Negative Societalisation

Transcription

Racism and the Constitution of Race
Wulf D. Hund
Abstract: Racism goes through various stages of development and it uses different patterns of social inclusion and exclusion. Since ancient times, these have been organised in pairs of opposites, which include, among others, the cultivated and the barbarians, the chosen and the outcasts, the civilised and the savages and ¿QDOO\WKHZKLWHVDQGWKHFRORXUHGV7KHLUORJLFWXUQVWKHGLVFULPLQDWHGRWKHUV
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can see themselves as a uniform and superior group. Even those who are eco-
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and its promise to be able to distinguish between what is ›own‹ and what
is ›other‹ to the ›blood‹.
In: Wages of Whiteness & Racist Symbolic Capital,
In: Wages of Whiteness & Racist Symbolic Capital, ed. by Wulf D. ed. by Wulf D. Hund, Jeremy Krikler, David Roediger.
Hund, Jeremy Krikler, David Roediger. Berlin: Lit 2010, S. 57-96.
Berlin [et al.]: Lit 2010, pp. 57 96.
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Wulf D. Hund
William Lane had a considerable influence not only on the organisation of the ›Australian Labour Federation‹ but also on its constituency. He
was a co-founder of the ›Australian Labour Federation‹ and the first editor of ›The Worker‹. His ideas combined anarchistic, socialist, nationalist
and racist perspectives. He increasingly doubted, in view of the Asian migration, that Australia could develop into an acceptable society. Hence he
pinned his hopes on a colony in Paraguay, which should implement social
and racial utopias. He left for Paraguay in 1893, but the ›Nueva Australia‹
experiment failed to a great degree because of his authoritarian claim to
leadership. Lane relocated to New Zealand and became a reactionary and
chauvinistic journalist.1
Bernhard Förster was a driving force of political antisemitism in
Germany. He was a member of the Richard Wagner circle and the
brother-in-law of Friedrich Nietzsche. As a co-founder of the ›Deutscher
Volksverein‹ (German People’s Association) he became one of the initiators of the Antisemites’ Petition, which demanded that the emancipation
of the Jews be revoked. Disgusted by the situation in Germany, which in
his eyes was liberal, he decided to build an Aryan colony in Paraguay,
where he moved with a group of followers in 1886. In ›Nueva Germania‹, the German character was supposed to be protected from contamination by foreign races and able to develop without distortion. But the plan
failed. Demoralised by money troubles and internal quarrelling, Förster
committed suicide.2
These different phantasmagorias of racially pure life belonged to the
gravitational fields of the ›Aryan myth‹ and the ›white Australia policy‹.
The category race, which guided both, already had a long history when
they were established. Until around the middle of the 17th century, it had
spread from the Iberian Peninsula all the way to England. Moreover, it
had been expanded in a way so as to describe religious and ethnic difference in addition to class differences. In this form, ›race‹ was integrated
into the theoretical attempts to classify humankind.
However, it took a long hundred years before the use of the word race
had been consolidated enough to turn it into the central term of the scientific racism developed by the Enlightenment, whose different versions
combined cultural with biological arguments. This is how the scheme of
four races distinguished by skin colour, the whites, yellows, blacks and
1
2
Cf. Lloyd Ross: William Lane and the Australian Labor Movement; Anne Whitehead:
Paradise Mislaid.
Cf. Annette Hein: ›Es ist viel Hitler in Wagner‹, pp. 85, 165 ff.; Daniela Kraus: Bernhard
und Elisabeth Försters Nueva Germania in Paraguay.
59
reds, which simultaneously pretended order and hierarchy, finally gained
popular acceptance.3
This process has been described as the ›invention‹ and ›construction‹
of race.4 The terms emphasise that races are not products of nature, but
that they constitute social entities. Racism, however, is often declared to
be a mere ideology, and race sometimes even to be fiction. The objection that race is »a social fact« is directed against this idea. Furthermore,
alternative suggestions conceptualise race as an expression of »racial formation« or »racial constitution«.5 Independently of their methodological
differences, such conceptions see racism as a social relation. Its analysis
therefore not only has to consider the relations between structural, performative, material, ideological and historical dimensions of the social. It
also has to question the different historical stages of the development of
the race concept.
The first stage in this development was marked by the formation
of European colonialism and transatlantic slavery. In their course, traditional patterns of contempt were extended by new elements. Traditional
dichotomies distinguished between the cultivated and barbarians, humans
and monsters, the pure and the impure, the chosen and outcasts. Then the
contrasts between the civilised and savages as well as between whites
and coloureds were added to them. It was in this way that skin colour
gradually became an element in the formation of imagined communities.
In the second stage, these instruments of discrimination were developed into the race concept and race was turned into a scientifically accepted term. The Enlightenment first differentiated between people according to a constructed scheme of skin colours, which were soon supplemented by allegedly measurable differences in body structure. The
race scheme devised in this context presented the so-called white race as
the sole representative of developed humanity.
The third stage led to the generalisation of the race concept. It became
paradigmatic in anthropology and spread in the sciences and humanities.
At the same time, it was culturally encoded and popularised. The ›white‹
lower classes were granted membership in the ›master race‹ as well. Race
was constituted as a social community. With regard to the formation of
3
4
5
And it took another long period until the coinage of the term ›racism‹ »which goes back
only to the early twentieth century« (George M. Fredrickson: Racism, p. 156).
Cf. Theodore W. Allen: The Invention of the White Race; Lee D. Barker: From Savage
to Negro.
Cf. Margaret L. Andersen: Whitewashing Race, p. 33 (›social fact‹); Michael Omi,
Howard Winant: Racial Formation in the United States; David Theo Goldberg: Racist
Culture, p. 83 (›racial constitution‹).
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Wulf D. Hund
modern racism, one can therefore distinguish between the stages of the
imagination, construction and constitution of the race concept.6
I will explain this process with regard to a few essential steps. First, I
will develop a model of ›inclusion by exclusion‹. Hierarchically ordered
societies certainly also hold together because of positive indicators. However, since their resources are distributed unequally, they cannot achieve
social cohesion without negative elements. And, as such, they partly have
to form community at the expense of others. Societies of this type organise the social inclusion of the underprivileged classes through the racist
exclusion of alienated others.
Then I will focus on two important stages in the process of race
in the making. For one, I will examine the theoretical ›construction of
race‹. Using the example of Adam Smith and the Scottish Enlightenment, I will show that the ideological potential of the race concept was
already recognized at the beginning of modern racism. For another, I will
discuss the ›popularisation of race‹ and illustrate this process through
two »white supremacist entertainments«,7 world and ethnographic exhibitions, which were widespread in the late 19th century, as well as using
the example of the emerging racist advertising of mass-produced articles.
Subsequently, I will discuss the embedding of the popularised race
concept in socio-political action as the constitution of race. Two very
different instances of racist nation-building will be presented: the white
Australia policy and political antisemitism in Germany. I will show that
the slogan of the later national anthem, ›advance Australia fair‹, thematised the racist integration of different colonies to form a nation. And I
will argue that the statement ›the Jews are our misfortune‹ accentuated
an opinion which existed in different social groups and political camps
in Germany and flanked the construction of the nation against Jews. In
my concluding and recapitulatory thoughts, I will characterise racism as
›negative societalisation‹, i. e. the formation, association, and integration
of social groups by means of the exclusion of others.8
Inclusion by Exclusion
As a rule, social elites do not tend to make themselves equal to the lower
classes. This attitude has a long tradition, which ranges from antiquity
6
7
8
Cf. Wulf D. Hund: Rassismus (2007), pp. 34-81; id.: Die weiße Norm, p. 175; id.:
[lemma] Rassismus.
Robert W. Rydell: All the World’s a Fair, p. 6.
The translations of the German ›Vergesellschaftung‹ vary. Societali[s/z]ation at least
has the advantage of not being occupied by other meanings.
61
over the Middle Ages to the early modern times and modernity. In early
capitalism, it found expression in theoretical concepts of class racism.
The most well-known of them is Malthus’s ideological intertwinement
of primitivity, misery and extermination. It was not only supposed to
hold true for allegedly undeveloped races but also for the lower classes in
civilised societies. These ideas influenced Herbert Spencer’s theorem of
the ›survival of the fittest‹ and contaminated the substantiation of evolutionary theory by Charles Darwin. In eugenics, they were carried forward
theoretically as well as socio-politically.9
In the European context, such ideological operations can be dated
back to ancient times. The great philosophy of the Greek did not shrink
from eugenic slogans. And it created scenarios of social inclusion and exclusion which operated with natural characteristics. Platon, for instance,
developed an allegory based on the quality of blood to illustrate the supposedly decreasing value of the social classes. On the one hand, citizens
had to be shown that they were brothers. On the other hand, they had
to be persuaded that the gods still had not created them equal. Rather,
they had added gold to a few, silver to some and iron to many.10 What
was supposed to nonetheless make them all united was not least the differentiation between Hellenes and barbarians. It was alleged to have developed especially strongly in Athenians, as they were »purely Hellenic
[. . . ] and unmixed with barbarians«. The citizens were therefore unified
by »a wholly pure hatred [. . . ] against foreign nature«.
Aristotle finally claimed that barbarians were slaves by nature.11 His
characterisation of slaves incorporated an opportunistic realism which
later justifications of the racist defamation of others would use time and
again, too. Nature, Aristotle let us know, aimed at a bodily expression of
the difference between free people and slaves. However, this often went
wrong, so that external features were unsuitable indicators for human inferiority.12 Therefore, the inferiority was moved to the condition of the
mind. Those who did not possess reason actively but could only understand its imperatives passively were considered to be slaves. Slaves were
to free people as the body to the soul and animals to humans.
Platon and Aristotle obviously did not employ modern race nomen-
9
10
11
12
Cf. Wulf D. Hund: Negative Vergesellschaftung, pp. 59 ff.
Cf. Platon: Politeia, p. 145 (415 a); for the following see id.: Menexenos, p. 118 (245
c/d).
Cf. Benjamin Isaac: The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity, p. 178.
Cf. Aristoteles: Politik, p. 53 (1254 b, 25 ff.); for the following cf. ibid., p. 53 (1254 b,
15 ff.).
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Wulf D. Hund
clature. Instead of »the Big Three of race, class, and gender«,13 they used
the term ›
‹ to set off the ›genos‹ of women from that of men, to
differentiate between elites, middle classes and lower classes as golden,
silver and iron ›genē‹ and to distinguish between the ›genē‹ of barbarians
and Hellenes. In every case, the logic of the discrimination was based on
natural differences but separated by inclusive and exclusive devaluation.
Compared to slavish barbarians, such different ›genē‹ as women and men
or the poor and the rich could be thought of as unified free Greeks. The
comparisons between the dissimilarity of the body and soul or animals
and humans were meant to reveal the fundamental character of the difference and served as a blueprint for similar undertakings of later times.14
Although the European Middle Ages did not give up the separation
between the ›cultivated‹ and the ›barbarians‹, the differentiations between
the ›pure‹ and the ›impure‹ as well as between the ›chosen‹ and the ›outcasts‹ served as the main grounds for racist exclusion. Both belonged to
the early arsenal of antisemitism. The church fathers had already declared
Jews to be lepers and claimed that they could smell their »stench of unbelief«. Jews were suspected of being especially impure because their
men supposedly menstruated as well.15 From the 15th century onwards,
the Spanish policy of the purity of blood organised a system of inclusion
and exclusion which even theorists, who overall date racism later and
closely connect it to the concept of race, consider to be »the first formation of modern racism«, »racism in the modern sense« and »undoubtedly
racist«.16
Like contaminatory racism, demonological racism operated with a
radically exclusive dichotomy. It was defined by the construction of opposite worlds, where evil was represented mainly by Muslims and Jews.
In the antisemitic part of this conceptual universe, devils wore Jew badges
and Jews exuded a devilish smell, the Antichrist was born as the son of
Satan and a Jewish whore and Jews prayed to the devil, who tried to wipe
out Christianity with their help.17
The stereotypes relating to the devil, impurity and the barbarian, not
13
14
15
16
17
Jan Nederveen Pieterse: Other, p. 307; for the following see Rachana Kamtekar: Distinction Without Difference, pp. 4 f.
Cf. the contributions in Miriam Eliav-Feldon, Benjamin Isaac, Joseph Ziegler (eds.):
The Origins of Racism in the West.
Cf. Wulf D. Hund: [lemma] Rassismus (the ascription of leprosy was made by Ambrosius, that of stench by Maximus, male menstruation was imputed by Thomas de
Cantimpré and others).
Christian Geulen: Geschichte des Rassismus, p. 36; George L. Mosse: Die Geschichte
des Rassismus in Europa, p. 27; George M. Fredrickson: Racism, p. 33.
Cf. Joshua Trachtenberg: The Devil and the Jews.
63
only made the incorporation of different social groups possible but made
inter-group unity seem virtually indispensable for the defence against
evil. Therefore, it was no coincidence that the call for the First Crusade
was also followed by the lower classes. As they banded together against
an eternal enemy, they did not even bother to go south to ›free‹ the Holy
City but destroyed the Jewish communities of German cities.18 Itinerant
preachers had popularised the idea of the crusade. People from various
social classes, from paupers to members of the nobility, joined forces in
chiliastic crowds. The lower and middle classes of the cities they struck
made common cause with them.
A similarly racist unio mystica was enabled by the Spanish policy
of the purity of blood (›limpieza de sangre‹). The policy not least affected social climbers who could be proven to have ancestors with ›Jewish blood‹ or to have been breastfed by a converted wet nurse. In comparison with them, the ›pureblooded‹ members of lower classes could feel
to be part of a chosen community to such an extent that it was finally
claimed that Spain had »two kinds of nobility, namely a higher – the hidalguerie – and a lower – this is the limpieza«. Meanwhile, the allegedly
uncontaminated Christian background had become so significant that a
»commoner with pure blood« was supposedly held in higher regard than
a »hidalgo with impure blood«.19
From the 16th century onwards, the discrimination of others as barbarian, impure or outcasts in different combinations belonged to the inventory of the ideological ships’ libraries of European colonialism. In the
course of genocidal land seizure and slaveholding, the legitimatory function of this organon was continuously adjusted. On its basis, the Enlightenment finally developed a new, now allegedly truly scientific variant:
race theory.
Its cross-class quality, which created community, had already been
anticipated by the solidarity of the settlers arising from the violence of
the frontier, which the colonial settler societies constantly sought to shift
to their advantage. Bacon’s Rebellion of 1676 has been interpreted as a
portent of future racist mobs. It united gentlemen, free framers, European
servants and African slaves against the colonial government of Virginia
and unified them through hatred of Indians. The finally victorious elites
subsequently moved the boundary of racist exclusion and juridically drew
it between Europeans as genuine ›Christians‹ and Indians as ›savages‹ as
18
19
Cf. Der Erste Kreuzzug 1096 und seine Folgen; Dieter Mertens: Christen und Juden zur
Zeit des ersten Kreuzzuges.
Quoted in Léon Poliakov: Geschichte des Antisemitismus, p. 87.
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Wulf D. Hund
well as Africans as ›Negro slaves‹. The negative societalisation thus offered to the lower classes did not change their socioeconomic condition.
However, it gave them a sociopolitical sphere of action called ›freedom‹
which was justified racistly20 and finally marked as ›white‹.21
This ideological resource was fixed theoretically in the 18th century
and generalised in the 19th century. It was first accepted and propagated
by the lower classes in the race societies which had arisen from European
colonialism and eventually became part of the everyday consciousness of
sections of the working classes in the imperialist metropoles. The constitution of the working classes was accompanied by the formation of
›white‹ identity. Their organisations not only emphasised their readiness
for social conflict but also often claimed their right to social integration.
This was frequently accompanied by a willingness to discriminate against
others in a racist way.
The social function of this process has been described in contemporary sociological and psychological thinking. Max Weber called such
a societalisation »purely negative« and explained it by using the example of »ethnic honour«. He conceived of »ethnic honour« as a »mass
honour« which was available independently of social status and thus to
members of the lower classes as well. To illustrate this, he pointed to
the poor whites in the South of the United States, whose »social ›honour‹
was fully dependent on the social degradation of blacks«. Sigmund Freud
considered this relation to be functional for class societies and declared
it to be the surrogate for exploitation and repression. Through the »authorisation to despise outsiders«, the oppressed were »recompensed for
restrictions in their own circle«.22
20
21
22
This unusual adverbial form is necessary to differentiate between racial actions which
are racially orientated and racist actions, which could be connected with the race stereotype as well as with the stereotypes of the barbarian, the impure, the outcast, or the
savage. ›Racism‹ is the general category, ›racialism‹ is one of the forms of racism. In
the case of Bacon’s Rebellion discrimination was racistly justified with the traditional
stigmas of the heathen and the savage as well as with the just recently developed stigma
of race.
Cf. Edmund S. Morgan: American Slavery, American Freedom, pp. 250-270 (– who on
p. 328 draws attention to the fact that in Virginia »racism« first had a unifying effect as
»hatred against Indians« and was subsequently used as a means »to separate dangerous
free whites from dangerous slave blacks«); Terrance MacMullan: Habits of Whiteness,
pp. 25-42 (– who on pp. 25 f. points out that »whiteness was established largely in a
circular or negative fashion«).
Max Weber: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, pp. 303, 309; Sigmund Freud: Die Zukunft
einer Illusion, p. 147 – (Weber contributed his share to the stabilisation of German ethnic honour when during the war he bristled that »an army of negroes, Ghurkas and all
the barbaric rabble of the world is standing at our border«: id., Rußlands Übergang zur
Scheindemokratie, p. 259; Freud developed his idea that »the sense of community of
65
This resource of distinction which is also available to the lower
classes has been described in more recent discussions of racism as racist
cultural capital or racist symbolic capital.23 Both are complex terms
which were coined following Pierre Bourdieu. Despite their heuristic
stretchability, they differ in that ›cultural capital‹ is rather a category of
equipment and ›symbolic capital‹ rather a category of ascription. Cultural
capital is incorporated through education, objectified through cultural
assets and institutionalised through titles. Symbolic capital is assigned
through recognition and expressed as prestige. Insofar as the ›authorisation to despise outsiders‹ finds expression in ›ethnic honour‹, such a
resource can obviously also be granted to poor and uneducated members
of a community which is imagined in this way.
The Construction of Race
The Enlightenment already found the category race in a form preprocessed for its purposes. In the description of the world and the order of
life, it further developed the category empirically. At the same time, it integrated race into the theory of progress. Both from its origin and through
its analytical redefinition, race was a hierarchising term.
Its origin combined class thinking with fear of contamination. As
early as in the first half of the 15th century, Alfonso Martinez de Toledo
claimed that the noble (»buena rraça«) and common (»vil rraça«) descent
from farmers and knights would prevail even if the children were separated from their parents and raised under the same conditions. In the
16th century, Christophle de Bonours asserted that noblesse was a racial
feature (»vertue de race«) which affected body and soul. At that time, the
expression race had already entered the English language and could carry
ethnic connotations. Edmund Spencer commented on the mixing of English and Irish people: »how cane suche matchinge but bringe forthe an
evill race«. Soon after, the word was part of the great literature. William
Shakespeare created Caliban as a »savage«, »beast« and »monster« of a
»vile race«.24
23
24
the masses [needs] the hostility towards an outside minority for its completion« using
the example of »Jew hatred«: id., Der Mann Moses und die monotheistische Religion,
p. 538).
Cf. Steve Garner: Whiteness, p. 49 (›cultural capital‹); Anja Weiß: Rassismus als symbolisch vermittelte Dimension sozialer Ungleichheit (›symbolic capital‹) – see also her
essay in this volume.
Alfonso Martinez de Toledo, quoted from Max Sebastián Hering Torres: ›Limpieza de
sangre‹, p. 28 (see also David Nirenberg: Das Konzept von Rasse in der Forschung
66
Wulf D. Hund
In the 17th century, this terminology was systematised and linked to
the category ›whiteness‹.25 The complexions of the inhabitants of the
different continents were coded in terms of colour and hierarchised. Skin
colours, which allegedly differed by race, became subjects of scientific
investigation for Robert Boyle and others and an element of philosophical
speculation in John Locke’s work. Finally, William Petty formulated an
outline of what was later to be developed into modern race theory.
Like the other European philosophers of the Enlightenment, the Scottish moral philosophers in the 18th century integrated the idea of coloured
human races and white supremacy into their theory of progress. This
theory assumed that »[i]n every part of the earth, the progress of man
hath been nearly the same; and we can trace him in his career from
the rude simplicity of savage life, until he attains the industry, the arts,
and the elegance of polished society«.26 Against this background, the socalled primitive races were written back to the beginning of all history.
To William Robertson, the »original race« in the Americas consisted of
»human beings in the infancy of social life«, so that they were rightly
called »savage«. They were so »rude and indolent« that their lands »were
almost in the same state as if they had been without inhabitants«. While
there was no doubt »that all the human race spring from the same source«,
the humans of the New World »differed remarkably from the rest of the
human species«, so that even the view »that they formed a separate race
of men« was advanced.
One of the exponents of this view, Henry Home, Lord Kames, followed the contemporary theory of colours, which claimed that men were
»white in Europe, black in Africa, yellow in Asia, and red in America«.
However, he inverted the argument of the climate theory which was often
used to explain this. After all, he argued, the whites or blacks who came
25
26
über mittelalterlichen iberischen Antijudaismus, pp. 61 f.); Christophle de Bonours,
quoted from Arlette Jouanna: L’idée de race en France au XVIème siècle et au début du
XVIIème siècle, III, p. 1341; Edmund Spenser: A View of the State of Ireland, p. 173;
William Shakespeare: The Tempest, pp. 81 (I.2 – ›savage‹, ›race‹), 125 (II.2 – ›monster‹), 167 (IV.1 – ›beast‹). Looked at that way, the meanings of ›race as lineage‹ and
›race as type‹ intermingled at an earlier date than Michael Banton (Racial Theories,
pp. 17 ff., 44 ff.) assumed.
Here, I follow the analysis of Gary Taylor: Buying Whiteness, pp. 257 (›skin colours‹),
271 ff., (›scientific investigation‹), 316 ff. (›philosophical speculation ‹), 269 f. (›Petty‹);
for Petty and his formulation of an early version of the future concept of coloured
human races see already Margaret T. Hodgen: Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 419 ff.
William Robertson: The History of the Discovery and Settlement of America, p. 131;
for the following see pp. 126 (›original race‹, ›rude‹, ›without inhabitants‹), 129 f. (›all
the human race‹), 130 (›separate race of men‹), 138 (›infancy of social life‹).
67
to America from Europe or Africa did not change their skin colours even
after generations. Therefore, it had to be assumed that the climate had not
created different types of humans, but that conversely »different species
of men« had been created »for [. . . ] different climates«. At least in the
form of a question, Kames speculated that »God created many pairs of the
human race, differing from each other both externally and internally«.27
David Hume not only sympathised with this attitude but also lacked
any qualms about documenting the ignorance connected to it. This became very clear in his notorious footnote on the race question: »I am apt
to suspect the negroes and in general all other species of men (for there
are four or five different kinds) to be naturally inferior to the whites.
There never scarcely ever was a civilized nation of any other that complexion than white, nor even any individual eminent either in action or
speculation. [. . . ] On the other hand, the most rude and barbarous of the
whites, such as the ancient Germans [. . . ] have still something eminent
about them [. . . and] low people, without education, will start up amongst
us [. . . ]. In Jamaica indeed they talk of one negroe as a man of parts and
learning; but ‘tis likely he is admired [. . . ] like a parrot, who speaks a few
words plainly«.28
›Whiteness‹ in this context was held to be a characteristic of those
who had contributed to the development of human culture and thus to
be superior to all nonwhites. This involved a mechanism of attribution
which made it possible to see those in earlier states of whiteness dignified through the shine of its later maturation (so that the ingenious Egyptians curiously were not mentioned, whereas the barbaric Germans were
praised).
Moreover, not only the crude ancestors of foreign nations but also
the members of one’s own, not less foreign, lower classes could thus
be comprehended by the ideological framework of whiteness. The ›low
people‹ did not get ›amongst us‹ through the removal of class barriers.
Rather, they were included negatively, through the exclusion of others.
Only the comparison to ›non-whites‹ turned them into ›whites‹, members of a racial community.
At the same time, Hume pointed out the social advantage of the racist
symbolic capital thus offered to the lower classes. With its help, they
could feel superior to others who had a considerably higher cultural cap27
28
Henry Home, Lord Kames: Sketches of the History of Man, vol. 1, pp. 26 (›Europe‹
etc.), 20 (›different species‹), 76 (› many pairs‹).
David Hume: Of National Characters, p. 252; the reconstruction of the changes in the
text follows John Immerwahr: Hume’s Revised Racism, p. 483, who edited it so that
crossouts and additions become clear.
68
Wulf D. Hund
ital but no comparable symbolic capital. Hume expressed the option connected to this with open malice and obvious ignorance by ridiculing a
black scholar.
This was of course only a theoretical vade mecum for the members
of the lower classes, whom Hume certainly did not imagine to be readers
of his philosophical treatises. Adam Smith argued similarly, albeit less
spitefully. He was comparatively impartial with regard to the starting position of the different social development of individuals. In his famous
comparison between the philosopher and the porter, he let them be equal
in their infancy and considered the development of their social characters, which finally contrast strongly, to be the result of different social
milieus.29 Moreover, he explained the dissimilar material equipment of
these milieus as a result of unjust social conditions.
Smith was certain that the legitimation of property through one’s own
labour developed by Locke was childish and false. Large private property
could not have been accumulated in this way. It could only be generated
through the appropriation of the labour of others. This involved an extremely unequal distribution of labour and property. Those who worked
the most got the least and those who hardly worked or did not work at all
appropriated the most. Smith called this an »enormous defalcation« and
regarded the lower classes as its victims.30
Nonetheless, he justified the social order which resulted from these
conditions. He asserted that it promoted the industriousness of individuals through the pursuit of wealth and thus contributed to an increase in
the prosperity of the whole. Therefore, according to Smith, one could accept that social valuation was based on distorted patterns and that efforts
to rise socially led to alienation. At the end of his critical argumentation, Smith turned out to be an ideologist of bourgeois society and its
economic, social and political conditions. Moreover, when he set about
making the purpose and utility of their efforts palatable to the working
classes, he covertly changed the perspective of his argumentation.
In his diagnosis of the material and moral conditions in society, he
remained within the social whole characterised by him as a class society.
Afterwards, he recommended its lower classes an external comparison to
determine their position. Smith assumed that the cohesion between the
classes could not be secured safely enough if the poor accepted the val29
30
Cf. Adam Smith: An Inquiry into the Nature and the Causes of the Wealth of Nations,
pp. 28 f.
Adam Smith: Early Draft of Part of The Wealth of Nations, pp. 563 f.; for the following
cf. id.: Theory of Moral Sentiments, pp. 61 (›corruption of moral sentiments‹), 181-184
(Smith does not use the term ›alienation‹ but he outlines the issue).
69
ues and norms of the rich and admired their status. Since they could not
overcome the social gap between themselves and the rich, they also had
to be offered an external yardstick for the assessment of their situation.
Therefore, the »common day labourer in Britain« was called upon to
compare his condition to that of American Indians. He would then realise »that his luxury is much superior to that of many an Indian prince,
the absolute master of the lives and liberties of a thousand naked savages«. If he compared himself to his betters in his own society, he would
have to realise that his situation was »extremely simple and easy«. But
if he compared himself to those in colonised areas, he saw that his comfort »exceeds that of the chief of a savage nation in North America«.31
Those who were deemed poor wretches in the classist comparison were
nonetheless allowed to imagine themselves as members of the supposed
superior culture in the racist comparison.
Adam Ferguson also assumed the existence of different human races
and their different positions on the scale of human progress. He listed
as races »[t]he European, the Samoeide, the Tartar, the Hindoo, the Negro, and the American« and claimed that »[t]he genius of political wisdom and of civil arts« had »selected his favourites in particular races of
men«.32 Ferguson was aware that comparisons of the relation of barbarian to civilised races which were made on such a basis promoted the
cohesion of those who constituted themselves as the supposedly superior group. Already »[a]mong the Greeks, the name of Barbarian, under
which that people comprehended every nation that was of a race [. . . ]
different from their own, became a term of indiscriminate contempt and
aversion«. From such situations, for which the term ›prejudice‹ was definitely at his disposal, Ferguson concluded: »Our attachment to one division [. . . of humans] seems often to derive much of its force from an
animosity conceived to an opposite one«.
As in all race theories, Scottish moral philosophers not only used the
term race to describe the outward differences between humans. They connected them to mental abilities and cultural peculiarities and passed off
the social categories they thus constructed as products of nature. Furthermore, in the theory of progress they had helped to develop, they placed
31
32
Adam Smith: Early Draft of Part of The Wealth of Nations, pp. 562 f.; see also id.:
Lectures on Jurisprudence, pp. 338 ff.; with this figure of thought Smith directly linked
his argument to John Locke’s legitimisation of settler colonialism (cf. John Locke: Two
Treatises of Government, II, § 41, pp. 314 f.).
Adam Ferguson: Institutes of Moral Philosophy, p. 19 (›races‹) and id.: An Essay on the
History of Civil Society, p. 165 (›genius‹); for the following see ibid., pp. 30 f. (›Greeks‹
/ ›Barbarians‹), 24 (›animosity‹) and id.: Principles of Moral and Political Science, 1,
pp. 216 f. (›prejudice‹).
70
Wulf D. Hund
the races they created into different stages of human development. The
distance between peoples which was generated in this way served several
functions. It synchronised world history with European history and made
the latter the yardstick for human development in general. Thereby, it
secretly turned colonial land seizures into civilising missions. And it theoretically generated a space of whiteness open to different classes, which
in practice had long been staked out in settler societies.
The Popularisation of Race
»I myself should like to see in London an anthropological garden, something on the same principle as the Zoological Gardens, where living specimens of the principal varieties of the human race might be seen and
compared«, Berthold Seeman declared before the ›Anthropological Society of London‹ in 1863.33 The learned gardener, botanising traveller,
honorary doctor of the University of Göttingen and editor of the ›Journal
of Botany‹ did not have scruples about extending his experiences with
the collection and exhibition of plants to humans.
At that time, popular and academic expositions of those racistly
deemed different and inferior were already claimed to be separate and
had been organised in museums on the one hand and ethnographic exhibitions and world’s fairs on the other. In reality, however, instead of
clear boundaries there were several links between these institutions. The
organisers of world expositions cooperated with ethnologists and anthropologists. And those who staged ethnographic exhibitions had the members of foreign peoples they engaged examined by scientists. The one
group spared itself the journey to distant lands and seized the chance for
inexpensive race examinations; in return, the other group received expert
opinions on the authenticity of their shows.34
In Germany, the new genre of the ›Völkerschau‹ (human zoo) reached
all classes of society. There were ›cheap days‹, and classes of all school
types attended the events en masse. This formation of a socially heterogeneous mass audience resulted from the advance of urbanisation. The legal
introduction of the work-free Sunday and the leisure time thus available
to many for the first time benefited the growth of a developing entertainment industry.35 Between 1875 and 1930, a good four hundred shows
33
34
35
Quoted in Paul Turnbull: British Anthropological Thought in Colonial Practice, pp. 212
f.
Cf. Anne Dreesbach: Gezähmte Wilde, pp. 33 f.; Gabi Eißenberger: Entführt, verspottet
und gestorben, pp. 199 f.
Cf. Hilke Thode-Arora: Für fünfzig Pfennig um die Welt, p. 148 (›all classes‹, ›cheap
71
were staged. Most of them were presented in several places; some could
be seen in up to twenty cities and also made guest appearances abroad.
The highest number of people attending on a single day was more than
one hundred thousand, and in a single place, more than one million.
The central motif of the different representations was the creation of
distance through the defamiliarisation of the others. Through the staged
images of foreign ways of living, the exotic portrayal of the people who
were shown also conveyed the idea of different stages of civilisation. This
was not least expressed in the frequent appearance of ethnographic exhibitions in fenced-off areas in zoological gardens. The people on display were marked as ›savages‹.36 Vis-à-vis them, the socially heterogeneous crowd of spectators could understand themselves as ›civilised‹.
Since those who were presented regularly belonged to groups labelled
›coloured‹, the cultural background of the race nomenclature seemed
sensually perceptible and the audience was identified as ›white‹. Occasionally, this was also expressed directly. In 1894, for instance, an ethnographic show in the zoological garden of Leipzig, which was announced
as a ›Swahili-caravan‹, staged amongst others scenes one called ›washing the moor‹, in which a fair-haired child tried to wash a black person
white.37
This motif also spread widely through advertising. On the one hand
this contributed to the supplementation of the elitist »scientific racism«
by a popular »commodity racism«.38 On the other hand, the consumption
of goods which were advertised in this way, like the visit to an ethnographic exhibition, allowed the formation of racist symbolic capital. Access to the zoological garden and shopping in the colonial store was not
limited to a certain class but orientated to the attraction of a diverse audience and heterogeneous customers.
Racist advertisements signalled to consumers through the goods they
helped to promote both racial superiority and egalitarian unity. The servant figure which the others were often made to represent came from the
fund of class society. However, it also especially offered its services to
those who may not have been able to afford domestics but could well
buy a low-cost mass product. Moreover, these figures were increasingly
racialised and conveyed by images which emphasised their fundamen-
36
37
38
days‹, ›school classes‹); Anne Dreesbach: Gezähmte Wilde, pp. 40 f. (›mass audience‹,
›leisure time‹); for the following see ibid., p. 79 (number of exhibitions and spectators).
Cf. Balthasar Staehelin: Völkerschauen im Zoologischen Garten Basel, pp. 86 ff.
Cf. Nana Badenberg: Die Bildkarriere eines kulturellen Stereotyps, p. 174.
Anne McClintock: Imperial Leather, p. 33; for racist soap advertisements see ibid.,
pp. 207 ff. and Jan Nederveen Pieterse: White on Black, pp. 195 ff.
72
Wulf D. Hund
tal difference to consumers.39 The popularised and racialised aura of the
exquisite did not promise prestige through a change in social circumstances but as admission to the ›white race‹.
This dimension of consumer racism was further intensified through
the fact that new forms of advertising, which were committed to customer retention, prompted consumers to buy again through free gifts of
collectible cards. They were not only added to goods which were related
to colonialism (coffee, tea, chocolate, tobacco, rum etc.) or potentially
associated with it due to racial stereotypes (soap, shoe polish, toothpaste
etc.) but were used for a number of products in the context of »empire
merchandising« and »popular imperialism«.40
As ›image schools‹ for ›Herrenmenschen‹ (members of the master
race), they contributed to the popularisation of a racist ideological climate. In Germany, for example, this climate allowed the director of the
German Colonial Office to declare from above: »with respect to the colored man even the proletarian is master«. From below, revisionist members of the Social Democratic Party proclaimed »that in certain matters,
for instance in colonial affairs, there is a solidarity of interests between
the bourgeois and the proletarian«.
Thus everywhere in the imperialist and related countries, ethnographic exhibitions and advertisements for colonial goods offered an
›empire for the masses‹ which could be entered and consumed and had
ideological support from all political camps.41 Its different elements were
especially highlighted at world fairs. Technology and underdevelopment
were staged and scientific and popular racism combined to demonstrate
white supremacy. These found architectural expression in a ›white city‹
at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893.
This ensemble was ideologically framed by two performances which
scientifically explained the triumph of civilisation and enacted it with
mass impact. The historian Frederick Jackson Turner developed his theory of ›The Significance of the Frontier in American History‹ at a sideevent of the world exhibition. The actor William Frederick Cody presented ›Buffalo Bill’s Wild West‹ in immediate vicinity to the fair. While
the former asserted that the plough was an essential tool in the cultivation
of the supposedly uncultivated continent, the latter sang the praises of the
39
40
41
Cf. David M. Ciarlo: Rasse konsumieren, p. 146.
Michael Pickering: Stereotyping, p. 127 (›merchandising‹); Jan Nederveen Pieterse:
White on Black, p. 77 (›imperialism‹); for the following see Joachim Zeller: Bilderschule der Herrenmenschen; Ben Kiernan: Blood and Soil, p. 390 (cit. ›proletarian as
master‹); Fatima El-Tayeb: Schwarze Deutsche, p. 70 (cit. ›solidarity of interests‹).
Cf. William H. Schneider: An Empire for the Masses.
73
rifle in the fight against its professedly savage inhabitants.42 The message
of both served the legitimatory overwriting of land seizure and genocide.
As if in passing, Chicago was vindicated as a legitimate place of white
self-representation. The initiators of the world exposition pointedly expressed this by inviting several Sioux chiefs to the opening ceremony.
Their participation in the self-presentation of ›white‹ civilisation (after
the murder of Sitting Bull and Spotted Elk and the massacre of Wounded
Knee) seemed to finally seal its triumph.
At the fair grounds, the ›white city‹ was virtually symbolically framed
by an anthropology building situated in the southeast and the entertainment area Midway Plaisance set up in the northwest. Visitors to the anthropological section could compare their own bodies and those of others
by observing two statues which were supposed to represent the typical
average bodies of a male and a female American student and which, as if
it were a matter of course, were white.43 The exhibitions documented the
state-of-the-art of race sciences. Contemporary commentators described
these sciences as an »illustrated encyclopedia of humanity« which made
clear »the steps of progress of civilization [. . . ] up to the present time«.
This concept was repeated in popular form in the Midway area. A
spectator understood it as a »sliding scale of humanity« and recommended traversing it from bottom to top: »starting with the lowest specimens of humanity, and reaching continually upward to the highest stage«.
This view coincided with the coverage of the ›Chicago Tribune‹, even if it
suggested the opposite journey – »tracing humanity in its highest phases
down almost to its animalistic origins«.44 In a special issue of the ›Cosmopolitan‹, one could read about the alleged experience related to this:
»who can tell how many thousand years away from us as to appearance,
modes of life and traditions, is the Dahomey village«.
Frederic Ward Putnam, curator of the ›Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology‹ at Harvard University and head of the anthropology department of the World’s Columbian Exhibition, left no doubt
about whom the staging of such distance was aimed at. With regard to
»Soudanese, Dahomeyans, Nubians and the Congo people« he declared:
»The Negro types of the fair [. . . ] represented very fairly the barbarous
42
43
44
Cf. Richard White: Frederick Jackson Turner and Buffalo Bill; for the following see
Robert W. Rydell: All the World’s a Fair, p. 63.
Cf. Roberta J. Park: Physiology and Anatomy are Destiny, p. 56 (photographs of the
statues can be found ibid., p. 57); for the following quotations see Curtis M. Hinsley:
The World as Marketplace, p. 346 (›encyclopedia‹, ›progress‹).
Both quoted in Robert W. Rydell: All the World’s a Fair, p. 65; for the following see the
map in James Gilbert: Perfect Cities, p. 112.
74
Wulf D. Hund
or half civilized state of a people who are a numerous and rapidly increasing class of American citizens«.45 By subsequently emphasising the
»advanced social condition of the African Americans over that of their
barbarous countrymen«, he was not only able to see a, supposedly civilizing, side in slavery. He also assumed that only slavery had snatched
some Africans from the state of barbarity in which the majority were held
still to remain.
This invective was popularised at the world exhibition by the first
appearance with mass impact of two stereotypes of commodity racism
which have survived until today: the uncle of ›Cream of Wheat‹ and the
mammy of ›Aunt Jemima‹.46 They counteracted the prospects the abolition of slavery held for blacks through the propaganda of a »unifying«
and »racial nostalgia« for whites – »regardless of class«.47 The amalgamation of racial stereotypes and advertising for a mass market therefore
promoted the harmony of southern savoir vivre and northern ingenuity,
the split between white ladies and black mammies, and the dualism of
black servitude and white dominance.
›Advance Australia Fair‹
When the current Australian national anthem was first played officially in
1879, its lyrics were sexist (for ›sons‹ only), colonialist (Cook ›landed on
our shore‹) and chauvinist (for ›Britannia’s‹ sons only). When the song
was sung by a ten-thousand-strong choir at the inauguration party of the
Commonwealth of Australia on 1 January 1901, not much had changed,
except that Britannia’s sons had become ›loyal sons‹. In today’s version,
both Cook and the sexual exclusiveness are erased. However, the land and
its inhabitants are still described as ›young and free‹. At the time when
these lyrics originated, this was a clear message. Aborigines were sung
out of their history and land.
The chorus of the anthem, which was retained as well, is ambiguous:
›advance Australia fair‹. It indicates that the song »in its original rendition was an effort to assert the whiteness of a new British possession«.48
45
46
47
48
Julian Hawthorne: Foreign Folk at the Fair, p. 572 (›thousand years away‹); Oriental
and Occidental Northern and Southern Portrait Types of the Midway Plaisance, n. p.
(›barbarous or half civilized state‹) – for the following see ibid.
Cf. Chaim M. Rosenberg: America at the Fair, p. 127; Adele Wessell: Between Alimentary Products and the Art of Cooking, p. 117.
Kimberly Wallace-Sanders: Mammy, p. 62 (›unifying‹); cf. also Maurice M. Manring:
Slave in a Box; Robert W. Rydell: All the World’s a Fair, p. 67 (›class‹).
Christopher Kelen: Hymns for and from White Australia, p. 207.
75
The history of this possession begins with the colonial annexation of Australia. It tells of the difficulties in the practical fulfilment of Hume’s racist
offer to the ›low people amongst us‹, ›the whites‹. For ideological offers
are far from material conditions. Furthermore, the ›low people‹, when the
First Fleet reached Australia in 1788, were made up of the ship’s lower
ranks and troops, but mainly comprised convicts who were deported to
the new colony.
They were confronted with strong prejudice. The developing colonial
class society incorporated them as an underclass of disenfranchised unfree forced labourers.49 Initially, they mainly worked for the state, but as
time went by they were, in increasing numbers, also assigned to free or
released settlers. Around 1820, almost 75 percent of the convicts were in
private services, mainly in agriculture. Such large landowners as William
Cox employed up to one hundred convicts. Through their work, they were
embroiled in the conflicts of the colonial frontier and the genocidal massacres of the Aborigines. Their bosses thought »that the blackfellow was
not a human being«, and opinion leaders such as Cox declared »that the
best thing that could be done, would be to shoot all the blacks and manure
the ground with their carcases«. As to the persecution of Aborigines, who
had officially been declared outlaws, both »Free Men« and »Prisoners of
the Crown«, as it said in a proclamation by Governor Lachlan Macquarie,
were allowed »to kill and utterly destroy them«. When Governor George
Arthur organised the ›Black Line‹ in Tasmania in 1830, military forces,
the police, free settlers and convicts were called upon to join the human
chain which was supposed to round up the last surviving Aborigines.50
Colonial officials, the great landowners, but also the small settlers
who employed only a few convicts, let the convicts partake in the »ethos
of violence« which developed in all Australian colonies and led to a »solidarity of racial feelings«.51 Within the classist internal relations of the
settler society, the convicts themselves were victims of violent assaults
and a great number of them were humiliated and whipped. In the racist
climate of violent land seizure, however, like the growing number of free
wageworkers, they had the experience of belonging to the ›white‹ colo49
50
51
Cf. Robert Miles: Capitalism and Unfree Labour, pp. 94 ff.; for the following see Marion
Philipps: Colonial Autocracy, p. 128 (convicts in private services); Ben Kiernan: Blood
and Soil, p. 262 (›blackfellow‹ etc.).
A Proclamation of Native Outlawry, quoted in: Sharman Stone (ed.): Aborigines in
White Australia, p. 37 (Macquarie); Lyndall Ryan: The Aboriginal Tasmanians, p. 110
(Arthur).
Henry Reynolds, Dawn May: Queensland, p. 170 (›ethos‹); Alexander T. Yarwood,
Michael J. Knowling: Race Relations in Australia, p. 109 (›solidarity‹).
76
Wulf D. Hund
nial society through the authorisation for them to use violence against
›blacks‹.52
The racist symbolic capital obtained through this was no possession
but a social relation. Its fragility was quickly made clear to the Australian
lower classes. When the end of the system of low-cost convict labour was
in the offing, the colonial state apparatuses reacted with restrictive ›Masters and Servants Acts‹ and employers demanded that cheap labourers
be imported from India, China and the Pacific islands.53 The resistance
which developed against this escalated when during the gold rush European and Chinese diggers competed, and it reached a spectacular peak at
Lambing Flat.54 About three thousand gold diggers ganged up under the
motto »Roll Up, Roll Up, No Chinese«. The motto was written on a flag
they carried with them when they attacked the settlement of the Chinese.
They cut off their hair, destroyed their tents and working equipment and
chased them off their claims.
From then on, wide sections of the lower classes linked the racist
symbolic capital which they were allegedly entitled to with the demand
for wages of whiteness.55 The developing labour organisations fought
against reductions in wage levels due to the employment of racialised
others, so-called ›coolies‹ and ›kanakas‹, from China, East Asia, India
and the islands of the Pacific. And they warned against the hybridisation of Australia, which they declared to constitute ›contamination‹ and
›mongrelisation‹. For both reasons, they demanded, as the program of the
›Political Labor League‹ of 1896 stated, »the total exclusion of undesirable alien races«.56
This made them allies of the rather liberal groups of the ruling classes.
The latter shared with the conservative circles a racistly motivated disdain
for the nonwhite races. But the conservatives also pointed out the useful52
53
54
55
56
Cf. Raewyn W. Connell, Terence H. Irving: Class Structure in Australian History, p. 63:
»For all the hostility and the depth of the social gulf between pastoral owners and pastoral workers, they shared a clear interest in smashing the Aboriginal tribes [. . . ]. The
racist doctrines that were almost universal in the countryside (and in most of the city
press) had the effect of cementing this alliance«.
Cf. Charlie Fox: Working Australia, pp. 26 ff., 47 ff.
Cf. Ann Curthoys: ›Men of All Nations, except Chinamen‹ (›Lambing Flat‹) – the flag
is shown on http://www.migrationheritage.nsw.gov.au/exhibitions/objectsthroughtime/
objects/lambingflatsbanner/.
For the analytical dimensions of this concept cf. David Roediger: The Wages of Whiteness – see also his essay in this volume.
Quoted in Jürgen Matthäus: Nationsbildung in Australien von den Anfängen der weißen
Besiedlung bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg, p. 207; for the following see ibid., pp. 67 ff. (›conservatives‹ / ›liberals‹), 162 (›Sydney Morning Herald‹, 1.3.1888), 163 (›The Age‹,
19.3.1888); cf. also Raymond Evans: ›Pigmentia‹.
77
ness of these races as cheap labour. They further claimed that members of
lower races could not, in any way, become dangerous to members of the
superior races. The majority of liberals argued against this with a loud
and clear alarmism which was fed by assumptions about the size and
abounding population of China and the supposed industriousness and undemanding nature of its inhabitants. They warned against the danger of
an Asian invasion of the continent. This message was finally also spread
by differently oriented print media. The ›Sydney Morning Herald‹ maintained that the »Australian people have made up their minds that they
will not be swamped by hordes of Chinese«. And ›The Age‹ supported
the »necessity of preventing these fair lands from being overrun by Mongolian hordes«.
Influential representatives of the labour movement joined in this
sermon. Under the headline »Australia for the Australians«, William
Lane conjured up »a true racial struggle« which could only be won by
cross-class race solidarity. He declared: »We stand together, we whites,
shopkeepers and merchants, artisans, labourers and farmers«. Finally,
the ›Queensland Worker‹ posed the leading question: »Should not all
white people unite to save their race and civilisation from going down
before the black, brown and yellow invaders?«. Lane’s slogans in the
›Boomerang‹ can easily be read as anticipated answers to such questions:
»We must be white [. . . ]. Shopkeepers, traders, manufacturers, farmers
and wage earners can agree upon this, however much they differ on other
matters«.57
At that time, the political demands for whiteness had already been
accompanied by ›white supremacist entertainments‹ and a white ›commodity racism‹ for a fairly long time. Among the entertainments, as if it
were a matter of course, were the world’s fairs. On the one hand, the Australian colonies endeavoured to present themselves overseas to improve
their image of the rustic colonial society so as to attract new ›white‹ settlers.58 On the other hand, they tried to use the international success of
the world exhibitions for their own image formation at home. In doing
so, they contributed innovatively to the creation of a racist dramaturgy.
57
58
›Queensland Worker‹, 15.5.1897, ›Boomerang‹, 4.8.1888 – both quoted in Verity
Burgmann: Revolutionaries and Racists, pp. 100, 67; the preceding statements by Lane
in the ›Boomerang‹ of 4.8.1888 and 26.5.1888 are quoted in Jürgen Matthäus: Nationsbildung in Australien von den Anfängen der weißen Besiedlung bis zum Ersten
Weltkrieg, pp. 188, 166.
Cf. Peter H. Hoffenberg: An Empire on Display, pp. 129 ff.; for the following see Graeme Davison: Festivals of Nationhood (›Australian exhibitions‹), http:
//museumvictoria.com.au/reb/history/site-of-two-world-fairs/ (›Melbourne Centennial
Exhibition‹).
78
Wulf D. Hund
Five years before the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago claimed
to celebrate four hundred years of the white civilisation of America, one
hundred years of the white colonisation of Australia was commemorated
at the Melbourne Centennial Exhibition.
Part of this entailed not only the display of machinery indicating the
control of nature and a collection of goods conveying abundance, which
contributed to the hegemonic integration of the working classes into the
bourgeois programme of progress, but also their complicity in the colonial land seizure and a genocidal settlement policy. The success of this
kind of mateship was demonstrated by the organisers of the exhibition
with an anthropological rarity: the skeleton of the Tasmanian Truganini,
who had been declared the last of her race. It served as proof of the social
Darwinist belief in the world-historical mission of the white race, against
whom the weaker races had to retreat and become extinct.59
With regard to Aborigines as well as the Chinese and Pacific islanders, the popular picture service of the press ensured the public spread
of discriminatory stereotypes through countless racist caricatures. One
of them was the image of the savage and cannibalistic Pacific Islander,
whose employment kept white workers off the sugar plantations. The
campaign for ›white sugar‹ which built on this is one of the most notable
acts of consumer racism. Expecting the sugar planters, the vast majority of the population opposed the employment of ›coloured‹ workers and
the labour organisations agitated against sugar which was produced by
black labour and was thus white only in appearance, but not in essence.
Of course William Lane commented on this issue as well. »Grow sugar
with white labour«: he told the planters and threatened that »we will stay
white and progressive although we have to eat beet-root sugar«.60
It did not come to that. Not only did ›Advance Australia fair‹ resound
from ten thousand throats at the celebration of the foundation of the Commonwealth of Australia, delegates from the labour parties of the different
colonies had already made the »total exclusion of ›coloured and undesirable races‹« one of their central demands at a meeting in Sydney in
1900.61 In 1901, the inaugural session of the new Federal Parliament fit59
60
61
Cf. Raewyn W. Connell, Terence H. Irving: Class Structure in Australian History, p. 122
(›hegemonic integration‹); Antje Kühnast: ›In the interest of science and of the colony‹,
pp. 218 f. (Truganini); Patrick Brantlinger: Dark Vanishings (›extinction of races‹).
Quoted in Verity Burgmann: Revolutionaries and Racists, p. 61 (from ›Boomerang‹,
20.4.1889 and 7.1.1888); for background and nexus see the essay of Stefanie Affeldt in
this volume.
Stuart Macintyre: The First Caucus, p. 18; for the following cf. the documentation of
the debates on both acts in Don Gibb: The Making of ›White Australia‹, pp. 99 ff. and
128 ff. – the following quotation can be found ibid., p. 130.
79
tingly took place in the Royal Exhibition Building in Melbourne, which
had housed the world’s fair that had marked the centenary of the annexation of Australia only a good decade earlier. In the same year in which
the Federal Parliament was founded, its members passed the ›Commonwealth Immigration Restriction Act‹ and the ›Pacific Island Labourers
Act‹. In the debate on the latter, the Prime Minister made no secret of its
racist and classist aim. What was at stake was »all Australia, the preservation of the purity of the race and the equality [. . . ] of its standard of
living«.
›The Jews are our Misfortune‹
On the North Sea island of Borkum, since the end of the 19th century, one
could buy postcards with the lyrics of a song seen as the anthem of the
island. It was played daily by the spa band and the bathers sang it on all
kinds of occasions. Apart from dunes and the sea, it dealt with the ›true
German spirit‹. Visitors with ›flat feet‹, ›hooked noses‹ and ›frizzy hair‹
were not wanted on this gem of ›Germanness‹ and had to go ›out‹.62
The Borkum song was part of a whole range of symbolic acts the
tourists performed to make sure that the claim of a travel guide which
highlighted, as a »special asset« of the island, that it was »Jew-free«,
was true. These acts marked the resort as a »capital market« where »economic capital was used to acquire social and symbolic capital«. However, this was not about the internal differentiation between different middle classes. Rather, the discrimination of ethnicised and racialised others became the catalyst for negative community formation on the basis
of shared »resentment of a part of the traditional elites«, the »bourgeois
middle class endeavouring to advance socially as well as the lower middle classes«.
The background of the racist acts of exclusion was the boom in political antisemitism in Germany. There are a number of overlapping, complementary and contradictory approaches to its interpretation.63 Almost
all, however, agree on its »ideologically integrative« nature.64 It not only
extended to the middle of society but was also aimed at the lower classes.
62
63
64
Cf. Frank Bajohr: ›Unser Hotel ist judenfrei‹, p. 14; the following quotation from an
islands guidebook of 1897 can be found ibid., p. 12., the following explanations are on
pp. 24 (›capital market‹) and 32 (›resentment‹, ›middle class‹).
For an overview see Werner Bergmann, Mona Körte (eds.): Antisemitismusforschung in
den Wissenschaften; a comprehensive collection of contemporary antisemitic writings
is included in Wolfgang Benz (ed.): Die ›Judenfrage‹.
Helmut Berding: Antisemitismus in der modernen Gesellschaft, p. 204.
80
Wulf D. Hund
This was even reflected in formulations by its leftist critics. Friedrich Engels declared antisemitism to be a variety of »feudal socialism« and the
slogan of antisemitism being the »socialism of fools« was circulated in
the Social Democratic Party.65
Like every ideology, the antisemitism at the end of the 19th century
was complex. Its answer to the so-called Jewish question combined religious, political and social elements with race arguments, making it ideologically and socially flexible. Its »policy of resentment« was able to
present a »multiplex concept of the enemy«, which included subversive
journalists and selfish speculators as well as brutal exploiters or international conspirators.66
The religious dimension was exemplified by Catholic and Protestant
antisemitism. It was also expressed in the success of August Rohling’s
›The Talmud Jew‹ (›Der Talmudjude‹, 1871), which explicitly drew on
Johann Andreas Eisenmenger’s ›Judaism Unmasked‹ (›Entdecktes Judentum‹, 1700), who in turn had transferred the antisemitism of the Middle Ages to the modern age. Part of this was the repetition of traditional
allegations such as that which accused Jews of ritually murdering Christians. It mainly, however, provided antisemitism with a religious »deep
layer«. It was widespread in all sections of society and firmly rooted in
everyday consciousness through socialisation processes, religious dogmas and church rituals.67
The political dimension followed the thesis of the Jews as a state
within the state, which had already been formulated during the emancipation debate. It escalated into the diagnosis of a pestilential infestation of
the ›Volkskörper‹ (people’s body). The orientalist Paul de Lagarde combined both elements. He felt it was »impossible« to »tolerate« the Jews as
a »nation within the nation« and recommended »trampling these usurious
vermin to death«.68 Less brutally phrased doubts about the possibility for
Jews to belong to the nation also tended to demand that the emancipation
be abolished. They were characteristic of a climate in which antisemitism
became »part of a whole culture«. Among those who made it »socially
65
66
67
68
Friedrich Engels: Über den Antisemitismus, p. 50; Eduard Bernstein: Das Schlagwort
und der Antisemitismus, p. 237.
Peter Pulzer: Die Wiederkehr des alten Hasses, p. 217.
Cf. Olaf Blaschke: Katholizismus und Antisemitismus im Deutschen Kaiserreich,
p. 89 (›deep layer‹); Wolfgang E. Heinrichs: Das Judenbild im Protestantismus des
Deutschen Kaiserreichs; Jacob Katz: Vom Vorurteil bis zur Vernichtung, pp. 215 f.
(›Rohling‹), 19 ff. (›Eisenmenger‹); Johannes T. Groß: Ritualmordbeschuldigungen
gegen Juden im deutschen Kaiserreich (1871-1914).
Paul de Lagarde: Deutsche Schriften, p. 34 (›nation‹); id.: Juden und Indogermanen,
p. 339 (›vermin‹).
81
acceptable« was the historian Heinrich von Treitschke.69 He explained
an alleged antisemitic »instinct of the masses« as a »natural reaction of
the Germanic Volk feeling against a foreign element«. It would find expression in all classes, »as if with one voice«, in the conviction: »The
Jews are our misfortune«.70
The racial dimension of the so-called Jewish question played a significant role in these operations. It was expressing popular agitation but was
also supported by the cultural and natural sciences, which could build on
elements of a venerable hundred-year-old tradition. The anthropology of
the Enlightenment had already speculated about physical peculiarities of
Jews. As early as 1790, Johann Friedrich Blumenbach described the big
nasal bone as an anatomic characteristic of the Jewish skull. In the second
half of the 19th century, the craniologist Hermann Welcker treated himself to his own »collection of Jewish skulls«. The ›Jewish race‹ became a
special anthropological object of study.71
The social dimension had a much longer tradition and had already received literary sanctification by the ethnicising distinction between capital as useful Christian trading capital and pernicious Jewish usury capital
in the ›Merchant of Venice‹. Under the conditions of industrialisation,
the crisis of the middle classes and the organisation of the working class,
it was drastically expanded. A wide range of antisemitic currents saw a
connection between the ›social question‹ and the ›Jewish question‹. This
amounted to recommending, like Bernhard Förster, that the battle against
capitalism should be fought as a battle against Jews. Otto Glagau, who
with his articles in the ›Gartenlaube‹ (arbour) had belonged to those who
had fed catchwords to political antisemitism, finally reduced its integrationist social demagogy to the concise formula: »The social question is
essentially a Jewish question«.72
In November 1879, Glagau became the chief editor of the ›StaatsSocialist‹ (State Socialist), the paper of the ›Central-Verein für SocialReform‹ (Central Union for Social Reform), which shortly afterwards
69
70
71
72
Shulamit Volkov: Antisemitismus als kultureller Code, pp. 33 (›culture‹), 31 (›socially
acceptable‹).
Heinrich von Treitschke: Unsere Aussichten, pp. 7 (›instinct‹), 11 (›natural reaction‹,
›misfortune‹).
Cf. Annegret Kiefer: Das Problem einer ›jüdischen Rasse‹, S. 18; for the preceding see
ibid., pp. 12 (›Blumenbach‹) and 12 f., 172 (›Welcker‹).
Otto Glagau: Deutsches Handwerk und historisches Bürgertum, p. 80; cf. Daniela Weiland: Otto Glagau und ›Der Kulturkämpfer‹; for the preceding see Wulf D. Hund: Rassismus (1999), pp. 54-74 (›The Merchant of Venice‹); Massimo Ferrari Zumbini: Die
Wurzeln des Bösen, pp. 243 (›connection‹), 652 (›Förster‹).
82
Wulf D. Hund
merged with the ›Christlich soziale Partei‹ (Christian Social Party).73 It
had been founded as the ›Christlichsoziale Arbeiterpartei‹ (Christian Social Workers’ Party) by Adolf Stoecker in 1878. The fact that a Prussian
court preacher tried to establish a labour party was both an expression of
the confusion of the ruling classes about the growth of Social Democracy
and an acknowledgement of the rapid dynamisation of class relations.
The reactions to the latter resulted in political repression (›Anti-Socialist
Laws‹), attempts at social reform (›Social Legislation‹) and state socialist
promises (as by the ›Christian Social Workers’ Party‹).
Stoecker believed that one could only win the »hearts« of the workers by »also talking about the social issues«.74 Therefore, he candidly
admitted that »social injustice and poverty« did in fact exist. However,
he held »Jewish capital« responsible for it. At the same time, he complained about the »infiltration« of the »German Volk spirit by Jewish nature«. It showed in the »worst supporters of the mammonistic spirit« on
the stock exchange as well as in the »worst supporters of revolution« in
Social Democracy. The »Jewry« »attacked German culture and German
nature«. It was a matter of »race against race«. For the »pressure of the
[Jewish] financial capital« in fact exerted itself on »workers«, »artisans«
und »industrialists«.
With regard to the official policy of the Social Democracy, Stoecker’s
advances to the Volk community did not work. Forced to deal with this
movement, the party firmly rejected antisemitism. Nevertheless, there
were members in its ranks for whom the »flirtation with antisemitism«
was a political option. This was already true at an early time, when Wilhelm Hasselmann, the leading editor of the newspaper of the ›General
German Workers’ Association‹ (Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein)
wrote in the ›New Social Democrat‹ that »clear-thinking socialists« regarded the »Jewish tribe as the crux of bourgeois society« and »as an
enemy of the cause of the workers who necessarily has to perish when
73
74
Cf. Dieter Fricke: Central-Verein für Social-Reform auf religiöser und constitutionellmonarchischer Grundlage, p. 432; Massimo Ferrari Zumbini: Die Wurzeln des Bösen,
p. 163.
Quoted in Walter Frank: Hofprediger Adolf Stoecker und die christlichsoziale Bewegung, p. 302; for the following see Adolf Stoecker: Sozialdemokratisch, sozialistisch
und christlich sozial, pp. 171 (›poverty‹), 192 (›Jewish capital‹); id.: Die Anfänge der
antijüdischen Bewegung in Berlin, pp. 152 (›infiltration‹), 150 (›worst supporters‹); id.:
Das Judentum im öffentlichen Leben, p. 211 (›German culture‹); id.: Notwehr gegen
das moderne Judentum, p. 167 (›race against race‹); id.: Die Bedeutung der christlichen
Weltanschauung für die brennenden Fragen der Gegenwart, p. 381 (›Jewish financial
capital‹).
83
the proletariat emancipates itself«.75 And it still held true towards the
end of the German Empire, when right-wing social democrats such as
the chairman of the ›General Commission of the German Trade Unions‹,
Carl Legien, demanded a policy »to dump the Jewish gang«.
Despite the official rejection of political antisemitism, members of the
party were not free from ideas of everyday antisemitism, and the stereotypes of the latter were spread by the social democratic entertainment
press. Patterns of graphic antisemitism, as circulated in picture sheets
and postcards, in joke books and illustrated magazines, could also be
found in social democratic publications. Jews were portrayed as »hagglers«, »usurers«, »East-Jewish caftan Jews«, »traders and stockjobbers«
and marked by »ascribed outward features«: »frizzy hair«, »big nose«,
»thick lips« and »crooked legs«. The antisemitic bifurcation of capital
and the racialisation of its mobile forms as ›Jewish‹ were reconstructed
ideologically and realised in pictures.76
For other parts of the working classes, this view practically became the focal point of their organisational self-concept. The ›German
National Association of Commercial Employees‹ (Deutschnationaler
Handlungsgehilfen-Verband), whose origins go back to retail trade employees who were also influenced by Stoecker, quickly developed into
the biggest organisation of employees in the German Empire. Its chairman emphasized at its inaugural meeting that it had been »born from
antisemitism«. The executive committee stressed that one could bring
about »radical social reforms [. . . ] only in connection with the Jewish
question«.77
The contemporary racist discourse tried to make antisemitic discrimination compatible with the concept of white supremacy. The differentiation of the white race into light-skinned and dark-skinned, Nordic and
Mediterranean parts, as well as the idea of mixed races could be used
for this purpose. Against this background, Jews were claimed to be not
truly white or even black.78 However, this perspective was not generally
75
76
77
78
Quoted in Arno Herzig: Judenhaß und Antisemitismus bei den Unterschichten und in
der frühen Arbeiterbewegung, p. 16; for the preceding and the following see Ludger
Heid: Sozialistischer Internationalismus, sozialistischer Zionismus und sozialistischer
Antisemitismus, pp. 111 (›flirtation‹), 114 (cit. Legien).
Rosemarie Leuschen-Seppel: Sozialdemokratie und Antisemitismus im Kaiserreich,
p. 261 (›hagglers‹ etc.).
Quoted in Dieter Fricke, Werner Fritsch: Deutschnationaler HandlungsgehilfenVerband (DHV) 1893-1934, p. 459 (›antisemitism‹) and Iris Hamel: Völkischer Verband und nationale Gewerkschaft, p. 61 (›Jewish question‹).
Cf. Bruce Baum: The Rise and Fall of the Caucasian Race, pp. 133 ff. (for Thomas
Henry Huxley and his division into light-skinned ›Xanthocroi‹ and dark-skinned
84
Wulf D. Hund
accepted. Instead, antisemitism took the essentialist racist alchemy to extremes and maintained that the Jewish body was different even if it did not
look different. The social scientist Werner Sombart expressed this idea in
the assertion that »the Jew« was capable of all types of »mimicry«: »He
even succeeds to a large extent in giving to his definite physical form
the appearance which he wants to give to it«. The physician and anthropologist Fritz Lenz finally attributed this to the »real mimicry« of Jews,
who through »selection« approximated their »appearance« to that of their
»host people«.79
Societalisation comprises the production, reproduction and modification
of social conditions and relations. Societal individuals generate social
structures and social facts of long duration, to which they are bound and
of which they assure themselves in everyday actions. In their course the
viability and significance of the social relations as well as their realisation
and interpretation by the individual are validated. Since at the same time
distinction between those who hold social and economic power and those
who do not is always a concern, questions of conformity and deviance become crucial. As distinction not only emphasises individual peculiarities
but also marks group-specific boundaries and secures privilege, societalisation is always accompanied by the exertion of domination over subaltern groups or at least their acquiescence to the ruling order.
In class societies, the resultant structures are reinforced materially
and socially. This not only applies to the control of economic resources
and access to the political and ideological apparatus of domination. It
also finds topographic, architectural, habitual and corporal expression.
With palaces and temples (as later in the world shaped by Christianity,
with castles and monasteries, town halls and cathedrals), not only places
of an awe-inspiring representation but also of luxurious consumption and
wastefulness come into existence.
The consent to such relations thus remains fragile. Utopias and revolts
are the revenants of all domination. The former tell of the changeability
of the conditions; the latter revoke the consent to them. In the presence
79
›Melanochroi‹), 144 ff. (for William Z. Ripley and his differentiation between ›Teutonic‹, ›Alpine‹ and ›Mediterranean races‹); Veronika Lipphardt: Biologie der Juden,
pp. 102 ff. (Jews as ›racial mixture‹); Sander L. Gilman: Der jüdische Körper, pp. 168
f. (Jews as ›black‹).
Werner Sombart: Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben, p. 327; Cornelia Esser: Die
›Nürnberger Gesetze‹, p. 53 (cit. Lenz).
85
of utopias and revolts, the great legitimatory narratives of the functionality and naturalness of domination do not suffice for appeasement. Since
ancient times, they have been couched in metaphorical comparisons of
society with a ship or body, which in addition to the crew or limbs required a captain or head.
Normally, this was not even enough to create contentment in rather
peaceful times. Therefore, hierarchically organised societies have regularly developed legends of negative identity as well. They allowed the
subalterns to place themselves in one category with the dominant groups.
Their distinctive feature was that the qualities of the identity they created
were generated through differentiation from external groups. The others were characterised as imperfect and tended to be excluded from the
sphere of full humanity.
With pertinent reservation about the simplifying tendency of typifications, these relations can be illustrated by a simple model of negative
societalisation (see the diagram, which depicts (as a square) the social
nexus of some included social groups (as circles with reciprocal connections) and (as arrows, inward and outward) the lines of the forces of
inclusion and exclusion). It shows that the societies we know are predominantly organised hierarchically and that the social distinction this conveys is significantly based on the unequal distribution of societal wealth.
I demonstrate this symbolically through the shape of a class pyramid,
which historically applies to many societies. The superimposition of ideology upon this pyramid not least serves to legitimise social inequality.
Taking into consideration the role Christian religion has played in this in
the Occident (and to do justice to the inevitable formalism which always
accompanies the construction of models), I make use of the figure of the
triangle here as well. I use it in the form in which it has become the symbol of an omniscient god, who supposedly wanted the societal conditions
to be the way they are.
Already at the beginning of modern capitalism, theories stated that
the values which supported it were distorted and served to perpetuate
social inequality. We should model ourselves on the good and the wise
but oriented ourselves towards the rich and the noble. In the course of this
analysis, Adam Smith points out that individual members of society learn
the historically and geographically different norms through their upbringing. Persistent socialisation simultaneously accomplishes the gradual inclusion of individuals into different social groups and the adoption of the
values which legitimise this hierarchy. I symbolise this with a road sign
which means ›caution‹ and, as if by chance, has the shape of a triangle.
86
Wulf D. Hund
Negative societalisation
Of course the societal conditions indicated by this are themselves
characterised by various processes of inclusion and exclusion. Depending on age, class membership, gender etc. certain actions are allowed or
prohibited and certain spheres are open or closed. The dominational limitation of opportunities for development is to be rendered tolerable by
offering and allowing individuals to not only experience themselves as
declassed but to also understand themselves as fully-fledged members of
a grouping which is conceived as uniform. This is made possible, among
other things, by the exclusion of others who are stigmatised as inferior.
I illustrate this process by one of those triangles standing on their peaks
which were used in different colours to mark the prisoners in German
concentration camps.
Types of negative social integration have been developed under very
different conditions and correspondingly vary in form. In my view, how-
87
ever, the ›barbarians‹ of antiquity, the ›heathens‹ and the ›impure‹ of the
Middle Ages as well as early modern times and the ›savages‹ of the New
World have central things in common with the ›coloureds‹ which were
constructed with the help of the race concept. They each form part of a
dualistic perspective which creates group identity through differentiation
from others. They all serve to pass off socially differentiated societies,
in which the dominant clearly distinguish themselves from the dominated, as homogeneous communities. They produce this pseudo-identity
by ridding the racistly discriminated others of their social particularities
and differences presenting them as uniform representatives of a counterworld. And for this purpose, they always devise dichotomies which create their own identity at the expense of others constructed as imperfect or
inferior.
The race concept also serves the function of such inclusion through
exclusion. Its ideological potential is utilised early by its developers. I
have shown that the Scottish moral philosophers already use ›class‹ und
›race‹ as categories for the creation of social hierarchies and relate them
to each other. On the one hand, they uncover the relation between exploitation and wealth and point out the social distance it creates between
members of society. On the other hand, they recommend to the poor
among them that they should not compare their condition to the rich but
rather to members of so-called primitive races.
Of course this is not yet a hegemonic racist ideology. With the foundation of race theory, the Enlightenment generated knowledge with whose
help existing colonialism and the coming imperialism could be legitimised. Moreover, some of its proponents at least implied that on this
basis symbolic racist capital could also be assigned to the lower classes.
Before this, however, the concept of a class-spanning white race representing the progress of humanity had to be popularly generalised as well
as accepted and acquired by the different social classes.
Among other things, this required the everyday dissemination of
racism, which I have described using some examples. It created quasiegalitarian spaces for the racist unification of different social characters
through their encounters at ethnographic exhibitions and world fairs, in
anthropological museums, through exotic advertisements etc. The racist
symbolic capital thus available to all social classes was no possession but
a social relation, which had to be reproduced regularly through explicit
agreement or tacit consent.
I explained this process using the two cases of the policy of whiteness
in Australia and political antisemitism in Germany. They show that in
88
Wulf D. Hund
very different social constellations, racism may make use of strongly dissimilar exclusionary practices. In Australia, racism claimed that an isolated outpost of white culture runs the risk of being flooded by coloured
migrants. In Germany, it constructed the subversion of the nation by an
internationally networked internal enemy who simultaneously destroys
social peace through socialist agitation and capitalist speculation.
In both cases, sections of the working classes followed this programme. In Australia, racism became an identity-building element of the
labour movement. As racist symbolic capital, it contributed to social integration. As the demand for wages of whiteness, it served to strengthen a
racialised class consciousness. In Germany, the attempt to destabilise Social Democracy with the help of an antisemitic pseudo-socialism failed.
However, antisemitic stereotypes also spread among its members. Moreover, antisemitism became the ideological focus of a nationalist employees’ movement, which demagogically declared the social question to be
the racialised Jewish question.80
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