Sonora: The Making of a Border Society, 1880-1910

Transcription

Journal of the Southwest
Sonora: The Making of a Border Society, 1880-1910
Author(s): Miguel Tinker Salas
Source: Journal of the Southwest, Vol. 34, No. 4 (Winter, 1992), pp. 429-456
Published by: Journal of the Southwest
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Sonora:
TheMaking of a BorderSociety,1880-1910
Miguel
Tinker
Salas
Before 1848, a confining geography and the presence of a large hostile Indian population shaped the modern history of Sonora. Besides
California, Sonora represented Mexico's remote northwestern border.
During this early phase of Sonora's history, a frontier way of life took
shape as settlers struggled to eke out an existence on the periphery of
the Mexican nation. After 1848, social and economic relations with the
United States conditioned Sonora'shistory.This shift shattered Sonora's
previous isolation and transformed it from a desolate frontier within
Mexico to an international border with the United States. Attracted by
its mineralwealth, North American entrepreneursand miners flocked to
the region. In Sonora, contact between two countries, two cultures and
two people generated both conflict and accommodation. Opportunities
in mining and agriculturealso attractedsignificant numbers of Mexican
emigrants to the north, prompting further exchanges. A border lifestyle
emerged as the Sonoran nortenoincorporated new norms and customs.
Recent studies of the Mexican north have concentrated on regional
elites, the Porfiriato,the process of economic integration with the United
States and the role of the Revolution.1Sufficient attention has not been
devoted to the social impact that "modernization"produced in Northern societies. Myth and folklore continue to dominate many cultural
studies of the area.2This article examines the challenges confronting
1. For the role played by United States capital, see Ramon Eduardo Ruiz, The People
of Sonoraand YankeeCapitalists(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988). Also see Jane
Dale Lloyd, El procesode modernizationcapitalistaen el noroestede Chihuahua (Mexico:
Universidad Iberoamericana, 1987); Mark Wasserman, Capitalist, Caciques,and Revolution: The Native Elite and ForeignEnterprisein Chihuahua,Mexico (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1984); Alex Saragoza,TheMonterreyElite and theMexican State,
1880-1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1988); and Hector Aguilar Camin, La
frontera nomada,Sonoray La Revolutionmexicana(Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno, 1977).
2. See Hernan Garza Soils, Losmexicanosdel norte(Mexico: Editorial Nuestro Tiempo,
1971).
Miguel
Tinker Salas is assistantprofessorof historyat
Arizona State University
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Sonora's border society as it encountered external pressures from its
powerful northern neighbor, the United States, and internal pressures
from central Mexico. The difficulties which the state faced during this
period were not lost on the generation of Sonoran political leaders
which dominated Mexico after the Revolution.
At a more general level, economic developments taking place in Sonora cannot be separatedfrom the pattern of change occurring throughout Latin America during the turn of the century.3Neither can they be
isolated from similar transformationstaking place elsewhere in the Mexican north.4 American investments in mining and railroadssignificantly
transformedstates such as Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon.5The
Mexican north shared similar forms of economic development and
American customs also penetrated these regions. How the Mexican
north adapted to external pressures, whether American or Mexican,
varied from region to region. Specific historical conditions gave rise to
important regional variances.The north by no means experienced a uniform pattern of development. As Mexican anthropologist Guillermo
Bonfil Batalla pointed out, to speak of the Northerner as one negates
the fact that the "the ruralculture of Sonora was not the same as that of
Nuevo Leon. . ."6Common patterns of development did not mitigate
disparities in communication, population size, conflict with Indians,
strength of regional elites, land ownership, and the nature of economic
activity.The existence of these important regional differencesinfluenced
the characterof an area'seconomic and even cultural integration by the
United States.7
One of the most significant issues distinguishing Sonora from the
general pattern of development in the north remained the dilemma
created by its physical isolation from central Mexico and its immediate
contiguity with the United States. As Sylvestor Mowry, an early American speculator, found out, the rampartsof the Sierra Madre formed "a
natural barrier between the states of Chihuahua and Durango to the
3. See, for example, Jeffrey D. Needell, A TropicalBelle Epoque(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
4. See Oscar Martinez, TroublesomeBorder (Tucson: University of Arizona Press,
1988), p. 111.
5. See Wasserman, Capitalist, Caciques,and Revolutionand Saragoza, The Monterrey
Elite.
6. Guillermo Bonfil Batalla,Mexicoprofundo,una civilizacionnegada (Mexico: Secretaria de Educacion Publica, 1987), p. 75.
7. See Lloyd, El procesode modernizationcapitalistaen el noroestede Chihuahua, p. 13.
Sonora *
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west and Sonora ... to the east."8This condition persisted well into the
twentieth century. While Sonora found itself isolated, other northern
Mexican states established, according to Mexican geographer Jesus
Galindo y Villa, "good communications with Chihuahua and with the
rest of the nation."9By the mid- 1880s Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Nuevo
Leon had rail connections to centralMexico. Economic and social interaction between these areas and central Mexico increased, providing
them a measure of independence from the United States. When the
United States adopted restrictivetrade measures in the 1890s, rail access
to the south allowed Chihuahuan and Monterrey producers to reach
marketsin central Mexico.10Sonora did not acquire rail links to Mexico
City until 1927. With no access to southern markets, Sonoran agricultural and mineral production contracted whenever the United States
imposed trade sanctions.11
To the north, however, as BarryCarrnoted, no physical barriersstood
between Sonora and Arizona.12While still isolated from central Mexico,
Sonora'spopulation came "face to face"with American society and culture. Substantial numbers of Americans established residence in Sonora
and worked side by side with the Mexicans. Physical isolation and a
relativelysmall Mexican population magnified United States influences
on the society and economy of Sonora.
While most of Mexico lived at peace with its Indian population, a
persistent state of war with the Yaquisand Mayos created turmoil within
the state. By the mid- 1880s other regions in the Mexican north had
come to terms with their Indian populations. In Sonora, wars with Indians provided opportunities for ambitious military officers and corrupt
politicians to advance their careers, but continually depleted state resources and deterred Mexican immigration to the state. Besides Indian
wars, intense political factionalism further divided Sonorans, adding to
the uncertaintyof life in the northwest. The second largest state in Mex-
8. Sylvester Mowry, Arizona and Sonora, the Geography,History,and Resourcesof the
SilverRegion of NorthAmerica (New York:Arno Press, 1973), p. 126.
9. Jesus Galindo y Villa, Geografia de Mexico (Barcelona: Editorial Labor, 1930),
p. 114.
10. See Wasserman: Capitalist, Caciques, and Revolution, p. 94. When the United
States placed restrictionson Mexican beef in 1892, the Terrazasfound outlets for cattle in
central Mexico.
11. See Ruiz, The Peopleof Sonora,pp. 37-38.
12. See Barry Carr, "Las peculiaridades del norte mexicano 1880-1927 ensayo de
interpretation"in Historia mexicana22, 3(1973): 327.
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ico, Sonora remained seriously underpopulated, preventing the creation
of a stable labor force and limiting the formation of internal markets.
The insecurity of life prompted many Sonorensesto look for opportunities in California and Arizona. The constant out-migration of laborers
further depleted the population. Continued social and political instability prevented local elites from effectively consolidating their power prior
to the arrivalof the Americans.
A historic pattern of elite relianceon exports and the absence of local
industry further magnified the foreign presence in Sonora. In spite of its
vast mineral wealth, few elites had amassed sufficient capital to initiate
sustained economic development. Most relied on precariousmining operations and the export of wheat to neighboring Sinaloa. By contrast, in
Nuevo Leon, historians Mario Cerutti and Alex Saragoza found that
elites achieved significant independent expansion without becoming
wholly dependent on the infusion of United States capital.13With Santiago Vidaurriat the helm, Nuevo Leon emerged as the hub of an extensive regional marketwhich extended as far south as San Luis Potosi and
Zacatecas. In Chihuahua, as Mark Wassermanpoints out, Luis Terrazas
avoided subordination to foreignersand exerciseda near total monopoly
on the politics and the economy of the state.14This was not the case in
Sonora. Constrained geographically and fragmented politically, no one
group of Sonoran elites managed to dominate the economy. Regional
animosities among Alamos, Guaymas, and Hermosillo masked differences among local elites. In some respects, Sonoran upper classes resembled the weaker Californioelites during the Mexican era more than some
of their more powerful Northern counterparts.
The limited nature of local industry also underscored the fragility of
the Sonoran upper classes. Besides numerous flour mills, some cottage
enterprises, and one textile mill, Sonora possessed no significant manufacturing. It consistently relied on imports to meet internal demand.
Historically, relianceon the mining economy gave rise to an elite largely
dependent on mineral exports to generate wealth. Economic relations
with the United States intensified this orientation. As foreign capital
penetrated the state, Sonoran elites increasinglybecame dependent middlemen. American and British interests dominated the largest mining
13. Saragoza, TheMonterreyElite, and Mario Cerutti, Burpfuesiaycapitalismoen Monterrey,1850-1910 (Mexico: Claves Latinoamericanas, 1983).
14. See Wasserman,Capitalist,Caciques,and Revolution,p. 6.
Sonora *
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enterprises, the railroad,and commercial agriculture. Sonoran notables
found themselves relegated to agriculture, cattle, and limited trade.
Since even markets for most of their products remained in American
hands, Sonoran elites found their economic position severely constrained. Pronounced reliance on American investments and markets
eventually produced unexpected and dramaticculturalchanges in Sonoran society.
Even before the rise of Porfirio Diaz, Mexico City closely followed
events in Sonora and the rest of the north, seeking to influence their
direction. For Sonora, the rocky road toward national political integration began when President Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada intervened and
helped remove long-time caudillo Ignacio Pesqueira.Officials in Mexico
City recognized that in order to normalize relations with the United
States, the north needed stable and reliable state governments. Once in
power, Diaz paid close attention to developments in the Mexican north.
The presence of strong local elites determined the federal government's
ability to influence events in most northern states. In Chihuahua, for
example, Diaz was forced to negotiate with the Terrazasclan in order to
reach a workable compromise between federal and local interests.15In
Sonora, however, Diaz found a compliant group of young Sonoran
politicos who shared his agenda. Supported by Diaz military emissary,
Jose Guillermo Carbo, they vanquished interim governor Vicente Mariscal and ended Lerdistaplans in Sonora. With the approvalof the central
government, a triumviratecomposed of LuisTorres, Ramon Corral, and
RafaelIzabal assumed power. Unlike former political figures, which governed with varying degrees of autonomy, the triumvirate'scontrol of the
state, in the final analysis, rested on the militaryand the political backing
of the federal government. They repeatedly used the support of the
center to neutralize political opponents. Besides economic control by
the United States, Sonoran elites gradually relinquished political autonomy to Mexico City.
The Diaz economic program for Mexico depended on the nation's
ability to lure foreign capital to invest in railroads,mining, and agriculture. By establishing a strong and stable national government and reversing laws which hindered foreign investment, the architects of the Porfiriato hoped to attractAmerican and European capital. Encouraged by
profits derived from early trade with Californiaand Arizona, most Sono15. Ibid.
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ran notables welcomed Porfirianplans. They actively participatedin accelerating the process of economic change in their state, speculating in
land and mines, hoping to resell them to foreigners at a hefty profit.
With proven mineral reserves in silver, copper, gold, and coal, Sonora
attracted large numbers of foreign investors. The north in general, and
Sonora in particular,became a showcase for the economic policies of the
Porfiriato.The federal government had only considered the immediate
problem of political integration; the difficult issue of cultural cohesion
would remain a challenge for twentieth-century politicians.16
MOVING TO CENTER STAGE
From a relative backwater in the Mexican republic, Sonora by the
turn of the century had become one of the most prosperous states in
Mexico as well as the largest recipient of United States mining investments. By 1902 Americans had invested "$37,500,000 in Sonora, of
which over three quartersor $27,800,000 was in mining." By contrast,
in the other northern states American investments in mining totaled
$21,300,000 in Chihuahua, $13,900,000 in Coahuila, and $11,400,000
in Nuevo Leon.17The presence of German, French, Spanish, American,
British, Spanish, and even Guatemalan consular offices in Hermosillo
attested to the state'snewfound internationalimportance.18Within a few
short years, Sonora underwent a visible social transformation,abandoning traditional agricultureand rurallife and appearingto embarkon the
path toward modernization.
For many norteiios, progress and modernization became synonymous with commercial ties to the United States. This characterization
of progress facilitatedthe rapid diffusion of North American values and
customs. The previous frontier life, marked by extreme hardships and a
weak economy, offered little attraction. Most elites willingly jettisoned
16. Martinez, Troublesome
Border,p. 121. Most programsfor culturalintegration originated in the late 1950s and early 1960s.
17. Annual Reportof the CommercialRelations betweenUnited States and ForeignNations, North America: Mexico (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1903), pp.
436-39. Reporting Year 1902.
18. Archivo del Boletin Oficial (hereafterA.B.O.), La Constitution,August 3, 1883
n.32, p. 4. Notice regarding opening of new consulates. Archivo Historico del Gobierno
del Estado de Sonora (hereafterA.H.G.E.S.), Carpeton 13. Don Leon Gutierrez named
Spanish consul in Guaymas,April 14, 1879, Sec. Relaciones Exteriores.
Sonora *
435
traditionaleconomic ties with European interests and embracedcontact
with the north. Upper classes readilyaccepted American customs, utilizing them to augment their traditional cultural repertoire.They saw no
contradiction in the incorporation of American foreign customs and
norms as part of their Sonoran lifestyle. In everything from education,
language, luxuryand consumer goods, and even dress, this group looked
north. Gradually,common folk also became exposed to foreign influences. The public purchased low-priced American goods, drank St.
Louis beer, and developed an interest in playing sports such as baseball.
But beyond these limited activities, the materialconditions for the widespread dissemination of American culture were not present among the
lower socioeconomic stratum of the population. Mexican and Indian
labor confronted a labor hierarchyand a dual wage system dominated
by Anglo-Americans. As elites sought to differentiate themselves from
the common population, culturalpreferencesincreasinglymasked social
and class differences. Over time the infusion of American norms and
customs increased the social distance between northern elites and the
common folk.
Completion of the Sonoran railroadin 1882, built by the AtchisonTopeka, linked the port city of Guaymas in the south to the Arizona
border in the north, partially ending Sonora's isolation. After years of
desolation, many heralded this event as the beginning of a new era in
the state. Sonorans, one commentator observed, were being "pushed by
the forces of civilization arriving from the north,55not from Mexico in
the south.19As had been predicted, the railroadinvigorated the economy
by stimulating large-scalemining and commercial agriculturefor export
to the United States. The arrivalof the railroadalso turned the tide in
the war against the Indians, as it facilitated the movement of government troops through the state.
The construction of the railroad was the culmination of social and
economic changes taking place along the Arizona-Sonora border since
the 1850s. Beginning in that decade, Sonora initiated the gradual process of economic integration with Californiaand laterArizona. Sonoran
merchants and hacendadosprofited by exporting wheat and other products to the new American territories while laborers migrated to these
areas to work. As Mexicans went north, Americans looked south. Attracted by legends of mineral wealth, growing numbers of Americans
19. A.B.O., "La prensa en Sonora," La Constitution,August 15, 1881, n.4, p. 3.
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moved to Arizona and Sonora as word of "untold mineraltreasures,vast
grazing ranges bathed in sunshine and a new frontier"spread throughout the United States. One miner, Robert Ekey, for example, settled in
the areawhen news of the "opening of a border empire along the Mexican-Arizona border reached California."20As had occurred earlier in
California, hundreds of Americans now saw Sonora as the new land of
opportunity.
As Americansmoved in, the state underwent rapideconomic changes,
forcing its people to grapple with new social issues. The survival of
Sonora'sregional customs and traditions became a hotly contested subject. In 1881, an editorial in La Constitution,the state's official newspaper, summarized Sonora's predicament: "We are in the presence of a
great and powerful race, that although friendly tends to absorb us. Without realizing it, we have fallen into the terrible dilemma faced by Hamlet: To be or not to be."21Many Sonorans feared that American economic forces and customs would eventually dominate their state and
undermine its culture.22To counter the American-sponsored railroad,
opponents retracedSonora'sprevious experience with American filibusters. Consequently, the Sonoran railroad,the principalstimulus of these
changes, had many critics. Fierce debates over the implications of a railroad were common in the local press and in the state assembly.23Mexico
City also feared the implications of Sonora's close ties to the United
States. They expressed concern about the political and culturalrepercussions of constructing a railroadbetween an isolated and distant Sonora
and its powerful neighbor to the north. President Sebastian Lerdo de
Tejada had underscored this concern when, in reference to a railroad
between Sonora and the United States, he said that "between a strong
nation and a weak one, the best defense is a desert."24With Diaz in the
presidency, proponents of the railroad triumphed over their military
opponents in Mexico City and commercial adversariesin Sonora.
20. Arizona Historical Society, Tucson (hereafterA.H.S.), Biographical File, Ada E.
Jones, ms-389, p. 2, folder 9.
21. A.B.O., La Constitution,June 4, 1881, n.27, p. 4, "Quien vencera siempre es el
progreso." "To be or not to be" appeared in English.
22. See A.B.O., "Gacetilla,El Ferrocarril,"La Constitution,April 29, 1880; Tomo II,
n.17, pp. 3-4.
23. See for example, A.B.O., "Profecia del diputado Lemus," La Estrellade Octidente,
December 10, 1869, p. 4.
24. Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, cited in David Pletcher, "The Development of Railroads in Sonora," Inter-AmericanEconomicAffairs 1, 4(1948): 15.
Sonora *
437
LA FRONTERA
Prior to 1882, Sonora had no permanent settlements in the area of
the future border. Even its aduanas, or customs houses, were inland at
Magdalena and Fronteras.Along the banks of the Rio Grande, by comparison, some Mexican settlements dated from the eighteenth century.25
These early villages attracted population, evolving their own set of customs and traditions prior to the establishment of an international border.26In contrast, border settlements in Sonora developed as a direct consequence of economic exchange with the United States. As the railroad
neared completion, new towns, such as Nogales, Sonora, and Nogales,
Arizona, appearedalong the once unpopulated border.Nogales, Sonora,
flourished and within two years it had a population of over one thousand residents, formally becoming a state municipality.27From their inception, life in these new communities revolved around their roles as
border cities. "AmbosNogales" prospered as links in the thriving copper
mining and commercial trade between Sonora and Arizona. Each settlement depended on the other for its existence. In describing their interdependence, the Oasis,a Nogales, Arizona, newspaper,assertedthat "we
speak of the two towns as one, for they are reallysuch, being divided by
an imaginary line only, which passes along the center of the international strip, or more properly speaking street."28
Mexican businessmen in Nogales took full advantage of the interdependent border and the Zona Libre,which by 1884 included most of the
northern states. They imported American fabrics and manufactured
clothing in the border region. Afterwards, much to the chagrin of merchants to the south, these products were resold as Mexican goods.29
Sonorans living on the border also enjoyed the benefits of the Zona
Libre. They preferredpurchasing the bulk of their consumer goods on
the American side. Americans walked across to the Sonoran side to buy
25. See Gilberto Miguel Hinojosa, A BorderlandsTownin Transition,Laredo, 17551870 (College Station: TexasA & M Press, 1983) and Arnoldo de Leon, The TejanoCommunity (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982).
26. For Paso del Norte see Oscar J. Martinez, BorderBoomTown:CiudadJuarez since
1848 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1975), p. 12.
27. A.B.O., La Constitution,July 11, 1884, Tomo VI, n.29, p. 3. Publication of law
which decreed Municipality of Nogales, Sonora.
28. Oasis, May 13, 1899, p. 2.
29. A.H.G.E.S., Tomo 1625, May 19, 1900. Petition from the residents and merchants of Santa Cruz, in opposition to the Zona Libre.
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Parisianfashions at "La Moda," an emporium owned by merchantJose
Camou, as well as vegetables, fruits, and other foods. Bakers, butchers,
and grocers from one side sold their products on the other.30Saloons,
dance halls, and other establishments of ill repute proliferated in both
towns. First-time American visitors to Nogales were urged to "eat and
sleep on the Arizona side and drink and smoke on the Mexican side. The
purchasing power of the American two- bits doubles on the Mexican
side of the line."31
Despite the many vicissitudes they faced, out of practical necessity
the early residents of "Ambos Nogales" learned to cooperate with each
other. Reflecting their mutual interdependence, retailerson both sides
formulated an agreement to regulate the hours that stores would be
open in order to avoid undue competition and "the mid-day heat."32By
closing during the noon hour, American businessmen incorporated a
Mexican custom. American and Mexican merchantsalso freely accepted
either the peso or the dollar in commercial transactions, a practice
frowned upon elsewhere in Arizona.33This mutual rapport extended to
the government of both cities. Mexican and American leaders, such as
A. L. Peck, George Marsh, Edward Titicomb, Anton Proto, Ignacio
Bonillas, and Manuel Mascarenasbelonged to the same Masonic lodge
and other social clubs, thereby contributing to the social harmony.34
Town leaders sought to resolve local matters on a personal basis without involving outside officials from their respective governments. In so
doing, they adopted an informal, less structuredapproachto conducting
politics and business affairs.A letter from the leadershipof the Masonic
lodge of Nogales, Arizona, to Mascarenas,then presidentof the Nogales,
Sonora, city council, recognized:
that petty international questions are almost unavoidable owing
to our peculiar international situation. We believe that such questions, not affecting the dignity of either nation can best be settled
30. A.H.G.E.S., Lajusticia, March 29, 1914, Tomo I, n.121, p. 1. During the revolution, the border was periodicallyclosed. The newspaperlamented the effects of the closure
on Sonora's border merchants, in particular,grocery stores who depended on this trade.
31. A.H.S.,Arizona Graphic,October 7, 1899, Vol. I, n.4, p. 2.
32. Oasis, July 9, 1909, Vol. Ill, n.9, p. 4.
33. A.H.G.E.S., El Monitor, Nogales, Arizona, May 13, 1899; Ano VIII, n.l, p. 2.
34. Pimeria Alta Historical Society, Ephemeral Collection, "Societies, Mormons,"
Records of Nogales, Arizona, Masonic Lodge II, charterAugust 6, 1892.
Sonora *
439
among ourselves without involving our respectivegovernments in
vexatious international controversies.35
As the population grew, border life became more complex. It was not
always possible to maintain harmonious relations between "Ambos
Nogales." Notwithstanding their collective existence, the two Nogaleses
possessed distinct cultures. Although commonly described as "twin sisters," according to the Arizona Graphic,a Phoenix magazine, Ambos
Nogales maintained different public identities, "one blonde and the
other brunette."36Despite a shared locale, Nogales, Sonora, still represented the traditions of Mexico and Nogales, Arizona, those of the
United States.
Border life involved an intricate balance of diverse cultures and interests.With no physicalobstacle to bar contact between the two towns,
conflicts between individuals frequently spilled over the border. Clashes
along the border included arguments between estranged couples, common fistfights, disagreements between business partners, and on occasion, even majorinternationalconfrontations such as those that occurred
during the Mexican Revolution. Local government officials, Mexican
and American, repeatedly interceded in disputes between Sonorans and
Arizonans. If not resolved quickly, petty personal clashes between Mexicans and Americans could easily escalate into international incidents.
As friction persisted, Sonoran officials proposed various solutions to
lessen the likelihood of direct contact between Americans and Mexicans.
In the aftermathof one 1887 fracasinvolving a Mexican colonel and his
disaffected mistress, the governor of Sonora, Luis Torres, proposed to
President Diaz that the federal government establish a special vacant
zone of approximately 100 meters, on the Mexican side, between the
two towns, in order to prevent future confrontations.37In the wake of
another "borderincident" at Naco in 1899, Mexican consul Mascarenas
proposed the construction of a "steel fence between neighboring border
35. Special Collections, University of Arizona (hereafter S.C.U.A.), ms-14, box 5,
folder 3, August 21, 1893. Free and Accepted Order of Mason, Nogales Lodge 11 of
F.A.M. to Manuel Mascarenas.
36. A.H.S.,Arizona Graphic,Phoenix, Arizona, October 7, 1899, Vol I, n.4, p. 1.
37. Archivo Porfirio Diaz (hereafterA.P.D.), L12, C5, n.002452, March 25, 1887.
Luis Torres to Porfirio Diaz.
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cities" in order to preventpotential conflicts.38According to Mascarenas,
in addition to limiting conflict, the fence would end "jurisdictionalproblems on the border, deter contraband, and prevent cattle rustling."39
President Diaz rejectedany unilateralproposals indicating that it was ill
advised to cede any land which Americans might later claim as theirs.40
The construction of a fence along the border would not have impeded
the spread of cultural norms between these towns. American customs
became common practice on the Mexican side, while traditional Sonoran ways of life soon became part of the culture of Anglo-Americans
living in Arizona. Americans adopted a host of social and national celebrations common in Sonora.41In 1898 large numbers of Americans
attended a Mexican circus performance in Nogales, Sonora.42During
Christmas, Americans frequented events such as dances and posadas
which were held on the other side or uel otro lado."43With little previous
tradition in Arizona to rely upon, many Anglo-Americans willingly
adapted to Mexican culture.
Having arisen simultaneously, neither town had a long history of
established conventions. Ambos Nogales borrowed from each other, but
they also created a cultural fusion where new practices emerged. In
1895, for example, Ambos Nogales jointly celebrated a Latin American
carnival.Promoters on the American side compared the border carnival
to New Orleans'Mardi Gras and launched a campaign to attracttourists
from throughout the southwest United States. Accordingly, they announced that "the fiesta will be remarkablysuccessful and will draw a
large concourse of people from all parts of Arizona, New Mexico, and
The sight of Americans and Mexicans dressed in cosSonora . . .5?44
tumes, riding on "carrosalegoricos" or floats and "throwing flour on
each other" even attracted the attention of the New YorkTimes,which
described the event as "an international episode of the most commendable sort."45For Nogales elites, the maintenance of amicable relations
38. S.C.U.A., Manuel Mascarenas,ms 14, box 5, folder 6, December 21, 1899. Mascarenasto Ignacio Mariscal, Foreign Relations, Mexico. Also in A.H.G.E.S.,Tomo 1567,
March 1, 1900. Consul of Nogales to Governor of Sonora.
39. Ibid.
40. A.P.D., L12, C5, n.002452, March 25, 1887. Diaz to Torres.
41. Oasis, May 15, 1899, p. 2.
42. Oasis,April 18, 1896, p. 2.
43. Oasis, December 6, 1894, p. 5.
44. Oasis, January19, 1895, p. 4.
45. NewTorkTimes,March 24, 1895, 29:6.
Sonora *
441
between both towns provided the foundation for continued economic
prosperity.
Besides Nogales, mining and business development along the border
led to the founding of other towns, such as Naco and Agua Prieta.
American counterparts to these settlements soon followed. Opposite
Naco, Sonora, appeared Naco, Arizona, and alongside Agua Prieta, Sonora, sprang up Douglas, Arizona. These towns underwent similarmodifications in the organization of everyday life. For instance, during a
visita or official inspection in 1901, the district prefect reported that in
Naco few people used the metric system, lots for houses had been measured in feet, and merchants sold goods by the pound, not the kilo.
Signs in stores, cantinas, and hotels appeared in English, not Spanish.
Merchants charged for their goods in "oro" (American dollars), not
Mexican pesos.46Fearinga loss of sovereignty and foreign culturaldominance, the prefect ordered that all tracts be remeasured in meters and
that English signs be taken down. The situation at Agua Prieta paralleled
that of Naco.
MINING ENCLAVES
With American investments increasing throughout the state, other
areas, distant from the border, also experienced major transformations.
Similarly to Nogales, the founding of most of these settlements remained directly tied to economic interaction with Americans.Although
a handful of Sonorans had previously worked mines at Cananea, La
Colorada, Nacozari, and Minas Prietas, no permanent Mexican settlements existed at these sites. As a result, American economic interest and
even culture, dictated the organization of life in these areas. In the district of Arizpe, Cananea, an American creation, the brainchildof American speculator Colonel William C. Greene, exhibited all the typical characteristicsof a booming frontier mining town. Founded in 1900, within
five years it had a population of 20,000 people, becoming the largest
city in Sonora.47In recognition of its newfound importance, local authorities reported directly to the governor, bypassing the district prefect.
46. A.H.G.E.S., Tomo 1695, March 22, 1901, exp. 1. District Prefect of Arizpe
Ramon Cardenato Governor of Sonora.
47. A.H.G.E.S., ElHeraldo de Cananea, July 29, 1905, Ano III, n.47, p. 1.
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Besides Americans, the large influx of foreigners, including Europeans,
Middle Easterners,Asians, and other Latin Americans, made the clash
of cultures particularlyacute in Cananea.The municipal president, Filiberto Vasquez Barroso, complained about the "constantwave of humanity from all over the world that flocks to this place to eke out an existence." Efforts to "coalescethis heterogeneous and dissimilarpopulation
present us with a never ending problem."48
Although miners from all over the world flocked to Cananeain search
of wealth, American culture dominated life in this booming Sonoran
town. Cananea'snewspapers served a bilingual readership, commonly
publishing articles and advertisements in both English and Spanish.
Stores sold the latest American products, including California wines,
Milwaukee beer, Levi Strauss pants, and Stetson hats.49Most houses
reflected American construction designs, generally wood frame construction rather than Mexican adobe.50American and Mexican miners
lived in separateand distinct neighborhoods.51On occasion, Americans
living in Cananea publicly celebrated holidays like the Fourth of July,
calling on others in Arizona and New Mexico to join them. They placed
full-page ads in the Arizona press announcing "Fourthof July in Mexico.
. . . The Eagle will Scream.Come one come all and join us in the greatest
celebration ever held in the Southwest."52 United States miners in
Cananea saw no contradiction in public celebrations of American independence in Mexico.
Daily life in other mining boom towns, such as La Colorada and
neighboring Minas Prietas, in the district of Hermosillo, resembledthat
of Cananea. As in most mining centers, scores of saloons and brothels
dominated the central street in town. Despite attempts by the local comisario to restrictthe hours in which bars could open, public drunkenness
and street brawls occurred with regularity. In addition to maintaining
the public order, local authorities had to grapple with the problems
posed by the widely diverse ethnic population. Officials kept a tight rein
48. A.H.G.E.S., Tomo 1807, exp. n.1-2, and Tomo 1808, exp. n.14. Report of
Filiberto Vasquez Barroso, Municipal President of Cananea, September 16, 1902 and
September 16, 1903.
49. See A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, Cananea Herald-Heraldo,November 25, 1907, Vol.
VI, n.13, pp. 3-4.
50. See Mane Robinson Wright, Mexico:A Historyof its Progressand Developmentin
One Hundred Tears(Philadelphia: George Barrie& Sons, 1911), p. 443.
51. See Ruiz, The PeopleofSonora, pp. 86-87.
52. Oasis, July 2, 1904, p. 3.
Sonora *
443
on the populace, enforcing a clear order which placed Americans at the
top of the social hierarchy,followed by Germans and Italians employed
as mine foremen and engineers, Chinese who representedthe small merchants of the town, and finally Mexicans and Yaquiswho comprised the
general labor force. Away from the mines, clashes between Mexicans and
foreigners occurred frequently. Mexicans and Indians resented the low
pay, dangerous working conditions, and above all, the ill treatment they
received at the hands of the foreigners. Authorities regularly arrested
Mexicans for "faltandoel respeto a un Americano o a un Chino," showing disrespect to an American or a Chinese.53
CULTURE AND LANGUAGE
In areas where Americans concentrated, such as Cananea in the
north, La Colorada in the central region, and Empalme (called Junction
City by Americans) in the south, they sought to recreate their former
lifestyle. In these economic and cultural enclaves, they organized baseball teams and celebrated holidays such as Thanksgiving and the Germanic version of Christmas. The Guaymas newspaper, El National^reported that "in Empalme, American families are hosting a magnificent
feast to which many people have been invited. Turkeys,ready to go into
the oven, are on their way from Kansas, Los Angeles, and Phoenix in
refrigeratedcars."54In Cananea, the mining company observed Thanksgiving as an official holiday. The Cananea Herald announced that
'Thursday and Friday of this week will be observed as Thanksgiving
holiday."55Celebrations of this sort included primarilySonoran middle
and upper classes.
Thanksgiving continued to be totally foreign to most Mexicans and
never gained a strong following in the state. The American rendition of
Christmas, however, which included the evergreen tree and the sharing
of gifts on December twenty-fifth, touched a sympathetic chord in So53. See Archivo Municipal del Ayuntamiento de la Colorada, Caja 1, Tesoreria, sn.
1894-1903, January31, 1899. Report of Comisario Miguel Hermosa. Also see Presidencia, Caja 1, 1897-1904, March 1897.
54. El National, Guaymas, November 12, 1912, n.18. "Thanksgiving Day Announcement."
55. A.H.G.E.S., Cananea Herald-Heraldo,November 25, 1907, Vol. VI, n.13, p. 1.
Also El Correode Sonora,November 19, 1901, Ano IV, n.1075, p. 3. The American proclamation of Thanksgiving appeared in the Sonoran press.
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nora. Americans invited Mexican notables and officials to their celebrations and slowly this group imitated these customs. In border communities such as Nogales, the evergreentree became a symbol of the Christmas
spirit for broader segments of the population. In 1894, for example,
residents of Nogales, Sonora, held parties to raise funds to purchase a
Christmas tree to display at the city's central plaza.56Hoping to take
advantage of the new spirit, stores on both sides of the line held special
Christmas sales. According to the Impartial, a Guaymas newspaper,
northerners celebrated Christmas "in the American fashion."57By emphasizing the American practice, the Latin American tradition of exchanging gifts on January6th, the Feast of the Epiphany, slowly lost its
traditional popularity.
In addition to adopting new and different holidays, Sonorans developed an affinity for American sports, in particular,baseball.The origins
of baseball in Sonora are traced to American sailors who played the
game while on leave in the port city of Guaymas in the 1870s. Reportedly, Mexican children who watched the sailors began to play it themselves. Gradually,the game spread to the major towns in the state, especially to those where Americans lived, such as Nogales and Cananea. In
Empalme and Guaymas, railroad workers formed teams that included
Americans and Mexicans.58Travelby railroadfacilitated games between
cities and gradually a statewide league took shape. The language of the
game soon developed a decidedly Spanish intonation. Spanish adaptations of terms such as un honron,unpicher,un strike,el manager,and un
cacheobecame commonplace. The popularity of baseball contributed to
the social cohesion of many Sonoran communities. It provided a common bond and increasedthe opportunity for interaction between different social classes.
For aspiring groups, Sonoran economic and social ties with the
United States made learning English an imperative and the number of
schools offering it soon increased.59Private schools had previously offered English instruction, although it had not been given a priority,
56. Oasis, December 6, 1894, p. 5.
57. El Impartial. Guavmas, December 27, 1909, n.1209 p. 3.
58. See Miguel S. Durazo, El beisbolen Sonora(HermosiUo: Durazo, 1956), p. 10.
59. A.B.O., La Estrella de Occidente,January 15, 1869, p. 4. The paper carried an
ad for a "new" English school run by Carlos F. Gompertz in the home of Florencio
Monteverde. In Alamos, to the south, another English school opened later that same
year.
Sonora *
445
being taught along with French and, to a lesser extent, Latin.60The
practical benefits associated with English caused Sonoran upper and
middle classes to frown upon the learning of Romance languages. The
Guaymas newspaper El Noticioso,for example, argued that learning English was for the "fronterizos [people of the border] a real avocation,
because young people who speak it are assuredgood paying jobs in any
business."61
Depending on their financial status, families eager to have their children learn English sent them off to Catholic boarding schools in the
United States and Mexico City. Schools in California, such as the Santa
Catalina Girls School, regularlyadvertised their services in the Sonoran
press.62In 1888, Mascarenas,while a city councilman of Nogales, Sonora, sent his children to school in Los Angeles in order to further their
education and, above all, for them to learn English.63The merchantJose
Camou of Hermosillo and Alejandro Ainslie, the editor of the state's
official newspaper La Constitution,sent their children to Mexico City
for an education and to master English.64Many parents, unfamiliarwith
the north, preferredsending their children to Mexico City where business associates or relatives could look after them. Those who did not
have ties in Los Angeles or Mexico City, enrolled them in the recently
established University of Arizona at Tucson, or in one of the many public and private institutions which taught English in the state.
In Sonora, English became the language of business, and elites incorporated it into their vocabulary.65Correspondence from CristinaCamou
in Mexico City to her father Jose in Hermosillo contained a smattering
of English, while his letters to her began "Dear Chamaca."66Knowledge
of English opened doors, improved employment opportunities, and,
60. Biblioteca Central de la Universidad de Sonora, Coleccion Pesqueira,Tomo III,
1851-1856, November 18, 1852. Announcement of classes offered by the Colegio de
Sonora.
61. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, ElNoticioso,Guaymas, July 27, 1910, Ano XI, p. 1.
62. A.B.O., La Constitution, Several, November 11, 1880, p. 3, and February 11,
1887, Tomo IV, p. 4.
63. S.C.U.A., Manuel Mascarenasms-14, n.14, August 7, 1888. Manuel Mascarenas
to Rafael Ruiz.
64. Archivo Historico del Museo Regional de la Universidad de Sonora (hereafter
A.H.M.R.U.S.), Cartas Camou, n.44-46, November 16, 1888. Jose Camou to his children Eugenio y Ernesto in Mexico City. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, La Libertad,Guaymas,
July 2, 1902,n.l05.
65. S.C.U.A., Manuel Mascarenas, September 18, 1888, ms-14, n.39. Mascarenas
congratulated his children for their letters in English.
66. See A.H.M.R.U.S., Cartas Camou, April 4, 1906.
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many believed, raised one's social standing. The ability to speak French
and Latin offered no such practicaladvantages.When a priest at a Los
Angeles school, for example, attempted to teach councilman Mascarenas'
children Latin and Greek, he objected, saying that these "deadlanguages
. . . were of no use in Sonora." According to Mascarenas, time spent
learning Greek or Latin could be put to better use learning "accounting
or other matters of importance to their careers."67
By the 1880s, English had become common within business circles.
Its use in commercial transactions and mining contracts became a concern for Sonoran officials worried about the legal and cultural ramifications that foreign language dominance could produce in the state. In
1881 the governor of the state prohibited its use in official documents
and private contracts. To add teeth to the decree, the state government
refused to recognize the legality of contracts not written in Spanish.
Also due to growing American influence, the state in 1884 established
"the metric system as the only valid measurement in commerce and real
estate."68Yet English steadily gained popularity, gradually permeating
the Spanish vocabulary, ensuring its commonplace use. Government
officials, at all levels, continued receiving correspondence in English and
had to either learn the language or employ translators.69
Even among lower socioeconomic groups varying degrees of bilingualism became a notable feature of border life during the latter half of
the nineteenth century. Hoping to capitalize on the growing bilingualism, El Fronterizo,a Spanish-languageTucson newspaper,offered an
English-Spanish dictionary "especially created to suit the needs of the
border area."70The use of English, however, never actually replaced
Spanish, but rather served to highlight or accentuate a point, describe
a particularlynew phenomenon, and to a degree, demonstrate "social
standing." At times, in the absence of a Spanish equivalent, English
terms became acceptableto Spanish speakers,as in the case of "beisbol."
To describe a family Sunday outing, Sonorans frequently used the word
"picnic."The Nogales, Sonora, newspaper,El Monitor, reported in En-
67. S.C.U.A., Manuel Mascarenas,ms-14, n.472, December 14, 1890. Mascarenasto
Don Mariano Roman in San Francisco,California.
68. A.B.O., La Constitution,January25, 1884, Tomo VI, n.4, p. 1. The actual decree
was promulgated on December 14, 1883.
69. See for example A.H.G.E.S., Carpeton 454, July 30, 1856. Letter from Charles
P. Stone to Governor Pesqueira,translatedand certified byTomas Robinson.
70. See El Fronterizo,January25, 1880, p. 1.
Sonora *
447
glish that "picnics and ice-cream parties" had become the rage among
young people on weekends.71Eager to attract business from both sides
of the border, the Orquesta Hernandez of Nogales, Sonora, advertised
its services in English for "parties and picnics."72At first employed
primarily by the upper classes, English words soon filtered down and
most social groups adopted their use in everydaylife.
The prolific Sonoran press became a constant source of English.
Newspapers regularlyattempted to embellish stories by using English.
Talksby politicians were commonly referredto as "haciendo un speech,"
or giving a speech. The arrival of an American was described as "la
llegada de un gentleman."73In reporting on society events, the press
typically characterizedthem as gatherings of the "High Life."74Hoping
to capitalize on the social status of this word, the brewery Cerveceriade
Sonoranamed its lager beer "High Life." Bars and restaurants,eager to
attract both Mexican and foreign patrons, advertised "lunch and sandwiches," as well as "bottled imported draftbeer from St. Louis, Missouri,
served day and night." 75La Luz Electrica,a saloon in Hermosillo which
promoted itself as designed in the "Yankeefashion," included a bar and
a stage with live entertainment provided by two American women who
sang and danced nightly.76For the price of a beer, patrons also saw an
exhibition by the linterna magica (slide show) of Niagara Falls, which
the owner had imported from the United States. At another establishment, two American blacks danced on stage nightly.77Saloons served
draft beer in a "pichel"or pitcher to patrons who played on a "mesa de
pool" or billiardtable.78Hotels, stores, and other commercial establishments which sought to impress customers or catered to foreigners dis-
71. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El Monitor, Nogales, Ano VIII, n.20, June 16, 1893, pp.
2-3.
72. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, ElTrdfico,Nogales, Vol. I, n.2, June 1, 1892, p. 4. Advertisement for Orquesta Hernandez.
73. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El Impartial, Guaymas, December 23, 1896, Ano V,
n.773, p. 3.
74. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El Ecodel Valle,Ures, May 3, 1894; Ano VI, n.46.
75. For example see A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El Estadode Sonora,October 12, 1895,
Tomo I, n.I. Also El Monitor,Ano XI, n.29, August 21, 1896.
76. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El Correode Sonora,March 22, 1899, Tomo II, n.338, p.
4. "La Luz Electrica."
77. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El Impartial, Guaymas, September 2, 1900, Ano VII,
n.1290, p. 2. "Gacetilla- Hermosillo."
78. A.H.M.R.U.S., SonoraModerno, March 11, 1905, p. 3, and A.H.G.E.S., El Porvenir,Caborca, November 4, 1909, Tomo I, n.3.
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played signs saying "English spoken here."79Not to be outdone, other
businesses indicated "English, German, French, and Italian spoken" in
their advertisements.80The consumption of American products and the
presence of a sizable American population gradually reinforced the use
of English words.
Language was only one expression of the broader changes taking
place in this northern Mexican society. The incorporation of language
also led to the modification of values and patterns of doing business.
Many firms, for example, began to publicize that they conducted business in the "Americanstyle." Bakeries represented their establishments
as "PanaderiasAmericanas," that sold "quekis" or cakes, a word still
heard in Sonora today.81Butchers purported to be "CarniceriaEstilo
Americano" (American style) and offered thick American cuts of beef
rather than thinly sliced Mexican steaks. Hotels, such as the California
in Guaymas, managed by a young Plutarco Elias Calles, advertised
"Modern American style," which meant private lavatories, showers, a
pool hall, a dining room, and a bar.82Similarly,many restaurantsclaimed
to serve American-stylefood. Ironically,one establishment, a drugstore
with a very patriotic name, the "Botica de Mexico de Benito Juarez,"
advertised American, English, French, and German remedies, though
not Mexican drugs.83Although on the surface these changes appear
minor, their accumulativeeffect began to reshapethe tastes and customs
of middle and upper class nortenos. For many Sonoran social groups,
the United States rather than Mexico became their cultural point of
reference.
Changes in language and manner of conducting business were not
without their critics. The constant use of English, according to some
commentators, corrupted the Spanish language and the culture of Sonora. For instance, a columnist for El Impartial promised his readers
79. A.B.O., La Constitution,April 17, 1885, Tomo VII, n.16, p. 4. Advertisement for
Hotel Palacio in Hermosillo. Also see A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El Monitor Democrdtico,
Hermosillo, February 8, 1912, n.148, p.4. Advertisement for Hotel Central. The hotel
also claimed to serve fresh oysters and Mumms Champagne.
80. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, La Libertad,Guaymas, January5, 1902. Advertisement
"Hotel Gambuston Se habla Ingles, Francesy Italiano."
81. A.H.G.E.S., El Heraldo de Cananea, February 1, 1903, Vol. I, n.2, p. 2, and El
Heraldode Cananea, October 28, 1905, Vol. IV, n.8, p. 2.
82. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, La Libertad,Guaymas, April 26, 1902, n.95. Advertisement Hotel California "Estilo Moderno Americano"or Modern American Style. Also see
Gilberto Escobosa Gamez, Cronicas,cuentosy leyendassonorenses(Hermosillo: Gobierno
del Estado de Sonora, 1984), p. 33.
83. A.H.M.R.U.S., Periodicos, El Hqgar Catolico,Hermosillo, January1, 1903, Tomo
I, n.l, p. 1.
Sonora *
449
that in his articles "you will not find phrases such as chic, sports, creme
and other foreign words which are used by pedantic persons who want
to appearwell versed in three or four languages, but who in realitywind
up butchering their own.5'84The writer for El Impartial pledged to use
only Spanish. Such ridicule, however, did not seem to carry much
weight among notables, and the use of English continued to spread.
When Sonoran caudillo Luis Torres decided to rent his home in Hermosillo, the ad in the local newspaper appearedin English.85As the use
of English became popularized throughout Sonora it underwent modification and increasinglydeveloped a Spanish intonation. In keeping with
Spanish grammar, English words were written the way they sounded.
For example, names such as Hughes, became "Hugues," words like thrift
store became "triststore," discount, became "descount,"and fancy, "fan"86
cey. Sonorans5Spanish adaptation of English guaranteed its permanent place in the state'svocabulary.
NORTHERN
PRAGMATISM
Within Mexico, nortenos have traditionally been characterized as
pragmatists,people of action, not as philosophers or intellectuals.87Anthropologist Ignacio Bernalpoints out that "people from centralMexico
considered the Northerners . . . much more practical, enterprising and
efficient."88The struggle for survival in a harsh environment and conflicts with the Indians compelled the Sonorense to be "practical,not
only in their thinking but also in their way of life."89American values
84. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El Impartial, Guaymas October 22, 1892, Tomo III,
n.159, p. 1.
85. A.H.G.E.S., Tomo 2559, La Constitution,December 12, 1910, Tomo XLI, n.5.,
p. 3. The ad reads: "For Rent, A very beautiful home on the outskirts of town, seven
rooms and kitchen, fine garden, roses, apply to Luis E. Torres."
86. A.H.G.E.S., SonoraModerno,March 11, 1905, p. 1. Advertisement for a 'Thrift
Store" in Magdalena used: "Staples and Fancey Groceries, Descounts."
87. See Miguel Leon-Portilla, "The Norteno Variantof Mexican Culture"in Edward
Spicer and Raymond H. Thompson, eds., Plural Societyin the Southwest(New York:Weatherhead Foundation, 1972). Also see Luis Gonzales y Gonzalez, La rondade lasgeneraciones
(Mexico: Secretariade Education Piiblica, 1984).
88. See, for instance, Ignacio Bernal, "The Cultural Roots of the Border" in Stanley
R. Ross, ViewsAcrossthe Border:The United Statesand Mexico (Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press, 1978), pp. 25-32.
89. See Fernand Braudel, The Mediterraneanand the MediterraneanWorldin theAge
of Philip II (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), vol. 1, pp. 242-43. Braudel points out
that harsh climates frequently impose a certain frugality on life, in which the practical is
emphasized.
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and the nature of the state'sexport economy, reinforced this tendency.
Modifications in the educational system undertakenafter 1880 ensured
the continued stress on the utilitarian.
To accommodate the growing needs of an export economy, Sonoran
elites changed the organization and structureof many political and cultural institutions. The educational system, in particular,underwent several major overhauls. According to governor Ramon Corral, Sonora did
not need intellectuals, but rather "lawyers, doctors, statisticians, engineers, and bookkeepers."90The managers of Sonora'swealth believed
that technical and professional careers could eventually assist the state
on the path of "modernization"and development. Traditionalconcepts
of an education were redefined, as well as standardsof social class. Elites
who. at one time urged their children to be properly socialized and "cultured" now discouraged their children from learning music or art. Officials encouraged children in school to select "functional"careerswhich
would benefit the state. Educators extolled professions such as geology,
accountancy, mining, engineering, or telegraphy,while frowning on intellectual or artisticendeavors.When the children of Jose Camou, to cite
one case, sought to learn painting and piano, their fatherdiscouraged it,
insisting that knowledge of the piano and art was "simply social embellishment."91Mascarenas, whose children studied in California, shared
Camou'sview. When one of his sons requested permission to take piano
lessons, he objected. In a letter to Reverend Landry, school principal at
the Saint Vincent Academy in Los Angeles, he referredto knowledge of
the piano as simply "a social ornament."92The generation of youth
which matured during the Sonoran era of progress from 1880 to 1906
were imbued with this sense of pragmatism.
INTERNAL MIGRATION
Besides attractingAmericans, the promise of high wages in Sonoran
mines began to draw larger numbers of Mexican emigres. Mines in the
north paid as much as five pesos a day; by comparison, workers else-
90. Archivo Historico del Congreso del Estado de Sonora, box n.57, November 29,
1880. Speech by Ramon Corral.
91. A.H.M.R.U.S., Cartas Camou, March 11, 1889, n.312. Jose to Juan Camou.
92. S.C.U.A., Manuel MascarefiasCollection, ms-14, 1888, vol. 14, n.61.
Sonora *
451
where in Mexico could scarcelyhope to earn a fractionof that.93Hoping
to improve their economic situation, thousands of Mexican workers in
the 1890s began flocking to Sonora from neighboring states such as
Sinaloa and even from as far away as Oaxaca and Michoacan. Sonora's
population nearly doubled between 1888 and 1910, increasing from
150,391 to 265,383 inhabitants.94At the local level, the state census recorded the significant increasein the number of out-of-state Mexicans.95
Sonora, however, had no previous experience with Mexican emigration.
Its long-standing isolation had allowed it a relativelyautonomous existence. When Sonorans chose to migrate, they went north, either to California or to Arizona, ratherthan south to the interior of Mexico.96
Virtually unknown within the nation, few Mexicans ever considered
migrating to Sonora during most of the nineteenth century.97Mexicans
from other regions had been limited to a handful of Sinaloans and
Chihuahuans who periodically traded within the state. As word of Sonora's success spread throughout Mexico, conditions changed. Taking
advantage of rail connections to El Paso and new shipping lines in the
Pacific, Mexican immigrants began to arrive in Sonora after the 1890s.
Significant numbers of Chinese immigrants also made their way to Sonora. Some used Sonora as a conduit to enter the United States, while
many others settled in the state and engaged in commerce. Due to a
chronic labor shortage, the state at first welcomed most newcomers. By
the early 1900s, as outsiders engaged in commerce and competed for
jobs, some Sonorans openly complained about the rising numbers of
emigres in their state. When Ramon Corralreturnedtriumphantlyfrom
Mexico City, where he had just been appointed vice-president by Diaz,
Guaymas merchants sought his support in limiting immigration to the
state.98Despite their protestations, immigrants continued to arriveand
93. See CommercialRelations:Annual Reportof United States Consuls,NorthAmerica
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1902), p. 436.
94. See A.P.D., Legajo 40, Caja 2, n.(000090), Ano 1888, n.2, Antonio Penaflel,
Estadisticasde la RepublicaMexicana (Mexico: Ministerio de Fomento, 1889).
95. A.H.G.E.S., Carpeton 467, State Census 1892, and Carpeton 647, State census
1906. Census statistics were collected by district.
96. William Perkins,Journal of Life in Sonora, California, 1848-1852, James Scobie
and Dale L. Morgan, eds. (Berkeley:University of CaliforniaPress, 1964), p. 312. During
the gold rush, Sonorans were among the first miners to flock to California.
97. Jose Patricio Nicoli, El estadode Sonora,Taquisy Mayos, estudiohistorico(Mexico:
Imprenta de FranciscoDiaz de Leon, 1885), p. 10.
98. See, for example, Victor M. Venegas, "En favor de Sonora" in GuaymasComitede
receptionde la visitadeDon Ramon Corrala estepuerto,Noviembre1904 (Guaymas:Imprenta
de Eduardo Gaxiola, 1904), p. 11.
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Journal of the Southwest
tensions soon surfaced as the numbers of outsiders increased and cultural differences became points of conflict.
By its policies, the federalgovernment also contributed to social tensions by sending troops to Sonora from throughout Mexico. Military
forces concentrated in the Yaquiand Mayo valleysto keep the Indians in
check and ensure stability for foreign investments. Sonora continued to
be one of the few places in Mexico where the militarystill activelywaged
campaigns against Indians. Having been forcibly recruited in the interior of Mexico, many soldiers had no idea of what awaited them in the
state. The presence of these conscripts became an added source of friction between Sonorans and other Mexicans. After serving their stint in
the military, hundreds settled in the state, competing with native Sonorans for employment and becoming small-scale merchants. Faced with
numerous hardships, low pay, an unfamiliarterrain, and the prospect of
engaging the dreaded Yaquiin battle, many other soldiers deserted."
Many Sonorans objected to the military presence and began to refer
contemptuously to the federal soldiers and their families as guachos™
By the turn of the century the word guacho had gained widespread
popular acceptance despite government attempts to deter its use.101In
time, Sonorans employed this pejorativeterm to describe most Mexicans
from the center of the country. For example, when a fight broke out in
Guaymas, the local press reported it as "an altercation . . . between a
man [Sonoran] and a guacho [non-Sonoran]."The guacho, of course,
This growing regionalistic prejudice posed a problem
was arrested.102
for state and federalofficials. For instance, in Santa Cruz, when a poem
entitled ccwhois afraid of the guachos" appeared in a local paper, the
governor dispatched the prefect of Magdalena to personallysuppress its
circulation.103
The presence of travelingMexican salesmen further fueled a growing
regional prejudice.These agentcsviajerosrepresentedfactories from central Mexico and sold goods at lower prices than those offered by local
distributors.Because they only took orders, travelingagents also avoided
99. See, for example, A.H.G.E.S., Carpeton 823, 830, 831, Ramo Justicia, 1893.
Over 125 men deserted in one month.
100. See Horacio Sobarzo, Vocabulariosonorense(Hermosillo: Gobierno del Estado,
1984), p. 117.
101. Other northern Mexicans commonly use the term cbilangoto describe Southerners. By contrast, auachois used exclusively in Sonora.
102. A.H.G.E.S., El Cotreode Sonora,May 20, 1901, Ano IV, n.925, p. 2.
103. A.H.G.E.S., Tomo 2525, January1909. Governor to Prefect of Magdalena.
Sonora *
453
local taxes. By traveling on the Mexican Central railroadto Paso Norte
(present-dayCiudad Juarez) and then across to Nogales, Mexican merchants began to penetrate marketsin the north. This competition frightened many Sonoran retailers.Most functioned as middlemen who profited by inflating prices for merchandisethey sold. For decades a handful
of Sonoran merchant families had monopolized access to goods and
thereby controlled commerce. With the influx of travelingagents operating in the state, local merchantsworried that their monopoly over trade
would end. The presence of independent distributors undermined their
dominance, and allowed many smaller family-run shops, especially Chinese and centralMexican, to enter commerce and compete for the lower
end of a growing consumer market.
By 1905 lower priced goods produced in central Mexico competed
for shelf space with more expensive imported items. Next to American
salmon, deviled canned ham, corned beef, and baking powder (all in English) appearedmanteca Colima (lard), fosforos la Seguridad (matches),
In
jabon Cocula (soap), cigarros Dos Naciones, and cafe Veracruz.104
restaurantsand saloons, spirits from throughout Mexico such as Tequila
from Jalisco, Cerveza Cuauhtemoc and Pacifico received equal billing
with Sonora'sHigh Life and American Milwaukee and St. Louis beer.105
By 1904, Guaymashad the state'sfirstever corn tortilla factory imported
from central Mexico.106Cheaper clothing and fabric from Mexico also
increased in popularity over foreign textiles. In a letter to his partner in
Paris,merchant Jose Camou disclosed that "we have recently purchased
one thousand pieces of mezclilla [denim] from the Villa Union factory
which is better than anything made in Los Angeles."107
As Sonoran elites had feared, the "agentesviajerof undercut local
merchants,driving severalto the verge of bankruptcy.Sonoran printers,
for example, complained that they could not compete with prices offered by salesmen representing large concerns in Mexico City.108At the
104. A.H.M.R.U.S., Periodicos, El Comercio,Diario de Hermosillo,Enero 13, 1905,
Tomo II, n.10, p. 3. Advertisement for Casa Luis Encinas.
105. A.H.G.E.S., La Razon Social,Guaymas, November 15, 1897, Tomo I, n.6, p.4.
Advertisement for La Central.
106. A.H.G.E.S., Periodicos, El CriterioPublico,Guaymas, December 27, 1904, n.71.
Announcement for opening of tortilla factory in Guaymas.
107. A.H.M.R.U.S., Cartas Camou, June 26, 1907. J. Camou to L. Horvilleur
(Paris).
108. A.H.G.E.S., "Agentes viajeros," El Impartial, February 19, 1908, Ano XVII,
n.1083, p. 3.
454 *
Journal
of the Southwest
insistence of the Hermosillo Chamber of Commerce the governor restricted agents by imposing special regulations and levying taxes on
them.109Salesmen had to abide by strict ordinances in order to conduct
business in the state. When entering a new town, they first had to register with local officials. Hotel owners were requiredto inform authorities
about their presence. Several newspapers urged Sonorans to boycott
products sold by these traveling salesmen and to buy only from estabEfforts by merchants to keep control of their marlished merchants.110
kets fueled a cultural backlashagainst southern emigres. Many business
groups became vocal opponents of immigration, strong supporters of
regionalism, and proponents of northern autonomy.
THE SOCIAL COST OF MODERNIZATION
Sonora during the latter part of the nineteenth century underwent a
significant social transformation as a new export economy took root. A
vast arrayof foreign-owned enterprisesemploying thousands of workers
supplanted the lone prospector oxgambucino. In the countryside, largescale, export-oriented commercial agriculture and cattle ranching displaced the relatively self-sufficient campesinos. The once rural population confronted problems of rapid urbanization and extensive foreign
and domestic immigration. New political alliances evolved, dislocating
old elites. The state apparatus became an important instrument in the
introduction and maintenance of a new political order.111The state's
rapidtransformationfrom an isolated frontier to an internationalborder
fundamentally altered the life of the northerner.
In cattle production, mining, and even commerce, Sonoran upper
classes functioned mainly as middlemen for foreign capital. As this
group emphasized the needs of an export economy, it exalted practical
and economic achievements. Economic reliance on the north created
fertile conditions for the spread of American cultural norms. Material
incentives existed for the incorporation of the English language and
knowledge of American cultural practices. As many had feared, eco109. A.H.G.E.S., Tomo 1901, Proclamation del Gobernador, July 1, 1904.
110. A.H.G.E.S., El Impartial, February19, 1908, p. 3.
111. See Alejandra Moreno Toscano and Enrique Florescano, El sectorexternoy la
organization espacialy regional de Mexico (Puebla: Universidad Autonoma de Puebla,
1977), p. 59.
Sonora <f 455
nomic changes underway in the state acceleratedsocial transformations
in language, food, recreation,and dress, affecting broad segments of the
population. Modifications in the character and consciousness of the
Sonoran nortefio reinforced an earlier pragmatism characteristicof the
northern frontier experience. The arts, music, and other cultural activities, which previously had been signs of status, were recast, becoming
nostalgic reminders of times past. With the arrival of Americans and
later,Mexican emigrants, the marked social fabric and internal structure
which had once unified various Sonoran classes began to unravel.
As American influences permeated their society, Sonorans found
their own social position challenged by the presence of the foreigner.
The preferencegiven to Americans by politicians and notables produced
a cultural and political backlashamong many Sonorans. Jesus Ochoa, a
Mexican miner fired from an American mining company, complained
that it 'Svasimpossible for a poor Mexican to reachthe sublime good of
Sonojustice Athena as long as her hand was promised to the dollar."112
rans who had not reaped the benefits of economic change or who had
been excluded from the political process, now saw themselves increasingly subservient to foreign interests. Laments of "Sonora es de los Yankees"(Sonora belongs to the Yankees)were common among disgruntled
nortefios in the countryside, large mines, and cities. A leaflet in Cananea,
for example, site of an influential labor strike in 1906, remarked"how
can it be that in Mexico, Yankees,Blacks and Chinese are valued more
than Mexicans."113Social inequities and a dual wage system between
Americans and Mexicans performing the same work exposed the nature
of the new economic order, igniting political dissent and labor unrest in
Sonora.
Besides labor, other social groups also felt aggrieved by changes in
Sonora. Economic development had been uneven; while northern districts expanded, southern districts in Sonora, such as Alamos, Sahuaripa,
and parts of Guaymas, contracted. Removed from the border, with no
rail access, southern hacendados became resentful of northern successes.
Mining activity in this region plummeted and agriculturefloundered as
workers chose to migrate north where job opportunities existed. Gov112. See, for example, A.H.G.E.S., "Letter from Jesus O. Ochoa," El Cuarto Poder,
August 5, 1911, p. 5.
113. A.H.G.E.S., Tomo 1738, Legajo 3, "ObrerosMexicanos." Leaflet distributed in
Cananea, June 1906. Also see "Sonora para los Yankees,el sueno dorado," El Noticioso,
Guaymas, November 10, 1901, n.338, p. 1.
456 *
Journal
of the Southwest
ernment policies toward Yaquis,the backbone of southern labor, aggravated conditions in this area. Faced by this situation, an important body
of notables added their voices to the growing dissent raisedby labor and
other groups.
The rapid transformation of the political order and the traditional
way of life of the region fueled, in part, the unrest which unfolded in
Sonora after 1910. When a society, as political scientist Ernest Gellner
points out, undergoes periods of turbulent readjustment "in which
either political boundaries, or cultural ones, or both, were being modified," the process is frequently bound to be violent and conflict ridden.114Beyond obvious alterationsto local customs, changes in Sonoran
society served to amplify the political and economic inequities brought
about by what many perceived as foreign-inspired progress. These experiences shaped a new generation of leaderswho matured during Sonora's era of "progress" and who later dominated Mexico during and
after the Revolution. *
114. Ernest Gellner,Nationsand Nationalism(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983),
p. 40.

Sonora: The Making of a Border Society, 1880-1910

Transcription

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