Folien - German Grammar Group FU Berlin

Folien - German Grammar Group FU Berlin

Verbless Directives
Towards a compositional analysis of verbless directives in
German
17. HPSG Conference 2010,
Université Paris-Diderot Paris VII, 7-10 July
Jakob Maché
Freie Universität Berlin
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations I
Consider this!
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations I
Consider this!
According to Müller (2002), the complements with structural case will
surface as genitive NPs – whenever the selecting head is a noun
(1)
a.
Ich korrigiere die
Klausuren
I correct the.def.acc.pl exams
‘I am correcting the exams’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations I
Consider this!
According to Müller (2002), the complements with structural case will
surface as genitive NPs – whenever the selecting head is a noun
(1)
a.
Ich korrigiere die
Klausuren
I correct the.def.acc.pl exams
‘I am correcting the exams’
b.
Das [NP Korregieren [NP der
Klausuren]] kann
the
correct-noun
the.def.gen.pl exams
can
ganz schön angestrengend sein
very quite exhausting
be
‘The correction of the exams can be quite exhausting’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations II
The picture gets blurred, as soon indefinite bare plurals come into play.
(2)
a.
Ich korrigiere Klausuren
I correct the.ind.acc.pl exams
‘I am correcting the exams’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations II
The picture gets blurred, as soon indefinite bare plurals come into play.
(2)
a.
Ich korrigiere Klausuren
I correct the.ind.acc.pl exams
‘I am correcting the exams’
b.
* Das [NP Korregieren [NP Klausuren]] kann ganz schön
the
correct-noun
exams
can very quite
angestrengend sein
exhausting
be
‘The correction of the exams can be quite exhausting’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations II
The picture gets blurred, as soon indefinite bare plurals come into play.
(2)
a.
Ich korrigiere Klausuren
I correct the.ind.acc.pl exams
‘I am correcting the exams’
b.
* Das [NP Korregieren [NP Klausuren]] kann ganz schön
the
correct-noun
exams
can very quite
angestrengend sein
exhausting
be
‘The correction of the exams can be quite exhausting’
Lacking a determiner, they cannot be interpreted as embedded NP.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations III
An appropriate interpretation can be obtained, when the complement is
introduced by a von-PP
(3)
a.
Ich korrigiere Klausuren
I correct the.ind.acc.pl exams
‘I am correcting the exams’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations III
An appropriate interpretation can be obtained, when the complement is
introduced by a von-PP
(3)
a.
Ich korrigiere Klausuren
I correct the.ind.acc.pl exams
‘I am correcting the exams’
b.
Das [NP Korregieren [PP von Klausuren]] kann ganz schön
the
correct-noun
of exams
can very quite
angestrengend sein
exhausting
be
‘The correction of the exams can be quite exhausting’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
structural case in nominalisations III
An appropriate interpretation can be obtained, when the complement is
introduced by a von-PP
(3)
a.
Ich korrigiere Klausuren
I correct the.ind.acc.pl exams
‘I am correcting the exams’
b.
Das [NP Korregieren [PP von Klausuren]] kann ganz schön
the
correct-noun
of exams
can very quite
angestrengend sein
exhausting
be
‘The correction of the exams can be quite exhausting’
⇒ structural case in German obviously can also be realised by a PP!
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases I
One more puzzle!
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases I
One more puzzle!
As shown by Barbiers (2002), Szumlakowski-Morodo (2006, 327) : modal
verbs with bare directional phrases do not involve an ellipsis of an infinitive!
(4)
Wir müssen hier raus!
We must here out
‘We have to get out!’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases II
Szumlakowski-Morodo (2006, 325): if it were ellipsis...
(5)
Wir müssen hier raus (#gehen / #laufen)!
We must here out go
run
‘We have to get out!’
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases II
Szumlakowski-Morodo (2006, 325): if it were ellipsis...
(5)
Wir müssen hier raus (#gehen / #laufen)!
We must here out go
run
‘We have to get out!’
◮
...it should be possible to derive the elided infinitive from discourse
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases II
Szumlakowski-Morodo (2006, 325): if it were ellipsis...
(5)
Wir müssen hier raus (#gehen / #laufen)!
We must here out go
run
‘We have to get out!’
◮
...it should be possible to derive the elided infinitive from discourse
◮
... there should be a verb that can be inserted without any
interpretative effect
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases III
The case of inanimate subjects, see Barbiers (2002) for Dutch and
Szumlakowski-Morodo (2006, 327) for German:
(6)
a.
Der Brief muss zur Post
(#gehen)
The letter must to.the post.office go
‘The letter has to be brought to the post office’
b.
Der Brief muss zur Post
(#gebracht werden)
The letter must to.the post.office brought
pas.aux
‘The letter has to be brought to the post office’
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases III
The case of inanimate subjects, see Barbiers (2002) for Dutch and
Szumlakowski-Morodo (2006, 327) for German:
(6)
a.
Der Brief muss zur Post
(#gehen)
The letter must to.the post.office go
‘The letter has to be brought to the post office’
b.
Der Brief muss zur Post
(#gebracht werden)
The letter must to.the post.office brought
pas.aux
‘The letter has to be brought to the post office’
◮
cannot be completed by a motion predicate (lack of animacy)
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases III
The case of inanimate subjects, see Barbiers (2002) for Dutch and
Szumlakowski-Morodo (2006, 327) for German:
(6)
a.
Der Brief muss zur Post
(#gehen)
The letter must to.the post.office go
‘The letter has to be brought to the post office’
b.
Der Brief muss zur Post
(#gebracht werden)
The letter must to.the post.office brought
pas.aux
‘The letter has to be brought to the post office’
◮
cannot be completed by a motion predicate (lack of animacy)
◮
double ellipsis of past participle + passive auxiliary?
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases IV
Paul (1968, 320) about bare directional phrases with können, müssen,
dürfen, sollen, wollen, mögen, lassen, helfen, wünschen:
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases IV
Paul (1968, 320) about bare directional phrases with können, müssen,
dürfen, sollen, wollen, mögen, lassen, helfen, wünschen:
◮
that much frequent that they cannot be ellipses
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases IV
Paul (1968, 320) about bare directional phrases with können, müssen,
dürfen, sollen, wollen, mögen, lassen, helfen, wünschen:
◮
that much frequent that they cannot be ellipses
◮
er ist weg (’he is away’), er ist nach Rom (’he is (on the way) to
Rome’) ⇒ weg and nach Rom are predicates
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Modal verbs with bare directional phrases IV
Paul (1968, 320) about bare directional phrases with können, müssen,
dürfen, sollen, wollen, mögen, lassen, helfen, wünschen:
◮
that much frequent that they cannot be ellipses
◮
er ist weg (’he is away’), er ist nach Rom (’he is (on the way) to
Rome’) ⇒ weg and nach Rom are predicates
◮
analogously woher hast du das? (’From where do you have that’)
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
directional phrases and word order I
Yet another one!
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
directional phrases and word order I
Yet another one!
Steinitz (1989) quoting a talk by Bierwisch (1988): directional phrases
occur in the unmarked case at the right periphery. No sentential negation
between directional phrase and finite verb
(7)
a.
daß er die Sachen nicht auf den Tisch stellt
that he the things neg on the table puts
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
directional phrases and word order I
Yet another one!
Steinitz (1989) quoting a talk by Bierwisch (1988): directional phrases
occur in the unmarked case at the right periphery. No sentential negation
between directional phrase and finite verb
(7)
a.
daß er die Sachen nicht auf den Tisch stellt
that he the things neg on the table puts
b. # daß er die Sachen auf den Tisch nicht stellt
that he the things on the table neg puts
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
directional phrases and word order II
Steinitz (1989) quoting a talk by Bierwisch (1988): no sentence adverbs
between directional phrase and finite verb
(8)
a.
Er hat wahrscheinlich das Buch auf den Tisch gelegt
He has probably
the book on the table put
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
directional phrases and word order II
Steinitz (1989) quoting a talk by Bierwisch (1988): no sentence adverbs
between directional phrase and finite verb
(8)
a.
Er hat wahrscheinlich das Buch auf den Tisch gelegt
He has probably
the book on the table put
b.
Er hat das Buch wahrscheinlich auf den Tisch gelegt
He has the book probably
on the table put
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
directional phrases and word order II
Steinitz (1989) quoting a talk by Bierwisch (1988): no sentence adverbs
between directional phrase and finite verb
(8)
a.
Er hat wahrscheinlich das Buch auf den Tisch gelegt
He has probably
the book on the table put
b.
Er hat das Buch wahrscheinlich auf den Tisch gelegt
He has the book probably
on the table put
c. # Er hat das Buch auf den Tisch wahrscheinlich gelegt
He has the book on the table probably
put
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
directional phrases and word order III
Steinitz (1989) quoting a talk by Bierwisch: no unstressed particles
between directional phrase and finite verb
(9)
a.
Er hat doch die Sachen ins
Regal getan
He has par the things in.the shelves done
b.
Er hat die Sachen doch ins
Regal getan
He has the things par in.the shelves done
c. # Er hat die Sachen ins
Regal doch getan
He has the things in.the shelves par done
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
directional phrases and word order IV
Steinitz (1989) quoting a talk by Bierwisch: no floating quantifier between
directional phrase and finite verb
(10)
a.
Wir haben alle unsere Sachen ins
Regal gepackt
We have all our
things in.the shelves packed
b.
Wir haben unsere Sachen alle ins
Regal gepackt
We have our
things all in.the shelves packed
c.
* Wir haben unsere Sachen ins
Regal alle gepackt
We have our
things in.the shelves all packed
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Intonation patterns of directional PPs
Finally...
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Intonation patterns of directional PPs
Finally...
As recently pointed out by Kratzer and Selkirk (2007) and Truckenbrodt
(2010): locative PPs in all-new-sentences behave in mysterious manner:
(11)
Ich glaube, dass ein JUNGe [PP nach BERlin] fuhr.
I think that a boy
to Berlin went
(12)
Ich glaube, dass ein JUNGe eine GEIge [PP an einen Freund]
I think that a boy
a
violin to a friend sent
schickte.
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Intonation patterns of directional PPs
Finally...
As recently pointed out by Kratzer and Selkirk (2007) and Truckenbrodt
(2010): locative PPs in all-new-sentences behave in mysterious manner:
(11)
Ich glaube, dass ein JUNGe [PP nach BERlin] fuhr.
I think that a boy
to Berlin went
(12)
Ich glaube, dass ein JUNGe eine GEIge [PP an einen Freund]
I think that a boy
a
violin to a friend sent
schickte.
◮
Whenever no direct object present: stress on locative PP possible
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Intonation patterns of directional PPs
Finally...
As recently pointed out by Kratzer and Selkirk (2007) and Truckenbrodt
(2010): locative PPs in all-new-sentences behave in mysterious manner:
(11)
Ich glaube, dass ein JUNGe [PP nach BERlin] fuhr.
I think that a boy
to Berlin went
(12)
Ich glaube, dass ein JUNGe eine GEIge [PP an einen Freund]
I think that a boy
a
violin to a friend sent
schickte.
◮
◮
Whenever no direct object present: stress on locative PP possible
Whenever direct object present: no stress on locative PP possible
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Outline I
Four puzzles...
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Compositional approaches
An HPSG analysis
Objectives
Basic assumptions
Resultatives
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Intonation
Directional complements
the ’with’-PP
the analysis
illocutionary force
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Verbless Directives
Four puzzles...
Outline II
directive instances
’wh’-version
How does the adressee enter the stage?
The Non-finite Head Specifier Scheme
Open questions
Conclusions
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
As discussed by Schwabe (1994), Jackendoff and Pinker (2005), Wilder
(2008), Jacobs (2008) and Müller (2010), the directional phrase + mit-PP
pattern is a challenge for compositionality:
(13)
[??? [PP In Staub] [PP mit allen Feinden Brandenburgs]]!
with all enemies brandenburg-gen
In dust
‘Down with all enemies of Brandenburg!’
Heinrich von Kleist, Prinz von Homburg IV, 11, written in
1809-1811
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
As discussed by Schwabe (1994), Jackendoff and Pinker (2005), Wilder
(2008), Jacobs (2008) and Müller (2010), the directional phrase + mit-PP
pattern is a challenge for compositionality:
(13)
[??? [PP In Staub] [PP mit allen Feinden Brandenburgs]]!
with all enemies brandenburg-gen
In dust
‘Down with all enemies of Brandenburg!’
Heinrich von Kleist, Prinz von Homburg IV, 11, written in
1809-1811
◮
Where does the mit (’with’) come from?
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
As discussed by Schwabe (1994), Jackendoff and Pinker (2005), Wilder
(2008), Jacobs (2008) and Müller (2010), the directional phrase + mit-PP
pattern is a challenge for compositionality:
(13)
[??? [PP In Staub] [PP mit allen Feinden Brandenburgs]]!
with all enemies brandenburg-gen
In dust
‘Down with all enemies of Brandenburg!’
Heinrich von Kleist, Prinz von Homburg IV, 11, written in
1809-1811
◮
Where does the mit (’with’) come from?
◮
Where does the directive meaning come from?
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Typological perspective I
As Wilder (2008) discusses, these patterns are typologically attested in all
Germanic...
(14)
Into the bag with the money!
(15)
In die
Tasche mit dem
Geld! (German)
into the-acc bag
with the-dat money
(16)
pengene! (Norwegian)
Ned i sekken med
money-the
bag-the with
down into
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Typolgical perspective II
... and in some Slavic languages.
(17)
Do pytle s
těma! (Czech)
into bag with money
(18)
V šep z
denarjem! (Slovenian)
in bag with money
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Schwabe (1994) -Core Grammar vs. Marked Periphery I
Already Schwabe (1994, 52) noted that only verbless utterances of the
type (19) can be explained in terms of discourse ellipsis.
there is no appropriate (empty) predicate that realises its
theme-argument as mit-PP.
(19)
Tasche?
Wohin die
where.to the-acc bag
‘Where to with the bag?’
(20)
Wohin mit der
Tasche?
where.to with the-dat bag
‘Where to with the bag?’
As for utterances belonging to the type of (20), she assumes that they are
part of the marked periphery in terms of Chomsky (1981, 8).
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Schwabe (1994) – Core Grammar vs. Marked Periphery II
IP
I′
SpecI
wohini
I0
e
VP
V′
SpecV
e
DP
AdvP
die Tasche ei
V0
e
Figure: Analysis by Schwabe (1994, 30)
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jackendoff & Pinker (2005)
Noncanonical utterance types as PP with NP:
(21)
Off with his head!
(22)
Into the trunk with you!
Jackendoff and Pinker (2005, 220): A syntactic nut!
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
A plea for a CxG Analysis I
Jacobs (2008, 22): no compositional analysis available!
What keeps us from assuming the directional phrase is the head ?
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
A plea for a CxG Analysis I
Jacobs (2008, 22): no compositional analysis available!
What keeps us from assuming the directional phrase is the head ?
1. Adverbs never exhibit categorial valency
⇒ they never select mit-PPs
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
A plea for a CxG Analysis I
Jacobs (2008, 22): no compositional analysis available!
What keeps us from assuming the directional phrase is the head ?
1. Adverbs never exhibit categorial valency
⇒ they never select mit-PPs
2. in German mood is never expressed lexically
⇒ directive meaning does not come from the directional phrase
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
A plea for a CxG Analysis I
Jacobs (2008, 22): no compositional analysis available!
What keeps us from assuming the directional phrase is the head ?
1. Adverbs never exhibit categorial valency
⇒ they never select mit-PPs
2. in German mood is never expressed lexically
⇒ directive meaning does not come from the directional phrase
3. no evidence that the directional phrase is indeed the head
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
A plea for a CxG Analysis II
Jacobs (2008): only a non-compositional analysis might capture these
facts:
(23)
2
3
Phon /M mit Y/
4Kat [U Xdir [pp mitP YNP,dat ] ]
5
Sem DIRill (sp,adr,[ GO-END(x,y) & Y’(x) & X’(w)])
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
categorial selection of the mit-PP is part of the construction
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
categorial selection of the mit-PP is part of the construction
◮
directional meaning is part of the construction
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
categorial selection of the mit-PP is part of the construction
◮
directional meaning is part of the construction
◮
the addresse is semantically encoded
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
categorial selection of the mit-PP is part of the construction
◮
directional meaning is part of the construction
◮
the addresse is semantically encoded
Some shortcomings of the analysis:
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
categorial selection of the mit-PP is part of the construction
◮
directional meaning is part of the construction
◮
the addresse is semantically encoded
Some shortcomings of the analysis:
◮
how does it relate to similar patterns with nonfinite predicates?
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
categorial selection of the mit-PP is part of the construction
◮
directional meaning is part of the construction
◮
the addresse is semantically encoded
Some shortcomings of the analysis:
◮
how does it relate to similar patterns with nonfinite predicates?
◮
empirically not true → also with question meaning!
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
categorial selection of the mit-PP is part of the construction
◮
directional meaning is part of the construction
◮
the addresse is semantically encoded
Some shortcomings of the analysis:
◮
how does it relate to similar patterns with nonfinite predicates?
◮
empirically not true → also with question meaning!
◮
empirically not true → can also be embedded!
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Verbless Directives
Verbless directives – a challenge for compositionality
Jacob’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
categorial selection of the mit-PP is part of the construction
◮
directional meaning is part of the construction
◮
the addresse is semantically encoded
Some shortcomings of the analysis:
◮
how does it relate to similar patterns with nonfinite predicates?
◮
empirically not true → also with question meaning!
◮
empirically not true → can also be embedded!
◮
how could these patterns develop diachronically?
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Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) I
ImpP
Imp′
PP
into the bagi
Imp0
VP
[Imp]
[EPP]
V′
PP
with the money
V0
ti
GO
Figure: Wilder’s 2008 analysis for English verbless directives
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Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) II
Wilder’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
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Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) II
Wilder’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
Riemsdijk (2002): these cases involve the phonologically empty motion
predicate GO.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
26/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) II
Wilder’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
Riemsdijk (2002): these cases involve the phonologically empty motion
predicate GO.
◮
directive interpretation is provided by the ImpP
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
26/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) II
Wilder’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
Riemsdijk (2002): these cases involve the phonologically empty motion
predicate GO.
◮
directive interpretation is provided by the ImpP
◮
theme-argument marked as mit-PP whenever a locative is shifted
accross it (As in spray/load-alternation).
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
26/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) II
Wilder’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
Riemsdijk (2002): these cases involve the phonologically empty motion
predicate GO.
◮
directive interpretation is provided by the ImpP
◮
theme-argument marked as mit-PP whenever a locative is shifted
accross it (As in spray/load-alternation).
Shortcomings for Wilder’s (2008) analysis
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
26/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) II
Wilder’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
Riemsdijk (2002): these cases involve the phonologically empty motion
predicate GO.
◮
directive interpretation is provided by the ImpP
◮
theme-argument marked as mit-PP whenever a locative is shifted
accross it (As in spray/load-alternation).
Shortcomings for Wilder’s (2008) analysis
◮
empty GO runs into problems whenever modal with inanimate subjects
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
26/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) II
Wilder’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
Riemsdijk (2002): these cases involve the phonologically empty motion
predicate GO.
◮
directive interpretation is provided by the ImpP
◮
theme-argument marked as mit-PP whenever a locative is shifted
accross it (As in spray/load-alternation).
Shortcomings for Wilder’s (2008) analysis
◮
empty GO runs into problems whenever modal with inanimate subjects
◮
is there compelling evidence for the assumption of GO at all?
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
26/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: Wilder (2008) II
Wilder’s (2008) analysis in more detail:
◮
Riemsdijk (2002): these cases involve the phonologically empty motion
predicate GO.
◮
directive interpretation is provided by the ImpP
◮
theme-argument marked as mit-PP whenever a locative is shifted
accross it (As in spray/load-alternation).
Shortcomings for Wilder’s (2008) analysis
◮
empty GO runs into problems whenever modal with inanimate subjects
◮
is there compelling evidence for the assumption of GO at all?
◮
where does the mit come from?
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
26/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: G. Müller 2010 I
CP
C0
V0
V0
TP
C0
V0
T0
VP
V′
PP
[apass]
[•T •]
in den Müll
VP
tV
V′
NP
(mit) den Klamotten
ti
tV
Figure: verbless directives by G. Müller (2010)
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: G. Müller 2010 II
G. Müllers analysis in more detail:
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
28/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: G. Müller 2010 II
G. Müllers analysis in more detail:
◮
involves a covert antipassive morpheme
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
28/162
Verbless Directives
Compositional approaches
Compositional approaches: G. Müller 2010 II
G. Müllers analysis in more detail:
◮
involves a covert antipassive morpheme
◮
involves a phonologically empty verb
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Objectives
Objectives
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
29/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Objectives
Objectives
◮
provide a compositional analysis
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
29/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Objectives
Objectives
◮
provide a compositional analysis
◮
to reduce the amount of empty categories
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
29/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Objectives
Objectives
◮
provide a compositional analysis
◮
to reduce the amount of empty categories
◮
to derive the nature of verbless directives from existing well motivated
assumptions
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
29/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Objectives
Objectives
◮
provide a compositional analysis
◮
to reduce the amount of empty categories
◮
to derive the nature of verbless directives from existing well motivated
assumptions
◮
the mit-PP is an instance of structural case triggered by a directional
phrase
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
29/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Objectives
Objectives
◮
provide a compositional analysis
◮
to reduce the amount of empty categories
◮
to derive the nature of verbless directives from existing well motivated
assumptions
◮
the mit-PP is an instance of structural case triggered by a directional
phrase
◮
to discuss ”verbless directives” in abroader context
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
29/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Basic assumptions
Basic assumptions
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
30/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Basic assumptions
Basic assumptions
◮
motion verbs + directional phrases are subtypes of resultative
constructions
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
30/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Basic assumptions
Basic assumptions
◮
motion verbs + directional phrases are subtypes of resultative
constructions
◮
directional phrases are predicates
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
30/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Basic assumptions
Basic assumptions
◮
motion verbs + directional phrases are subtypes of resultative
constructions
◮
directional phrases are predicates
◮
the mit-PP is an instance of structural triggered by the environment of
a directional phrase
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
30/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Basic assumptions
Basic assumptions
◮
motion verbs + directional phrases are subtypes of resultative
constructions
◮
directional phrases are predicates
◮
the mit-PP is an instance of structural triggered by the environment of
a directional phrase
◮
declarative illocutionary force requires finiteness
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
30/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Basic assumptions
Basic assumptions
◮
motion verbs + directional phrases are subtypes of resultative
constructions
◮
directional phrases are predicates
◮
the mit-PP is an instance of structural triggered by the environment of
a directional phrase
◮
declarative illocutionary force requires finiteness
◮
the addresse is not syntactically encoded
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
30/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Resultatives
Directional phrase are resultative predicates
The line of reasoning:
◮
Wechsler and Noh (2001, 401): directional phrases are subtypes of
resultative predicates
◮
Müller (2002, 210): resultative constructions are complex predicates,
they sometime involve a PP
◮
directional phrases are a resultative predicates
An objection?
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
31/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Resultatives
Directional phrase are resultative predicates
The line of reasoning:
◮
Wechsler and Noh (2001, 401): directional phrases are subtypes of
resultative predicates
◮
Müller (2002, 210): resultative constructions are complex predicates,
they sometime involve a PP
◮
directional phrases are a resultative predicates
An objection?
◮
Maienborn (1994, 232) directional PPs cannot be predicates, they are
incompatible with copula constructions.
⇒ they have to be arguments
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
31/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Resultatives
Already Hermann Paul knew it...
Pointing out that directional predicates can be selected by the copula,
Paul (1968, 320), explicitly calls them predicates:
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Resultatives
Already Hermann Paul knew it...
Pointing out that directional predicates can be selected by the copula,
Paul (1968, 320), explicitly calls them predicates:
’[...]er ist weg, er ist nach Rom, die nicht anders aufzufassen sind als er ist in
Rom, dh. weg und nach Rom sind als Prädikate zu nehmen ist als Kopula.
Desgleichen er ist von Rom, woher ist er? ’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
32/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Directional phrases are predicates!
I ’m not the only one!
⇒ independantly motivated by Paul (1968), Barbiers (2002) and Steinitz
(1989)
⇒ Implicitly stated by Wechsler and Noh (2001, 401):
predicates of motion have optional result state argument see (24) vs. (25):
(24)
He ran to the store.
(25)
He ran in place.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Lexicon entry for a predicate of motion
see Wechsler and Noh (2001, 401):
(26)
2
¸
˙
cat — subcat NPi
2
6
6
6
6relation
6
6
6
6
6cont
6
6
4
4
become
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
3
#
37
7
runneri
77
run-rel
77
7
#7
"
77
locatumi
57
) 5
(
location-rel
"
34/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Directional phrases and word order
If directional phrases were predicates...
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
35/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Directional phrases and word order
If directional phrases were predicates...
→ they should behave like other predicates with respect to linearisation.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
35/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Directional phrases and word order
If directional phrases were predicates...
→ they should behave like other predicates with respect to linearisation.
All we have to do, is to compare the linearisation rules for directional
infinitives discussed by Steinitz (1989) with those of other predicate types
(list suggested by Müller (2002)):
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
35/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Directional phrases and word order
If directional phrases were predicates...
→ they should behave like other predicates with respect to linearisation.
All we have to do, is to compare the linearisation rules for directional
infinitives discussed by Steinitz (1989) with those of other predicate types
(list suggested by Müller (2002)):
◮
verbs selecting bare infinitives: modals verbs, AcI,...
◮
verbs selecting past participles: perfect auxiliaries, passive auxiliaries
◮
copula + predicative phrases
◮
subject predicatives, object predicatives
◮
resultative predicates
◮
particle verbs
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
35/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Previous observations: Lenerz (1977)
Already since Lenerz (1977, 88) it is known:
◮
that obligatory locative adverbs follow always the direct object,
◮
that free adverbs don’t
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
36/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Directional phrases and word order: Helbig/Buscha (1986)
Already Helbig and Buscha (1986, 567 ) suggested that ”directional
adverbs” are part of the right sentential bracket – as shown by Müller
(2002) the genuin place for predicates in German.
(27)
Er fährt in diesem Sommer an die Ostsee
he rides in this
summer to
the Baltic Sea
‘He will go to the Baltic Sea this summer’
(28)
Sie sieht heute sehr blaß aus.
she looks today very pale out
‘She looks very pale today’
As they illustrate those ”obligatory adverbials” take usually the position
after freely occuring adverbs, see Helbig and Buscha (1986, 569):
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
37/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: negation I
(29)
a.
daß er die Sachen nicht auf den Tisch stellt
that he the things neg on the table puts
b.
daß sie den Hasen nicht essen kann
that she the rabbit neg eat-inf can
c.
daß sie den Hasen nicht gegessen hat
that she the rabbit neg eat-ppp has
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
38/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: negation II
no sentential negation between nonfinite predicate and finite verb
(30)
a. # daß er die Sachen auf den Tisch nicht stellt
that he the things on the table neg puts
b. # daß sie den Hasen essen nicht kann
that she the rabbit eat-inf neg can
c. # daß sie den Hasen gegessen nicht hat
that she the rabbit eat-ppp neg has
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
39/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: sentence adverbs I
(31)
a.
Er hat wahrscheinlich das Buch auf den Tisch gelegt
he has probably
the book on the table put
b.
Sie wird wahrscheinlich den Film sehen
dürfen
she will probably
the movie watch-inf may
c.
Sie wird wahrscheinlich den Hund erwürgt
haben
she will probably
the dog strangle-ppp have
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
40/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: sentence adverbs II
(32)
a.
Er hat das Buch wahrscheinlich auf den Tisch gelegt
he has the book probably
on the table put
b.
Sie wird den Film wahrscheinlich sehen
dürfen
she will the movie probably
watch-inf may
c.
Sie wird den Hund wahrscheinlich erwürgt
haben
she will the dog probably
strangle-ppp have
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
41/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: sentence adverbs III
no sentence adverbs between nonfinite predicate and finite verb
(33)
a. # Er hat das Buch auf den Tisch wahrscheinlich gelegt
he has the book on the table probably
put
b.
* Sie wird den Film sehen
wahrscheinlich dürfen
she will the movie watch-inf probably
may
c.
* Sie wird den Hund erwürgt
wahrscheinlich haben
she will the dog strangle-ppp probably
have
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
42/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: unstressed particles I
(34)
a.
Er hat doch die Sachen ins
Regal getan
he has par the things in.the shelves done
b.
Sie wird doch das Auto verkaufen wollen
she will par the car sell-inf want
c.
Sie kann doch den Dieb gekannt haben
she could par the thief know-ppp have
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
43/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: unstressed particles II
(35)
a.
Er hat die Sachen doch ins
Regal getan
he has the things par in.the shelves done
b.
Sie wird das Auto doch verkaufen wollen
she will the carpar sell-inf want
c.
Sie kann den Dieb doch gekannt haben
she could the thief par know-ppp have
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
44/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: unstressed particles III
no unstressed particles between nonfinite predicate and finite verb
(36)
a. # Er hat die Sachen ins
Regal doch getan
he has the things in.the shelves par done
b.
* Sie wird das Auto verkaufen doch wollen
she will the car sell-inf par want
c.
* Sie kann den Dieb gekannt doch haben
she could the thief know-ppp par have
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
45/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: floating quantifiers I
(37)
a.
Wir haben alle unsere Sachen ins
Regal gepackt
we have all our
things in.the shelves packed
b.
Sie wird alle deine Rechnungen bezahlen müssen
she will all your bills
pay-inf must
c.
Sie wird alle ihre Freuden verloren haben
she will all her joys
lose-ppp have
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
46/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: floating quantifiers II
(38)
a.
Wir haben unsere Sachen alle ins
Regal gepackt
We have our
things all in.the shelves packed
b.
Sie wird deine Rechnungen alle bezahlen müssen
she will your bills
all pay-inf must
c.
Sie wird ihre Freuden alle verloren haben
she will her joys
all lose-ppp have
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
47/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: floating quantifiers III
no floating quantifiers between nonfinite predicate and finite verb
(39)
a. # Wir haben unsere Sachen ins
Regal alle gepackt
We have our
things in.the shelves all packed
b.
* Sie wird deine Rechnungen bezahlen alle müssen
pay-inf all must
she will your bills
c.
* Sie wird ihre Freuden verloren alle haben
lose-ppp all have
she will her joys
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
48/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Word order
Nonfinite predicates and word order: floating quantifiers III
no floating quantifiers between nonfinite predicate and finite verb
(39)
a. # Wir haben unsere Sachen ins
Regal alle gepackt
We have our
things in.the shelves all packed
b.
* Sie wird deine Rechnungen bezahlen alle müssen
pay-inf all must
she will your bills
c.
* Sie wird ihre Freuden verloren alle haben
lose-ppp all have
she will her joys
SUMMARY WORD ORDER: directional phrases and nonfinite
predicates behave exactly the same
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
48/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: Kratzer/Selkirk (2007) I
Kratzer and Selkirk (2007, 105):
(40)
The Highest Phrase Condition on prosodic spell-out:
The highest phrase within the spellout domain of a phase
corresponds to a prosodic major phrase in phonological
representation.
(spell-out domain: sister of the phase head: C0 → TP, V0 → VP)
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
49/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: Kratzer/Selkirk (2007) II
CP
C′
C0
TP
T′
dass ein Junge i
T0
VP
V′
ti
V0
VP
nach Berlin
V0
fährt
Figure: Kratzer/Selkirk (2007) (simplified): intransitive verbs + PP
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
50/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: Kratzer/Selkirk (2007) III
CP
C′
C0
TP
T′
dass ein Junge i
T0
VP
V′
ti
V0
VP
eine Geige
V′
an einen Freund
V0
schickte
Figure: Kratzer/Selkirk (2007) (simplified): transitive verbs + PP
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
51/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: Truckenbrodt (2010) I
(41)
Stress XP:
Each lexical XP must contain a phrasal stress
Truckenbrodt (2010): if Stress XP is indeed true then:
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
52/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: Truckenbrodt (2010) I
(41)
Stress XP:
Each lexical XP must contain a phrasal stress
Truckenbrodt (2010): if Stress XP is indeed true then:
⇒ locative PPs cannot be phrasal complement of V
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
52/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: Truckenbrodt (2010) I
(41)
Stress XP:
Each lexical XP must contain a phrasal stress
Truckenbrodt (2010): if Stress XP is indeed true then:
⇒ locative PPs cannot be phrasal complement of V
⇒ locative PPs are incorporated into the V-head
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
52/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: Truckenbrodt (2010) II
CP
C′
C0
TP
T′
dass ein Junge i
T0
VP
V′
ti
V0
VP
eine Geige
V′
V0
an einen Freund
V0
schickte
Figure: Truckenbrodt2010: transitive verbs with incorporated PP
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
53/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: other types of predicates I
According to Müller (2002), a fistfull of lexical items are involved in
German predicate complex formation:
◮
verbs selecting bare infinitives: modals verbs, AcI,... (42)
◮
verbs selecting past participles: perfect auxiliaries, passive auxiliaries
(43)
◮
copula + predicative phrases (44)
◮
subject predicatives, object predicatives
◮
resultative predicates (45)
◮
particle verbs (46)
As shown by Müller (2002, 207): depictive predicates (47) are not part of
the predicate complex.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
54/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: other types of predicates II
prediction: whenever a direct object is present: predicate unstressed
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
55/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
Intonation: other types of predicates II
prediction: whenever a direct object is present: predicate unstressed
(42)
... dass ein PROFessor eine POLka [INF tanzen] will.
that a professor a
polka
dance-inf wants
(43)
... dass ein PROFessor eine POLka [PPP getanzt] hat.
dance-ppp has
polka
that a professor a
(44)
ist
... dass ein GAST ein exotisches GeRICHT [ADJ gewohnt]
accustomed is
dish
that a guest a exotic
(45)
... dass ein MAHLer einen PFOSTten [ADJ schwarz] streicht.
paints
black
pillar
that a painter a
(46)
... dass ein FÄHRmann einen FAHRgast [PAR über]setzt.
that a ferryman
a
passanger
ferry.across
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
55/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
The case of depictive predicates
Expectation: since depictive predicates are not part of the predicate
complex (Müller (2002)), different intonation should be possible.
(47)
... dass ein Rat
einen WÄHLer [ADJ NACKT] besucht.
that a council a
voter
naked
visits
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
56/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
The case of depictive predicates
Expectation: since depictive predicates are not part of the predicate
complex (Müller (2002)), different intonation should be possible.
(47)
... dass ein Rat
einen WÄHLer [ADJ NACKT] besucht.
that a council a
voter
naked
visits
Depictive predicate is stressed even in the environment of a direct object.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
56/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
The case of depictive predicates
Expectation: since depictive predicates are not part of the predicate
complex (Müller (2002)), different intonation should be possible.
(47)
... dass ein Rat
einen WÄHLer [ADJ NACKT] besucht.
that a council a
voter
naked
visits
Depictive predicate is stressed even in the environment of a direct object.
⇒ for similar observation, see Uhmann (1991, 202)
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
56/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Intonation
The case of depictive predicates
Expectation: since depictive predicates are not part of the predicate
complex (Müller (2002)), different intonation should be possible.
(47)
... dass ein Rat
einen WÄHLer [ADJ NACKT] besucht.
that a council a
voter
naked
visits
Depictive predicate is stressed even in the environment of a direct object.
⇒ for similar observation, see Uhmann (1991, 202)
SUMMARY INTONATION: directional phrases and
(nonfinite/resultative) predicates behave exactly the same
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Directional complements
Verbs with bare directional phrases
There is a systematic alternation between nonfinite complements and
complements with directional meaning.
◮
verbs selecting bare infinitives: können, müssen, dürfen, sollen, mögen,
brauchen lassen, würde gerne, helfen, trauen, haben, sein
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
57/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Directional complements
Verbs with bare directional phrases
There is a systematic alternation between nonfinite complements and
complements with directional meaning.
◮
verbs selecting bare infinitives: können, müssen, dürfen, sollen, mögen,
brauchen lassen, würde gerne, helfen, trauen, haben, sein
◮
verbs with past participles: gehören, bekommen, sein, haben
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Directional complements
Verbs with bare directional phrases
There is a systematic alternation between nonfinite complements and
complements with directional meaning.
◮
verbs selecting bare infinitives: können, müssen, dürfen, sollen, mögen,
brauchen lassen, würde gerne, helfen, trauen, haben, sein
◮
verbs with past participles: gehören, bekommen, sein, haben
◮
motion verbs with bare infinitives: kommen, gehen, schicken, senden
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
57/162
An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Directional complements
Verbs with bare directional phrases II
(48)
Bill bekommt (von seiner Frau) Opium geschenkt)
Bill gets
by his
wife opium offeredpas.aux
‘Bill got from his wife opium for present’
(49)
Bill bekommt das Opium durch den Zoll.
Bill gets
the opium through the costum
‘Bill got the opium through the costums’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
Directional phrases are predicates
Directional complements
Verbs with bare directional phrases II
(48)
Bill bekommt (von seiner Frau) Opium geschenkt)
Bill gets
by his
wife opium offeredpas.aux
‘Bill got from his wife opium for present’
(49)
Bill bekommt das Opium durch den Zoll.
Bill gets
the opium through the costum
‘Bill got the opium through the costums’
SUMMARY COMPLEMENTATION: directional phrases and
(nonfinite/resultative) predicates occur in similar environments
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
the ’with’-PP
mit-PP as structural case
◮
remember the need to assume that also PPs can represent structural
case for nominalisation with indefinite bare plural objects!
◮
with-PP is the structural case assigned by directional phrases
◮
it concerns always a THEME argument, an argument that is usually is
marked with structural case
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
59/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
the ’with’-PP
The Case Principle (modified version)
...adding to the Case Principle along the lines suggested by Meurers
(1999), Przepiórkowski (1999) or Müller (2002, 15)a fourth clause
captures the fact
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
the ’with’-PP
The Case Principle (modified version)
...adding to the Case Principle along the lines suggested by Meurers
(1999), Przepiórkowski (1999) or Müller (2002, 15)a fourth clause
captures the fact
i. In a list that contains both subject and complements of a verbal head,
the first element with structural case is assigned nominative case unless
it is raised to a dominating head
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
60/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
the ’with’-PP
The Case Principle (modified version)
...adding to the Case Principle along the lines suggested by Meurers
(1999), Przepiórkowski (1999) or Müller (2002, 15)a fourth clause
captures the fact
i. In a list that contains both subject and complements of a verbal head,
the first element with structural case is assigned nominative case unless
it is raised to a dominating head
ii. All other elements of this list with structural case are assigned
accusative case.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
60/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
the ’with’-PP
The Case Principle (modified version)
...adding to the Case Principle along the lines suggested by Meurers
(1999), Przepiórkowski (1999) or Müller (2002, 15)a fourth clause
captures the fact
i. In a list that contains both subject and complements of a verbal head,
the first element with structural case is assigned nominative case unless
it is raised to a dominating head
ii. All other elements of this list with structural case are assigned
accusative case.
iii. In nominal environments all elements with structural case are assigned
genitive case
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
60/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
the ’with’-PP
The Case Principle (modified version)
...adding to the Case Principle along the lines suggested by Meurers
(1999), Przepiórkowski (1999) or Müller (2002, 15)a fourth clause
captures the fact
i. In a list that contains both subject and complements of a verbal head,
the first element with structural case is assigned nominative case unless
it is raised to a dominating head
ii. All other elements of this list with structural case are assigned
accusative case.
iii. In nominal environments all elements with structural case are assigned
genitive case
iv. An element with structural case enlisted in a spr-list of a directional
predicate is realised as mit-PP unless it is raised into the domain of a
dominating verbal head
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
the ’with’-PP
the analysis
Lexical entry of a directional predicate I
Directional phrases are resultative predicates.
An analysis along the lines of Müller (2002) is indeed possible:
(50) 2in den Staub (’into the dust’)
2
333
2
6
6
6
6
6cat
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6cont
6
6
4
6
6head
6
6
6
6
6spr
4
subcat
2
theme
6
4goal
move
form nonfinite
D ˆ ˜ E 77
77
6
4subj np str 1 57
77
77
prep
77
D ˆ ˜ E
77
77
np str 1
57
7
7
hi
7
3
7
7
1
7
7
7
5
7
7
5
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
the ’with’-PP
the analysis
Lexical entry of a directional predicate I
Some more details:
◮
corresponds to lexical entry of a resultative predicate
◮
the argument of the predicate is represented in both the subj-list and
the spr-list
◮
subj is a head feature, could never be saturated by ID-scheme
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
No declarative illocutionary force without finiteness
As noted by Jacobs (2008): never with declarative meaning - only with
directive meaning.
But see Reis (1985, 307), Schwabe (1994, 52), Reis (1995, 121 Fn 9.),
citet[][ 174 Fn. 17]Reis2003: wh-meaning
We have to consider at least four cases:
◮
directive directional predicates + with-PP
◮
wh directional predicates + with-PP
◮
embedded directional predicates + with-PP
◮
embedded wh directional predicates + with-PP
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
directive instances
Directive directional phrases
(51)
[??? [PP In Staub] [PP mit allen Feinden Brandenburgs]]!
In dust
with all enemies brandenburg-gen
‘Down with all enemies of Brandenburg!’
Heinrich von Kleist, Prinz von Homburg IV, 11, written in
1809-1811
properties of the construction:
◮
no particular adressee needs to be present
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
directive instances
Other instances of nonfinite directives
Infinitives, past participles and directive NPs behave in similar fashion –
see Reis (1995, , 117 & 138) and Reis (2003, 171).
◮
allow for directive meanings
◮
allow for a modal wh-interpretation
◮
do not license overt subjects
◮
license a +wh A-Bar Pposition
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
directive instances
Other instances of nonfinite directives II
External argument is coreferent with adressee:
(52)
Alle bis auf einen aussteigen!
all but of one get.out-inf
’All but one of you, get out!’
(53)
Keiner den Raum verlassen!
noone the room leave-inf
’Noone leaves the room’
(54)
Tiroler Fussball-Miniknaben aufgepasst!
Tyrolian football-junior.team listen.upppp
Listen up members of football junior teams!
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
’wh’-version
As already known since Reis (1985), Schwabe (1994), Reis (1995), Reis
(2003) and Wilder (2008) root directional phrases also are compatible with
wh-morphology.
As pointed out by Reis (2003, 171), they are closely related to root
wh-infinitives:
◮
wh- RIs always have a nonpast, prospective interpretation
◮
wh- RIs always have a modal interpretation
◮
wh- RIs subject interpretation is restricted to the speaker
◮
wh- RIs always are interpreted as speaker oriented not as
hearer-directed, information seeking
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
’wh’-version
Root wh-directional phrases: wohin mit and woher mit
⇒ : mainly two instances:
wohin: ca. 4400 hits (ca. 870 embedded)
woher 5 hits
(55)
Wohin
mit den ”illegalen Einwanderern”?
Where.to with the illegal
immigrants
‘What to do with the illegal immigrants’
(56)
mit dem Geld für die
Schönes Projekt, aber woher
Beautiful project, but where.from with the money for the
Umsetzung?
realisation
‘Beautiful project, but how do we get the money for the realisation?’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
’wh’-version
Embedded wh-directional phrases
As soon as wh are embedded, they lose their illocutionary force.
(57)
Die USA wissen nicht, wohin mit ihrem Atommüll
The USA know neg where.to with their nuclear.waste
‘The US don’t know what to do with their nuclear waste’
As already pointed out by Reis (1985, 307) Reis (1995, 120) and Reis
(2003, 174), mostly embedded by wissen + neg.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
’wh’-version
However, in corpora also other matrix predicates can be found, even if very
rare.
(58)
Österreich hatte keine blasse Ahnung, wohin mit Ball,
Austria
had no pale idea
where.to with ball
Spiel und Gegner.
game and adversary
‘Austria didn’t have any idea what to do with the ball, the game and
the adversary’
(59)
auch sagen, wohin
Dann sollten die Bildungspolitiker
where.to
Then should the education.politicians also tell
mit den Studenten.
with the students
‘In this case the educational politicians should also tell, what to do with
the students’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
’wh’-version
Why never declarative?
Is directive more basic than declarative?
◮
speculation: in communication more important: directives
◮
Schottel (1663, 548): imperatives often correspond to the verbal root,
since they were the first words
◮
Klein (2008): finiteness prerequisite for declarative illocutionary force
Reis (1995, 143) and Reis (2003, 183)
◮
directive infinitives contain a modal operator with a bouletic ordering
source:(set of possible world consistent with the wishes of the speaker)
◮
declarative speech acts anchor the proposition only to the actual world
◮
finiteness is the expression of that anchoring
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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An HPSG analysis
illocutionary force
’wh’-version
A compositional account is possible!
◮
the directional phrase + mit-PP behave like root infinitives
◮
those two types of nonfinite predicates constitute a bigger family
(Reis 2003, 196): a compositional analysis is possible for wh-infinitives!
SUMMARY ILLOCUTIONARY FORCE: directional phrases and
(nonfinite/resultative) predicates behave exactly the same
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
How does the adressee enter the stage?
How does the adressee enter the stage?
◮
Lexically encoded, as suggested by Jacobs (2008)?
◮
Not syntactically encoded see Wilder (2008, 247), Reis (1995, 136)
Reis (1995, 136): The infinitive always has a modal bouletic
interpretation, it expresses a whish by the speaker.
⇒ the addressee is saturated pragmatically.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
How does the adressee enter the stage?
Imperative operator by Wilder (2008)
To bed with you!
Into the money!
Imperative operator: ”Speaker commands Addresse to bring about p”
◮
p = you (addresse) GO to bed
◮
p = the money GO into the bed
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
How does the adressee enter the stage?
No need to encode the addresse!
Another case of bouletic modality - where the hell is the adressee?
(60)
I would like to have the lobster in butter sauce
Another case of directive root infinitive!
(61)
Zahlen bitte!
pay-inf please
‘The bill please!’
Notice, as opposed to most other directive infinitives: external argument
’payer’ is coreferent with the speaker.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
The Non-finite Head Specifier Scheme
Non-finite Head Specifier Scheme I
(62)
Non-finite-Head-Specifier-Scheme
2
3
synsem — loc — cat — spr hi
2
3
2
3
"
#
2
3
2
3
6
7
6
7
form nonfinite
6
7
6
7
head
6
7
6
7
6
7
6
6
7
6
7
6
7
adv-or-prep-or-verb
cat 4
57777
6
7
6
6
6
loc
˙
¸
6head-dtr 6synsem 6
6
7777
6
7
1
spr
4
5
6
7
6
7
6
6
6
777
6
7
4
5
4
5
2
cont
—
ind
6
7
6
7
nonloc — slash hi
6
7
6
7
Dˆ
E
˜
6
7
non-head-dtr
synsem
1
4
5
non-finite-head-spr-structure
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
The Non-finite Head Specifier Scheme
Non-finite Head Specifier Scheme II
The analysis in more details
◮
the argument is selected via the spr-list
◮
the Head Feature Principle prohibits the saturation of the subjlist
◮
the directive meaning is not directly encoded, since a wh-interpretation
is also possible
◮
the directive meaning is the unmarked case
◮
declarative meaning is a property of finiteness
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
The Non-finite Head Specifier Scheme
Example
(63)
in Staub mit allen Feinden Brandenburgs
2phon ˙in Staub mit allen Feinden Brandenburgs ¸
3
2
33
2
6
7
form nonfinite
6
7
D E
6
6
7
77
6
7
7
6head 6
1
subj
5
4
6synsem — loc — cat 6
7
7
7
6
6
7
6
7
adv-or-prep
5
4
6
7
6
7
spr hi
6
7
˙
¸
6
7
3
2
phon in Staub
6
7
6
7
3
2
2
37
6
6
7
form
nonfinite
7
6
6
7
E
D
6
6
7
77
6
6
7
6
6
7
77
6cat — head 4subj
1
5
6head-dtr 6synsem — loc 6
7
77
7
6
6
7
7
6
7
6
6
7
5
4
adv-or-prep
7
6
6
7
6
7
5
4
cont
6
7
6
7
6
7
6
˙
¸
2
3 7
6
7
mit
allen
Feinden
Brandenburgs
phon
6
7
h
i
*
+
"
#
6
6
ˆ
˜ 7 7
6
7
6
cat head noun case str 7
6non-head-dtr
7
6
7
1 6synsem — loc
6
7 7
6
4
5 7
cont
6
7
4
5
nonfinite-head-arg-structure
Figure: In Staub mit allen Feinden Brandenburgs
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Open questions
Open questions...
Are directional phrases always predicates?
Some cases are problematic for the predicate account
Steinitz (1989, 231 Fn. 11): Problematic class of Verbs, where a
predicate analysis fails:
(64)
blicken, weisen, zeigen, ragen
regard point point loom
(65)
küssen, sehnen
kiss
long
(66)
der Weg nach oben
the way to up
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Open questions
The last example in Paris...
Directional phrases embedded by impersonal predicates: Prediction:
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Open questions
The last example in Paris...
Directional phrases embedded by impersonal predicates: Prediction:
Since there is no argument position and no structural case available,
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
80/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Open questions
The last example in Paris...
Directional phrases embedded by impersonal predicates: Prediction:
Since there is no argument position and no structural case available, the
theme shouldn’t be able to raise into the verbal domain to get [acc]-case.
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
80/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Open questions
The last example in Paris...
Directional phrases embedded by impersonal predicates: Prediction:
Since there is no argument position and no structural case available, the
theme shouldn’t be able to raise into the verbal domain to get [acc]-case.
(67)
[Ab [PP mit dir] an die Front]!
off with you to the front
‘Get to the front!’
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
80/162
Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Open questions
The last example in Paris...
Directional phrases embedded by impersonal predicates: Prediction:
Since there is no argument position and no structural case available, the
theme shouldn’t be able to raise into the verbal domain to get [acc]-case.
(67)
[Ab [PP mit dir] an die Front]!
off with you to the front
‘Get to the front!’
(68)
’Jetzt geht es [ ab [PP mit dir] an die Front]’, habe ich
thought
I
now goes it off with you to the front, have
gedacht
‘Now I will be sent to the front, I thought.’
http://www.oskar-duschinger.de/neu/buecher/maxhuette 2.htm,
15.2. 2010
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
An HPSG analysis
Open questions
The last example in Paris........
Behave exactly, as predicted by the Case Principle
◮
Also the non-wh-pattern can also be embedded
◮
Whenever the THEME argument fails to raise into the domain of the
VP, it will not surface as NP[acc] but mit-PP
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Conclusions
Conclusions
◮
Directional phrases are predicates!
Jakob Maché 2010, German Grammar, FU Berlin
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Verbless Directives
Conclusions
Barbiers, Sjef. 2002. Modality and polarity.
In Sjef Barbiers, Frits Beukema and
Wim van der Wurff (eds.), Modality
and its interaction with the verbal
system, volume 47 of Linguistik
Aktuell, pages 51–73, Benjamins.
Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on
government and binding: the Pisa
lectures. Studies in generative grammar,
No. 9, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Helbig, Gerhard and Buscha, Joachim.
1986. Deutsche Grammatik: ein
Handbuch für den Ausländerunterricht.
Berlin: Langenscheidt, 9. edition.
Jackendoff, Ray and Pinker, Steven. 2005.
The nature of the language faculty and
its implications for evolutions of
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language, (Reply to Fitch, Hauser &
Chomsky). Cognition 97, 211–225.
Jacobs, Joachim. 2008. Wozu
Konstruktionen? Linguistische Berichte
213, 3–44.
Klein, Wolfgang. 2008. On finiteness. In
Veerle van Geenhoven (ed.), Semantics
in acquisition, pages 245–272,
Dordrecht: Springer.
Kratzer, Angelika and Selkirk, Elisabeth.
2007. Phase theory and prosodic
spellout. The Linguistic Review 24,
93–135.
Lenerz, Jürgen. 1977. Zur Abfolge
nominaler Satzglieder im Deutschen,
volume 5 of Studien zur deutschen
Grammatik. Tübingen: Narr.
Maienborn, Claudia. 1994. Kompakte
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Strukturen: Direktionale PPn und
nicht-lokale Verben. In Sascha Felix,
Christopher Habel and Gert Rickheit
(eds.), Kognitive Linguistik.
Repräsentationen und Prozesse, pages
229–249, Opladen: Westdeutscher
Verlag.
Meurers, Walt Detmar. 1999. Raising
spirits (and assigning them case).
Groninger Arbeiten zur Germanistischen
Linguistik (GAGL) 43, 173–226.
Müller, Gereon. 2010. Regeln oder
Konstruktionen? Von verblosen
Direktiven zur sequentiellen
Nominalreduplikation. Ms. Universität
Leipzig.
Müller, Stefan. 2002. Complex predicates:
verbal complexes, resultative
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constructions and particle verbs in
German. Stanford, CA: CSLI.
Paul, Hermann. 1968. Prinzipien der
Sprachgeschichte. Tübingen, 8. edition.
Przepiórkowski, Adam. 1999. On case
assignment and ’adjuncts as
complements’. In Gert Webelhuth,
Jean-Pierre Koenig and Andreas Kathol
(eds.), Lexical and constructional
aspects of linguistic explanation,
volume 1 of Studies in Constraint-Based
Lexicalism, pages 231–245, CSLI
Publications.
Reis, Marga. 1985. Satzeinleitende
Strukturen im Deutschen. Über COMP,
Haupt- und Nebensätze, w-Bewegung
und die Doppelkopf-Analyse. In Werner
Abraham (ed.), Erklärende Syntax des
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Deutschen, volume 25 of Studien zur
deutschen Grammatik, pages 271–311,
Tübingen: Narr.
Reis, Marga. 1995. Über infinite
Nominativkonstruktionen. In Olaf
Önnerfors (ed.), Festvorträge anläßlich
des 60. Geburtstags von Inger
Rosengren, Sprache und Pragmatik.
Arbeitsberichte Sonderheft, Lund:
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Reis, Marga. 2003. On the form of German
wh-infinitives. Journal of Germanic
Linguistics 15, 155–201.
Riemsdijk, Henk van. 2002. The
unbearable lightness of going: the
projection parameter as a pure
parameter governing the distribution of
elliptic motion verbs in Germanic.
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Journal of Comparative Germanic
Linguistics 5, 143–196.
Schottel, Justus Georg. 1663. Ausführliche
Arbeit von der Teutschen
HaubtSprache: worin enthalten
Gemelter dieser Haubtsprache
Uhrankunft, Uhraltertuhm, Reinlichkeit,
Eigenschaft, Vermögen,
Unvergleichlichkeit, Grundrichtigkeit..
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Semantik situativer Ellipsen, volume 48
of Studien zur deutschen Grammatik.
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Sprachwissenschaften.
Szumlakowski-Morodo, Irene. 2006. ’Ich
will weg, wohin musst du’ Modalverben
mit Richtungsbestimmung und ohne
Infinitiv. Muttersprache 116, 322–347.
Truckenbrodt, Hubert. 2010. Effects of
indefinite pronouns and traces on verb
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