non standard uses of if - Association for Computational Linguistics
Transcription
non standard uses of if - Association for Computational Linguistics
NON STANDARD USES O F IF D.S. B r e e & R.A. Smit R o t t e r d a m School o f M a n a g e m e n t Erasmus University P.O. Box 1738 3000 DR R o t t e r d a m The N e t h e r l a n d s f e a t u r e t h a t r e l a t e s the d i f f e r e n t m e a n i n g s of if. The s t a n d a r d use and t h e non s t a n d a r d uses using the s t a n d a r d m e a n i n g (1,2,3,4) require, in addition, t h a t t h e r e is an i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n from the p r o t a s i s (the if sub clause) to the apodosis (the main c l a u s e in which the if c l a u s e is embedded). ABSTRACT The p r e s e n t study e x a m i n e s the s e m a n t i c p r o b l e m s involved in c o m p u t i n g the m e a n i n g o f t h e non s t a n d a r d uses of if. The c e n t r a l q u e s t i o n is w h e t h e r or not it is n e c e s s a r y to i n t r o d u c e d i f f e r e n t m e a n i n g s of if. So we p r o p o s e t h a t t h r e e d i f f e r e n t m e a n i n g s of if a r e required: i n f e r e n c e (including t h e s t a n d a r d use), m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n (uses 6,7) and just d o u b t i n g the t r u t h value of t h e following proposition (uses 5,9). Each of t h e s e t h r e e uses may be e x p e c t e d to be t r a n s l a t e d by d i f f e r e n t words in o t h e r languages, e,g. in D u t c h by als, zo and o f ( e x c e p t for use 8) r e s p e c t i v e l y . Austin p r o p o s e d two non s t a n d a r d m e a n i n g s for if. We show t h a t t h e s e can be a c c o u n t e d for by the s t a n d a r d meaning t o g e t h e r with s h i f t s in the position o f the s p e e c h a c t within the s e n t e n c e . T h e s e uses of if a r e a m o n g the 9 d i f f e r e n t non s t a n d a r d uses which we found in a s a m p l e of if s e n t e n c e s taken from the Brown U n i v e r s i t y corpus: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Counterfactuah If E had stuck to his plan h e ' d still be famous. Factual: If R was a liar, he was also a canny g e n t l e m a n . Conditional s p e e c h act: You may c o m e back to S t r a s b o u r g , now, if you wish. P e r f o r m a t i v e s p e e c h act: He vowed v e n g e n c e on L, if e v e r the c h a n c e c a m e his way. Noun clause: He w o n d e r e d if the a u d i e n c e would let him finish. Doubtful presupposition P e r f e c t e n t i t i e s , if they m o v e at all, d o n ' t move to INTRODUC'TION T h e r e has long been, and s t i l l is, a c o n t r o v e r s y about the meaning of i f (e.g. Grice, 1967; S t a l n a k e r , 1975; H a r p e r et al, 1981). Much o f this discussion presupposes t h a t t h e r e is indeed one meaning of if. Is this presupposition j u s t i f i e d ? A t one level the answer is c l e a r l y 'no', e.g. i f can be used to i n t r o d u c e a noun clause f o l l o w i n g an i l l o c u t i o n a r y verb: John asked if he could c o m e in now. Such e x a m p l e s do not c o n f o r m to the c o n d i t i o n a l use of i f as in: If John asked he could c o m e in now. This is so d i f f e r e n t a use o f if t h a t one might c l a i m it should be set aside from the c o n d i t i o n a l if. Thus t h e r e would be two ifs: if' for s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e s and it~ for noun clauses. 7. " ' R e s t r i c t i v e Social r e l a t i o n s impose c o u r t e s y , if not s y m p a t h y , 8. "'Concessive 9. Protasis only " I f you want to see -" " N e v e r mind", she said sternly. Each use was e x a m i n e d to see w h e t h e r it could be a c c o u n t e d for by the standard meaning of if, t o g e t h e r with o t h e r f e a t u r e s of the sentence. S i m i l a r d i f f e r e n c e s in usage should then be found w i t h o t h e r SCs. This was the case for the first four uses. In t h r e e uses (6,7,8) i f m a y / m u s t occur in a phrase r a t h e r than in a full clause. The hypothesis that these uses can be d e r i v e d from the standard meaning of i f in an e q u i v a l e n t clause was e x p l o r e d and r e j e c t e d . T w o of these uses (6,7) r e q u i r e a m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of if, also necessary for a few of the s t a n d a r d c o n d i t i o n a l sentences. Our question should be r e f o r m u l a t e d as: is t h e r e only one m e a n i n g of if'? A u s t i n (1961) c l a i m e d t h a t the answer was 'no', p r o v i d i n g e x a m p l e s t h a t did not c o n f o r m to t w o l o g i c a l p r o p e r t i e s t h a t are associated w i t h if% T h e r e is a s t i p u l a t i v e use of i f ' which does not contrapose, e.g. from 1. I promise to m a r r y him if he asks me. one does not c o n c l u d e t h a t If I do not promise to m a r r y him, he does not ask me. T h e r e is also an i f o f d o u b t o r h e s i t a t i o n w h i c h not only fails to contrapose, but which also asserts the p r o p o s i t i o n u n d e r l y i n g the main clause (the 'apodosis p r o p o s i t i o n ' ) , e.g. from 2. T h e r e are biscuits on the t a b l e i f you w a n t some. fails to contrapose, but also we are w i l l i n g to a c c e p t the apodosis s i m p l i c i t e r , Can this c l a i m be r e b u t t e d ? Two uses (5,9) require only t h a t the t r u t h value of the following c l a u s e / p h r a s e is u n s p e c i f i e d . This is a p r o p e r t y t h a t all the uses have in c o m m o n (with the e x c e p t i o n of the f a c t u a l use w h e r e the t r u t h of the p r o t a s i s is used to e m p h a s i s e the truth of the apodosis) and is thus the 218 A TAXONOMY OF NON STANDARD IF We believe that i t can be. Austin's fault lies in working w i t h the surface s t r u c t u r e r a t h e r than w i t h the underlying propositions. He thus fails to take account of the scope of i f and of the scope of the speech act involved. With c o n d i t i o n a l if', the condition falls w i t h i n the scope of the speech act. When there is a p e r f o r m a t i v e verb in the apodosis, then the c o n d i t i o n a l is w i t h i n the scope of the p e r f o r m a t i v e ; so the p e r f o r m a t i v e i t s e l f is not w i t h i n the conditional, just as w i t h AustiWs e x a m p l e of s t i p u l a t i v e i f t. Thus I is paraphrasable as: l promise that I w i l l m a r r y him i f he asks me. in which the promise is contraposable: [ promise that he does not ask me i f 1 w i l l not m a r r y him. In the case of an i f of doubt or hesitation it is the speech act that falls w i t h i n the scope of the conditional. Thus 2 is: [f you want biscuits, accept the d e c l a r a t i o n t h a t there are some on the table. This act of speech is to be noticed only when the proposition underlying the protasis (the i f clause) holds; it is NOT made s i m p l i c i t e r . To consider the possibility t h a t some meanings of i f d i f f e r from the c o n d i t i o n a l , we need some way of classifying the 69 non standard sentences in our sample. The t a x o n o m y we chose is based on t w o features that are present in the c o n d i t i o n a l uses of if: i f enables a proposition to be r e f e r r e d to or e n t e r t a i n e d w i t h o u t being asserted as being (possibly) t r u e or false, and i f signals an inference r e l a t i o n from the protasis proposition to the apodosis proposition. . By an i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n we mean t h a t the apodosis proposition may be i n f e r r e d from the protasis proposition, together with the context propositions. (See the c r i t i q u e of Bree (1973) on Wason and Johnson-Laird's (1972) proposal for the d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f if.) In the non standard uses of i f one or the o t h e r o f these t w o features is e i t h e r absent or altered. Thus we propose that there are t w o m a j o r categories of non standard if: A. in which the i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n is present but the protasis proposition is NOT in doubt, being e i t h e r true or false; B. in which the t r u t h status of the protasis proposition is in doubt, but the i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n does not run from the protasis to the apodosis proposition. This last class is divided i n t o t w o subclasses: BI. in which the i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n is present but w i t h a d i f f e r e n t scope from the standard use; B2. in which the i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n is absent. The c o m p l e t e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f the sample of i f sentences according to t h e i r d i f f e r e n t uses is shown in Table 1. We w i l l now consider each of the d i f f e r e n t uses in turn, in order to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r the use requires a d i f f e r e n t meaning o f i f from the standard c o n d i t i o n a l . We w i l l check w h e t h e r or not the non standard use is to be found w i t h o t h e r SCs, so t h a t it can be accounted for w i t h o u t postulating a new meaning; w h e t h e r it is r e l a t e d to a n o t h e r non standard use, so that both uses are based on the same non standard meaning; or w h e t h e r it requires its own i d i o s y n c r a t i c non standard meaning of if. This e x p l a n a t i o n of the reading of Austints two ifs, based on the r e l a t i v e scopes of the speech act and if, can be extended to o t h e r subordinating conjunctions (SC's), e.g. I promise to m a r r y him unless~provided~when he's rich. The case for the n o n - r e s t r i c t i v e use, w i t h the speech act falling w i t h i n the scope of the SC was made by R u t h e r f o r d (1970), e.g. He'll m a r r y you, unless I'm mistaken. In v i e w of this g e n e r a l i t y it is parsimonious to regard Austin's two ifs as two d i f f e r e n t uses arising out of the c o n t e x t of the speech act, r a t h e r than as t w o d i f f e r e n t meanings of if. R e j e c t i n g Austin's ifs as possible contenders for an i f ' having a non standard meaning does not, however, show that there are no non standard meanings. In fact the O.E.D suggests 9 d i f f e r e n t uses of if: 1. conditional; 2. s e m i - f a c t u a l ; 3. counter factual; 4. a pregnant sense, e.g. If they are poor, they are at any r a t e happy; 5. an archaic use with that; 6. an e l l i p t i c use, e.g. i f at all; 7. the protasis alone, e.g. [f [ had only known; 8. in phrases, e.g. as if; 9. introducing a noun clause, e.g. ask if. (Note that this list does NOT include Austin's two uses of if!) Counterfactuals C o u n t e r f a c t u a l if, which is a problem for logicians, is s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d from our point of view. An i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n from the protasis proposition to that in the apodosis is being asserted, while it is known that the protasis proposition is false (Bree, 1982). It is usual (16 o f the 18 c o u n t e r f a c t u a l sentences in our sample) for the apodosis proposition to be false (or a question), which is indicated by using the a u x l l a r y would: (26) If Elaine's uncle had stuck to this desire for aloneness, he probably would still be alive, (60) "Laura, what would you say i f I smoked a pipe?" H o w e v e r the apodosis proposition may be true (1/18): (76) (...) i f it had never printed a word o f l i t e r a t u r e its c o n t r i b u t i o n to the p o l i t i c o - s o c i o l o g i c a l area would s t i l l be historic. The protasis alone is used to indicate that i m p o r t a n t (desirable) consequences would flow from the t r u t h o f the protasis: (85) " I f it wasn't for these dear children." To check whether or not there were f u r t h e r possible uses we have taken a 10% sample of i f sentences from the Brown U n i v e r s i t y corpus of A m e r i c a n printed texts, a v a i l a b l e on magnetic tape (Kucera & Francis, 1967). [n our judgement in 61% of the 218 sentences in the sample, i f was used in a standard c o n d i t i o n a l way. In 8% the i f was preceded by some m o d i f i e r , e.g. as if. This l e f t 69 (31%) non standard uses of i f as possible contenders for d i f f e r e n t meanings of if. 219 Table 1. Su~nary of the uses of if in the sample. Category and sub-category STANDARD A Counterfactual Factual BI Conditional speech act Performative conditional B2 Noun clause Doubtful presupposition Restrictive (if not) Concessive OTHER Protasis only Idicmatic Total non standard Modified if N p q Relation ? ? I-(~>q) 18 6 ~ + + [+ D-> ]-q 6 I ? ? + ? p->]-q listener knows p is + { perf(p->q) 10 17 5 2 ? ? ? ? na + ÷ + x[-p x]-p oon(x) ]p p is a question p is presupposed by x to replace x in q? p connotated by x in q 2 2 ? na na if p is sufficient ÷ true false unknown truth not applicable exclusive or inference assertion speech act 132 Total sample [-(re>q) Comments for ~phasis ZP 69 17 218 Legend: N Number of sentences p protasis proposition q apcdosis proposition q' q w/o performative verb x part of q pert performative con connotation of ? na I -> [- (174) The c o u n t e r f a c t u a l c o n s t r u c t i o n is not unique to if; it occurs w i t h o t h e r SCs in which the t r u t h status o f the subordinate clause proposition is n o r m a l l y open, e.g.: She w o u l d n ' t have m a r r i e d him unless she had loved him. She would have m a r r i e d him provided he had asked her. In both c a s e s the main proposition is false; the s u b o r d i n a t e proposition is true for unless and false for provided. Thus the c o u n t e r f a c t u a l use should NOT be based on a d i f f e r e n t meaning of if, but r a t h e r in the use of the s u b j u n c t i v e mode. If we thus spent our v e r y first day in (...) our last day to us at least, was e q u a l l y impressive (...) But n e i t h e r sense would be a p p r o p r i a t e in (185) If Wilhelm Reich is the Moses who has led them out of the Egypt of sexual slavery, Dylan Thomas is the poet who o f f e r s them the Dionysian d i a l e c t i c of j u s t i f i c a t i o n for t h e i r indulgence in liquor, (...) A more s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n is t h a t it is the speech act t h a t is c o n d i t i o n a l upon the protasis proposition. The w r i t e r is emphasising the speech act by p r e f a c i n g it (the protasis must always occur b e f o r e the apodosis in these factuals) w i t h a proposition t h a t he knows the r e a d e r w i l l know to be true. The i n f e r e n c e is from the protasis proposition to the speech act c o n t a i n i n g the apodosis, as in: (178) (...) w h e t h e r there is such fitness or not, we w i l l assume t h a t there is, and i f we do, we express (...) It is used w i t h e f f e c t in emphasising an i m p e r a t i v e : (211) (...) so if you w a n t to avoid nicked fingers, keep your hands well out of the way. Factuais The p r o t a s i s p r o p o s i t i o n may be true r a t h e r than false; this is the O.E.D. p r e g n a n t s e n s e of if. In such c a s e s the apodosis proposition is also true. M o r e o v e r t h e r e is no DIRECT r e l a t i o n from the p r o t a s i s p r o p o s i t i o n to the apodosis proposition, so it is s t r a n g e t h a t if is being used at all. One possible e x p l a n a t i o n is t h a t it is a slip for the more a p p r o p r i a t e SC although, as in: (113) [f Robinson was a liar and a s l a n d e r e r , he was also a very canny g e n t l e m a n (...) S o m e t i m e s it is used w h e r e c o r d i n a t i o n would be m o r e suitable: When a w r i t e r wishes to d r a w a t t e n t i o n to a speech act, he can do so by making it c o n d i t i o n a l on a proposition t h a t both he and the reader know to be true. While this c o n s t u c t i o n does not occur w i t h o t h e r SCs, it is 220 the mind of the speaker; doubt if, when the a g e n t b e l i e v e s q u e s t i o n in the mind of the s p e a k e r This c o n s t r u c t i o n is not found with whether;, nor is t h e r e any q u e s t i o n under any of the o t h e r uses of m e a n i n g o f if. c l e a r l y a d i f f e r e n t PRAGMATIC use of if, which does not require a d i f f e r e n t m e a n i n g of if. Conditional s p e e c h a c t s We turn now to non s t a n d a r d uses in which the protasis proposition is indeed in doubt, but the i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n is non standard. We showed t h a t A u s t i n ' s if of doubt or h e s i t a t i o n can be c o n s i d e r e d as a c o n d i t i o n a l s p e e c h a c t r a t h e r than as a s p e e c h a c t in which t h e r e is a conditional. Conditional s p e e c h a c t s are m a d e when t h e w r i t e r does not know w h e t h e r or not a s p e e c h a c t is a p p r o p r i a t e in the c i r c u m s t a n c e s , but he b e l i e v e s t h a t the r e a d e r does know. Most (4/6) of our e x a m p l e s are of this form: (189) If you would feel happier with full collision insurance, t h e r e is a small additional c h a r g e (...) (209) "You may c o m e back to Strasbourg, now, if you wish." The o t h e r use in the s a m p l e (2/6) is when the w r i t e r wishes to pose a question but only under the a p p r o p r i a t e circumstances: (190) If you use c o m p a n y t r a n s p o r t a t i o n to m e e t trains or haul visitors, would taxis be c h e a p e r ? t h a t the a n s w e r to a is probably n e g a t i v e . o t h e r SCs, e x c e p t for of it being s u b s u m e d if. So it is an a p a r t Doubtful presuppositions A frequent non standard use is to cast doubt on a presupposition of the main clause. Just as w i t h the use of i f to i n t r o d u c e a noun clause, the protasis proposition is in doubt - more, it is being put i n t o doubt - and t h e r e is no i n f e r e n c e relationship from the protasis to the apodosis proposition. The presuppositions that were denied in this way in the sample were: -existence, presupposed by a noun (4/17): (77) But it also made him conspicuous to the enemy, i f it w a s the enemy (...) -an event, presupposed by the use o f a verb (3/17): (159) Perfect, c o m p l e t e entities, if they move at all, do not move towards what t h e y lack. - n u m b e r and place, presupposed by c e r t a i n adjectives or adverbs, which are put i n t o doubt using i f any(where) (5117): As has a l r e a d y been pointed out, the s p e e c h a c t can fall within the s c o p e of o t h e r SCs. Thus it is not parsimonious to p o s t u l a t e a s e p e r a t e m e a n i n g of if for c o n d i t i o n a l s p e e c h acts. (10) Few areas, if any, (...) (16) For here, if anywhere, (...) -and possibility or necessity, presupposed by i m p e r a t i v e s and promises or threats (2/17): ( I I 0 ) Begin the e x a m i n a t i o n of a site w i t h a g o o d map and a e r i a l photos, i f possible. (I00) The posse then asked that he send out the women and children as the building would be fired (...) i f necessary to take him dead or alive. There is also the i n t e r e s t i n g case in which a c o m p l e x e n t i t y which is doubtful enters into a proposition. This is done by placing the c o m p l e x e n t i t y into the protasis, t o g e t h e r w i t h ever, and r e f e r r i n g to it in the apodosis (3117): (149) [f there was e v e r a thought in her mind that (...), it was now dispelled. It might be thought that this is a special case of a c o n d i t i o n a l speech act. H o w e v e r it differs from the l a t t e r in that the protasis proposition is not thought by the w r i t e r to be decidable by the reader. R a t h e r it is in the nature o f a hedge against a possible, but not highly probable, state presupposed by the apodosis. Thus we have classified it as having no i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n from the protasis to the apodosis. Performative conditionals The scope o f the s p e e c h a c t normally includes the i n f e r e n c e relation. We have just seen how the s p e e c h a c t may instead o c c u r within this relation. With p e r f o r m a t i v e verbs in the apodosis we see a shift the o t h e r way; the s p e e c h act i n d i c a t e d by a verb in the apodosis is NOT within the s c o p e of the i n f e r e n c e relation, d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t the verb o c c u r s in the apodosis. This is the c a s e with A u s t i n ' s s t i p u l a t i v e if, e.g.: (28) (...) he vowed v e n g e n c e on Viola Lake if e v e r the c h a n c e c a m e his way. We have seen that this use also occurs with o t h e r SCs, so the use of if within the scope of a p e r f o r m a t i v e does NOT require a s e p e r a t e meaning of if. Doubtful noun clauses We have just looked at two uses of if in which the protasis proposition is indeed in doubt, but in which the i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n is non standard. We turn now to uses in which the i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n is absent. The first of t h e s e is the use of if to i n t r o d u c e a clause to f u n c t i o n as the o b j e c t of a m e n t a l act: (144) I asked an old guy (...) if the boat was Moore's. A range of verbs involving questions take this construction: wonder if, when the a g e n t has the question in his mind; s e e if, when the a g e n t t r i e s d i r e c t l y to a n s w e r his question; ask if, when the agent puts his question to a third party; know if, when the agent has the a n s w e r to a q u e s t i o n in H o w e v e r there is some relationship between the protasis and the apodosis, best c h a r a c t e r i s e d as an a l t e r n a t i v e relationship. The apodosis proposition is doubtful because one aspect, x, w i t h i n it may not be applicable. Thus where x occurs in the apodosis proposition there must be (x v not-p), e.g. I0 could be: number of areas (small v not-one). This proposal is r e l a t e d to m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n in standard symbolic logic: p x is e q u i v a l e n t to n o t - p v x. Restrictives In c o n t r a s t to an i f phrase i n d i c a t i n g that a word may go too far because a presupposition may not hold, an i f 221 not phrase is used to i n d i c a t e t h a t the word being used, a noun or an adverb, may not go far enough: (102) And social r e l a t i o n s arising out of business ties impose c o u r t e s y , if not s y m p a t h y , t o w a r d (...) (105) (...} the i n e v i t a b l e t i m e crisis e x p e r i e n c e d by most (if not all) adolescents in our society (...) Can this use of i f not be d e r i v e d from another use of if, t o g e t h e r w i t h not, or is it a d i f f e r e n t use in its own right? There are three possibilities for the d e r i v a t i o n : t h a t the i f not phrase is d e r i v e d from an i f not clause, t h a t the r e s t r i c t i v e use is found w i t h o t h e r SCs w i t h not, and t h a t the r e s t r i c t i v e use can be d e r i v e d from another use of i f in a phrase. i d e n t i c a l . For a s e n t e n c e o f the form q r e l a t i o n s h i p is (x v p), w h e r e o n c e again x the apodosis. For e x a m p l e the r e l e v a n t could be f o r m a l i s e d as n u m b e r o f a d o l e s c e n t s (large v all). C o m p a r e this with the f o r m a l i s a t i o n for any': number of areas (small v not-one). if not p, the is an e n t i t y in phrase in 105 ' f e w a r e a s if While the e q u i v a l e n c e to the if o f doubtful p r e s u p p o s i t i o n holds at this level, r e s t r i c t i v e if has a d i f f e r e n t function. In t h e f o r m e r the p r o t a s i s i n t r o d u c e s a doubt about the l e g i t i m a c y of s o m e t h i n g p r e s u p p o s e d in the main clause; the l a t t e r p r o p o s e s a possible r e p l a c e m e n t for s o m e t h i n g in the main clause. C o n s i d e r the first possibility, i.e. t h a t the r e s t r i c t i v e use of an if not phrase is simply an a b b r e v i a t e d form for an e n t i r e clause, e.g. 102 would be d e r i v e d from: (102') And if social r e l a t i o n s arising out of business ties do not impose s y m p a t h y , t h e y i m p o s e c o u r t e s y t o w a r d (...) But if this is the c a s e t h e n 102' should be e i t h e r a s t a n d a r d c o n d i t i o n a l use of if or one of the non s t a n d a r d uses. It is c e r t a i n l y not a s t a n d a r d use as the apodosis, at least of the original, is a s s e r t e d s i m p l i c i t e r . However, n e i t h e r is it a f a c t u a l use as t h e p r o t a s i s is not a s s e r t e d , but left open. This s u g g e s t s t h a t it might be a c o n d i t i o n a l s p e e c h act; but 102 t lacks an i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e o f c o n d i t i o n a l s p e e c h acts, n a m e l y t h a t the s p e a k e r e x p e c t s the l i s t e n e r to know w h e t h e r the p r o t a s i s p r o p o s i t i o n is true or not. So, while the r e s t r i c t i v e use of if not to i n t r o d u c e a phrase can be d e r i v e d from an if not clause, this does not help m a t t e r s as this use would in i t s e l f be d i f f e r e n t from any o t h e r . We c o n c l u d e t h a t the r e s t r i c t i v e use of if not is d e r i v a b l e from the s a m e logical s t r u c t u r e as the use o f if to doubt a p r e s u p p o s i t i o n and so does NOT i n t r o d u c e a new m e a n i n g o f if. Concessives A n o t h e r use of if in which the apodosis p r o p o s i t i o n is t r u e and in which t h e r e is no i n f e r e n c e relation, is a c o n c e s s i v e use. It o c c u r s only with an a d j e c t i v e in the protasis: (5) (...) now t h a t you have finally grown up, if a l i t t l e l a t e (...) (121) (...) a well known e s t a b l i s h m e n t for the s p e e d y if t e m p o r a r y r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of drunkards (...) This use c a n n o t be r e d u c e d to the s t a n d a r d c o n d i t i o n a l m e a n i n g o f i f by c l a i m i n g t h a t the p h r a s e in the p r o t a s i s has been r e d u c e d from s o m e c o m p l e t e clause. If we try to do so, as in: (5') You have finally grown up, if you have grown up a l i t t l e late. the result is not a s t a n d a r d c o n d i t i o n a l but r a t h e r a f a c t u a l , but one which c o n t a i n s new i n f o r m a t i o n in the protasis; no such f a c t u a l s o c c u r r e d in our sample. So the c o n c e s s i v e use of if p h r a s e s c a n n o t be d e r i v e d from a underlying if c l a u s e use. The s e c o n d possibility is t h a t the r e s t r i c t i v e use of if not occurs with o t h e r SCs. T h e r e is only one o t h e r SC t h a t has this s y n t a c t i c c o n s t r u c t i o n , n a m e l y although. H o w e v e r s e m a n t i c a l l y t h e r e is a d i f f e r e n c e from this c o n c e s s i v e use of although, e.g. Most although not all a d o l e s c e n t s in our s o c i e t y (...) is d e f i n i t e l y a r e s t r i c t i o n to ' n o t all a d o l e s c e n t s ' r a t h e r than a possible r e s t r i c t i o n to 'all a d o l e s c e n t s ' . So t h e r e is NO similar use for the o t h e r SCs t h a t is s e m a n t i c a l l y e q u i v a l e n t to this r e s t r i c t i v e use of if not. As we have a l r e a d y seen, it is possible that a non standard use of i f has a c o u n t e r p a r t w i t h o t h e r SCs. The only o t h e r SC t h a t p e r m i t s a s i m i l a r c o n s t r u c t i o n is We turn now to the last possibility, o t h e r if phrases. T h e r e are two: the c o n c e s s i v e use (see below) and the doubting of a p r e s u p p o s i t i o n . T o s h o w t h a t the r e s t r i c t i v e use c a n n o t be d e r i v e d from the c o n c e s s i v e use c o n s i d e r this ambiguous e x a m p l e : The e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f f e r e d a longlasting, if not p e r m a n e n t , cure. This can have a r e s t r i c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , i.e. t h a t the cure is c e r t a i n l y longlasting and may well be p e r m a n e n t . But it can also have a c o n c e s s i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as can be seen when 'not p e r m a n e n t ' is r e p l a c e d by ' t e m p o r a r y t : The e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f f e r e d a longlasting, if t e m p o r a r y , cure. So the r e s t r i c t i v e use c a n n o t be d e r i v e d from c o m b i n i n g not with the c o n c e s s i v e use of if ( o t h e r w i s e t h e r e would be no ambiguity). although: You have f i n a l l y grown up, although a l i t t l e late. which is almost a paraphrase o f 5. But it is u n l i k e l y t h a t this concessive use of i f is a ' m i s t a k e ' for although; c e r t a i n authors use concessive i f phrases consistently, e.g. Schoenberger (1969). A possible d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n the t w o is t h a t the a d j e c t i v e f o l l o w i n g although is d e f i n i t e l y applicable, c.f. A speedy although t e m p o r a r y r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . A speedy i f t e m p o r a r y r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . This suggests that t h e r e is a r e l a t i o n between the concessive use and the use to indicate a d o u b t f u l presupposition. Here what is put into doubt is not the presupposition but a l i k e l y c o n n o t a t i o n o f a word, e.g. r e h a b i l i t a t i o n s are n o r m a l l y permanent. H o w e v e r the logical r e l a t i o n is NOT the same, e.g. it is not the case that 'speedy if t e m p o r a r y rehabilitation' can be formalised by: t i m e for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n (short) R a t h e r the r e s t r i c t i v e use is s e m a n t i c a l l y e q u i v a l e n t to the use of doubting a presupposition. The r e l a t i o n s h i p in the l a t t e r c a s e we have c l a s s i f i e d as (x v not-p), w h e r e x is an e n t i t y in the apodosis. The r e s t r i c t i v e use is 222 duration of rehabilitation (permanent v nottemporary); r a t h e r it is duration of rehabilitation (permanent v temporary). So the c o n c e s s i v e use of if c a n n o t be r e d u c e d to the use to doubt a presupposition. We have also shown t h a t it c a n n o t be d e r i v e d from a s t a n d a r d or f a c t u a l if clause; nor do o t h e r SCs exhibit the s a m e p h e n o m e n o n . So t h e c o n c e s s i v e use of if must be c o n s i d e r e d as being based on a d i f f e r e n t m e a n i n g of if. Within the BI c a t e g o r y , with non s t a n d a r d i n f e r e n c e , we find a s y m m e t r i c a l s i t u a t i o n . For the c o n d i t i o n a l s p e e c h act, the s p e e c h a c t is m o v e d IN to within the s c o p e of the protasis; for t h e p e r f o r m a t i v e use the main verb in the apodosis is moved OUT beyond t h e s c o p e of t h e protasis. Thus we do not e x p e c t to find f u r t h e r subc a t e g o r i e s within Bl. Within the B2 c a t e g o r y , in which the i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n is absent, we found 5 s u b - c a t e g o r i e s within the s a m p l e . In the s u b - c a t e g o r y in which if i n t r o d u c e s a noun c l a u s e t h e r e is no apodosis; if is being used just to i n t r o d u c e a proposition with unknown t r u t h value. T h e r e is a n o t h e r s u b - c a t e g o r y with no apodosis, when t h e p r o t a s i s is s u f f i c i e n t for the s p e a k e r to stop. Protasis only One of the uses of if that, w i t h i n our sample, occurs only w i t h i n r e p o r t e d speech, is when the speaker puts f o r w a r d a possibility which in i t s e l f is s u f f i c i e n t to cause a r e a c t i o n in the listener: (187) "If you want to see" ... " N e v e r mind", she said sternly. (200) "But i f you say you managed it - - - " The stanger was hooked. it is the pragmatics of the c o n t e x t that leads to the protasis being s u f f i c i e n t to cause the speaker to stop or the listener to interrupt, so no new meaning of i f is required. The r e m a i n i n g 3 sub-categories w i t h i n B2 are all r e l a t e d in several ways: the protasis may be a phrase (in t w o cases, restricitJve and concessive use, it MUST be a phrase); w h i l e the protasis is in doubt the apodosis proposition is true, w i t h a m i n o r exception; this e x c e p t i o n is being put f o r w a r d in the protasis as possibly although not necessarily the case. In the r e s t r i c t i v e use (if not) the w r i t e r suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y o f a f u r t h e r r e s t r i c t i o n to one of the features of the apodosis; in the use to doubt a presupposition, the apodosis, on the contra~'y, goes too far in one of its presuppostions; in the concessive use it is not something as strong as a presupposition that goes too far but just a l i k e l y c o n n o t a t i o n of a phrase w i t h i n the apodosis. While there is some p a t t e r n to this B2 c a t e g o r y , we b e l i e v e that it is essentially open; i n n o v a t i v e uses of i f w i l l be found here r a t h e r than in the o t h e r t w o categories. Summary The non standard examples of i f sentences have been divided into 9 sub-categories w i t h i n the three categories that we proposed above. Is there any post hot: r a t i o n a l e that can be given for these categories? A r e t h e y necessary or c o m p l e t e ? CONCLUSION Within c a t e g o r y A, in which the p r o t a s i s proposition DOES have a t r u t h value, t h e r e are two s u b c a t e g o r i e s , c o u n t e r f a c t u a l s and factuals, which c o r r e s p o n d to the protasis proposition being false and t r u e r e s p e c t i v e l y . H o w e v e r this is not the only d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n the two: c o u n t e r f a c t u a l s have a s t a n d a r d i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n from the protasis to the apodosis proposition, while f a c t u a l s do not. For the f a c t u a l s it is the s p e e c h act t h a t is conditional upon the protasis proposition. We have found 9 d i f f e r e n t non standard uses of if, as summarised in Table I. H o w e v e r this does not require there to be 9 d i f f e r e n t meanings for if. Three meanings are s u f f i c i e n t . Four of the d i f f e r e n t uses are e x p l a i n a b l e by p r a g m a t i c considerations, a point we made when c r i t i c i s i n g Austin's claim. His two ifs are the two uses in c a t e g o r y BI; the d i f f e r e n c e s arise from differences in the scopes of the speech act and the c o n d i t i o n a l and are c o m m o n to o t h e r SCs. The f a c t u a l use occurs when both the w r i t e r and reader know t h a t the protasis proposition is true and is used for emphasis. L a s t l y the protasis may occur w i t h o u t an apodosJs when the speaker is i n t e r r u p t e d . A l l four uses are based on the standard c o n d i t i o n a l meaning of if; the non standard uses arises from p r a g m a t i c considerations. Why is it that we do not find two o t h e r subc a t e g o r i e s : false p r o t a s i s with conditional s p e e c h act and true protasis with s t a n d a r d i n f e r e n c e ? T h e r e is no p r a g m a t i c s i t u a t i o n in which the f o r m e r might occur; if both the w r i t e r and the r e a d e r know t h a t the p r o t a s i s proposition is false, then the s p e e c h act would n e v e r be a c c e p t e d at all. For the l a t t e r t h e r e is a n o t h e r SC which fulfills the function, namely n o n - t e m p o r a l since. The c o u n t e r f a c t u a l use arises from an i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h the subjunctive mode in the apodosis. This is c o m m o n to o t h e r SCs and so does not require an apart meaning o f if. N e i t h e r do we find the condition falling within the scope of a p e r f o r m a t i v e verb in c a t e g o r y A. It c a n n o t o c c u r with c o u n t e r f a c t u a l s as the p e r f o r m a t i v e would have to be c o u n t e r e d in which c a s e it would no longer be p e r f o r m e d , e.g. I would have p r o m i s e d to m a r r y him if he had asked The use of i f to introduce a noun clause DOES require an apart meaning o f i f as no i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n is present. This suggests that the f e a t u r e of i f to introduce a proposition of unknown t r u t h value is p r e d o m i n a n t o v e r the inference relationship feature. The factual use of i f is the only use in which the f o r m e r f e a t u r e is absent; then Jt is a s t y l i s t i c consideration that leads to the use of if, i.e. me. is simply no promise at all but a s t a n d a r d c o u n t e r f a c t u a l . N e i t h e r have we been able to c o n s t r u c t a factual within a p e r f o r m a t i v e . So t h e r e are no s u b - c a t e g o r i e s missing from A. 223 We r e f r a i n from s u g g e s t i n g a fourth m e a n i n g of if. We would e x p e c t t h a t t r a n s l a t i o n s into o t h e r languages would not be to the conditional, e.g. with D u t c h if in such e x p r e s s i o n s is t r a n s l a t e d using zij her, literally b e it. to add emphasis. The three r e m a i n i n g uses are possible candidates for a third meaning of if, as none display an i n f e r e n c e relationship. These uses cannot be accounted for by some p r a g m a t i c v a r i a t i o n of the standard c o n d i t i o n a l , such as a shift in the scope of the speech act, nor are s i m i l a r uses found w i t h o t h e r SCs in general. In t w o of these uses, r e s t r i c t i v e and concessive, the protasis must be a phrase; but these phrases cannot be d e r i v e d f r o m a corresponding standard c o n d i t i o n a l clause. In conclusion, we p r o p o s e t h a t if has t h r e e d i f f e r e n t meanings, all o f which have one f e a t u r e in c o m m o n : t h e t r u t h s t a t u s of the p r o t a s i s is in doubt. They are, in o r d e r of f r e q u e n c y of o c c u r e n c e in our sample: 1. i n f e r e n t i a l ( p ~ q ) : as used in s t a n d a r d , c o u n t e r f a c t u a l and f a c t u a l c o n d i t i o n a l s , t o g e t h e r with the c o n d i t i o n a l s p e e c h act, t h e p e r f o r m a t i v e c o n d i t i o n a l and the use of t h e p r o t a s i s w i t h o u t an apodosis (in this last c a s e the i n f e r e n c e is l e f t open); 2. m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n {q v not-p): as used in a few s t a n d a r d c o n d i t i o n a l s , for doubting a p r e s u p p o s i t i o n and in the r e s t r i c t i v e use; 3. doubting:, as used in noun clauses, in which only t h e t r u t h of t h e a s s o c i a t e d p r o p o s i t i o n is put into doubt. We e x p e c t t h a t o t h e r languages will use d i f f e r e n t words for t h e s e t h r e e meanings. This is t h e c a s e in Dutch, for e x a m p l e , w h e r e the uses d e p e n d i n g on an i n f e r e n t i a l m e a n i n g a r e i n d i c a t e d by als or the m o r e formal indien, the m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n by zo and doubting by o f (which is also used to t r a n s l a t e w h e t h e r ) . T h e r e is only one e x c e p t i o n to this, the f a c t u a l use in Dutch is not i n d i c a t e d by als but by a c h a n g e in word order. Two uses, doubtful p r e s u p p o s t i o n and r e s t r i c t i v e , have a s e m a n t i c f e a t u r e in c o m m o n , n a m e l y t h a t t h e r e is s o m e f e a t u r e of the apodosis, x, which may need to be modified. We propose t h a t if h e r e has a m e a n i n g e q u i v a l e n t to m a t e r i a l implication, i.e. x v not-p, which is e q u i v a l e n t to p D x. This is the t r a d i t i o n a l logicians s u g g e s t i o n for the s t a n d a r d m e a n i n g of if. We do not a c c e p t t h a t in the s t a n d a r d c o n d i t i o n a l use the m e a n i n g of if is e q u i v a l e n t to m a t e r i a l implication; such an e q u i v a l e n c e runs into d i f f i c u l t i e s . For i n s t a n c e it r e q u i r e s the e q u i v a l e n c e of: If I hit you, it'll hurt. Either I d o n ' t hit you or you'll be hurt. and such unacceptable reasoning as: God doesn't exist, so i f God exists we are free to do what we want. Several a t t e m p t s to save the e q u i v a l e n c e have been made. For instance Grice (1967) did so by requiring t h a t speakers adhere to c e r t a i n c o n v e r s a t i o n a l i m p l i c a t u r e s , such as saying as much as t h e y know, thus ruling out the use of a c o n d i t i o n a l i f sentences w i t h a false protasis. Formal semanticists propose some slight m o d i f i c a t i o n s . For instance Stalnaker (1975) c l a i m e d t h a t in any c o n t e x t in which a sentence of the form n o t - p or q is acceptable, a sentence of the form i f p then q is also acceptable. Elsewhere (Bree, 1981) we have taken issue w i t h these and o t h e r a t t e m p t s to d e m o n s t r a t e e q u i v a l e n c e of i f w i t h material implication. Any c o m p u t e r p r o g r a m which p u r p o r t s to u n d e r s t a n d t h e English language will need to be able to distinguish b e t w e e n t h e s e t h r e e d i f f e r e n t meanings. The last, doubting, is e a s y to d e t e c t as if is then used to i n t r o d u c e a noun c l a u s e as o p p o s e d to a sub clause. H o w e v e r distinguishing b e t w e e n the i n f e r e n t i a l and m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n is not s o l v a b l e on s y n t a c t i c grounds. One s u g g e s t i o n is to a s s u m e t h a t if has an i n f e r e n t i a l meaning; if no i n f e r e n c e r e l a t i o n can be found, then it must be e q u i v a l e n t to m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n . This sholJl~ be e a s y to d e c i d e when if is being used to put a p r e s u p p o s i t i o n into doubt or in its r e s t r i c t i v e use; m o r e d i f f i c u l t would be to d e t e c t m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n in s t a n d a r d uses of if. H o w e v e r in the use of if to doubt a p r e s u p p o s i t i o n or to make a r e s t r i c t i o n , the m e a n i n g of if can be c o n s i d e r e d to be e q u i v a l e n t to m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n . It also occurs i n f r e q u e n t l y (3%) with s t a n d a r d conditionals: (62) (...) if 1 d o n ' t put my two c e n t s in, s o m e o n e else will. in which t h e r e is no i n f e r e n t i a l r e l a t i o n . This m e a n i n g d i f f e r s from our s t a n d a r d m e a n i n g in t h a t the t r u t h of the apodosis proposition is s u f f i c i e n t to c o n f i r m the s e n t e n c e , e.g. knowing t h a t ' s o m e o n e e l s e will' is s u f f i c i e n t to c o n f i r m 62. Similarly for two o t h e r uses: with the doubtful p r e s u p p o s i t i o n use of if, knowing t h a t the apodosis is true is s u f f i c i e n t to c o n f i r m the s e n t e n c e , as the presupposition is no longer in doubt; with the r e s t r i c i t v e use, the apodosis is the minimal a s s e r t i o n t h a t is being made so its t r u t h is s u f f i c i e n t for the t r u t h of the s e n t e n c e . So the x v not-p, or m a t e r i a l implication, meaning of if a c c o u n t s for t h e s e two uses of if. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The r e s e a r c h r e p o r t e d h e r e was c a r r i e d out as p a r t of t h e p r o j e c t "The S e m a n t i c s of s u b o r d i n a t i n g c o n j u n c t i o n s : an i n f o r m a t i o n p r o c e s s i n g approach", s u p p o r t e d by the N e d e r l a n d s e S t i c h t i n g voor P s y c h o n o m i e , with funds m a d e available from the ZWO. P r o j e c t Nr. 15-30-10. Don S h e r m a n of S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y C o m p u t i n g C e n t e r kindly provided us with the d a t a for this study. REFERENCES Austin, J.L., lfs and cans, in J . O . U r m s o n & G . j . W a r n o c k , eds., P h i l o s o p h i c a l p a p e r s o f J . L A u s t i n . London; O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1961. The last non standard use of if, the concessive, is an anomaly. There is no question of inference, but neither is there any a f f i n i t y w i t h m a t e r i a l i m p l i c a t i o n , e.g. speedy if t e m p o r a r y ~ speedy or not t e m p o r a r y . [t is possible t h a t this use is a c o n t r a c t i o n from even if. Bree, D.S., The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of i m p l i c a t i o n , in A . E l i t h o r n 8= D . J o n e s , eds., A r t i f i c i a l and human thinking. A m s t e r d a m ; Elsevier, 1973, 273-282. 224 Bree, D.S., Can IF be formally represented? Proceedings of the 3rd. annual conference of the Cognitive Science Society. Berkely, 1981, 173-176. Bree, D.S., Counterfactuals and causality. Journal of Semantics, 1982, 1, 147-185. Grice, H.P., William James Lectures, Harvard University, 1967. Published in part as "Logic and conversation", in P.Cole & J.L.Morgan, eds., Syntax and semantics, vol. 3. New York; Seminar Press, 1975, 41-58. Harper, W.L., Stalnaker, R. & Pearce, G., Ifs. Dordrecht; Reidel, 1981. Kucera, H. & Francis, W.N., Computational analysis of present-day American English. Providence; Brown University Press, 1967. Rutherford, W.E., Some observations concerning subordinate clauses in English. Language, 1910, 46, 97115. Schoenberger, W.S., Decision of destiny. Athens, Ohio; Ohio University Press, 1969. Stalnaker, R.C., indicative conditionals. Phiiosophica, 1975, 5, 269-286. Wason, P.C. & Johnson-Laird, P.N., Psychology of reasoning. London; Batsford, 1972. 225