort for patients and for the beau monde, and a b o v e all places the least
fitted for political intrigue. My daughter M a d a m e Lafargue had, m o r e o v e r ,
the misfortune to lose her child, and shortly after its burial—in the s e c o n d
w e e k of August—who should appear at the dwelling p l a c e ? T h e illustrious
K é r a t r y , well k n o w n by the infamies he c o m m i t t e d during the M e x i c a n war, 10
and the equivocal p a r t he played during the F r a n c o - P r u s s i a n war, first as
Prefect of Police at Paris, and later as a soi-disant General in Brittany, and
now Prefect of the H a u t e - G a r o n n e , and M. Delpech, P r o c u r e u r General of
Toulouse—both these worthies being a c c o m p a n i e d by g e n d a r m e s .
Lafargue had received a hint the evening before, and had crossed the
Spanish frontier, having provided himself with a Spanish p a s s p o r t at
Bordeaux.
Although the son of F r e n c h p a r e n t s , he w a s b o r n in C u b a , and is therefore
a Spaniard. A domiciliary visit w a s m a d e at the dwelling place of my
daughters, and they themselves w e r e subjected to a severe cross examination
by the t w o mighty representatives of t h e République Thiers. T h e y w e r e
charged with carrying on an insurrectional c o r r e s p o n d e n c e . T h a t correspond e n c e consisted simply in letters to their m o t h e r , the c o n t e n t s of w h i c h
w e r e of course not flattering to the F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t , and in copies of
some L o n d o n n e w s p a p e r s ! F o r about a w e e k their house w a s w a t c h e d by
g e n d a r m e s . T h e y had to promise to l e a v e F r a n c e , w h e r e their p r e s e n c e
w a s too dangerous, as soon as t h e y could m a k e the p r e p a r a t i o n s n e c e s s a r y
for their d e p a r t u r e , and in t h e m e a n time t h e y w e r e to consider themselves
as people placed u n d e r the haute surveillance of t h e police. K é r a t r y and
Delpech had flattered themselves with the h o p e of finding them unprovided
with passports, but fortunately they w e r e p o s s e s s e d of regular English
p a s s p o r t s . Otherwise they w o u l d h a v e had to share the infamous t r e a t m e n t
of the sister of Delescluze and other F r e n c h ladies as innocent as t h e m selves. T h e y h a v e not yet r e t u r n e d , and are p r o b a b l y waiting for n e w s from
Lafargue.
15
20
25
30
35
Meanwhile the Paris p a p e r s told the m o s t incredible lies; t h e Gaulois, for
instance, transforming my three daughters into three b r o t h e r s of mine, well
k n o w n and dangerous agents of the International Propaganda, t h o u g h
I h a v e no b r o t h e r s . At the same time that La France, a Paris organ of
Thiers, gave a most varnished tale of t h e e v e n t s at L u c h o n , and asserted 40
that Monsieur Lafargue might quietly r e t u r n to F r a n c e without incurring
266
Letter to the Editor of the "Sun", Charles Dana
5
any danger, the F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t r e q u e s t e d the Spanish G o v e r n m e n t
to arrest Lafargue as a member of the Paris Commune! to which he h a d
n e v e r belonged, a n d to which, as a resident of B o r d e a u x , he could not
belong. Lafargue w a s in fact arrested, a n d u n d e r the escort of g e n d a r m e s
m a r c h e d to B a r b a s t r o , w h e r e he h a d to t a k e his night q u a r t e r s in t h e t o w n
prison, t h e n c e to H u e s c a , w h e n c e t h e G o v e r n o r , on telegraphic order from
the Spanish Minister of the Interior, h a d to f o r w a r d him to Madrid. A c c o r d ing to the Daily News of the 2 4 August, he h a s at last b e e n set free. T h e
whole proceedings at L u c h o n and in the p a p e r s w e r e nothing but shabby
th
10
attempts of Mr. Thiers & Co. to revenge t h e m s e l v e s u p o n me as t h e author
of the a d d r e s s of t h e General Council of t h e International on t h e Civil W a r .
B e t w e e n their revenge a n d my daughters stood the English p a s s p o r t , and
Mr. Thiers is as cowardly in his relations to foreign p o w e r s as he is
unscrupulous in regard to his d i s a r m e d c o u n t r y m e n .
15
As to Cluseret, I do not think t h a t he w a s a traitor, b u t certainly he undertook to play a part for w h i c h he lacked t h e mettle, and thus he did great
h a r m to the C o m m u n e . I k n o w nothing as to his w h e r e a b o u t s . A n d n o w
addio!
Y o u r old friend.
20
KARL MARX.
267
Karl Marx
T h e C o m m u n e and Archbishop Darboy
The Examiner. Nr. 3318,
2. September 1871
The Commune and Archbishop Darboy.
Sir—The passage of the A d d r e s s of the General Council of the International
Working M e n ' s Association, " O n the Civil W a r in F r a n c e , " w h i c h gave the
signal to shouts of moral indignation on the p a r t of the L o n d o n p r e s s , w a s
this: " T h e real m u r d e r e r of the A r c h b i s h o p is T h i e r s . "
F r o m t h e enclosed letter, a d d r e s s e d to M. Bigot, the counsel for M. Assi
at the Versailles Court-martial, by M. E u g è n e Fondeville, w h o is r e a d y
to confirm his statements by affidavit, y o u will see that the A r c h b i s h o p
himself actually shared my view of the c a s e . At the time of the publication
of t h e " A d d r e s s , " I w a s not y e t informed of the interview of M. Fondeville
with M . D a r b o y , but e v e n then the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of the A r c h b i s h o p
with M. Thiers revealed his strange misgivings as to the good faith of the
Chief of t h e F r e n c h E x e c u t i v e . A n o t h e r fact has n o w b e e n placed b e y o n d
doubt—viz., that at the time of the execution of t h e hostages the C o m m u n a l
g o v e r n m e n t had already c e a s e d to exist, a n d ought, therefore, no longer
be held responsible for that event.
I am, etc.,
KARL MARX.
L o n d o n , August 29.
L o n d r e s , 19 Août, 1871.
Monsieur, — Je prends la liberté de vous écrire p o u r v o u s entretenir de
l'existence de certains d o c u m e n t s relatifs aux é v é n e m e n t s de la C o m m u n e
et p o u r v o u s prier de vouloir bien user des privilèges de votre profession
et de v o t r e qualité de défenseur d'un a c c u s é p o u r en obtenir la p r o d u c t i o n
dans les débats.
268
The Commune and Archbishop Darboy
V e r s le 15 Avril un journal de Paris reproduisait u n e lettre écrite au
Times dans laquelle un individu déclarait avoir visité les otages à M a z a s , et
accusait la C o m m u n e de p r o c é d é s b a r b a r e s e n v e r s eux. Voulant a b s o l u m e n t
me r e n d r e c o m p t e de la véracité de pareilles assertions, je me rendis à cette
5 prison où je p u s m ' a s s u r e r du contraire. Ce jour-là je m'entretins a v e c
M M . D a r b o y , Bonjean, D e g u e r r y , et M. Petit, secrétaire de l ' A r c h e v ê q u e ,
qui p o u r r a puisqu'il existe v o u s d o n n e r des renseignements à ce sujet.
D a n s la suite je leur fis de fréquentes visites et quelques jours avant la
chute de la C o m m u n e M M . D a r b o y et Bonjean me remirent des autographes
10 d o n t je v o u s d o n n e ci-dessous à p e u p r è s la teneur.
Voici le r é s u m é succinct du d o c u m e n t D a r b o y . Il a p o u r titre, « M o n
Arrestation, ma Détention, et m e s Réflexions à M a z a s . » Il en r e s s o r t
q u ' à part son arrestation d o n t il incrimine la C o m m u n e ; il rejette sur le
g o u v e r n e m e n t de Versailles t o u t e la responsabilité de sa détention ; il
15 l'accuse surtout de sacrifier les otages p o u r se r é s e r v e r u n e sorte de droit
de représaille dans l'avenir. Il s'appuie en cela sur ses tentatives écrites
d'une p a r t et sur les d é m a r c h e s de ses amis a u p r è s de M. Thiers, d é m a r c h e s
et pourparlers qui n ' o n t abouti q u ' à des refus, n o t a m m e n t celle de M. Lagarde. Il affirme que non seulement il a été question d'échanger les otages
20
contre Blanqui, mais e n c o r e c o n t r e le c a d a v r e du général Duval. Il déclare
en outre être bien traité, il loue l o n g u e m e n t la conduite du citoyen G a r a u ,
directeur de M a z a s . Déjà il prévoit sa m o r t et voici ce qu'il écrit à ce sujet :
« Il est acquis q u e Versailles ne v e u t ni d ' é c h a n g e ni de conciliation, d ' u n
autre côté si la C o m m u n e a eu le p o u v o i r de n o u s arrêter, elle n ' a p a s celui
25
de n o u s faire m e t t r e en liberté ; car à cette h e u r e notre mise en liberté
sans échange ferait d a n s Paris u n e révolution qui renverserait la C o m mune. »
Q u a n t à M. Bonjean, il me remit un long traité d'économie agricole qu'il
avait c o m p o s é en prison, d e u x lettres p o u r sa famille, et u n e e s p è c e de
30 journal de sa détention. Q u o i q u e ce d o c u m e n t n'ait pas la m ê m e valeur au
point de v u e de la défense q u e celui de M. D a r b o y , il p r o u v e q u e les otages
ont été traités à M a z a s a v e c h u m a n i t é .
C o m m e il est inutile d'insister sur l'importance de pareils d o c u m e n t s , je
vais maintenant v o u s expliquer par quels c o n c o u r s de circonstances j ' e n
35 ai été d é p o s s é d é .
Obligé de quitter le Ministère des T r a v a u x Publics le lundi 22 Mai au
matin, je dus me réfugier d a n s le seul établissement qui se trouvait o u v e r t ,
r u e du T e m p l e ; là je déposais ma malle et m e s papiers. Le jeudi 25, les
Versaillais s'étant e m p a r é s de ce quartier, je songeais avant de me retirer à
40 mettre ces d o c u m e n t s en sûreté. Le m a î t r e de l'hôtel en qui j ' a v a i s cru
pouvoir me confier, me cédait un placard d'une c h a m b r e du 2me étage d o n t
269
Karl Marx
j ' e m p o r t a i s la clef. O u t r e les pièces citées plus haut, je déposais aussi cinq
lettres de M a c M a h o n qui m'avaient été r e m i s e s à la Préfecture de Police,
plusieurs d o c u m e n t s officiels, p a r m i lesquels étaient ma commission de
délégué à Neuilly p e n d a n t l'armistice du 25 Avril, deux billets de circulation,
u n e lettre adressée de L o n d r e s à M. Thiers, et quelques photographies de
5
divers m e m b r e s de la C o m m u n e .
Le 27 Mai j ' e n v o y a i s d e u x h o m m e s r u e du Temple, ils devaient me
r a p p o r t e r , en m ê m e t e m p s q u e ma malle, les papiers d é p o s é s d a n s le
placard. Le propriétaire de l'hôtel répondit à leur d e m a n d e q u e plusieurs
de ses voisins ayant dit à diverses reprises q u ' u n m e m b r e de la C o m m u n e 10
s'était réfugié c h e z lui, il avait cru p r u d e n t de forcer le placard et de brûler
les papiers.
La malle me fut apportée, elle aussi avait été f o r c é e , et m e s papiers privés,
tels q u e certificats et autres, m ' a v a i e n t été soustraits. M a i n t e n a n t et malgré
que le m a î t r e de l'hôtel m'ait confirmé à m o i - m ê m e la destruction de ces 15
pièces, je suis p e r s u a d é du contraire, et des avis qui m ' a r r i v e n t de Paris
m ' a s s u r e n t que celui à qui je les avais confiées les a e n c o r e en sa possession,
ou les a remises depuis peu à la police.
Suit des renseignements p o u r se p r o c u r e r les pièces désignées, et les
salutations d'usage. La lettre a été e n v o y é e à Bigot, le 19 A o û t 1871
20
E.
FONDEVILLE,
Propriétaire à St Macaire.
270
Karl Marx
Au r é d a c t e u r de « La V é r i t é »
30 a o û t 1871
I International Working Men's Association,
256, High Holborn, London. - W . C
30 Août 1871
Monsieur le Rédacteur,
5
10
15
20
25
A y a n t lu d a n s le Daily News d'aujourd'hui q u e M. R e n a u t attribue à l'Internationale un manifeste invitant les p a y s a n s français à brûler t o u s les châteaux possibles etc, M. J o h n H a i e s , le secrétaire général du Conseil G é n é r a l
de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, a i m m é d i a t e m e n t e n v o y é
à M. L. Bigot, le défenseur d'Assi, c e t t e d é p ê c h e télégraphique :
« Proclamation incendiaire attribuée à l'Internationale est un faux. Sommes prêts à en faire déclaration a s s e r m e n t é e d e v a n t magistrat anglais. »
Maintenant, je me hâte d'avertir le public français par l'intermédiaire de
votre honorable journal q u e tous les mantfestes, imprimés à Paris au nom
de l'Internationale depuis l'entrée des
troupes du gouvernement français
dans Paris, que tous ces manifestes, sans exception aucune, sont des
faux.
Je v o u s fais cette déclaration n o n seulement sur ma parole d ' h o n n e u r ,
mais je suis prêt à en faire la déclaration a s s e r m e n t é e («the affidavit »)
devant un magistrat anglais.
J'ai raison de croire q u e c e s p r o d u c t i o n s infâmes n ' é m a n e n t pas m ê m e
directement de la police, mais de M o n s i e u r B.
d ' u n individu a t t a c h é à un
de ces j o u r n a u x parisiens q u e le Standard (journal Tory) désigne d a n s un
de ses derniers n u m é r o s c o m m e les organes du demi-monde.
R e c e v e z , Monsieur, l'assurance d e m a
parfaite considération
Karl M a r x |
271
Karl Marx
To t h e Editor of t h e " E v e n i n g Standard"
S e p t e m b e r 4, 1871
The Evening Standard.
Nr. 14695, 6.September 1871
To the Editor.
Sir,—In your n u m b e r of the 2d September, y o u r Berlin c o r r e s p o n d e n t
publishes " t h e translation of an interesting article on the International,
w h i c h has appeared in the Cologne Gazette," w h i c h article charges me with
living at the e x p e n s e of t h e working classes. Up to the 30th August, the
5
date of your c o r r e s p o n d e n t ' s letter, no such article a p p e a r e d in the Cologne
Gazette, from which p a p e r , therefore, y o u r c o r r e s p o n d e n t could not translate it. On the contrary, the article in question a p p e a r e d , m o r e than a fortnight ago, in the Berlin National Zeitung; a n d an English translation of it,
literally identical with the o n e given by your c o r r e s p o n d e n t , figured in the 10
L o n d o n weekly paper, Public Opinion, as far b a c k as the 19th August. T h e
n e x t n u m b e r of Public Opinion contained my reply to these slanders, and
I h e r e b y s u m m o n y o u to insert that reply, of w h i c h I enclose a copy, in the
n e x t n u m b e r of your paper. T h e Prussian g o v e r n m e n t h a v e r e a s o n s of their
o w n w h y they p u s h , by every m e a n s in their p o w e r , the spreading of such 15
infamous calumnies through the English p r e s s . T h e s e articles are b u t t h e
harbingers of impending g o v e r n m e n t p r o s e c u t i o n s against the "International."—I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
KARL MARX.
Haverstock-hill, Sept. 4,, 1871.
20
272
Karl M a r x : Au r é d a c t e u r de la Vérité.
Erste Seite d e r Handschrift
Propositions t o t h e G e n e r a l Council c o n c e r n i n g
preparations for t h e London C o n f e r e n c e
I
Rechnungsablage.
1) To find a room for t h e meetings of t h e Conference
2) To find an hotel w h e r e t h e m e m b e r s of the Conference can stay—propose the same as last, L e i c e s t e r S q u a r e .
5
3) A Committee to be appointed to arrange t h e s e t w o points,
4) T h a t the entire Council assist at t h e meetings of t h e Conference, with
the right of taking part in t h e d e b a t e , b u t t h a t a certain n u m b e r of the Council
only be delegated with t h e right of voting—such n u m b e r to be fixed by t h e
Council w h e n the n u m b e r of delegates to t h e C o n f e r e n c e shall be k n o w n .
10
5) T h a t t h e F r e n c h m e n n o w resident in L o n d o n w h o are acknowledged
m e m b e r s of the International, provide for the representation of F r a n c e at
the Conference by three delegates,
6) T h a t if the m e m b e r s of any C o u n t r y should not be r e p r e s e n t e d at t h e
Conference, the C o r r e s p o n d i n g S e c r e t a r y for t h a t C o u n t r y be appointed to
15 r e p r e s e n t them.
275
Propositions t o b e s u b m i t t e d t o t h e
C o n f e r e n c e b y t h e G e n e r a l Council
I Propositions to be submitted to the
Conference by the General Council
1) 1) T h a t after t h e close of t h e C o n f e r e n c e , no b r a n c h be a c k n o w l e d g e d as
belonging to t h e Association by the G e n e r a l Council and by t h e Central Councils of the various c o u n t r i e s until its annual contribution of
l d p e r h e a d for the c u r r e n t year shall h a v e b e e n r e m i t t e d t o t h e G e n e r a l
Council.
2) 2) a) F o r t h o s e countries
5
in w h i c h t h e regular organization of t h e
Association m a y for t h e m o m e n t b e c o m e impossible by G o v e r n m e n t 10
interference, t h e delegates of e a c h C o u n t r y are invited to p r o p o s e
s u c h plans of organization as m a y be c o m p a t i b l e with the peculiar
c i r c u m s t a n c e s of the C a s e , β) T h e Association m a y be re-formed
u n d e r o t h e r n a m e s , y) b u t all secret organizations are formally ex
cluded.
15
3) 3) T h e G e n e r a l Council will submit to t h e C o n f e r e n c e a r e p o r t of its
administration of t h e
Congress.
affairs of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l
since t h e last
5) 5) T h e General Council will p r o p o s e to t h e C o n f e r e n c e to discuss t h e
p r o p r i e t y of issuing a reply, to t h e various g o v e r n m e n t s w h i c h h a v e
20
p r o s e c u t e d and are n o w p r o s e c u t i n g the I n t e r n a t i o n a l ; t h e C o n f e r e n c e
to n a m e a C o m m i t t e e to be charged w i t h drawing up this reply after
its close.
4) 4)
Resolution
of Congress
of Basle
to
be inforced:
T h a t to avoid confusion the C e n t r a l Councils of the v a r i o u s countries be instructed to designate t h e m s e l v e s h e n c e f o r t h as Federal
Councils with the n a m e a t t a c h e d of t h e c o u n t r y t h e y r e p r e s e n t ; a n d
t h a t t h e local b r a n c h e s or their C o m m i t t e e s designate t h e m s e l v e s as
b r a n c h e s or C o m m i t t e e s of their r e s p e c t i v e localities.
276
25
Propositions to be submitted to the Conference by the General Council
6) 6)
3) 7) T h a t all delegates of the G e n e r a l Council appointed to distinct missions
shall h a v e the right to attend, a n d be h e a r d at, all meetings of federal
councils and local c o m m i t t e e s or b r a n c h e s , without h o w e v e r being
5
thereby entitled to vote thereat, j
J 8) T h a t the General Council be instructed to issue a fresh edition of t h e
Statutes including the resolutions of t h e C o n g r e s s e s having relation
t h e r e t o ; a n d i n a s m u c h as a mutilated F r e n c h translation has hitherto
been in circulation in F r a n c e , a n d re-translated into Spanish a n d
10
Italian, that it provide an authentic F r e n c h translation which is to be
forwarded to Spain and Italy also. German-Holland.
3 languages printed side by side. |
277
Friedrich Engels
G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 9, 1871
Minutes
I Meeting of Sub Committee 9th September,
8 o'clock.
L o n g u e t in t h e Chair.
M a r x p r o p o s e s that as to Landeck the G e n e r a l Council has nothing to do
with the question [whether] he still belongs to t h e International or not, a n d
that he be referred to the french Internationals in L o n d o n to settle this—L.
h a s , on the trial of the Internationals in Paris, e a t e n humble pie and p r o mised not to belay to the International in future; but s u c h questions c a n n o t
be settled by the Council.
5
M o t t e r s h e a d seconds.
10
Carried unanimously.
The Conference. M a r x : a Conference is not c o m p o s e d of delegates of
b r a n c h e s but of delegates of countries which c o m e to confer with the
Council under extraordinary circumstances a n d therefore very different
from a Congress and has quite different p o w e r s . This has not to be for- 15
gotten. T h e first question will be the
1) the money questions, t h e contributions h a v e not c o m e in as t h e y
ought to d o . T h e Conference has no p o w e r to c h a n g e t h e Statutes b u t it can
enforce them. Therefore p r o p o s a l N o . 1. b r a n c h e s to pay before admittance.
20
Jung seconds. A d o p t e d unanimously.
M a r x : 2) (Countries w h e r e t h e International is suppressed to p r o p o s e
their o w n plans, and to be allowed other n a m e s b u t not secret.)
E c c a r i u s seconds. A d o p t e d unanimously.
M a r x : 3) T h a t some m e m b e r be appointed to d r a w up the R e p o r t of 25
Council to be submitted to Conference for last 2 y e a r s . A d o p t e d as a m a t t e r
of c o u r s e .
Jung p r o p o s e s , Eccarius seconds M a r x t o d r a w u p the Report.
278
Friedrich Engels: M e e t i n g of t h e S u b c o m m i t t e e
of t h e G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 9, 1871. M i n u t e s .
Z w e i t e Seite d e r Handschrift
Meeting of the Subcommittee of the General Council September 9, 1871
5
10
15
20
25
M a r x : 4) To enforce t h e resolution of C o n g r e s s of Basel, that t h e Central Council to be called Federal Council, etc., e t c .
Serraillier seconds. A d o p t e d u n a n i m o u s l y . |
I M a r x 5) Reply to be issued to different g o v e r n m e n t s to be d r a w n up
afterwards.
Engels s e c o n d s . A d o p t e d u n a n i m o u s l y .
6) In regularly organized countries regular r e p o r t s of local and district
taxation to be sent in.
This is w i t h d r a w n by M a r x himself.
M a r x : 7) All delegates of G e n e r a l Council to h a v e t h e right to attend and
be heard at meetings of district councils and local b r a n c h e s .
Serraillier seconds. A d o p t e d unanimously.
M a r x : 8) General Council to issue fresh edition of Statutes and authentic
F r e n c h and G e r m a n version, printed side by side; and all other countries to
h a v e their translations a p p r o v e d by G e n e r a l Council before publishing.
J u n g seconds. A d o p t e d u n a n i m o u s l y .
Mottershead: T h a t the C o n f e r e n c e be a s k e d to charge t h e General Council
with enforcing Art. V. of the S t a t u t e s relative to a general statistics of t h e
Working Classes and the resolution of the Congress of G e n e v a on the same
subject. To carry this out it might be resolved t h a t t r a d e s unions e t c w h o
refuse to give t h e information required, shall not be supported by t h e
General Council in case of strike.
McDonnell seconds. A d o p t e d u n a n i m o u s l y !
M a r x : T h a t the Sub C o m m i t t e e m e e t s at 8 at M a r x ' s on M o n d a y evening.
Adopted. I
281
Friedrich Engels
G e n e r a l Council S e p t e m b e r 11, 1871
Minutes
I Meeting of Sub Committee
Monday 11 September 1871
at 1 Maitland Park
th
Serraillier in the Chair. Engels appointed S e c r e t a r y .
P r o p o s e d by Engels, seconded by H a l e s that t h e Bill of Mr T r u e l o v e
5
£ 2 5 11.6 be p a s s e d , reserving the question of t h e price of the handbills and
t h e 5th T h o u s a n d copies. A d o p t e d unanimously.
P r o p o s e d b y Engels, seconded b y E c c a r i u s : that M r Truelove b e paid
£ 10.—on account and the p a y m e n t of the r e s t be delayed until he shall h a v e
h a n d e d in an account of copies sold. A d o p t e d u n a n i m o u s l y .
10
P r o p o s e d b y M a r x , s e c o n d e d b y L o n g u e t : t h a t the General Council b e
r e q u e s t e d , to avoid all misunderstandings, to declare at t h e opening of t h e
C o n f e r e n c e : that a Conference is nothing but a meeting of delegates from
various countries called to consult and decide together with t h e General
Council, on administrative m e a s u r e s r e n d e r e d n e c e s s a r y by extraordinary 15
circumstances.
H a l e s p r o p o s e d , L o n g u e t s e c o n d e d : T h a t the G e n e r a l Council r e c o m m e n d
the formation of an English Federal Council. W i t h d r a w n to be submitted
to General Council t o m o r r o w .
M a r x p r o p o s e s , Jung s e c o n d s : T h a t the formation of working w o m e n ' s 20
sections be r e c o m m e n d e d . |
282
Delegiertenkonferenz
der Internationalen A r b e i t e r a s s o z i a t i o n in London
17. bis 23. S e p t e m b e r 1871
Friedrich Engels
Proposal o n t h e m e e t i n g - p l a c e s
and t h e o p e n i n g o f t h e s e s s i o n s o f t h e
London C o n f e r e n c e
I T h a t the C o n f e r e n c e m e e t M o n d a y at 10 at t h e Blue Post and that on t h e
following d a y s t h e C o m m i t t e e Meetings be held in t h e morning a n d
E v e n i n g Meetings at 8 of t h e full C o n f e r e n c e T u e s d a y at High H o l b o r n a n d
W e d n e s d a y a n d T h u r s d a y at t h e B l u e Post.j
285
Friedrich Engels
N o t i z e n v o n d e n S i t z u n g e n d e r Londoner Konferenz
[Conference Meeting September 17]
Jung President
H a l e s English—Rochat French—Engels Secretär für R e d a c t i o n u n d Ü b e r setzung der Resolutions.
1) Fondeville to be admitted w i t h consultative voice only.
5
2) To meet at 1 in the day and at 8 in t h e evening (Tuesday, W e d n e s d a y
and T h u r s d a y )
3) To enforce the Resolution of the Congress of Basel reducing the
speaking time to 5 minutes.
4) Commission of 5 to be appointed to r e p o r t on t h e Swiss difference on 10
W e d n e s d a y Evening. M a r x . McDonnell. V e r r y c k e n . Vaillant. E c c a r i u s .
5) Commission of 6 to fix O r d e r of the day. L o r e n z o , M o t t e r s h e a d ,
Frankel. I
|[2]|
th
Conference Meeting 18 September 2 o'clock.
Serraillier president. M o t t e r s h e a d English S e c r e t a r y .
15
F r e n c h minutes read and unanimously a d o p t e d . Rob[in] called. Martin
2 Secretary
De P a e p e R e p o r t of C o m m i s s i o n ] on o r d e r of t h e day.
1) T h e R e p o r t of General Council to be p r e s e n t e d w h e n r e a d y a n d the
d e b a t e to be interrupted for it. Engels for financial R e p o r t
20
2) T h e Order of the day of t h e C o m m i t t e e a d o p t e d o t h e r w i s e .
Financial Control C o m m i t t e e appointed L o r e n z o , C o e n e n , Fluse and
Perret.
M a r x to c o m m e n c e at o n c e with the p r o p o s a l s of the General Council
for organization—adopted.
25
1) N a m e s of Councils and Sections (but C o m m i t t e e or Council)
2) Statutendruck in 3 S p r a c h e n
n d
286
Friedrich Engels: Notizen von d e n Sitzungen d e r Londoner Konferenz.
Z w e i t e S e i t e d e r Handschrift
Friedrich Engels: Notizen von den Sitzungen d e r Londoner Konferenz.
Dritte Seite d e r Handschrift
Notizen von den Sitzungen der Londoner Konferenz
th
Meeting 19
September 2.30 afternoon
Serraillier presides. Minutes r e a d and a d o p t e d .
T h e Belgians: C o h n to give an a c c o u n t of his mission in Belgium.
Engels: that Hales write this to him and call on him to appear.
5
adopted
3) Marx—female sections a n d mixed sections—unanimously
4) Marx—Statistik, adopted u n a n i m o u s l y .
Outine. E v e r y b r a n c h to h a v e a Statistical C o m m i t t e e and that the secretary of that C o m m i t t e e be paid (this to be r e c o m m e n d e d ) adopted gegen
10 1 Stimme.
Outine. Motion d ' o r d r e . A b s t e n t i o n s to be motived in writing and inserted
in the minutes
De P a e p e and Frankel—federal Councils to send o n c e a y e a r a statistical
report, adopted
15
H e r m a n and Fluse to fix t h e time of y e a r w h e n the statistical R e p o r t s
shall be m a d e . M a r x p r o p o s e s 1 of August.|
st
th
I[3]I Meeting 19 9 o'clock. Evening, 256 High Holborn
Communications by Hales and Engels.
M a r x : 5) Delegirte des General Council Zutritt zu den Sitzungen, a d o p t e d
20
6) Vorauszahlung vor A n e r k e n n u n g .
In Belgien zahlt Jeder dem federal council 2 0 , 10 für ihn u n d 10 für
L o n d o n . A n Comm[ission] verwiesen.
Engels: Vorlage der Spanier w e g e n Organisation.
e
e
e
Meeting 20. September 3 Uhr. Blue Post
25
Outine's Vorschlag ü b e r die spanische Vorlage. A n g e n o m m e n .
Verlesung der eingegangenen Allgemeinen Vorschläge
M a r x : daß alle nur allgemeinen Vorschläge erst am E n d e der g a n z e n
Tagesordnung v o r k o m m e n . A n g e n o m m e n .
Bastelica: solche einem Comité (Frankel, Serraillier u n d De Paepe) zu
30 überweisen. A n g e n o m m e n .
Engels: Die Ordnung der 4 Propositions zu b e s t i m m e n .
M a r x : 1) Delahaye. 2) Vaillant. 3) De P a e p e and V e r r y c k e n 4) Outine.
Becker .—Adopted.
1) D e l a h a y e ' s Proposition. Dagegen F r a n k e l e t c
289
Friedrich Engels
E v e n i n g Meeting.
J u n g Chair.
P r o p o s a l of Comm[ittee] on getting in m o n e y . A d o p t e d
S a v e t h e 6 Article.
Proposition Vaillant, x x x x x x x Serraillier and F r a n k e l ,
adjourned—J
th
|[4]| Meeting 22 September 6 Evening 6h Uhr.
Serraillier chair. Proposition Vaillant and Outine, Frankel—Serraillier
Proposition Bastelica—Proposition P e r r e t ' s
— Diese angenommen.—
— Belgfian] Proposition wegen Cohen—auf Morgen—
— M a r x Bericht ü b e r die Schweizer Spaltung.
Ks 1. Alliance a n g e n o m m e n 2.3 Ditto.
Meeting 23 September 11.35.
Serraillier Präsident — beim Protokoll Serraillier d a ß der Brief zurückgewiesen w e r d e . —
Vaillant — E n g e l s : daß der Brief z u r ü c k g e n o m m e n w e r d e oder an den
Conseil Général gehe
angenommen
Finanzbericht. A n g e n o m m e n u n d b e s s e r e B u c h h a l t u n g verlangt.
Proposition V e r r y c k e n . Auf d e s s e n W u n s c h reducirt u n d für den Congreß
zurückgezogen.
A n d r e Proposition V e r r y c k e n —De P a e p e Ks 1 a n g e n o m m e n N°2 d o .
Outine — erst N a c h r i c h t e n einziehen vor Zulassung in Conseil Général.
Outine und Engels wegen Secretären.
De P a e p e : Billigung der Zulassung der C o m m u n e l e u t e
Nachmittags.
B e c k e r ' s Proposition 1.2.4. Tagesordnung.
3. der Generalrat soll ein Circular erlassen u n d den Sectionen B e r i c h t e
über die L a n d b e v ö l k e r u n g für den C o n g r e ß vorbereiten.
Marx. Resolution des Conseil Général ü b e r Special o r g a n i s a t i o n s ]
290
Notizen von den Sitzungen der Londoner Konferenz
1) Englischer F ö d e r a l r a t h . Einstimmig.
2) Organisation in den u n t e r d r ü c k t e n L ä n d e r n ,
a Frankreich. Resolution Outine adopted
b. Italien — Resolution M a r x , a d o p t e d
5
c. Rußland — Resolution M a r x u n d U t i n a d o p t e d
d. Spanien — Resolution L o r e n z o . T a g e s o r d n u n g u n d sein Einverständniß
e. Deutschland. D a n k v o t u m U t i n u n d R o c h a t .
Allgemeiner Beschluß des G e n e r a l r a t s (geheime Gesellschaften) ange10 n o m m e n
M a r x : Manifest a n g e n o m m e n . Ü b e r s e t z u n g d e u t s c h u n d französisch,
gleich w e g z u s e n d e n d e u t s c h u n d französisch —
Russische F r a g e : 1) daß Utin ü b e r s e t z t u n d dem Conseil Général einschickt, der Publication beschließt. ||[5]| D a ß der Generalrat von den R e s o 15 lutionen der K o n f e r e n z veröffentlicht w a s er will.
D a ß der Generalrat das R e c h t h a t eine C o n f e r e n z oder Congreß zu b e rufen
D a ß H e r m a n den C o h n verfolgt.]
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Engels
Procès-verbal de la s é a n c e de la Commission
p o u r les affaires d e S u i s s e d u 1 8 s e p t e m b r e 1871
Séance de la Commission
pour les affaires de Suisse.
18 Septbre, c h e z M a r x .
Engels est n o m m é Secrétaire. V e r r y c k e n est n o m m é président.
M a r x : La dispute prend son origine depuis la formation de l'alliance de
la D é m o c r a t i e Socialiste à G e n è v e , fondée p a r Bakunin et autres. Il lit les
d e u x c o m m u n i c a t i o n s faites à l'alliance par le Conseil général en 1868 et M a r s
1869, d a n s la seconde desquelles la dissolution de l'Alliance, et la c o m m u nication du r e c e n s e m e n t de ses sections et de leur force n u m é r i q u e est p o s é e
c o m m e condition de leur admission dans l'Internationale. Ces conditions
n ' o n t jamais été remplies, l'Alliance ne s'est jamais réellement dissoute,
elle a toujours maintenu u n e e s p è c e d'organisation. L ' o r g a n e des sections
genevoises, l'Egalité, 11 D é c e m b r e 69, blâmait le Conseil Général de ne p a s
avoir fait son devoir, en ne pas répliquant à ses articles, à quoi le Conseil
Général a répondu q u e ce n'était p a s de son devoir de se mêler de polémique
des j o u r n a u x mais qu'il était prêt de r é p o n d r e à des d e m a n d e s et plaintes
faites p a r le Conseil fédéral r o m a n d , et c e t t e circulaire fut c o m m u n i q u é e à
t o u t e s les Sections ; t o u t e s , elles ont a p p r o u v é la c o n d u i t e du Conseil Général.
Le Conseil Suisse a d é s a v o u é l'Egalité a v e c la rédaction de laquelle il était
en scission ; elle fut changée, et depuis l'organe des a d h é r e n t s de l'Alliance,
c'était le Progrès et plus tard la Solidarité. Vint le C o n g r è s du L o c l e où les
d e u x partis, la Fédération r o m a n d e de G e n è v e et celle des m o n t a g n e s
(l'Alliance) ont eu séparation o u v e r t e . Le Conseil G é n é r a l a laissé les c h o s e s
telles qu'elles étaient, seulement il a défendu au n o u v e a u conseil de se
p o s e r en Conseil r o m a n d à côté de l'autre. Guillaume, qui avait p r ê c h é l'abstention de t o u t e politique, contrairement à n o s statuts, au m o m e n t où la
guerre éclata, publia une proclamation d e m a n d a n t au n o m de l'Internationale
la formation d'une a r m é e pour aider la F r a n c e , ce qui est e n c o r e plus contraire à nos statuts.
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Erste Seite d e r Handschrift
Procès-verbal de la Commission pour les affaires de Suisse du 18 septembre 1871
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Robin doit partir : l'article de l'Egalité signalait des articles de statuts et
résolutions du congrès q u e le Conseil G é n é r a l n'avait pas o b s e r v é ; on se
plaignait de ne rien a p p r e n d r e du Conseil G é n é r a l p a r c e q u e le Conseil de
G e n è v e ne communiquait rien et alors Cet article a paru. L e s différends
entre la rédaction de l'Egalité et le Conseil r o m a n d avaient p o u r c a u s e des
circonstances locales. M o i , j ' a i t â c h é de concilier l o r s q u e j ' a i été à G e n è v e ,
et j ' a i continué le m ê m e rôle ici. M a i s j ' a i t r o u v é q u ' à G e n è v e le c o m i t é
était tout et q u e l'assemblée générale n'était rien et cela m ' a froissé! Q u a n t
aux Sections des M o n t a g n e s , Guillaume se plaint de ce que Jung n'ait p a s
r é p o n d u à ses lettres ; Jung, à qui j ' e n parlais, me dit que c'est ce qu'il
r e p r o c h e à Guillaume. Il est certain q u e bien des lettres alors ont été é g a r é e s .
En arrivant ici je croyais e n c o r e u n e fusion des d e u x partis possible, je vois
maintenant q u e cela est impossible, et je v e u x bien q u e ces d e u x partis
existent i n d é p e n d a m m e n t . Vient la question du status légal de l'Alliance
dans notre association. L e s N e u c h â t e l o i s ont r e ç u d e u x lettres de Jung et
Eccarius qui attestent q u e l'alliance a été admise dans l'Internationale,
lettres r e c o n n u e s c o m m e a u t h e n t i q u e s par le Conseil Général. Puis la veille
de la Conférence j ' a i r e ç u u n e lettre de Guillaume q u e j ' a i remise à Jung.
Voici ce q u e j ' a i eu à faire en cette affaire. S'il n ' y a pas de conciliation
possible, je crois q u e les d e u x partis p o u r r o n t vivre l'un à côté de l'autre
paisiblement, mais je ne crois p a s q u e le Conseil ou la Conférence aurait le
droit d'exclure des Sections sans les avoir e n t e n d u e s ; et moi je n'ai a u c u n
m a n d a t p o u r les représenter. Du r e s t e l'alliance est dissoute et la b a s e de la
querelle a disparu a v e c elle.
Perret. La scission s'est produite p o u r d e s causes de principe et n o n pas
des détails. Bakunin, P e r r o n et R o b i n o n t voulu faire de la Dictature d a n s
la rédaction de l'Egalité, et cela a été la c a u s e . Ils voulaient chasser le
rédacteur Waehry. N o u s a v o n s t â c h é de concilier, mais en vain. Obligés
de donner leur démission du conseil de rédaction, ils ont publié un manifeste
à N e u c h â t e l contre le comité fédéral, imprimé à N e u c h â t e l chez Guillaume.
Puis ils ont fait insérer des p r o t e s t a t i o n s d a n s le Journal de G e n è v e , reproduites par les j o u r n a u x réactionnaires. D a n s la protestation qu'ils ont publié
le 16 Janvier 1870 ils ont mis les n o m s de Dutoit et de Becker sans leur
permission, et ces deux ont p r o t e s t é c o n t r e cela.
Outine. L'affaire date de l'arrivée de Robin, où il se mit en relation a v e c
Bakunin. C'était p e u avant le congrès de Bâle. On voulut former l'alliance
qui a été d e u x fois refusée d'être a d m i s e à l'Internationale. Déjà du t e m p s
des élections pour le congrès on voyait des éléments de scission. B a k u n i n
appela les ouvriers de G e n è v e des bourgeois réactionnaires. A p r è s le congrès | | [ 2 ] | Robin se fit tout à fait m a î t r e du journal, insérant c e qu'il voulait,
sans se conformer aux règlements. Il se dit d a n s le journal a m b a s s a d e u r des
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Sections Belges auprès du Conseil fédéral. Je traduisais alors des articles
anglais et allemands pour le journal, à condition q u e l'on ne me parlât de
Bakunin. Un j o u r Robin arrive a v e c u n e longue liste de griefs contre le
Conseil Général et me d e m a n d a ma signature q u e je refusai. D a n s m o n
a b s e n c e à B e r n e , il a mis dans la partie étrangère du journal, contre sa
p r o m e s s e , et sans ma connaissance, un long article contre le Conseil
Général. Puis il m ' a d é n o n c é Waehry c o m m e un intrigant, un m o u c h a r d
p r e s q u e ; et on voulait l'exclure du comité de rédaction, un de nos meilleurs
h o m m e s ; il me d e m a n d a m o n assistance et m'offrit d'entrer dans la rédaction ; il ferait voir au comité fédéral q u ' o n ne pouvait se passer de lui et de
P e r r o n et q u ' o n leur donnerait plein pouvoir. J'étais alors p o u r eux, je les
ai défendu à la Section centrale mais elle a décidé contre eux ; et le journal
a p a r u sans e u x et sans moi. Puis Robin a t â c h é de me p e r s u a d e r de ne pas
leur donner la traduction de d o c u m e n t s relatifs à la grève de W a l d e n b u r g
p a r c e q u e si on ne les soutenait p a s , le journal serait ruiné ; c'est cela ce
qui m ' a o u v e r t les y e u x sur ces h o m m e s et j ' a i continué d'écrire d a n s le
journal. Du reste Robin, dans m e s t r a d u c t i o n s , a fait des c h a n g e m e n t s
affectans le sens selon ses idées. Plus tard il m ' a d e m a n d é de ne pas m ' o p poser à ce que le journal aussi bien q u e le Comité central soit transféré aux
m o n t a g n e s , j ' a i avec indignation refusé de me mêler de ces intrigues. Puis
il m ' a dit qu'il fallait la dissolution et la réorganisation de toutes ces
sections réactionnaires à G e n è v e qui ne voulaient pas du grand Bakunin.
Ce m ê m e Bakunin m ' a écrit u n e lettre q u e j ' a i d a n s laquelle il me dit q u e je
pourrais faire en Russie tout ce que je voudrais mais qu'il ne voulait pas
que je me mêlasse de l'Internationale qui était son d o m a i n e à lui. — A G e n è v e
on a depuis résolu que 1) le Journal restât à G e n è v e , 2) le Comité Central
aussi, 3) et que l'alliance ne soit jamais admise. Vint alors le Congrès de
La C h a u x - d e - F o n d s ; alors le Progrès p r ê c h a l'abstention politique, chose
qui ruinerait l'Internationale à G e n è v e où l'action politique est t o u t pour
n o u s . Au congrès, le parti Guillaume d e m a n d a l'admission des délégués de
l'Alliance, non admise pour n o u s ; n o u s d e m a n d â m e s l'ajournement p a r c e
que c'était une chose difficile et qui nous perdrait du t e m p s , on insista ;
n o u s déclarâmes d'être obligés de n o u s retirer en cas d'admission de l'Alliance, ayant m a n d a t impératif sur ce point. N o u s fûmes dans la minorité
et n o u s n o u s s o m m e s retirés. La majorité a été fabriquée par toutes sortes
d'intrigues. L e s autres avaient des m a n d a t s en blanc qu'ils donnaient à ceux
qui promettaient de voter p o u r leurs propositions. (En p a r e n t h è s e : le p r o c è s
de Pétersbourg a dévoilé q u e B a k o u n i n e et Netchaïeff ont conté tout ce
qu'ils savaient sur les conspirations en Russie à un m o u c h a r d R u s s e qui
vint chez Bakunin a v e c Netchaïeff) N o u s avons continué le congrès p o u r
n o u s autres ; et à n o t r e retour, t o u t e l'Internationale de G e n è v e n o u s a
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u n a n i m e m e n t s o u t e n u s , de sorte qu'il n o u s a m ê m e fallu défendre n o s adversaires contre l'indignation de n o s m e m b r e s ;
Bastelica d e m a n d e si l'on a d o n n é en 1870 p o u r cause de cessation d ' u n e
grève à G e n è v e que les ouvriers ne voulaient pas la continuer le j o u r d ' u n e
fête nationale Suisse.
Outine déclare q u e cela a été émis par la société du Grutli et r é p é t é par
les j o u r n a u x réactionnaires et par Guillaume, mais c'était au c o m m e n c e m e n t de la grève qui a continué et n ' a été close q u e par la guerre de 1870.
L'Internationale n ' a été p o u r rien d a n s t o u t e cette proposition qu'elle ne
s'est jamais appropriée. Guillaume a plus tard r é p é t é la calomnie du Journal
de G e n è v e q u e l'Internationale s'était mise de c ô t é des radicaux q u a n d elle
avait fait tout le contraire.
Bastelica dit que Robin lui a dit q u e Grosselin avait dit dans un meeting
qu'il n'était pas c o m m u n i s t e , et enfin qu'il était bourgeois.
Perret et Outine disent q u e Grosselin est un des meilleurs d'entre eux,
bien qu'ils ne partagent pas toutes ses opinions.
M a r x dit que d'abord B a k o u n i n e n ' e s t pas c o m m u n i s t e lui-même et
qu'il n ' a pas été collectiviste depuis longtemps ; du r e s t e on ne d e m a n d e à
p e r s o n n e d a n s l'Internationale un certificat de C o m m u n i s m e . Ce qu'il
faudrait éclaircir, ce sont les accusations p o r t é e s contre le parti B a k o u n i n e
d'avoir tâché de falsifier des m a n d a t s p o u r le congrès de Bâle.
Jung. A p r è s le conflit il a été en relation plus ou moins continuelle a v e c
Guillaume. Il d o n n e le récit de sa c o r r e s p o n d a n c e avec Guillaume et de ses
conversations avec lui aux congrès. Q u a n t à ||[3]| Bakunin, j u s q u ' a u Congrès
de B e r n e (paix) il n'était pas de l'Internationale ; après ce congrès où on
rejeta sa proposition plus ou moins p r o u d h o n i e n n e , il ne s'y joignit p a s mais
il forma u n e nouvelle association — l'Alliance. Voilà ce q u e j ' a i dit a
Guillaume et il n ' a p a s pu m ' y r é p o n d r e .
Bastelica, sur la d e m a n d e de M a r x : L e s relations du Comité de Marseille
avec l'alliance, se b o r n e n t à u n e b r o c h u r e adressée à n o u s par l'alliance
et à u n e lettre que j ' a i r e ç u e de B a k u n i n (en S e p t e m b r e 1870, où il était poursuivi), (à Vaillant) N o u s n ' a v o n s pas reçu d ' a u t r e s conseils de Bakunin sur
la politique internationale ; seulement p e n d a n t la guerre Bakunin m ' a dit
qu'en F r a n c e la politique d'abstention devait c e s s e r parce q u e le p e u p l e
français se trouvait d a n s u n e situation extraordinaire, et il était tellement
dans le m o u v e m e n t politique q u e n o u s n ' a v o n s pas m ê m e partagé ses
vues.
Outine : Ceci était logique, il a toujours fait de la politique, mais il ne v e u t
pas que les ouvriers en fassent p a r c e qu'ils sont « b ê t e s , bourgeois et
réactionnaires ». L'affaire de L y o n q u e n o u s a v o n s vu de p r è s , et le rôle
qu'il y a j o u é , en est la meilleure p r e u v e ; n o u s y r e v i e n d r o n s . Je d e m a n d e
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q u e Bastelica s'explique sur sa lettre d a n s la Solidarité où il a p p r o u v e
l'action des sécessionistes.
Bastelica. C'était en pleine période plébiscitaire, n o u s avions les mains
pleines d'ouvrage, on me d e m a n d a de L y o n et N e u c h â t e l quelques m o t s de
sympathie et j ' a i écrit à la hâte quelques lignes — huit à dix — au c r a y o n à
Richard disant : tu p e u x c o m m u n i q u e r cela à Guillaume. Cette lettre n'était
p a s destinée à la publicité.
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L o r e n z o (sur la question de Outine) se rappelle q u e ce conflit a eu lieu,
mais qu'il n'y a pu faire b e a u c o u p d'attention. If anything has b e e n published
as an act of the Spanish Internationals in this question he does not recollect 10
it, il est possible que ce soit un acte des Barcelonais.
P e r r e t constate q u ' i m m é d i a t e m e n t après la scission de La Chaux-deF o n d s il y a eu u n e agitation organisée contre les G e n e v o i s pour les isoler ;
on a écrit des lettres, e n t r e autres à A u b r y , d a n s ce sens ; p e r s o n n e , de
Bruxelles, de Paris, d ' E s p a g n e , n ' a jamais r é p o n d u à leurs lettres, il ne leur 15
restait q u e le Conseil Général.
M a r x . On a essayé la m ê m e isolation p o u r le Conseil Général ; on l'a
e s s a y é p a r t o u t où l'on a pu ; à Paris, en E s p a g n e et en Italie.
L o r e n z o . As far as Madrid is c o n c e r n e d I m a y affirm qu'il s'est passé
bien du t e m p s en E s p a g n e après la fondation de l'Internationale en E s p a g n e , 20
avant m ê m e q u ' o n ait connu le n o m seul de B a k u n i n et il n ' y a jamais eu
a u c u n e influence de l'Alliance en son p a y s . Du r e s t e Fanelli (ami de B a k u nin) a été fondateur de l'Internationale en E s p a g n e et surtout à Barcelone.
M a r x . Schily était p r é s e n t à Paris lorsque des délégués espagnols y arrivaient, qui, tout en se disant Internationaux, se posaient c o m m e les r e p r é - 25
sentans spéciaux de l'Alliance.
Outine : Fanelli a été e n v o y é par Bakunin p o u r faire bien d'autres choses
mais il ne les a pas faites, il a fondé des Sections de l'Internationale.
A p r è s un intervalle de 10 minutes.
Outine sait q u e Robin a écrit à Guillaume qu'il y aurait u n e conférence, et 30
Robin n ' a d o n c pas le droit de dire q u e l'on ne leur a pas c o m m u n i q u é .
M a l o n a dit vendredi [il y a] huit jours devant t é m o i n s q u e Guillaume & Co
lui ont p r o p o s é de les r e p r é s e n t e r à la C o n f é r e n c e .
Il d o n n e ensuite des détails sur les faits qui se sont produits p e n d a n t les
dernières deux a n n é e s en Suisse. La g r a n d e politique de Guillaume & Co 35
était de séparer les ouvriers du bâtiment — étrangers, s a v o y a r d s , et t r è s
ignorants — des ouvriers de la fabrique — citoyens suisses, et de se fonder
sur le bâtiment, mais cela a é c h o u é . Cela eût été le m o y e n le plus sûr de
couler l'Internationale à G e n è v e . D a n s la dernière g r è v e Guillaume a
d e m a n d é q u e l'on ne s'occupe p a s de pareilles bagatelles mais q u ' o n p r e n n e 40
le fusil en main et fasse u n e révolution.
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Après le 4 S e p t e m b r e Guillaume a lancé son manifeste « a u x a r m e s » ,
n o u s a v o n s de suite r é p o n d u d a n s l'Egalité. Mais ce manifeste de Guillaume
servait de p r é t e x t e p o u r cesser la publication de la Solidarité, r e n d u e
nécessaire p o u r des raisons de finance, sous le prétexte de p o u r s u i t e s
gouvernementales qui n ' o n t jamais existé. — En S e p t e m b r e Bakunin, Richard
etc. ont perdu tout à L y o n . A p r è s la révolution du 18 M a r s les L y o n n a i s |
|[4]| n o u s ont déclaré q u e depuis l'affaire de S e p t e m b r e l'Internationale
était d e v e n u e impossible à L y o n p a r c e q u e les actions de Bakunin & Co
étaient considérées c o m m e celles de l'Internationale. V e r s le 30 avril, j o u r
des élections en F r a n c e , les L y o n n a i s o n t d e m a n d é des h o m m e s militaires
q u e n o u s avons t r o u v é en Suisse, mais au m o m e n t décisif Albert L e b l a n c ,
Oseroff et J o u k o w s k y ont déclaré q u e l'Internationale, c'était des réactionnaires, ils ont m ê m e fabriqué des résolutions a v e c des signatures d ' h o m m e s
influents sans leur c o n s e n t e m e n t , et ils ont ruiné tout le m o u v e m e n t p o p u laire. De sorte q u e les L y o n n a i s en sont arrivés à dire que l'Internationale
était p a y é e p a r Bismarck et p a r B o n a p a r t e et qu'il fallait les a c h e v e r a p r è s
avoir a c h e v é les Versaillais. — A p r è s la c h u t e de la C o m m u n e c'est n o u s qui
avons fait tout p o u r sauvegarder le droit d'asile, l'Alliance n ' a rien fait, p a s
un seul meeting, rien q u e des p h r a s e s . Enfin, l'Alliance se dissout au
m o m e n t m ê m e que la C o n f é r e n c e doit décider sur sa position vis à vis de
l'Internationale. |
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Propositions du C o n s e i l g é n é r a l
a d o p t é e s par la C o n f é r e n c e
i
Propositions
du Conseil Général adoptées par la Conférence.
1) Pour éviter tout malentendu, la résolution du Congrès de Bâle sera
strictement o b s e r v é e , suivant laquelle les conseils c e n t r a u x des divers p a y s ,
où l'Association est régulièrement organisée, se désigneront c o m m e Conseils
ou Comités fédéraux de leurs p a y s respectifs, et les sections ou comités
locaux se désigneront c o m m e sections ou comités de leur localités r e s p e c tives.
5
2) La Conférence d o n n e au Conseil G é n é r a l l'instruction de publier u n e
nouvelle édition des statuts, a v e c une traduction a u t h e n t i q u e en français 10
et en allemand imprimée en face du t e x t e anglais. T o u t e s les traductions en
d'autres langues doivent, avant leur publication, être a p p r o u v é e s , par le
Conseil Général. ]
I 3) La Conférence, sur la proposition du Conseil général, r e c o m m a n d e la
formation de sections de f e m m e s parmi les ouvrières. Il est e n t e n d u q u e ceci
ne t o u c h e en a u c u n e manière l'existence des sections mixtes des d e u x
sexes.
4) La Conférence invite le Conseil G é n é r a l de m e t t r e en force l'article
5 des Statuts o r d o n n a n t u n e statistique générale de la Classe ouvrière, et les
résolutions du Congrès de G e n è v e à ce m ê m e effet. L e s sociétés d'ouvriers ou
les b r a n c h e s qui se refuseraient à donner les renseignements d e m a n d é s ,
seront portées à la connaissance du Conseil Général qui en statuera.
5) T o u s les délégués n o m m é s par le Conseil G é n é r a l à des missions
spéciales, auront le droit d'assister et de se faire e n t e n d r e à toutes les
réunions de conseils fédéraux, comités || de districts ou locaux, et b r a n c h e s
locales, sans cependant ayant droit au v o t e .
6) A p r è s la clôture de la Conférence, a u c u n e b r a n c h e ne sera considérée
par le Conseil Général et les Conseils f é d é r a u x c o m m e a p p a r t e n a n t à l'Association avant qu'elle n'ait p a y é au Conseil Général sa cotisation de 10 c. par
tête p o u r l'année c o u r a n t e . |
300
15
20
25
30
Friedrich Engels
D o c u m e n t pour le rapport d e s f i n a n c e s du C o n s e i l g é n é r a l
1 8 7 0 / 7 1
Dépenses
Recettes
5
Septembre — fin Novembre
Décembre
£ 11. 8.6
moins solde
» -.17.6
£ 13. 4.7
..10.11.-
1871
Janvier
10
- . 1.-
Février
moins solde et
deposit fonds
Mars
l
.. 5.12.7 /2
Avril
moins deposit fonds
- 2.14.6'/
2
£15. 1 . » 12. - . -
20
Juin
Moins solde et
25
£ 6. 3.2'/2
.. 4.17.8V2
£ 4.14.8
Février
moins solde
£ 6. 5.7'/2
» 2.14.6V2
.. 3.11.1
Mars
£ 3. 3.7
» 3. 3.7
Avril
moins dûs au
£15. 1.-
- 7. 5.7V2
Juillet
Moins solde 6. l.l.
déficit -.IO.5V2
£ 7.I8.8V2
Août
moins deposit fonds
Donation et Intérêt
£15. 9.2
- . 1 3 . 2.4
30
Dépenses
.. 6.H.6V2
.. 3. 1.-
.. 1. 5.6
2
» 4. 2 , -
1. 2.8'/
2
.. I3.I8.3V2
Mai
moins solde
£ 6. 3.2V2
» 1. 5.7V2
4.17.7
Juin
solde
£23. 6.1V2
.. 6. 1.1
» 17. 5.-V2
.. 16. - . 6
Juillet
.. 7.I8.8V2
1. 7.2
.. 2. 6.10
»40. 2.4
£89. 2 . ..83.18.7
devrait être en caisse
£ 5. 3.5
Se trouve en caisse
£ 4.18.5
Déficit
.· - . 1 2 . 7 ' /
.. -. 9.0V2
£23. 6.1V2
deposit fonds
.. 6.14.10·
Janvier
moins solde
trésorier 5/—. ">
Solde I7/8V2 i
Mai
moins deposit et solde
£ 12. 7.1
0.13.-
£ 3. 3.7
moins solde
15
£ 6. 5.7 1/2
Septembre—fin Novembre
Décembre
£ 11. 8.6
moins solde
.. 4.13.8
Août
moins dûs £ —.10.5
solde » 4.18.5
£15. 9.2
.. 5. 8.10
.. 10. - . 4
£83.18.7
5/-.(
301
Friedrich Engels
R é s u m é de la g e s t i o n f i n a n c i è r e du C o n s e i l g é n é r a l
du 1
e r
s e p t e m b r e 1869 a u 3 1 a o û t 1870
I Résumé de la gestion financière
du Conseil Général
du 1 Septembre 1869 au 31 Août 1870.
Recettes.
Solde de l'année passée, en caisse
Contributions de sociétés :
a. Anglaises : Dayworking B o o k b i n d e r s
relieurs
Helvetia société Suisse
à Londres
Tailleurs
B r a n c h e X» 1 Bricklayers — m a ç o n s
Arbeiter-Bildungsverein
Société Allemande L o n d r e s
Cigariers de L o n d r e s
Elastic W e b m a k e r s
tisserands d'élastique
B o o t Closers 6 mois
Cordonniers du K e n t
Alliance Cabinet M a k e r s
(ébénistes)
National Reform ligue
(société politique)
W e s t E n d Cabinet m a k e r s
(ébénistes)
302
5
£15.—.l'/i
£
2.—.-—
10
—.11.-—
- — . 1 0 . -—
- — . 2. 6
15
» — . 4.-—
« 2.18.-—
» — . 5.-—
» — . 3. 6
» — . 2. 6
20
» 2.—.-—
2. 6
» 1.—.-—
25
er
Résumé de la gestion financière du Conseil général du 1 sept. 1869 au 31 août 1870
Société des tailleurs,
à-compte
Tottenham Court Road
B r a n c h (section)
5
10
b. étrangères : Saint E t i e n n e et L y o n ,
Sections
Belges, en d e u x rémises
Paris, sections
V e n t e de publications
Contributions individuelles
»—.10.—
»—. 5.—
«10.14.—
£ 6. 7.—
« 11.17. 8
» 4.—.—
» 22. 4. 8
« 6.11.11
»24.13. 3 ' /
2
£ 7 9 . 4.—
Dépenses
15
20
Salaire du Secrétaire 51 semaines
à 15/L o y e r du local des séances
Frais d'imprimerie
Petits frais, p o r t o de lettres,
journaux etc
£38. 5 . —
» 9. 9.—
» 18. 7.—
» 11.16.11
Solde à reporter
»77.17.11
£ 1. 6. 1
A p p r o u v é par la Commission n o m m é e par
la C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s . 22 S e p t e m b r e 1871
H . Perret
Anselmo Lorenzo
Pierre Fluse d e Verviers
Ph.Coenen|
303
Friedrich Engeis
G e s t i o n financière du C o n s e i l g é n é r a i
pour l'année du 1
e r
s e p t e m b r e 1870 au 31 a o û t 1871
I Gestion financière du Conseil Général
pour l'année
du 1 Septembre 1870 au 31 Août 1871
er
Recettes.
1. Solde de l'année dernière
2. Contributions de b r a n c h e s et sociétés
a. Angleterre. Relieurs de L o n d r e s
Maçons »
»
Tailleurs 2 s e m e s t r e
1870
West End Boot
Closers, 1870
Conseil Général des
Charpentiers A o û t 69/70
b. Etranger.
Section d ' A m s t e r d a m
Conseil Central
de N e w Y o r k
3. V e n t e de publications
4. Contributions individuelles
5. S o m m e s remises au Conseil p o u r d e s
objets spéciaux
a. Contribution des d o r e u r s
(Londres) p o u r la grève des
cigariers d ' A n v e r s
b) Contributions diverses p o u r les
proscrits de la C o m m u n e
5
f 1. 6. 1
£ 1.10.—
» 1.—.—
m e
10
»—.IC» — . 3. 6
» 3.—.—
£ — . 8.—
» 6. 3. 6
15
„ 2.—.—
» 2. 8.—
» 3. 0. 8
» 63. 3. 9
20
£ 1.—.—
« 12.—.—
Total R e c e t t e s
304
25
» 13.—.—
£89.2.—
er
Gestion financière du Conseil général pour l'année du 1 sept. 1870 au 31 août 1871
Dépenses.
1. Salaire du Secrétaire
37 semaines à 15/—
15 do
„IO/5
10
15
2. Frais d'imprimerie
3. L o y e r du local
4. Missions à Paris Sept. 1870
et Mars 1871
5. S e c o u r s aux proscrits de la
Commune
6. S o m m e s r e ç u e s et appliq u é e s à d e s objets spéciaux
a. Remis aux Cigariers
d'Anvers (grève)
b. Réfugiés de la
Commune
7. Petits frais, porto
de lettres, j o u r n a u x e t c
20
£35.5.—
» 4.15. 6
« 9. 9.—
„ 6.—.—
» 7.10.—
£ 1.—.—
„ 12.—.—
» 13.—.—
» 7.19. 1
«83.18. 7
Solde
£ 5. 3. 5
Déficit
" — • 5.—
Solde entre les mains du Trésorier
D et te s à payer :
1. 6 mois de loyer
2. Frais d'imprimerie
25
£27.15.—
„ 7.10.--
£ 4.18. 5
£ 6. 6.—
„26
A p p r o u v é par la C o m m i s s i o n n o m m é par la
C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s . 22 S e p t e m b r e 1871
H . Perret
Anselmo Lorenzo
Pierre Fluse de V e r v i e r s
Ph. C o e n e n
d ' A n v e r s et de la Hollande.
305
Karl Marx
N o t e s sur la résolution Vaillant
(Extrait d e s n o t e s de Marx à la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres)
/Résolution Vaillant.
-|-
1) Lorenzo. N ' e s t pas u n e question d'organisation, mais question de
principe.
Outine.
2) Bastelica. Nommer des députés, faire le 4 S e p t e m b r e — faire le 18 M a r s .
(Abstention has produced the 4 September and 18 March.) {Tolain et
Fribourg.)
4)
\/
5)
3)
6)
306
(Against the Deputies etc
| Castiau. Potter.)
Question d'organisation.
Dans un m o m e n t où tous les G o u v e r n e m e n t s poursuivent l'Internationale, les prolétaires de l'Internationale doivent l'opposer — c. à. d. de
faire action politique.
Le pouvoir de classe comme classe est leur pouvoir politique.
Révolution de février. 10 hours'bill.
Frankel et Vaillant. \
Friedrich Engels
Über die politische Aktion der Arbeiterklasse.
Rededisposition für die Sitzung der Londoner Konferenz
am 21. S e p t e m b e r 1871
11) L o r e n z o Prinzipienfrage — dies entschieden
2) Abstention unmöglich. Journalpolitik ist a u c h Politik; alle abstinenten
Blätter greifen die Regierung an. N u r fraglich wie u n d wie weit sich in
Politik mischen. Dies je n a c h U m s t ä n d e n und nicht vorzuschreiben.
2) Abstention widersinnig; m a n soll abstiniren weil schlechte L e u t e gewählt w e r d e n k ö n n e n — also keine Cotisation weil der Cassir durchb r e n n e n kann. Also kein Journal h a b e n weil der R e d a k t e u r sich verkaufen kann ebensogut wie der D e p u t i r t e .
3) Die p o l i t i s c h e n ] F r e i h e i t e n ] — b e s o n d e r s Associations-, V e r s a m m lungs- u n d Preßfreiheit — u n s r e Agitations-Mittel; ist es gleichgültig ob
uns diese g e n o m m e n oder nicht? u n d sollen wir u n s nicht w e h r e n w e n n
m a n sie angreift?
4) Abstention gepredigt weil m a n sonst das B e s t e h e n d e a n e r k e n n t . D a s
B e s t e h e n d e b e s t e h t u n d se fiche pas mal ü b e r u n s e r e A n e r k e n n u n g .
W e n n wir die Mittel die u n s das B e s t e h e n d e gibt b e n u t z e n um gegen das
B e s t e h e n d e zu protestiren, ist d a s A n e r k e n n u n g ?
3) Abstention unmöglich. Die Arbeiter-Partei als politische Partei existirt
u n d will politisch agiren, u n d ihr Abstention predigen heißt die Internationale ruiniren. Die einfache A n s c h a u u n g der Verhältnisse, der
politischen B e d r ü c k u n g zu sozialen Z w e c k e n zwingt die Arbeiter in
die Politik, die Abstentions-Prediger treiben sie den Bourgeoispolitikern in die A r m e . N a c h der C o m m u n e , die die politische Action der
Arbeiter auf die T a g e s o r d n u n g gesetzt Abstention unmöglich.
4) Wir wollen die Abschaffung der K l a s s e n . Einziges Mittel ist die politische Gewalt in den H ä n d e n des Proletariats — u n d wir sollen keine
Politik m a c h e n ? Alle Abstentionisten n e n n e n sich revolutionär. — Die
Revolution ist der h ö c h s t e A c t der Politik, u n d w e r sie will m u ß a u c h
die Mittel wollen, die die Revolution vorbereiten, die Arbeiter für sie
erziehen, u n d sorgen daß er nicht am n ä c h s t e n Tag wieder von F a v r e u n d
P y a t geprellt wird. Es k o m m t n u r darauf an welche Politik — die ausschließlich proletarische, nicht als Schwanz der Bourgeoisie. \
307
Friedrich Engels
Sur l'action politique de la c l a s s e o u v r i è r e
N o t e manuscrite du d i s c o u r s p r o n o n c é à la s é a n c e du
21 s e p t e m b r e 1871 de la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres
I Le cit. Engels. L'abstention absolue en matière politique est impossible ;
aussi t o u s les j o u r n a u x abstentionnistes en font-ils de la politique. Il s'agit
seulement c o m m e n t on en fait, et laquelle. Du reste pour n o u s l'abstention
est impossible. Le parti ouvrier existe déjà c o m m e parti politique d a n s la
plupart des p a y s . Ce n'est p a s à n o u s de le ruiner en p r ê c h a n t l'abstention.
L ' e x p é r i e n c e de la vie actuelle et l'oppression politique qui leur est imposée
par les g o u v e r n e m e n t s existants, pour des b u t s soit politiques, soit sociaux,
force les ouvriers de s'occuper de la politique, qu'ils le veuillent ou non.
L e u r prêcher l'abstention, ce serait les p o u s s e r d a n s les bras de la politique
bourgeoise. Le lendemain de la C o m m u n e de Paris surtout, qui a mis
l'action politique du prolétariat à l'ordre du jour, l'abstention est tout à fait
impossible.
N o u s voulons l'abolition des Classes. Quel est le m o y e n d'y parvenir ? La
domination politique du prolétariat. Et lorsque cela est c o n v e n u de t o u t e
part on nous d e m a n d e de ne pas nous mêler de politique ! T o u s les abstentionnistes se disent révolutionnaires, et m ê m e les révolutionnaires par
excellence. Mais la révolution, c'est l'acte s u p r ê m e de la politique ; qui la
v e u t doit vouloir le moyen, l'action politique, qui la p r é p a r e , qui d o n n e aux
ouvriers l'éducation pour la révolution et sans laquelle les ouvriers, le
lendemain de la lutte, seront toujours les d u p e s des F a v r e et des Pyat. Mais
la politique qu'il faut faire, c'est la politique ouvrière ; il faut que le parti
ouvrier soit constitué non c o m m e la q u e u e de quelque parti bourgeois, mais
bien en parti indépendant qui a son but, sa politique à lui. — |
I L e s libertés politiques, les droits de réunion et d'association et la liberté
de la p r e s s e , voilà nos armes, et n o u s devrions croiser les b r a s et n o u s
abstenir si l'on veut nous les ôter ? On dit q u e tout acte politique implique
q u ' o n r e c o n n a î t l'état existant des c h o s e s . Mais lorsque cet état de choses
n o u s d o n n e des m o y e n s pour protester contre lui, user de ces m o y e n s , ce
n'est p a s r e c o n n a î t r e l'état existant. |
308
Friedrich Engels: Über die politische Aktion d e r Arbeiterklasse.
Rededisposition für die Sitzung d e r Londoner Konferenz am 21. S e p t e m b e r 1871
r
Friedrich Engels
Projet de la r é s o l u t i o n de la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres
relative à la lettre de Paul Robin à la C o n f é r e n c e
5
/Considérant q u e la lettre a d r e s s é e à la C o n f é r e n c e par le c. Robin contient
des assertions qui ne sont p a s d ' a c c o r d avec les faits et constituent u n e
atteinte à l'honneur de la C o m m i s s i o n n o m m é e p a r la C o n f é r e n c e et à celui
de la Conférence elle-même ;
Q u e la conférence ne p e u t d o n c a d m e t t r e cette lettre ;
La Conférence invite le c. Robin de retirer cette lettre en le p r é v e n a n t
qu'au cas contraire l'incident sera remis au conseil général qui en statuera, ι
311
Karl Marx
C o m p l é m e n t à u n e proposition d'André Bastelica
I En accord avec les résolutions prises par la conférence sur un sujet analogue
Nous proposons
Que le Conseil Général soit également chargé de faire traduire, dans les différentes
langues, toutes les résolutions prises dans les divers congrès ou conférences en
dehors des statuts.
Bastelica
Marx
II est sous-entendu que les résolutions des C o n g r è s qui ont r a p p o r t aux
statuts seront insérées aux statuts.
Propositions générales |
312
Karl M a r x : C o m p l é m e n t à u n e proposition d'André Bastelica.
Handschrift von Bastelica und Marx
f
Karl Marx
Résolution de la C o n f é r e n c e d e s d é l é g u é s
de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs
relative au différend e n t r e les f é d é r a t i o n s
d a n s la S u i s s e r o m a n d e
L'Égalité. Nr.20,
21. Oktober 1871
[...] II. Différend entre les fédérations dans la
Suisse romande.
Q u a n t à ce différend :
1° La Conférence doit, de prime-abord, considérer les fins de non5 recevoir mises en avant par le Comité fédéral des Sociétés des m o n t a g n e s
qui n'appartiennent pas à la F é d é r a t i o n r o m a n d e (Voir la lettre du 4 sept e m b r e adressée à la C o n f é r e n c e par le C o m i t é fédéral de cette section) :
Première fin de non-recevoir :
« Le Congrès général, dit-on, c o n v o q u é régulièrement, p e u t seul être c o m pétent p o u r juger u n e affaire aussi grave q u e celle de la scission d a n s la
Fédération r o m a n d e . »
Considérant :
Q u e lorsque les démêlés s'élèveront e n t r e les sociétés ou b r a n c h e s d'un
groupe national, ou entre des groupes de différentes nationalités, le Con15 seil général aura le droit de décider sur le différend, sauf appel au Congrès
prochain qui décidera définitivement (Voir art. V I I des résolutions du
Congrès de Bâle) ;
Q u e d'après la résolution VI du Congrès de Bâle le Conseil général a
également le droit de s u s p e n d r e j u s q u ' a u p r o c h a i n Congrès u n e section de
20 l'Internationale ;
Q u e ces droits du Conseil général o n t été r e c o n n u s , quoique seulement en
théorie, p a r le Comité fédéral des b r a n c h e s dissidentes des montagnes :
parce q u e le citoyen Robin, à différentes reprises, a sollicité le Conseil
général, au n o m de ce Comité, de p r e n d r e u n e résolution définitive sur cette
25 question (Voir les p r o c è s - v e r b a u x du Conseil général) ;
Q u e les droits de la C o n f é r e n c e , s'ils ne sont pas égaux à ceux d'un
Congrès général, sont, en t o u t c a s , supérieurs à c e u x du Conseil général ;
Q u ' e n effet, ce n ' e s t pas le Comité fédéral de la Fédération r o m a n d e ,
mais bien le Comité fédéral des b r a n c h e s dissidentes des m o n t a g n e s qui,
10
315
-
::~·:::::~~~:·:-'
'flooll ......... '
• 90
hrli~'Jil,~.-~1<><.
l'ri<•~>r~rvtr'i""-
L'Égalité. G e n è v e . Nr. 20, 2 1 . O k t o b e r 1871.
Titelblatt
Karl Marx
p a r l'intermédiaire du citoyen Robin, a d e m a n d é la convocation d'une
C o n f é r e n c e pour juger définitivement ce différend (Voir le procès-verbal
du Conseil général du 25 juillet 1871).
Par ces raisons :
Q u a n t à la première fin de non-recevoir la Conférence p a s s e outre.
5
Deuxième fin
de non-recevoir:
« Il serait, dit-on, contraire à l'équité la plus élémentaire que de se p r o n o n c e r contre u n e fédération à laquelle on n ' a pas p r o c u r é les m o y e n s de
défense... N o u s a p p r e n o n s aujourd'hui (le 4 s e p t e m b r e 1871) indirectement,
q u ' u n e Conférence extraordinaire est c o n v o q u é e à L o n d r e s pour le 10
17 s e p t e m b r e . Il était du devoir du Conseil général d'en aviser t o u s les
groupes régionaux, n o u s ignorons p o u r q u o i il a gardé le silence à notre
égard. »
Considérant :
Q u e le Conseil général avait instruit t o u s ses secrétaires de donner avis
de la convocation d'une c o n f é r e n c e aux sections des p a y s respectifs qu'ils
représentent ;
Q u e le citoyen Jung, secrétaire-correspondant p o u r la Suisse, n ' a pas
avisé le Comité des b r a n c h e s jurassiennes p o u r les raisons suivantes :
En violation flagrante de la décision du Conseil Général du 29 juin 1870,
ce Comité, c o m m e il le fait e n c o r e d a n s sa dernière lettre a d r e s s é e à la
Conférence, continue à se désigner c o m m e Comité de la Fédération
Romande.
Ce Comité avait le droit de faire appel de la décision du Conseil Général
à un Congrès futur, mais il n'avait pas le droit de traiter la décision du
Conseil Général c o m m e non a v e n u e .
Par c o n s é q u e n t , il n'existait pas légalement vis-à-vis du Conseil Général,
et le citoyen Jung n'avait p a s le droit de le r e c o n n a î t r e en l'invitant directem e n t à e n v o y e r des délégués à la C o n f é r e n c e ;
Le citoyen Jung n ' a pas reçu de la p a r t de ce Comité des r é p o n s e s à des
questions faites au n o m du Conseil Général ; depuis l'admission du citoyen
Robin au Conseil Général les d e m a n d e s du Comité sus-dit ont toujours
été c o m m u n i q u é e s au Conseil Général par l'intermédiaire du citoyen Robin,
et jamais par le secrétaire-correspondant p o u r la Suisse.
C o n s i d é r a n t encore :
Q u ' a u n o m du Comité sus-dit, le citoyen R o b i n avait d e m a n d é de référer
le différend d'abord au Conseil Général et puis, sur le refus du Conseil
Général, à u n e Conférence ; q u e le Conseil Général et son secrétaire-corres p o n d a n t pour la Suisse étaient d o n c bien fondés à supposer q u e le citoyen
Robin informerait ses c o r r e s p o n d a n t s de la c o n v o c a t i o n d'une conférence,
d e m a n d é e par e u x - m ê m e s ;
316
15
20
25
30
35
40
Résolution relative au différend entre les fédérations dans la Suisse romande
5
10
15
20
25
30
Q u e la commission d ' e n q u ê t e n o m m é e p a r la Conférence pour étudier le
différend Suisse a e n t e n d u le citoyen Robin c o m m e témoin ; que tous les
d o c u m e n t s c o m m u n i q u é s au Conseil Général p a r les d e u x parties ont été
soumis à cette commission d ' e n q u ê t e ; qu'il est impossible d'admettre q u e
le Comité sus-dit ait seulement été informé le 4 septembre de la convocation
de la conférence, attendu q u e déjà au c o u r a n t du mois d'août il avait
offert au citoyen M . . . . de l'envoyer c o m m e délégué à la Conférence ;
P o u r ces raisons :
Q u a n t à la seconde fin de non-recevoir, la Conférence p a s s e outre.
Troisième fin de non-recevoir:
« U n e décision, — dit-on, — annulant les droits de notre F é d é r a t i o n aurait
les plus funestes résultats, q u a n t à l'existence de l'Internationale d a n s
notre contrée. »
Considérant :
Q u e p e r s o n n e n ' a d e m a n d é d'annuler les droits de la fédération sus-dite,
L a conférence passe outre.
2) La conférence a p p r o u v e la décision du Conseil Général du 29 juin
1870.
Considérant en m ê m e t e m p s les poursuites auxquelles se trouve en b u t t e
l'Internationale, la conférence fait appel à l'esprit de solidarité et d'union,
qui plus q u e jamais doit animer les travailleurs ;
Elle conseille aux b r a v e s ouvriers des sections des m o n t a g n e s de se
rallier aux sections de la F é d é r a t i o n R o m a n d e . D a n s le cas où cette union
ne pourrait se faire, elle d é c r è t e q u e la F é d é r a t i o n des sections des m o n tagnes se n o m m e r a : F é d é r a t i o n J u r a s s i e n n e .
Elle d o n n e avis que d é s o r m a i s le Conseil Général sera t e n u à d é n o n c e r
et à d é s a v o u e r publiquement t o u s les j o u r n a u x se disant organes de l'Internationale qui, en suivant l'exemple d o n n é par le Progrès et la Solidarité,
discuteraient dans leurs colonnes, d e v a n t le public bourgeois, des questions
à traiter exclusivement d a n s le sein des comités locaux, des comités f é d é r a u x
et du Conseil Général, ou d a n s les s é a n c e s privées et administratives des
congrès, soit fédéraux, soit généraux.
L o n d r e s , 26 septembre, 1871.
35
P o u r copie conforme :
Le secrétaire-correspondant p o u r la Suisse,
H . Jung.
319
Résolutions d e s d é l é g u é s d e l a C o n f é r e n c e
d e l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs
Réunie à Londres, du 17 au 23 s e p t e m b r e 1871
(Circulaire p u b l i é e par
le C o n s e i l g é n é r a l de l'Association)
Γ
|ι| Résolutions
votées par la Conférence des délégués
de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs,
réunie à Londres, du 17 au 23 Septembre 1871.
I.
Composition
du
Conseil
Général.
La Conférence r e c o m m a n d e au Conseil G é n é r a l de limiter le n o m b r e des
m e m b r e s qu'il s'adjoint et d'éviter q u e ces adjonctions ne se fassent trop
10 exclusivement parmi des citoyens a p p a r t e n a n t à u n e seule nationalité.
II.
Dénominations des Conseils nationaux ou régionaux, des branches,
sections, groupes locaux et de leurs Comités respectifs.
1. — C o n f o r m é m e n t à la résolution prise par le Congrès de Bâle (1869) les
conseils centraux des divers p a y s où l'Association Internationale des
Travailleurs est régulièrement organisée, se désigneront à l'avenir sous le
n o m de Conseils fédéraux, ou Comités fédéraux, en y ajoutant les n o m s de
leurs p a y s respectifs, la désignation de Conseil Général étant réservée au
Conseil Central de Vinternationale.
20
2. — L e s b r a n c h e s , sections ou groupes locaux et leurs comités se désigneront et se constitueront à l'avenir simplement et exclusivement c o m m e
b r a n c h e s , sections, groupes et comités de l'Association Internationale des
Travailleurs en ajoutant les n o m s de leurs localités respectives.
15
325
3. — Il sera d o n c désormais défendu aux b r a n c h e s , sections et groupes
de se désigner par des n o m s de secte, c o m m e par e x e m p l e , les n o m s de
b r a n c h e s positivistes, mutualistes, collectivistes, c o m m u n i s t e s , etc. ou de
former des groupes séparatistes, sous le nom de « sections de p r o p a g a n d e »,
etc. se d o n n a n t des missions spéciales en d e h o r s du but c o m m u n poursuivi
par t o u s les groupes de Vinternationale.
4. — Toutefois, il est bien e n t e n d u que la résolution n. 2 ne s'applique p a s
a u x Sociétés de Résistance ( T r a d e s ' Unions) affiliées à Vinternationale.
III.
Délégués au Conseil Général.
5
10
T o u s les délégués du Conseil Général, chargés de missions spéciales, auront
le droit d'assister et de se faire e n t e n d r e à t o u t e s les réunions des Conseils
ou Comités F é d é r a u x , des Comités de district ou locaux, et des b r a n c h e s
locales sans c e p e n d a n t avoir le droit de vote.j
Cotisation
de
|2| IV.
10 c. par membre à payer au Conseil Général.
15
1. — Le Conseil G é n é r a l fera imprimer d e s timbres uniformes r e p r é s e n t a n t
la valeur de 10 cent, c h a c u n , d o n t il e n v e r r a annuellement le n o m b r e dem a n d é a u x conseils ou comités fédéraux.
2. — L e s conseils ou comités fédéraux feront p a r v e n i r aux comités locaux 20
ou à défaut aux sections de leur ressort le n o m b r e de timbres c o r r e s p o n d a n t
au n o m b r e des m e m b r e s qui les c o m p o s e n t .
3. — Ces timbres seront alors appliqués sur u n e feuille du livret disposée à
cet effet ou sur l'exemplaire des statuts d o n t tout m e m b r e de l'association
doit être muni.
25
4. — A la date du premier m a r s les Conseils F é d é r a u x des divers p a y s ou
régions seront tenus d ' e n v o y e r au Conseil G é n é r a l le m o n t a n t des timbres
e m p l o y é s et le solde des timbres leur restant en caisse.
5. — C e s timbres r e p r é s e n t a n t la valeur d e s cotisations individuelles port e r o n t le chiffre de l'année c o u r a n t e .
30
326
Γ
Résolutions des délégués de la Conférence de l'A. I.T.
Formation
5
de
V.
sections
de
femmes.
La Conférence r e c o m m a n d e la formation de sections de femmes dans la
classe ouvrière. Il est bien e n t e n d u q u e cette résolution ne porte nullement
atteinte à l'existence et n'exclut en a u c u n e façon la formation de sections
c o m p o s é e s de travailleurs des d e u x s e x e s .
Statistique générale
VI.
de la
classe
ouvrière.
1. — La Conférence invite le Conseil Général à m e t t r e à exécution l'article
V des statuts originaux relatif à la statistique générale de la classe ouvrière
et à appliquer les résolutions prises p a r le Congrès de G e n è v e (1866) à ce
m ê m e effet.
2. — C h a q u e section locale est t e n u e d'avoir d a n s son sein un C o m i t é
spécial de statistique qui sera toujours prêt dans la m e s u r e de ses m o y e n s
15 à r é p o n d r e aux questions qui p o u r r o n t lui être adressées par le Conseil ou
le Comité Fédéral du p a y s ou par le Conseil Général de l'Internationale. Il
est r e c o m m a n d é à toutes les sections de rétribuer les secrétaires des comités
de statistique, vu l'importance et l'utilité générale de leur travail pour la
classe ouvrière.
20
3. — Au premier A o û t de c h a q u e a n n é e les Conseils ou Comités F é d é r a u x enverront les d o c u m e n t s recueillis au Conseil Général qui en fera un
r é s u m é à soumettre aux C o n g r è s ou C o n f é r e n c e s t e n u s au mois de Septembre.
4. — Le refus par u n e société de résistance ou u n e b r a n c h e internationale
25 de donner les renseignements d e m a n d é s sera p o r t é à la connaissance du
Conseil Général qui aura à statuer à ce sujet.
10
Rapports
30
internationaux
VII.
des sociétés
de
résistance.
Le Conseil Général est invité à a p p u y e r , c o m m e par le p a s s é , la t e n d a n c e |
|3| croissante des sociétés de r é s i s t a n c e d ' u n p a y s de se mettre en r a p p o r t
avec les sociétés de résistance du m ê m e métier dans tous les autres p a y s .
L'efficacité de sa fonction c o m m e intermédiaire international entre les
sociétés de résistance nationales d é p e n d r a essentiellement du c o n c o u r s q u e
327
ces sociétés elles-mêmes prêteront à la statistique générale du travail
poursuivie par l'Internationale.
L e s b u r e a u x des sociétés de résistance de t o u s les p a y s sont invités à
e n v o y e r au Conseil Général leurs a d r e s s e s .
Les
VIII.
producteurs
5
agricoles.
1. — La conférence invite le Conseil Général et les conseils ou comités
fédéraux à préparer pour le prochain congrès, des r a p p o r t s sur les m o y e n s
d'assurer l'adhésion des p r o d u c t e u r s agricoles au m o u v e m e n t du prolétariat
industriel.
10
2. — En attendant, les conseils ou comités f é d é r a u x des divers p a y s sont
invités à e n v o y e r des délégués dans les campagnes p o u r y organiser des
réunions publiques, faire de la p r o p a g a n d e p o u r Vinternationale, et fonder
des sections agricoles.
L'action politique
IX.
de la
15
classe
ouvrière.
Vu les considérants des Statuts originaux où il est dit : « L ' é m a n c i p a t i o n
é c o n o m i q u e des Travailleurs est le grand b u t auquel tout m o u v e m e n t
politique doit être s u b o r d o n n é comme moyen » ;
Vu l'Adresse inaugurale de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs
20
(1864) qui d i t : « L e s seigneurs de la terre et les seigneurs du capital se
serviront toujours de leurs privilèges politiques p o u r d é f e n d r e et perpétuer
leurs m o n o p o l e s é c o n o m i q u e s . Bien loin de p o u s s e r à l'émancipation du
travail, ils continueront à y o p p o s e r le plus d'obstacles p o s s i b l e s . . . La conq u ê t e du pouvoir politique est d o n c d e v e n u e le premier devoir de la classe 25
ouvrière ; »
Vu la Résolution du Congrès de Lausanne (1867) à cet effet : « L ' é m a n c i pation sociale des Travailleurs est inséparable de leur émancipation politique ; »
Vu la déclaration du Conseil Général sur le p r é t e n d u complot des Inter- 30
n a t i o n a u x français à la veille du plébiscite (1870) où il est dit : « D ' a p r è s la
t e n e u r de nos statuts, certainement toutes nos sections en Angleterre, sur
le continent et en Amérique, ont la mission spéciale, non-seulement de
servir de centres à l'organisation militante de la classe ouvrière, mais aussi
de soutenir dans leurs p a y s respectifs, t o u t m o u v e m e n t politique tendant 35
328
5
10
15
20
25
à l'accomplissement de n o t r e b u t final : — l'émancipation é c o n o m i q u e de la
classe ouvrière ; »
A t t e n d u que des traductions infidèles d e s Statuts originaux ont d o n n é
lieu à des interprétations fausses qui o n t été nuisibles au d é v e l o p p e m e n t et
à l'action de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs ;
En p r é s e n c e d'une réaction sans frein qui étouffe violemment tout effort
d'émancipation de la part d e s travailleurs, et p r é t e n d maintenir par la force
brutale la distinction des classes, la domination politique des classes p o s s é dantes qui en résulte ;
Considérant en outre :
Q u e contre ce pouvoir collectif des classes p o s s é d a n t e s le prolétariat ne
peut agir c o m m e classe q u ' e n se c o n s t i t u a n t lui-même en parti politique |
|4| distinct, o p p o s é à t o u s les anciens partis f o r m é s par les classes p o s sédantes ;
Q u e cette constitution du prolétariat en parti politique est indispensable
p o u r assurer le triomphe de la révolution sociale et de son b u t suprême :
l'abolition des classes ;
Q u e la coalition des forces ouvrières déjà o b t e n u e par les luttes é c o n o miques doit aussi servir de levier a u x mains de cette classe d a n s sa lutte
contre le pouvoir politique de ses exploiteurs —
La Conférence rappelle a u x m e m b r e s de l'Internationale :
Q u e dans l'état militant de la classe ouvrière, son m o u v e m e n t é c o n o mique et son action politique sont indissolublement unis.
X.
Résolution générale relative aux pays où l'organisation
régulière de l'Internationale est entravée par les gouvernements.
D a n s les p a y s où l'organisation régulière de l'Association Internationale des
Travailleurs est m o m e n t a n é m e n t d e v e n u e impraticable, p a r suite de l'intervention gouvernementale, l'Association et ses groupes l o c a u x p o u r r o n t se
30 constituer sous diverses d é n o m i n a t i o n s , mais t o u t e constitution de section
internationale sous forme de société secrète est et r e s t e formellement interdite.
XI.
Résolutions relatives
35
à
la
France.
1. — La Conférence exprime sa ferme conviction q u e t o u t e s les poursuites
ne feront que doubler l'énergie d e s a d h é r e n t s de l'Internationale et q u e les
329
b r a n c h e s continueront à s'organiser sinon par grands c e n t r e s , au moins par
ateliers et fédérations d'ateliers c o r r e s p o n d a n t par leurs délégués.
2. — En c o n s é q u e n c e , la Conférence invite t o u t e s les b r a n c h e s à continuer
sans relâche la propagande des principes de notre Association en F r a n c e et
à y importer le plus grand n o m b r e possible d'exemplaires de t o u t e s les
publications et des statuts de l'Internationale.
Résolution
XII.
relative à
5
l'Angleterre.
La Conférence invite le Conseil Général à aviser les b r a n c h e s anglaises de
L o n d r e s , de former un Comité F é d é r a l p o u r L o n d r e s , lequel, après s'être 10
mis en r a p p o r t a v e c les b r a n c h e s provinciales et les sociétés de résistance
affiliées, et après avoir r e ç u leur adhésion, sera r e c o n n u par le Conseil
Général c o m m e Conseil Fédéral anglais.
XIII.
Votes particuliers de la Conférence.
15
1. — La Conférence a p p r o u v e l'adjonction d e s réfugiés de la C o m m u n e
de Paris que le Conseil Général a admis d a n s son sein.
2. — La Conférence déclare q u e les ouvriers allemands ont rempli leur
devoir p e n d a n t la guerre franco-allemande. |
| 5 | 3. — La Conférence remercie fraternellement les m e m b r e s de la 20
F é d é r a t i o n Espagnole p o u r leur travail sur l'organisation de l'Internationale
qui p r o u v e u n e fois de plus leur d é v o u e m e n t à l'œuvre c o m m u n e .
4. — Le Conseil Général fera i m m é d i a t e m e n t la déclaration formelle q u e
l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs e s t a b s o l u m e n t étrangère à la
soi-disant conspiration Netchaïeff, lequel a f r a u d u l e u s e m e n t u s u r p é et 25
exploité le n o m de l'Internationale.
Instruction
XIV.
au citoyen
Outine.
Le citoyen Outine est invité à publier d a n s le journal VÉgalité (Genève) un
r é s u m é du p r o c è s Netchaïeff d'après les j o u r n a u x r u s s e s et d'en c o m m u - 30
niquer le manuscrit avant publication au Conseil Général.
330
Convocation
5
XV.
du prochain
Congrès.
La C o n f é r e n c e laisse à l'appréciation du Conseil G é n é r a l le soin de fixer,
selon les é v é n e m e n t s , la d a t e et le siège du p r o c h a i n congrès ou de la conférence qui le remplacerait.
XVI.
Alliance
10
15
20
25
30
de
la
Démocratie
socialiste.
Considérant :
Q u e «l'Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e Socialiste» s'est déclarée dissoute
(voir la lettre au Conseil G é n é r a l d. d. G e n è v e , 10 A o û t , 1871, signée par le
citoyen Joukowsky, secrétaire de l'Alliance);
Q u e d a n s sa séance du 18 S e p t e m b r e (voir η. II de c e t t e circulaire) la
c o n f é r e n c e a décidé q u e t o u t e s les organisations existantes de l'Association
Internationale des Travailleurs seront, c o n f o r m é m e n t à la lettre et à l'esprit
des Statuts G é n é r a u x , d é s o r m a i s obligées à s'appeler et à se constituer
simplement et exclusivement, c o m m e b r a n c h e s , sections etc., de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs a v e c les n o m s de leurs localités
respectives a t t a c h é s ; qu'il sera d o n c défendu a u x b r a n c h e s et sociétés
existantes de continuer à se désigner par des n o m s de secte, c'est-à-dire
c o m m e groupes mutualistes, positivistes, collectivistes, c o m m u n i s t e s , e t c . ;
Qu'il ne sera non plus p e r m i s à a u c u n e b r a n c h e ou société déjà admise de
continuer à former un g r o u p e séparatiste sous la désignation de « section de
p r o p a g a n d e , » «Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e Socialiste,» e t c . , se d o n n a n t des
missions spéciales en d e h o r s du b u t c o m m u n poursuivi par la m a s s e du
prolétariat militant réuni d a n s l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs ;
Q u ' à l'avenir le Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des
Travailleurs d e v r a interpréter et appliquer d a n s ce sens la Résolution administrative du Congrès de Bâle, Art. V. : « Le Conseil Général a le droit
d ' a d m e t t r e ou de refuser l'affiliation de t o u t e nouvelle société ou groupe,
sauf l'appel au prochain congrès ; »
La C o n f é r e n c e déclare vidé l'incident de « l'Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e
socialiste. »
331
Différend entre les
XVII.
deux fédérations
de la
Suisse
Romande.
1. — Cet article rejette les fins de non-recevoir q u e le Comité Fédéral
des ||6| sections des montagnes a fait valoir contre la c o m p é t e n c e de la
conférence. (L'article sera imprimé in extenso d a n s L'Égalité de Genève.)
5
2. — La Conférence :
A p p r o u v e la décision du Conseil Général du 29 juin 1870 ;
N é a n m o i n s , considérant les p o u r s u i t e s auxquelles se t r o u v e en b u t t e
l'Internationale, la Conférence fait appel à l'esprit de solidarité et d'union
qui plus que jamais doit animer les travailleurs. Elle conseille aux b r a v e s 10
ouvriers des sections des m o n t a g n e s de se rallier aux sections de la fédération R o m a n d e . D a n s le cas où cette union ne pourrait se faire, elle décide
q u e la fédération des sections dissidentes se n o m m e r a à l'avenir « Fédération Jurassienne». Elle d o n n e avis que d é s o r m a i s le Conseil Général sera
t e n u à d é n o n c e r et d é s a v o u e r p u b l i q u e m e n t t o u s les j o u r n a u x se disant 15
organes de l'Internationale lesquels, suivant l'exemple d o n n é par le Progrès
et la Solidarité, discuteraient d a n s leurs colonnes, d e v a n t le public bourgeois,
des questions q u ' o n ne doit discuter que d a n s le sein des comités locaux, des
comités F é d é r a u x , et du Conseil Général, ou d a n s les séances privées et
administratives des congrès soit f é d é r a u x soit g é n é r a u x .
20
Note.
L e s résolutions de la Conférence qui ne sont pas destinées à la publicité,
seront c o m m u n i q u é e s aux conseils f é d é r a u x des divers p a y s par les
secrétaires c o r r e s p o n d a n t s du Conseil G é n é r a l .
25
Par ordre et au nom de la Conférence,
L E CONSEIL GÉNÉRAL:
R. Applegarth, M. J. Boon, Fred. Bradnick, G. H. Buttery, Delahaye, E u g è n e
Dupont (en délégation), W.Hales, G.Harris, Hurliman, Jules Johannard,
30
F r e d . Lessner, Lochner, Ch. Longuet, C Martin, Z.Maurice, H e n r y Mayo,
George Milner, Charles Murray, Pfander, J o h n Roach, Rühl, Sadler, Cowell
Stepney, Alf. Taylor, W. Townshend, E. Vaillant, J o h n Weston.
332
SECRÉTAIRES CORRESPONDANTS :
5
10
A . Serraillier, . . . . p o u r l a F r a n c e .
Karl Marx, . . Allemagne et Russie.
F. Engels
Italie et E s p a g n e .
A. Herman
Belgique.
J.P.MacDonnell
Irlande.
Le Moussu,.... p o u r les b r a n c h e s
françaises des E t a t s - U n i s .
H e r m a n n Jung, . . . pour la Suisse.
Walery
Wroblewski,....
Pologne.
T.Mottershead
Danemark.
Ch. Rochat
Hollande.
J. G. Eccarius
Etats-Unis.
L e o Frankel
Autriche et
Hongrie
F . E N G E L S , Président d e l a séance. H E R M A N N J U N G , Trésorier.
J O H N H A L E S , Secrétaire Général.
256, High H o l b o r n , W. C,
L o n d r e s , 17 Octobre 1871. |
333
Resolutions of t h e C o n f e r e n c e of D e l e g a t e s of t h e
A s s e m b l e d at London from 17th to 23rd S e p t e m b e r 1871
(Circular i s s u e d by t h e G e n e r a l Council
of t h e Association)
r
|i|
Resolutions
of the Conference of Delegates
of the International Working Men's Association,
assembled at London from 17 to 23 September 1871.
th
rd
5
Composition
I.
of General
Council.
T h e Conference invites t h e General Council to limit the n u m b e r of those
m e m b e r s w h o m it adds to itself, and to t a k e care that such adjunctions be
10
not m a d e too exclusively from citizens belonging to the same nationality.
Designations
II.
of National
Councils,
etc.
1.—In conformity with a Resolution of the Congress of Basel (1869), the
Central Councils of t h e various countries w h e r e the International is
15 regularly organised, shall designate themselves henceforth as Federal
Councils or Federal Committees with the n a m e s of their respective countries attached, t h e designation of General Council being reserved for the
Central Council of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association.
2.—All local b r a n c h e s , sections, groups and their committees are h e n c e 20 forth to designate and constitute t h e m s e l v e s simply and exclusively as
b r a n c h e s , sections, groups and c o m m i t t e e s of t h e International Working
Men 's Association w i t h t h e n a m e s of their r e s p e c t i v e localities attached.
3.—Consequently, no b r a n c h e s , sections, or groups will henceforth be
allowed to designate t h e m s e l v e s by sectarian n a m e s such as Positivists,
339
Mutualists, Collectivists, C o m m u n i s t s , etc., or to form separatist bodies
u n d e r the n a m e of sections of propaganda etc., pretending to accomplish
special missions, distinct from the c o m m o n p u r p o s e s of the Association.
4.—Resolutions 1 and 2 do not, h o w e v e r , apply to affiliated Trades'
Unions.
Delegates
III.
of the General
5
Council.
All delegates appointed to distinct missions by the General Council shall
h a v e the right to attend, and be heard at, all meetings of F e d e r a l Councils,
or C o m m i t t e e s , district and local C o m m i t t e e s a n d b r a n c h e s , without, h o w - 10
ever, being entitled to vote thereat.
Contribution
of Id.
IV.
per member to
the
General Council.
1.—The General Council shall cause to be printed adhesive stamps r e presenting the value of one p e n n y each, w h i c h will be annually supplied, in 15
the n u m b e r s to be asked for, to the Federal Councils or C o m m i t t e e s .
2.—The Federal Councils or C o m m i t t e e s shall provide the local C o m mittees, or, in their absence, their respective sections, with the n u m b e r of
stamps corresponding to the n u m b e r of their m e m b e r s . |
|2| 3.—These stamps are to be affixed to a special sheet of the livret or to 20
t h e rules which every m e m b e r is held to p o s s e s s .
4.—On the 1 of M a r c h of e a c h year, the F e d e r a l Councils or C o m m i t t e e s
of the different countries shall forward to t h e G e n e r a l Council the a m o u n t
of the stamps disposed of, and return the unsold s t a m p s remaining on
hand.
25
5.—These stamps, representing the value of the individual contributions,
shall bear the date of the current year.
st
Formation
of
V.
Working
Women's
branches.
T h e Conference r e c o m m e n d s the formation of female b r a n c h e s a m o n g the 30
working class. It is, h o w e v e r , u n d e r s t o o d that this resolution does n o t at
all interfere with the existence or formation of b r a n c h e s c o m p o s e d of b o t h
sexes.
340
F
Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the I. W. M. A.
General
Statistics
VI.
of the
Working Class.
1.—The Conference invites t h e G e n e r a l Council to enforce art. .5 of t h e
original rules relating to a general statistics of t h e working class, and t h e
5 resolutions of the G e n e v a C o n g r e s s , 1866, on t h e same subject.
2.—Every local b r a n c h is b o u n d to appoint a special committee of statistics, so as to be always r e a d y , within the limits of its m e a n s , to a n s w e r
any questions which m a y be a d d r e s s e d to it by the F e d e r a l Council or
Committee of its country, or by the General Council. It is r e c o m m e n d e d to
10 all b r a n c h e s to r e m u n e r a t e the secretaries of the committees of statistics,
considering the general benefit the working class will derive from their
labour.
3.—On the first of August of e a c h y e a r the Federal Councils or C o m m i t t e e s
will transmit the materials collected in their respective countries to the
15 General Council which, in its turn, will h a v e to elaborate t h e m into a general
report, to be laid before the C o n g r e s s e s or Conferences annually held in
the m o n t h of September.
4.—Trades' U n i o n s and international b r a n c h e s refusing to give t h e information required, shall be reported to the General Council which will t a k e
20 action thereupon.
International
VII.
Relations of
Trades'
Unions.
T h e General Council is invited to assist, as has b e e n d o n e hitherto, t h e
growing tendency of the T r a d e s ' U n i o n s of the different countries to enter
25 into relations with the U n i o n s of t h e same trade in all other countries. T h e
efficiency of its action as the international agent of communication b e t w e e n
the national T r a d e s ' societies will essentially d e p e n d u p o n the assistance
given by t h e s e same societies to the General L a b o u r Statistics p u r s u e d by
the
International.
30
T h e b o a r d s of T r a d e s ' U n i o n s of all countries are invited to k e e p the
General Council informed of the directions of their respective offices.
341
VIII.
Agricultural
Producers.
1.—The Conference invites the General Council and t h e Federal Councils
or C o m m i t t e e s to p r e p a r e , for the n e x t C o n g r e s s , r e p o r t s on the m e a n s of |
| 3 | securing the adhesion of the agricultural p r o d u c e r s to the m o v e m e n t of
the industrial proletariate.
2.—Meanwhile, the Federal Councils or C o m m i t t e e s are invited to send
agitators to the rural districts, there to organize public meetings, to propagate
the principles of the International and to found rural b r a n c h e s .
Political Action
IX.
of the
Working
Class.
Considering the following passage of the p r e a m b l e to the rules: " T h e
economical emancipation of t h e working classes is t h e great end to w h i c h
every political m o v e m e n t ought to be subordinate as a means;"
T h a t the Inaugural A d d r e s s of t h e International W o r k i n g M e n ' s A s s o ciation (1864) states: " T h e lords of land and the lords of capital will always
u s e their political privileges for the defence and perpetuation of their
economical monopolies. So far from promoting, t h e y will continue to lay
every possible impediment in the w a y of the emancipation of l a b o u r . . . To
c o n q u e r political p o w e r has therefore b e c o m e the great duty of the working
classes;"
T h a t the Congress of L a u s a n n e (1867) has p a s s e d this resolution: " T h e
social emancipation of the w o r k m e n is inseparable from their political
emancipation;"
T h a t the declaration of the General Council relative to the pretended plot
of the F r e n c h Internationals on the eve of the plebiscite (1870) s a y s : " C e r tainly by the tenor of our statutes, all our b r a n c h e s in England, on the
Continent, and in America h a v e the special mission not only to serve as
centres for the militant organisation of t h e w o r k i n g class, b u t also to
support, in their respective countries, every political m o v e m e n t tending
t o w a r d s the accomplishment of our ultimate end—the economical emancipation of the working c l a s s ; "
T h a t false translations of the original statutes h a v e given rise to various
interpretations which w e r e mischievous to the d e v e l o p m e n t and action of
t h e International Working M e n ' s Association;
In p r e s e n c e of an unbridled reaction w h i c h violently crushes every
342
r
Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the I. W. M.A.
effort at emancipation on the part of the working m e n , and pretends to
maintain by brute force the distinction of classes and the political domination
of the propertied classes resulting from it;
Considering, that against this collective p o w e r of the propertied classes
5 the working class cannot act, as a class, e x c e p t by constituting itself into
a political party, distinct from, and o p p o s e d t o , all old parties formed by the
propertied classes;
T h a t this constitution of the working class into a political p a r t y is
indispensable in order to insure the triumph of the social Revolution and
10 its ultimate end—the abolition of classes;
T h a t the combination of forces which the working class has already
effected by its economical struggles ought at the same time to serve as a
lever for its struggles against the political p o w e r of landlords and capitalists—
15
T h e Conference recalls to the m e m b e r s of the International:
T h a t in the militant state of the w o r k i n g class, its economical m o v e m e n t
and its political action are indissolubly united.
20
X.
General Resolution as to the countries where the regular organisation
of the International is interfered with by the Governments.
In those countries w h e r e the regular organisation of t h e International m a y |
|4| for the m o m e n t h a v e b e c o m e impracticable in c o n s e q u e n c e of government interference, the Association, and its local groups, m a y be reformed
under various other n a m e s , b u t all secret societies properly so called are
25 and remain formally excluded.
Resolutions
XI.
relating
to
France.
1.—The Conference e x p r e s s e s its firm conviction that all persecutions
will only double the energy of the a d h e r e n t s of the International, and that
30 the branches will continue to organize t h e m s e l v e s , if not by great centres,
at least by w o r k s h o p s and federations of w o r k s h o p s corresponding with
e a c h other by their delegates.
2.—Consequently, the Conference invites all b r a n c h e s vigorously to
persist in the p r o p a g a n d a of our principles in F r a n c e and to import into their
35 country as many copies as possible of the publications and statutes of the
International.
343
Resolution
XII.
relating
to
England.
T h e Conference invites the General Council to call u p o n t h e English branches in L o n d o n to form a Federal Committee for L o n d o n which, after its
recognition by the provincial b r a n c h e s and affiliated' societies, shall be
recognised, by the General Council, as the Federal Council for England.
Special
votes
XIII.
of the
5
Conference.
1.—The Conference a p p r o v e s of the adjunction of the m e m b e r s of the
Paris C o m m u n e w h o m the General Council has a d d e d to its number.
10
2.—The Conference declares that G e r m a n working m e n h a v e d o n e their
duty during the F r a n c o - G e r m a n war.
3.—The Conference fraternally t h a n k s the m e m b e r s of t h e Spanish Federation for the m e m o r a n d u m p r e s e n t e d by t h e m on the organisation of the
International by which they h a v e o n c e m o r e p r o v e d their devotion to our 15
c o m m o n work.
4.—The General Council shall immediately publish a declaration to the
effect that the International Working M e n ' s Association is utterly foreign
to the so-called conspiracy of Netschayeff w h o has fraudulently usurped
its n a m e .
20
Instruction
XIV.
to citizen
Outine.
Citizen Outine is invited to publish in the journal l'Egalité a succinct report,
from the Russian p a p e r s , of the Netschayeff trial. Before publication, his
r e p o r t will be submitted to the General Council.
25
Convocation
XV.
of next
Congress.
T h e Conference leaves it to the discretion of the General Council to fix,
according to events, the day and place of meeting of the n e x t Congress or
Conference. I
30
344
Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the I. W. M. A.
|5| X V I .
Alliance de la Démocratie socialiste.
(The Alliance of Socialist Democracy.)
5
Considering that the "Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e socialiste" has declared
itself dissolved (see letter to the General Council d. d. G e n e v a , 10 A u g u s t
1871 signed by citizen N . J o u k o w s k y , secretary to the "Alliance"),
T h a t in its sitting of the 18 S e p t e m b e r (see K a i l of this circular) the
Conference has decided that all existing organisations of the International
shall, in conformity with the letter and the spirit of the general rules,
henceforth designate and constitute themselves simply and exclusively as
b r a n c h e s , sections, federations, etc., of t h e International W o r k i n g M e n ' s
Association with the n a m e s of their r e s p e c t i v e localities attached;
T h a t the existing b r a n c h e s and societies shall therefore no longer be
allowed to designate themselves by sectarian n a m e s such as Positivists,
Mutualists, Collect!vists, C o m m u n i s t s , etc., or to form separatist bodies
under the n a m e s of sections of propaganda, Alliance de la Démocratie
socialiste, etc., pretending to accomplish special missions distinct from the
c o m m o n purposes of the Association;
T h a t henceforth the General Council of the International Working M e n ' s
Association will in this sense h a v e to interpret and apply article 5 of the
administrative resolutions of the Basel C o n g r e s s : " T h e General Council
has the right either to a c c e p t or to refuse the affiliation of a n y n e w section
or g r o u p , " etc.;
T h e Conference declares the question of the "Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e
socialiste" to be settled.
th
th
10
15
20
25
Split
in
the
XVII.
French-speaking part
of
Switzerland.
1.—The different exceptions t a k e n by the Federal Committee of the
Mountain sections as to the c o m p e t e n c y of the Conference are declared
30 inadmissible. (This is but a r e s u m e of article 1 w h i c h will be printed in full
in the Egalité of Geneva.)
2.—The Conference confirms t h e decision of the General Council of
J u n e 29th, 1870.
At the same time, in view of the p e r s e c u t i o n s which the International is
35 at present undergoing, the C o n f e r e n c e appeals to the feelings of fraternity
and union which m o r e than e v e r ought to animate t h e working class;
It invites the brave working m e n of the M o u n t a i n sections to rejoin the
sections of the R o m a n d F e d e r a t i o n ;
345
In case such an amalgamation should p r o v e impracticable it decides
t h a t t h e dissident M o u n t a i n sections shall h e n c e f o r t h n a m e t h e m s e l v e s t h e
"Jurassian
Federation ".
T h e C o n f e r e n c e gives warning t h a t h e n c e f o r t h t h e G e n e r a l Council will
be b o u n d to publicly d e n o u n c e and disavow all organs of t h e International
5
w h i c h , following the p r e c e d e n t s of t h e Progrès and t h e Solidarité, should
discuss in their columns, before t h e middle class public, q u e s t i o n s exclusively r e s e r v e d for t h e local or F e d e r a l C o m m i t t e e s and t h e General Council,
or for the private and administrative sittings of t h e F e d e r a l or General
Congresses.
10
|6| Noiz'ce.
T h e resolutions n o t intended for publicity will be c o m m u n i c a t e d to t h e
F e d e r a l Councils or C o m m i t t e e s of t h e various countries by t h e c o r r e s p o n d - 15
ing secretaries of the General Council.
By order and in
the name of the
Conference,
THE GENERAL COUNCIL:
R. Applegarth, M. J. Boon, F r e d . Bradnick, G. H. Buttery, Delahaye, E u g è n e
20
Dupont (on mission), W . H a l e s , G.Harris, Hurliman, Jules Johannard,
F r e d . Lessner, Lochner, Ch. Longuet, C. Martin, Z. Maurice, H e n r y Mayo,
G e o r g e Milner, Charles Murray, Pfander, J o h n Roach, RUM, Sadler, Cowell
Stepney, Alf. Taylor, W. Townshend, E. Vaillant, J o h n Weston.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARIES.
A. Serraillier
for F r a n c e .
K a r l Marx,. . G e r m a n y and Russia.
F. Engels
Italy and Spain.
A.Herman
Belgium.
J.P.MacDonnell
Ireland.
Le Moussu
for t h e F r e n c h
b r a n c h e s of t h e United S t a t e s .
W a l e r y Wroblewski. . . for Poland.
H e r m a n n Jung. . . for Switzerland.
Τ'. Mottershead
Denmark.
Ch. Rochat
Holland.
J . G . Eccarius . . . . U n i t e d States.
L e o Frankel
Austria a n d
Hungary
25
30
F . E N G E L S , C h a i r m a n . - H E R M A N N J U N G , Treasurer
J O H N H A L E S , G e n . Secretary.
256, High H o l b o r n , W . C . ,
346
L o n d o n , 17 O c t o b e r 1871.
35
B e s c h l ü s s e der D e l e g i e r t e n k o n f e r e n z
der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation,
a b g e h a l t e n zu London v o m 17. bis 23. S e p t e m b e r 1871
Auf d e r G r u n d l a g e d e r f r a n z ö s i s c h e n
und der englischen A u s g a b e bearbeitet
r
Beschlüsse der Delegiertenkonferenz der IAA
|2|
/.
Zusammensetzung
des
Generalraths.
Die K o n f e r e n z ersucht den G e n e r a l r a t h , die Anzahl der Mitglieder, die er
sich selbst beifügt, zu b e s c h r ä n k e n , u n d v o r z u s e h e n , d a ß sie nicht zu ausschließlich einer u n d derselben Nationalität angehören.
5
II. Benennungen der nationalen Räthe, lokalen Zweige, Sektionen,
Gruppen
und ihrer Komitees.
1) G e m ä ß Beschlusses des Baseler K o n g r e s s e s , 1869, h a b e n die Centralräthe der L ä n d e r , wo die Internationale regelmäßig organisirt ist, sich in
Zukunft zu bezeichnen als Föderalräthe oder Föderalkomitees, mit Bei10 fügung der N a m e n ihrer r e s p e k t i v e n L ä n d e r . Die Bezeichnung Generalrath ist dem Centrairath der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation vorbehalten.
2) Alle lokalen Zweige, Sektionen, G r u p p e n u n d deren K o m i t e e s sollen
sich in Zukunft einfach u n d ausschließlich b e z e i c h n e n u n d konstituiren als
15 Zweige etc. etc. der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation, mit Beifügung
der N a m e n ihrer bezüglichen Oertlichkeit.
3) D e m g e m ä ß ist es den Zweigen, G r u p p e n u n d deren K o m i t e e s v o n n u n
an untersagt, S e k t e n n a m e n a n z u n e h m e n , z . B . die N a m e n : Positivisten,
Mutualisten, Collektivisten, K o m m u n i s t e n u. s.w., oder Sonderkörper zu
20 bilden, w e l c h e unter B e z e i c h n u n g e n wie: P r o p a g a n d a s e k t i o n e n u. s. w., eine
b e s o n d e r e von den g e m e i n s a m e n Z w e c k e n der Assoziation verschiedene
Mission sich zuschreiben.
4) Art. 1 u n d 2 finden j e d o c h keine A n w e n d u n g auf die mit der Internationalen v e r b ü n d e t e n G e w e r k s g e n o s s e n s c h a f t e n .
351
III. Delegirte
des
Generalraths.
Alle v o m Generalrath zu b e s t i m m t e n S e n d u n g e n e r n a n n t e Delegirte h a b e n
das R e c h t , den V e r s a m m l u n g e n der Föderalräthe oder - K o m i t e e s , der
Distrikt- u n d Lokal-Komitees u n d Zweige b e i z u w o h n e n u n d daselbst gehört zu w e r d e n , o h n e j e d o c h S t i m m r e c h t zu h a b e n .
IV. Beitrag
von
5
einem Penny (Groschen) per Mitglied
an den Generalrath.
1) D e r Generalrath wird anheftbare M a r k e n , w o v o n j e d e den W e r t h eines
P e n n y vorstellt, drucken und, in der verlangten Anzahl, jährlich den Föderalr ä t h e n oder -Komitees z u k o m m e n lassen. |
10
| 3 | 2) Die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komitees w e r d e n d e n L o k a l k o m i t e e s und,
in d e r e n A b w e s e n h e i t , den lokalen Zweigen eine der A n z a h l ihrer Mitglieder e n t s p r e c h e n d e Anzahl von M a r k e n ü b e r m a c h e n .
3) Diese M a r k e n sind alsdann auf das E x e m p l a r der Statuten anzuheften,
w e l c h e s jedes Mitglied zu besitzen gehalten ist.
15
4) Am l . M ä r z j e d e s Jahres h a b e n die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komitees der
v e r s c h i e d e n e n L ä n d e r den E r l ö s aus den verkauften M a r k e n d e m Generalrath zu ü b e r m a c h e n , u n d zugleich die u n v e r k a u f t e n M a r k e n zurückzusenden.
5) Diese M a r k e n , die den W e r t h der Einzelbeiträge vorstellen, tragen das 20
D a t u m des laufenden Jahres.
V. Bildung
weiblicher
Sektionen.
Die K o n f e r e n z empfiehlt die Bildung weiblicher Zweiggesellschaften innerhalb der Arbeiterklasse. Dieser Beschluß richtet sich selbstredend nicht
gegen die Z u s a m m e n s e t z u n g von Zweiggesellschaften aus Arbeitern u n d 25
Arbeiterinnen.
VI. Allgemeine
Statistik
der
Arbeiterklasse.
1) Die K o n f e r e n z beauftragt den Generalrath, Art. 5 der Original-Statuten, soweit er sich auf eine allgemeine Statistik der Arbeiterklasse bezieht,
in Kraft zu setzen, e b e n s o wie die Beschlüsse des Genfer K o n g r e s s e s 30
(1866) über denselben Gegenstand.
352
F
2) J e d e lokale G r u p p e ist verpflichtet zur E r n e n n u n g eines b e s o n d e r n
statistischen K o m i t e e s , damit sie stets, soweit ihre Mittel es gestatten,
bereit sei, v o m Föderalrath ihres L a n d e s oder v o m Generalrath gestellte
Fragen zu b e a n t w o r t e n . Die K o n f e r e n z empfiehlt allen G r u p p e n , den
5
Sekretären der statistischen K o m i t e e s eine V e r g ü t u n g z u k o m m e n zu lassen,
in A n b e t r a c h t der allgemeinen Nützlichkeit ihres W e r k e s für die Arbeiterklasse.
3) Am 1. August jedes J a h r e s sollen die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komitees das
in ihren bezüglichen L ä n d e r n g e s a m m e l t e Material dem Generalrath über10 senden. L e t z t e r e r wird dasselbe seinerseits zu einem allgemeinen Bericht
verarbeiten, der den jährlich im S e p t e m b e r stattfindenden K o n g r e s s e n oder
K o n f e r e n z e n vorzulegen ist.
4) Gewerksgenossenschaften u n d internationale Zweige, w e l c h e die verlangte Auskunft verweigern, sind dem G e n e r a l r a t h zur weiteren Beschluß15 n ä h m e anzuzeigen.
VII.
Internationale
Beziehungen
der
Gewerksgenossenschaften.
Die w a c h s e n d e T e n d e n z der G e w e r k s g e n o s s e n s c h a f t e n j e d e s ||4| L a n d e s ,
sich mit den G e n o s s e n s c h a f t e n desselben G e w e r k s in allen andern L ä n d e r n ,
in Verbindung zu setzen, wird der Generalrath, wie bisher, unterstützen.
20 Seine Wirksamkeit als internationaler Vermittler zwischen den nationalen
Gewerksgenossenschaften hängt wesentlich von dem Beistand a b , den
diese Gesellschaften selbst d e m von der Internationalen u n t e r n o m m e n e n
W e r k einer allgemeinen Arbeiterstatistik angedeihen lassen.
Die V o r s t ä n d e der G e w e r k s g e n o s s e n s c h a f t e n aller L ä n d e r w e r d e n er25
sucht, den Generalrath über die A d r e s s e n ihrer bezüglichen Geschäftslokale
unterrichtet zu halten.
VIII.
Ackerbauer.
1) Die Konferenz e r s u c h t den G e n e r a l r a t h und die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder
-Komitees, für den n ä c h s t e n K o n g r e ß Berichte vorzubereiten über die ge30 eigneten Mittel zur Sicherung des A n s c h l u s s e s der A c k e r b a u e r an die Bewegung des industriellen Proletariats.
2) Inzwischen w e r d e n die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder - K o m i t e e s ersucht, Delegirte
in die ländlichen Distrikte zu schicken, um dort öffentliche V e r s a m m l u n g e n
abzuhalten, die Prinzipien der Internationalen zu verbreiten u n d ländliche
35 Zweiggesellschaften zu stiften.
353
IX. Politische
Wirksamkeit
der
Arbeiterklasse.
In E r w ä g u n g ,
D a ß es im Eingang der Statuten heißt: „ D i e ö k o n o m i s c h e Emancipation
der Arbeiterklasse ist der große E n d z w e c k , d e m j e d e politische B e w e g u n g
u n t e r z u o r d n e n ist als Mittel";
5
D a ß die Inaugural-Adresse der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation
(1864) besagt: „Die H e r r e n des G r u n d u n d B o d e n s , u n d die H e r r e n des
Kapitals w e r d e n ihre politischen V o r r e c h t e stets a u s b e u t e n zur Vertheidigung und Verewigung ihrer ö k o n o m i s c h e n M o n o p o l e . So weit davon entfernt, die politische E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeiter zu fördern, w e r d e n sie fort- 10
fahren, ihr j e d e s mögliche Hinderniß in den W e g zu legen
Die E r o b e r u n g
der politischen M a c h t ist daher zur großen Pflicht der Arbeiterklasse geworden";
D a ß der K o n g r e ß von L a u s a n n e (1867) erklärt hat: „Die soziale E m a n z i pation der Arbeiter ist u n t r e n n b a r v o n ihrer politischen E m a n z i p a t i o n " ;
15
D a ß die Erklärung des Generalraths über das angebliche K o m p l o t t der
französischen Internationalen, am V o r a b e n d des Plebiscits (1870) folgende
Stelle enthält: „ N a c h d e m Wort||5|laut u n s r e r Statuten h a b e n alle unsre
Zweige in England, auf dem K o n t i n e n t und in A m e r i k a unzweifelhaft die
ausdrückliche Aufgabe, nicht nur Mittelpunkte für die streitbare Organi- 20
sation der Arbeiterklasse zu bilden, sondern in ihren bezüglichen L ä n d e r n
ebenfalls jede politische B e w e g u n g zu u n t e r s t ü t z e n , die z u r E r r e i c h u n g
u n s e r s Endziels dient, — der ö k o n o m i s c h e n E m a n z i p a t i o n der Arbeiterklasse";
D a ß falsche U e b e r s e t z u n g e n der Originalstatuten Mißdeutungen ver- 25
anlaßt h a b e n , die der Entwicklung u n d der W i r k s a m k e i t der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation schädlich w a r e n ;
In A n b e t r a c h t ferner:
D a ß die Internationale einer zügellosen R e a k t i o n gegenübersteht, w e l c h e
j e d e s E m a n z i p a t i o n s s t r e b e n der Arbeiter schamlos niederdrückt, und durch 30
r o h e Gewalt den Klassenunterschied u n d die darauf gegründete politische
H e r r s c h a f t der besitzenden Klassen zu verewigen sucht;
D a ß die Arbeiterklasse gegen diese G e s a m m t g e w a l t der besitzenden
Klassen n u r als Klasse handeln kann, indem sie sich selbst als b e s o n d e r e
politische Partei konstituirt, im G e g e n s a t z zu allen alten Parteibildungen 35
der besitzenden K l a s s e n ;
D a ß diese Konstituirung der Arbeiterklasse als politische Partei unerläßlich ist für den T r i u m p h der sozialen Revolution und ihres Endziels, —
Abschaffung
der
Klassen;
354
IP
5
10
D a ß die Vereinigung der Einzelkräfte, w e l c h e die Arbeiterklasse bis zu
einem gewissen P u n k t bereits d u r c h ihre ö k o n o m i s c h e n K ä m p f e hergestellt
hat, a u c h als Hebel für ihren K a m p f gegen die politische Gewalt ihrer A u s beuter zu dienen hat; —
A u s diesen G r ü n d e n erinnert die K o n f e r e n z alle Mitglieder der Internationalen:
D a ß , in d e m streitenden Stand der Arbeiterklasse, ihre ö k o n o m i s c h e
Bewegung und ihre politische Bethätigung u n t r e n n b a r v e r b u n d e n sind.
X. Allgemeiner Beschluß,
betreffend die Länder,
wo die regelmäßige Organisation der Internationalen
durch die Regierungen verhindert wird.
In d e n L ä n d e r n , wo die regelmäßige Organisation der Internationalen in
Folge von Regierungseinmischung augenblicklich unausführbar ist, k a n n
die Assoziation r e s p . ihre lokalen G r u p p e n sich u n t e r irgend welchen a n d e r n
15 B e n e n n u n g e n rekonstituiren. Alle eigentlich s o g e n a n n t e n geheimen Gesellschaften sind und bleiben j e d o c h förmlich ausgeschlossen.!
(6|
XI. Beschlüsse
über Frankreich.
1) Die K o n f e r e n z spricht ihre feste U e b e r z e u g u n g a u s , d a ß alle Verfolgungen die Energie der A n h ä n g e r d e r Internationalen n u r verdoppeln, u n d
20 daß die Zweige fortfahren w e r d e n sich zu organisiren, wo nicht in großen
C e n t r e n , d o c h mindestens n a c h W e r k s t ä t t e n u n d Verbindungen von W e r k stätten, die sich durch ihre Delegirten miteinander in V e r b i n d u n g setzen.
2) Die K o n f e r e n z fordert d a h e r alle Zweige auf, in der Verbreitung u n s r e r
Prinzipien in F r a n k r e i c h u n e r m ü d l i c h fortzufahren, u n d in ihr L a n d eine
25 möglichst große Anzahl der Druckschriften u n d Statuten der Internationalen
einzuführen.
XII. Beschluß
über
England.
Der Generalrath wird die englischen Sektionen in L o n d o n auffordern, ein
Föderalkomitee für L o n d o n zu bilden. Sobald dasselbe von den Zweigen in
30 den Provinzen und von den v e r b ü n d e t e n G e w e r k s g e n o s s e n s c h a f t e n anerkannt sein wird, wird der G e n e r a l r a t h es als d e n F ö d e r a l r a t h für England
bestätigen.
355
XIII. Besondere
Beschlüsse
der
Konferenz.
1) Die K o n f e r e n z billigt die Beifügung der Flüchtlinge der K o m m u n e ,
w e l c h e der Generalrath in seinen S c h o ß a u f g e n o m m e n hat.
2) Die K o n f e r e n z erklärt, daß die d e u t s c h e n A r b e i t e r w ä h r e n d des französisch-deutschen Krieges ihre Pflicht erfüllt h a b e n .
3) Die K o n f e r e n z dankt den Mitgliedern der spanischen Föderation für
die Vorlage ihrer Denkschrift über die Organisation der Internationalen,
die einen abermaligen Beweis ihres Eifers für unser G e s a m m t w e r k bietet.
4) D e r Generalrath wird sofort eine förmliche E r k l ä r u n g veröffentlichen,
des Inhalts, daß die Internationale Arbeiter-Assoziation d u r c h a u s nichts
zu schaffen hat mit der sogenannten V e r s c h w ö r u n g des Netschajeff, der
ihren N a m e n betrüglich usurpirt u n d ausgebeutet hat.
XIV. Instruktion
für
den
Delegirten
Outine.
D e r Delegirte Outine wird ersucht, einen gedrängten Bericht über den
P r o z e ß Netschajeff, n a c h den russischen Quellen, in der Genfer Egalité
zu veröffentlichen. Dieser Bericht ist vor der Veröffentlichung dem G e n e ralrath mitzutheilen.
XV.
Berufung
des
nächsten
Kongresses.
Die K o n f e r e n z überläßt es der E n t s c h e i d u n g des G e n e r a l r a t h s , je n a c h
den Ereignissen, die Zeit und den Ort des ||7| n ä c h s t e n K o n g r e s s e s , oder
der ihn e t w a e r s e t z e n d e n K o n f e r e n z , zu b e s t i m m e n .
XVI. Alliance
de
la
Démocratie
Socialiste.
In E r w ä g u n g ,
D a ß die Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e Socialiste sich selbst für aufgelöst
erklärt hat (siehe den Brief des Sekretärs der Alliance N. J o u k o w s k y , an
den Generalrath, datirt 10. August 1871);
D a ß die K o n f e r e n z in ihrer Sitzung v o m 18. S e p t e m b e r (Siehe N r . II. dieses
Cirkulars) beschlossen hat, daß alle b e s t e h e n d e n Organisationen der
Internationalen, übereinstimmend mit dem B u c h s t a b e n u n d d e m Geist der
allgemeinen Statuten, sich fernerhin einfach und ausschließlich zu bezeich-
356
nen h a b e n als Zweige, Sektionen, F ö d e r a t i o n e n u.s.w. der Internationalen
Arbeiter-Assoziation, mit Zufügung des N a m e n s ihrer bezüglichen Oertlichkeit;
D a ß es d e m n a c h den b e s t e h e n d e n Zweigen u n d Gesellschaften fernerhin
5 nicht gestattet ist, S e k t e n n a m e n a n z u n e h m e n , wie z . B . Positivisten,
Mutualisten, Collektivisten, K o m m u n i s t e n etc., oder S o n d e r k ö r p e r zu
bilden, welche unter dem N a m e n v o n P r o p a g a n d a s e k t i o n e n u. s. w. eine b e sondere, von den g e m e i n s a m e n Z w e c k e n der Internationalen verschiedene
Mission sich zuschreiben;
10
D a ß der Generalrath in Zukunft Art. V. der Baseler administrativen
K o n g r e ß b e s c h l ü s s e , des Inhalts: „ D e r G e n e r a l r a t h hat das Recht, d e n
A n s c h l u ß einer n e u e n Sektion oder G r u p p e zuzulassen oder zu verweigern,
vorbehaltlich des Appells an den n ä c h s t e n K o n g r e ß " — in diesem Sinn zu
deuten u n d a n z u w e n d e n hat; —
15
Erklärt die K o n f e r e n z die F r a g e der Alliance de la D é m o c r a t i e Socialiste
für erledigt.
XVII.
20
25
30
35
Spaltung in
dem
französisch-sprechenden
Theil
der
Schweiz.
1) Die verschiedenen E i n w e n d u n g e n des F ö d e r a l k o m i t e e ' s der Jurasektionen gegen die K o m p e t e n z der K o n f e r e n z w e r d e n für unzulässig
erklärt. (Vorstehendes ist n u r ein R é s u m é des Art. 1., der in seinem W o r t laut in der Genfer „ E g a l i t e " abgedruckt ist.)
2) Die K o n f e r e n z billigt den B e s c h l u ß des Generalraths vom 29. Juni
1870.
A u ß e r d e m aber, in A n b e t r a c h t der Verfolgungen, d e n e n die Internationale gegenwärtig ausgesetzt ist, ruft die K o n f e r e n z den Geist der Solidarität
u n d der Einigkeit an, der jetzt, m e h r als j e , die Arbeiter durchdringen sollte.
Sie ertheilt den | | 8 | b r a v e n Arbeitern der J u r a s e k t i o n e n den Rath, sich den
Sektionen der r o m a n i s c h e n F ö d e r a t i o n e n w i e d e r anzuschließen. Falls diese
Wiedervereinigung nicht thunlich, e n t s c h e i d e t sie, daß die Föderation der
ausgetretenen Sektionen den N a m e n : F ö d e r a t i o n des J u r a (Fédération
Jurassienne) a n n e h m e n wird. Sie kündigt ferner an, daß von n u n an der
Generalrath gehalten sein wird, öffentlich anzuklagen u n d zu verleugnen
alle angeblichen Organe der Internationalen, welche, n a c h d e m Vorgang des
Progrès u n d der Solidarité, in ihren Spalten vor d e m Bourgeois-Publikum
Fragen b e s p r e c h e n sollten, die n u r zur D e b a t t e in den lokalen u n d föderalen
K o m i t e e s , im Generalrath oder in den geschlossenen Verwaltungssitzungen der föderalen oder allgemeinen K o n g r e s s e geeignet sind.
357
Anmerkung.
Die nicht für die Oeffentlichkeit b e s t i m m t e n B e s c h l ü s s e der K o n f e r e n z
w e r d e n den Föderalräthen der v e r s c h i e d e n e n L ä n d e r durch die korrespondirenden Sekretäre des Generalraths mitgetheilt w e r d e n .
Im Auftrag u n d N a m e n der K o n f e r e n z , der Generalrath:
5
R. Applegarth,
M. J. Boon,
F r e d . Bradnick,
G. H. Buttery,
Delahaye,
E u g è n e Dupont (abwesend als E m i s s ä r ) , William Hales, G. Harris, Hurlimann, Jules Johannard, F r e d . Lessner, Lochner, H a r r i e t Law, Charles
Longuet, C o n s t a n t Martin, Z é v y Maurice, H e n r y Mayo, George Milner,
Charles Murray, Pfänder, J o h n Roach, Rühl, Sadler, Cowell Stepney,
10
Alfred Taylor, W. Townshend, E. Vaillant, J o h n Weston.
Korrespondirende Sekretäre:
Alfred Herman, für Belgien. — Th. Mottershead, für D ä n e m a r k . — Karl
Marx, für Deutschland u n d Rußland. — A. Serraillier, für Frankreich. —
Ch. Rochat, für Holland. — J. P. MacDonnell, für Irland. — Friedrich Engels,
15
für Italien u n d Spanien. — L e o Frankel, für Oesterreich u n d U n g a r n . —
W a l e r y Wroblewski, für Polen. — H e r m a n n Jung, für die Schweiz. —
J. G. Eccarius, für die Vereinigten Staaten. — C. Le Moussu, für die französischen Sektionen der Vereinigten Staaten.
F. Engels, Vorsitzender. — H e r m a n n Jung, Schatzmeister.
J o h n Haies, Generalsekretär.
256 High H o l b o r n , W. C,
L o n d o n , 17. O k t o b e r 1871.
F ü r Beglaubigung der U e b e r s e t z u n g :
D e r Sekretär für D e u t s c h l a n d : Karl Marx. \
358
20
Karl M a r x
To t h e Editors of " W o o d h u l l & Claflin's W e e k l y "
Covering letter to the letter
from Jenny M a r x to " W o o d h u l l ô Claflin's W e e k l y "
Woodhull G Claflin's Weekly.
Nr.23/75, 21.Oktober 1871
London. N. W., S e p t e m b e r 23, 1871.
Mesdames: I h a v e t h e honor to send y o u , for insertion in y o u r Weekly—if
you judge the contribution sufficiently interesting for y o u r readers—a short
relation of my daughter J e n n y on the p e r s e c u t i o n s she and her sisters,
during their stay at B a g n è r e s de L u c h o n (Pyrenees), h a d to undergo at the
h a n d s of the F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t . This tragico-comical episode s e e m s to
me characteristic of the Republic-Thiers.
T h e n e w s of my d e a t h w a s c o n c o c t e d at Paris by the Avenir Liberal,
a Bonapartist paper.
Since Sunday last a private C o n f e r e n c e of the delegates of the International W o r k i n g m e n ' s Association is sitting at L o n d o n . T h e proceedings will
terminate to-day.
With my best t h a n k s for the highly-interesting p a p e r s you had t h e kindness to send me,
I h a v e the honor, M e s d a m e s , to remain,
Y o u r s m o s t sincerely,
KARL MARX.
359
Karl Marx
General Rules and Administrative Regulations
of the International Working M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n
Official edition, r e v i s e d by t h e G e n e r a l Council
General Rules and Administrative Regulations of the I.W.M.A.
| 3 | General Rules of the
International Working Men's Association.
5
10
15
20
25
Considering,
T h a t the emancipation of the w o r k i n g classes m u s t be conquered by t h e
working classes t h e m s e l v e s ; that the struggle for the emancipation of t h e
working classes m e a n s n o t a struggle for class privileges and monopolies,
b u t for equal rights and duties, and t h e abolition of all class-rule;
T h a t the economical subjection of t h e m a n of labour to the monopolizer
of the m e a n s of labour, that is the s o u r c e s of life, lies at the b o t t o m of
servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, mental degradation, and
political d e p e n d e n c e ;
T h a t the economical emancipation of the w o r k i n g classes is therefore
the great e n d to which every political m o v e m e n t ought to be subordinate
as a m e a n s ;
T h a t all efforts aiming at t h a t great e n d h a v e hitherto failed from the
w a n t of solidarity b e t w e e n the manifold divisions of labour in e a c h country,
and from the a b s e n c e of a fraternal b o n d of union b e t w e e n the w o r k i n g
classes of different countries;
T h a t the emancipation of labour is neither a local nor a national, b u t
a social problem, embracing all countries in w h i c h m o d e r n society exists,
and depending for its solution on the c o n c u r r e n c e , practical and theoretical,
of t h e m o s t advanced countries;
T h a t the p r e s e n t revival of the w o r k i n g classes in the m o s t industrious
countries of E u r o p e , while it raises a n e w h o p e , gives solemn warning
against a relapse into the old e r r o r s , a n d calls for t h e immediate combination
of the still disconnected m o v e m e n t s ;
For these Reasons—
T h e International Working M e n ' s Association has b e e n founded.
365
Karl Marx
It
declares:
T h a t all societies and individuals adhering to it will acknowledge truth,
justice, a n d morality, as the basis of their c o n d u c t t o w a r d s e a c h other and
t o w a r d s all m e n , without regard to colour, creed, or nationality; j
|4| T h a t it acknowledges no rights without duties, no duties without
5
rights;
A n d in this spirit the following rules h a v e b e e n d r a w n u p .
1. This Association is established to afford a central m e d i u m of c o m m u nication and co-operation b e t w e e n Working M e n ' s Societies existing in
different countries and aiming at the same e n d ; viz., the protection, ad- 10
v a n c e m e n t , and complete emancipation of t h e w o r k i n g classes.
2. T h e n a m e of the Society shall be " T h e International Working M e n ' s
Association."
3. T h e r e shall annually m e e t a General W o r k i n g M e n ' s Congress, consisting of- delegates of the b r a n c h e s of the Association. T h e Congress will 15
h a v e to proclaim the c o m m o n aspirations of t h e working class, t a k e the
m e a s u r e s required for t h e successful w o r k i n g of t h e International Association, and appoint t h e General Council of the Society.
4. E a c h Congress appoints the time and place of meeting for the n e x t
C o n g r e s s . T h e delegates assemble at the appointed time and place without 20
any special invitation. T h e General Council m a y , in case of n e e d , change
the place, but has no p o w e r to p o s t p o n e the time of meeting. T h e Congress
appoints the seat and elects the m e m b e r s of t h e General Council annually.
T h e General Council thus elected shall h a v e p o w e r to add to the n u m b e r
of its m e m b e r s .
25
On its annual meetings, the General Congress shall receive a public
a c c o u n t of t h e annual transactions of the General Council. T h e latter m a y ,
in cases of e m e r g e n c y , c o n v o k e t h e General Congress before the regular
yearly term.
5. T h e General Council shall consist of w o r k i n g m e n from the different 30
countries r e p r e s e n t e d in the International Association. It shall from its
o w n m e m b e r s elect the officers n e c e s s a r y for the transaction of b u s i n e s s ,
such as a treasurer, a general secretary, corresponding secretaries for t h e
different countries, etc.
6. T h e General Council shall form an international agency b e t w e e n the 35
different national and local groups of the Association, so t h a t the w o r k i n g
m e n in o n e c o u n t r y be constantly informed of the m o v e m e n t s of their
class in every other country: that an inquiry into t h e social state of the
different countries of E u r o p e be m a d e simultaneously, and u n d e r a c o m m o n
direction; that the questions of general interest m o o t e d in one society be 40
ventilated by all; and that w h e n immediate practical steps should be
366
General Rules and Administrative Regulations of the I. W. M.A.
5
10
15
20
25
30
needed—as, for instance, in case of international quarrels—the action of t h e
associated societies be simultaneous and uniform. W h e n e v e r it seems
o p p o r t u n e , the General Council shall t a k e t h e initiative of proposals to be laid
before t h e different national or local societies. To facilitate the c o m m u nications, the General Council shall publish periodical r e p o r t s .
7. Since the success of the w o r k i n g m e n ' s m o v e m e n t in each c o u n t r y
c a n n o t be secured but by the p o w e r of union a n d combination, while, on
the other hand, the usefulness of t h e International General Council m u s t
greatly d e p e n d on the c i r c u m s t a n c e w h e t h e r it has to deal with a few national centres of working m e n ' s associations, or with a great | | 5 | n u m b e r of
small and disconnected local societies; t h e m e m b e r s of the International
Association shall use their u t m o s t efforts to c o m b i n e the disconnected
working m e n ' s societies of their r e s p e c t i v e countries into national bodies,
r e p r e s e n t e d by central national organs. It is self-understood, h o w e v e r ,
that the appliance of this rule will d e p e n d u p o n the peculiar laws of e a c h
country, and that, apart from legal obstacles, no i n d e p e n d e n t local society
shall be precluded from directly corresponding with the General Council.
8. E v e r y section has t h e right to appoint its o w n secretary corresponding
with the General Council.
9. E v e r y b o d y w h o acknowledges and defends the principles of the
International Working M e n ' s Association is eligible to b e c o m e a m e m b e r .
E v e r y b r a n c h is responsible for the integrity of the m e m b e r s it admits.
10. E a c h m e m b e r of the International Association, on removing his
domicile from one c o u n t r y to another, will receive the fraternal support of
the Associated Working M e n .
11. While united in a perpetual b o n d of fraternal co-operation, the w o r k i n g
m e n ' s societies joining the International Association will p r e s e r v e their
existent organizations intact.
12. T h e p r e s e n t rules m a y be revised by e a c h Congress, provided that
two-thirds of the delegates p r e s e n t are in favour of such revision.
13. Everything not provided for in the p r e s e n t rules will be supplied by
special regulations, subject to the revision of e v e r y Congress.
367
Karl Marx
ι
Administrative Regulations,
Revised in accordance with the Resolutions
passed by the Congresses (1866 to 1869),
and by the London Conference (1871).
5
I.
The General Congress.
1. E v e r y m e m b e r of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Working M e n ' s Association has
t h e right to v o t e at elections for, a n d is eligible as, a delegate to t h e G e n e r a l
Congress.
10
2. E v e r y b r a n c h , w h a t e v e r t h e n u m b e r of its m e m b e r s , m a y send a dele
gate t o t h e Congress.
3. E a c h delegate has but o n e vote in t h e C o n g r e s s .
4. T h e e x p e n s e s of t h e delegates are to be defrayed by t h e b r a n c h e s a n d
g r o u p s which appoint t h e m .
15
5. If a b r a n c h be unable to send a delegate, it m a y unite w i t h o t h e r
neighbouring b r a n c h e s for t h e a p p o i n t m e n t of o n e . |
| 6 | 6. E v e r y b r a n c h or group consisting of m o r e t h a n 500 m e m b e r s m a y
send an additional delegate for every additional 500 m e m b e r s .
7. O n l y t h e delegates of s u c h societies, sections, or groups as form p a r t s
20
of t h e International, and shall h a v e paid their c o n t r i b u t i o n s to t h e G e n e r a l
Council, will in future be allowed to t a k e their seats a n d to vote at C o n
gresses. N e v e r t h e l e s s , for s u c h countries w h e r e t h e regular establishment
of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l m a y h a v e b e e n p r e v e n t e d by law, delegates of t r a d e s '
u n i o n s a n d working m e n ' s co-operative societies will be allowed to parti
25
cipate in C o n g r e s s d e b a t e s on q u e s t i o n s of principle, b u t n o t to discuss, or
to v o t e on, administrative m a t t e r s .
8. T h e sittings of t h e Congress will be twofold—administrative sittings,
w h i c h will be private, and public sittings, reserved for t h e discussion of,
a n d t h e vote u p o n , the general q u e s t i o n s of t h e C o n g r e s s p r o g r a m m e .
9. T h e Congress p r o g r a m m e , consisting of q u e s t i o n s placed on t h e o r d e r
of t h e day by t h e preceding C o n g r e s s , q u e s t i o n s a d d e d by t h e G e n e r a l
Council, a n d questions submitted to t h e a c c e p t a n c e of t h a t Council by t h e
different sections, groups, or their c o m m i t t e e s , shall be d r a w n up by t h e
G e n e r a l Council.
368
30
General Rules and Administrative Regulations of the I.W. M.A.
E v e r y section, group, o r c o m m i t t e e w h i c h intends t o p r o p o s e , for t h e
discussion of t h e impending C o n g r e s s , a q u e s t i o n n o t p r o p o s e d by t h e
previous Congress, shall give n o t i c e thereof to t h e G e n e r a l Council b e f o r e
t h e 31st of M a r c h .
5
10. T h e G e n e r a l Council is c h a r g e d with t h e organization of e a c h C o n
gress, a n d shall, in d u e time, t h r o u g h t h e m e d i u m of t h e F e d e r a l Councils or
C o m m i t t e e s , bring t h e C o n g r e s s p r o g r a m m e to t h e cognizance of t h e
branches.
11. T h e Congress will a p p o i n t as m a n y c o m m i t t e e s as t h e r e shall be
10
questions submitted to it. E a c h delegate shall designate t h e c o m m i t t e e
u p o n w h i c h h e m a y prefer t o sit. E a c h C o m m i t t e e shall r e a d t h e m e m o r i a l s
p r e s e n t e d by t h e different sections a n d groups on the special q u e s t i o n
refered to it. It shall e l a b o r a t e t h e m i n t o o n e single r e p o r t , w h i c h a l o n e is
to be r e a d at t h e public sittings. It shall m o r e o v e r decide w h i c h of t h e
15
above memorials shall be a n n e x e d to t h e official r e p o r t of t h e C o n g r e s s
transactions.
12. In its public sittings, t h e C o n g r e s s will, in t h e first instance, o c c u p y
itself w i t h t h e questions placed on t h e o r d e r of t h e d a y by t h e G e n e r a l
Council, t h e remaining q u e s t i o n s to be discussed afterwards.
20
13. All resolutions on q u e s t i o n s of principle shall be v o t e d u p o n by division
(appel
nominal).
14. T w o m o n t h s at latest before t h e meeting of t h e annual C o n g r e s s ,
every b r a n c h or federation of b r a n c h e s shall t r a n s m i t to t h e G e n e r a l
Council a detailed r e p o r t of its p r o c e e d i n g s and d e v e l o p m e n t during t h e
25
c u r r e n t year. T h e G e n e r a l Council shall e l a b o r a t e t h e s e e l e m e n t s into o n e
single report, which alone is to be r e a d b e f o r e C o n g r e s s . |
|7|
π-
The General Council.
30
1. T h e designation of G e n e r a l C o u n c i l is r e s e r v e d for t h e C e n t r a l Council
of the International Working M e n ' s Association. T h e Central Councils of
t h e various c o u n t r i e s , w h e r e t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l is regularly organized, shall
designate t h e m s e l v e s a s F e d e r a l Councils, o r F e d e r a l C o m m i t t e e s , w i t h t h e
n a m e s of t h e respective c o u n t r i e s a t t a c h e d .
2. T h e G e n e r a l Council is b o u n d to e x e c u t e t h e C o n g r e s s Resolutions.
35
3. As often as its m e a n s may p e r m i t , t h e G e n e r a l Council shall publish a
bulletin or r e p o r t e m b r a c i n g everything w h i c h m a y be of interest to t h e
International Working M e n ' s Association.
F o r this p u r p o s e it shall collect all t h e d o c u m e n t s to be t r a n s m i t t e d by t h e
369
Karl Marx
F e d e r a l Councils or C o m m i t t e e s of t h e different c o u n t r i e s a n d such o t h e r s
a s i t m a y b e able t o p r o c u r e b y other m e a n s .
T h e bulletin, d r a w n up in several languages, shall be sent gratuitously
to t h e F e d e r a l Councils or C o m m i t t e e s , w h i c h are to forward o n e c o p y to
e a c h of their b r a n c h e s .
In case t h e G e n e r a l Council should be u n a b l e to publish s u c h bulletins,
it shall every t h r e e m o n t h s send a w r i t t e n c o m m u n i c a t i o n to t h e different
F e d e r a l Councils or C o m m i t t e e s , to be published in t h e n e w s p a p e r s of their
r e s p e c t i v e countries, a n d especially in t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l organs.
4. E v e r y new b r a n c h or society intending to join t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l , is
b o u n d immediately t o a n n o u n c e its a d h e s i o n t o t h e G e n e r a l Council.
5
10
5. T h e G e n e r a l Council has t h e right to admit or to refuse t h e affiliation
of any n e w b r a n c h or group, subject to appeal to t h e n e x t C o n g r e s s .
N e v e r t h e l e s s , w h e r e v e r t h e r e exist F e d e r a l Councils o r C o m m i t t e e s ,
t h e G e n e r a l Council is b o u n d to c o n s u l t t h e m b e f o r e admitting or rejecting 15
t h e affiliation of a n e w b r a n c h or society within their jurisdiction; w i t h o u t
p r e j u d i c e , h o w e v e r , to its right of provisional decision.
6. T h e G e n e r a l Council has also t h e right of suspending, till t h e meeting
of n e x t Congress, a n y b r a n c h of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l .
7. In c a s e of differences arising b e t w e e n societies or b r a n c h e s of t h e
s a m e national group, or b e t w e e n g r o u p s of different nationalities, t h e
G e n e r a l Council shall h a v e t h e right of deciding s u c h differences, subject
20
to appeal to the n e x t Congress, w h o s e decision shall be final.
8. All delegates appointed by t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l to distinct missions
shall h a v e t h e right to a t t e n d , a n d be h e a r d at, all meetings of F e d e r a l
Councils or C o m m i t t e e s , district and local C o m m i t t e e s , a n d local b r a n c h e s ,
w i t h o u t , however, being entitled to vote t h e r e a t .
25
9. English, F r e n c h , and G e r m a n editions of t h e G e n e r a l Rules a n d Regu
lations are t o b e reprinted from t h e official t e x t s published b y t h e G e n e r a l
Council.
30
All versions of t h e G e n e r a l Rules a n d Regulations in o t h e r languages shall,
before publication, be submitted to t h e G e n e r a l Council for approval. |
|8| πι.
Contributions to be paid to the General Council.
1. An a n n u a l contribution of O n e P e n n y p e r m e m b e r shall be levied
from all b r a n c h e s a n d affiliated societies for t h e u s e of t h e G e n e r a l Council.
This contribution is i n t e n d e d to defray t h e e x p e n s e s of t h e G e n e r a l Council,
370
35
¥
General Rules and Administrative Regulations of the I. W. M. A.
such as the remuneration of its G e n e r a l S e c r e t a r y , costs of c o r r e s p o n d e n c e ,
publications, p r e p a r a t o r y w o r k for C o n g r e s s e s , etc. etc.
2. T h e General Council shall c a u s e to be printed uniform adhesive stamps
representing the value of o n e p e n n y e a c h , to be annually supplied, in t h e
5 n u m b e r s w a n t e d , to the F e d e r a l Councils or Committees.
3. T h e s e stamps are to be affixed to a special sheet of the livret or to a
c o p y of the Rules which every m e m b e r of the Association is held to p o s sess.
4. On the 1st of M a r c h of e a c h year, the Federal Councils or C o m m i t t e e s
10 of t h e different countries shall forward to the General Council the a m o u n t s
of the stamps disposed of, and return t h e unsold s t a m p s remaining on
hand.
5. T h e s e stamps, representing t h e value of the individual contributions,
shall b e a r the date of the current year.
15
IV.
Federal Councils or Committees.
1. T h e e x p e n s e s of the F e d e r a l Councils or C o m m i t t e e s shall be defrayed
by their respective b r a n c h e s .
2. T h e Federal Councils or C o m m i t t e e s shall send o n e report at least
20 every m o n t h to the General Council.
3. T h e Federal Councils or C o m m i t t e e s shall transmit to the G e n e r a l
Council every t h r e e m o n t h s a r e p o r t on t h e administration and financial
state of their respective b r a n c h e s .
4. A n y Federation m a y refuse to admit or m a y exclude from its midst
25 societies or b r a n c h e s . It is, h o w e v e r , not e m p o w e r e d to deprive t h e m of
their International character, b u t it m a y p r o p o s e their suspension to the
General Council.
V.
Local Societies, Branches, and Groups.
30
1. E v e r y b r a n c h is at liberty to m a k e rules and bye-laws for its local
administration, adapted to local c i r c u m s t a n c e s and the laws of its country.
But t h e s e rules and bye-laws m u s t not contain anything contrary to t h e
General Rules and Regulations.
2. All local b r a n c h e s , g r o u p s , a n d their committees are henceforth to
35 designate and constitute t h e m s e l v e s simply and exclusively as b r a n c h e s ,
groups, and committees of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association,
with the n a m e s of their respective localities attached. |
371
Karl Marx
|9| 3. Consequently, no b r a n c h e s or groups will h e n c e f o r t h be allowed to
designate themselves by sectarian names,—such as Positivists, Mutualists,
Collectivists, C o m m u n i s t s , etc., or to form separatist bodies, u n d e r the
n a m e of sections of propaganda, etc., pretending to accomplish special
missions distinct from the c o m m o n p u r p o s e s of the Association.
5
4. Art. 2 of this division does not apply to affiliated T r a d e s ' U n i o n s .
5. All sections, b r a n c h e s , and working m e n ' s societies affiliated to the
International are invited to abolish the office of President of their respective
b r a n c h or society.
6. T h e formation of female b r a n c h e s a m o n g s t the w o r k i n g class is recom- 10
m e n d e d . It is, however, u n d e r s t o o d that this resolution does not at all
intend to interfere with the existence, or formation of b r a n c h e s c o m p o s e d
of b o t h s e x e s .
7. W h e r e v e r attacks against the International are published, the n e a r e s t
b r a n c h or committee is held to send at o n c e a c o p y of such publication to 15
the General Council.
8. T h e addresses of the offices of all International C o m m i t t e e s and of
the General Council are to be published every t h r e e m o n t h s in all t h e
organs of the Association.
VI.
20
General Statistics of Labour.
1. T h e General Council is to enforce Article 6 of the Rules relating to
general statistics of the working class, and the Resolutions of the G e n e v a
Congress, 1866, on the same subject.
2. E v e r y local b r a n c h is b o u n d to appoint a special C o m m i t t e e of Statis- 25
tics, so as to be always ready, within the limits of its m e a n s , to answer any
question which m a y be put to it by the Federal Council or C o m m i t t e e of its
c o u n t r y or by the General Council.
It is r e c o m m e n d e d to all branches to r e m u n e r a t e the secretaries of the
C o m m i t t e e s of Statistics, considering the general benefit the working 30
class will derive from their labour.
3. On t h e 1st of August of e a c h year the F e d e r a l Councils or C o m m i t t e e s
will transmit the materials collected in their r e s p e c t i v e countries to t h e
General Council, which, in its turn, is to elaborate t h e m into a general report,
to be laid before the Congresses or Conferences annually held in the m o n t h 35
of September.
4. T r a d e s ' U n i o n s and International b r a n c h e s refusing to give the information required, shall be reported to the General Council, which will t a k e
action t h e r e u p o n .
372
F
5. T h e Resolutions of the G e n e v a C o n g r e s s , 1866, alluded to in Article 1
of this division are t h e following:—
O n e great International combination of efforts will be a statistical inquiry
into the situation of the w o r k i n g classes of all civilized countries to be
5 instituted by the working classes t h e m s e l v e s . To act with any success, t h e
materials to be acted u p o n m u s t be k n o w n . By ||10| initiating so great a w o r k ,
the working m e n will p r o v e their ability to t a k e their own fate into their
own hands.
T h e Congress therefore p r o p o s e s that in e a c h locality w h e r e b r a n c h e s
10
of our Association exist, the w o r k be immediately c o m m e n c e d , and e v i d e n c e
collected on t h e different points specified in the subjoined s c h e m e of
inquiry; the Congress invites the w o r k i n g m e n of E u r o p e and the United
States of A m e r i c a to co-operate in gathering the elements of the statistics
of the working class; r e p o r t s and e v i d e n c e to be forwarded to the General
15
Council. T h e General Council shall elaborate them into a report, adding the
evidence as an appendix. This report, together with its appendix, shall be
laid before the n e x t annual C o n g r e s s , and after having received its sanction,
be printed at the e x p e n s e of the Association.
General scheme of inquiry, w h i c h m a y of c o u r s e be modified by e a c h
20
locality. 1. Industry, n a m e of. 2. A g e and sex of the employed. 3. N u m b e r
of t h e employed. 4. Salaries and w a g e s ; (a) apprentices; (b) wages by t h e
day or piece w o r k ; scale paid by middle men. Weekly, yearly average.
5. (a) H o u r s of w o r k in factories, (b) T h e h o u r s of w o r k with small e m ployers and in h o m e w o r k , if the business be carried on in those different
25 m o d e s , (c) Nightwork and d a y w o r k . 6. Meal-times a n d treatment. 7. Sort of
w o r k s h o p and w o r k ; overcrowding, defective ventilation, want of sunlight,
use of gaslight, cleanliness, etc. 8. Effect of e m p l o y m e n t u p o n the physical
condition. 9. Moral condition. E d u c a t i o n . 10. S t a t e of t r a d e : w h e t h e r season
trade, or m o r e or less uniformly distributed over the year, w h e t h e r greatly
30 fluctuating, w h e t h e r e x p o s e d to foreign competition—whether destined
principally for h o m e or foreign c o n s u m p t i o n , etc. |
n |
35
Appendix.
T h e Conference held at L o n d o n from 17th to 23rd September, 1871, has
charged the General Council to issue a n e w , authentic and revised edition,
in English, F r e n c h , and G e r m a n , of the " G e n e r a l Rules and Regulations of
the International Working M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n , " for t h e following reasons:—
373
Karl Marx
I. General Rules.
T h e G e n e v a Congress (1866) adopted, with a few additions, t h e Provisional
Rules of the Association, published at L o n d o n in N o v e m b e r , 1864. It also
decided (see " C o n g r è s ouvrier de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, t e n u à G e n è v e du 3 au 8 Septbre., 1866," G e n è v e , 1866, p. 27, note),
5
that the General Council should publish the official and obligatory text of
the Rules as well as of the Regulations voted by t h e C o n g r e s s . T h e General
Council w a s prevented from executing this order by t h e seizure, on the p a r t
of t h e Bonapartist G o v e r n m e n t , of the minutes of t h e G e n e v a Congress on
their transit through F r a n c e . W h e n at last, through the intercession of L o r d 10
Stanley, then British Foreign Secretary, t h e minutes w e r e r e c o v e r e d , a
F r e n c h edition had already b e e n issued at G e n e v a , and the text of the
Rules and Regulations contained in it w a s at o n c e r e p r o d u c e d in all
French-speaking countries. This text w a s faulty in m a n y r e s p e c t s .
1. T h e Paris edition of the L o n d o n Provisional Rules h a d b e e n accepted 15
as a true translation; but the Paris C o m m i t t e e to w h i c h this translation is
due, had not only introduced m o s t important alterations in the p r e a m b l e
of the Rules which, on the interpellation of t h e General Council, w e r e
r e p r e s e n t e d as changes unavoidable u n d e r the existing political state of
F r a n c e . F r o m an insufficient acquaintance with the English language, it 20
had also misinterpreted some of the articles of t h e Rules.
2. T h e G e n e v a Congress having to give a final c h a r a c t e r to t h e Provisional
Rules, the Committee appointed for this p u r p o s e simply struck out all
passages in which anything of a provisional n a t u r e w a s alluded t o , w i t h o u t
noticing that several of these passages contained m o s t important m a t t e r of 25
no provisional character w h a t e v e r . In the English edition published after t h e
L a u s a n n e Congress (1867) the same omissions are r e p e a t e d .
II. Administrative
Regulations.
T h e Administrative Regulations hitherto published conjointly with ||12| the
Rules, are but those voted by the G e n e v a Congress (1866). It thus b e c a m e 30
n e c e s s a r y to codify the further regulations voted by s u b s e q u e n t Congresses
and b y t h e late L o n d o n Conference.
T h e following publications have been m a d e use of for the p r e s e n t revised
edition:—
" A d d r e s s and Provisional Rules of the International Working M e n ' s 35
A s s o c i a t i o n , " etc. L o n d o n . 1864.
374
General Rules and Administrative Regulations of the I.W.M.A.
5
10
15
20
25
"Rules of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association." L o n d o n .
1867.
" C o n g r è s ouvrier de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, tenu
à G e n è v e du 3 au 8 Septbre., 1866." G e n è v e . 1866.
" P r o c è s - v e r b a u x du C o n g r è s de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, réuni à L a u s a n n e , du 2 au 8 Septbre., 1867." C h a u x - d e - F o n d s .
1867.
"Troisième Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs
(Brussels Congress) — C o m p t e - r e n d u officiel." Bruxelles. 1868.
" T h e International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association. Resolutions of t h e
Congress of G e n e v a , 1866, and the Congress of Brussels, 1868." L o n d o n .
1869.
"Compte-rendu du 4 m e C o n g r è s International, tenu à Bale en Septbre.,
1869." Bruxelles. 1869.
" R e p o r t of the F o u r t h Annual C o n g r e s s of the International W o r k i n g
M e n ' s Association, held at Basel, 1869." Published by the General Council.
L o n d o n . 1869.
" Q u a t r i è m e Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs,
tenu à Bâle, 1869. R a p p o r t du délégué des Sections de la F a b r i q u e à G e n è v e . " G e n è v e . 1869.
"Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of the International W o r k ing M e n ' s Association, assembled at L o n d o n , 1871." L o n d o n . 1871.
F o r the Basel C o n g r e s s , t h e G e r m a n r e p o r t of the Congress proceedings,
published in fly-sheets at Basel, and the n o t e s t a k e n during the Congress by
the General Secretary, h a v e also b e e n consulted.
H o w these various sources h a v e been m a d e use of for the p u r p o s e s of
the p r e s e n t revised edition will a p p e a r from the following statement.
General Rules.
Preamble— After the w o r d s , "For these reasons," there have b e e n r e s t o r e d
30 the w o r d s , " t h e International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association has b e e n f o u n d e d . "
See Provisional Rules, p. 13.
T h e passage, " T h e y hold it t h e d u t y of a m a n , " etc., has been omitted,
b e c a u s e t h e r e exist two equally authentic versions of it, irreconcilable with
e a c h other. T h e true meaning of it is, b e s i d e s , already contained in t h e
35 passage immediately preceding, and in that immediately following: " N o
rights without d u t i e s , " etc.
Art. 3 is restored from Art. 3 of Provisional Rules.
Art. 4.—Part of Art. 3 and the w h o l e of Art. 4 of Rules, L o n d o n , 1867. |
375
Karl Marx
|13| Art. 5.—Introductory part of Art. 3, Rules, 1867. T h e w o r d s "a presid e n t " h a v e been omitted, in a g r e e m e n t with Administrative Resolution I. of
Basel Congress.
Art. 6.—Art. 5, Rules, 1867. T h e w o r d s " C o - o p e r a t i n g A s s o c i a t i o n s " h a v e
b e e n changed into "national and local groups of t h e A s s o c i a t i o n , " b e c a u s e
t h e expression, in some translations, has b e e n misinterpreted as meaning
co-operative societies.
A r t . 7 . - A r t . 6 , Rules, 1867.
A r t . 8 . - A r t . 10, Rules, 1867.
Art. 1 0 . - A r t . 8, Rules, 1867.
Art. 12 forms Art. 13 of the Administrative Regulations in " R u l e s , 1867."
Art. 1 3 . - A r t . 12, Rules, 1867.
Art. 7, Rules, 1867, h a s b e e n omitted, b e c a u s e its insertion w a s c o n t r a r y
to a resolution of t h e L a u s a n n e C o n g r e s s . See " P r o c è s - v e r b a u x du C o n g r è s
de L a u s a n n e , " p. 36.
Administrative Regulations.
I. The
General
Congress.
Art. 1.—Art. 11 of Regulations voted by G e n e v a Congress ("Congrès de
G e n è v e , " G e n è v e , 1866, ρ. 26, etc.); Art. 10, Rules, etc., 1867, w h i c h is
incomplete.
Art. 2 . - A r t . 9 , Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 6, R u l e s , etc., 1867.
A r t . 3 . - A r t . 13, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 11, R u l e s , etc., 1867.
Art. 4.—Art. 10, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 9, R u l e s , etc., 1867.
Art. 5.—Art. 9, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art .7, Rules, etc., 1867.
Art. 6.—Art. 12, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 8, R u l e s , etc., 1867.
Art. 7.—Basel Administrative Regulations, V I I I .
Art. 8.—For this article t h e Guide pratique p o u r le Congrès de l'Internationale (Compte-rendu du Congrès de Bâle, Bruxelles, 1869) has b e e n
c o m p l e t e d by the other materials on t h e Basel C o n g r e s s , q u o t e d a b o v e .
Art. 9.—First part as for Art. 8. S e c o n d part, Resolution of L a u s a n n e Congress (Procès-verbaux, p. 74, 1).
Art. 10—Art. 1 b, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 1 b, Rules, e t c . , 1867.
Art. 11.—Guide Pratique, Basel C o n g r e s s , Art. 3 and 11.
Art. 1 2 . - G u i d e Pratique, etc., Art. 10.
Art. 13.—Guide Pratique, etc., Art. 7.
Art. 14.—Guide Pratique, etc., Art. 4.
376
r
II.
The
General
Council.
Art. 1.—London C o n f e r e n c e , 1871, II. 1.
Art. 2.—Congrès de G e n è v e , Art. 1; R u l e s , etc., 1867, Art. 1.
Art. 3.—The t w o first Alineas, A r t . 2 and Art. l a ; C o n g r è s de G e n è v e , |
|14| and Rules, etc., 1867. Third Alinea, Art. 3, C o n g r è s de G e n è v e . L a s t
Alinea, L a u s a n n e C o n g r e s s , P r o c è s - v e r b a u x , p. 37, Art. 2.
A r t s . 4 to 7.—Basel Administrative R e s o l u t i o n s , IV. to V I I .
Art. 8.—London C o n f e r e n c e , III.
Art. 9.—Resolution of L o n d o n C o n f e r e n c e , sittings of 18th and 22nd September.
III. Contributions to be Paid to
15
Councils
or
Committees.
Art. 1.—Art. 6, Congrès de G e n è v e , and Rules, 1867.
Art. 2 . - A r t . 5, ditto.
Art. 3.—Brussels C o n g r e s s , " C o m p t e - r e n d u Officiel," p. 50, A p p e n d i c e ,
Séances Administratives, Resolution Ν«3.
Art. 4.—Art. VI., Basel Administrative R e s o l u t i o n s .
V. Local
25
General Council.
Art. 1.—First Alinea, L a u s a n n e C o n g r e s s , P r o c è s - v e r b a u x , p. 37, 3; and
Art. IX., Basel Administrative Resolutions. S e c o n d Alinea, Art. 4, C o n g r è s
de G e n è v e , and Rules, 1867.
Arts. 2 to 6.—London C o n f e r e n c e , IV., 1 to 5.
IV. Federal
20
the
Societies,
Branches,
and
Groups.
Art. l . - A r t . 14, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 12, Rules, etc., 1867.
A r t s . 2 to 4.—London C o n f e r e n c e , II., 2 to 4.
Art. 5.—Art. I., Basel Administrative Resolutions.
Art. 6.—London C o n f e r e n c e , V.
Art. 7.—Art. II., Basel Administrative Resolutions.
Art. 8 . - A r t . III., ditto.
377
Karl Marx
VI.
General
Statistics
of Labour.
A r t s . 1 to 4.—London Conference, V I . , 1 to 4.
Art. 5.—Resolution of G e n e v a Congress ( L o n d o n edition of G e n e v a and
Brussels Congress Resolutions, p. 4).
By order,
and in the name of the London
Conference,
1871,
THE GENERAL COUNCIL.
R.Applegarth,
M.J.Boon,
Fred.Bradnick,
G.H.Buttery,
V.Delahaye,
Eugène Dupont (on mission),
Wm. Hales,
G. Harris, Hurliman, Jules
Johannard, Harriet Law, Fred. Lessner, Lochner, Ch. Longuet, C. Martin,
Zévy Maurice, Henry Mayo, George Milner, Ch. Murray, Pfander, John
Roach,
Riihl,
Sadler,
Cowell Stepney,
Alfred Taylor,
W. Townshend,
E. Vaillant, John Weston. |
1151 CORRESPONDING SECRETARIES.
Leo Frankel, for Austria and H u n g a r y ; A. Herman, Belgium; T. Mottershead, D e n m a r k ; A. Serraillier, F r a n c e ; Karl Marx, G e r m a n y and Russia;
Charles Rochat, Holland; J. P. McDonnell, Ireland; Fred. Engels, Italy and
Spain; Walery Wroblewski, Poland; Hermann Jung, Switzerland; J. G.
Eccarius, U n i t e d States; Le Moussu, for F r e n c h B r a n c h e s of U n i t e d States.
C H A R L E S L O N G U E T , Chairman.
H E R M A N N J U N G , Treasurer.
J O H N H A L E S , General Secretary.
256, High Holborn, W. C, London,
24th October, 1871./
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Karl Marx
Statuts g é n é r a u x e t r è g l e m e n t s administratifs
Édition officielle, r é v i s é e par le C o n s e i l g é n é r a l
Auf d e r G r u n d l a g e d e r e n g l i s c h e n A u s g a b e
b e a r b e i t e t v o n Karl M a r x u n d F r i e d r i c h E n g e l s
Statuts généraux et règlements administratifs de l'A. I.T.
| 3 | Statuts généraux
de l'Association Internationale
des Travailleurs.
5
10
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20
25
Considérant
Q u e l'émancipation de la classe ouvrière doit être l'œuvre d e s travailleurs
eux-mêmes ;
Q u e la lutte p o u r l'émancipation de la classe ouvrière n'est pas u n e lutte
pour des privilèges et d e s m o n o p o l e s de classe, mais p o u r l'établissement
de droits et de devoirs égaux, et p o u r l'abolition de tout régime de classe ;
Q u e l'assujettissement é c o n o m i q u e d u travailleur a u x d é t e n t e u r s d e s
m o y e n s du travail, c'est-à-dire d e s s o u r c e s de la vie, e s t la c a u s e p r e m i è r e
de la servitude d a n s toutes ses f o r m e s , — la misère sociale, l'avilissement
intellectuel et la d é p e n d a n c e politique ;
Q u e par c o n s é q u e n t l'émancipation é c o n o m i q u e de la classe ouvrière est
le grand but auquel tout m o u v e m e n t politique doit être s u b o r d o n n é c o m m e
moyen ;|
|4| Q u e tous les efforts t e n d a n t à ce b u t ont jusqu'ici é c h o u é , faute de
solidarité entre les travailleurs d e s différentes professions dans le m ê m e
p a y s et d'une union fraternelle e n t r e les classes ouvrières des divers
pays ;
Q u e l'émancipation du travail, n ' é t a n t un p r o b l è m e ni local ni national,
mais social, e m b r a s s e t o u s les p a y s d a n s lesquels existe la société m o d e r n e ,
et nécessite, p o u r sa solution, le c o n c o u r s théorique et pratique d e s p a y s
les plus a v a n c é s ;
Q u e le m o u v e m e n t qui vient de r e n a î t r e p a r m i les ouvriers des p a y s les
plus industrieux de l ' E u r o p e , tout en réveillant de nouvelles e s p é r a n c e s ,
383
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Karl Marx
d o n n e un solennel avertissement de ne pas r e t o m b e r d a n s les vieilles
erreurs et de combiner le plus tôt possible les efforts e n c o r e isolés ;
Pour ces raisons,
L'Association Internationale
des
Travailleurs
a
été
fondée.
Elle déclare,
5
Q u e toutes les sociétés et individus y a d h é r a n t r e c o n n a î t r o n t c o m m e
b a s e de leur conduite envers tous les h o m m e s , sans distinction de couleur,
de c r o y a n c e et de nationalité, la Vérité, la Justice et la Morale.
Pas de devoirs sans droits, pas de droits sans devoirs.
C'est d a n s cet esprit que les statuts suivants ont été c o n ç u s :
10
Art. 1er. — L'Association est établie p o u r créer un point central de communication et de coopération entre les sociétés ouvrières des différents
p a y s aspirant au m ê m e but, savoir : le c o n c o u r s mutuel, le progrès et le
complet affranchissement de la classe ouvrière. |
| 5 | Art. 2. — Le nom de cette association sera : Association Internationale
15
des
Travailleurs.
Art. 3. — T o u s les ans aura lieu un Congrès ouvrier général c o m p o s é de
délégués des b r a n c h e s de l'Association. Ce Congrès p r o c l a m e r a les aspirations c o m m u n e s de la classe ouvrière, p r e n d r a l'initiative des m e s u r e s
nécessaires pour le succès de l'œuvre de l'Association Internationale, et en 20
n o m m e r a le Conseil général.
Art. 4. — C h a q u e Congrès fixera la date et le siège de la réunion du
Congrès suivant. L e s délégués se réuniront de plein droit aux lieu et jour
désignés, sans q u ' u n e convocation spéciale soit nécessaire. En cas d'urgence, le Conseil général p o u r r a changer le lieu du Congrès, sans en remettre 25
toutefois la date.
T o u s les ans, le Congrès réuni indiquera le siège du Conseil général, et
en n o m m e r a les m e m b r e s . Le Conseil général ainsi élu aura le droit de
s'adjoindre de n o u v e a u x m e m b r e s .
A c h a q u e Congrès annuel, le Conseil général fera un r a p p o r t public de 30
ses t r a v a u x . Il pourra, au cas de besoin, c o n v o q u e r le Congrès avant le
terme fixé.
Art. 5. — Le Conseil général se c o m p o s e r a de travailleurs a p p a r t e n a n t
aux différentes nations r e p r é s e n t é e s dans l'Association Internationale. Il
choisira d a n s son sein les m e m b r e s du b u r e a u nécessaires p o u r la gestion 35
des affaires, tels que trésorier, secrétaire général, secrétaires particuliers
p o u r les différents p a y s , etc.
Art. 6. — Le Conseil général fonctionnera c o m m e agent international
entre les différents groupes nationaux et locaux, de telle sorte que les
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ouvriers de chaque p a y s soient c o n s t a m m e n t au courant des m o u v e m e n t s
de leur classe dans les a u t r e s p a y s ; q u ' u n e e n q u ê t e sur l'état social soit
faite simultanément et d a n s un m ê m e esprit ; — q u e les questions d'intérêt
général, ||6| p r o p o s é e s p a r u n e société, soient examinées par toutes les
autres, et que, l'action immédiate é t a n t r é c l a m é e , c o m m e dans le cas de
querelles internationales, t o u s les groupes de l'Association puissent agir
simultanément et d'une manière uniforme.
Suivant qu'il le jugera o p p o r t u n , le Conseil général p r e n d r a l'initiative des
propositions à soumettre aux sociétés locales et nationales.
P o u r faciliter ses c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , il publiera un bulletin périodique.
Art. 7. — Puisque le succès du m o u v e m e n t ouvrier dans c h a q u e p a y s ne
p e u t être assuré que par la force résultant de l'union et de l'association ; —
que, d'autre part, l'action du Conseil général sera plus efficace si, au lieu de
correspondre avec u n e foule de petites sociétés locales, isolées les unes
des autres, il peut se m e t t r e en r a p p o r t a v e c quelques grands centres
nationaux des sociétés ouvrières ; — par ces raisons, les m e m b r e s de l'Association Internationale d e v r o n t faire tout leur possible pour réunir les
sociétés ouvrières, encore isolées, de leurs p a y s respectifs, en associations
nationales, représentées par des o r g a n e s c e n t r a u x .
H va sans dire q u e l'application de cet article est subordonnée a u x lois
particulières à c h a q u e p a y s et q u ' a b s t r a c t i o n faite d'obstacles légaux,
c h a q u e société locale i n d é p e n d a n t e a u r a le droit de c o r r e s p o n d r e directement a v e c le Conseil général.
Art. 8. — C h a q u e section a le droit de n o m m e r ses secrétaires correspondants a v e c le Conseil général.
Art. 9. — Q u i c o n q u e a d o p t e et défend les principes de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs p e u t en être r e ç u m e m b r e . C h a q u e section est
responsable pour l'intégrité de ses m e m b r e s .
Art. 10. — Chaque m e m b r e de l'Association Inter
nationale, en changeant
de p a y s , r e c e v r a l'appui fraternel des m e m b r e s de l'Association.
Art. 11. — Quoiqu'unies par un lien fraternel de solidarité et de coopération, toutes les sociétés ouvrières a d h é r a n t à l'Association Internationale conserveront intacte leur organisation particulière.
Art. 12. — La révision des statuts p r é s e n t s p e u t être faite à chaque Congrès
sur la d e m a n d e des deux tiers des délégués p r é s e n t s .
Art. 13. — T o u t ce qui n ' e s t pas p r é v u par les p r é s e n t s statuts sera déterminé par des règlements spéciaux que c h a q u e Congrès pourra réviser.
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Karl Marx
Règlements administratifs
Révisés conformément aux résolutions
des congrès successifs (1866 à 1869)
et de la Conférence de Londres (1871).
I. — Du Congrès général.
1. — C h a q u e m e m b r e de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs a le
droit de voter aux élections p o u r le C o n g r è s , et est eligible c o m m e délégué.
2. — C h a q u e section, n o m b r e u s e ou n o n , a le droit d ' e n v o y e r un délégué
au Congrès.
3. — C h a q u e délégué n ' a q u ' u n e voix au C o n g r è s .
4. — L e s délégués r e c e v r o n t u n e indemnité de la section ou du groupe
qui les a n o m m é s .
5. — U n e section p o u r r a s'unir a v e c des sections voisines pour la nomination d'un délégué c o m m u n . [
|8| 6. — C h a q u e section ou groupe de sections qui c o m p t e plus de 5 0 0 m e m bres a le droit d'envoyer un délégué additionnel p o u r 500 m e m b r e s additionnels.
7. — A l'avenir, ne seront plus admis à siéger et à voter dans le Congrès
que les délégués des sociétés, sections ou g r o u p e s affiliés à l'Internationale,
et qui seront en règle a v e c le Conseil général p o u r le p a y e m e n t de leurs
cotisations.
Toutefois, p o u r les p a y s où l'organisation de l'Association Internationale
r e n c o n t r e des difficultés légales, les délégués des Sociétés ouvrières corporatives seront admis à discuter les questions de principe, mais ne p o u r r o n t
discuter et voter les questions administratives.
8. — L e s séances du Congrès seront de d e u x sortes ; les unes administratives et privées, les autres publiques. D a n s les dernières, on discutera et on
v o t e r a les questions générales p r o p o s é e s p a r le p r o g r a m m e du Congrès.
9. — Le Conseil général rédigera le p r o g r a m m e officiel du Congrès, lequel
contiendra les questions mises à l'ordre du j o u r p a r le Congrès précédent,
les questions que le Conseil général y a u r a ajoutées, et les questions
soumises à ce Conseil par les différentes sections et groupes ou par leurs
comités respectifs.
T o u t e section qui v o u d r a p r o p o s e r à la discussion du p r o c h a i n Congrès
386
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Statuts généraux et règlements administratifs de ΓΑ. I. T.
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10
u n e question e n d e h o r s d u p r o g r a m m e a d o p t é par l e dernier Congrès, d e v r a
en prévenir le Conseil général a v a n t le 31 m a r s .
10. — Le Conseil général est chargé d'organiser le Congrès et de c o m muniquer son p r o g r a m m e , en t e m p s o p p o r t u n , à toutes les sections p a r
l'intermédiaire des Conseils ou comités f é d é r a u x .
11. — Le Congrès f o r m e r a a u t a n t de c o m m i s s i o n s qu'il y aura de q u e s t i o n s
à l'ordre du jour. C h a q u e m e m | J 9 | b r e désignera la commission d o n t il v e u t
faire partie. L e s r a p p o r t s p r é s e n t é s par les divers groupes ou sections
seront lus dans la s é a n c e de la c o m m i s s i o n à laquelle ils a u r o n t été r é f é r é s .
Elle en fera un r a p p o r t unique qui seul sera lu en séance publique, et elle
désignera les r a p p o r t s particuliers qui seront joints au c o m p t e r e n d u officiel.
12. — D a n s ' l e s s é a n c e s publiques, le C o n g r è s s ' o c c u p e r a en premier lieu
des questions mises à l'ordre du j o u r par le Conseil général ; t o u t e autre
15 question sera discutée ensuite.
13. — L e s votes sur les q u e s t i o n s de principe a u r o n t lieu à l'appel nominal.
14. — C h a q u e section ou fédération de sections doit e n v o y e r au Conseil
général, au plus tard un mois a v a n t le C o n g r è s annuel, un r a p p o r t détaillé
20 sur sa m a r c h e et son d é v e l o p p e m e n t p e n d a n t l ' a n n é e .
De ces d o c u m e n t s le Conseil général fera un r a p p o r t unique qui seul sera
lu en séance du C o n g r è s .
IL — Du Conseil général.
25
1. — La désignation de Conseil général est r é s e r v é e au Conseil central de
l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs.
L e s Conseils c e n t r a u x des divers p a y s où Y Internationale est régulièrem e n t organisée, se désigneront sous le n o m de Conseil fédéral ou Comité
fédéral, en y ajoutant le n o m de leur p a y s respectif.
2. — Le Conseil général est t e n u d ' e x é c u t e r les résolutions des C o n g r è s .
3. — A u s s i souvent q u e ses m o y e n s le lui p e r m e t t r o n t , le Conseil général
publiera un bulletin e m b r a s | | l O | s a n t tout ce qui intéresse l'Association
Internationale des Travailleurs.
D a n s ce bulletin seront r é s u m é s t o u s les d o c u m e n t s q u e les Conseils ou
Comités f é d é r a u x d e s divers p a y s lui a u r o n t e n v o y é s , ou qu'il se sera
35 p r o c u r é s par u n e autre voie.
Le bulletin, rédigé dans plusieurs langues, sera e n v o y é gratis a u x Conseils ou Comités f é d é r a u x , qui d e v r o n t en c o m m u n i q u e r un exemplaire
à c h a c u n e de leurs sections.
30
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Karl Marx
D a n s le cas où le Conseil général ne pourrait publier ce bulletin, il sera
r e m p l a c é par u n e communication écrite trimestrielle q u e les conseils ou
comités fédéraux feront publier par les j o u r n a u x de leur p a y s et surtout
par les organes de l'Internationale.
4. — T o u t e section ou société qui se f o r m e et qui v e u t faire partie de
5
l'Internationale, doit a n n o n c e r immédiatement son adhésion au Conseil
général.
5. — Le Conseil général a le droit d ' a d m e t t r e ou de refuser l'affiliation de
toute nouvelle société ou groupe, sauf l'appel au Congrès.
N é a n m o i n s , là où il existe des conseils ou comités fédéraux, le Conseil 10
général, tout en r é s e r v a n t son droit de décision provisoire, les consultera
avant d'admettre ou de refuser l'affiliation d ' u n e nouvelle section ou
société.
6. — Le Conseil général a également le droit de s u s p e n d r e u n e section de
l'Internationale j u s q u ' a u prochain congrès.
15
7. — Si des différends s'élevaient entre des sociétés ou b r a n c h e s d'un
groupe national, ou entre des groupes de différentes nationalités, le Conseil
général aura le droit d'en statuer, sauf l'appel au Congrès d o n t la décision
sera définitive. |
| l l | 8. — T o u s les délégués du Conseil général chargés de missions spé- 20
ciales a u r o n t le droit d'assister et de se faire e n t e n d r e à toutes les réunions
des conseils ou comités fédéraux, des comités de district ou locaux et des
b r a n c h e s locales, sans c e p e n d a n t avoir le droit de v o t e .
9. — L e s éditions anglaise, française et allemande des statuts et règlements
g é n é r a u x doivent être réimprimées c o n f o r m é m e n t au t e x t e officiel publié 25
par le Conseil général.
A v a n t leur publication, les traductions des statuts et règlements généraux,
dans les autres langues, doivent être soumises à l'approbation du Conseil
général.
III. — Cotisations à payer au conseil général.
30
1. — U n e cotisation annuelle de 10 centimes p a r m e m b r e sera p e r ç u e p a r
le Conseil général sur toutes les sections et sociétés affiliées.
Cette cotisation est destinée à couvrir les diverses d é p e n s e s du Conseil
général, telles q u e la rémunération du secrétaire général, les frais de
c o r r e s p o n d a n c e , des publications, des t r a v a u x préparatoires p o u r les 35
Congrès, etc.
2. — Le Conseil général fera imprimer des timbres uniformes, r e p r é s e n t a n t
la valeur de 10 centimes chacun, dont le n o m b r e d e m a n d é sera e n v o y é
annuellement aux conseils ou comités fédéraux.
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Statuts généraux et règlements administratifs de ΓΑ. I.T.
3. — L e s conseils ou comités f é d é r a u x feront parvenir a u x comités l o c a u x
ou, à défaut, aux sections de leur r e s s o r t le n o m b r e de timbres c o r r e s p o n dant au n o m b r e de leurs m e m b r e s respectifs.
4. — Ces timbres seront alors appliqués sur u n e | | l 2 | feuille du livret ou
5 sur l'exemplaire des statuts d o n t t o u t m e m b r e de l'Association doit ê t r e
muni.
5. — A la date du premier m a r s les Conseils f é d é r a u x des divers p a y s ou
régions seront t e n u s d ' e n v o y e r au Conseil général le m o n t a n t des t i m b r e s
e m p l o y é s et à lui r e n d r e les timbres r e s t a n t s .
10
6. — Ces timbres, r e p r é s e n t a n t la valeur des cotisations individuelles,
p o r t e r o n t le chiffre de l'année c o u r a n t e .
IV. — Conseils ou comités fédéraux.
1. — L e s frais d'administration des conseils ou comités f é d é r a u x sont à la
charge de leurs sections r e s p e c t i v e s .
15
2. — C h a q u e conseil ou comité fédéral doit au moins u n e fois p a r mois
e n v o y e r un rapport au Conseil général.
3. — L e s conseils ou comités f é d é r a u x sont tenus d'envoyer, c h a q u e
trimestre, au Conseil général, un r a p p o r t sur l'administration et l'état financier des sections de leur ressort.
20
4. — T o u t e fédération p o u r r a refuser d ' a d m e t t r e ou exclure de son sein
des sections ou sociétés, sans toutefois p o u v o i r les priver de leur c a r a c tère d'internationalité, mais elle p o u r r a d e m a n d e r leur suspension au
Conseil général.
V. — Sociétés, branches et groupes locaux.
25
1. — C h a q u e section a le droit de rédiger ses statuts et règlements particuliers a d a p t é s a u x c i r c o n s t a n c e s locales et a u x lois de son pays ; mais ils
ne doivent être contraires en rien a u x statuts et règlements généraux. |
j X31 2. — L e s b r a n c h e s , sections ou groupes locaux et leurs comités se
désigneront et se c o n s t i t u e r o n t à l'avenir simplement et exclusivement
30 c o m m e b r a n c h e s , sections, groupes et comités de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs en ajoutant le n o m de leur localité respective.
3. — Il est d o n c d é s o r m a i s d é f e n d u a u x b r a n c h e s , sections et groupes de
se désigner par des n o m s de secte, c o m m e par e x e m p l e , les n o m s de b r a n ches positivistes, mutualistes, collectivistes, c o m m u n i s t e s , etc., ou de former
35
des groupes séparatistes, sous le n o m de « sections de p r o p a g a n d e », etc.,
389
Karl Marx
se d o n n a n t des missions spéciales en dehors du but c o m m u n poursuivi par
t o u s les groupes de l'Internationale.
4. — Toutefois, il est bien e n t e n d u q u e l'article 2 ne s'applique pas aux
Sociétés de Résistance ( T r a d e s ' Unions) affiliées à l'Internationale.
5. — T o u t e s les sections et sociétés ouvrières affiliées à l'Internationale
5
sont invitées à abolir l'office de président de section ou de société.
6. — La formation de sections de f e m m e s , d a n s la classe ouvrière, est
r e c o m m a n d é e . Il est bien e n t e n d u q u e cet article ne p o r t e nullement atteinte
à l'existence, et n'exclut en a u c u n e façon la formation de sections comp o s é e s de travailleurs des d e u x sexes.
10
7. — T o u s les j o u r n a u x c o n t e n a n t des a t t a q u e s contre l'Association
doivent être i m m é d i a t e m e n t e n v o y é s au Conseil général p a r les sections.
8. — L e s a d r e s s e s des b u r e a u x et du Conseil général seront publiées t o u s
les trois mois dans les j o u r n a u x de l'Association. |
| 1 4 | VI. — Statistique générale de la classe ouvrière.
1. — Le Conseil général est t e n u de m e t t r e à exécution l'article V des
statuts originaux relatif à la statistique de la classe ouvrière et à appliquer
les résolutions prises par le Congrès de G e n è v e (1866) à ce m ê m e effet.
2. — C h a q u e section locale est t e n u e d'avoir d a n s son sein un comité
spécial de statistique qui sera toujours p r ê t d a n s la m e s u r e de ses m o y e n s
à r é p o n d r e aux questions qui pourront lui être a d r e s s é e s par le conseil ou
le comité fédéral du p a y s ou par le Conseil général de l'Internationale. Il
est r e c o m m a n d é à toutes les sections de rétribuer les secrétaires des comités
de statistique, vu l'importance et l'utilité générale de leur travail p o u r la
classe ouvrière.
3. — Au premier août de c h a q u e a n n é e , les conseils ou comités fédéraux
e n v e r r o n t les d o c u m e n t s recueillis au Conseil général qui en s o u m e t t r a un
r é s u m é aux Congrès ou Conférences.
4. — Le refus par u n e société de résistance ou u n e b r a n c h e internationale
de d o n n e r les renseignements d e m a n d é s sera p o r t é à la connaissance du
Conseil général, qui aura à statuer à ce sujet.
5. — L e s résolutions du Congrès de G e n è v e , m e n t i o n n é e s d a n s l'article 1er,
sont les suivantes :
U n e grande combinaison d'efforts internationaux sera l'enquête statistique, faite par les ouvriers e u x - m ê m e s , sur les conditions des classes
ouvrières des divers p a y s . E v i d e m m e n t , p o u r agir a v e c quelque c h a n c e de
succès, on doit connaître les matériaux sur lesquels | | l 5 | on veut agir. En
m ê m e t e m p s , les travailleurs p r o u v e r o n t , par l'initiative d'une si grande
390
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20
25
30
35
œ u v r e , qu'ils sont capables d'être les m a î t r e s de leurs p r o p r e s destinées.
C'est p o u r q u o i le Congrès p r o p o s e :
Q u e d a n s c h a q u e p a y s où il y a des b r a n c h e s de n o t r e Association, le
travail statistique soit c o m m e n c é i m m é d i a t e m e n t , et les faits recueillis à
5 l'égard des différents sujets spécifiés dans le questionnaire ci-joint ;
Q u e tous les ouvriers de l ' E u r o p e et de l'Amérique collaborent à cette
statistique du travail ;
Q u e les r a p p o r t s et les pièces justificatives soient e n v o y é s au Conseil
général ;
10
Q u e le Conseil général les r é s u m e en un r a p p o r t unique suivi d ' u n
appendice c o n t e n a n t les pièces justificatives ;
Q u e ce r a p p o r t et cet appendice soient soumis au Congrès annuel, et
q u ' a p r è s en avoir reçu la sanction, il soit publié aux frais de l'Association.
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20
25
30
35
Questionnaire, qui pourra être modifié selon
les besoins de chaque localité.
1. — Industrie, son n o m .
2. — Age et sexe des o u v r i e r s .
3. — N o m b r e des e m p l o y é s .
4. — Salaires et gages : a. A p p r e n t i s ; b. Salaire à la j o u r n é e ou à la pièce.
Echelle des salaires p a y é s par les s o u s - e n t r e p r e n e u r s . Salaire m o y e n p o u r
la semaine et l'année.
5. — a) H e u r e s de travail d a n s les m a n u f a c t u r e s . — b) H e u r e s de travail
c h e z les petits p a t r o n s et à domicile. — c) Travail de j o u r et de nuit.
6. — Traitement et heures de r e p a s . |
116| 7. — Description des ateliers et de la n a t u r e du travail. E n c o m b r e m e n t ,
ventilation insuffisante. Privation de lumière. Emploi du gaz. Conditions de
propreté, etc.
8. — Effets du travail sur l'état sanitaire.
9. — Condition morale. E d u c a t i o n .
10. — Conditions de l'industrie ; si elle c h a n g e a v e c les saisons ou si elle se
distribue avec plus ou m o i n s d'uniformité sur t o u t e l'année ; s'il y a de
grandes fluctuations de p r o s p é r i t é et de stagnation ; si l'industrie est
e x p o s é e à la c o n c u r r e n c e étrangère ; si elle produit principalement p o u r
le m a r c h é intérieur ou p o u r les m a r c h é s étrangers.
11. — L o i s particulières affectant les r a p p o r t s e n t r e l'ouvrier et le p a t r o n .
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Karl Marx
Appendice.
La Conférence t e n u e à L o n d r e s , du 17 au 23 s e p t e m b r e 1871, a chargé le
Conseil général de publier, en anglais, en français, en allemand, u n e nouvelle
édition authentique et révisée des statuts et règlements généraux de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs p o u r les raisons suivantes :
I. — Statuts généraux.
Le Congrès de G e n è v e (1866) avait a d o p t é , a v e c quelques petites additions,
les statuts provisoires de l'Association, publiés à L o n d r e s en n o v e m b r e
1864. Il avait aussi décidé que « le texte officiel et obligatoire des statuts et
règlements serait publié par le Conseil | | l 7 | général de L o n d r e s dans son 10
c o m p t e r e n d u du Congrès. » (Voir « Congrès ouvrier de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, tenu à G e n è v e du 3 au 8 s e p t e m b r e 1866, » p. 27,
note). Le g o u v e r n e m e n t bonapartiste e m p ê c h a le Conseil général d'exécuter
cet o r d r e , en saisissant les p r o c è s - v e r b a u x du Congrès de G e n è v e à leur
transit par la F r a n c e . L o r s q u e , grâce à l'intercession de lord Stanley, alors 15
ministre des affaires étrangères de l'Angleterre, les p r o c è s - v e r b a u x furent
enfin restitués, u n e édition française en avait déjà été publiée à G e n è v e , et
le t e x t e des statuts et règlements qui s'y trouvaient c o n t e n u s fut immédiatem e n t reproduit dans divers p a y s . Ce t e x t e était d é f e c t u e u x sous bien des
rapports.
20
1. L'édition française des statuts provisoires de L o n d r e s fut a d o p t é e , à
G e n è v e , c o m m e une traduction fidèle, mais le comité de Paris, d ' o ù é m a n a
cette traduction, avait introduit des c h a n g e m e n t s importants dans les
considérants des statuts. Sur l'interpellation du Conseil général, le comité
les r e p r é s e n t a c o m m e des c h a n g e m e n t s nécessités par l'état politique de la 25
F r a n c e . De plus, faute d'une connaissance suffisante de l'anglais, plusieurs
p a r a g r a p h e s des statuts avaient été mal traduits.
2. — Le Congrès de G e n è v e ayant à mettre d a n s u n e forme définitive les
statuts provisoires, la commission, n o m m é e à cet effet, r e t r a n c h a p u r e m e n t
tous les articles ayant trait à des m e s u r e s provisoires, sans s'apercevoir que 30
ces articles contenaient des matières tout à fait indispensables. L'édition
anglaise, publiée après le Congrès de L a u s a n n e (1867), a reproduit le m ê m e
défaut. Ι
392
r
Statuts généraux et règlements administratifs de l'A. I.T,
| l 8 | IL — Règlements administratifs.
5
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20
25
30
35
Jusqu'ici, on avait seulement publié les règlements administratifs votés p a r
le Congrès de G e n è v e (1866) conjointement a v e c les statuts. Il était d o n c
d e v e n u nécessaire de codifier les résolutions administratives de tous les
Congrès et de la r é c e n t e c o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s .
Pour cette édition révisée on s'est servi des publications suivantes :
« A d d r e s s and provisional Rules of the International Working M e n ' s
Association, etc. » L o n d o n , 1864.
« Rules of the International W o r k i n g M e n ' s Association.» L o n d o n ,
1867.
« Congrès ouvrier de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, t e n u
à G e n è v e , du 3 au 8 s e p t e m b r e 1866.» G e n è v e , 1866.
« C o m p t e rendu du Congrès de G e n è v e » (publié d'après les p r o c è s v e r b a u x par le Conseil général d a n s le Courrier International, L o n d r e s ,
mars et avril 1867).
« Procès-verbaux du Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, réuni à L a u s a n n e , du 2 au 8 s e p t e m b r e 1867. » C h a u x - d e - F o n d s ,
1867.
« T r o i s i è m e Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs —
C o m p t e r e n d u officiel. » Bruxelles, 1868.
« T h e International Working M e n ' s Association. Resolutions of t h e
Congress of Geneva, 1866, a n d the C o n g r e s s of Brussels, 1868. » L o n d o n ,
1868.
« C o m p t e rendu du q u a t r i è m e Congrès International, tenu à Bâle en
septembre 1869. » Bruxelles, 1869.
« R e p o r t of the F o u r t h A n n u a l C o n g r e s s of t h e International Working
M e n ' s Association, held at Basel, ||19| 1869.» Published by the General
Council. L o n d o n , 1869.
« Q u a t r i è m e Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs,
tenu à Bâle, 1869. R a p p o r t du délégué des sections de la fabrique à G e n è v e . »
G e n è v e , 1869.
« Resolutions of t h e C o n f e r e n c e of Delegates of the International W o r k ing M e n ' s Association, assembled at L o n d o n . 1871. » L o n d o n , 1871.
Q u a n t aux résolutions du Congrès de Bâle, on a aussi consulté le c o m p t e
r e n d u quotidien allemand publié à Bâle d u r a n t le congrès, et les notes qui
y furent prises par le secrétaire général.
D a n s le compte r e n d u suivant, en face des articles des statuts et règlem e n t s p r é s e n t s , on trouve indiqués les articles c o r r e s p o n d a n t s des éditions
antérieures, et les renseignements relatifs a u x résolutions administratives,
393
Karl Marx
m a i n t e n a n t codifiées p o u r la p r e m i è r e fois. L e s c h a n g e m e n t s d a n s le t e x t e
français pour le r e n d r e conforme à l'original anglais, et qui ont été prescrits
par u n e résolution de la conférence, ne sont p a s indiqués d a n s ce c o m p t e
rendu.
Statuts généraux.
Préambule. — A p r è s les m o t s : « P o u r ces r a i s o n s » — ont é t é r e s t a u r é s les
m o t s : « L ' A s s o c i a t i o n Internationale des Travailleurs a été f o n d é e . » Voir
Provisional Rules, p. 13.
Le p a r a g r a p h e : « Le C o n g r è s c o n s i d è r e c o m m e un devoir, etc., » a été
omis p u i s q u e il y en a d e u x versions également a u t h e n t i q u e s et négatives
l'une de l'autre. D'ailleurs, le véritable sens de ce p a r a g r a p h e est déjà c o n t e n u
d a n s celui qui le p r é c è d e et d a n s celui qui le | | 2 θ | suit i m m é d i a t e m e n t :
« P a s de devoirs sans droits, e t c . »
Art. 3. — est r e s t a u r é de l'article 3 des statuts originaux, 1864.
A r t . 4. — U n e partie de l'article 3, et l'art. 4 de : R u l e s , L o n d o n , 1867.
A r t . 5 . — L a p r e m i è r e partie d e l ' a r t . 3 , R u l e s , 1867. L e s m o t s : « u n p r é s i d e n t » on été omis c o n f o r m é m e n t à la résolution administrative I du
C o n g r è s de Bâle.
Art. 6. - Art. 5, R u l e s , 1867.
A r t . 7. - A r t . 6, Rules, 1867.
Art. 8. - Art. 10, Rules, 1867.
Art. 10. - Art. 8, Rules, 1867.
Art. 12. — Règlement administratif. Art. 15, C o n g r è s ouvrier de G e n è v e .
Art. 13. - Art. 12, Rules, 1867.
10
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Règlement administratif.
I.
— Du Congrès général.
Art. 1. — Art. 11, Règlement v o t é par le C o n g r è s de G e n è v e ( « C o n g r è s
de G e n è v e , » G e n è v e , 1866, p . 2 6 , etc.) A r t . 10, R u l e s , etc., 1867, qui est 30
défectueux.
Art. 2. - Art. 9, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 6, R u l e s , etc., 1867.
Art. 3. — Art. 13, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 11, Rules, etc., 1867.
A r t . 4 . - Art. 10, Congrès de G e n è v e ; A r t . 9 , R u l e s , e t c . , 1867.
394
A r t . 5 . — A r t . 9 , Congrès d e G e n è v e ; A r t . 7 , Rules, etc., 1 8 6 7 . |
| 2 l | A r t . 6 . - Art. 1 2 , C o n g r è s d e G e n è v e ; Art. 8 , Rules, etc., 1 8 6 7 .
Art. 7. — Règlement administratif de Bâle, V I I I .
Art. 8. — P o u r cet article, le « Guide pratique p o u r le Congrès de l'Inter5 nationale » (Compte r e n d u du Congrès de Bâle, Bruxelles 1 8 6 9 ) , a é t é complété par les autres m a t é r i a u x cités ci-dessus, relatifs au Congrès de Bâle.
Art. 9. — Premier alinéa, c o m m e p o u r l'article p r é c é d e n t . D e u x i è m e
alinéa, résolution d u C o n g r è s d e L a u s a n n e (procès-verbaux, p . 7 4 , 1 ) .
Art. 1 0 . - Art. 1 B, C o n g r è s de G e n è v e ; Art. 1 B, Rules, etc., 1 8 6 7 .
10
Art. 1 1 . — Guide pratique, C o n g r è s de Bâle, Art. 3 et 1 1 .
Art. 1 2 . - Guide P r a t i q u e , etc., Art. 1 0 .
Art. 1 3 . — Guide P r a t i q u e , e t c . , Art. 7 .
Art. 1 4 . — Guide Pratique, etc., Art. 4.
II.
Du
Conseil général.
15
Art. 1. — Conférence de L o n d r e s , 1 8 7 1 , I I . 1.
Art. 2. — Congrès de G e n è v e , Art. 1 ; Rules etc., 1 8 6 7 , Art. 1.
Art. 3. — L e s d e u x p r e m i e r s alinéas, Art. 2 et Art. 1 A, Congrès de G e n è v e ,
e t R u l e s , etc., 1 8 6 7 . Troisième alinéa, Art. 3 , Congrès d e G e n è v e . D e r n i e r
alinéa, Congrès d e L a u s a n n e , p r o c è s - v e r b a u x , p . 3 7 , Art. 2 .
20
Art. 4 à 7. — Résolutions administratives de Bâle, IV à V I I .
Art. 8. — Conférence de L o n d r e s , III.
Art. 9. — Résolutions de la C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s , séances du 18 et
22 s e p t e m b r e . I
|22J III. — Cotisations à payer au Conseil général.
25
Art. 1. — Premier alinéa, C o n g r è s de L a u s a n n e , p r o c è s - v e r b a u x , page 3 7 , 3 ;
e t résolutions administratives d e Bâle, art. 9 . D e u x i è m e alinéa, art. 4 ,
C o n g r è s d e G e n è v e e t Rules, etc., 1 8 6 7 .
Art. 2 à 6. — Conférence de L o n d r e s , IV, 1 à 5.
IV.
30
— Des
conseils
ou
comités fédéraux.
Art. 1. — Art. 6, Congrès de G e n è v e , et R u l e s , 1 8 6 7 .
Art. 2. - Art. 5, dito.
Art. 3. — Congrès de Bruxelles. « C o m p t e r e n d u Officiel, » page 5 0 ,
appendice, séances administratives, résolution n o 3 .
Art. 4. — Art. V I , Résolutions administratives de Bâle.
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Karl Marx
V.
— Des sociétés,
branches et groupes locaux.
Art. 1. — Art. 14, Congrès de G e n è v e ; art. 12, Rules etc., 1867.
Art. 2 à 4. — C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s , II, 2 à 4.
Art. 5. — Art. I, résolutions administratives de Bâle.
Art. 6. — C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s , V.
Art. 7. — Art. II, résolutions administratives de Bâle.
Art. 8. - Art. III, dito.
VI.
— Statistique générale de là
5
classe ouvrière.
Art. 1 à 4. — C o n f é r e n c e de L o n d r e s , V I , 1 à 4.
Art. 5 — Résolution du Congrès de G e n è v e (Edition anglaise des r é s o lutions des Congrès de G e n è v e et de Bruxelles, etc.).|
10
'23 Par ordre et au nom de la C o n f é r e n c e .
EN CONSEIL GÉNÉRAL :
R. Applegarth,
Ant. Arnaud,
M. 3. Boon,
F r é d . Bradnick,
G.H. Buttery,
F. Cournet, Delahaye, E u g è n e Dupont (en délégation), W. Haies, G. Harris,
15
Hurliman, Jules Johannard, H a r r i e t Law, F r é d . Lessner, Lochner, C o n s t a n t
Martin, Ζ. Maurice, H e n r y Mayo, G e o r g e Milner, C h a r l e s Murray, Pfander,
J o h n Roach, Rühl, Ranvier, Sadler, Cowell Stepney, Alf. Taylor, W. Townshend, Ed. Vaillant, J o h n Weston.
SECRÉTAIRES-CORRESPONDANTS :
20
K a r l Marx, Allemagne et Russie ; L e o Frankel, A u t r i c h e et H o n g r i e ;
A.Herman, B e l g i q u e ; Th.Mottershead, D a n e m a r k ; J . G . E c c a r / u s , E t a t s U n i s ; Le Moussu, sections françaises des E t a t s - U n i s ; Aug. Serraillier,
F r a n c e ; Charles Rochat, Hollande ; J. P. MacDonnell, Irlande ; F r é d .
Engels, Italie et E s p a g n e ; Walery Wroblewski, P o l o g n e ; H e r m a n n Jung,
25
Suisse.
C H A R L E S L O N G U E T , président de la séance.
H E R M A N N J U N G , trésorier.
J O H N H A L E S , secrétaire général.
256, High H o l b o r n , W. C.
396
L o n d r e s , le 24 o c t o b r e 1871.
30
Karl Marx
A l l g e m e i n e Statuten und V e r w a l t u n g s v e r o r d n u n g e n
Amtliche d e u t s c h e A u s g a b e ,
revidiert durch d e n Generalrat
Auf d e r G r u n d l a g e
der englischen und der französischen Ausgabe
b e a r b e i t e t v o n Karl M a r x u n d F r i e d r i c h E n g e l s
Allgemeine Statuten und Verwaltungsverordnungen der IAA
5
io
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30
| 3 | In Erwägung,
D a ß die Emanzipation der Arbeiterklasse d u r c h die Arbeiterklasse selbst
erobert w e r d e n m u ß ;
Daß der K a m p f für die E m a n z i p a t i o n der Arbeiterklasse kein K a m p f für
K l a s s e n v o r r e c h t e u n d M o n o p o l e ist, sondern für gleiche R e c h t e und Pflichten u n d für die Vernichtung aller K l a s s e n h e r r s c h a f t ;
D a ß die ö k o n o m i s c h e U n t e r w e r f u n g des Arbeiters unter den Aneigner
der Arbeitsmittel, d. h. der L e b e n s q u e l l e n , der K n e c h t s c h a f t in allen ihren
F o r m e n zu G r u n d e liegt — d e m gesellschaftlichen Elend, der geistigen Verk ü m m e r u n g und der politischen Abhängigkeit;
D a ß die ö k o n o m i s c h e E m a n c i p a t i o n der Arbeiterklasse daher der große
E n d z w e c k ist, dem jede politische B e w e g u n g , als Mittel, u n t e r z u o r d n e n ist;
D a ß alle auf dieses Ziel gerichteten V e r s u c h e bisher gescheitert sind aus
Mangel an Einigung unter den m a n n i c h f a c h e n Arbeitszweigen jedes Landes, u n d an der A b w e s e n h e i t eines brüderlichen B u n d e s unter den Arbeiterklassen der verschiedenen L ä n d e r ;
D a ß die Emanzipation der Arbeiterklasse w e d e r eine lokale, n o c h eine
nationale, sondern eine soziale Aufgabe ist, w e l c h e alle L ä n d e r umfaßt, in
denen die m o d e r n e Gesellschaft besteht, u n d deren L ö s u n g v o m praktisehen u n d theoretischen Z u s a m m e n w i r k e n der fortgeschrittensten L ä n d e r
abhängt;
D a ß die gegenwärtig sich e r n e u e r n d e B e w e g u n g der Arbeiterklasse in den
industriellsten L ä n d e r n E u r o p a s , w ä h r e n d sie n e u e Hoffnungen wachruft,
zugleich feierliche W a r n u n g ertheilt gegen einen Rückfall in die alten Irrthümer, und zur sofortigen Z u s a m m e n f a s s u n g der n o c h z u s a m m e n h a n g s losen, Bewegungen drängt;
Aus
diesen
Gründen ist die Internationale Arbeiter-Assoziation gestiftet
worden.
Sie erklärt:
D a ß alle Gesellschaften u n d Individuen, die sich ihr anschließen, W a h r -
401
Karl Marx
heit, Gerechtigkeit u n d Sittlichkeit a n e r k e n n e n als die Regel ihres Verhaltens zu einander u n d zu allen M e n s c h e n , o h n e Rücksicht auf F a r b e ,
Glaube oder Nationalität; |
|4| Keine Pflichten ohne Rechte, keine Rechte ohne Pflichten.
U n d in diesem Geist sind die nachfolgenden Statuten verfaßt.
Art. 1. Die gegenwärtige Assoziation ist gegründet zur Herstellung eines
Mittelpunktes d e r Verbindung und des planmäßigen Z u s a m m e n w i r k e n s
z w i s c h e n den in verschiedenen L ä n d e r n b e s t e h e n d e n Arbeitergesellschaften, w e l c h e dasselbe Ziel verfolgen, nämlich: d e n Schutz, den Fortschritt
und die vollständige Emanzipation der Arbeiterklasse.
Art. 2 . D e r N a m e der Gesellschaft ist: Internationale Arbeiter-Assoziation.
Art. 3. Es versammelt sich jährlich ein allgemeiner Arbeiterkongreß,
b e s t e h e n d aus A b g e o r d n e t e n der Zweige der Assoziation. D e r K o n g r e ß
v e r k ü n d e t die g e m e i n s a m e n B e s t r e b u n g e n der Arbeiterklasse, ergreift die
für das erfolgreiche Wirken der Internationalen Assoziation nothwendigen
Maßregeln, u n d e r n e n n t den Generalrath der Gesellschaft.
Art. 4. Jeder K o n g r e ß bestimmt Zeit u n d Ort für die Z u s a m m e n k u n f t des
n ä c h s t e n K o n g r e s s e s . Die A b g e o r d n e t e n v e r s a m m e l n sich zur b e s t i m m t e n
Zeit u n d Stelle, o h n e daß d a z u eine b e s o n d e r e Einladung erheischt w ä r e .
D e r Generalrath k a n n im Nothfall den O r t der Z u s a m m e n k u n f t verlegen,
a b e r nicht ihren Zeitpunkt aufschieben. D e r K o n g r e ß bestimmt jährlich
den Sitz des Generalrathes und e r n e n n t d e s s e n Mitglieder. D e r so ern a n n t e Generalrath ist ermächtigt, sich n e u e Mitglieder beizufügen.
Auf seinen jährlichen Z u s a m m e n k ü n f t e n erhält der K o n g r e ß einen öffentliehen Bericht über die Jahresarbeit des G e n e r a l r a t h s . L e t z t e r e r k a n n in
dringenden Fällen den K o n g r e ß vor dem regelmäßigen jährlichen T e r m i n berufen.
Art. 5. Der Generalrath wird gebildet aus Arbeitern der verschiedenen,
in der Internationalen Association v e r t r e t e n e n L ä n d e r . Er b e s e t z t aus
seiner Mitte die zur Geschäftsführung nöthigen Stellen, wie die des
Schatzmeisters, G e n e r a l s e k r e t ä r s , der k o r r e s p o n d i r e n d e n Sekretäre für
die verschiedenen L ä n d e r u. s. w.
Art. 6. D e r Generalrath wirkt als internationale A g e n t u r zwischen den
verschiedenen nationalen u n d lokalen G r u p p e n der Association, so daß die
Arbeiter Eines L a n d e s f o r t w ä h r e n d unterrichtet bleiben über die Bewegungen ihrer Klasse in allen a n d e r e n L ä n d e r n ; d a ß eine U n t e r s u c h u n g
über den sozialen Zustand der verschiedenen L ä n d e r E u r o p a s gleichzeitig
und u n t e r gemeinsamer Leitung stattfindet, daß F r a g e n ||5j von allgemeinem
I n t e r e s s e , angeregt von Einer Gesellschaft, v o n allen a n d e r n aufgenommen
w e r d e n , und daß, im Fall der N o t h w e n d i g k e i t sofortiger praktischer
402
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w
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Schritte — wie ζ. B. bei i n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Z w i s t e n — die v e r b ü n d e t e n Gesellschaften sich gleichzeitig u n d gleichförmig bethätigen k ö n n e n .
Bei jeder p a s s e n d e n Gelegenheit ergreift der G e n e r a l r a t h die Initiative
der d e n v e r s c h i e d e n e n nationalen o d e r lokalen Gesellschaften zu unterb r e i t e n d e n Vorlagen.
Zur Erleichterung seines V e r k e h r s mit d e n Zweiggesellschaften veröffentlicht der G e n e r a l r a t h p e r i o d i s c h e Berichte.
Art. 7. Da einerseits der Erfolg der A r b e i t e r b e w e g u n g in j e d e m L a n d e
nur gesichert w e r d e n k a n n d u r c h die M a c h t der Einigung u n d K o m b i n a t i o n ,
10 w ä h r e n d andrerseits die W i r k s a m k e i t des internationalen G e n e r a l r a t h s
wesentlich d a d u r c h bedingt ist, d a ß er mit w e n i g e n nationalen C e n t r e n der
Arbeitergesellschaften v e r h a n d e l t , statt mit einer g r o ß e n A n z a h l kleiner
und z u s a m m e n h a n g s l o s e r lokaler Gesellschaften, — so sollen die Mitglieder
der Internationalen A s s o c i a t i o n alle ihre K r ä f t e aufbieten zur Vereinigung
15 der z e r s t r e u t e n Arbeitergesellschaften ihrer betreffenden L ä n d e r in nationale K ö r p e r , repräsentirt d u r c h nationale C e n t r a i o r g a n e .
Es v e r s t e h t sich v o n selbst, d a ß die A n w e n d u n g dieses Artikels v o n d e n
Sondergesetzen j e d e s L a n d e s a b h ä n g t , und d a ß , a b g e s e h e n von gesetzlichen
H i n d e r n i s s e n , keine unabhängige lokale Gesellschaft von direkter K o r r e 20 s p o n d e n z mit dem G e n e r a l r a t h a u s g e s c h l o s s e n ist.
Art. 8. J e d e Sektion h a t das R e c h t , ihren eignen, mit dem G e n e r a l r a t h
korrespondirenden Sekretär zu ernennen.
Art. 9. J e d e r , der die Prinzipien der I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Arbeiter-Association
a n e r k e n n t u n d vertheidigt, ist w ä h l b a r als Mitglied derselben. J e d e Zweig25 gesellschaft ist verantwortlich für die U n b e s c h o l t e n h e i t der Mitglieder,
die sie aufnimmt.
Art. 10. Bei V e r ä n d e r u n g d e s W o h n s i t z e s v o n einem L a n d zum a n d e r n
erhält j e d e s Mitglied der Internationalen A s s o c i a t i o n die brüderliche
U n t e r s t ü t z u n g der m i t v e r b ü n d e t e n Arbeiter.
30
Art. 11. Obgleich vereinigt zu einem ewigen B u n d brüderlichen Zus a m m e n w i r k e n s , b e h a l t e n Arbeitergesellschaften, w e l c h e sich der Internationalen Arbeiter-Association anschließen, ihre b e s t e h e n d e Organisation
unversehrt.
35
Art. 12. Die gegenwärtigen S t a t u t e n k ö n n e n d u r c h j e d e n K o n g r e ß a b geändert w e r d e n , sobald zwei Drittel der a n w e s e n d e n Delegirten sich dafür
erklären. |
|6| Art. 13. Alles, w a s nicht in d e n v o r s t e h e n d e n S t a t u t e n v o r g e s e h n ist,
wird d u r c h b e s o n d e r e V e r o r d n u n g e n ergänzt, w e l c h e der Revision j e d e s
K o n g r e s s e s unterliegen.
403
Karl Marx
Verwaltungs-Verordnungen
revidirt im Einklang mit den Beschlüssen der Kongresse
(1866—69) und der Londoner Konferenz 1871.
1. Der allgemeine Kongreß.
1. J e d e s Mitglied der Internationalen Arbeiter-Association ist stimmfähig
u n d wählbar bei den Delegirtenwahlen z u m allgemeinen K o n g r e ß .
2. J e d e Zweiggesellschaft, welches immer die Zahl ihrer Mitglieder, k a n n
einen Delegirten z u m K o n g r e ß senden.
3. J e d e r Delegirte hat nur Eine Stimme auf dem K o n g r e ß .
4. Die U n k o s t e n der Delegirten w e r d e n bestritten von den sie e r n e n n e n den Zweiggesellschaften oder G r u p p e n .
5. Ist eine Zweiggesellschaft außer S t a n d e , einen Delegirten zu senden,
so k a n n sie sich wegen E r n e n n u n g eines g e m e i n s a m e n Delegirten mit
a n d e r n b e n a c h b a r t e n Zweigen einigen.
6. J e d e Zweiggesellschaft oder G r u p p e von m e h r als 500 Mitgliedern
kann für j e d e 500 zuschüssige Mitglieder weitere Delegirten e r n e n n e n .
7. Sitz und Stimmrecht auf d e m K o n g r e ß wird in Zukunft nur den
Delegirten solcher Gesellschaften, Zweige oder G r u p p e n gestattet, w e l c h e
Bestandtheile der Internationalen bilden u n d ihre Beiträge d e m Generalrath
entrichtet haben. F ü r solche L ä n d e r j e d o c h , wo die regelmäßige Organisation der Internationalen gesetzlich verhindert ist, w e r d e n Delegirte v o n
Gewerksgenossenschaften
u n d Arbeiter-Kooperativgesellschaften
zugelassen zu den K o n g r e ß d e b a t t e n über Prinzipfragen, aber nicht zur D e batte u n d A b s t i m m u n g über Verwaltungsangelegenheiten.
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8. Die Sitzungen des K o n g r e s s e s sind zweifach: geschlossene Verwaltungssitzungen, und öffentliche Sitzungen, d e n e n die D e b a t t e u n d
A b s t i m m u n g über die allgemeinen F r a g e n des K o n g r e ß p r o g r a m m s vorbehalten ist.
9. Das K o n g r e ß p r o g r a m m besteht aus den F r a g e n , die der v o r h e r g e h e n d e 30
K o n g r e ß auf die Tagesordnung setzte, den F r a g e n , die der G e n e r a l r a t h
zufügt und den F r a g e n , die ihm von den v e r s c h i e d e n e n Sektionen, G r u p p e n ,
oder deren K o m i t é s zur A n n a h m e unterbreitet w o r d e n sind. Es wird v o m
Generalrath redigirt. j
|7| J e d e Sektion, G r u p p e oder deren K o m i t é , w e l c h e der D e b a t t e des
404
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b e v o r s t e h e n d e n K o n g r e s s e s eine nicht v o m vorigen K o n g r e ß vorgeschlagene Frage unterbreiten will, hat d e m G e n e r a l r a t h davon vor dem 3 1 . M ä r z
K e n n t n i ß zu geben.
10. Der Generalrath ist beauftragt mit der Organisirung der K o n g r e s s e
5 u n d soll den Zweiggesellschaften, vermittelst der F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder
-Komités, das K o n g r e ß p r o g r a m m rechtzeitig mittheilen.
11. D e r K o n g r e ß ernennt für jede ihm vorliegende Frage einen besonderen A u s s c h u ß . Jeder Delegirte b e z e i c h n e t den A u s s c h u ß , d e m er anzugehören w ü n s c h t . J e d e r A u s s c h u ß liest die von den verschiedenen
10 Sektionen u n d G r u p p e n eingereichten Denkschriften über die F r a g e ,
w o m i t er befaßt ist. Er verarbeitet sie in einen G e s a m m t b e r i c h t , welcher
allein in den öffentlichen Sitzungen zu verlesen ist. Er entscheidet außerdem, welche der e r w ä h n t e n Denkschriften dem amtlichen Bericht über die
Kongreßverhandlungen beizufügen sind.
15
12. In seinen öffentlichen Sitzungen beschäftigt sich der K o n g r e ß zunächst mit den vom Generalrath auf die T a g e s o r d n u n g gestellten Fragen.
D e m n ä c h s t erfolgt die D e b a t t e über die übrigen Fragen.
13. Bei allen Beschlüssen über Prinzipienfragen findet namentliche
A b s t i m m u n g statt.
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14. Mindestens zwei M o n a t e vor der Z u s a m m e n k u n f t des jährlichen
K o n g r e s s e s haben die Zweiggesellschaften oder deren F ö d e r a t i o n e n dem
Generalrath einen ausführlichen Bericht über ihre Thätigkeit und E n t w i c k lung w ä h r e n d des laufenden J a h r e s zu erstatten. D e r Generalrath hat das
Material zu einem G e s a m m t b e r i c h t zu verarbeiten, der allein im K o n g r e ß
25 verlesen wird.
IL Der Generalrath.
1. Die Bezeichnung: Generalrath wird d e m Centrairath der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation vorbehalten. Die Centralräthe der verschiedenen
L ä n d e r , wo die Internationale regelmäßig organisirt ist, haben sich zu be30 zeichnen als F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder F ö d e r a l k o m i t e s mit Beifügung der N a m e n
ihrer betreffenden L ä n d e r .
2. D e r Generalrath ist gehalten, die K o n g r e ß b e s c h l ü s s e auszuführen.
3. So oft seine Mittel es erlauben, wird der Generalrath einen Bericht
veröffentlichen, der sich über Alles erstreckt, w a s von allgemeinem Inter35 esse für die Internationale Arbeiter-Assoziation ist.
Zu diesem Z w e c k sammelt er die ihm v o n den Föderal ||8|räthen oder
-Komités der verschiedenen L ä n d e r ü b e r s a n d t e n u n d auf andern Wegen
ihm z u k o m m e n d e n Materialien.
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Karl Marx
D e r Bericht wird in v e r s c h i e d e n e n S p r a c h e n aufgesetzt u n d gratis an
die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komités v e r s a n d t , w e l c h e jeder ihrer Sektionen
ein E x e m p l a r davon ü b e r m a c h e n .
Sollte der Generalrath außer Stand sein, den e r w ä h n t e n Bericht zu veröffentlichen, so hat er alle drei M o n a t e eine schriftliche Mittheilung an die
v e r s c h i e d e n e n F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komités zu m a c h e n , w e l c h e diese ihrerseits in den Zeitungen ihrer betreffenden L ä n d e r u n d namentlich in den
Organen der Internationalen veröffentlichen w e r d e n .
4. J e d e n e u e Sektion oder Arbeitergesellschaft, w e l c h e den A n s c h l u ß an
die Internationale beabsichtigt, hat den G e n e r a l r a t h sofort d a v o n zu benachrichtigen.
5. D e r Generalrath hat das R e c h t , den A n s c h l u ß jeder n e u e n Sektion oder
G r u p p e zuzulassen oder zu verweigern, vorbehaltlich der Berufung an den
nächsten Kongreß.
Wo j e d o c h F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komités b e s t e h n , m u ß der Generalrath
sie zu R a t h e ziehn vor Zulassung oder Verweigerung des A n s c h l u s s e s einer
n e u e n Sektion oder Gesellschaft innerhalb ihres B e r e i c h s ; u n b e s c h a d e t
j e d o c h seines R e c h t s der vorläufigen E n t s c h e i d u n g .
6. D e r Generalrath hat ebenfalls das R e c h t , j e d e Sektion der Internationalen bis z u m nächsten K o n g r e ß zu suspendiren.
7. Im Fall v o n Zwistigkeiten zwischen Gesellschaften oder Sektionen
derselben nationalen G r u p p e , oder zwischen G r u p p e n verschiedener
Nationalität, hat der Generalrath das R e c h t der E n t s c h e i d u n g , vorbehaltlich der Berufung an den nächsten K o n g r e ß , der endgültig entscheidet.
8. Alle v o m Generalrath zu b e s t i m m t e n S e n d u n g e n e r n a n n t e n Delegirten
h a b e n das Recht, allen V e r s a m m l u n g e n der F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komités,
Distrikts- u n d Lokalkomités u n d L o k a l s e k t i o n e n b e i z u w o h n e n u n d daselbst
gehört zu w e r d e n , o h n e j e d o c h daselbst S t i m m r e c h t zu h a b e n .
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9. Englische, französische u n d d e u t s c h e A u s g a b e n der allgemeinen
Statuten u n d A n o r d n u n g e n sind n a c h der amtlichen A u s g a b e des General- 30
raths zu veranstalten.
Alle U e b e r s e t z u n g e n der allgemeinen Statuten u n d V e r o r d n u n g e n in
a n d e r e S p r a c h e n müssen, vor ihrer Veröffentlichung, dem Generalrath
zur G e n e h m i g u n g vorgelegt w e r d e n .
III. Beiträge zahlbar an den Generalrath.
1. E i n allgemeiner Beitrag von E i n e m P e n n y (Groschen) pro Mitglied
an den Generalrath wird von allen Sektionen ||9| und v e r b ü n d e t e n Gesellschaften e r h o b e n . Dieser Beitrag ist b e s t i m m t zur D e c k u n g der K o s t e n
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des Generalraths wie z . B . für die B e s o l d u n g des Generalsekretärs, A u s gaben für K o r r e s p o n d e n z , Druckschriften, Vorbereitungen für K o n g r e s s e
u. s. w.
2. Der Generalrath läßt anheftbare M a r k e n , w o v o n jede den W e r t h eines
5 P e n n y vorstellt, drucken, u n d den F ö d e r a l r ä t h e n oder -Komités jährlich in
der verlangten Anzahl z u k o m m e n .
3. Die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komités ü b e r m a c h e n den L o k a l k o m i t é s , und,
in deren Abwesenheit, den lokalen Zweigen eine der A n z a h l ihrer Mitglieder e n t s p r e c h e n d e A n z a h l von M a r k e n .
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4. Diese M a r k e n sind alsdann auf das E x e m p l a r der Statuten anzuheften,
welches jedes Mitglied zu besitzen gehalten ist.
5. Am l t e n M ä r z jedes J a h r e s h a b e n die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komités der
verschiedenen L ä n d e r d e n E r l ö s aus den verkauften M a r k e n dem Generalrath zu ü b e r m a c h e n , u n d zugleich die u n v e r k a u f t e n M a r k e n z u r ü c k z u 15 senden.
6. Diese M a r k e n , die den W e r t h der Einzelbeiträge vorstellen, tragen
das D a t u m des laufenden J a h r e s .
IV. Föderalräthe oder -Komités.
1. Die Ausgaben der F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder - K o m i t é s w e r d e n von ihren be20 treffenden Sektionen bestritten.
2. Die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder - K o m i t é s h a b e n mindestens monatlich einen
Bericht an d e n Generalrath zu senden.
3. Sie haben dem Generalrath alle drei M o n a t e Bericht über die V e r w a l tung u n d den F i n a n z z u s t a n d ihrer betreffenden Sektionen zu erstatten.
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4. J e d e Föderation k a n n Gesellschaften oder Sektionen zulassen, oder
aus ihrer Mitte auschließen. Sie ist j e d o c h nicht ermächtigt, sie ihres internationalen Charakters zu b e r a u b e n , k a n n aber beim Generalrath ihre
Suspension beantragen.
V. Lokal-Gesellschaften,
Sektionen
und Gruppen.
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1. Jede Sektion hat das R e c h t , sich S o n d e r s t a t u t e n für ihre lokale Verwaltung, je n a c h den L o k a l u m s t ä n d e n u n d L a n d e s g e s e t z e n , zu geben. Die
S o n d e r s t a t u t e n dürfen j e d o c h nichts den Allgemeinen Statuten u n d Verwaltungs-Verordnungen W i d e r s p r e c h e n d e s enthalten.
2. Alle lokalen Zweige, Sektionen, G r u p p e n u n d deren Komités sollen
35 sich in Zukunft einfach u n d ausschließlich b e z e i c h n e n u n d konstituiren als
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Karl Marx
Zweige u. s.w. der Internationalen Arbeiter-Assoziation mit Beifügung
der N a m e n ihrer bezüglichen Oertlichkeit.
3. D e m g e m ä ß ist es den Zweigen, G r u p p e n und deren | | ΐ θ | K o m i t é s von
nun a n untersagt, S e k t e n n a m e n a n z u n e h m e n , z . B . die N a m e n P o s i t i v i s t e n ,
Mutualisten, Collektivisten, K o m m u n i s t e n u. s.w., oder Sonderkörper zu
5
bilden, w e l c h e unter Bezeichnungen wie: P r o p a g a n d a s e k t i o n u. s.w. sich
eine b e s o n d e r e , von den gemeinsamen Z w e c k e n der Assoziation verschied e n e Mission zuschreiben.
4. Art. 2 findet j e d o c h keine A n w e n d u n g auf die mit der Internationalen
v e r b ü n d e t e n Gewerksgenossenschaften.
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5. Alle Sektionen, Zweige, und mit der Internationalen v e r b ü n d e t e n
Arbeitergesellschaften sind eingeladen, das P r ä s i d e n t e n a m t für ihre bezügliche Sektion oder Gesellschaft abzuschaffen.
6. Die Bildung weiblicher Zweiggesellschaften innerhalb der Arbeiterklasse wird anempfohlen. Dieser Artikel richtet sich selbstredend nicht 15
gegen die Z u s a m m e n s e t z u n g von Zweiggesellschaften aus Arbeitern u n d
Arbeiterinnen.
7. Wo Angriffe gegen die Internationale veröffentlicht w e r d e n , ist die
n ä c h s t e Sektion oder ihr K o m i t é gehalten, d e m Generalrath sofort ein
E x e m p l a r solcher Druckschrift zu ü b e r s c h i c k e n .
20
8. Die A d r e s s e n der Geschäftslokale aller internationalen K o m i t é s u n d
des Generalraths sind alle drei M o n a t e in den Organen der Assoziation zu
veröffentlichen.
V/. Allgemeine Statistik der Arbeiterklasse.
1. D e r Generalrath hat Art. 6 der Statuten, soweit er sich auf eine allgemeine Statistik der Arbeiterklasse bezieht, in Kraft zu setzen, e b e n s o
wie die Beschlüsse des Genfer K o n g r e s s e s (1866) über denselben Gegenstand.
2. J e d e lokale Gruppe ist verpflichtet zur E r n e n n u n g eines b e s o n d e r n
statistischen K o m i t é s , damit sie stets, soweit ihre Mittel gestatten, bereit
sei, v o m Föderalrath ihres L a n d e s oder v o m Generalrath gestellte Fragen zu
beantworten.
Allen G r u p p e n wird empfohlen, den Sekretären der statistischen K o m i t é s
eine Vergütung z u k o m m e n zu lassen, in A n b e t r a c h t der allgemeinen N ü t z lichkeit ihres W e r k s für die Arbeiterklasse.
3. Am 1. August jedes Jahres sollen die F ö d e r a l r ä t h e oder -Komités das
in ihren betreffenden L ä n d e r n gesammelte Material dem Generalrath übersenden. L e t z t e r e r wird dasselbe seinerseits zu einem allgemeinen Bericht
408
r
verarbeiten, der den jährlich im S e p t e m b e r stattfindenden K o n g r e s s e n vorzulegen ist.
4. G e w e r k s g e n o s s e n s c h a f t e n und internationale Zweige, welche die verlangte Auskunft verweigern, sind dem G e n e r a l r a t h zur weiteren Beschluß5 n ä h m e anzuzeigen. |
5. Die in Art. 1 dieser Abtheilung e r w ä h n t e n Beschlüsse des Genfer
K o n g r e s s e s 1866 sind folgende:
„Die statistische U n t e r s u c h u n g der L a g e der arbeitenden Klasse aller
zivilisirten L ä n d e r , u n t e r n o m m e n von der Arbeiterklasse selbst, ist an sich
10 schon ein großes internationales W e r k . Um erfolgreich zu wirken, m u ß
man das Material k e n n e n , worauf m a n wirken will. D u r c h die Initiative
eines so großen W e r k s b e w e i s e n die Arbeiter zudem ihre Fähigkeit, ihr
eigenes Geschick in ihre H a n d zu n e h m e n .
Der K o n g r e ß schlägt d a h e r vor, daß an j e d e m Ort, wo ein Zweig unserer
Gesellschaft besteht, das W e r k sofort b e g o n n e n , u n d Material über die
verschiedenen P u n k t e des angeführten U n t e r s u c h u n g s p l a n e s gesammelt
werde.
Er ladet die Arbeiter E u r o p a s und der Vereinigten Staaten A m e r i k a s ein,
für die Z u s a m m e n t r a g u n g der E l e m e n t e einer Statistik der Arbeiterklasse
20 mitzuwirken, und ihre Berichte n e b s t Beweismaterial dem Generalrath
einzusenden. Letzterer hat sie in einen G e s a m m t b e r i c h t zu verarbeiten,
dem er das Beweismaterial als A n h a n g zufügt. Dieser Bericht, nebst Anhang, ist dem nächsten jährlichen K o n g r e ß vorzulegen und nach dessen
Genehmigung auf K o s t e n der Assoziation zu d r u c k e n .
15
25
Untersuchungsschema, je n a c h U m s t ä n d e n zu v e r ä n d e r n u n d zu ergänzen:
1. G e w e r k , N a m e .
2. Alter und Geschlecht der Arbeiter.
3. Zahl der beschäftigten Arbeiter.
30
4. L ö h n e : a. Lehrlinge und Gehülfen;
b. Tagelohn oder Stücklohn? V o n Z w i s c h e n u n t e r n e h m e r n
gezahlte L ö h n e . Wöchentlicher und jährlicher Durchschnitt.
5. a. Arbeitsstunden in F a b r i k e n .
b. Arbeitsstunden bei kleinen Meistern u n d in der Hausarbeit, falls
35 das G e w e r b e in diesen v e r s c h i e d e n e n Weisen betrieben wird.
c. N a c h t - und Tagesarbeit.
6. Mahlzeitsstunden u n d Behandlung.
7. Beschaffenheit der W e r k s t ä t t e n u n d der Arbeit, Ueberfüllung,
mangelhafte Ventilation, Mangel an Tageslicht, Gasbeleuchtung, Reinlich40 keit u. s. w.
8. Wirkung der Arbeit auf den K ö r p e r z u s t a n d .
409
Karl Marx
9. Moralitäts- u n d Bildungszustand, E r z i e h u n g .
10. C h a r a k t e r des Geschäfts; ob m e h r oder weniger gleichförmig für das
g a n z e Jahr, oder an gewisse Jahreszeiten g e b u n d e n ; ob großen S c h w a n kungen ausgesetzt, ob fremder K o n | | l 2 | k u r r e n z u n t e r w o r f e n , ob hauptsächlich für den innern oder auswärtigen M a r k t a r b e i t e n d . "
11. B e s o n d e r e Gesetzgebung über das Verhältnis zwischen Arbeiter
und Meister.
12. N a h r u n g s - u n d W o h n u n g s z u s t ä n d e der Arbeiter.
Anhang.
5
10
Die in L o n d o n v o m 1 7 . - 2 3 . S e p t e m b e r 1871 abgehaltene K o n f e r e n z hat
den Generalrath beauftragt, in englischer, französischer u n d deutscher
S p r a c h e eine n e u e authentische u n d revidirte A u s g a b e der Allgemeinen
Statuten und Verwaltungs-Verordnungen der Internationalen ArbeiterAssoziation zu veranstalten, u n d zwar aus folgenden G r ü n d e n : —
15
I. Allgemeine
Statuten.
D e r Genfer K o n g r e ß (1866) n a h m , mit wenigen Z u s ä t z e n , die zu L o n d o n
im N o v e m b e r 1864 veröffentlichten provisorischen Statuten der Assoziation an. Er entschied ebenfalls (siehe: Congrès ouvrier de l'Association
Internationale des Travailleurs, tenu à G e n è v e du 3 au 8 S e p t e m b r e 1866, 20
G e n è v e 1866, p. 27, Anmerkung), daß der G e n e r a l r a t h den amtlichen u n d
b i n d e n d e n T e x t sowohl der Statuten als der vom K o n g r e ß erlassenen Verwaltungs-Verordnungen veröffentlichen solle. D e r G e n e r a l r a t h w u r d e
verhindert an der Ausführung dieses B e s c h l u s s e s d u r c h die B e s c h l a g n a h m e
der Protokolle des Genfer K o n g r e s s e s , w ä h r e n d ihres Durchgangs d u r c h 25
F r a n k r e i c h , von Seiten der bonapartistischen Regierung. Als endlich die
Protokolle, in Folge des Einschreitens des L o r d Stanley, damals britischer
Minister des Auswärtigen, n a c h L o n d o n gelangten, w a r bereits ein französischer Kongreßbericht erschienen. D e r T e x t der Statuten u n d Verwaltungsverordnungen, den er enthielt, w u r d e sofort in allen französisch 30
s p r e c h e n d e n L ä n d e r n wieder abgedruckt. Dieser T e x t w a r vielfältig fehlerhaft.
410
r
1. Die Pariser A u s g a b e der L o n d o n e r provisorischen Statuten w u r d e als
g e n a u e U e b e r s e t z u n g zu G r u n d e gelegt. D a s Pariser K o m i t é j e d o c h , v o n
dem diese U e b e r s e t z u n g ausging, h a t t e nicht nur die E r w ä g u n g s g r ü n d e der
Statuten sehr eingreifend v e r ä n d e r t , und, auf Interpellation des General5 raths, diese V e r ä n d e r u n g e n entschuldigt d u r c h den b e s t e h e n d e n politischen
Z u s t a n d F r a n k r e i c h s . Es hatte auch, aus mangelhafter K e n n t n i ß der englischen S p r a c h e , Statutenartikel irrig ü b e r s e t z t .
2. Der Genfer K o n g r e ß hatte den provisorischen Statuten einen endgültigen Charakter zu geben. Sein zu diesem Z w e c k | | l 3 | e r n a n n t e s K o m i t é
10 strich einfach alle Stellen aus worin provisorische Maßregeln e r w ä h n t
w u r d e n ; es übersah, daß v e r s c h i e d e n e dieser Stellen, neben ihrem bloß
provisorischen Inhalt, d a u e r n d e B e s t i m m u n g e n v o n der größten Wichtigkeit
enthielten. Die n a c h dem L a u s a n n e r K o n g r e ß (1867) veröffentlichte englische Ausgabe läßt diese Stellen ebenfalls a u s .
15
II.
Verwaltungs-Verordnungen.
Die bisher mit den Statuten g e m e i n s a m veröffentlichten VerwaltungsV e r o r d n u n g e n enthalten n u r die Beschlüsse des Genfer K o n g r e s s e s (1866).
Es w u r d e daher nöthig, die v o n den späteren K o n g r e s s e n u n d von der
L o n d o n e r K o n f e r e n z (1871) erlassenen V e r o r d n u n g e n zu kodifiziren.
20
F ü r die gegenwärtige revidirte A u s g a b e sind folgende Druckschriften
benutzt worden:
„ A d d r e s s and provisional Rules of the International Working M e n ' s
A s s o c i a t i o n , " etc. L o n d o n . 1864.
„Rules of the International Working M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n . " L o n d o n 1867.
25
„ C o n g r e s ouvrier de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, tenu
à G e n è v e du 3 au 8 Septbre. 1866." G e n è v e . 1866.
„ P r o c e s - v e r b a u x du C o n g r è s de G e n è v e , 1866. R a p p o r t du Conseil
G é n é r a l " . Publié d a n s le Courrier International, M a r s et Avril, L o n d r e s
1867.
30
„ P r o c e s - v e r b a u x du Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs, réuni à L a u s a n n e , du 2 au 8 S e p t b r e . 1867." C h a u x - d e - F o n d s . 1867.
„Troisieme Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs
(Brüsseler Kongreß) — C o m p t e - r e n d u officiel." Bruxelles. 1868.
„ T h e International Working M e n ' s Association. Resolutions of the
35 Congress of G e n e v a , 1866, and t h e C o n g r e s s of Brussels, 1868." L o n d o n .
1868.
„ C o m p t e - r e n d u du 4me C o n g r è s International, tenu à Bâle en Septbre.
1869." Bruxelles, 1869.
411
Karl Marx
„ R e p o r t of the F o u r t h A n n u a l Congress of the International Working
M e n ' s Association, held at Basel, 1869. Published by t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l . "
L o n d o n 1869.
„ Q u a t r i e m e Congrès de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs,
tenu à Bâle, 1869. R a p p o r t du délégué des Sections de la F a b r i q u e à
5
G e n è v e . " G e n è v e 1869.
„Resolutions of the Conference of Delegates of t h e International W o r k ing M e n ' s Association, assembled at L o n d o n , 1871." L o n d o n . 1871.|
| l 4 | F ü r den Baseler K o n g r e ß sind ferner der d e u t s c h e K o n g r e ß b e r i c h t ,
veröffentlicht in Flugblättern, und die w ä h r e n d des K o n g r e s s e s v o m 10
Generalsekretär g e m a c h t e n Notizen zu R a t h e gezogen w o r d e n .
Die A r t und Weise, wie diese verschiedenen Quellen für die gegenwärtige
A u s g a b e b e n u t z t w o r d e n sind, ergiebt sich aus nachfolgender Z u s a m m e n stellung.
Allgemeine Statuten.
Einleitung. — N a c h den W o r t e n : „ A u s diesen G r ü n d e n " sind die W o r t e
w i e d e r hergestellt w o r d e n : „Ist die Internationale Assoziation gestiftet
worden."
Die Stelle: „Sie erachten es die Pflicht eines J e d e n " u . s . w . ist weggelassen, weil zwei gleichmäßig authentische u n d mit einander unvereinbare
T e x t e derselben vorliegen. A u ß e r d e m ist ihr wirklicher Sinn enthalten in
der ihr unmittelbar v o r h e r g e h e n d e n Stelle u n d in der ihr unmittelbar folg e n d e n : „keine Pflichten o h n e R e c h t e " u. s.w.
Art. 3. ist wiederhergestellt nach Art 3 der provisorischen Statuten.
Art. 4. Theil von Art. 3 u n d der ganze Art. 4 in Rules, u. s. w. L o n d o n
1867.
Art. 5. Einleitender Theil des Art. 3, Rules, 1867. Die W o r t e : „ein Präsid e n t " sind weggelassen in U e b e r e i n s t i m m u n g mit V e r w a l t u n g s b e s c h l u ß I.
des Baseler K o n g r e s s e s .
Art. 6. Art. 5, Rules, 1867. Die W o r t e : „Co-operating A s s o c i a t i o n s "
(kooperirende Assoziationen) sind abgeändert in: „nationale u n d lokale
G r u p p e n der A s s o c i a t i o n " , weil v e r s c h i e d e n e U e b e r s e t z u n g e n den ursprünglichen A u s d r u c k irrthümlich d u r c h : „Cooperativgesellschaften"
wiedergaben.
Art. 7. Art. 6, Rules, 1867.
Art. 8. Art. 10, Rules, 1867.
Art. 12, bildet Art. 13 der V e r w a l t u n g s - A n o r d n u n g e n in: Rules, 1867.
Art. 13. Art. 12, Rules, 1867.
412
15
20
25
30
35
Art. 7, Rules, 1867, ist weggelassen, weil er im W i d e r s p r u c h mit einem
Beschluß des L a u s a n n e r K o n g r e s s e s eingefügt war. Siehe „ P r o c e s - v e r b a u x
d u Congrès d e L a u s a n n e " p . 3 6 .
Verwaltungs-Verordnungen.
5
10
15
20
25
I.
Der
allgemeine
Kongreß.
Art. 4. Art. 10, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 9, Rules, etc., 1867.
G e n è v e , G e n è v e 1866, p. 26 u n d ff.); Art. 10, Rules, 1867; letzterer ist
unvollständig.
Art. 2. Art. 9, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 6, Rules, etc., 1867. |
|15| Art. 3. Art. 13, Congrès de G e n è v e ; A r t . 11, Rules, etc., 1867.
Art. 6. Art. 12, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 8, Rules, etc. 1867.
Art. 7. Baseler V e r w a l t u n g s v e r o r d n u n g e n , V I I I .
Art. 8. F ü r diesen Artikel ist der Guide Pratique pour le Congrès de l'Internationale (Compte-rendu du Congrès de Bâle, Bruxelles 1869) vervollständigt w o r d e n durch die übrigen, obenangeführten Quellen für den
Baseler K o n g r e ß .
Art. 9. Erster Theil wie für Art. 8. Zweiter Theil, L a u s a n n e r K o n g r e ß beschluß (Procès-verbaux p. 74, 1.)
Art. 10. Art. 1 b, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 1 b, Rules, etc., 1867.
Art. 11. Guide Pratique, Baseler K o n g r e ß , Art. 3 and 11.
Art. 12. Guide Pratique, etc., Art. 10.
II.
Der
Generalrath.
Art. 1. L o n d o n e r Conferenz, 1871, II. 1.
Art. 2. Congrès de G e n è v e , A r t . 1; Rules, etc., 1867, Art. 1.
Art. 3. Die zwei ersten A b s ä t z e , Art. 2 u n d Art. 1 Α., Congrès de G e n è v e
30 u n d Rules u. s. w., 1867. Dritter A b s a t z , Art. 3, Congrès de G e n è v e . L e t z t e r
A b s a t z , L a u s a n n e r K o n g r e ß , P r o c è s - v e r b a u x , p. 31, Art. 2.
Art. 4 bis 7. Baseler V e r w a l t u n g s b e s c h l ü s s e , IV. bis V I I .
Art. 8. L o n d o n e r K o n f e r e n z , III.
Art. 9. Beschluß der L o n d o n e r K o n f e r e n z , Sitzungen v o m 18. und 22. Sep35 tember.
413
Karl Marx
III.
Beiträge zahlbar an
den
Generalrath.
Art. 1. Erster A b s a t z , L a u s a n n e r K o n g r e ß , P r o c è s - v e r b a u x , p. 37, 3; und
Art. IX., Baseler Verwaltungsbeschlüsse. Zweiter A b s a t z , Art. 4, Congrès
de G e n è v e , und Rules, 1867.
Art. 2 bis 6. L o n d o n e r K o n f e r e n z , IV., 1 bis 5.
IV.
Föderalräthe
und
5
Komités.
Art. 1. Art. 6, Congrès de G e n è v e , und Rules, 1867.
Art. 2. Art. 5, ditto.
Art. 3. Brüsseler K o n g r e ß , „ C o m p t e - r e n d u Officiel", p. 50, A p p e n d i c e ,
S é a n c e s Administratives, Résolution N o . 3. |
10
| l 6 | Art. 4. Art. V I . Baseler V e r w a l t u n g s b e s c h l ü s s e .
V.
Lokale
Gesellschaften,
Zweige
und
Gruppen.
Art. 1. Art. 14, Congrès de G e n è v e ; Art. 12, Rules u . s . w . , 1867.
Art. 2 bis 4. L o n d o n e r K o n f e r e n z , IL, 2 bis 4.
Art. 5. Art I., Baseler Verwaltungsbeschlüsse.
Art. 6. L o n d o n e r K o n f e r e n z , V.
Art. 7. Art. IL, Baseler Verwaltungsbeschlüsse.
Art. 8. Art. III., ditto.
VI.
Allgemeine
Statistik
der
15
Arbeiterklasse.
Art. 1 bis 4. L o n d o n e r K o n f e r e n z , VI., 1 bis 4.
20
Art. 5. Beschluß des Genfer K o n g r e s s e s ( L o n d o n e r A u s g a b e der Genfer
u n d Brüsseler K o n g r e ß b e s c h l ü s s e , p. 4).
Auf Befehl u n d im N a m e n der L o n d o n e r K o n f e r e n z 1871,
D E R GENERALRATH:
R. Applegarth, Ant. A r n a u d , M. J. B o o n , F r e d . Bradnick, G. H. Buttery,
F . C o u r n e t , V . Delahaye, E u g è n e Dupont, W m . H a l e s , G . H a r r i s , Hurliman,
414
25
Jules Johannard, H a r r i e t L a w , F r e d . L e s s n e r , L o c h n e r , C o n s t a n t Martin,
Z é v y Maurice, H e n r y M a y o , G e o r g e Milner, Ch. M u r r a y , Pfänder, Vitale
Regis, G. R a n vier, J o h n R o a c h , Riihl, Sadler, Cowell Stepney, Alfred Taylor,
W. T o w n s h e n d , E d . Vaillant, J o h n W e s t o n .
5
0
5
KORRESPONDIRENDE SEKRETÄRE:
A . H e r m a n , für Belgien. T h . M o t t e r s h e a d , für D ä n e m a r k . Karl M a r x , für
Deutschland und Rußland. Aug. Serraillier, für F r a n k r e i c h . Ch. Rochat, für
Holland. J. P. MacDonnell, für Irland. Friedrich Engels, für Italien und
Spanien. L e o Frankel, für Oestreich u n d U n g a r n . Walery W r o b l e w s k i , für
Polen. H e r m a n n Jung, für die Schweiz. J. G. E c c a r i u s , für die Vereinigten
Staaten. Constant Le M o u s s u , für F r a n z ö s i s c h e Sektionen der Vereinigten
Staaten.
Ch. L o n g u e t , Vorsitzender.
Herrn. Jung, Schatzmeister.
J o h n H a i e s , Generalsekretär.
256, High H o l b o r n , W . C . London, 24. O k t o b e r 1871.
1
415
Friedrich Engels
Resolution of the General Council
e x p e l l i n g G u s t a v e Durand
from t h e International W o r k i n g M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n
/ T h e General Council having received full e v i d e n c e that G u s t a v e D u r a n d ,
working Jeweller of Paris, ex-delegate of the jewellers to the Federal
C h a m b e r of Paris Working m e n , ex-chief of Battalion of the National
G u a r d s , ex-chief Cashier at the delegation of F i n a n c e u n d e r the C o m m u n e ,
passing as a refugee in L o n d o n , has served, and is now serving, as a spy for
the F r e n c h Police upon the C o m m u n a l Refugees and especially upon the
General Council of the International Working M e n ' s Association, and has
already received 725 francs for his services. T h e said G u s t a v e D u r a n d is
therefore b r a n d e d as infamous and expelled from the International Association. This resolution to be published in all the organs of the International./
416
Friedrich Engels
sur l'expulsion de G u s t a v e Durand
Vermutliche Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen
I Association Internationale
des Travailleurs.
Résolution du Conseil Général.
Séance du 7 Octobre 1871.
Le Conseil Général ayant acquis la p r e u v e incontestable q u e G u s t a v e
D u r a n d , de Paris, m e m b r e de l'Internationale, ouvrier bijoutier, ex-délégué
des bijoutiers à la C h a m b r e fédérale des ouvriers de Paris, ex-chef de
bataillon de la garde nationale, ex-caissier en chef à la délégation des
10 finances sous la C o m m u n e , vivant à L o n d r e s c o m m e réfugié, a servi et sert
encore la police française en e s p i o n n a n t les réfugiés de la C o m m u n e à
L o n d r e s et surtout le Conseil Général de l'Internationale et qu'il a déjà r e ç u
la s o m m e de 725 francs p o u r ses services —
P o u r ces motifs, ledit G u s t a v e D u r a n d est flétri c o m m e infâme et expulsé
15 de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs.
Cette Résolution sera publiée d a n s t o u s les o r g a n e s de l'Association.
L o n d r e s le 7 Octobre 1871.
P o u r extrait conforme....
Secrétaire p o u r la Hollande. |
417
Friedrich Engels
Resolution d e s G e n e r a l r a t s
über d e n A u s s c h l u ß von G u s t a v e Durand
aus d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation
Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m E n g l i s c h e n v o n Karl M a r x
H.Oktober 1871
Beschluß des Generalraths
vom 7. Oktober 1871.
In A n b e t r a c h t , daß der Generalrath unwiderlegbare Beweise in H ä n d e n
hat, d a ß Gustav Durand von Paris — Goldarbeiter, Ex-Delegirter der Goldarbeiter im A u s s c h u ß der Pariser G e w e r k s g e n o s s e n s c h a f t e n , Ex-Bataillonschef der Nationalgarde, E x - H a u p t k a s s i r e r des Finanzministeriums unter
der K o m m u n e , gegenwärtig Flüchtling zu L o n d o n — der französischen
Polizei als Spion gegen den G e n e r a l r a t h der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation sowie gegen die in L o n d o n a n w e s e n d e n Flüchtlinge der K o m m u n e gedient hat u n d noch dient; daß er für diese Spionendienste bereits
die S u m m e von 725 F r c s . erhalten hat:
aus diesen G r ü n d e n wird besagter Gustav Durand als V e r r ä t h e r
g e b r a n d m a r k t u n d aus der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation ausgestoßen.
Dieser Beschluß ist in allen Organen der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation b e k a n n t zu m a c h e n .
L o n d o n , 9. Oktober 1871.
Im Auftrag des G e n e r a l r a t h s :
Karl Marx,
Sekretär für Deutschland.
418
Friedrich Engels
Risoluzione del C o n s i g l i o G e n e r a l e sulla e s p u l s i o n e
di G u s t a v e Durand
d a l l ' A s s o c i a z i o n e Internazionale degli Opérai
Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen, unter Berücksichtigung
der französischen Textfassung
La Plebe. Nr. 122,
19. Oktober 1871
International Working Men's
Association.
L o n d r a , Ii 13 ottobre.
5
Cittadino Direttore della Plebe.
II Consiglio Generale m ' h a incaricato d'indirizzarvi la acclusa risoluzione,
con la preghiera di voler pubblicarla nelle colonne del vostro stimato
giornale.
Aggradite i miei più distinti saluti.
10
FEDERICO ENGELS
Segretano per Vltalia.
Deliberazione
15
del Consiglio G e n e r a l e .
(Seduta del 7 o t t o b r e 1871.)
II Consiglio Generale a v e n d o la p r o v a incontestabile che Gustavo Durand
di Parigi, lavorante bijoutier, m e m b r o dell'Internazionale, ex delegato dei
bijoutiers alla C o m u n e fédérale degli opérai di Parigi, ex c a p o di battaglione
della Guardia N a z i o n a l e , ex cassiere in c a p o alla delegazione delle finanze
20 sotto la C o m u n e , dimorante oggigiorno a L o n d r a siccome rifugiato, ha
servito e serve tuttora la polizia francese, spiando i rifugiati della C o m u n e
a L o n d r a , e sopratutto il Consiglio G e n e r a l e ds\Y Internazionale, e che a
q u e s t ' o r a egli ha già ricevuto la s o m m a di L. 725 per questi suoi servigî;
dichiara infame, ed espelle dalV Associazione Internazionale degli opérai
25 il nominato G u s t a v o D u r a n d .
Per copia conforme
FEDERICO ENGELS.
419
Karl Marx
D e c l a r a t i o n of t h e G e n e r a l C o u n c i l
on Nechaev's misuse of the name
of t h e International W o r k i n g M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n
/International Workingmen's Association.
T h e Conference of the Delegates of the International W o r k i n g m e n ' s A s s o ciation, assembled at L o n d o n from the 1 7 to the 2 3 S e p t e m b e r 1871, has
charged the General Council to declare publicly:
T h a t Netschajeff has n e v e r b e e n a m e m b e r or an agent of the International
W o r k i n g m e n ' s Association;
that his assertions to h a v e founded a b r a n c h at Brussels and to h a v e been
sent by a Brussels b r a n c h on a mission to G e n e v a , are false;
that the above said Netschajeff has fraudulently used the n a m e of the
International W o r k i n g m e n ' s Association in order to m a k e dupes and victims in Russia.
th
14. O c t o b e r , 1871
420
d
By order of t h e General Council
etc I
Italienische Ü b e r s e t z u n g d e r Resolution d e s G e n e r a l r a t s ü b e r den Ausschluß
von G u s t a v e Durand aus d e r Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation.
La Plebe. Lodi. Nr. 122, 19. O k t o b e r 1871
Karl Marx
Déclaration du C o n s e i l g é n é r a l sur l'usurpation
par N e t c h a ï e v du n o m de
l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs
Vermutliche Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen
I La Conférence des Délégués de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs réunie à L o n d r e s du 17 au 23 S e p t e m b r e 1871 a chargé le Conseil
Général de déclarer p u b l i q u e m e n t
Q u e Netschajeff n ' a jamais été ni m e m b r e ni agent de l'Association
5 Internationale des Travailleurs.
Qu'il a menti en déclarant avoir fondé u n e b r a n c h e à Bruxelles et avoir
reçu d'une b r a n c h e bruxelloise, u n e mission p o u r G e n è v e .
Q u e le dit Netschajeff a u s u r p é et exploité le n o m de l'Association
Internationale des Travailleurs p o u r faire des d u p e s et des victimes en
10 Russie. I
423
Karl Marx
sur les statuts de la S e c t i o n française de 1871
a d o p t é e à la s é a n c e du 17 o c t o b r e 1871
I INTERNATIONAL WORKING M E N ' S ASSOCIATION,
2 5 6 , H I G H HOLBORN, LONDON. — W. C.
Résolution
Séance du Conseil Général du 17 Octobre 1871
Aux Citoyens membres de la Section française de 1871
Citoyens,
Vu les articles suivants des résolutions administratives voté e s par le Congrès de Bâle : Art. 4 « C h a q u e nouvelle section ou société qui se forme et
v e u t faire partie de l'Internationale doit a n n o n c e r i m m é d i a t e m e n t son
adhésion au Conseil Général » :
Article 5 « Le Conseil Général a le droit d ' a d m e t t r e ou de refuser l'affiliation de toute nouvelle société, groupe e t c » :
Le Conseil Général confirme les Statuts de la Section française de 1871
a v e c les modifications suivantes :
I Q u e d a n s l'art. 2 soient r a y é s les m o t s «Justifier de ses moyens
d'existence», et q u ' o n m e t t e s i m p l e m e n t : p o u r être r e ç u m e m b r e de la
Section il faut présenter des garanties de moralité etc —
L ' a r t . 9 des Statuts G é n é r a u x dit :
« Q u i c o n q u e a d o p t e et défend les principes de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs p e u t en être r e ç u m e m b r e . C h a q u e b r a n c h e est re s ponsable de l'intégrité d e s m e m b r e s qu'elle a d m e t . » {Every branch isresponsible
for the integrity of the members it admits).
Daris des cas d o u t e u x u n e section p e u t bien p r e n d r e d e s informations sur
les m o y e n s d'existence c o m m e «garantie de m o r a l i t é » tandis q u e d a n s
d'autres cas, c o m m e celui d e s réfugiés, d e s ouvriers en grève etc etc, l'abs e n c e de justification des m o y e n s d'existence p e u t bien être une garantie
de moralité. Mais d e m a n d e r aux candidats de justifier de leurs m o y e n s
d ' e x i s t e n c e c o m m e Condition générale p o u r être admis d a n s l'Internationale serait u n e innovation bourgeoise contraire à la lettre et à l'esprit des
Statuts G é n é r a u x . |
424
5
10
15
20
25
30
Résolution du Conseil général sur les statuts de la Section française de 1871
j II 1° Considérant q u e l'art. 4 d e s Statuts G é n é r a u x dit :
T h e Congress elects t h e m e m b e r s of t h e General Council with p o w e r to
add to their n u m b e r ; ( L e C o n g r è s n o m m e r a les m e m b r e s du Conseil Général
en laissant à ce dernier le droit de s'adjoindre de n o u v e a u x m e m b r e s ) ;
5 que par c o n s é q u e n t les Statuts G é n é r a u x ne r e c o n n a i s s e n t que deux m o d e s
d'élections pour les m e m b r e s du Conseil G é n é r a l , soit leur élection par le
Congrès, soit leur nomination par le Conseil G é n é r a l ; q u e le p a s s a g e suivant
de l'art. 11 des Statuts de la Section française de 1871 « U n ou plusieurs
délégués seront e n v o y é s au Conseil G é n é r a l » est d o n c contraire a u x Statuts
10 G é n é r a u x qui ne d o n n e n t à a u c u n e b r a n c h e , section, groupe ou fédération
le droit d ' e n v o y e r des délégués au Conseil Général.
Q u e l'art. 11 du R è g l e m e n t prescrit : « il est libre à c h a q u e Section de
rédiger ses Statuts particuliers et ses Règlements c o n f o r m é m e n t a u x circonstances locales et aux lois de son p a y s ; mais ils ne doivent en rien être con15
traires aux Statuts Généraux».
P o u r ces motifs :
Le Conseil Général ne p e u t a d m e t t r e le p a r a g r a p h e susdit des Statuts de
la « Section française de 1871 ».
2° Il est bien vrai que les différentes sections existant à L o n d r e s avaient
20 été invitées à e n v o y e r d e s délégués au Conseil Général qui p o u r ne p a s
enfreindre les Statuts G é n é r a u x a toujours p r o c é d é de la manière suivante :
Il a d'abord déterminé le n o m b r e de délégués à e n v o y e r par c h a q u e
Section au Conseil Général, se r é s e r v a n t le droit de les accepter ou de les
refuser suivant qu'il les jugeait p r o p r e s a u x fonctions générales qu'il doit
25 remplir. Ces délégués devenaient m e m b r e s du Conseil Général non en vertu
de la délégation qu'ils avaient r e ç u de leur section mais en vertu du droit
q u e les Statuts G é n é r a u x d o n n e n t au Conseil de s'adjoindre de n o u v e a u x
membres.
30
A y a n t fonctionné j u s q u ' à la décision prise par la dernière C o n f é r e n c e et
c o m m e Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale d e s Travailleurs et
c o m m e Conseil Central de l'Angleterre, le Conseil de L o n d r e s t r o u v a utile
d ' a d m e t t r e en dehors des m e m b r e s qu'il s'adjoignait directement des
m e m b r e s délégués en premier lieu p a r leur section respective.
On se tromperait é t r a n g e m e n t en voulant assimiler le m o d e d'élection du
Conseil Général de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs a v e c celui
du Conseil fédéral de Paris lequel n'était m ê m e p a s un Conseil 11 national
n o m m é par un Congrès national c o m m e par e x e m p l e le Conseil fédéral de
Bruxelles et le Conseil fédéral de Madrid.
Le Conseil fédéral de Paris n ' é t a n t q u ' u n e délégation des sections
40 parisiennes, les délégués de ces Sections p o u v a i e n t bien être investis du
m a n d a t impératif auprès d'un Conseil où ils avaient à défendre les intérêts
35
425
Karl Marx
de leur section. Le m o d e d'élection du Conseil Général est au contraire
d é t e r m i n é par les Statuts G é n é r a u x et ses m e m b r e s ne sauraient accepter
d'autre m a n d a t impératif q u e celui des Statuts et règlements généraux.
3° Le Conseil Général est p r ê t à a d m e t t r e d e u x délégués de « la Section
française 1871 », sous les conditions prescrites par les Statuts G é n é r a u x et
5
jamais contestées par les autres sections existantes à L o n d r e s .
III D a n s l'art. 11 d e s Statuts de « la Section française de 1871 » se t r o u v e
ce p a r a g r a p h e : «Tout membre de la section s'engage à n'accepter aucune
délégation au Conseil Général autre que de sa section. »
L i t t é r a l e m e n t interprété ce p a r a g r a p h e pourrait être a c c e p t é puisqu'il 10
dirait seulement q u ' u n m e m b r e de « l a Section française de 1871 » ne d e v r a
p a s se p r é s e n t e r au Conseil Général c o m m e délégué d'une autre section.
Mais p r e n a n t en considération le p a r a g r a p h e qui le p r é c è d e il n ' a d'autre
sens q u e de changer c o m p l è t e m e n t la composition du Conseil Général et
d'en faire contrairement à l'art. 3 des Statuts G é n é r a u x u n e délégation des 15
sections de L o n d r e s , où l'influence des g r o u p e s l o c a u x se substituerait à
celle de t o u t e l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs.
Ce sens du p a r a g r a p h e cité de l'art. 11 d e s Statuts de « l a Section française de 1871 » se t r o u v e pleinement confirmé par l'obligation qu'il i m p o s e
d'opter entre le titre de m e m b r e de la Section et la fonction de m e m b r e du 20
Conseil Général.
P o u r ces motifs le Conseil Général ne p e u t a d m e t t r e le susdit p a r a g r a p h e
c o m m e contraire a u x Statuts G é n é r a u x et c o m m e le p r i v a n t de son droit de
r e c r u t e r ses forces p a r t o u t d a n s l'intérêt général de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs.
25
IV Le Conseil Général est convaincu q u e « la Section française de 1871 »
c o m p r e n d r a la nécessité des modifications p r o p o s é e s et n ' h é s i t e r a p a s à
c o n f o r m e r ses Statuts particuliers à la lettre et à l'esprit des Statuts et
Règlements G é n é r a u x et qu'elle p r é v i e n d r a ainsi t o u t d é s a c c o r d qui d a n s
les circonstances actuelles ne pourrait q u ' e n t r a v e r le m o u v e m e n t a s c e n d a n t 30
de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs.
Au n o m et par ordre du Conseil Général le secrétaire c o r r e s p o n d a n t p o u r
la F r a n c e , salut et égalité
A u g u s t e Serraillier. |
426
Friedrich Engels
On t h e p r o g r e s s of t h e International W o r k i n g M e n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n
in Italy and Spain
The Eastern Post. Nr. 160,
21. Oktober 1871
5
T h e n e w s from Italy w a s of a m o s t cheering character, the spread of t h e
Association being really wonderful in that country. T h r e e m o n t h s ago
Mazzini stated that there w a s only o n e t o w n in Italy, w h e r e the International
counted n u m e r o u s a d h e r e n t s . N o w , from o n e e n d of the c o u n t r y to the
other, it is fully established. It is r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e p r e s s by o n e , if n o t t w o ,
daily papers in R o m e ; a daily p a p e r in Milan; a semi-weekly o n e in T u r i n ;
w e e k l y papers in R a v e n n a , L o d i , Pavia, Girgenti, and Catania, besides
a n u m b e r of other p a p e r s published in smaller localities. T h e s e p a p e r s are
subject to incessant G o v e r n m e n t p r o s e c u t i o n s ; o n e of t h e m The Proletario
10
Italiano of Turin had six c o n s e c u t i v e n u m b e r s seized by the Police, and
o n e or m o r e actions at law b r o u g h t against it for e a c h n u m b e r seized;
n e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e s e p a p e r s continue u n d a u n t e d in their crusade against
the Priests, the capitalists, and Mazzini, w h o has b e e n attacking the International b e c a u s e it w a s n o t religious. T h e G o v e r n m e n t has dissolved t w o
15
International sections in F l o r e n c e and N a p l e s , b u t t h e result h a s only b e e n
the immediate formation of n e w sections all over the country. In Girgenti,
t h e n e w section has just published its r u l e s , p r e c e d e d by the translation
of t h e Statutes, published by t h e G e n e r a l Council, in R a v e n n a six R e p u b lican and Workings M e n ' s Societies, h a v e organised themselves into
20
sections of the International, with a c o m m o n Council.
Garibaldi's letters, in w h i c h he gives his a d h e s i o n to the Association are
e v e r y w h e r e reprinted and c o m m e n t e d on, and h a v e evidently helped
a great m a n y w a v e r e r s to m a k e up their minds in favour of the International.
T h e p o w e r of Mazzini over the w o r k m e n of Italy is thoroughly b r o k e n .
25
In Spain the progress of the Association has b e e n as rapid as in Italy.
T h e Spanish t r a d e s ' u n i o n s , having b e e n c r e a t e d almost exclusively b y the
International form an essential p a r t of its organisation. T h e t r a d e s ' unions
of e a c h locality h a v e a local t r a d e s ' council, corresponding directly with
t h e Spanish Federal Council at M a d r i d , on general m a t t e r s relating to the
30 International; while e a c h t r a d e all o v e r t h e c o u n t r y again is u n d e r the
427
Friedrich Engels
direction of a Central Board, corresponding with t h e Spanish F e d e r a l
Council on all matters relating to its t r a d e .
This organisation, as finally settled by t h e C o n f e r e n c e of Valencia, held
from t h e 10th to the 18th of S e p t e m b e r , 1871, is n o w being carried out all
over Spain. T h e r e is scarcely a single large t o w n in Spain without its local
5
" T r a d e s ' Council," and a great m a n y small t o w n s are organized u p o n t h e
same principle. N e w sections are forming e v e r y w h e r e , and individual
adhesions are coming in by h u n d r e d s . T h e Republican p a r t y , w h i c h only
a short time ago attacked the International as a p a r t y of " J e s u i t s , " h a s
b e e n m a d e to feel its p o w e r acutely. T h e rising of the C o m m u n e in Paris 10
had already split the Republican p a r t y in t w o c a m p s . T h e middle class
section t o o k the side of Versailles, while the y o u n g e r elements and the
Republican working m e n , supported the C o m m u n e . This latter section has
b e e n d r a w n , naturally, nearer and nearer to the International, and will s o o n
enter its r a n k s , t h u s strengthening it by the a d h e s i o n of n u m e r o u s and 15
valuable n e w elements. T h e Republican p a p e r s belonging to this section
begin to a d v o c a t e the nationalization of the land, and other socialistic
t e n e t s ; to t h e s e belong La Associacion, of L e o n ; El Comunero, of Madrid;
La Justicia, of Malaga; El Trabajo, of Ferrol, a n d o t h e r s . At a great R e p u b lican meeting, held in Madrid O c t o b e r 15th, t h e p r o p o s a l for joint action 20
with the International w a s cheered enthusiastically.
428
Karl Marx
Dichiarazione del C o n s i g l i o G e n e r a l e sull'abuso del n o m e
d e l l ' A s s o c i a z i o n e Internazionale d e g l i Opérai da parte
di N e c i a i e v
Übersetzung aus dem Englischen, unter Berücksichtigung
d e r französischen Textfassung, von Friedrich Engels
Gazzettino Rosa.
Nr. 306, 3. November 1871
Nel p r o c e s s o , detto Netschajeff, giudicato mesi or sono davanti la C o r t e
d'Assise di San Pietroburgo, si p r o d u s s e r o delle asserzioni relative all'Associazione Internazionale dei L a v o r a t o r i , asserzioni c h e di n a t u r a attirarono
sovra esse l'attenzione della C o n f e r e n z a dei delegati di q u e s t a A s s o c i a z i o n e
5 sedente in L o n d r a .
Per c o n s e g u e n z a la C o n f e r e n z a p r e s e la decisione seguente o r d i n a n d o n e
la pubblicazione nei fogli organi deU'Internazionale.
La C o n f e r e n z a dei delegati della A s s o c i a z i o n e Internazionale dei L a voratori riunita a L o n d r a dal 17 al 23 s e t t e m b r e 1871, ha incaricato il
10 Consiglio G e n e r a l e di dichiarare p u b b l i c a m e n t e :
1° C h e Netschajeff giammai fu m e m b r o ο a g e n t e deU'Internazionale.
2° C h ' e s s o m e n t i dichiarando d ' a v e r f o n d a t o u n a sezione a Bruxelles e
d'aver r i c e v u t o da u n ' a l t r a sezione della m e d e s i m a città un m a n d a t o per
Ginevra.
15
3° C h e il n o m i n a t o Netschajeff u s u r p ö ed a d o p e r o il n o m e dell'Associazione Internazionale dei L a v o r a t o r i p e r far delle vittime in Russia.
L o n d r a , lî 20 o t t o b r e 1871.
20
Per copia c o n f o r m e
FEDERICO ENGELS
Segretario per l'Italia.
429
Karl Marx
Erklärung d e s G e n e r a l r a t s zum Mißbrauch d e s N a m e n s
d e r Internationalen A r b e i t e r a s s o z i a t i o n durch N e t s c h a j e w
Übersetzung aus d e m Englischen
Der Volksstaat.
Nr.88, I.November 1871
Beschluß des Generalraths
vom 16. Oktober 1871
Die zu L o n d o n v o m 17. bis 23. S e p t e m b e r 1871 v e r s a m m e l t e DelegirtenK o n f e r e n z der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation hat d e n Generalrath
beauftragt, öffentlich zu erklären:
d a ß Netschajeff niemals Mitglied oder A g e n t der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation
war;
D a ß seine (durch den politischen P r o z e ß zu St. P e t e r s b u r g b e k a n n t gew o r d e n e n ) Versicherungen, er h a b e eine Sektion der Internationalen zu
Brüssel gestiftet u n d von einer Brüsseler Sektion eine Mission n a c h Genf
erhalten, L ü g e n sind;
D a ß der b e s a g t e Netschajeff den N a m e n der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation usurpirt u n d ausgebeutet hat, um in Rußland B e t r o g e n e u n d
Opfer zu m a c h e n .
London, den 25. O k t o b e r 1871.
Im Auftrag des G e n e r a l r a t h s :
Karl Marx, Sekretair für D e u t s c h l a n d u n d Rußland.
430
ί
Friedrich Engels
S t a t e m e n t b y t h e G e n e r a l Council
c o n c e r n i n g A l e x a n d e r Baillie C o c h r a n e ' s letter
11. November 1871
To the Editor of the Eastern Post
5
10
Sir,—A letter a p p e a r e d in t h e T i m e s on O c t o b e r 31st on t h e International,
signed Alexander Baillie C o c h r a n e , w h i c h I ask s p a c e to reply to in y o u r
c o l u m n s . I n t h e first instant, M r . A . B . C . i s " i g n o r a n t w h e t h e r M r . O d g e r
is still p r e s i d e n t of t h e English b r a n c h of this s o c i e t y " . E v e r since S e p t e m
ber, 1867, the office of p r e s i d e n t of t h e G e n e r a l Council of t h e International,
which Mr. A. B. C. calls t h e English b r a n c h of this society, h a s b e e n
abolished. It is well-known t h a t after t h e publication of o u r manifesto on
the civil war in F r a n c e (in J u n e last) M r . Odger w i t h d r e w from the G e n e r a l
Council.
H a v i n g r e a d s o m e continental gossip a b o u t t h e composition of o u r
c o n f e r e n c e of delegates, held in L o n d o n last S e p t e m b e r , Mr. A. B. C. applies
this information to t h e public meeting held in St. M a r t i n ' s Hall, on t h e
28th S e p t e m b e r , 1864. At t h a t meeting, as t h e writer in t h e T i m e s of Octo15 ber 27th correctly stated, t h e provisional council of the I n t e r n a t i o n a l
Working M e n ' s Association w a s elected, b u t n o t " M r . Odger elected
president, Mr. C r e m e r a n d Mr. Wheeler, S e c r e t a r y " as Mr. A. B. C. says.
M r . A. B. C. t h e n p r o c e e d s to p r o v e t h e t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s of his information
b y t h e following " a u t h e n t i c d o c u m e n t " —
20
Firstly—"The red flag is t h e symbol of universal l o v e . " T h i s a u t h e n t i c
d o c u m e n t is nothing b u t t h e p r e a m b l e of o n e of t h e i n n u m e r a b l e forgeries,
lately published, in t h e n a m e of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l by t h e Paris police, and
disowned at t h e time by t h e G e n e r a l Council.
25
S e c o n d l y — " T h e p r o g r a m m e of G e n e v a , u n d e r t h e p r e s i d e n c y (it is r a t h e r
h a r d to m a k e out h o w a p r o g r a m m e c a n be u n d e r a presidency) of t h e
Russian Michael B a k o u n i n e w a s a c c e p t e d by t h e G e n e r a l Council of
L o n d o n , July 1869."
This p r o g r a m m e of G e n e v a is n o t h i n g else b u t t h e statutes of t h e "Alliance
de la D é m o c r a t i e Socialiste," of G e n e v a , a l r e a d y q u o t e d in Jules F a v r e ' s
431
Friedrich Engels
circular on the International. N o w , in reply to that circular I stated, (see t h e
T i m e s , of J u n e 13th) the General Council n e v e r issued such a d o c u m e n t .
On the contrary, it issued a d o c u m e n t w h i c h q u a s h e d the original statutes
of the Alliance.
I m a y n o w add that the conference, lately held at L o n d o n , has finally
5
disposed of the Alliance, founded by Michael B a k o u n i n e , and that t h e
Journal de G e n è v e , this w o r t h y representative of the party tenets of
Mr. A. B. C, has taken up the defence of t h e Alliance against the International.
Thirdly—Mr. A. B. C. pulls out of his bundle of " a u t h e n t i c d o c u m e n t s " 10
s o m e garbled extract from private letters written by our friend E u g è n e
D u p o n t , long since published by the Bonapartist ex-procureur Oscar
T e s t u t . Before Mr. A. B. C. set out for the C o n t i n e n t in search of this
" t r u s t w o r t h y information," it had already gone the r o u n d of the English
Press.
15
Mr. Alexander Baillie C o c h r a n e calls our society " i n f a m o u s . " H o w am
I to call a society which instructs the business of law-making to that same
A l e x a n d e r Baillie C o c h r a n e ?
I am, Sir,
Y o u r s obediently,
20
JOHN HALES,
General Secretary.
International Working M e n s ' Association.
256, High Holborn.
432
Karl M a r x
Résolutions du Conseil général
s u r l a S e c t i o n f r a n ç a i s e d e 1871
I n i t Association
Internationale
des Travailleurs.
Résolutions du Conseil Général.
Séance du 7. Novembre 1871.
5
10
15
20
25
I.
Remarques préliminaires.
Le Conseil Général considère c o m m e n ' a y a n t nullement trait à la question
sur laquelle il est appelé à se p r o n o n c e r les idées émises par la « Section
française de 1871 » sur un c h a n g e m e n t radical à a p p o r t e r dans les articles
des Statuts G é n é r a u x , relatifs à la constitution du Conseil Général.
Q u a n t aux insultes lancées par ladite Section c o n t r e le Conseil Général,
elles seront appréciées à leur j u s t e valeur par les conseils et comités fédéraux
des divers p a y s .
Seulement le Conseil r e m a r q u e :
Q u e depuis le Congrès de Bâle (tenu du 6. au 11. S e p t e m b r e 1869) il
n'y a p a s trois ans d'écoulés, c o m m e l'affirme à dessein ladite Section ;
Q u ' e n 1870, à la veille de la guerre franco-allemande, le Conseil, d a n s u n e
circulaire générale adressée à t o u t e s les fédérations, y compris le Conseil
fédéral de Paris, p r o p o s a d'éloigner de L o n d r e s le siège du Conseil Général ;
Q u e les r é p o n s e s r e ç u e s furent u n a n i m e s p o u r maintenir le siège actuel
du Conseil et p o u r la prorogation de ses pouvoirs ;
Q u ' e n 1871, aussitôt que les é v é n e m e n t s l'ont p e r m i s , le Conseil Général
a c o n v o q u é u n e Conférence de délégués, seule c o n v o c a t i o n possible dans
les circonstances d o n n é e s ;
Q u ' à cette Conférence les délégués du Continent ont déclaré q u e d a n s
leurs p a y s respectifs on craignait de voir c o m p r o m i s le caractère inter-
433
Karl Marx
national du Conseil Général par l'adjonction t r o p n o m b r e u s e de réfugiés
français ;
Q u e la Conférence (voir ses « Résolutions etc. » XV.) a « laissé à l'appréciation du Conseil Général le soin de fixer, selon les é v é n e m e n t s , la date et
le siège du prochain congrès ou de la c o n f é r e n c e qui le r e m p l a c e r a i t » .
5
Q u a n t à la prétention de la susdite Section de r e p r é s e n t e r exclusivement
« l ' é l é m e n t révolutionnaire français» p a r c e q u e p a r m i ses m e m b r e s elle
c o m p t e des ex-présidents de sociétés ouvrières parisiennes, le Conseil
fait r e m a r q u e r :
Avoir été président d'une société ouvrière p e u t bien être u n e considé- 10
ration pour le Conseil Général, ||2| mais d a n s a u c u n c a s cela ne saurait
être un titre d'admission « c o m m e de d r o i t » à y r e p r é s e n t e r « l ' é l é m e n t
révolutionnaire ». Car s'il en était ainsi, le Conseil aurait dû a d m e t t r e c o m m e
m e m b r e le sieur G u s t a v e D u r a n d , lequel a été p r é s i d e n t de la société des
bijoutiers de Paris et secrétaire à L o n d r e s de la Section française — D'ailleurs, 15
les m e m b r e s du Conseil Général ont plutôt p o u r mission de r e p r é s e n t e r les
principes de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs q u e les opinions
et les intérêts de telle ou telle corporation.
IL Objections présentées par la
« Section française de 1871 »
dans la séance du Conseil Général du 31. Octobre
contre ses Résolutions du 17. Octobre
20
1.) Q u a n t au p a s s a g e suivant de l'article 2 de ses « S t a t u t s » :
« P o u r être r e ç u m e m b r e de la section, il faut justifier ses m o y e n s
d'existence, p r é s e n t e r des garanties de moralité e t c . »
25
la Section r e m a r q u e :
« Q u e les Statuts g é n é r a u x r e n d e n t les sections responsables de la
moralité de leurs m e m b r e s et leur r e c o n n a i s s e n t p a r c o n s é q u e n t le droit de
p r e n d r e , comme elles l'entendent, leurs g a r a n t i e s . »
D ' a p r è s cette manière de voir, u n e section internationale, fondée par des 30
teetotalers pourrait insérer d a n s ses statuts particuliers un article à cet
effet : « Pour être reçu m e m b r e de la section, il faut j u r e r de s'abstenir de
t o u t e boisson alcoolique. » En un mot, les conditions d'admission d a n s
l'Internationale les plus a b s u r d e s et les plus disparates p o u r r a i e n t être
i m p o s é e s par les statuts particuliers des diverses sections, toujours sous 35
le p r é t e x t e qu'elles « e n t e n d e n t de c e t t e m a n i è r e » couvrir leur responsabilité
p o u r l'intégrité de leurs m e m b r e s .
434
r
Résolutions du Conseil général sur la Section française de 1871
Le Conseil Général a dit d a n s sa résolution I du 17. O c t o b r e qu'il y a des
« c a s o ù l'absence des m o y e n s d ' e x i s t e n c e p e u t bien être u n e garantie d e
moralité. » Il croit q u e la Section aurait pu se dispenser de r é p é t e r cette
sentence en disant q u e « les réfugiés » sont « d é f e n d u s contre t o u t s o u p ç o n
5 p a r l'éloquent témoignage de leur m i s è r e » .
À la p h r a s e q u e « les m o y e n s d ' e x i s t e n c e » des grévistes consistent dans
«la caisse d e g r è v e » , o n p e u t r é p o n d r e d ' a b o r d q u e cette « c a i s s e » est
so u v en t fictive.
D'ailleurs, les e n q u ê t e s officielles anglaises ont p r o u v é que la majorité
10 des ouvriers anglais qui, g é n é r a l e m e n t parlant, sont mieux placés que leurs
frères continentaux, est forcée — soit par les grèves ou par le m a n q u e de
travail, soit par l'insuffisance d e s salaires ou par suite des t e r m e s de p a y e m e n t , et bien | | 3 | d'autres c a u s e s — d'avoir r e c o u r s sans cesse aux m o n t s de-piétés et a u x dettes, « m o y e n s d ' e x i s t e n c e » d o n t on ne pourrait exiger la
15 justification ; sans s'immiscer d ' u n e m a n i è r e inqualifiable dans la vie privée
des citoyens.
D e d e u x c h o s e s l'une.
Ou la Section ne c h e r c h e dans « les m o y e n s d'existence » q u e des « garanties de moralité », et alors la proposition du Conseil Général ainsi c o n ç u e :
20 « Pour être reçu m e m b r e de la section, il faut p r é s e n t e r des garanties de
moralité » remplit ce but, puisqu'elle implique (Voir la Résolution I du 17. Octobre) que « d a n s d e s c a s d o u t e u x u n e section p o u r r a bien p r e n d r e des
informations sur les m o y e n s d ' e x i s t e n c e comme garantie de moralité».
Ou la Section, dans l'article 2 des ses S t a t u t s , a intentionnellement parlé
25 de la justification des « m o y e n s d ' e x i s t e n c e » c o m m e condition d'admission
en o u t r e des « garanties de moralité » qu'elle a le droit d'exiger, et d a n s ce
cas le Conseil Général affirme q u e « c'est u n e innovation bourgeoise, contraire à la lettre et à l'esprit des Statuts G é n é r a u x ».
2) Au rejet par le Conseil Général de ce p a r a g r a p h e de l'art. 11 des
30 « Statuts etc. » :
« Un ou plusieurs délégués seront e n v o y é s au Conseil Général »
la Section r é p o n d :
« N o u s n'ignorons point... q u e la lettre des Statuts G é n é r a u x lui (au Conseil Général) d o n n e n t le droit d ' a c c e p t e r ou de n ' a c c e p t e r p a s les délé35 gués. »
C'est p r o u v e r j u s q u ' à l'évidence q u e la lettre des Statuts G é n é r a u x n'est
pas familière à la Section.
En effet, les Statuts G é n é r a u x ne r e c o n n a i s s e n t q u e deux m o d e s d'élection p o u r le Conseil Général — soit la nomination du C o n g r è s , soit l'adjonc40 tion par le Conseil lui-même —, il n ' y est parlé nulle part de l'admission ou
de la non-admission d e s délégués de sections ou de g r o u p e s .
435
Karl Marx
L ' a d m i s s i o n de délégués, p r o p o s é s en p r e m i e r lieu par les sections de
L o n d r e s , n ' a jamais été q u ' u n e mesure administrative du Conseil Général
qui en cela a fait une application particulière de son droit d'adjonction.
(Voir Résolution II, 2, du Conseil Général du 17. Octobre.) L e s c i r c o n s t a n c e s
exeptionnelles qui ont fait accepter au Conseil G é n é r a l ce m o d e d'adjonction
ont é t é suffisamment expliquées d a n s ses Résolutions du 17. O c t o b r e .
5
D a n s les m ê m e s résolutions (II, 3) le Conseil se déclare prêt à a d m e t t r e
des délégués de la « Section française de 1871 » sous les mêmes conditions
q u e les autres délégués des ||4| sections de L o n d r e s . Mais il ne saurait
considérer c o m m e sérieuse u n e d e m a n d e constituant un privilège p o u r cette
10
Section au mépris d e s Statuts G é n é r a u x .
En introduisant dans l'article 11 de ses S t a t u t s ce p a r a g r a p h e :
« Un ou plusieurs délégués seront envoyés au Conseil G é n é r a l »
la « Section française de 1871 » r e v e n d i q u e la délégation au Conseil Général
c o m m e un droit, fondé sur les Statuts G é n é r a u x . Elle affectait si bien d'être 15
c o n v a i n c u e de ce droit imaginaire q u e m ê m e a v a n t d'être r e c o n n u e par le
Conseil Général (voir l'art. VI des Résolutions Administratives du Congrès
de Bâle), elle n'hésita point à e n v o y e r « c o m m e de d r o i t » , le 1 7 . O c t o b r e ,
au milieu du Conseil Général, d e u x délégués a v e c « m a n d a t s impératifs »,
sanctionnés par 20 v o t a n t s . Enfin, d a n s sa dernière missive, elle insiste de 20
n o u v e a u sur «le devoir et le pouvoir d ' e n v o y e r d e s délégués au Conseil
Général».
La Section c h e r c h e dans la position du citoyen H e r m a n au Conseil
G é n é r a l un p r é c é d e n t p o u r justifier ses p r é t e n t i o n s . Elle feint d'ignorer q u e
le citoyen H e r m a n , sur la r e c o m m a n d a t i o n d'un Congrès Belge, a été adjoint
25
au Conseil Général et n ' y r e p r é s e n t e nullement u n e section liégeoise.
3.) Au refus par le Conseil Général d ' a d m e t t r e le p a s s a g e suivant d e s
« S t a t u t s de la Section etc. » :
« T o u t m e m b r e de la section s'engage à n ' a c c e p t e r a u c u n e délégation au
Conseil Général autre que de sa section »
30
la Section r é p o n d :
« N o u s n o u s b o r n e r o n s à r é p o n d r e q u e n o t r e règlement n o u s est particulier ; n o s c o n v e n t i o n s ne c o n c e r n a n t et ne r e g a r d a n t q u e n o u s et c e t t e
p r é t e n t i o n ne contredit en rien a u x Statuts g é n é r a u x qui sont m u e t s à cet
égard.»
35
Τ
Il semble difficile de c o m p r e n d r e c o m m e n t des Statuts qui sont m u e t s sur
le droit de délégation au Conseil Général, p o u r r a i e n t ê t r e é l o q u e n t s sur les
conditions de cette délégation. Mais ce qui est plus facile à c o m p r e n d r e ,
c'est q u e les règlements particuliers d ' u n e section lui soient particuliers.
N é a n m o i n s , on ne p e u t p a s a d m e t t r e q u e les r è g l e m e n t s particuliers d ' u n e 40
section ne c o n c e r n e n t et ne r e g a r d e n t qu'elle. Car, par e x e m p l e , l'article 11
436
r
Résolutions du Conseil général sur la Section française de 1871
du règlement de la « Section française de 1871 » étant admis p a r le Conseil
Général, ce dernier serait forcé de l ' a d m e t t r e d a n s les règlements de t o u t e
autre section et, en se généralisant, cet article annulerait entièrement le
droit d'adjonction, conféré au Conseil par les Statuts G é n é r a u x . —
5
P a r ces raisons :
I.) Le Conseil Général maintient p u r e m e n t et simplement ses résolutions
du 17. O c t o b r e , 1871.
II.) D a n s le cas où ces Résolutions ne seraient pas acceptées lors de la
s é a n c e du Conseil du 2 1 . N o v e m b r e , ses secrétaires c o r r e s p o n d a n t s seront
10 chargés de c o m m u n i q u e r a u x Conseils ou Comités F é d é r a u x des différents
p a y s , et, à leur défaut, aux groupes locaux, les « Statuts de la Section française de 1871 », le m a n d a t des délégués de ladite Section, c o m m u n i q u é s au
Conseil Général d a n s sa séance du 17. O c t o b r e , les Résolutions du Conseil
Général du 1 7 . O c t o b r e , la r é p o n s e de la « S e c t i o n française de 1871»,
15
c o m m u n i q u é e au Conseil G é n é r a l d a n s sa s é a n c e du 3 1 . O c t o b r e , et c e s
Résolutions finales du Conseil Général du 7. N o v e m b r e .
L o n d r e s , le 7. N o v e m b r e , 1871.
Au n o m et p a r o r d r e du Conseil Général |
437
Friedrich Engels
Der G r ü n d u n g s s c h w i n d e l in England
Der Volksstaat.
Nr. 91, 11. November 1871
London, 4. N o v b r . — Wir sind hier jetzt im vollen S c h w u n g der Prosperität
u n d der flotten Geschäfte — wir, d. h. das offizielle England, die großen
Kapitalisten. Kapital ist im Ueberfluß auf dem M a r k t , u n d sucht überall
n a c h profitablem U n t e r k o m m e n ; Schwindelgesellschaften zur Beglückung
der M e n s c h h e i t u n d zur Bereicherung der U n t e r n e h m e r schießen wie
Pilze aus d e m B o d e n . B e r g w e r k e , Asphaltgruben, P f e r d e - E i s e n b a h n e n für
große Städte, E i s e n w e r k e scheinen jetzt am meisten in der M o d e zu sein;
Minen w e r d e n ausgeboten an der Wolga u n d in N e u - M e x i k o ; in S a v o y e n ,
im Jura, in H a n n o v e r sind Asphaltgruben aufgekauft; L i s s a b o n u n d
B u e n o s - A y r e s sollen P f e r d e - E i s e n b a h n e n erhalten u. s. w. Alle diese Aktiengesellschaften h a b e n natürlich bloß den Z w e c k , die Aktien für den Augenblick in die H ö h e zu treiben, damit die U n t e r n e h m e r sich ihres Antheils mit
G e w i n n entledigen k ö n n e n ; w a s d a n n aus den A k t i o n ä r e n wird, geht sie
weiter nichts an: „ n a c h u n s die Sündfluth!" In drei, vier J a h r e n w e r d e n
fünf Sechstel dieser Schwindelgesellschaften den W e g alles Fleisches
gegangen sein, u n d mit ihnen das Geld der an der L e i m r u t h e h ä n g e n gebliebenen A k t i o n ä r e — es w e r d e n , wie immer meist kleine L e u t e sein, die
ihre E r s p a r n i s s e in diesen „ ä u ß e r s t soliden u n d vortheilhaften" U n t e r n e h m u n g e n anlegen u n d zwar grade dann, w e n n die Aktien d u r c h den Schwindel auf den h ö c h s t e n P u n k t getrieben sind — u n d geschieht ihnen Recht.
D e r Aktienschwindel ist eins der kräftigsten Mittel, um das angeblich, z u m
Theil a u c h wohl wirklich, selbsterworbene V e r m ö g e n der kleinen L e u t e in
die T a s c h e n der großen Kapitalisten zu spielen, damit es a u c h d e m D ü m m sten klar w e r d e , daß in der heutigen gesellschaftlichen O r d n u n g „selbste r a r b e i t e t e s " Kapital gar nicht möglich ist, daß vielmehr alles b e s t e h e n d e
Kapital weiter nichts ist, als der o h n e B e z a h l u n g angeeignete E r t r a g fremder
Arbeit. U n d w e n n dieser Gründungsschwindel in der letzten Zeit a u c h in
D e u t s c h l a n d und Oesterreich in vollen S c h w u n g g e k o m m e n ist, w e n n
F ü r s t e n u n d J u d e n , Reichskanzler u n d Pfäfflein g e m e i n s a m auf die E r s p a r nisse der kleinen L e u t e Jagd m a c h e n , so k a n n u n s das n u r willkommen
sein.
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Der Gründungsschwindel in England
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Dieses U e b e r s t r ö m e n der Kapitalien auf d e m G e l d m a r k t ist aber n u r der
Wiederschein der Blüthe der g r o ß e n Industrie. In fast allen Zweigen der
Produktion wird mit einer Flottheit gearbeitet, wie sie seit J a h r e n nicht
m e h r v o r g e k o m m e n ist. N a m e n t l i c h in den beiden Hauptindustrien Englands, in denen Eisen u n d B a u m w o l l e die Rohstoffe bilden.
Die Spinner v o n L a n c a s h i r e h a b e n endlich einmal wieder Baumwolle
genug, um ihre Fabriken massenhaft a u s d e h n e n zu k ö n n e n ; u n d sie lassen
sich die Gelegenheit nicht entgehn. In d e m kleinen Oldham allein sind
fünfzehn n e u e Spinnereien im Bau, durchschnittlich zu fünfzig T a u s e n d
Spindeln — z u s a m m e n 750000 Spindeln, fast e b e n soviel wie der g a n z e
Zollverein (ohne-Elsaß) enthält! D a z u W e b s t ü h l e im Verhältniß, u n d e b e n s o
geht's in den andern Städten v o n L a n c a s h i r e . Die Maschinenfabriken sind
auf M o n a t e , m a n c h e auf ein J a h r im V o r a u s engagirt, u n d erhalten j e d e n
Preis bezahlt, w e n n sie n u r liefern k ö n n e n . K u r z , es sieht wieder aus wie
1844 n a c h der Eröffnung des chinesischen M a r k t ' s , wo die F a b r i k a n t e n n u r
die eine Angst hatten, daß sie genug liefern k ö n n t e n : sie hatten ja, wie sie
sagten, Kleider für 300 Millionen M e n s c h e n zu schaffen! D a m a l s k a m der
Rückschlag v o n 1845 u n d 1847, wo sich auf einmal herausstellte, d a ß die
300 Millionen Chinesen ihre Kleider bisher gefälligst selbst g e m a c h t hatten
u n d die überproduzirten englischen W a a r e n auf allen M ä r k t e n haufenweise,
unverkäuflich da lagen, w ä h r e n d die F a b r i k a n t e n u n d Spekulanten zu
h u n d e r t e n fallirten. U n d so wird es a u c h j e t z t w i e d e r k o m m e n ; diese L e u t e
lernen nichts und w e n n sie a u c h e t w a s lernten, so zwingt sie d o c h das
innere G e s e t z der kapitalistischen P r o d u k t i o n , f o r t w ä h r e n d den altbekannten Kreislauf von G e s c h ä f t s a u f s c h w u n g , U e b e r p r o d u k t i o n u n d Krisis zu
wiederholen, in immer g r ö ß e r e m M a ß s t a b zu wiederholen, bis endlich die
E r h e b u n g des Proletariats die Gesellschaft v o n der Nothwendigkeit dieses
a b g e s c h m a c k t e n Kreislaufs befreit. —
Ein H e r r Schwitzguébel verlangt im „ V o l k s s t a a t " , im N a m e n eines mir
u n b e k a n n t e n F ö d e r a l k o m i t e e s der r o m a n i s c h e n Schweiz, n ä h e r e Aufklärung über d a s , w a s ich im V o l k s s t a a t Betreffs des H e r r n Elpidin veröffentlicht h a b e . Ich h a b e mit H e r r n Schwitzguébel gar nichts zu t h u n u n d
k a n n in dieser Sache einem beliebigen Dritten d u r c h a u s keine R e d e stehn.
W e n n aber H e r r Elpidin selbst sich in dieser S a c h e an die Redaktion w e n den sollte, so stehe ich ihm zu D i e n s t e n , u n d bitte die Redaktion des „ V o l k s staat", in diesem Falle d e m H e r r n Elpidin m e i n e A d r e s s e mitzutheilen,
damit er sich direkt an mich w e n d e n kann.
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Friedrich Engels
G i u s e p p e Garibaldi's s t a t e m e n t and its e f f e c t s
on t h e Working C l a s s e s in Italy
11. November 1871
T h e n e w s from Italy w a s of a peculiar interest, letters w e r e received from
a n u m b e r of Italian cities, amongst w h o m w e r e Turin, Milan, R a v e n n a , and
Girgenti. T h e s e confirmed in every r e s p e c t t h e i m m e n s e strides with which
the Association w a s advancing in Italy. T h e working-classes, in t h e t o w n s
at least, w e r e rapidly abandoning Mazzini, w h o s e denunciations of the
International had n o effect w h a t e v e r u p o n t h e m a s s e s . B u t Mazzini's
denunciations had p r o d u c e d o n e good effect; t h e y h a d c a u s e d Garibaldi,
not only to p r o n o u n c e himself entirely in favour of o u r Association, b u t also,
on this very question, to c o m e to an open r u p t u r e with Mazzini. In a long
letter addressed to M . P e t r o n i , a Sardinian lawyer, w h o has b e e n since
elected president of t h e Italian Working M e n ' s C o n g r e s s , now sitting at
R o m e , Garibaldi expresses his indignation t h a t t h e Mazzinians should
v e n t u r e to speak of him as of an old fool, w h o always had d o n e w h a t ever
the m e n surrounding him, his satellites and flatterers, h a d p u r s u a d e d him
to d o . W h o w e r e t h e s e satellites, he asks? W e r e t h e y t h e m e n of his staff
that c a m e with him from South A m e r i c a in 1848, t h o s e be found at R o m e in
'49, or those of his staff of '59 and '60, or t h o s e w h o fought with him
recently against the Prussians? If so, he maintains t h e y w e r e m e n w h o s e
n a m e s will for ever live in the m e m o r y of grateful Italy. But let them
re-enter these satellites and flatterers. "I r e p e a t it, y o u h a v e not even the
merit of originality, when you dig up again my satellites and flatterers h a v e
always led that grey-headed b a b y from N i c e by t h e n o s e . A n d while you,
Petroni, w e r e suffering for eighteen years in t h e prisons of the Inquisition,
the people of y o u r sect (the Mazzinians) w e r e the v e r y m e n a c c u s e d by the
Royalists, of being my sattelites and followers. R e a d all t h e dynastic trash
published especially since 1860, and t h e r e y o u will find Garibaldi might be
good for something if he had not the misfortune of being led by Mazzini,
and to be surrounded by the Mazzinians. This is all false, and you m a y ask
those t h a t h a v e k n o w n m e m o r e closely a n d m o r e intimately, w h e t h e r they
ever found a man m o r e obstinate than myself w h e n I h a d m a d e up my mind
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Garibaldi's statement and its effects on the Working Classes in Italy
to do something which I had recognised to be right. A s k Mazzini himself,
w h e t h e r h e h a s found m e t o b e easily p e r s u a d e d w h e n e v e r h e attempted t o
d r a w me over to some of his impracticable realities. A s k Mazzini w h e t h e r
the origin of our disagreement is n o t this, that, in 1848,1 told him he w a s
5 doing wrong in holding b a c k in the city, u n d e r o n e p r e t e x t or another, t h e
youth of Milan, while o u r a r m y w a s fighting the e n e m y on t h e Mincio. A n d
Mazzini is a m a n w h o n e v e r forgives if a n y o n e t o u c h e s his infallibility."
Garibaldi then states that Mazzini, in 1860, did everything in his p o w e r to
frustrate and to r e n d e r abortive t h e general's expedition to Sicily, w h i c h
10
ended in the unification of Italy; t h a t w h e n Mazzini heard of Garibaldi's
success, he insisted u p o n the latter proclaiming the Republic in Italy, a
thing absurd and utterly foolish u n d e r the c i r c u m s t a n c e s , and he finally
r e p r o a c h e s " t h e great exile, w h o m e v e r y b o d y k n e w to be in Italy," with his
m e a n n e s s in bespattering t h e fallen of Paris, the only m e n w h o in this time
15
of t y r a n n y , of lies, of c o w a r d i c e and degradation h a v e w a v e d high, e v e n
while dying, the sacred b a n n e r of rights a n d justice. He continues, " Y o u
cry a n a t h e m a u p o n Paris, b e c a u s e Paris d e s t r o y e d the V e n d ô m e Column and
the h o u s e of Thiers. H a v e y o u e v e r seen a w h o l e village destroyed by t h e
flames for having given shelter to a volunteer, or a franc-tireur? A n d that
20
not only in F r a n c e , the same in L o m b a r d y , in Venetia. As to the palaces set
fire to in Paris by petroleum, let t h e m ask the priests w h o , from their intimate acquaintance with the hell-fire a b o u t w h i c h t h e y p r e a c h , ought to be
good judges, w h a t difference t h e r e is b e t w e e n p e t r o l e u m fire and t h o s e
fires which t h e Austrians lit in order to burn d o w n t h e villages in L o m b a r d y
25
and Venetia, w h e n those countries w e r e still u n d e r the y o k e of the m e n w h o
shot U g o Bassi, Ciceruacchio and his two sons, and t h o u s a n d s of Italians
w h o committed the sacrilege of d e m a n d i n g a free R o m e and a free Italy.
" W h e n the light of day shall o n c e h a v e dispersed the darkness w h i c h
covers Paris, I h o p e that y o u , my friend, will be m o r e indulgent for t h e acts
30 caused by the d e s p e r a t e situation of a p e o p l e w h i c h , certainly, w a s badly
led, as it generally h a p p e n s to nations, w h o allow themselves to be allured
by the phraseology of the doctrinaires, but w h o , in substance, fought h e r o ically for their rights. T h e d e t r a c t o r s of Paris m a y say w h a t they like, t h e y
will never succeed in proving that a few miscreants and foreigners—as
35
they said of us in R o m e in 1849—have resisted for t h r e e m o n t h s against a
grand army, backed as it w a s by the m o s t p o t e n t armies of P r u s s i a . "
" A n d the International? W h a t need is t h e r e to attack an Association
almost without knowing it? Is that Association n o t an emanation of t h e ·
abnormal state of society all over t h e w o r l d ? A society w h e r e t h e m a n y
40 h a v e to slave for b a r e subsistence, and w h e r e the few, by lies and by force,
appropriate the greater portion of t h e p r o d u c e of the m a n y , without having
441
Friedrich Engels
e a r n e d it by the sweat of their b r o w , m u s t not s u c h a society excite the
discontent, and the v e n g e a n c e of the suffering m a s s e s . "
"I w i s h that the International should not fare as did t h e people of Paris—
that is to allow itself to be c i r c u m v e n t e d by t h e c o n c o c t o r s of doctrines
w h i c h would drive it to exaggerations, a n d finally to ridicule; b u t that it
should well study, before trusting t h e m , t h e c h a r a c t e r of the m e n w h o are
to lead it on the p a t h of moral and material i m p r o v e m e n t . "
5
He r e t u r n s for a m o m e n t to Mazzini, " M a z z i n i and I, we are b o t h old;
b u t no o n e speaks of re-conciliation b e t w e e n him a n d m e . Infallible people
die, b u t t h e y do n o t bend. Reconciliation with Mazzini? t h e r e is only o n e 10
possible w a y for it—to o b e y him; and of that I do not feel myself c a p a b l e . "
A n d finally the old soldier p r o v e s by referring to his past, that he has
always b e e n a true International, that he has fought for liberty e v e r y w h e r e
and a n y w h e r e , first in South A m e r i c a , t h e n offering his services to t h e
P o p e (aye, e v e n to the P o p e , w h e n he played the liberal), t h e n u n d e r Victor 15
E m a n u e l , lastly in F r a n c e , u n d e r T r o c h u a n d Jules Favre—and he conclud e s , "I and the y o u t h of Italy are ready to serve Italy, also side by side with
y o u , the Mazzinians, if it should be n e c e s s a r y . "
This crowning letter of Garibaldi's, coming as it d o e s after a n u m b e r of
o t h e r s , in which he has plainly expressed his sympathies for t h e Internatio- 20
nal, b u t abstained from speaking plainly as to Mazzini, has h a d an i m m e n s e
effect in Italy, and will induce m a n y recruits to rally r o u n d our b a n n e r .
It w a s also a n n o u n c e d that a full r e p o r t of t h e working m e n ' s Congress
at R o m e , would be laid before the n e x t meeting of t h e Council.
442
ANHANG
Artikel, D o k u m e n t e und Ü b e r s e t z u n g e n ,
d i e unter Mitwirkung von Marx und Engels
verfaßt w u r d e n . A u f z e i c h n u n g e n von Reden
Lettre au r é d a c t e u r du « C o u r r i e r de l'Europe»
Courrier de l'Europe.
Nr. 1620, 18. März 1871
Monsieur le Rédacteur,
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Sous ce titre, (Le Grand Chef de l'Internationale,) Paris Journal ne craint pas
d'affirmer que je viens de recevoir une lettre du citoyen Karl Marx qu'il fait
insidieusement «habiter Berlin». D'après ce journal, le citoyen Karl Marx, qui
est «le grand chef de l'Internationale», «partage avec Blanqui, Flourens et consorts, l'honneur d'avoir été condamné à mort au moins une fois». Ajoutons que
le citoyen compte en outre dans sa vie l'honneur d'avoir été expulsé successivement
de Prusse en 1843 ; de France en 1844 et de Belgique en 1848 sur la demande du
gouvernement prussien. Rentré en Prusse aux premiers événements, il en fut de
nouveau expulsé en mai 1849 et ayant cherché un refuge en France, il en fut
expulsé une deuxième fois sur la demande de ce même gouvernement prussien en
septembre 1849 sous les beaux jours de la présidence.
Il serait curieux de voir le citoyen Karl Marx, qui n'a pas cessé d'habiter Londres
depuis cette époque, adresser de Berlin une lettre au «grand prêtre parisien»
Serraillier à Paris, lorsque celui-ci est de retour à Londres depuis le 22 février,
où il est en rapport avec son « ami et frère Allemand, pire qu'Allemand, Prussien » !
auquel le conseil général n'a pas encore décerné le titre tout puissant de «grand
chef » qui lui éviterait tout au moins de supplier « les membres Parisiens de ne pas
perdre de vue le but unique de leur société en faisant trop de politique ».
L'origine et la campagne de ce journal durant le siège de Paris indiquent assez
la source des ces manœuvres couronnant bien les articles des « avant-postes »
écrits au coin du feu et signés «un franc-tireur», qui n'était autre qu'un fourier du
7 chasseur à pied, invité, parfois, à la table du général Schmitz, avant que le
Siècle n'eût signalé au public, que les résolutions du conseil de guerre pour la
défense étaient aussitôt connues des Prussiens que prises par l'état major...
bonapartiste,
Chassez-moi ce Bismarck, il revient au galop.
Recevez, Monsieur le Rédacteur, les remerciements d'un des grands prêtres
Parisiens de l'Internationale.
A. Serraillier.
Londres le 16 mars 1871.
e
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447
Karl Marx
Aan de redactie van « De W e r k e r »
T u s s e n 1 en 7 april 1871
Übersetzung aus dem Französischen
De Werker. Nr.23,
8. April 1871
London 31 Maart 1871.
_
Burger,
Mijne zoogezegde brief, aan de internationalen van Parijs gezonden, is alleenlijk
gelijk ik net reeds in de «Times» van den 2 2 Maart verklaard heb, eene fabrikatie
van het «Paris Journal» eene van die siechte bladen, Journaux de mauvais lieu,
gebroeid uit het keizerlijk slijk. Overigens alle de Organen van de «goede pers» in
Europa hebben het ordewoord ontvangen de Vervalsching te gebruiken als nun
grootste krijgswapen tegen de Internationale. In de oogen van die eerlijke verdedigers van den Godsdienst, van de orde, van de familie en van den eigendom ligt
in de misdaad der V e r v a l s c h i n g geen het minste kwaad.
Heil en broederschap,
KARL MARX.
ste
448
De W e r k e r . A n t w e r p e n . Nr. 35, 22. Juli 1871.
Titelblatt
A c c o u n t of an i n t e r v i e w with Karl Marx
published in t h e " W o r l d "
The World. Nr. 3622,
18. Juli 1871
THE CURTAIN RAISED.
Interview with Karl Marx, the Head
of L'Internationale.
REVOLT OF LABOR AGAINST CAPITAL.
10
T h e T w o F a c e s o f L'Internationale—Transformation
of Society—Its P r o g r e s s in t h e
U n i t e d States.
W h a t the Association H a d t o D o W i t h
the Commune,
etc.,
etc.,
etc.
15
(From our special correspondent.)
London, July 3.—You have asked me to find out something about the International
Association, and I have tried to do so. The enterprise is a difficult one just now.
London is indisputably the headquarters of the association, but the English people
20 have got a scare, and smell international in everything as King James smelt gunpowder after the famous plot. The consciousness of the society has naturally
increased with the suspiciousness of the public; and if those who guide it have a
451
Account of an interview with Karl Marx published in the "World"
secret to keep, they are of the stamp of men who keep a secret well. I have called
on two of their leading members, have talked with one freely, and I here give you
the substance of my conversation. I have satisfied myself of one thing, that it is
a society of genuine working-men, but that these workmen are directed by social
and political theorists of another class. One man whom I saw, a leading member
5
of the council, was sitting at his workman's bench during our interview, and left
off talking to me from time to time to receive a complaint, delivered in no courteous
tone, from one of the many little masters in the neighborhood who employed him.
I have heard this same man make eloquent speeches in public inspired in every
passage with the energy of hate towards the classes that call themselves his rulers. 10
I understood the speeches after this glimpse at the domestic life of the orator. He
must have felt that he had brains enough to have organized a working-government,
and yet here he was obliged to devote his life to the most revolting task work of
a mechanical profession. He was proud and sensitive, and yet at every turn he had
to return a bow for a grunt and a smile for a command that stood on about the 15
same level in the scale of civility with a huntsman's call to his dog. This man
helped me to a glimpse of one side of the nature of the International, the result of
Labor against Capital,
of the workman who produces against the middleman who enjoys. Here was the
hand that would smite hard when the time came, and as to the head that plans, 20
I think I saw that, too, in my interview with Dr. Karl Marx.
Dr. Karl Marx is a German doctor of philosophy with a German breadth of knowledge derived both from observation of the living world and from books. I should
conclude that he has never been a worker in the ordinary sense of the term. His
surroundings and appearance are those of a well-to-do man of the middle class. 25
The drawing-room into which I was ushered on the night of my interview would
have formed very comfortable quarters for a thriving stockbroker who had made
his competence and was now beginning to make his fortune. It was comfort
personified, the apartment of a man of taste and of easy means, but with nothing
in it peculiarly characteristic of its owner. A fine album of Rhine views on the table, 30
however, gave a clue to his nationality. I peered cautiously into the vase on the
side-table for a bomb. I sniffed for petroleum, but the smell was the smell of roses.
I crept back stealthily to my seat, and moodily awaited the worst.
He has entered and greeted me cordially, and we are sitting face to face. Yes,
I am tête-à-tête with the revolution incarnate, with the real founder and guiding 35
spirit of the International Society, with the author of the address in which capital
was told that if it warred on labor it must expect to have its house burned down
about its ears—in a word, with the
452
F
Apologist for the Commune
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of Paris. Do you remember the bust of Socrates, the man who died rather than
profess his belief in the gods of the time—the man with the fine sweep of profile for
the forehead running meanly at the end into a little snub, curled-up feature like
a bisected pothook that formed the nose? Take this bust in your mind's eye, color
the beard black, dashing it here and there with puffs of grey; clap the head thus
made on a portly body of the middle height, and the Doctor is before you. Throw
a veil over the upper part of the face and you might be in the company of a born
vestryman. Reveal the essential feature, the immense brow, and you know at once
that you have to deal with that most formidable of all composite individual forces—a
dreamer who thinks, a thinker who dreams.
Another gentleman accompanied Dr. Marx, a German, too, I believe, though from
his great familiarity with our language I cannot be sure of it. Was he a witness on
the doctor's side? I think so. The "Council," hearing of the interview, might hëreafter call on the Doctor for his account of it, for the Revolution is above all things
suspicious of its agents. Here, then, was his evidence in corroboration.
I went straight to my business. The world, I said, seemed to be in the dark about
the International, hating it very much, but not able to say clearly what thing it hated.
Some, who professed to have peered further into the gloom than their neighbors,
declared that they had made out a sort of Janus figure with a fair, honest workman's
smile on one of its faces, and on the other a murderous, conspirator's scowl. Would
he light up the case of mystery in which the theory dwelt?
The professor laughed, chuckled a little I fancied, at the thought that we were
so frightened of him. "There is no mystery to clear up, dear sir," he began, in a very
polished form of the Hans Breitmann dialect, "except perhaps the mystery of human
stupidity in those who perpetually ignore the fact that our association is a public
one and that the fullest reports of its proceedings are published for all who care
to read them. You may buy our rules for a penny, and a shilling laid out in pamphlets
will teach you almost as much about us as we know ourselves.
R—Almost—yes, perhaps so; but will not the something I shall not know constitute
the all-important reservation? To be quite frank with you, and to put the case as
it strikes an outside observer, this general claim of depreciation of you must mean
something more than the ignorant ill-will of the multitude. And it is still pertinent
to ask even after what you have told me, what is the International Society?
Dr.M—You have only to look at the individuals of which it is composed—workmen.
R—Yes, but the soldier need be no exponent of the statecraft that sets him in
motion. I know some of your members, and I can believe that they are not of the
stuff of which conspirators are made. Besides, a secret shared by a million men
would be no secret at all. But what if these were only the instruments in the hands
of a bold, and I hope you will forgive me for adding, not over-scrupulous conclave.
Dr.M—There is nothing to prove it.
R.—The last Paris insurrection?
453
Dr. M.—I demand firstly the proof that there was any plot at all—that anything
happened that was not the legitimate effect of the circumstances of the moment;
or the plot granted, I demand the proofs of the participation in it of the International
Association.
R.—The presence in the communal body of so many members of the association.
Dr. M.—Then it was a plot of the Freemasons, too, for their share in the work as
individuals was by no means a slight one. I should not be surprised, indeed, to find
the Pope setting down the whole insurrection to their account. But try another
explanation. The insurrection in Paris was made by the workmen of Paris. The
ablest of the workmen must necessarily have been its leaders and administrators;
but the ablest of the workmen happen also to be members of the International
Association. Yet the association as such may be in no way responsible for their
action.
R—It will still seem otherwise to the world. People talk of secret instructions
from London, and even grants of money. Can it be affirmed that the alleged
openness of the association's proceedings precludes all secrecy of communication?
Dr. M.—What association ever formed carried on its work without private as
well as public agencies? But to talk of secret instruction from London, as of decrees
in the matter of faith and morals from some centre of Papal domination and
intrigue is wholly to misconceive the nature of the International. This would imply
a centralized form of government for the International, whereas the real form is
designedly that which gives the greatest play to local energy and independence. In
fact the International is not properly a government for the working class at all. It
is a bond of union rather than a controlling force.
R.—And of union to what end?
Dr. M.—The economical emancipation of the working class by the conquest of
political power. The use of that political power to the attainment of social ends.
It is necessary that our aims should be thus comprehensive to include every form
of working class activity. To have made them of a special character would have
been to adapt them to the needs of one section—one nation of workmen alone. But
how could all men be asked to unite to further the objects of a few. To have done
that the association must have forfeited its title of International. The association
does not dictate the form of political movements; it only requires a pledge as to
their end. It is a network of affiliated societies spreading all over the world of labor.
In each part of the world some special aspect of the problem presents itself, and
the workmen there address themselves to its consideration in their own way.
Combinations among workmen cannot be absolutely identical in detail in Newcastle and in Barcelona, in London and in Berlin. In England, for instance, the
way to show political power lies open to the working class. Insurrection would
be madness where peaceful agitation would more swiftly and surely do the work.
In France a hundred laws of repression and a mortal antagonism between classes
seem to necessitate the violent solution of social war. The choice of that solution is
the affair of the working classes of that country. The International does not
presume to dictate in the matter and hardly to advise. But to every movement it
accords its sympathy and its aid within the limits assigned by its own laws.
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R—And what is the nature of that aid?
Dr. M.—To give an example, one of the commonest forms of the movement for
emancipation is that of strikes. Formerly, when a strike took place in one country
it was defeated by the importation of workmen from another. The International
has nearly stopped all that. It receives information of the intended strike, it spreads
that information among its members, who at once see that for them the seat of the
struggle must be forbidden ground. The masters are thus left alone to reckon
with their men. In most cases the men require no other aid than that. Their own
subscriptions or those of the societies to which they are more immediately affiliated
supply them with funds, but should the pressure upon them become too heavy
and the strike be one of which the association approves, their necessities are
supplied out of the common purse. By these means a strike of the cigar-makers
of Barcelona was brought to a victorious issue the other day. But the society has
no interest in strikes, though it supports them under certain conditions. It cannot
possibly gain by them in a pecuniary point of view, but it may easily lose. Let us
sum it all up in a word. The working classes remain poor amid the increase of
wealth, wretched amid the increase of luxury. Their material privation dwarfs their
moral as well as their physical stature. They cannot rely on others for a remedy.
It has become then with them an imperative necessity to take their own case in
hand. They must revise the relations between themselves and the capitalists and
landlords, and that means they must transform society. This is the general end of
every known workmen's organization; land and labor leagues, trade and friendly
societies, co-operative stores and co-operative production are but means towards
it. To establish a perfect solidarity between these organizations is the business of
the International Association. Its influence is beginning to be felt everywhere.
Two papers spread its views in Spain, three in Germany, the same number in
Austria and in Holland, six in Belgium, and six in Switzerland. And now that I have
told you what the International is you may, perhaps, be in a position to form your
own opinion as to its pretended plots.
R—I do not quite understand you.
Dr. M—Do you not see that the old society, wanting the strength to meet it with
its own weapons of discussion and combination, is obliged to resort to the fraud of
fixing upon it the imputation of conspiracy?
R.—But the French police declare that they are in a position to prove its complicity in the late affair, to say nothing of preceding attempts.
Dr. M.—But we will say something of those attempts, if you please, because they
best serve to test the gravity of all the charges of conspiracy brought against the
International. You remember the last "plot" but one. A plebiscite had been announced. Many of the electors were known to be wavering. They had no longer a keen
sense of the value of the imperial rule, having come to disbelieve in those threatened
dangers of society from which it was supposed to have saved them. A new bugbear
was wanted. The police undertook to find one. All combinations of workmen being
hateful to them, they naturally owed the International an ill-turn. A happy thought
inspired them. What if they should select the International for their bugbear, and
thus at one stroke discredit that society and curry favor for the imperial cause?
455
Out of that happy thought came the ridiculous "plot" against the Emperor's life—as
if we wanted to kill the wretched old fellow. They seized the leading members of
the International. They manufactured evidence. They prepared their case for trial,
and in the meantime they had their plebiscite. But the intended comedy was too
obviously but a broad, coarse farce. Intelligent Europe, which witnessed the spec5
tacle, was not deceived for a moment as to its character, and only the French
peasant elector was befooled. Your English papers reported the beginnings of the
miserable affair; they forgot to notice the end. The French judges admitting the
existence of the plot by official courtesy were obliged to declare that there was
nothing to show the complicity of the International. Believe me, the second plot 10
is like the first. The French functionary is again in business. He is called in to
account for the biggest civil movement the world has ever seen. A hundred signs
of the times ought to suggest the right explanation—the growth of intelligence
among the workmen, of luxury and incompetence among their rulers, the historical
process now going on of that final transfer of power from a class to the people, 15
the apparent fitness of time, place, and circumstance for the great movement of
emancipation. But to have seen these the functionary must have been a philosopher,
and he is only a mouchard. By the law of his being, therefore, he has fallen back
upon the mouchard's explanation—a "conspiracy." His old portfolio of forged
documents will supply him with the proofs, and this time Europe in its scare will 20
believe the tale.
R.—Europe can scarcely help itself, seeing that every French newspaper spreads
the report.
Dr. M.—Every French newspaper! See, here is one of them (taking up La Situation), and judge for yourself of the value of its evidence as to a matter of fact.
(Reads:) "Dr. Karl Marx, of the International, has been arrested in Belgium, trying
to make his way to France. The police of London have long had their eye on the
society with which he is connected, and are now taking active measures for its
suppression." Two sentences and two lies. You can test the truth of one story by
the evidence of your own senses. You see that instead of being in prison in Belgium
I am at home in England. You must also know that the police in England are as
powerless to interfere with the International Society as the society with them. Yet
what is most regular in all this is that the report will go the round of the continental
press without a contradiction, and could continue to do so if I were to circularize
every journal in Europe from this place.
R—Have you attempted to contradict many of these false reports?
Dr. M.—I have done so till I have grown weary of the labor. To show the gross
carelessness with which they are concocted I may mention that in one of them I saw
Felix Pyat set down as a member of the International.
R.—And he is not so?
Dr. Marx—The association could hardly have found room for such a wild man.
He was once presumptuous enough to issue a rash proclamation in our name, but it
was instantly disavowed, though, to do them justice, the press of course ignored
the disavowal.
R—And Mazzini, is he a member of your body?
456
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30
35
40
45
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
Dr. Marx (laughing)—Ah, no. We should have made but little progress if we had
not got beyond the range of his ideas.
R.—You surprise me. I should certainly have thought that he represented the most
advanced views.
Dr. M.—He represents nothing better than the old idea of a middle-class republic.
We seek no part with the middle class. He has fallen as far to the rear of the modern
movement as the German professors, who, nevertheless, are still considered in
Europe as the apostles of the cultured democratism of the future. They were so
at one time—before '48, perhaps, when the German middle class, in the English
sense, had scarcely attained its proper development. But now they have gone over
bodily to the reaction, and the proletariat knows them no more.
R.—Some people have thought they saw signs of a positivist element in your
organization.
Dr. M.—No such thing. We have positivists among us, and others not of our body
who work as well. But this is not by virtue of their philosophy, which will have
nothing to do with popular government, as we understand it, and which seeks only
to put a new hierarchy in place of the old one.
R.—It seems to me, then, that the leaders of the new international movement
have had to form a philosophy as well as an association for themselves.
Dr. M.—Precisely. It is hardly likely, for instance, that we could hope to prosper
in our war against capital if we derive our tactics, say from the political economy
of Mill. He has traced one kind of relationship between labor and capital. We hope
to show that it is possible to establish another.
R.—And as to religion?
Dr. M.—On that point I cannot speak in the name of the society. I myself am an
atheist. It is startling, no doubt, to hear such an avowal in England, but there is
some comfort in the thought that it need not be made in a whisper in either Germany
or France?
R.—And yet you make your headquarters in this country?
Dr. M.—For obvious reasons; the right of association is here an established thing.
It exists, indeed, in Germany, but it is beset with innumerable difficulties; in
France for many years it has not existed at all.
R.-And the United States?
Dr. M.—The chief centres of our activity are for the present among the old
societies of Europe. Many circumstances have hitherto tended to prevent the labor
problem from assuming an all absorbing importance in the United States. But they
are rapidly disappearing, and it is rapidly coming to the front there with the growth
as in Europe of a laboring class distinct from the rest of the community and divorced
from capital.
R.—It would seem that in this country the hoped for solution, whatever it may be,
will be attained without the violent means of revolution. The English system of
agitating by platform and press until minorities become converted into majorities is
a hopeful sign.
Dr. M.—I am not so sanguine on that point as you. The English middle class has
always shown itself willing enough to accept the verdict of the majority so long as it
457
enjoyed the monopoly of the voting power. But mark me, as soon as it finds itself
outvoted on what it considers vital questions we shall see here a new slave-owner's
war."
I have here given you as well as I can remember them the heads of my conversation with this remarkable man. I shall leave you to form your own conclusions.
5
Whatever may be said for or against the probability of its complicity with the
movement of the Commune we may be assured that in the International Association
the civilized world has a new power in its midst with which it must soon come to a
reckoning for good or ill.
R.LANDOR.
10
458
r
Resolution that t h e C o n f e r e n c e o f D e l e g a t e s
from t h e local f e d e r a t i o n s of t h e Spanish Region,
held at Valencia t h e 10th S e p t e m b e r 1871,
p r e s e n t s to t h e International C o n f e r e n c e of London
Von Friedrich Engels redigierte Ü b e r s e t z u n g a u s d e m Spanischen
I Resolution that the Conference of delegates
from the local federations of the Spanish Region,
held at Valencia the 10 September 1871,
presents to the International Conference of London.
th
5
Considering that the great object to which the International Association aspires
must be the result of an intelligent organization, where the activity of all workmen
may be applied to
fight
with the evil existent, and establish at the same
the struggle
existing evils,
may
time the basis for the society on the future, according to the critérium that we can
of
in harmony with
bring forth from the principles accepted by the association;
10
Considering that the circumstances, in which, Work is developed because
under
Labour is now performed,
of the economical conditions of present society, placing the
in consequence
place
workman's subsistence at
the
mercy of the changements of capital's interest
fluctuations of the
interests
of the capitalists;
Considering that the social institutions that so heavily weigh
on the working
upon
15 classes, undermining our right, manifest themselves; l by the circumstances of
rights,
the work in the locality; 2 by the same thing in the Region; 3 by the influences
Labour
each
each
l y
ly
ly
I y
20
of the authority and capital in the place; 4 by the same thing in the Region;
each locality
each
it becomes necessary that our efforts may be directed chiefly to each one of these
be directed
points, establishing the Union of them with reference to all the workmen of the
world;
459
Resolution "of the Conference of Delegates from the local federations of the Spanish Region
Considering that the Union can be obtained only by means of federations and
a federative
solidarity links, that join together all workmens
excluding all divisions
bond joining
workmen and freeing them from all the
in which we may be found,
divisions under which we now suffer,
We propose to the International Conference of London to discute and adopt,
discuss
if they believe it convenient, the following subject of social organization to all
think
organization of the
5
International working classes
whole working class.
All workmen of one trade or occupation in a place are gathered together to form
a Section.
All Sections of different trades in a place constitute the local Fe||deration, having
a local Council, composed of delegates from each Section.
10
All trades Sections in one Region form a regional Federation of the trade, having
with
a council of trustees, named in a Congress of delegates from all the Sections of
central Trade council
the United trade.
All local Federations constitute a regional Federation, having a federal and
with
regional
regional Council, named at a Congress of representatives of all local federations.
15
federal
All regional federations constitute the International Federation, having a general
Council, named at a Congress of representatives of all regional federations.
The trade's Federation forms
gathering all
all the Estatistics
concerning the same,
a complete set of Statistics
its trade
by the sections, according to the state and special
facts given
the
collected
circumstances of
the place
administers the caisse of resistance with the 20
each locality; it also
strike fund formed by the
taxes of each Section,
contributions of all the Sections.
The local Federations reunite the Estatistics of all the Sections which compose
Federation forms similar Statistics
it,
amplyfing it with all the facts, that a commission from its Council may
amplifying
by such other
as
gather. It has also a caisse of resistance formed of the taxes paid
by the
collect.
strike fund
by the contributions
Sections to
meet a sudden Grève.
provide for unexpected strikes.
460
25
Resolution that t h e C o n f e r e n c e of D e l e g a t e s from t h e local federations
of t h e Spanish Region, held at Valencia t h e 10th S e p t e m b e r 1871,
p r e s e n t s to t h e International C o n f e r e n c e of London.
Von Friedrich Engels r e d i g i e r t e Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Spanischen.
Erste S e i t e d e r Handschrift von Nicoles Alonso M a r s e l a u mit Ä n d e r u n g e n von
Engels' Hand
Resolution of the Conference of Delegates from the local federations of the Spanish Region
The federal and regional Council reunites all the estatistical notices given by
regional federal
Statistical information
furnished by the
5
local federations and regional trades's federations,
the
The Councils of trustees of the trade's federations
have, in conseCentral Trades's Councils of the various trade's federations
quence of this organization, an exact knowledge of the work in their trade
state of the labour market
with reference to offerings and demands, competition, introduction of machines,
supply
demand,
machinery,
hygiénique conditions etc.
sanitary
The local federative knows the relations of the work in the place with the special
federation
state of the Labour market in its locality along
with the conditions of the same.
The regional Federations by means of its regional and federal Council has
Federation
regional federal
10
positively before it the movement of the whole Region: knows minutedly the
distinctly before its eyes
minutely
importance of privileges, the ambition of capitalists, that of the authority and that
overreaching acts of capitalists, of the authorities and
of the science; knows also the
working powers and shows
of
power of the working class and will find out
with an infallible and mathematical security the points against which it may fight
certainty
upon
that power
with these powers to obtain a sure victory.
may be brought to bear in order to assure the certainty of success.
15
A grève asked by a Section is accomplished after, that the local Federation and
strike
enforced
the local
the regional one of the trade have informed according to the facts they know; the
federal Council approves it || when
he sees the sure or very probit foresees a certainty or a great probability
able triumph. All Unions or federations of trade have the duty of helping, if necesof triumph.
trades
sary, that section in grève or lock-out, made the former according to rule or
every
on strike
if
shall have been com20
provoked
the latter
by the
menced in accordance with these rules or if
shall have been enforced by the
bourgeois. Thus Solidarity cannot be narrower; victory is sure; all for one.
bourgeois.
closer
The Estatistics makes easy the movings of workmen, when it is convenient to
facilitate
removal
from one place to
the work in the localities, and helps to fight
against the ownanother should the state of the labour market or the opportunity
463
Resolution of the Conference of Delegates from the local federations of the Spanish Region
ers of capital by means of leaving the work at convenient times. Today the Estaof a strike
render that a thing convenient.
Statistics and the Unions or trade federations are the war to the speculators; the social
tistics
Liquidation. In the new society they are the work's Emancipation, the workEmancipation of Labour,
men's Solidarity and the establishment of the change of
productions.
exchange of produce against produce.
The federal and regional Council has in hand, with this Estatistics, the movefederal regional
holds in its
these Statistics
5
ment,
riches and
life of the
Region,
the
the
whole
The federal and regional Councils putting themselves in correspondence with
the general Council form the Universal Estatistics. This Council, forming
Statistics.
by condensing
resolutions and comparisons, fulfils
the work of the exact
and comparing the materials furnished it, completes
10
social science,
science of society.
The Estatistics thus accomplished and published for the wellbeing of individuals
and for the fulfilment of all duties, is the social Liquidation practical since the
put in practice since the
first day;
it is the Revolution made with only having tried it.
very first day;
accomplished by merely trying to carry it out.
The individual, developing his activity, is sustained with that of all the workmen
in
by
of the world.
15
th
Valencia 12 September 1871.
The Commission
464
R. Farga Pellicer
Printer.
Juan Bargallo
sculptor.
Francisco Mora,
shoemaker
N. Alonso Marselau
apprentice of tisserand I
20
Proposition p r é s e n t é e à la C o n f é r e n c e de Londres
par la C o n f é r e n c e de d é l é g u é s de la fédération
e s p a g n o l e à V a l e n c e , le 10 s e p t e m b r e 1871
Ü b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Spanischen von Friedrich Engels
I Proposition présentée à la Conférence
de Londres par la Conférence de Délégués
de la fédération Espagnole à Valence,
le 10 Septembre 1871.
5
10
15
20
25
30
Considérant que le grand but auquel aspire l'Internationale doit être le résultat d'une
organisation intelligente donnant un libre essor à l'activité de tous les travailleurs
pour combattre la société actuelle en posant, en même temps, les bases d'une
société nouvelle conformément aux principes adoptés par l'Association ;
Que les circonstances dans lesquelles se meut actuellement le travail, en conséquence des conditions économiques de la société actuelle, placent la subsistance
des travailleurs à la merci des oscillations de l'intérêt de l'exploiteur ;
Que les institutions sociales qui pèsent sur le prolétariat et qui portent atteinte
à notre droit, se manifestent : 1) par les circonstances affectant un métier donné
dans chaque localité ; 2) par celles qui l'affectent dans tout un pays ; 3) par l'influence
de l'autorité et de la propriété dans chaque localité ; 4) par celle dans tout un pays ;
et qu'il devient donc nécessaire que nos efforts se dirigent principalement sur
chacun de ces points et qu'ils achèvent l'union de tous ces travaux relativement
à tous les ouvriers du monde —
Considérant que cette union ne peut s'accomplir qu'au moyen de liens fédératifs
et solidaires, entourant les ouvriers et les sauvant de toutes les divisions que nous
rencontrons encore —
Nous proposons à la Conférence Internationale de Londres de discuter et, si
elle le juge à propos, d'adopter le projet suivant d'organisation de la classe
ouvrière :
Tous les ouvriers d'un métier, dans chaque localité, se réunissent pour former
une section.
Toutes les sections de différents métiers d'une localité constituent la fédération
locale, avec un conseil local, composé de délégués de chaque section.
Toutes les sections du même métier dans une région forment une fédération
465
Proposition de la Conférence de délégués de la fédération espagnole
régionale de ce métier avec un conseil supérieur nommé dans un Congrès de
représentants de toutes les sections fédérées du métier.
Toutes les fédérations locales constituent une fédération régionale avec un
conseil fédéral régional nommé dans un Congrès de représentants de toutes les
fédérations locales.
Toutes les fédérations régionales constituent la fédération Internationale, avec
un Conseil Général nommé dans le Congrès de représentants de toutes les fédérations régionales.
La fédération de chaque métier recueille et rédige toute la statistique relativement
à ce métier, en réunissant toutes les données que lui fourniront les sections sur
l'état et les circonstances spéciales de chaque localité; elle administre de même
la caisse de résistance formée par les cotisations de toutes les sections.
La fédération locale recueille les données statistiques de toutes les sections qui
la composent et les complète par les données que lui fournira de toute part une
Commission nommée à cet effet dans le sein de son conseil local. Elle aussi
maintient une caisse de résistance formée des cotisations des sections locales et
destinée pour les cas de grève imprévue.
Le Conseil fédéral recueille toutes les données statistiques que lui fournissent
les fédérations locales et les fédérations régionales de métiers.
Les conseils supérieurs des fédérations de métiers, en conséquence de cette
organisation, tiendront une connaissance exacte du travail dans leurs métiers divers,
relativement à l'offre et la demande, la concurrence, l'introduction de machines,
les conditions hygiéniques, etc.
La fédération locale connaîtra les relations du travail dans sa localité et ses
conditions spéciales.
La fédération régionale, par son Congrès régional fédéral, pourra ainsi certainement surveiller, d'un seul coup d'œil, tout le mouvement de la région; elle connaîtra
en détail l'importance des privilèges existants, l'accaparement de l'autorité, l'accaparement du capital, et celui de la science, elle connaîtra de même les forces
ouvrières, et découvrira avec une régularité infaillible et mathématique les points
où ces forces doivent porter l'attaque pour obtenir un triomphe assuré.
Une grève demandée par une section quelconque s'enforce dès que la fédération
locale et la fédération régionale du métier en question l'auront confirmée sur les
données qu'elles possèdent ; et le Conseil fédéral l'approuve s'il prévoit la victoire
comme assurée ou très probable. Toutes les fédérations de métiers ont le devoir de
venir en aide, en cas de besoin, à une grève ou un lock-out, si la première aura
été faite suivant le règlement et si le second aura été provoqué par les bourgeois.
Ainsi, la solida||rité ne peut être portée plus loin et la victoire sera assurée : Tous
pour Un.
La Statistique facilite les déplacements des ouvriers, comme ils paraîtront convenables selon que le travail hausse ou baisse dans les diverses localités, ou bien
selon l'opportunité de porter des attaques contre les détenteurs du capital par
l'abondon du travail en moment opportun. Aujourd'hui, la statistique et les fédérations de métiers sont des armes dans la guerre contre les exploiteurs pour obtenir
la liquidation sociale. Dans la nouvelle société, elles assureront l'émancipation du
466
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
Proposition de la Conférence de délégués de la fédération espagnole
5
10
travail, la solidarité des travailleurs, et rétablissement de l'échange de produits
contre produits. Avec cette statistique, le conseil fédéral régional tiendra en main
le mouvement, les richesses, la vie de toute la région.
Les Conseils fédéraux régionaux en s'entendant avec le Conseil Général, fourniront la statistique universelle. Ce conseil, en résumant et comparant les données
régionales, complétera l'œuvre de la science sociale exacte.
La statistique complétée de cette sorte, par l'œuvre de tous ceux qui en ont été
chargés, et mise à la portée de tous par la publication, sera en elle même la liquidation sociale mise en pratique dès le premier jour. Ce sera la révolution accomplie
par le seul fait de l'avoir intentée. L'individu, en développant son activité, sera
appuyé de celle de tous les ouvriers du monde. |
467
Friedrich
Engels
Traduction française de l'article 10 d e s
« P r o v i s i o n a l R u l e s o f t h e A s s o c i a t i o n » d e Karl M a r x
I Bien qu'unies par un lien perpétuel de coopération fraternelle, les sociétés ouvrières
qui s'associeront à l'Association Internationale, garderont intacte leur organisation
actuelle. I
468
Jenny Marx
To t h e Editor of " W o o d h u l l & Claflin's W e e k l y "
Not after S e p t e m b e r 23, 1871
Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly.
Nr.23/75, 21. Oktober 1871
To the Editor of Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly:
5
10
15
20
25
30
Madame: The following private letter (originally written to a friend) may serve
the public interest, if by means of it some light is thrown upon the arbitrary proceedings of the present French Government, who, with supreme contempt for personal
security and liberty, do not scruple to arrest foreigners, as well as natives, on
altogether false pretenses :
***Monsieur Lafargue, my brother-in-law, his wife and children, my youngest
sister and myself, had spent the months of June and July at Bagnères de Luchon,
where we intended remaining until the end of September. I hoped, by a prolonged
stay in the Pyrenees, and by a daily use of the mineral waters for which Luchon is
famous, to recover from the effects of a severe attack of pleurisy. Mais dans la
République-Thiers l'homme propose et la police dispose. On the first or second day
in August, M. Lafargue was informed by a friend that he might daily expect a domiciliary visit of the police, when, if found, he would surely be arrested, on the
pretext that he had paid a short visit to Paris during the time of the Commune, had
acted as emissary of the International in the Pyrenees, and last, but not least,
because he is the husband of his wife, consequently the son-in-law of Karl Marx.
Knowing that under the present government of lawyers the law is a dead letter,
that persons are continually locked up, no reason whatever being assigned for
their arrest, Mr. Lafargue follows the advice given him, crosses the frontier, and
settles down at Bosost, a small Spanish town. Several days after his departure,
on the 6th of August, Mad. Lafargue, her sister Eleanor and I visit M. Lafargue at
Bosost. Mad. Lafargue, finding that her little boy is not well enough to leave Bosost
on the same day (she was very anxious on the child's account, having lost his
brother a few days before), resolved to remain with her husband for a day or two.
My sister Eleanor and I therefore returned alone to Luchon.
Without accident we succeeded in getting along the rugged Spanish roads, and
safely reached Fos. There the French custom-house officials ask us the usual
questions and look into our carriage to see whether there are any contraband goods.
As we have nothing but our cloaks with us, I tell the coachman to drive on, when
an individual—no other than the Procureur de la République, M. le Baron Desagarre—
steps forward, saying: "In the name of the Republic, follow me." We leave our
469
Jenny Marx
carriage and enter a small room, where we find a forbidding-looking creature—a most
unwomanly woman—waiting to search us. Not wishing to let this coarse-looking
person touch us, we offer to take off our dresses ourselves. Of this the woman
will not hear. She rushes out of the room, whither she soon returns, followed by
the Procureur de la République, who in the most ungentlemanly manner thus
apostrophizes my sister: "If you will not allow this woman to search you, I shall
do so." My sister replies: "You have no right to come near a British subject. I have
an English passport." Seeing, however, that an English passport does not count for
much, that the bearer of such a passport does not inspire M. le Baron Desagarre
with much respect, for he looks as though he were in good earnest, ready to suit
his actions to his words, we allow the woman to have her way. She unpicks the
very seams of our dresses, makes us take off even our stockings. I fancy I can still
feel her spider-like fingers running through my hair. Having only found a newspaper on me and a torn letter on my sister, she runs with these to her friend and
ally, M. le Baron Desagarre. We are reconducted to our carriage—our own coachman, who had acted as our "guide" during our whole stay in the Pyrenees, and had
grown much attached to us, is forced away, replaced by another coachman, two
officers are installed in the carriage opposite us, and thus we are driven off, a
cart-full of custom-house officers and police agents following us. After a time,
finding, no doubt, that after all we are not such very dangerous characters, that
we do not make any attempts to murder our sentinels, our escort is left behind and
we remain in the charge of the two officers in the carriage. Thus guarded, we are
driven through village after village, through St. Béat, the inhabitants of which
comparatively large town collect in crowds, evidently taking us to be thieves, or,
at least, smugglers. At 8 o'clock, thoroughly tired out, we arrive at Luchon, cross
the Quinconces, where hundreds of people are assembled to listen to the band, it
being Sunday and the height of the season. Our carriage stops before the hotel of
the Prefect, M. le Comte de Kératry. That personage not being at home, still
guarded, we are kept waiting before his door for at least half an hour. At length
orders are given for us to be taken back to our house, which we find surrounded
by gendarmes. We at once go upstairs, wishing to refresh ourselves by washing
our faces (we had been out since five o'clock in the morning), but as a gendarme
and an agent in plain clothes follow us even into our bedroom, we return to the
drawing-room, unrefreshed, to await the arrival of the Prefect. The clock strikes
nine, ten; M. de Kératry has not come—he is listening to the band on the Quinconces,
and, we hear, is determined to stay until the last chord of the music has died away.
Meanwhile, quantities of mouchards drop in; they walk into the room as if it were their
own and make themselves quite at home, settling down on our chairs and sofa.
Soon we are surrounded by a motley crowd of police agents, which devoted servants
of the Republic, it is easy to see, have served their term of apprenticeship under the
Empire—they are masters of their honorable calling. They have recourse to impossible tricks and dodges to inveigle us into a conversation, but, finding all their efforts
to do so are vain, they stare at us as only "professionals" can stare, until, at halfpast ten, the Prefect puts in an appearance, flanked by the Procureur Général,
M.Delpech, the Juge d'Instruction, Juge de Paix, the Commissaires of Toulouse
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To the Editor of "Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly"
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and Luchon, etc. My sister is told to step into an adjoining room; the Commissaire
of Toulouse and a gendarme accompany her. My interrogatory commences. I refuse
to give any information concerning my brother-in-law and other relatives and
friends. With regard to myself, I declare 1 am under medical treatment, and have
come to Luchon to take the waters. For more than two hours M. de Kératry by
turns exhorts, persuades and at length threatens me, that if I choose to persist in my
refusal to act as a witness, I shall be looked upon as an accomplice. "To-morrow,"
he says, "the law will compel you to give your deposition on oath; for, let me tell
you, M. Lafargue and his wife have been arrested." At this I felt alarmed, because
of my sister's sick child.
At length my sister Eleanor's turn comes. I am ordered to turn my back while
she speaks. An officer is placed in front of me lest I should attempt to make some
sign. To my annoyance I hear my sister is being led by degrees to say yes or no to
the numberless questions put to her. Afterward I found out by what means she had
been made to speak. Pointing to my written declaration, M. de Kératry (I could not
see his gestures, my back being turned,) affirmed the contrary of what I had really
said. Therefore, anxious not to contradict me, my sister had not refuted the
statements said to have been made by me. It was half-past two before her examination was ended. A young girl of 16, who had been up since five A. M., had traveled
nine hours on an intensely hot day in August, and only taken food quite early at
Bosost, cross-examined until half-past two in the morning!
For the rest of that night the Commissaire of Toulouse and several gendarmes
remained in our house. We went to bed, but not to sleep, for we puzzled our heads
as how to get a messenger to go to Bosost to warn M. Lafargue, in case he had not
yet been arrested. We looked out of the window. Gendarmes were walking about
in the garden. It was impossible to get out of the house. We were close prisoners—not
even allowed to see our maid and landlady. On the following day, landlady and
servants were examined on oath. I was again questioned for more than an hour
by the Procureur Général, M. Delpech, and the Procureur de la République. That
tongue-valiant hero, M. le Baron Desagarre, read long extracts to me, pointing out
the penalties I am liable to incur by persisting in my refusal to act as witness. The
eloquence of these gentlemen was, however, lost on me. I quietly but firmly declared
my resolution not to take the oath, and remained unshaken.
My sister's examination only lasted a few minutes this time. She also resolutely
refused to take the oath.
Before the Procureur Général left us, we asked for permission to write a few
lines to our mother, fearing the news of our arrest might get into the papers
and alarm our parents. We offered to write the letter in French, under the very
eyes of M. Delpech. It was only to consist of a few sentences, such as we are
well, etc. The Procureur refused our request, on the pretext that we might have a
language of our own; that the words—we are well—might convey some hidden
meaning.
These magistrates outdid Dogberry and Verges. The following is another instance
of their utter imbecility. Having found, as our maid told us, a quantity of commercial
letters, belonging to M. Lafargue, in which reference was made to the exportation
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Jenny Marx
of sheep and oxen, they exclaimed: "Oxen, sheep, intrigues, intrigues; s h e e p Communists; oxen—Internationals."
For the remainder of that day and night we were again committed to the care of
several gendarmes, one of whom ever sat opposite us while we were dining.
On the following day, the 8th, we had a visit from the Prefect and a person
whom we supposed to be his Secretary. Of this interview a most inaccurate and
fantastical account appeared in the France, and was from thence transferred into
a great number of other papers. But to retu

MEGA² I.22: Karl Marx, Artikel · Entwürfe. März bis

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