Charles University, Prague Edwin Javier Azofeifa Valverde

Charles University, Prague
Faculty of Arts
Institute of World History
PHYSICAL-SPATIAL AND SOCIAL CONFIGURATION
AT NEIGHBOURHOOD LEVEL, RAVAL
(BARCELONA), A PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATION
ACCORDING TO THE COMPACT CITY MODEL
Master’s Thesis
Edwin Javier Azofeifa Valverde
Thesis supervisor in Budapešt and Prague
Dr. Péter Erdősi / Dr. Křížová Markéta
Prague 2014
I hereby declare that I researched and wrote this thesis independently, using only the listed
resources and literature, and I did not present it to obtain another academic degree.
……………………… ………………..
Prague, 15 May 2014
ABSTRACT
In urban areas, economic development and efforts for improving the quality of
citizens' lives, instead of complementing each other and contributing to the advancement of
the city, both of them generate and accentuate the processes of physical and social
fragmentation in cities. This thesis describes and evaluates the physical-spatial and social
configuration in the neighbourhood of Raval in Barcelona, with a particular focus on the
role played in that configuration by the immigrant population. The aim is to identify how
those processes in which social inequality and a lack of access to certain services and
facilities manifest themselves. In order to illustrate this reality and understand the
configuration of Raval, population data and information regarding services, facilities, and
urban furniture were gathered. The concept of compact urban development (the compact
city model) was used in order to interpret the potential weaknesses in the neighbourhood,
which hinder its functionality. The main drawbacks are the predominance of population
groups occupying certain spaces hindering their potential integration in the neighbourhood,
the low diversity of land uses, the characteristics of public spaces that do not facilitate basic
functions such as the meeting of population, and significant difficulties in accessing basic
services or facilities. The paper concludes that the configuration of Raval can be understood
as suffering from limited physical and spatial integration, from a lack of social cohesion,
and from low levels of diversity in terms of commercial facilities and services.
[3]
RÉSUMÉ
Dans les zones urbaines, le développement économique et les efforts visant à
améliorer la qualité de vie des citoyens, au lieu de se compléter mutuellement pour le
progrès de la ville, ont généré et accentué le processus de fragmentation physique et sociale
dans les villes. Cette recherche fait une description et une évaluation de la configuration
physique et socio-spatiale dans le quartier de Raval à Barcelone avec un accent particulier
sur le rôle joué par la population immigrée dans cette configuration. Le but est précisément
d'identifier la manifestation de ces processus d'inégalité sociale, et l'accès limité à certains
services et équipements urbains. Afin d'illustrer cette réalité et de comprendre une telle
configuration du quaetier Raval, de données de population et d'informations sur les
services, les installations et le mobilier urbain ont été recueillies. Le concept de
développement urbain compact (modèle de la ville compacte) est incorporé dans le but
d'interpréter les faiblesses potentielles du quartier qui entravent une plus grande
fonctionnalité urbaine. Les principaux inconvénients sont la prédominance des groupes de
population qui occupent certains espaces entravent leur intégration potentielle dans le
quartier, la faible diversité des utilisations des terres, les caractéristiques des espaces
publics qui ne facilitent pas les fonctions de base telles que la réunion de la population, et
les difficultés importantes pour accéder aux services installations de base. Le document
conclut que la configuration du Raval peut être comprise comme la souffrance de
l'intégration physique et spatiale limitée, d'un manque de cohésion sociale, et de faibles
niveaux de diversité en termes d'équipements et de services commerciaux.
[4]
ABSTRAKT
Hospodářský rozvoj měst a zlepšování kvality života jejich obyvatel, přestože by
teoreticky měly přispívat k dalšímu pozitivnímu rozvoji měst, namísto toho často zhoršují
procesy jejich fyzické a sociální fragmentarizace. Tato diplomová práce popisuje a hodnotí
fyzické a sociálně-prostorové konfigurace ve čtvrti Raval v Barceloně, se zvláštním
důrazem na konfiguraci přistěhovalecké populace. Snaží se identifikovat ty procesy, v
nichž se projevuje nárůst sociální nerovnosti a nedostatečný přístup k některým službám a
zařízením. Aby bylo možné tyto skutečnosti představit a analyzovat konfiguraci Ravalu,
byla shromážděna data o populaci a informace týkající se služeb, zařízení a “městského
mobiliáře”. Koncept kompaktního rozvoje měst (compact city model) byl využit s cílem
interpretovat potenciální slabiny této čtvrti, které snižují její funkčnost. Jako hlavní
problémy byla identifikována koncentrace přistěhovalců v některých oblastech, což snižuje
možnosti jejich integrace. Nízká diverzita využití pozemků a především veřejných prostor,
skutečnost, že charakter veřejných prostor neumožňuje sociální komunikaci, a konečně
narůstající překážky v přístupu k základním službám. Výsledkem analýzy je zjištění, že
čtvrť trpí nedostatečnou fyzickou a prostorovou integrací, absencí sociální soudržnosti a
malou rozmanitostí ekonomických aktivit a služeb.
[5]
RESUMEN
En las áreas urbanas el desarrollo económico y los esfuerzos de mejorar la calidad
de vida de los ciudadanos en lugar de complementarse entre ellos para el progreso de la
ciudad, han generado y acentuado el proceso de fragmentación física y social en las
ciudades. Esta investigación realiza una descripción y evaluación de la configuración físicaespacial y social en el barrio el Raval en Barcelona, con un enfoque particular al role de la
población inmigrante en dicha configuración. La finalidad es precisamente la de identificar
la manifestación de dichos procesos de inequidad social, y el acceso limitado a
determinados servicios o facilidades urbanas. Para ilustrar esta realidad se utilizó
información poblacional así como de servicios, facilidades y equipamientos urbanos que
permitieron entender dicha configuración. El concepto de desarrollo urbano compacto
(modelo de ciudad compacta) es utilizado con la finalidad de interpretar las debilidades
potenciales del barrio las cuales dificultan una mayor funcionalidad del Raval. Las
principales debilidades son la ocupación predominante de grupos de población en espacios
particulares dificultando su potencial integración, la escasa diversidad de los usos del suelo,
las características de los espacios públicos que no facilitan funciones básicas como el
encuentro de la población, y dificultades significativas para accesar servicios o facilidades
básicas. El trabajo concluye que la configuración del barrio puede ser entendida como física
y espacialmente poco integrada, por la ausencia de cohesión social y la poca diversidad de
facilidades comerciales y de servicios.
[6]
CONTENTS
ABSTRACT _____________________________________________________________ 3
RÉSUMÉ _______________________________________________________________ 4
ABSTRAKT _____________________________________________________________ 5
RESUMEN______________________________________________________________ 6
CONTENTS _____________________________________________________________ 7
CONTENT OF PICTURES _______________________________________________ 10
CONTENT OF TABLES__________________________________________________ 10
CONTENT OF DIAGRAMS_______________________________________________ 11
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ________________________________________________ 12
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION ___________________________________________ 13
CHAPTER II: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK _______________________________ 18
2.1 Urban Sprawl: The Main Ideas _____________________________________________ 18
2.2 The Compact City Model and Compact Urban Development _____________________ 21
2.2.1 Transport _____________________________________________________________________
2.2.2 Mixed Uses ___________________________________________________________________
2.2.3 Rehabilitation (Physical Intervention) ______________________________________________
2.2.4 Public and Open Spaces _________________________________________________________
2.2.5 Summary _____________________________________________________________________
23
24
25
26
27
2.3 Physical and Social Segregation in the Case Study ______________________________ 28
CHAPTER III: CASE STUDY _____________________________________________ 33
3.1 Objectives _______________________________________________________________ 33
3.2 Hypothesis (Assumptions) __________________________________________________ 33
3.3 Research Questions _______________________________________________________ 33
3.4. Description of the Study Area ______________________________________________ 34
3.4.1 Territorial and Statistical Division _________________________________________________
3.4.1.1 Neighbourhood _____________________________________________________________
3.4.1.2 Basic Statistical Areas (BSA) _________________________________________________
3.4.1.3 Census Tracts (CT) _________________________________________________________
3.4.2 El Raval: General Context ________________________________________________________
3.4.3 El Raval: Historical Background ___________________________________________________
3.4.4 The Neighbourhood and its Urban History ___________________________________________
3.4.5 Migration in the Neighbourhood ___________________________________________________
3.4.5.1 Recent Immigration Trends ___________________________________________________
[7]
34
34
35
36
37
38
42
46
49
CHAPTER IV: METHODOLOGY __________________________________________ 52
4.1 Type of Study ____________________________________________________________ 52
4.1.1 Research Variables and Units of Analysis ___________________________________________ 52
4.2 Type of Methodology ______________________________________________________ 53
4.3 Research Design __________________________________________________________ 54
4.3.1 Unit of Study __________________________________________________________________ 56
4.3.2 Study Sample __________________________________________________________________ 57
4.3.3 Scenarios and Participants ________________________________________________________ 57
4.4 Gathering Information: Techniques and Instruments ___________________________ 58
4.4.1 Procedures (Phases) _____________________________________________________________
4.4.1.1 Formulation of Goals, Problems and Hypotheses, and the Scale of the Research _________
4.4.1.2 Revision of Documentary Information and Generation of the Conceptual Framework ____
4.4.1.3 Planning and Development of Fieldwork ________________________________________
4.4.1.4 Review of Conceptual Framework _____________________________________________
4.4.1.5 Complementary Information Sources ___________________________________________
4.4.1.6 Systematization of the Results _________________________________________________
4.4.2 Information Gathering Techniques _________________________________________________
4.4.2.1 Fieldwork Information _______________________________________________________
58
58
59
61
61
61
62
63
63
4.5 Fieldwork and Systematization of the Units of Analysis _________________________ 64
4.5.1 Commercial Facilities in the Neighbourhood (by streets) _______________________________
4.5.2 Population Density ______________________________________________________________
4.5.3 Population: General Characteristics ________________________________________________
4.5.4 Urban Furniture and Facilities _____________________________________________________
4.5.5 Urban Intervention Projects _______________________________________________________
4.5.6 Cultural-Educative and Social Agents ______________________________________________
4.5.7 Survey of Residents _____________________________________________________________
4.5.8 Visits to Public Institutions and other Organizations ___________________________________
64
65
65
66
67
68
68
69
4.6 Analysis and Interpretation of the Results_____________________________________ 73
4.6.1 Applied Geography _____________________________________________________________
4.6.2 Geographic Information Systems (GIS) _____________________________________________
4.6.2.1 Sources of Information used in GIS (shapefiles) __________________________________
4.6.2.2 Main GIS Tools used ________________________________________________________
73
74
75
77
CHAPTER V: SOCIAL CONFIGURATION OF RAVAL _______________________ 81
5.1 Population and Density ____________________________________________________ 81
5.2 Immigration _____________________________________________________________ 82
5.2.1 Immigrant Groups ______________________________________________________________
5.2.1.1 European Population Groups __________________________________________________
5.2.1.2 Central and Southern American Population Groups ________________________________
5.2.1.3 African Population Groups ___________________________________________________
5.2.1.4 Asian Population Groups _____________________________________________________
[8]
83
83
83
84
85
5.3 Households and Nationalities _______________________________________________ 85
5.4 Age Groups ______________________________________________________________ 87
5.5 Education Level __________________________________________________________ 88
5.6 Average Occupancy-Households and Number of People _________________________ 88
5.8 Household Structure ______________________________________________________ 89
5.9 Interpretation of the Social Configuration ____________________________________ 90
CHAPTER VI: SERVICES, FACILITIES AND URBAN ‘FURNITURE’ IN RAVAL 100
6.1 Cultural and Educational Agents (Libraries-Museums-Theatres) ________________ 100
6.2 Agents of Social Wellbeing ________________________________________________ 102
6.3 Urban Intervention Projects _______________________________________________ 103
6.4 Transport ______________________________________________________________ 107
6.4.1 Underground _________________________________________________________________ 107
6.4.2 Bus Services __________________________________________________________________ 108
6.4.3 Bicing _______________________________________________________________________ 109
6.5 Facilities Related to Land Use ______________________________________________ 111
6.5.1 Housing Distribution and Premises that are Closed or Under Repair _____________________ 112
6.5.2 Provision of Commerce and Services ______________________________________________ 114
6.5.3 Public Open Spaces ____________________________________________________________ 122
6.6 Basic ‘Urban Furniture’ __________________________________________________ 127
6.6.1 Waste Disposal Collection Containers _____________________________________________
6.6.2 Newspaper and Magazine Stalls __________________________________________________
6.6.3 ONCE Stands _________________________________________________________________
6.6.4 Public Post Boxes _____________________________________________________________
6.6.5 Public Phone Boxes ____________________________________________________________
6.6.6 Parking Meters ________________________________________________________________
6.6.7 Public Water Fountains _________________________________________________________
127
128
129
130
130
131
132
CHAPTER VII: PERCEPTION OF THE INHABITANTS _____________________ 133
7.1 Evaluation by Specific Population Sectors____________________________________ 134
7.1.1 People Aged over 35 ___________________________________________________________
7.1.2 People Aged between 25 and 35 __________________________________________________
7.1.3 People Aged under 25 __________________________________________________________
7.1.4 Male Respondents _____________________________________________________________
7.1.5 Female Respondents ___________________________________________________________
134
134
134
135
135
7. 2 Complementary Aspects __________________________________________________ 135
7.3 Evaluation of the Issues According to each BSA _______________________________ 138
CHAPTER VIII: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS _______________ 143
[9]
BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________________ 152
APPENDIXES _________________________________________________________ 163
Appendix 1: Gathering Information Form regarding Economic Activities by General Sectors. _____
Appendix 2: Gathering Information Form regarding Equipment and Urban Furniture. ____________
Appendix 3: Information Gathering Form regarding Public Spaces and their Main Characteristics. _
Appendix 4: Interview Applied During the Fieldwork. _____________________________________
Appendix 5: Economic Activities identified During the Fieldwork. ___________________________
Appendix 6: Intervention Projects in Raval Barcelona _____________________________________
Appendix 7: Supplementary Pictures ___________________________________________________
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
CONTENT OF PICTURES
Picture 1: BSAs in the Four Neighbourhoods of the District of Ciutat Vella .................................................. 35
Picture 2: CTs in the Neighbourhood of Raval ............................................................................................... 37
Picture 3: The District of Ciutat Vella (Barcelona, Spain) .............................................................................. 38
Picture 4: Overlapping Process. ...................................................................................................................... 75
Picture 5: Main Cultural Agents of Change in Raval, Barcelona, 2013 ........................................................ 101
Picture 6: Agents of Social Wellbeing in Raval, Barcelona, 2013 ................................................................ 102
Picture 7: Main Intervention Projects in Raval, Barcelona, 2011-2013 ........................................................ 103
Picture 8: Underground and Bus Service in Raval, Barcelona, 2013 ............................................................ 109
Picture 9: Bicing Stations in Raval, Barcelona, 2014 ................................................................................... 110
Picture 10: Different Urban Furniture in Raval, Barcelona, 2013 ................................................................. 129
Picture 11: Different Urban Furniture in Raval, Barcelona, 2013 ................................................................. 132
CONTENT OF TABLES
Table 1: Immigration Values in the Neighbourhoods of Ciutat Vella from 2007 to 2012 .............................. 49
Table 2: Immigration Values in Raval from 1999 to 2012 .............................................................................. 50
Table 3: Description and Sources of the Layers (Shapefiles) Used in the Research ....................................... 77
Table 4: Population and Density Values of the Eight BSAs of the Raval, 2012 ............................................. 81
Table 5: Households and Nationalities in Raval by BSAs, 2012 ..................................................................... 86
Table 6: Age of the Population by BSAs, 2012 ............................................................................................... 87
Table 7: Underground Lines and Stations in the Vicinity of Raval ............................................................... 107
Table 8: Features of Economic Activities in the South and North of Raval ................................................. 115
Table 9: Main Shortcomings of Public Spaces in Raval ................................................................................ 123
Table 10: Main Issues evaluated during the Fieldwork ................................................................................. 133
Table 11: Categories of Analysis for the Interview ....................................................................................... 133
[10]
CONTENT OF DIAGRAMS
Diagram 1: Immigration Trends in the Neighbourhoods of Ciutat Vella from 2007 to 2012 ......................... 49
Diagram 2: Immigration Trends in Raval from 1999 to 2012 ......................................................................... 51
Diagram 3: Research Variables and Units of Evaluation ................................................................................ 52
Diagram 4: Population Density in Raval by BSAs, 2012 ................................................................................ 82
Diagram 5: Immigrant Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012 ........................................................................... 82
Diagram 6: European Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012 ............................................................................. 83
Diagram 7: Central and Southern American Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012 ......................................... 84
Diagram 8: Moroccans as a Percentage of the African Immigrant Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012........ 84
Diagram 9: Main Asian Populations in Raval by BSAs, 2012 ........................................................................ 85
Diagram 10: Households and Nationalities in Raval by BSAs, 2012 ............................................................. 86
Diagram 11: Age of the Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012 ......................................................................... 87
Diagram 12: Education Level in Raval by BSAs, 2012 .................................................................................. 88
Diagram 13: Average Occupancy (on the left) and Households and Number of People (on the right) in Raval
by BSAs, 2012 ......................................................................................................................................... 89
Diagram 14: Household Structure in Raval by BSAs, 2012............................................................................ 89
Diagram 15: Buildings Dedicated to Housing in each of the BSAs as a Percentage of the Whole
Neighbourhood ...................................................................................................................................... 112
Diagram 16: Buildings either Closed or under Repair in each of the BSAs as a Percentage of the Whole
Neighbourhood ...................................................................................................................................... 113
Diagram 17: Clothing Stores in each BSA as a Percentage of the Whole Neighbourhood ........................... 116
Diagram 18: Bars-Restaurants-Clothing Stores in each BSA as a Percentage of the Whole Neighbourhood
............................................................................................................................................................... 116
Diagram 19: Main Streets with Bars-Restaurants-Clothing Stores in BSAs 7and 8 (Percentages) .............. 117
Diagram 20: Internet and Telephone Services in each BSA as a Percentage of the entire Neighbourhood; and
the Main Streets of BSA 3 which host this Activity .............................................................................. 120
Diagram 21: Main Means of Transport used by Residents of Raval (percentages) ...................................... 135
Diagram 22: Location of Leisure Activities used by Residents of Raval (percentages) ............................... 136
Diagram 23: Length of Time Living in the Neighbourhood (percentages) ................................................... 137
[11]
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Although brief, these few paragraphs represent much in personal terms. I would like
to thank all of the administrative and academic staff who have made this programme
possible. The most sincere gratitude is due to the staff in Budapest and Prague who first
gave me the opportunity to enrol on this programme, and who welcomed me and made my
academic sojourn both pleasant and fruitful.
I would like to highlight the help of my supervisors, Dr. Péter Erdősi and Dr.
Markéta Křížová, who with their outstanding knowledge, experience and, professionalism
have provided me with their support over the past two years and enabled this paper to be
completed.
In addition to the academic support, this work would not have been possible without
the support of my family and others close to them. I therefore dedicate this work to my
parents, Edwin Azofeifa Sandí and María Cecilia Valverde Arias, who have always given
me their support and to whom I owe what I am. I would like to stress the greatest gift in my
life, who came to fill my life with happiness during the preparation of this work, namely
my daughter Emily, and her mom Julie.
Last but not least I wish to thank all of those colleagues who I have had the opportunity
to meet and work alongside, and the students who used their knowledge and took the
trouble to make comments on the paper. To all of them, thank you, and I wish you the best
success in your personal and professional lives.
[12]
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION
To the basic citizens' rights - to
work, health, justice and freedom - should
be added 'the right to the city'. In other
words, the right of citizens to live in and
co-exist in diverse environments where
public facilities become elements of
collective and individual growth should be
ensured. This should be the goal of cities
of today.
Henri Lefebvre
This research project originates in a personal interest in the current status and function
of cities. Cities have many drawbacks relating to their configuration, spheres of influence,
sustainability, governance, and, most importantly, their “liveability”. Realizing the ideal
conditions and functions of urban spaces sets city planners huge challenges. The
infrastructure and function of many cities makes them resemble mere transit sites - places
marked by differences between population groups and social classes, rather than by a better
quality of life.
The role and importance of cities in the twenty-first century is undeniable. According to
official data from the UNFPA (2007, 1)1, the world's urban population is anticipated to
reach 80% of the total global population by the year 2030. The organization affirms the
rural population will decrease by around 28 million by the same year (p.6). Significantly, in
2003 the global urban population surpassed the rural population. Bruyelle (2000, cited in
Conte 2008, 81) shows that by the year 2015 there will be 509 cities with more than one
million inhabitants; in 1950, 1975, and 2000, there were 83, 179, and 372 respectively.
Comparing the above mentioned demographic and urban growth with the current
characteristics
of
cities
provides
a
telling
picture.
Given
that
human
settlements represent only 2.7% of the world's land area (United Nations 2007, 1), but
use 75%
of the
world's
resources,
and are
1
responsible
for
75% of
energy
United Nations Fund for Population Activities.
http://www.un.org/partnerships/Docs/UNFPA_State%20of%20the%20World%20Report%202007.pdf
(Retrieved on 26-09-2013).
[13]
consumption (direct and indirect, associated with key materials such as food, fuel, cement,
water, and so on), and 80% of the emissions of greenhouse gases,2 it is clear that current
levels of urban development are unsustainable.
This reality of urban spaces prompted the conception of the “compact city model” and
the corresponding “compact urban development model”. These models have been proposed
in order to address urban development projects characterized by patterns of dispersion.
There has been wide agreement between professionals and organizations on the compact
city model for the improvement of urban spaces. So much so, that it has frequently been
mentioned by the European Community in the search for more sustainable cities in recent
years (Commission of the European Communities 2004, 26; OECD 2011, 9; European
Environmental Agency 2006, 6) The main assumptions of the model cover economic,
social, cultural, political and environmental considerations.
The understanding of compact urban development in this paper lies not only in the
classic definition of density. On the contrary, the conception assumed in this research lies in
three main variables: the promotion of high densities; centralized development and
functional relationships between land uses and users; and processes of intensification.
According to Neuman (2005, 12), the model aims for greater energy efficiency and less
pollution due to the fact that inhabitants of a “compact city” live closer to urban facilities,
with the option to walk, cycle or use public transport; social cohesion and community
development are also boosted.
This research explores the main assumptions of the model through an assessment of the
Raval neighbourhood of Barcelona. The research requires thorough consideration of
suitable units of analysis, so a selection of relevant observation units for the analysis was
identified. This selection helped me to make an assessment of the potential functionality of
the neighbourhood. The observation units include elements such as commercial facilities,
the promotion of public transport, urban intervention projects, urban “furniture” and other
2
United Nations. http://www.un.org/es/sustainablefuture/cities.shtml. (Retrieved 6-08-2013).
[14]
facilities.3 These elements have been extensively identified in the literature (Marmolejo and
Stallbohm 2008, 4; Neuman 2005, 14; Brueckner 2000, 165; OECD 2011, 7). Furthermore,
through these units of evaluation it is possible to interpret the reality and potential
weaknesses of the model in the complexity of the cities of today.
The perception of the “social capital” of Raval has been generated over time and has
been subject to a great deal of stereotyping.4 Since the first formal attempts at urban
planning in the 1960s, the policies, which originated in social counter-movements, aimed at
fighting urban decay and discrimination against the population (Gaspar et al., 2002, 115).
However, during the last decades of the twentieth century significant changes have taken
place. Processes related to globalization, such as de-industrialization, international
migration and the improvement of communication systems have led to major changes in
this area of study. According to Dot et al. (2012, 29), developed cities such as Barcelona
have experienced the growth and diversification of production sectors located in major
cities All these changes have meant the development of particular patterns in certain
elements that go to make up the neighbourhood.
This restructuring of economic activities, as in Raval, generates the conversion of
spaces into much more diverse uses, especially with respect to the service industry.5 This
change in employment structure, to a certain extent facilitated by public policies aimed at
economic revitalization, has had a significant impact on the urban, social and economic
structure of the neighbourhood. This reorganization has led to demographic, spatial and
The term ‘urban furniture’ refers to those elements in the urban spaces which make daily life safer
and more comfortable and to which all residents have equal access. The concept is explained in detail in the
Methodology chapter.
3
“Social capital” refers to the overall “value” of the social networks of the various population groups
that make up Raval. The concept includes a consideration of features such as customs, language, and religion.
Some of these elements have been subject to stigmatization, leading to a perception of the inferiority of
certain groups. “Stereotyping” refers to the ascription to certain population groups of particular, usually
negative, characteristics on the basis of their gender, race, origin, or identity. It usually involves
oversimplification, discrimination and stigmatization.
4
5
In 1997, manufacturing and industry accounted for more than 40% of the workforce in Barcelona; by
2004 this figure had dropped to 24.3%. In the same period, the service sector saw an increase from 41.6% to
62.1% (Nel∙lo 2007, 2). This process of modernization and the transformation of activities has resulted in a
marked increase in both the income and diversification of the local population.
[15]
functional differentiation within the neighbourhood. Immigrants and other disadvantaged
groups (such as the poor, the elderly and the disabled) tend to locate in less “favourable”
urban spaces - areas characterized by land speculation, low land prices, deterioration of the
infrastructure, a low level of facilities, insecurity, and poor levels of hygiene. These and
other problems generate the functional “specialization” of certain areas thus facilitating
fragmentation processes. An important consideration for the current research is that this
reorganization of the neighbourhood has an impact upon the urban configuration with
respect to its facilities and its socio-economic profile.
Given the above circumstances urban planners face considerable challenges in areas
such as housing, employment, education, health, and transportation. In Raval, these
challenges have not, in most cases, been met successfully, resulting in the spatial
concentration (and segregation) of ethnic and social minorities, thus limiting their social
and economic prospects (CIREM 1999, 57). If they are not tackled, such differences can
only become more pronounced.
These different realities in social and spatial terms have created important processes of
fragmentation which pose significant challenges for the compact urban development model.
Different trends have defined the patterns in the distribution and potential functioning of
the units of analysis for each of the Basic Statistical Areas (BSAs) that make up the
neighbourhood.6 Exploring these patterns will allow me to identify those areas with
unfavourable conditions according to one or more of the units of analysis. Physical-spatial
and social inequality are the main components of urban fragmentation that are relevant to
this study, which seeks an understanding of how the unequal integration of the population
in spatial, social and economic terms poses significant challenges to compact urban
development. The need to make the continued economic growth of the city compatible with
physical and social integration and effective protection and management of the
environment, has, however, been recognized in recent years, including in relation to Raval.
“Basic Statistical Areas” (BSAs) are geographical, statistical and administrative units defined by the
Provincial Council of Barcelona for planning purposes. BSAs are smaller than neighbourhoods and larger
than Census Tracts. More information about these territorial units is provided in the chapter entitled Case
Study.
6
[16]
This master's thesis presents a preliminary evaluation of the current urban configuration
(and fragmentation) of the Raval neighbourhood of Barcelona. The assessment of the
configuration and its potential operation is performed from an external and neutral
perspective. The reluctance of the residents to collaborate in the evaluation process
nonetheless gives me the opportunity, as an outsider, to develop this evaluation through
careful fieldwork and the exploration of a number of spatial, economic, and social units of
analysis. The research will identify the main shortcomings in the neighbourhood with
reference to the compact city model (compact urban development). From this perspective it
can be shown that the current configuration is characterized by a certain level of
differentiation within the territory and among the population. It is interesting to analyse
those features and processes in specific areas of the neighbourhood characterized for being
less economically diverse, promoting social exclusion, and being physically – spatially less
integrated.
[17]
CHAPTER II: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Urban Sprawl: The Main Ideas
The following section provides a brief consideration of urban sprawl. This concept
is important because it is the direct antecedent of the compact city model, which is
described in more detail in the next section. Moreover, the concept is important because it
facilitated contextualization and an understanding of the need to generate the theoretical
assumptions of the compact urban development model. The model and its ideas seek to
address issues such as sustainability and equality, and other problems generated over the
past decades due to urban sprawl.
The growth of cities has historically been associated with population increases.
However, in Urban Sprawl in Europe as an Ignored Challenge, the EEA (2006, 11) asserts
that since the 1950s the amount of built-up space has increased by 78%, while the
population has grown only 33%. It should therefore be considered from the outset that
urban sprawl is a recent process which cannot be linked to population growth.7
Galster et al. (2001, 681) and Couch et al. (2007, 6) initially refers to urban sprawl
as urbanism based on the extension of the scope of urbanized areas, stating that expansion
is the result of particular land use practices. Galster places a high degree of importance,
however, on the consequences of those practices. Under urban sprawl, land use will display
low levels of the following eight processes: density, continuity, concentration, clustering,
centrality, nuclearity, mixed uses and proximity.
The above definition of potential deficiencies in urban processes shows how the
term urban sprawl has been used almost exclusively negatively. The concept has expressed
the inefficient nature of urban development on the outskirts of cities, mainly characterized
7
Stutz (2009) mentions that many European countries in the last 20 years have extended their built-up
spaces by 20 percent, with population growth of only 6 percent. Moreover, in the same period there has been
four times the number of new cars on the road as the number of babies born, so measures must be taken in
order
to
achieve
more
sustainable
and
social
urban
areas.
See:
http://e360.yale.edu/feature/the_new_urbanists_tackling_europes_sprawl/2118/ (Retrieved on 2-10-2013).
[18]
by low densities (Pichler 2007, 1). In this regard, McConnell and Elizabeth (2006, 19)
affirms that concern is for the most part focused on dispersion patterns of low density
development in suburban areas. The same interpretation is given by Muñoz (2004, 5) in his
work concerning urbanization and low density residential development in Barcelona; he
suggests that the 1980s and 1990s were characterized by important processes of urban
sprawl, which took place without any real planning. The author calls this form of
development “savage occupation” of the territory by the indiscriminate use of land.8
The definition of urban sprawl has hitherto been characterized by low density
patterns and linked to a specific urban form. However, authors such McConnell (2006, 19)
now focus their attention on the concept as a process which has important consequences for
urban form and density.9 In this regard, Brueckner (2000, 161) states that undesirable
consequences appear during the actual process of sprawling, so it is actually during the
process that policies should be implemented. My understanding of urban sprawl is therefore
based on a process of city expansion. Accordingly, expansion is understood as a generator
of continuous and generally negative effects whose consequences are manifested mainly in
spatial, social and environmental terms.
This understanding of sprawl as a process is outlined by Brueckner (2000) as follows:
"Cities, it is claimed, take up too much space, encroaching excessively on
agricultural land. Aesthetic benefits from the presence of open space are
8
Regarding the causes of urban sprawl, the EEA (2006, 7) includes both macroeconomic and
microeconomic causes. In summary, the study mentions situations such as the development and expansion of
transport networks, the increase of prices in urbanized land in comparison with agricultural areas or open
spaces in the outskirts of the city. The desire for private housing, commercial investments and the efficiency
of planning policies have also been referred to. Nechyba (2004, 183) assumes two circumstances under which
the population is shifting to non-urbanized areas. On the one hand, he claims, it is because of the attractive
features of the suburbs, creating the need for people to leave the city. On the other hand, he states, problems
in city centres such as transportation and commuting costs, poor schools, high crime rates, and a lack of
public amenities.
9
In order to understand this position let us consider for example the construction of gated
communities in the outskirts of the city. These developments may create a need for the public administration
to invest in roads and basic services, limiting the provision of facilities in the city centre. An absence of
investment in the inner city, and the deterioration of infrastructure and related facilities would generate
pressures and changes in social, economic and environmental terms in the neighbourhoods of the historical
city centre. This situation could facilitate drop in demand for land, rise in real estate speculation, increase in
social and productive gentrification, and so forth. Therefore, the concept of sprawl involves numerous stages
in the process of city expansion.
[19]
lost, and an allegedly scarce resource, namely farmland, is depleted. Excessive
urban expansion also means overly long commutes, which generate traffic
congestion while contributing to air pollution. Unfettered suburban growth is
also thought to reduce the incentive for redevelopment of land closer to city
centers, contributing to the decay of downtown areas. Finally, by spreading
people
out, low-density suburban
development may
reduce social
interaction, weakening the bonds that underpin healthy society,” (p. 160)10
Brueckner therefore supports the concept of urban sprawl as a reference to the
excessive spatial growth of cities.
The above definition helps to identify an essential aspect in the process of urban
sprawl, and that is the effect of private transport. The effect is so clear that Muñoz (2004, 6)
states that sprawl exists as a result of an increase in car use. Under this perspective, sprawl
prioritizes private transport over more sustainable means of transport such as public
transport, pedestrian activity and the promotion of cycling. This in turn promotes unhealthy
lifestyles and eventually the segregation of the population into groups such as the elderly,
the young and the poor.
The excessive expansion of cities and the promotion of private transport, to name
two of the main characteristics of urban sprawl, have positioned the model against the
compact city model. According to Chin (2002, 3), the concept of sprawl is opposed to the
principles of high density, centralized development, and a spatial mixture of functions. He
mentions how the concept should not be based on absolute forms, but as a continuous
development from the compact to the dispersed. He asserts that sprawl is a matter of degree
and not an absolute form.
The negative consequences of sprawl are well demonstrated by Pope (1996, cited in
Muñiz and Garcia 2012, 7), who describes it as a process devoid of order and hierarchy.
One in which the “bones” of the urban structure are unable to sustain a recognizable
composition because they are fragmented, disconnected, and without order or recognizable
10
In this regard, Fernández (1993, 24-25) asserts that the metropolis, besides being a main centre of
accumulation and consumption, is also an area of greater social inequality, and which generates three types of
crisis: economic, because of the unbalances generated; sociological, as a result of an inability to control the
social consequences of the process; and environmental, due to the deterioration of non-renewable resources
and the degrading of the urban context.
[20]
meaning. This leads to the creation of situations that can be described as “tumors” around
urban spaces.
The negative consequences of urban sprawl have been widely documented. The
International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences classifies urban sprawl as negative in five
respects.11 Physically, because of the difficulties of providing basic facilities, especially in
the outskirts of the city. Socially, because of boredom suffered by inhabitants due to the
lack of community identity. Economically, because the model encourages reliance on
private transport, which means more trips, higher fuel consumption, more health problems,
and so on. Politically, because it has been argued that the use of private transportation
becomes sensitive to the provision of international oil. Finally, environmentally, due to
adverse effects on agriculture and local habitats, and an increase in pollution, emissions,
and waste.
2.2 The Compact City Model and Compact Urban Development
The compact city model in urban planning (as a policy) appeared at a time when the
concept of sustainability started to become more important (Rafeq 2006, 46).12 In 1987, a
United Nations report entitled Our Common Future (1987, 167) suggested including a
consideration of sustainability in approaches to the development of cities. The UN called
for the promotion of alternative perspectives on urban growth rather than unsustainable
dispersal trends. Most of these alternatives were similar to the assumptions of the compact
city model. The concept therefore appeared in response to the adverse consequences
generated by urban sprawl in the last decades of the twentieth century.
Despite constant use of the term and international recognition of the model there is
no clear definition of the concept in the literature. Burton (2001, 2) suggests there have
been many attempts to define what exactly the “compact city” is, and how it relates to
11
International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences.
http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Urban_sprawl.aspx (Retrieved on 22-11-2013).
It is important to distinguish between the terms “compact city” and “compact urban development”.
The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (2011, 17) makes a differentiation
based on scale. The “compact city” is a policy approach to urban development and urban form at a
metropolitan scale, while “compact urban development” typically refers to development projects on the
neighbourhood scale. Both concepts are used in the same way in this research due to their theoretical
aspirations relating to the same general assumptions.
12
[21]
concepts such as equality and sustainability, but some descriptions of its principles and
assumptions have been used in order to describe it.13
According to Williams (1999, 170–71), a classic understanding of density values
provides the main characteristic of the compact city model, together with associated
elements such as land use efficiency and urban containment. Therefore, I refuse the classic
definition of the concept based on density values and the urban form linked to it. The
author also claims there is a need to encourage the use of public transport (and to decrease
dependency on cars) and to decrease travel costs (non-motorized), to protect open spaces
(open countryside and agricultural land), to promote social interaction, and to improve the
level of commercial activity.
Other authors studying the compact city model develop their arguments in the same
direction. Three common factors identified in the conception of the model are: the
development of high densities, the promotion of mixed land uses, and the process of
intensification (with a major emphasis on public transport and the encouragement of
pedestrian and cycling activity) (Pacione 2005, 619; Burton 2000, 1989; Neuman 2005, 14;
Gordon and Cox 2012, 568; Dieleman and Michael 2004, 309; Westering et al., 2012, 476,
Rafeq 2006, 40). Neuman (2005, 13) recognizes how the model has been widely promoted
in order to increase energy efficiency and lower pollution levels, to allow people to live
closer to shops and to work, and to promote walking, cycling and the use of public
transport.14
Concentrating people in cities and promoting public transport has other direct
benefits, such as preserving open spaces around cities and improving basic services and
public spaces. Disused or degraded urban areas would also be reactivated during this
process. A focus on the city centre and its physical amelioration involves an improvement
13
The compact city model should be understood beyond its relation to the concept of density and
requires associated considerations. Gordon and Cox (2012, 572), Dieleman and Michael (2004, 318) and
Arbury (2005, 46) establish the need to link processes such as high-density developments, mixed
neighbourhoods in terms of land use, and connections by public transport.
14
It can be assumed, therefore, that the starting point of the compact city model is the increase in urban
population densities, giving people the opportunity to live closer to their place of work and other urban
facilities, thereby reducing their daily travel needs, leading to a reduction in fuel consumption, pollution and
health problems.
[22]
in residents’ quality of life, social integration, and community life. Furthermore, as stated in
Morrison (1998, 159), the provision of amenities would result in more a viable and efficient
urban economy.
What follows is a brief description of the main issues included in the conception of
the compact urban development. The individual elements must be understood as
complementary, as any improvement in the functioning of one element would potentially
imply the enhancement of the others if supplemented by appropriate policies.
2.2.1 Transport
As has already been noted, a crucial element of the compact city and compact urban
development model is the promotion of public transport. Sprawl, and its effects on the city,
occurs because of an increase in private car use, generating specific practices that
accommodate cars ahead of pedestrians.15 Authors such as Salingaros (2006, 104) and
Miralles et al. (2010, 3) state that the compact city model aims to change those priorities
towards a healthier lifestyle, mainly for those groups who cannot drive, namely the young,
the old, and the poor.
One important misunderstanding has been established relating to the restrictions on
cars. It has been argued that the compact development model places severe restrictions on
private car access in the city. Certainly, measures have been taken to modify their
movement within cities, and especially to reduce the amount of parking spaces. The
compact city model recognizes the need to restrict the movement of cars, and make the
infrastructure related to them less dominant (Brueckner 2000, 163; Miralles et al., 2010, 13;
Salingaros 2006, 105; Marmolejo and Stallbohm 2008, 4; Pacione 2005, 615).
It is important to address the established patterns of private transportation and
related structures, and so a major challenge remains the creation and improvement of public
transport systems. In fact, the tenets of intensification in the compact city model mentioned
above suggest the need to create favourable conditions for boosting effective public
transport, walking and cycling. Besides the promotion of these alternative modes of
According to Nel∙lo (2007, 20) the new conception of transportation means the development of
infrastructure and the generation of policies which aim to reduce differences in accessibility and connectivity
in the territory and increase reliance on public transport.
15
[23]
transport, infrastructure linked to them must also be improved (information, signalling,
payment devices and so on), as well as other basic elements such as accessibility, quality,
frequency, equality, and security.16
2.2.2 Mixed Uses
The need to combine uses and users for the creation of civic spaces is a fundamental
factor in the model. This principle of mixed use development allows further reductions in
journey times through the location of businesses in residential areas (Neuman 2005, 16),
thus weakening the so-called dormitory communities and office parks promoted by urban
sprawl.17 This strategy means that most of the population is able to walk or cycle to work
and do the same in their daily life. At the same time, distances travelled by private transport
would be reduced in comparison to cities dominated by single-use models.
Furthermore, mixed-use development can also undoubtedly enhance the economic
situation for local businesses. Locating businesses in close proximity to potential
consumers increases pedestrian mobility, improves social equity, and reduces (or ends) the
need to own or use a vehicle (Arbury 2005, 49).18
Multiple uses and the improvement of civic spaces are therefore aimed at increasing
social contact. The development of this strategy promotes “proximity” and the use of nonmotorized transport. It thus seems clear that, beyond the common understanding of
population or building density, what is more important for understanding the functioning of
the city and what influences the perception of how crowded a neighbourhood feels, is the
16
It is important, therefore, to consider that the spatial mobility of the population is not only linked to
their location, but also to the technical facilities available. Analysis of access to transport infrastructure in
relation to the spatial, social and demographic location allows the identification of inequalities in access to
transportation and the possibilities associated with it (Módenes 2008, 159).
17
Neuman (2005, 16) suggests an understanding of the city from two different perspectives. On the one
hand, to obtain sustainable urban spaces, functions and population must be concentrated in areas with high
densities. On the other hand, he asserts that the reality of today's “liveability” principle raises the desire for
low densities (dispersion). Under this conception urban functions and the population are organized in spaces
with low population densities.
18
Arbury claims that mixed-use reduces reliance on private transport for shopping and leisure as places
of work, shops, leisure facilities and other functions are located near to each other. Besides, the multiplicity of
uses can improve the quality of life in different sectors of the city and directly encourages security in public
areas, especially for marginal groups.
[24]
density of activity (and the dynamics linked to it) and interaction (Arbury 2005, 49). Hence
in the city centres there are rarely important and functional links characterized by a monofunctional context in which the presence of a single use predominates.19
2.2.3 Rehabilitation (Physical Intervention)
The re-use of built-up areas for new development projects is another key element in
the compact city model. Urban rehabilitation is a fundamental tool for dealing with a
variety of physical and social problems, such as urban decline, uneven and unbalanced
growth of the city, poor health, and social distress.20 It is also strategically important for the
ordering of urban spaces and improving the “liveability” of urban environments through
new interventions (Mutlu 2009, 2; Tapada and Arbaci 2011, 200).
The goals of urban rehabilitation projects have changed since the beginning of the
twentieth century. At the beginning of the twentieth century the main aim was to improve
social conditions such as health and hygiene. In the period that followed the objective was
the improvement of areas of urban decay, spaces linked to cultural and environmental
heritage, old industrial zones, and down-graded historical sites (Mutlu 2009, 16). The goal
of these interventions was to transform areas of disinvestment into areas of investment, thus
enhancing the value of urban land for an improved urban economy (Mutlu 2009, 2;
Commission of the European Communities 2004, 11; Tapada and Arbaci 2011, 215).
The scope of urban rehabilitation projects involves more than the improvement of
public spaces and the provision of green areas. The main features of such projects include
improving collective use elements in buildings, incorporating information technologies into
construction projects, promoting energy efficiency and, savings in water consumption and
waste recycling, fostering gender equality in the use of urban spaces and facilities, and
19
The promotion of urban environment complexity is linked with condensation, connectivity, and
mixing; the inverse of homogeneity (Salingaros 2006, 105). The same author states that monoculture
displaces and stretches its vital connections to complementary nodes, making the functioning city (a much
larger entity that encompasses the entire commuting distance) tremendously wasteful of both time and energy.
20
The concept of urban rehabilitation and its strategies have been labelled variously as urban
regeneration, urban reconstruction, redevelopment, urban improvement and so on. Each of these strategies has
been developed since the early twentieth century with the principal goal of transforming urban spaces.
[25]
ensuring accessibility and the removal of architectural barriers (Nel∙lo 2007, 26; Tapada
and Arbaci 2011, 200).
The concept of urban renewal therefore poses challenges beyond the simple
development of local projects. Actions should be aimed not simply at physical
rehabilitation, but at comprehensive intervention that seeks environmental sustainability,
social welfare, and greater economic dynamism. Such actions should not prioritize
particular sectors of the city, but should address the needs of the whole population,
resulting in urban spaces and public facilities which promote social and personal growth,
and which generate a social and cultural fabric which enables social cohesion (Capel 1997,
26; Tapada and Arbaci 2011, 216; Lamore and Link 2006, 431).
2.2.4 Public and Open Spaces
The inclusion of open spaces and greenery cannot be ignored in an understanding of
the compact city model. Urban greenery should be understood as the art, science and
technology of arranging trees, and in general, forest resources, in and around urban
community ecosystems (Miller 1997, 167). The consideration of such strategies allows for
significant benefits in physiological, sociological, economic, and aesthetic terms (Grahn
and Stigsdotter 2003, 16).
Green and open spaces in the city contribute to key aspects of urbanism such as
sustainability and social cohesion. The inclusion of greenery and open areas seeks to link
nature and leisure with the city. In addition, a variety of properly conditioned open spaces
bonds natural elements with the lives of citizens. “Greening” the city therefore helps to
create urban and suburban places which are attractive, pleasant, and more sustainable
(Nassauer 1997, 73; Dumreicher et al., 2000, 361).
Anne et al. (2003, cited in Rafeq 2006, 43) outline the main advantages of green and
open urban areas as follows. First, they contribute to the preservation of biodiversity
through the conservation and promotion of urban habitats. Second, they improve the urban
environment through the reduction of pollution and the regulation of urban climate
extremes. Third, the improvement of urban drainage. Fourthly, vegetation promotes a better
image of the city and therefore, potentially, the improvement of the overall quality of the
[26]
urban environment. Finally, they encourage pride among the residents, and community
engagement; and they are important for health and education. Rafeq (2006, 43) states that
greening also preserves and improves the ecological variety of urban environments.
2.2.5 Summary
The central theme of the compact city model is its emphasis on “a city for the
citizens”. It has been argued that the physical space and how it functions is a social product.
The design, construction, and maintenance of urban infrastructure (streets, buildings, open
spaces, green areas and so on) is always conceived on the basis of the assigned objectives.
The results of such interventions must prioritize social, environmental, economic, and other
objectives for the community, and with its active participation. It is necessary, therefore, in
today's reality to understand that these tools must serve social needs: the pursuit of equality,
a reduction in the segregation of communities, and the promotion of education (Capel 2007,
54).
Urban sprawl refers strictly to the physical or material aspect of growth in the
suburbs - to territorial expansion. There is a need to defend the “compact city” against
urban sprawl, and to support rehabilitation and the occupation of empty spaces within the
existing metropolitan area.21 Thus, city planning should aim for a city model which ensures
the welfare and quality of life of the inhabitants in the short and long term. Moreover, there
is a need to understand and construct the city as a complex system. Plans must be structured
in detail, with each element being related to the others and integrated into the whole system
(Salingaros 2006, 109). Urban development that is focused on people necessarily involves a
consideration of the buildings and open spaces in which people live and work in order to
attain a more functional environment.
21
Arbury (2005, 63) reflects upon an important notion regarding the future or urban areas. He suggests
that the success or failure of compact city policies in the future may depend as much on society’s willingness
to recognize the unsustainability of their current culture and lifestyle (the need to make sacrifices such as
living on a smaller plot of land and having fewer cars) as it does on the ability of planners and other
government officials to find a way to best impose such policies on a seemingly unwilling population.
[27]
2.3 Physical and Social Segregation in the Case Study
Segregation or fragmentation can be understood in two ways. First, from a
sociological point of view, as an absence of relationships between social groups. Secondly,
from a geographical point of view, as the unequal distribution of social groups in a
particular physical space (White 1983, 1009; Iceland et al., 2004, 1; Prévôt 2001, 34). The
first premise is based on the idea that despite the potential existence of physical proximity,
relationships between population groups do not necessarily exist, and for various reasons,
such as religion, socio-economic class, or geographical features (rivers, mountains and so
on). The second approach states that for several reasons social groups tend to settle
differentially across a space. In the case of Raval, several factors can be identified, such as
the availability of housing, historical elements (northern populations tending to have higher
purchasing power), and the establishment of migratory patterns (new immigrants settling
alongside their fellow countrymen). Therefore, both the scarcity of relationships between
social groups and their spatial differentiation could be determined by economic, social,
environmental, and other circumstances which promote the settlement of residents
according to particular characteristics. In this research, more attention will be paid to the
second interpretation. Nonetheless, the two categories are not mutually exclusive and are
usually closely related (Pacione 2005, p.26).
The factors that have influenced the spatial distribution of the population in Raval
are numerous. I want to emphasize those circumstances mentioned by Bayona and
Domingo (2002, 2): first, housing prices, whether private or rented; secondly, access to the
labour market and transportation; thirdly, pre-existing networks of immigrants making
settlement easier for newcomers; fourthly, potential relationships with the surrounding
context (spatial continuity); and finally, the stigmatizing of certain population groups
forcing them to settle in particular spaces.22
22
According with Clark (1991, 1) lower values in preference levels in terms of occupancy patterns
could result in surprisingly polarized configurations. The author claims people stay in a certain area up to a
maximum threshold, after which the citizens will decide to settle in another location.
[28]
From the above factors, several approaches have been established in order to
characterize the types of segregation from a spatial and social perspective. Despite the
different perspectives and interests of authors it is possible to identify three main factors
leading to segregation: socio-economic, demographic, and ethnic or racial reasons (Bayona
2007b, 5; Farley et al., 2010, 751; Neuman 2013, 4; Clark 1991, 1; Krysan et al., 2013,
530). Socio-economic fragmentation occurs when disadvantaged population groups (such
as the poor and immigrants) do not have the economic means to compete in the housing
market and so become concentrated in particular urban pockets. Demographic segregation
relates to the concentration of particular sectors of the population based on age group, sex,
occupation, residential mobility, or household structure. The differentiation of space by
ethnic or racial aspects is related to internal and external factors: internal factors include the
choice of individuals to live in certain areas; external factors include discriminatory
measures taken by external agents, such as those who determine access to housing (Krysan
et al., 2013, 529; Bayona 2007b, 6).
With respect to the processes of population segregation it is clear that there exists
considerable spatial differentiation regarding social, economic, environmental and other
factors. As Bayona (2007b, 3) and Pacione (2005, 25) states, space is therefore an indicator,
or a reflection, of meanings and existing social differences in a given territory. The spatial
configuration of Raval allowed me to identify the hierarchy of several urban areas within
the neighbourhood. This hierarchy creates what Bayona describes as social inequality or the
unequal value of space (p.3).
In the study area, the most recognizable factors in the process of segregation are
urban facilities, discrimination processes, and access to housing. Particular trends in the
characteristics and location of housing in Raval reflect its social heterogeneity between the
different BSAs. Therefore the space in which the population and its daily activities are
framed reveals the potential social imbalances. These inequalities are manifested through
the possible over-representation of particular groups or social strata in specific areas.23 This
23
A prominent role should be given to immigrant groups from non-European countries and Eastern
Europe who usually first move in among their fellow natives. These groups are usually concentrated in
physically and environmentally degraded spaces, marginal areas in both the centre and the periphery, and in
low-cost housing (Capel 1997, 21).
[29]
situation creates spatial differentiation, which has also been called the segmentation of the
inhabited space.24 It is clear, therefore, that minorities, for example immigrants, tend to be
concentrated in those spaces characterized by the most unfavourable conditions. Factors
such as the poor quality of housing, a lack of green areas, parks, recreation facilities and a
lack of commercial diversity have all been identified. In addition, these areas suffer from
problems related to drug addiction, alcoholism, prostitution, crime, vandalism and the poor
quality of education, health and safety, to mention but a few (Wilson and Hammer 2001,
274).
The limited choice of housing thus becomes a critical factor. Authors such as
Bayona (2007a, 11), Capel (1997, 21) and Nel·lo (2008, 7) claim that it is access to housing
(or the lack of it) which largely determines social stratification. In the case of Ciutat Vella,
and particularly Raval, discrimination in terms of access to housing is mostly connected to
factors such as the length of the lease (most immigrants in Raval rent their apartments), the
age of the housing, the presence or absence of suitable facilities, and the relative economic
importance (dynamism) of the area. These factors largely determine the initial location of
certain population groups, particularly immigrants.
The reality of the study area, nevertheless, is much more complex and an
understanding of segregation must not be limited to a single variable. While socioeconomic factors, particularly access to housing, undoubtedly determine the settlement of
the population, they are not the only factors to consider. It is also true that population
groups of the same origin tend to settle in those areas which have been "conquered" by their
countrymen because of significant benefits, especially in the early stages of the migration
process.25 Moreover, the stigmatization of certain groups is widely known and creates a
24
Capel (1997, 11) argues that ethnic or racial segregation is linked to distinctive physical features and
other people’s perception of these groups, such as their ethical, intellectual, or other attributes. Similarly,
Farley et al. (2010, 757) state that certain features such as lack of a work ethic, criminal activity, laziness,
illness, and lower levels of intelligence can all become associated with these social groups in the popular
mind.
25
The positive aspects of the concentration of population groups, particularly immigrants, have been
approached from different perspectives. Capel (1997, 21) asserts that concentration favours greater comfort,
security, support and solidarity in situations of threat and confinement. Bayona (2007b, 7) suggests that it
allows people to promote their own businesses (ethnic goods) and gradually adjust to their new destination.
The preference to share culture, religion and other beliefs with people of the same ethnic group has also been
discussed (Krysan et al., 2013, 533). Beyond these factors, Wilson and Hammer (2001, 272) affirm that under
[30]
need for them to inhabit the most disadvantaged areas where, paradoxically, they find a
certain degree of comfort and satisfaction. Furthermore, the role of real-estate agents in
favouring the settlement of population groups with, for example, more purchasing power
cannot be ignored.
Today, the reality of urban spaces, including Raval, is characterized by the division
of population groups and spaces generating the establishment of specific functions in
particular areas, the consequences of which have been widely discussed and with respect to
the present work include the potential decline in social cohesion, and the lack of social
participation and contact with other social groups. These features can be clearly seen in
particular public spaces (for example Rambla del Raval and Plaça de Sant Agustí) where
very specific population groups meet, while others prefer different spaces. Other
disadvantages can be identified in relation to language, access to education, participation in
the labour market, municipal policies, and access to housing (Bayona 2007b, 7).
Furthermore, the acquisition of skills pertaining to living in the host country is slower in
areas characterized by segregation of the population, particularly of immigrants (Neuman
2013, 5). Associated with this is a continuous reduction in the quality and functionality of
urban infrastructure, facilities, and public spaces.
According to the above conceptual elements of segregation, particular aspects can be
highlighted. The configuration of the urban space enables the identification of trends in
social segregation, which in turn enable an interpretation of the potential appropriation or
rejection of the space by the residents. These trends are initially based on the ability of
population groups to access housing. Low housing prices (for purchase or rent) facilitate
the settlement of the most disadvantaged population groups, but stigmatization by external
agents, and pre-existing migration patterns favouring the entry of new immigrants, also
play a part.26 This social segregation can be identified at even smaller scales of analysis - at
certain circumstances concentration allows the development of collaborative networks and institutions related
to issues such as housing, the labour market, religion, and culture.
26
The circumstances explaining ethnic segregation have been linked to certain preferences and
limitations connected to both individual choice and to population dynamics. First, the preferences of people to
live in places which share their cultural, ethnic or religious aspects have been argued. Secondly, residential
segregation by ethnicity can be explained by the behaviour of the majority group. Therefore, minority
population groups may be forced to remain in certain urban areas (Neuman 2013, 3).
[31]
building, block or street levels. In the analysis of commercial facilities, in subsequent
chapters, differentiation or segregation trends at street level are described in more detail. In
this fragmentation, different social, economic, urban and geographical conditions are
combined in order to identify those areas which are marginal, poor, or static.
[32]
CHAPTER III: CASE STUDY
3.1 Objectives
 Identifying the current physical-spatial and social configuration at neighbourhood
level in Raval, Barcelona, aiming to recognize the potential patterns (inequities) in
its arrangement.
 Evaluating the arrangement of Raval according to the main assumptions of the
“compact urban development model”, and identifying its potential functionality.
3.2 Hypothesis (Assumptions)
The working hypothesis proposes that Raval is characterized by important
differentiations in terms of its physical-spatial and social configuration. These differences
have been exacerbated due to major processes of fragmentation within the neighbourhood,
which can be recognized through a variety of elements such as the ‘urban furniture’, the
configuration of public spaces, the role of commercial activities, and the social and
demographic constitution of each BSA in the neighbourhood. This fragmentation has
caused poor linkages between different areas of the neighbourhood, and more
differentiation in the population profile, with the immigrant population being the most
disadvantaged. Raval does not conform, therefore, to the principles of “compact urban
development”, as certain groups of people in particular spatial areas have fallen out of the
dominant urban fabric, thus reducing social cohesion, functional complexity, and physicalspatial integration.
3.3 Research Questions
 How have the potential physical-spatial and social inequalities in Raval (Barcelona)
led to a specific configuration which deviates from “compact urban development”?
 How has this configuration (fragmentation) affected the immigrant population of the
neighbourhood?
[33]
3.4. Description of the Study Area
3.4.1 Territorial and Statistical Division
3.4.1.1 Neighbourhood
In 2004 the Provincial Council of Barcelona developed a project entitled La
Barcelona del Barris (The Barcelona of the Neighbourhoods) with the aim of dividing the
city into representative quarters.27 The objective was to plan the development of urban
interventions and the provision of infrastructure and municipal services.
The main considerations in defining these territorial units were as follows: the need
to delineate within each district, without modifying the outer boundaries; to strengthen
local identity and public perception; to attain internal consistency and self-identification
compared to others based on social and urban issues; except in certain cases to avoid the
segmentation of spaces in neighbourhoods with high levels of linkage and uniformity; to
delimit areas with a population between 5000 and 50000 inhabitants with the aim of
preventing significant dissimilarities between them and thereby facilitating the creation of
community spaces and urban intervention policies (services, facilities).28
Twenty-two experts from several fields (geographers, urban planners, journalists,
lawyers, sociologists, economists, architects, academics) and leaders of political, municipal
and district groups were involved in the consultations on the establishment of the
neighbourhoods.29 Local residents and organizations were also asked to express their views.
Raval was one of the seventy-three neighbourhoods created as part of this process.30
27
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/castella/terri/index.htm (Retrieved
on 25-10-2013).
28
Ibid.
29
Ibid.
30
Ibid.
[34]
3.4.1.2 Basic Statistical Areas (BSA)
BSAs are “intervention units” created by the Provincial Council of Barcelona.
These units correspond to the territorial level between that of the neighbourhood and the
Census Tract. Following the guidelines of the territorial system each spatial level should be
limited to the boundaries of the one immediately above it.31 The BSAs were established in
consultation with experts in different fields and follow certain criteria: there have to be
between 200 and 250 BSAs; they are for statistical purposes and do not correspond to
neighbourhoods in the social network sense; residential blocks cannot be a part of two
BSAs; they should include a minimum of 500 voters and correspond to uniform areas
within districts in demographic, urban and sociological terms.32
Picture 1: BSAs in the Four Neighbourhoods of the District of Ciutat Vella
Source: Provincial Council of Barcelona.33
Raval is divided into eight BSAs. The distinction between BSAs and Census Tracts
is an important one because it determines the level at which the information for this
31
Ibid.
32
Ibid.
33
Provincial
Council
of
http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/castella/terri/mdte01/aeb/dte1aeb.pdf (Retrieved 15-10-2013).
[35]
Barcelona.
research was obtained. BSAs are a broader territorial unit than Census Tracts, which are
more detailed.
3.4.1.3 Census Tracts (CT)
According to the Provincial Council of Barcelona, Census Tracts are governed by
certain principles marked by the Organic Law 5/1985 on the General Election Regime.34
This states that voters must be distributed according to Census Tracts; the sectioning of the
declaration, however, is changeable with time according to population growth.
After the delimitation of the 73 neighbourhoods there was a need for some
adjustment to the Census Tracts. As a consequence the Provincial Council created the
Commission of Statistical Zones, whose functions were broadly as follows: to create the
municipal records of the boundaries of the 73 neighbourhoods and of the census areas
within them; to define the sectioning according to neighbourhoods and BSAs; to agree the
current division with the National Statistical Institute; to apply the new division in the new
jurisdictional partitioning and municipal databases.35
The adjustment of the sectioning was also necessary as many of the CTs had
significant inconsistencies with respect to some of the criteria. Of particular importance
was the number of voters and the coordination and development of the elections. Finally,
the main principle determining the sectioning was the necessity to make Census Tracts as
uniform as possible - of regular shape, and with a total number of constituents of around
1000.36
The new subdivision was approved by the Consell Plenari (plenary council) on 31
December 2008.37 The final designation of 1061 Census Tracts (district, number and
section) was implemented in 2009 in both the elections and the statistics. Raval has twenty
CTs (Picture 2).
34
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/castella/terri/index.htm (Retrieved
on 25-10-2013).
35
Ibid.
36
Ibid.
37
Ibid.
[36]
Picture 2: CTs in the Neighbourhood of Raval
Source: Provincial Council of Barcelona.38
3.4.2 El Raval: General Context
The study area is located in the district of Ciutat Vella, the historic city centre of
Barcelona. This district occupies an area of 4.37 km2, has a population of 105,220, and
therefore a density of approximately 24,077/km2.39
Ciutat Vella consists of four neighbourhoods, each with its own character (Picture
3). Gotic is the oldest part of Barcelona; to the East of Gotic is Sant Pere, Santa Caterina I
la Ribera, the medieval town; to the West is Raval, the former industrial quarter; and in the
South, Barceloneta, the youngest district. Despite their proximity to one another, the
neighbourhoods have taken on very different characteristics and functions.
38
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/castella/terri/mdte01/seccions/dte1sc.pdf (Retrieved on 15-10-2013).
39
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/catala/dades/guiadt01/pob01/t2.htm
(Retrieved on 10-04-2013).
[37]
Picture 3: The District of Ciutat
Vella (Barcelona, Spain)
Source: Google Images
The district is subject to structural, relational and social tensions and conflicts that
can only be understood in relation to the district’s history, as well as the current reality.
Once free from its physical and psychological constraints, Ciutat Vella underwent
permanent decay until the second half of the 1970s. Developmentalism came to an end and
the authoritarian municipal model gave way to the processes of the democratization of
society.40
The combination of these factors laid the foundations for the policy of urban
regeneration that has been implemented in Ciutat Vella in recent decades. During this
period the old methods of the systematic demolition of old buildings and their replacement
with newer ones have evolved into policies of conservation and renovation. These urban
regeneration plans are described in more detail in the section entitled The Neighbourhood
and its Urban History.
3.4.3 El Raval: Historical Background
This research project is carried out at the neighbourhood level. Here, the use of the
term “neighbourhood” does not imply a space characterized by social contact and the
40
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w110.bcn.cat/portal/site/CiutatVella/menuitem.6806019324b2f1d826062606a2ef8a0c/?vgnextoid=00b0
75292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8c0RCRD&vgnextchannel=00b075292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8
c0RCRD&lang=ca_ES (Retrieved on 12-05-2013).
[38]
creation of related networks; the term is purely related to the political and administrative
division of the city of Barcelona.41
The name “Raval” comes from the Arabic word rabad, meaning suburb. The
neighbourhood was originally outside the thirteenth-century city walls, in an area of
cultivated open fields (Sargatal 2001, 5). As stated in the work of Villar (1996, cited in
Rius 2008, 187), the continuation of the use of the name for administrative purposes is an
attempt to avoid continued association with themes such as marginalization, poverty, drug
addiction, and prostitution.
Before the fourteenth century, Raval was an area of open fields covering what is
now the city of Barcelona. The neighbourhood was located alongside main roads near, for
example, Portal de los Talleres, where farmers who supplied goods entered Barcelona,
Portal de Sant Antoni, the largest access gate to the city, and Puerta de Santa Madrona, next
to Drassanes, the only old road that still exists today.42
The final physical configuration of Raval was determined by the construction of the
walls. The construction of the second and third rings of walls established the
neighbourhood’s “diamond” formation.43 The main aim of the third ring was to make a
functional and territorial differentiation in order to locate the less desirable elements of the
city well and truly in the outskirts; the much later, and unexpected, growth of the city,
however, led to rather different results.
Engel-Yan (2004, 45) states that the city’s macro-level problems are an accumulation of poor
planning at the micro-level. According to the author, better micro-level planning would result in improved
sustainability in issues such as “green” buildings and infrastructure, integrated water management, cycle and
pedestrian paths, transit-friendly design, urban forestry, local energy production, and neighbourhood waste
management.
41
42
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w110.bcn.cat/portal/site/CiutatVella/menuitem.6806019324b2f1d826062606a2ef8a0c/?vgnextoid=04c0
75292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8c0RCRD&vgnextchannel=04c075292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8
c0RCRD&lang=ca_ES (Retrieved on 12-05-2013).
43
Barcelona Field Studies Centre. http://geographyfieldwork.com/ElRaval.htm (Retrieved on 8-08
2013). The second belt of walls was constructed by Jaume I in 1268, and corresponds to the current Rambla
de Canaletes. The third ring was conceived by Peter Ceremonious in 1348, and corresponds to the present day
Ronda Sant Antoni, Ronda Sant Pau and the Parallel Avenue.
[39]
During the following years the district stagnated, especially between the early
fifteenth and late sixteenth centuries, due to economic, political and social difficulties,
which meant the neighbourhood remained predominantly agricultural (Fundació Tot Raval
2008, 5).44 In the early eighteenth century, industries began to arrive among the gardens,
convents and guild houses. The final industrialization of Raval occurred between 1770 and
1840. From the second half of the 1700s new streets, factories, and houses for workers
began to appear (Provincial Council,45 Fernández 2011, 8). According to Sargatal (2003, 8),
as a result of the increase in industrialization, the first migrant groups, from other areas of
Catalonia, began to settle in Raval, thus converting Raval from an industrial neighbourhood
to a residential one. The factory workers lived near their workplaces and the neighbourhood
became the densest in Europe.46
The configuration of Raval was characterized by the presence of large blocks of
houses and textile mills built several stories high in order to maximize space,47 and with
shared toilets and water facilities. The mortality rate was high and many people died
before they reached twenty years old.48 The increase in modern mechanization of
sanitation, unsafe conditions in the factories, and the growth of the labour movement led
to widespread protests, which eventually, in turn, led to the tearing down of the walls in
1859, followed by urban expansion into the surrounding areas (Fundacio Tot Raval 2008,
9; Fernández 2011, 5).
44
Fundació Tot Raval. http://www.totraval.org/publicacion/12/estudi-economic-i-comercial-del-raval2006-2007- (Retrieved on 8-08-2013). Economic difficulties included the shifting of maritime trade to the
Atlantic; political difficulties sprang from defeat in the war against Juan II; plagues and epidemics accounted
for the main social and demographic problems.
45
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w110.bcn.cat/portal/site/CiutatVella/menuitem.6806019324b2f1d826062606a2ef8a0c/?vgnextoid=04c0
75292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8c0RCRD&vgnextchannel=04c075292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8
c0RCRD&lang=ca_ES (Retrieved on 12-05-2013).
46
Barcelona Field Studies Centre. http://geographyfieldwork.com/ElRaval.htm (Retrieved on 8-08
2013).
47
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w110.bcn.cat/portal/site/CiutatVella/menuitem.6806019324b2f1d826062606a2ef8a0c/?vgnextoid=04c0
75292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8c0RCRD&vgnextchannel=04c075292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8
c0RCRD&lang=ca_ES (Retrieved on 12-05-2013).
48
Barcelona Field Studies Centre. http://geographyfieldwork.com/ElRaval.htm (Retrieved on 8-08
2013).
[40]
At the end of the nineteenth century, the neighbourhood was in crisis. The
deterioration of the factories led to increased out-migration,49 meaning that by the
beginning of the twentieth century Raval mainly housed the less affluent classes immigrants, industrial workers, the unemployed, traders, and street dwellers (Fundació Tot
Raval 2008, 9; Sargatal 2003, 3; Fernández 2011, 8; Gaspar et al., 2002, 116; Guimera
2003, 388).50 The neighbourhood gained a reputation for overcrowding, narrow streets,
bars, theatres and brothels, for its proximity to the port, a lack of security and a generally
unhealthy environment, all of which led, in the 1920s, to a certain area of the southern
Raval being christened “Chinatown”.51
By the 1950s a certain geographical differentiation could be identified in Raval. The
North of Raval became known for its brick factories, slaughterhouses and leather-making
facilities, and the South for its bars and hotels and its less affluent population.52 In the
1970s, Raval experienced a serious rise in crime and drug trafficking, which caused a
degree of panic and affected economic activities such as tourism.53 These problems and the
stigmatization connected with them did not affect the whole neighbourhood equally,
however - the South was more affected than the North.
By the time democracy came to Barcelona, in 1977, Raval was in need of
significant improvement in a number of respects. The worst problems were high population
density, insecurity, illiteracy, prostitution, extreme poverty, lack of public spaces, school
49
Authors such as Sargatal (2001, 7) and Walker and Porraz (2007, 3) suggest a particular organization
of space in which, on the one hand, the centre became characterized by administrative functions and middle
class housing, and on the other, the suburbs became dedicated to industrial activities and residences for
workers, generally with lower land prices.
50
Due to this ratio of residential and manufacturing activities, Raval experienced a worsening of
conditions due to the deterioration of housing and a lack of investment. Real estate agents preferred to invest
in newer urban areas with better prospects (Sargatal 2003, 2). Moreover, the middle classes left the city centre
and occupied the newer developments on the outskirts; the centre was thus inhabited by the poor and working
classes which facilitated the development of unhealthy, hazardous, dangerous or illegal activities (Sargatal
2001, 6).
51
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w110.bcn.cat/portal/site/CiutatVella/menuitem.6806019324b2f1d826062606a2ef8a0c/?vgnextoid=04c0
75292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8c0RCRD&vgnextchannel=04c075292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8
c0RCRD&lang=ca_ES (Retrieved on 12-05-2013).
52
Barcelona Field Studies Centre. http://geographyfieldwork.com/ElRaval.htm (Retrieved on 8-08
2013).
53
Ibid.
[41]
absenteeism, and the overall complexity of the urban environment (Fundació Tot Raval
2008, 10). Today, urban regeneration in Raval has been made possible by various means,
with major financial support coming from the European Union’s Social Cohesion Fund.54
However, this organization suggests that private investment now exceeds public
investment, with the state focusing mainly on improving infrastructure, housing,
employment, health, education, social services and sports facilities, and restricting criminal
and other marginal activities (p.10).
3.4.4 The Neighbourhood and its Urban History
Urban planning policies of the district can be traced back to the mid-twentieth
century, more precisely following the demolition of the city walls in 1959 (and the
subsequent expansion of the city), when the development plan and urban reforms called the
Eixample (Cerdà) Plan were conceived. The plan, created by the engineer Ildefons Cerdà,
did not have much detail to it, the principal idea being the integration of the old city into the
new urban fabric. According to Sargatal (2003, 3), the main proposal consisted of the
construction of three major roads through the town, enabling better connections to the
port.55 At this time, conditions in the city were extremely poor. Fernández (2011, 6)
suggests that the initial plans aspired towards improving the quality of life of the residents
through measures such as improving access to sunlight and “aeration”, improving the
gardens and open spaces, and a measured expansion of the city, all of which illustrates the
potential decadency of the neighbourhood at that time.
The first major studies of the neighbourhood date back to the 1930s, during the
Second Republic (1931-1936), with the proposals of the group of architects known as
GATCPAC.56 The bases of this plan were rational solutions to the poor structural condition
54
According to the Fundació Tot Raval (2008, 10) two main sources of funding for neighbourhood
regeneration have been identified: the Treaty for Communities; and the Neighbourhood Renewal Fund. Other
sources of funding, which focus on specific activities, include the national lottery fund, money for education,
action zones for employment and health, and the Housing Corporation Fund for new social housing.
55
Ildefons's plan was never carried out in full, but his ideas have remained influential even to the
present day as attempts to create wide roads have been evident in diverse projects throughout the twentieth
century, and can be recognized on Drassanes Avenue connecting the South of the Neighbourhood with the
current Rambla del Raval (Sargatal 2003, 3).
56
The Grup d'Arquitectes i Tècnics Catalans per al Progrés de l'Arquitectura Contemporània
(GATCPAC) worked together with Le Corbusier from 1928 to 1930 and developed the Plan Macià. Their
[42]
of the neighbourhood, especially the high density of the population. The principal measures
taken were aimed at regulating population density, constructing new housing, opening out
public spaces, and constructing cultural buildings such as schools, parks, and libraries
(Fundació Tot Raval 2008, 10). However, the first sanitation was carried out by the bombs
of the civil war in the South on the current site of Drassanes Avenue.
Despite the passage of years and the economic growth of the region from the 1960s
onwards, there were no great changes in conditions in the most deprived areas. It was not
until the 1970s that policies were gradually introduced aimed at overcoming the physical
and social problems of the city, including Raval (Walker and Porraz 2007, 12), an era that
coincided with the democracy of the late 1970s, when the government introduced policies
regulating reconstruction and renovation. The main projects were focused on issues such as
housing, open spaces, and the creation of community facilities, and aimed at removing
unhelpful associations with “Chinatown”, and restoring the cultural heritage of Raval.57
In order to achieve these goals a variety of planning instruments were proposed, the
most significant of which was the Barcelona Metropolitan Plan of 1976. The aim of this
project was similar to the Cerdà Plan, that is, to connect several parts of the city (Tapada
and Arbaci 2011, 195). This plan was the forerunner to the creation of the Integral
Rehabilitation Areas (ARIs) of the Ciutat Vella.58 The ARIs can certainly be considered
among the most important and influential projects in recent years. Priority has been given
to urban infrastructure and housing in the town centre, especially areas of social
depravation and urban decay (Gaspar et al., 2002, 121).
ideology was based on the theory of zoning in order to distribute geographically diverse functional areas
around the city. These areas were based on land uses such as housing, work, leisure and traffic (PROCIVESA
1996, 26). The main goals of the group were the improvement of Catalan facilities and infrastructure. Their
avant-garde and developmental ideas immediately preceded the civil war of the 1930s.
57
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w110.bcn.cat/portal/site/CiutatVella/menuitem.6806019324b2f1d826062606a2ef8a0c/?vgnextoid=04c0
75292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8c0RCRD&vgnextchannel=04c075292f5a8210VgnVCM10000074fea8
c0RCRD&lang=ca_ES (Retrieved on 12-05-2013).
58
PROCIVESA (formerly Promoció Ciutat Vella SA.) was created in order to promote the renovations
in the city. It is an organization which links private and public bodies and is responsible for managing private
resources in projects in the district (Ciutat Vella), overseeing the acquisition and demolition of affected
buildings, and conducting research into restoration of housing infrastructure (Gaspar et al., 2002, 127).
[43]
In 1985, linked to the creation of ARIs, the Special Plans of Internal Reform
(PERIs) were instigated as part of the creation of the Barcelona Metropolitan Plan.59
According to Sargatal (2003, 4) and Tapada and Arbaci (2011, 195), the PERIs set out to
improve the infrastructure (equipment, buildings), develop commercial activity, and create
and improve public spaces. The plans focused on certain sections of the city; the PERI
associated with Raval began in 1995 and concluded in 2000 (although related projects are
still being developed up to the present day) with the most important work being La Rambla
del Raval.60 Nowadays, the main projects managed by the Catalan Institute of Soil (Incasòl)
are based on three themes: designing and creating public spaces as an organizing element of
the city; promoting the proper administration of urban functions and facilities; and
standardizing urbanization units and implementing quality control (Coll 2003, 53).
Several projects have been carried out in the neighbourhood, especially since the
1980s. Among the most important, according to Sargatal (2001, 9), are the Jardins de
l'Església de Sant Pau del Camp, the Centre Esportiu in Sant Pau Street, la Residència
Estudiantil on Tàpies Street, the renovation of the former Casa de la Caritat, and the
installation of educational infrastructure (university facilities). However, the most
significant and greatest impact has been the creation of the Centre of Contemporary Culture
of Barcelona (CCCB), the Museum of Contemporary Art of Barcelona (MACBA), and the
projects in the so called Illa Rambla del Raval.
The above intervention projects have been focused on culture in what has been
called cultural clusters, the main idea being to make provision in the sphere of culture and
tourism in order to modify the environment of the neighbourhood in economic, social,
physical and demographic terms (Cabrera 2007, 173). Thus, through the incorporation of
such facilities the development of innovative and contemporary cultural activities is
intended, such as museums, theatres, exhibition halls, and galleries for the decorative and
The objectives promoted by the ARIs and the PERIs are: firstly, improving the ‘liveability’ of the
district, and fighting against communitarian inequality; secondly, promoting the active involvement of the
local population; thirdly, preventing the deterioration of housing by rehabilitating infrastructure, opening new
public spaces, improving services and social facilities. In addition, strengthening the administrative
decentralization, and finally, combating gentrification by encouraging the participation and maintenance of
the native population (Tapada and Arbaci 2011, 195).
59
60
Barcelona Field Studies Centre. http://geographyfieldwork.com/ElRaval.htm (Retrieved on 8-08
2013).
[44]
graphic arts. Many historic buildings in the neighbourhood (Casa de la Misericordia, Casa
de la Caritat, Casa de les Infants Orfes), especially in the North, have been converted into
cultural centres, such as the CCCB, MACBA, CERC, UB, and CIBOD (Fundació Tot
Raval 2008, 10),61 with the aim of generating greater vitality in these physically and
socially degraded sectors. These transformations have led to greater tourist activity in this
sector and have therefore influenced the development of the surrounding areas.
The above projects have brought enormous changes to the neighbourhood.
According to Rius (2008, 187), around 45% of the houses have been restored, 500
buildings have been demolished, approximately 1,200 new homes have been created, and
three large public spaces have been developed. Smaller interventions have been developed
throughout the neighbourhood, which along with the major projects has entailed funding
amounting to 1.215 billion euros. The largest projects were the CCCB (1994) and the
MACBA (1995).62
These developments have not, however, been an easy process and they have been
criticized from various perspectives. The main arguments have been against the demolition
of old and “obsolete” buildings, a process which has led to the relocation of sections of the
population to other areas of the neighbourhood, thus breaking territorial and social links
established over many decades. Other dissenters have pointed out the geographical
inequalities in the rehabilitation process, especially between the North and the South of the
neighbourhood. Others have drawn attention to the potential gentrification process, the
likelihood of speculation by developers, the issue of compensation for the people affected,
and the investment of significant sums of money in projects which have been widely
debated.
61
CERC = Centre of Studies and Cultural Resources of Barcelona, UB = Universidad de Barcelona,
CIBOD = Centre for International Affairs.
62
The election of Barcelona for the Olympic Games in 1992 provided the motivation for the final boost
into becoming a true metropolis. Several operations were performed in order to remodel and beautify public
spaces on a large scale until 1992 (PROCIVESA 1996, 27). These projects were developed throughout the
city, but especially in the inner city.
[45]
3.4.5 Migration in the Neighbourhood
This section provides a brief description of the main migration trends in Raval. The
review is important because immigration is a major feature in the configuration of the
neighbourhood in economic, social, housing, spatial, and other aspects.
An important starting place is the fact that Spain is one of the most important
countries in the European Union regarding immigration. The foreign population in 2013
(5,546,238) represented roughly 8.5% of the total.63 However, by 2000 this population was
only 2.3% of the total (Alonso 2009, 153).
Immigration data for Barcelona and Ciutat Vella help us to understand the
importance of this subject in the configuration of the region. The foreign population of the
Barcelona Metropolitan Area in 2013 represented 7.2% of the total.64 Meanwhile, in the
district of Ciutat Vella in 2012 the 44,087 immigrants accounted for approximately 42% of
its population.65 The most important values, however, can be seen in Raval, where in 2012
immigrants represented 49.3% of the total population of 49,027.66
Migration flows have fluctuated considerably over the years. During the first three
decades of the twentieth century, there was large in-migration to the region of Barcelona,
due to industrialization and the aging of the local population (Domingo 2012, 22; Bayona
and Domingo 2002, 1).67 Migrants mainly came from small municipalities where the
63
National Statistical Institute, Spain.
http://www.ine.es/jaxi/tabla.do?path=/t20/e260/a2013/l0/&file=pro001.px&type=pcaxis&L=0 (Retrieved on
19-01-2014).
64
National Statistical Institute, Spain.
http://www.ine.es/jaxi/tabla.do?path=/t20/e245/p05/a2013/l0/&file=00008002.px&type=pcaxis&L=0
(Retrieved on 19-01-2014).
65
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/catala/dades/tpob/ine/a2012/nacio/t0102.htm (Retrieved on 10-04-2013).
66
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/catala/dades/tpob/ine/a2012/nacio/t0105.htm (Retrieved on 10-04-2013).
67
Immigration into Barcelona was constant during the first three decades of the twentieth century due
to low levels of fertility and an ageing population. As a result, immigration represented roughly 99% of the
whole population growth (Domingo 2012, 14). The government therefore needed to take measures to control
this situation, such as developing policies aimed at increasing birth rates, controlling immigration, and
promoting Catalan identity among groups living in the city who were considered outsiders (Domingo 2012,
23).
[46]
economy was largely based on agriculture. This process was further facilitated by improved
transportation (Vilà and Vives 2010, 174).
During subsequent years a considerable reduction of the immigrant population was
suggested (Cabrera 2007; Fundació Tot Raval 2012, 4; Domingo 2012, 23; Guimera 2003,
389). Regarding the Residential Rehabilitation and Facilities of Ciutat Vella, Cabrera
(2007) states that in 1955 the number of foreigners in the district of Ciutat Vella was
around 240,000, but by the 1960s the number had dropped by roughly 40%. In 1996, a
much lower number of 85,000 immigrants were registered. According to Cabrera, the cause
of this decrease was the poor physical, social, economic and environmental conditions in
the district. The reduction was also facilitated by the increasing availability of residential
space in the surrounding areas, as well as the potential for the expulsion of residents due to
the processes of land re-valorisation.
During the late twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century there
was a sharp increase in immigration. According to Bayona (2007a, 9), in 1996 in the
municipality of Barcelona there were around 21,000 immigrants (1.9% of the population).
By 2006 foreigners represented 15.3% of the population (244,988 immigrants), which is an
alarming increase. Bayona and Domingo (2002, 2) suggests that in the twenty-first century,
immigration values have grown significantly, especially with respect to non-Europeans.
This situation changed the pattern of migration not only of the region but of the entire
nation, as Spain had always been known as a country of emigration, especially in the third
quarter of the twentieth century (Fullaondo and Roca 2007, 2).
The high levels of immigration in the Ravel have therefore been the result of macrolevel changes in economic, social, political and urban issues. Among these aspects can be
highlighted the expansion of low density urban development across the metropolitan area,
the reconfiguration of commercial sectors, and the extension of the transportation
infrastructure (Coll and Pujadas 2007, 38; Marmolejo and Stallbohm 2008, 8). The two
principal processes, however, have been residential suburbanization and population
[47]
displacement (Bayona and Domingo 2002, 8; Bayona 2007b, 1; Guimera 2003, 393).68 In
this regard, Bayona (2007a, 7) has argued that factors such as low birth rates, the ageing
population, and the continued increase in inter-urban mobility have generated the
displacement of local residents to other municipalities. This process has resulted in the
higher availability of housing, and has in turn encouraged immigration in order to occupy
these spaces. In addition, the immigration normalization process carried out in Catalonia,
especially in 2001, led to the legalization of large groups of immigrants already living in
the country and the promotion of the movement of others.
As mentioned above, migration trends have changed over the course of the years,
but the main features of this process can be clearly identified. Alonso (2009, 153), in his
work on the transformation of the population in Barcelona, shows that the immigration
process is characterized by sudden growth (especially from the beginning of the twentyfirst century), rejuvenation, masculinization, and the diversification of the origins of
newcomers and their distribution across the whole territory.69
This brief look at recent patterns of migration has important implications for the
current research. First, it is important to understand that the current process of immigration
is large scale, multicultural, and very recent. This means that in terms of planning, the local
government has been faced with the challenge of incorporating these population groups into
the functioning of the neighbourhood and of the city. This situation also leads to a
differentiation in the occupation of spaces. Immigrants, generally characterized by low
purchasing power, settle in disadvantaged areas, thus exacerbating the processes of
68
Since the 1980s, the Barcelona Metropolitan Area has experienced a large shift in population towards
the outskirts of the city. According to Fullaondo and Roca (2007, 2), this transformation is due to two main
factors: first, the local population has emigrated from the central areas towards the periphery; and secondly,
the displacement of the population (mainly Spanish) from the largest to the smallest towns has been
encouraged. In addition, favourable labour market conditions and housing availability have attracted groups
of international migrants who have settled mainly in the city centre.
69
Authors such as Alonso (2009, 166) and Vilà and Vives (2010, 181) highlight the arrival of large
groups from Latin America, Eastern Europe (Romania, Ukraine) and Asia. Alonso mentions their preference
for metropolitan and coastal districts as opposed to internal districts (at the edges of the Greater Metropolitan
Area). The author also suggests some consequences of this migration trend, such as population increase, the
brake put on the ageing of the population, and gender rebalancing of a Spanish population in which women
predominate.
[48]
inequality and fragmentation. This has also meant that the configuration in particular areas
of the neighbourhood has had to attend to the needs of those population groups (for
example in terms of commercial activity). Similarly, the areas in which these populations
have settled have shown deficiencies in particular issues such as transportation, urban
furniture, and the functionality of public spaces.
3.4.5.1 Recent Immigration Trends
For the following description of the major immigration trends in Raval, the selection
of the time period is closely related to the available information and the territorial scope of
the study, namely the district of Ciutat Vella and Raval.
District of Ciutat Vella
Table 1: Immigration Values in the Neighbourhoods of Ciutat Vella from 2007 to 2012
Year
Neighbourhood
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Raval
6617
6820
5781
6190
6588
5436
Gotic
5758
2707
2097
2228
1780
1603
Barceloneta
1505
1414
1373
1311
1369
1264
Sant Pere, Santa …
2391
2445
2136
2174
2350
1951
Source: Azofeifa, J., based on information provided by the Provincial Council of
Barcelona.70
Diagram 1: Immigration Trends in the Neighbourhoods of Ciutat Vella from 2007 to 2012
8000
7000
I
m
m
i
g
r
a
n
t
6000
5000
Raval
4000
Gotic
Barceloneta
3000
San Pere, Santa …
2000
1000
0
2007
2008
2009
Years
2010
2011
2012
Source: Azofeifa, J.
70
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/catala/dades/tdemo/imi/index.htm
(Retrieved on 10-04-2013).
[49]
The foreign population of the district of Ciutat Vella is the second largest in
Barcelona, and represents 15.7% of all immigrants in the metropolitan area. This figure is
surpassed only by the district of Eixample (17.5%). Ciutat Vella has experienced a
reduction of 5.3% in its immigrant population since the year 2000.71
The above diagram shows the trends in immigration for each of the neighbourhoods
in Ciutat Vella from 2007 to 2012. The high numbers of immigrants in Raval is clearly
identifiable, with a significant difference compared to other neighbourhoods - up to 64%
higher than the other neighbourhoods in 2011. However, the trend in recent years has been
a decrease in the foreign population in all of the neighbourhoods
Another important aspect to be noted is the significant decrease of immigrants in the
Gotic neighbourhood. This phenomenon is particularly evident in 2008 when there was a
drop of 52.3% in the number of immigrants. The Gotic neighbourhood, as the centre of the
city, has experienced ground re-valorisation processes due to investment and speculation
trends generating difficult conditions for the settlement of immigrants, who are usually in
an economically disadvantaged position. This neighbourhood has in fact become a place of
secondary importance for immigrant groups and the neighbourhood of Sant Pere, Santa
Caterina i la Ribera is replacing it. It is also significant that Barceloneta has not apparently
been attractive for immigrants during the period under consideration.
The neighbourhood of Raval
Table 2: Immigration Values in Raval from 1999 to 2012
Year
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
Immigration
(Inhabitants)
761
816
939
1403
1573
1701
4626
Year
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Immigration
(Inhabitants)
6355
6617
6820
5781
6190
6588
5436
Source: Azofeifa, J., based on information provided by the Provincial Council of
Barcelona.72
71
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://www.bcn.cat/novaciutadania/pdf/ca/estudis/pob_estrangera_2013.pdf (Retrieved on 20-01-2014).
72
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/catala/dades/tdemo/imi/index.htm
(Retrieved on 10-04-2013).
[50]
Diagram 2: Immigration Trends in Raval from 1999 to 2012
8000
7000
I
m
m
i
g
r
a
n
t
s
6000
5000
4000
Immigration
3000
2000
1000
0
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Years
Source: Azofeifa, J.
This graph shows the trends in immigration in Raval over a period of 13 years, from
1999 to 2012. A steady growth in the foreign population can be seen, especially from 1999
to 2008. Throughout these nine years there was a growth of roughly 88%. Especially
worthy of note is the spectacular increase from 2004 to 2006. In these two years there was a
growth of approximately 73.2%.
Nonetheless, the trend in the last four years points to a decline in immigration rates.
The situation is particularly evident in 2009 and 2012 when a reduction of roughly 15% and
17% respectively was experienced. This significant decrease is related to a variation in
migration policies, the recent national financial crisis, and the re-valorisation and
speculation processes experienced in the neighbourhood.
In presenting these immigration trends I am seeking to highlight some elements of
special interest. First, the high immigrant population of Raval has an important role in
shaping particular aspects of the neighbourhood. Immigration has been high largely due to
the fact that the neighbourhood is a central and relatively cheap place to live. Secondly, the
downward trend in immigration shows the potential restructuring of the neighbourhood
from being a place of permanence to potentially becoming a migration crossroads.
Speculation and internal re-valorisation processes have generated the outward migration of
these groups for the benefit of other sectors of the population and for commercial purposes.
[51]
CHAPTER IV: METHODOLOGY
4.1 Type of Study
According to the objectives that guide the research, this study is considered to be
descriptive–analytic. Descriptive because the characteristics, location, distribution and
other aspects of the units of analysis are assessed with the aim of understanding several
features and aspects of interest with respect to the problem under analysis. Analytical
because a theoretical-conceptual framework is used in order to relate the research variables
and explain the phenomenon being studied.
4.1.1 Research Variables and Units of Analysis
The understanding of the research variables and units of evaluation is based on
Mendoza (2006, 3), who argues that research variables are the components that constitute a
research problem. Consequently, in this investigation, the research variables are identified
among the features that limit the scope of the study. The units of analysis, Mendoza asserts,
are those elements to be studied, either qualitatively or quantitatively, in order to
understand the nature of the problem studied. The research variables and the units of
analysis (called in this research also units of evaluation or observation) are identified in
diagram 3.
Diagram 3: Research Variables and Units of Evaluation
Urban Configuration
CulturalEducational
Agentss
Waste
Disposal
Collection
Containers
Public Phone
Boxes
Newspaper and
Magazine
kiosks
Physical-Spatial and Social
Differences (Fragmentation)
Compact City Assumptions
ONCE
Stands
Commercial
Facilities
Squares
& Public
Spaces
Public
Postal
Bus Service
Mailboxes
Source: Azofeifa, J
Parking Meters
Agents of
Social
Wellbeing
Public Post
Boxes
[52]
Bicing
Underground
Service
Urban
Intervention
Projects
For the current study the variables are determined by the configuration of Raval, the
potential fragmentation processes linked to it, and the assumptions of the compact city
model. These variables can be categorized as either independent or dependent. The
assumptions of the compact city model act as the independent variable as they provide
guidelines for understanding the functioning of the units of evaluation. Meanwhile, the
configuration of Raval and the physical-spatial and social distances (fragmentation
processes) are dependent variables, the measurement and understanding of which could be
affected or modified.
A set of units of evaluation are therefore considered from these general research
variables in order to explain the functioning and relationships of these variables. Such units
must be understood as smaller elements structuring the main research variables. Then, after
analysing these variables, and the units of observation and their relationships, I made some
general observations about possible future scenarios for the neighbourhood as potential
strategies by which to address the current situation.
The compact city model was used in order to assess the current configuration of the
neighbourhood. The model as a theoretical "ideal" design offers, through compact urban
development model, a number of assumptions, strategies, ideas, and concepts that urban
areas should provide in order to ensure equitable and sustainable urban development. The
evaluation of the neighbourhood reality according to this model entailed the use of a variety
of sources of information from the Provincial Council of Barcelona and from fieldwork.
The information from the Provincial Council does not pertain directly to data related to the
model. Rather, the information corresponds to isolated data which I am using for my case
study in order to gain a better understanding of the neighbourhood reality in order to relate
it to the proposed model.
4.2 Type of Methodology
According to the characteristics of the research, the methodology could be described
as qualitative–quantitative. Qualitative methods included the interpretation of the
neighbourhood reality in terms of social and economic features, facilities, public spaces and
other matters. This was based on direct observation, some theoretical elements, and the
perception of local citizens (as a piece of complementary research). This interpretation is
[53]
made in order to better understand the study variables and the contexts in which they
develop. Quantitative research included an evaluation of the units of analysis alongside
numerical measurements in order to validate the extent to which such observation units fit
with the proposed urban development model.73 The ultimate goal, therefore, is to better
understand the relationship between the research variables and to verify the hypothesis and
the research problems.
It is important to highlight that the research design was based on material gathered
concerning the research variables and through personal experience concerning the study
area and its problematic. From these elements a hypothesis was evaluated through both
qualitative and quantitative methods. It is not appropriate, therefore, to consider the
dominance of any single approach, since both qualitative and quantitative methods are used
at different stages of the research. The study was carried out in this way in order to obtain a
broader perspective on the study variables. Nevertheless, the quantitative approach
(deductive research) does predominate to a certain extent, which means that I am
contextualizing general conceptual elements to realities at smaller units of analysis.
4.3 Research Design
Diverse strategies for gathering information were used and these strategies depended on
the research variables. For the compact urban development principles, a search, explanation
and exhaustive analysis of the collected sources of information was carried out. These
sources ranged from books and articles to municipal reports and other literature related to
the topic. This procedure was necessary in order to justify the theoretical elements that
sustain the compact city assumptions and the generation of segregation processes in urban
areas.
73
The data sets that I am using are based on the latest available demographic values (year 2012) from
the Provincial Council of Barcelona website. Similarly, complementary data regarding the observation units
from this organization have been used, which, despite not being set out in numerical terms, enabled me to
obtain important values for the evaluation process. Moreover, through fieldwork, important quantitative data
was obtained on various topics that are detailed in this chapter, particularly subjects such as land use, urban
furniture and the survey of local residents.
[54]
Through the sources of information mentioned above it was possible to systematize
particular ideas regarding the research variables. Initially, as is stated by the EEA (2006,
11), the understanding of urban sprawl considered not only sprawl related to population
growth but also that which was deemed “unnecessary”. It was also possible to understand
that the concept is not only linked to a specific spatial form but is a continuous process of
urban development on the outskirts of urban areas. Authors such as Couch et al. (2007, 6),
McConnell (2006, 19), Brueckner (2000, 161) and others focus their work on
understanding the concept as a process which has important consequences for urban form
and density. The final consideration in this study is the fact that urban sprawl is based on a
process of unnecessary city expansion, which merited the consideration (by those involved
in urban planning) of the compact city principle.
Another important element was addressing the compact city model. The traditional
definition of the model – a definition based solely on density values, which are not always
completely accurate – is challenged. The understanding of the model in this investigation
highlights the concepts of authors such as Burton (2001, 2), Dieleman and Michael (2004,
309), Westering et al. (2012, 476), Neuman (2005, 14), Gordon and Cox (2012, 568) and
others who stress the importance of particular complementary factors. The literature points
to three principal assumptions: the promotion of higher density values; the mixture of land
uses and the encouragement of alternative collective public transport.
Finally, it was important to address the processes related to urban fragmentation. This
concept was explored according to the reality of the neighbourhood and two further
considerations:74 first, sociological considerations, particularly of the relationship (or lack
of it) between different social groups; and second, geographical considerations, particularly
of the spatial distribution of social groups (White 1983, 1009).
From these overviews, the important are Bayona (2007b, 5), Farley et al. (2010, 751)
and Neuman (2013, 4), who provide insights into some of the conditions under which
segregation in urban areas can occur. Three perspectives can be foregrounded: socio74
This reality refers to the role of foreign population groups in the configuration and operation of the
neighbourhood. These groups play an important role in the formation of several sections of Raval, particularly
with respect to features such as economic trends, social distribution, and facilities.
[55]
demographic, demographic, and ethnic. These concepts are used in order to highlight that
the space is a social construction. From this, the idea is developed that the configuration
and characteristics of the space are indicators of potential social differences in the territory,
creating a hierarchy within urban areas. The review of the issues described in the previous
paragraphs enabled me to identify and select the units of evaluation.
In addition, it is important to stress that different strategies were used to answer the
questions regarding the configuration of, and urban fragmentation processes in, the
neighbourhood. The above situation was due to the units of analysis requiring a more
practical approach, and because the information required for evaluating such situations was
found neither online nor in documentary form. The focus shifted, therefore, to the
development of fieldwork for the collection of information through direct observation and
related techniques such as forms, surveys, and visits to public and private organizations.
To summarize, the collection of information for the research involved complementary
tasks. First, rigorous and orderly analysis of existing information in order to identify the
relationship between the research variables. Secondly, the creativity to conceive and use
different tools, which allowed me to address all of the relevant elements for the
achievement of the study. Notable among these tools was Geographic Information Systems
(GIS), in partnership with the basic principles of applied geography.75
4.3.1 Unit of Study
The context in which the units of observation are framed is the Raval
neighbourhood of the city of Barcelona. The use of the word neighbourhood does not
denote the classic definition of social networks characterized by close contact between the
inhabitants. Rather, the term is used to designate the political-administrative division of the
city, which is split into ‘boroughs’, ‘districts’ and ‘neighbourhoods’. The Raval
neighbourhood is an urban area in the centre of Barcelona (the former medieval city), with
an area of 1.1 km², and approximately 49,000 inhabitants (2012), of whom around 54% are
immigrants.
75
A detailed description of these issues is presented later in the research, under Analysis and
Interpretation of Results.
[56]
As mentioned above, it was necessary to identify units of evaluation and particular
components on a much smaller scale, particularly in order to evaluate the compact city
assumptions in the evaluation of Raval. These specific units of observation are identified in
diagram 3, and include such elements as mobility, urban infrastructure, population
characteristics, and economic aspects.
4.3.2 Study Sample
Raval is subdivided into a number of smaller geographic units: eight Basic Statistics
Units (BSAs) and twenty-one Census Tracts (CTs). These units were created by the
Provincial Council for political-administrative and census purposes; the former are larger
than the latter. This division is important for the purposes of evaluating the neighbourhood.
The evaluation of the observation units in terms of social, economic and others aspects was
based on the eight BSAs. Therefore, for most units of analysis all of the elements were
considered such as underground stations, Bicing stations,76 public post boxes, waste
disposal collection containers, and many others. Only for the urban intervention projects
was a smaller sample selected. For this unit of analysis those projects developed over the
past three years were selected. It should be noted that the assessment was made at a general
level (the level of the neighbourhood), but for practical reasons the research focused on
particular BSAs.
4.3.3 Scenarios and Participants
The units of analysis and their systematization involved the participation of several
actors, which can be grouped according to the scale of their operation. As Raval is part of
the Ciutat Vella, the "macro-context" required contact with and the participation of the
Provincial Council of Barcelona. One visit was made to this organization, from which it
was possible to identify all of the relevant aspects of its organization and operation.
Important online information sources were also identified, which would prove useful for
the later stages of the investigation. The "micro-context" of Raval itself included meetings
with NGOs, but at the smaller scale of BSAs. More important for an understanding of the
‘Bicing’ is the name given to a means of transport in Barcelona based on the shared use of bicycles.
More details of this observation unit are provided later in this paper under Services, Facilities and ‘urban
furniture’ in Raval.
76
[57]
reality of the neighbourhood in both physical-spatial and social aspects – understanding the
configuration, the problems and the potential of the neighbourhood – was the fieldwork.
4.4 Gathering Information: Techniques and Instruments
Attaining all of the relevant information for addressing the proposed problem required
the use of documentary and empirical information gathering techniques. The use of primary
and secondary documentary sources – such as books, journals, articles, encyclopaedias, and
official reports from municipal authorities – helped me with the structuring of concepts
concerning the subject to be studied, and with gaining an understanding of the most
important aspects of the research variables.77
Empirical techniques included direct observation and the collection of information
through fieldwork. The fieldwork was conducted over the course of one month, from 30
July to 30 August 2013. The entire neighbourhood was covered on foot and information on
several topics was gathered. The fieldwork was structured in such a way as to facilitate
research into the main investigation problem and its relationship to the theoretical
assumptions. It also enabled the collection of new information for later stages of the
research. The most important tools were photographs, forms and guidelines, dialogues and
meetings with public and private employees, and a survey of local residents.78
4.4.1 Procedures (Phases)
What follows is a summary of the main phases through which the objectives were
operationalized in order for me to be able to test the hypothesis.
4.4.1.1 Formulation of Goals, Problems and Hypotheses, and the Scale of the Research
During the initial stage the basic elements of the research were defined. The
research topic was selected through personal interest and experience, and from this the
goals, the hypothesis, and a study area were structured. It should be noted, however, that
these aspects merited constant revision right up to the last semester of the research, largely
due to the updating of the units of analysis, as well as to the approach taken.
77
The concepts considered for this purpose are included under Research Design earlier in this chapter.
78
A detailed description of the fieldwork, the information gathered, and related topics, is provided
later in this chapter under Fieldwork and Systematization of the Units of Analysis.
[58]
4.4.1.2 Revision of Documentary Information and Generation of the Conceptual
Framework
The need to expand knowledge of the research topic, the units of analysis, and its
relationships involved a comprehensive review of the information gathered. I paid
particular attention to three matters: identification of the theoretical elements related to the
current problems of urban sprawl which have been widely regarded as negative;
consideration of the different perspectives related to sustainable urban development,
particularly compact urban development; and ideas concerning the processes of
fragmentation in urban areas with a major emphasis on immigrant groups.
In addition to these three issues, further documentary research was undertaken in
order to complement and contextualize different sections of the research.79 The above
information initially relied on primary sources such as books and monographs. Starting
with the key studies, I was able to explore the most important conceptual elements, which
were then supplemented by secondary sources.
Analysis of the data involved four main tasks. Identifying and differentiating from
all of the information gathered the most important for the operationalization of the research
variables. Reading, interpreting, and evaluating the information in order to discern its
relative importance. Identifying whether this selection was sufficient, and determining the
potential functionality of the perspectives for each of the subjects of my research proposal.
Finally, developing a review of the information already collected and that which may still
be needed.
The information selection process was as follows: in terms of urban sprawl it was
necessary to identify its causes, origins and consequences, and also the various approaches
taken by those who have researched it. Similarly, regarding compact urban development,
those authors who emphasize several factors and not only population or urban infrastructure
79
It was necessary to research topics related to the main research variables, such as migration trends,
the social and urban history of the neighbourhood, the social characteristics of Raval, geographic information
systems, the principles of applied geography and others.
[59]
variables were identified. In addition, key elements proposed by the model on urban areas,
such as the effects of transportation, land use, intervention patterns (public space,
equipment, household, or other), were identified. Moreover, the needs of the research led
me to identify appropriate concepts in terms of urban fragmentation processes, based on
sociological and geographical perspectives.
After the identification, evaluation, and analysis of the available sources of
information, a theoretical and conceptual framework was developed. This conceptual
framework was constructed taking into account a variety of needs, such as theoretically
understanding and explaining the variables of the study, identifying the potential units of
analysis, recognizing the approaches by which the variables of the research have been
studied so far, determining weaknesses or problems regarding certain concepts, and
supporting the use of the chosen approach. Taking all of these aspects into consideration
enabled me to create a suitable structure for the fieldwork.
The subjects included in the conceptual framework were described in the previous
section and are closely related. At this point, however, I should highlight the compact city
model, which was a response to unsustainable urban models. The assumptions of this model
offered me an initial interpretation of the potential functioning of urban spaces. Information
gathering was particularly directed towards economic and social aspects, and to
infrastructure and facilities. I selected those elements which could be considered basic
elements of the ‘urban furniture’ and to some extent indispensable if urban spaces are to
provide for the proper functioning of the city. 80 Finally, after an evaluation of the
neighbourhood configuration, the identification of fragmentation processes in the
neighbourhood became possible. This fragmentation was addressed from different
perspectives: first, in terms of the division between BSAs of the North and the South;
secondly, in terms of the relative provision of various facilities, between BSAs and between
‘Urban furniture’ is understood as that set of elements that needs to exist in order for an urban area
to be used comfortably, safely, and equally by the entire population, even under physical or sensory disability.
The elements included in the investigation are considered ‘basic’ because they involve equal use, are
components of simple and functional use, and under normal conditions these elements require little effort on
the part of the citizens. Furthermore, these components allow for the normal daily activities of inhabitants.
These elements are easy to identify through fieldwork. It is worth noting that the supply and proper
functioning of these elements must meet the demands of the local population as they should represent the key
components of identity of several areas of the city.
80
[60]
inner and outer areas of Raval; thirdly, concerning the diverse impact of certain attractions
on their surroundings; and finally, concerning the different social reality which
characterizes each BSA of Raval and which determines a number of other characteristics of
the neighbourhood.
4.4.1.3 Planning and Development of Fieldwork
The identification of the research variables, supported by the body of ideas
described in the preceding section, allowed me to systematize the fieldwork. The body of
ideas related to the theoretical framework allowed me to gain a more thorough knowledge
of the research topic, the research variables, and potential observation units, and to
determine what information was required in order to commence the fieldwork.81
4.4.1.4 Review of Conceptual Framework
Direct observation through fieldwork allowed me to re-design sections of the
research. These changes were due to potential problems of access to, and the quality of,
information. Similarly, the emergence of new units of analysis which had not hitherto been
considered created the need to take them into account at different stages of the research.
Two problematic aspects in this regard were identified. With regard to access to
information (or its absence), it was not possible to access data relating to such areas as land
use (catastral data), property and land values, the age of buildings, the percentage of
households in local authority accommodation, property ownership, the area allocated to
housing, the ownership of second homes, and the number of buildings with an elevator.
Thus, it was not possible to include these topics in the research so the number of
observation units was markedly reduced.
4.4.1.5 Complementary Information Sources
Through observation of and contact with both residents and workers,
complementary information sources were identified. Among these neighbourhood
associations, websites of the municipality and social welfare organizations, and other
municipal dependencies in the neighbourhood were consulted. These sources helped to
81
There is a comprehensive description of the fieldwork under Fieldwork and Systematization of the
Units of Analysis.
[61]
supplement information regarding such thing as cultural and educational organizations, the
main agents of social wellbeing, urban intervention projects, and mobility and transport.
Several sources of information were consulted during the visit to the municipal offices and
in various libraries.82
Following the fieldwork, the understanding of particular issues changed. Direct
participation in the neighbourhood reality allowed me to identify certain issues that I had
not previously considered. First, it is important to note the significant distrust shown by
Raval residents towards questionnaires and the gathering of information. Secondly,
although prior to the completion of the fieldwork I held negative views towards the
situation in the neighbourhood concerning aspects such as crime, drug addiction, and
prostitution, this perception changed dramatically after the evaluation. Similarly, during the
fieldwork, the interpretation of important contrasts in relation to subjects such as the
neighbourhood configuration, the quality of the urban environment, several social features,
and the importance of some major attractions or landmarks were identified. These are just
some of the elements identified during the fieldwork; the complete list is much broader.
The contextualization of all these aspects is included in the chapter on Services, Facilities
and ‘Urban Furniture’ in Raval.
4.4.1.6 Systematization of the Results
Putting together all of the documentary information, the results of the fieldwork,
and data gathered from online sources enabled me to structure the analysis. Both written
and graphic sources (maps, graphs, charts and pictures) were used in the presentation of the
results. All of these instruments were employed in order to support the patterns displayed
by the units evaluated.
The results were achieved by identifying basic concepts such as the principles of
applied geography and the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS). These elements
combined to enable the recognition of important aspects of the spatial character (location,
distribution, grouping) of several observation units. Moreover, the use of GIS allowed the
82
These visits and the data gathered from such institutions are described under Fieldwork and
Systematization of the Units of Analysis later in this chapter.
[62]
representation and management of vast amounts of information in order to assess the
current spatial trends of Raval.83
4.4.2 Information Gathering Techniques
4.4.2.1 Fieldwork Information
Information Gathering Forms: Special forms were used in order to gather
information on such topics as urban furniture, economic activities, and public spaces. Three
forms were used during the fieldwork. The first related to economic activities in Raval, the
second concerned urban furniture, and the third identified features relating to public spaces.
The forms are described in detail in the appendixes 1, 2 and 3.
Libraries and other Documentation Centres: Due to ease of access and the
importance of the information contained with them I visited these centres repeatedly in
order to consult books, journals, these and other sources, and to extract valuable
information.84
Visits to Public and Non-Governmental Organizations: It was very important to
meet with people who were acquainted with the neighbourhood in order to gather their
views and perceptions, and thus to broaden the perspective of my observations on various
issues. Such visits also enabled the identification of additional resources such as reports,
maps, journals and books.
Official Maps: The use of thematic maps enabled identification of the
neighbourhood (administrative) subdivisions and other aspects of the urban fabric. Maps
provided a useful introduction to the neighbourhood reality as well as the possibility of
making notes before, during, and after the development of the fieldwork. The maps, which
supplied information about such subjects as political-administrative divisions, tourist
83
Further detail concerning these concepts and tools is included under Analysis and Interpretation of
Results.
84
The visits to several institutions and organizations are described in detail in Fieldwork and
Systematization of the Units of Analysis particularly in the section entitled Visits to Public Institutions and
other Organizations.
[63]
attractions and urban organizations were obtained from the Provincial City Council and
from other organizations such as the municipal archives, tourist offices, and libraries.85
Photographs: Photography was used in cases where the collection of graphical
information was important in order to record particular aspects of the neighbourhood, and
to provide a backup to observations made and to the result. The main subjects of
photography were urban intervention projects, parks and public areas, and certain urban
configurations of special interest such as the development of particular economic activities
or the quality of urban infrastructure.
Survey: In order to understand residents’ perceptions of problems existing in the
neighbourhood a short poll was performed in which were included basic aspects of the
mobility of the inhabitants. Details of the survey are shown in the appendix 4.
Mobile Devices: In areas where the attitude of residents was characterized by
mistrust an MP3 player facilitated the gathering of information in a discreet way and thus
the avoidance of potential misunderstandings. The information gathered from such audio
recordings was subsequently transcribed both manually and digitally.
4.5 Fieldwork and Systematization of the Units of Analysis
The following sections outline the main tasks undertaken during the fieldwork, and
include details about the information obtained during the fieldwork and from
complementary sources which allowed me to evaluate the observation units.
4.5.1 Commercial Facilities in the Neighbourhood (by streets)
‘Commercial facilities’ refers to the potential benefits gained from various types of
land use in a specific area with respect to issues such as availability, specialization,
diversity, over-representation, and physical and social features. The collection of specific
information regarding land use, such as the number of residences, supermarkets,
restaurants, shoe shops, banks and other buildings was carried out. The collection was
85
Maps included: Barcelona Turisme (2013) Mapa del Casco Histórico de Barcelona (Map of the
Historical Centre) (Esc: 1/50, 1/100); Ajuntament de Barcelona (2010) Características generales de los
distritos de Ciutat Vella (Ciutat Vella and General Features); and others. Further details can be found under
Fieldwork and Systematization of the Units of Analysis.
[64]
based on Basic Statistical Areas and was undertaken by walking each street of the
neighbourhood.
Maps were another useful tool for the collection of information, particular in terms
of helping to establish the boundaries between Basic Statistical Areas, thus facilitating the
fieldwork. They also enabled me to annotate important data observed in the field. The table
showing the different activities identified in the fieldwork is presented at the end of this
document, in the appendix 5.
4.5.2 Population Density
Through population data and information about the dimensions of BSAs I was able
to calculate density values for each one. Establishing density values enabled me to identify
potential trends in the intensity of urban processes. It was also possible to compare BSAs.
The most important interpretation, however, resulted from the relationship of density to
other units of evaluation enabling the identification of particular trends in the
neighbourhood.
4.5.3 Population: General Characteristics
There is a large amount of data available on population. For the purposes of this
research, however, only basic data was identified, such as immigration values, households
and occupancy rates, household structure, nationality, education level, total population and
so forth. This information is available from the website of the Provincial Council and is
structured either by Basic Statistical Area or Census Tract.86 This data was used in order to
understand the demographic and social configuration of Raval. There is, furthermore, data
at the neighbourhood level concerning such diverse subjects as vehicle ownership
(foreigners and nationals), building dimensions, values relating to social inequality, the age
of automobiles and homes, and other urban facilities. This neighbourhood-level information
was not used as parameters for understanding the structure of the neighbourhood due to the
86
The website of the Provincial Council of Barcelona has provided information about population
changes continuously from 1998 to the present day (2012). However, information is also available from the
beginning of the 20th century. The following are the main online sources in this regard:
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/castella/dades/tpob/index.htm (Retrieved on
25-10-2013).
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/castella/dades/tdemo/index.htm (Retrieved on
25-10-2013).
[65]
sheer scale of the information. However, in order to support or complement specific
situations or patterns some of the data were consulted.
4.5.4 Urban Furniture and Facilities
Urban furniture was an important element for understanding the functioning and
configuration of the neighbourhood. A consideration of the location of this facilities, the
state of the infrastructure, or the particularities of public and collective spaces, enabled me
to determine the potential dynamics of specific situations in order to improve and
strengthen the links between the existing centre and the surrounding areas.
The ‘liveability’ of a city is an increasingly important issue in the context of land
use planning and the management of urban infrastructure. Infrastructure and facilities form
an important part of the urban environment and a vital component of a complex urban
system. The study of these elements is therefore essential in order to support urban
development and its proper relationship to the population. Information related to mobility,
such as bike rental stations, bus stops and underground stations was collected, as was data
concerning key urban furniture such as public water fountains, newspaper and magazine
stalls, ONCE stands,87 public post boxes, phone boxes, parking meters, and open spaces.
Information related to urban furniture was also mainly based on fieldwork. These
data were collected in parallel with land use according to the Basic Statistical Areas
mentioned above. A digital recording was also made for each of the units described in the
previous paragraphs, and based on the street name and the building number in which the
entity was located. For elements in parks or open spaces the records were logged according
to the name of the park, square or other urban element and the respective distances from the
nearest street.88 In addition, in order to supplement the data, on 27 August 2013 I rented a
bicycle from the ‘Mattia46’ rental shop on Carrer de la Unió in Raval. The methodology
87
ONCE is a national lottery that seeks to help people with some degree of physical or sensory
disability join the labour market. The goal of the organization is the promotion of social, economic, political,
cultural and other projects.
88
For an example if a public mail box is located on Lancaster Street it would be recorded as
“Lancaster Street in front of building number 22”. In the case of open spaces, it would be recorded as “Les
Flors Park, intersection of Arc del Theatre Street and Lancaster Street, 15 metres into Lancaster Street”. In
certain cases, however, the exact location of the unit reference would be marked on the map.
[66]
used was the same as that described above, the only difference being that collecting
information using a bike was much faster.
‘Urban facilities’ refer to elements of the infrastructure and services available within
the neighbourhood that should facilitate the improvement of an inhabitant’s quality of life.
These elements would include the components described above such as public spaces,
mobility, public post boxes, waste disposal collection containers, parking meters, public
phone boxes among others. However, it is important to note that the term denotes not only
the physical presence of an element, but also its characteristics or functioning. For example,
public post boxes at Raval tend to be located at the perimeter of the area, thus limiting
access to inhabitants of central areas of any given BSA. Public post boxes are therefore
important facilities for those living on the borders of Raval and main streets.
4.5.5 Urban Intervention Projects
I gathered information about the main intervention projects in Raval over the past
three years. The projects considered were those carried out with the aim of improving
certain elements within the neighbourhood deemed worthy of intervention. The projects are
grouped into four main areas of activity: community equipment, equipment and
households, public spaces and transport infrastructure. The main goal was to identify data
concerning projects past and present. Taking this variable into account enabled me to
interpret key intervention patterns according to particular geographical areas.
These data were consulted through fieldwork and from online sources provided by
the Provincial Council and associated institutions. Current projects were researched during
fieldwork in the various BSAs, while previous projects (from the past three years) were
researched online.89
89
The rehabilitation projects mentioned in the following links are run by the provincial city council
and in some cases in partnership with associated organizations such as:
Raval Sud Organization. http://www.ravalsudpladebarris.cat/actuaciones_areas.php?idTipo=2 (Retrieved on
26-10-2013).
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w20.bcn.cat/web_obres_map/obras_es.aspx#x=27601.01&y=83987.71&z=0&c=O101O102O103O104
O105&w=963&h=496&i=es (Retrieved on 26-10-2013).
[67]
4.5.6 Cultural-Educative and Social Agents
Information about the main artistic, cultural and social services and facilities was
also gathered during fieldwork. These included libraries, museums, theatres and agents of
social wellbeing. Among the agents of social wellbeing infant and young centres, civic
centres, elderly care entities and others. The incorporation of these elements enabled me to
identify the spatial distribution and potential trends of social, cultural or educative agents.
Through this distribution it is possible to identify the main areas associated with these
themes. The information was supplemented with thematic maps obtained both in the
Municipal Archive of Ciutat Vella and in the Library of Catalonia (Sant Pau and Santa
Creu). In addition, a number of relevant websites were consulted.90
4.5.7 Survey of Residents
A small-scale survey of residents of Raval was carried out. The main aim was to
identify people’s perceptions of the problems in the area being researched, as well as
specific associated issues. This way it was possible to interpret the perceived reality in
terms of the weaknesses of the neighbourhood according to local people. Moreover,
whether people’s perceptions depended on where they lived was an interesting issue for
evaluation.91 The small section of the survey dedicated to mobility, leisure activities, time
of residence and other aspects enabled me to identify interesting trends according to the
residents.
Interviews were carried out with individual inhabitants of the study area. The
research strategy was initially focused on walking the streets of the neighbourhood, but this
tactic was not successful. From 16 to 26 August the interviews were conducted in a more
concentrated way at specific points in the neighbourhood, but with the aim of covering a
90
The most important of these were: Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/cgiguia/guiamap4/cgiguia/?frameset=1&actives=J001J002J003J004K014K015&zoom=1&scl=4&cnt=30622.04%2C81393.64&plt
=&plant=capes4c&txt1=&txt2=&idioma=0&grayscl=0 (Retrieved on 27-10-2013). Provincial Council of
Barcelona. http://barcelonacultura.bcn.cat/es (Retrieved on 27-10-2013).
Through knowledge of a respondent’s place of residence it was possible to establish a preliminary
spatial perception. It was interesting to analyse the respondents’ opinions in order to know whether
perceptions were similar across the whole neighbourhood or whether there was a connection between
residents of particular areas and specific problems.
91
[68]
large variety of respondent profiles according to gender, age, location and nationality.92 It
was not possible to achieve the expected results with this last category. 93 I wanted to
interview a large number of immigrants, but as many of them were unwilling or distrustful
the objective was not achieved. In total, eighty interviews were carried out.
4.5.8 Visits to Public Institutions and other Organizations
A number of public institutions were visited during the fieldwork. The following
paragraphs describe these institutions and the date and nature of the visit.
Institution: Barcelona Tourist Information Centre (Plaza Catalunya)
Date: 30 July 2013
Observations
From this institution important cartography for the later gathering of information was
obtained.
 Barcelona Turisme (2013) Mapa del casco histórico de Barcelona (Map of the
Historical Centre) (Esc: 1/50, 1/100)
Institution: Provincial Council of Barcelona (Central Headquarters)
Date: 30 July 2013
Observations:
This visit was made in order to identify general information regarding the area being
researched. Information about land use, population, neighbourhood associations, urban
planning (facilities and infrastructure), and other topics was consulted. During the visit an
appointment was made to access the Barcelona Contemporary Municipal Archives and the
92
Areas selected for the surveys were Àngels Street, close to the Contemporary Art Museum of
Barcelona (MACBA), Drassanes Avenue, near the Health Centre Perecamps and the Maritime Museum of
Barcelona, and Peu de la Creu Street, located between The Library of Catalonia and MACBA.
93
The survey presented this major constraint during the investigation. Therefore, the reluctance of
close neighbours to respond to interviews led me to an assessment of the neighbourhood reality from an
external perspective. The term ‘external’ refers to me as a neutral investigator rather than as an inhabitant of
the area. Consequently, in this neighbourhood I developed a research design based on different concepts,
ideas and strategies that would allow me to analyse the functionality of the neighbourhood. Thus, fieldwork
was conducted in order to observe and perceive the reality of Raval and the potential behaviour and actions of
society. This social reality determines many other aspects of the neighbourhood functionality.
[69]
Historic Archives of the City. Furthermore, I obtained information about other municipal
offices in the neighbourhood.
Institution: Citizens’ Information Office of Ciutat Vella
Date: 01 August 2013
Observations:
During the visit I had access to information regarding other offices, archives and
information centres in Raval. The most important of these was the Municipal Archive of
Ciutat Vella.
Institution: Municipal Archive of Ciutat Vella
Date: 01 August 2013 / 26 August 2013
Observations:
This institution houses information concerning Ciutat Vella, covering such issues as
urban intervention, cadastral information, and social organizations. The large amount of
information available meant two visits were needed. While this is the largest information
storage centre related to the neighbourhood, certain obstacles were encountered. First, the
general nature of information found hampered the possibility of obtaining very specific
pieces of information (based on BSAs) required for the research. Secondly, much of the
information on specific issues (intervention, urban facilities, and mobility) was part of
research projects, reports or books dating from past years, and now somewhat out of date,
which served as a useful reference but not for conclusive information. Furthermore, some
information sources had been transferred to other institutions created for such purposes, for
example documents about urban parks, land use, or economic data. Notwithstanding,
relevant information was obtained, as follows:
Maps (Printed)
 Ajuntament de Barcelona (2007) Els Barris de Barcelona (The neighbourhoods of
Barcelona)
 Ajuntament de Barcelona (2007) Els Barris de Ciutat Vella (The neighbourhoods of
Ciutat Vella)
 Foment Ciutat Vella (2007) Illa I Rambla del Raval (Island and Rambla del Raval)
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L'entorn geographic i humà de la Rambla del Raval (Geographic and Human
Environment in the Rambla del Raval)
 Ajuntament de Barcelona (2010) Características generales de los distritos de Ciutat
Vella (Ciutat Vella and General Features):
Equipamientos y características del distrito de Ciutat Vella (Equipment and Characteristics
of Ciutat Vella)
Institutos educativos, culturales, artísticos y otros servicios y oficinas centrales (Educative,
Cultural, and Artistic Institutions, Other Services and Central Offices)
Dependencias municipals del distrito (Municipal Entities of the District)
Books and Reports
 Cabrera, P (2007) Ciutat Vella de Barcelona: Memoria de un Proceso Urbano. Ara
Llibres, Barcelona.
 Garcia, A, Rueda, S (1999) Debat de Barcelona (IV) La Ciutat Sostenible. Centre de
Cultura Contemporànie de Barcelona. Angle Editorial, Barcelona.
 Villar, P (1996) Historia y Leyenda del Barrio Chino: 1900-1992 crónicas y
documentos de los bajos fondos de Barcelona. La campana, Barcelona.
 Ayuntamiento de Barcelona (1984). La rehabilitación de la Ciutat Vella. Barcelona
Metròpolis Mediterrània, Cuaderno Central Núm. 1. Ayuntamiento de Barcelona.
Institution: Centro Jove Barcelona (Barcelona Youth Centre)
Date: 20 August 2013
Observations:
This is a public organization for the promotion of educational and cultural activities
for young people living in the neighbourhood. It provides information and contacts in areas
such as employment, training courses, national and international travel, and other topics of
interest for this sector of the population. It therefore acts as a major referral centre on many
issues. This centre was visited several times as it provided an appropriate environment for
planning specific activities in terms of interviews and the collection of economic data. The
date specified for the visit refers to the day on which I gained access to printed information
regarding the Raval neighbourhood associations.
[71]
Institution: Library of Catalonia (Sant Pau y Santa Creu)
Date: several days between 7 and 26 August 2013
Observations:
This library is located in the heart of the neighbourhood and offers an interesting
collection related to the district of Ciutat Vella. The library was visited on several occasions
for both the general use of its facilities and the review of specific documents. The library
catalogue and some of its sources can also be accessed online. The main sources consulted
during the visits were as follows:
 Fundacio Tot Raval (2004) Estudi Econòmic del Barri del Raval de Barcelona.
Fundacio Tot Raval, Barcelona.
 Fernandéz, M (2002) Matar al chino entre la revolución Urbanística y el Asedio
Urbano en el Barrio del Raval Barcelona. Facultat de Geografía i Historia,
Universidad de Barcelona.
 Oliva, J (2013) Models de Ciutat y Ecologisme. L' Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona.
Institution: General Direction of Catastre (Central Headquarters)
Date: 12 August 2013
Observations:
This institution was visited in order to gather data on land use in the neighbourhood.
During the visit I was told that access to information was possible in two different ways:
free information was available online but with the use of a digital signature which must be
obtained through an authorized institution, a process that would have taken a long time
carry out; the second option was to pay a certain amount of money (with exceptions for
study purposes, which were not, however, investigated) according to the amount of
information requested and which must be made personally and in the relevant department, a
process which also takes a considerable amount of time, possibly between two and three
months.
Due to these to constraints I was not able to access any information from this
institution. The request for information was made, however, and the data were due to be
available by April 2014 at the latest.
[72]
4.6 Analysis and Interpretation of the Results
4.6.1 Applied Geography
The interpretation of the results was performed taking into consideration some
important assumptions of applied geography. Pacione (1999, 5) describes applied
geography as the use of theories, techniques, tools, and other elements in order to identify,
understand, analyse and eventually solve empirical problems manifested on the space. It
differs from pure geography in that it does not aspire to generate general laws or theories.
Its main objective is the evaluation of real world situations aiming to implement and
manage environmental and spatial realities.
In order to understand and evaluate the physical-spatial and social configuration of
the neighbourhood and it relation with the other variables of the study I consider applied
geography through the inclusion of four of the five concepts presented by Buzai and
Baxendele (2010, 8-9):
Location: this concept basically corresponds to the importance of the location and
features of the analysed units in the current research. Thus, the interpretation of these
situations is essential in order to identify the circumstances under which these units are
located.
Spatial distribution: it is interesting to recognize how certain units of analysis of the
same type (group) are distributed in particular ways in the geographical space creating
specific patterns. These units can be represented either by points, lines or polygons,
according to the characteristics of the unit to be evaluated.
Spatial association: this feature is very important because it enables an
understanding and comparison of several spatial patterns which act as systematic regions
(individualized areas according to the homogeneity of a single variable).94 This process can
94
According to different observation units, or just one of them, different patterns can be identified in a
specific area (for example BSAs) in terms of spatiality and the characteristics of those observation units. For
example, the concentration of post boxes and the better condition of parks in the northern section of the
neighbourhood favours an individualization of this area regarding such facilities, limiting the functionality of
these elements elsewhere in Raval.
[73]
be performed using a map overlay enabling the identification of specific distributions based
on the relation of individual units.
Spatial interaction: this concept refers to spatial integration and the creation of a
potential relational space in which different circumstances, such as locations, distances, and
links, are essential in determining functional spaces. Such spatial interaction enables the
evaluation of a variety of potential links between the observed units.
Spatial evolution: this aspect, which incorporates the dimension of time, is not
considered in this study. This factor enables an evaluation of the steady transition from one
state to another in order to identify historical trends and to interpret potential future
scenarios.
4.6.2 Geographic Information Systems (GIS)
In order to facilitate the systematization of information, Geographic Information
Systems were used. This tool enables the combination and potential evaluation of several
units of analysis. GIS have been generally defined as a set of softwares and hardwares
which allow geo-information processing (information of spatial reference through a
particular Geographic Coordinate System) (Longley et al., 2005, 5). This characteristic has
made them essential tools in territorial planning processes, and urban development is no
exception. GIS facilitate diagnoses of different alternatives in a variety of scenarios about
the positive or negative aspects in spatial circumscriptions (Bosque and Garcia, 2000, 53).
GIS capacity regarding the storage of large volumes and quality of information
makes them very effective instruments. Beyond these benefits of storage, GIS also enable
the processing, display, evaluation and updating of information containing geographical
attributes facilitating intervention and decision making processes (Basildo and López 1998,
321; Bonfilio and Franco 2008, 5; Bosque and Garcia 2000, 52).
Nevertheless, the final goal of GIS in the research was the creation of different
layers showing the territorial spatial reality. The representation of this reality is shaped by
the units of evaluation previously selected. These units provided me with an understanding
[74]
of the configuration of the neighbourhood and, later, of its relation to the compact urban
development model. A brief summary of this process can be seen in the next example.
The attached example shows three units of
analysis: customers, buildings and streets. In the
current case study there are many more units, but the
pattern is the same. In any territory there are several
elements which determine its specific reality; in this
case the urban configuration. Through the
identification of these elements, and their overlap, it is
possible to understand the reality and the potential
relationships between each element. After the
overlapping stage, the recognition of specific
functional urban areas is possible. The term
“functional” is used in order to express sites hosting
more favourable conditions for its environment and
population, for example in terms of transport,
economic activities, housing, and cultural elements.
Picture 4: Overlapping Process.
Source: Azofeifa, J., and with the use of google images.
4.6.2.1 Sources of Information used in GIS (shapefiles)
Arcview GIS 3.3, portable version, was the GIS used in the research. Arcview is
one of the ArcGIS products provided by one of the best known GIS companies, the
Environmental Systems Research Institute (ESRI).95 This company is one of the most
successful in the worldwide production and distribution of GIS. The principal advantage of
its products is the straightforward manipulation and generation of information, among
which the shapefile format stands out.96 However, other versions of ArcGis were employed
as well as additional software such as GvSig and MapInfo. The above software were used
95
Environmental Systems Research Institute. http://www.esri.com/ (Retrieved on 4-02-2014).
96
The shapefile format is a vector data structure that facilitates the storage of spatial reference
information (location) and the characteristics associated with them. The format is composed of at least three
files with the extensions shp, shx and dbf. In addition, some documents have a prj extension. The .shp
extension stores geometric information about the data (points, lines, polygons) and each vertex has implicit
coordinates. The .shx format contains the indices of the file geometric elements. The .dbf file corresponds to a
table with compound data on dBase3 format where the attributes linked to the geometric elements of the file
.shp are recorded. Finally, the .prj extension, is a text file (ASCII), where the information related to the
coordinate system file .shp is stored. Through this last element it is possible to locate the file in the territory.
A
full
description
is
available
on
the
ESRI
website
at:
http://www.esri.com/library/whitepapers/pdfs/shapefile.pdf (Retrieved on 5-09-2013).
[75]
in order to generate and modify shapefile documents. The reason for using this format was
the availability of information and the need to create different layers showing the territorial
spatial reality.97 The representation of this reality is shaped by the chosen units of
observation. These units enabled me to understand the configuration of the neighbourhood
and its relation to the other research variables. The shapefiles were obtained either through
governmental institutions or were created by myself.
National Geographic Institute of Spain (IGN)
Through this institution, the folders ‘CartoCiudad’ and ‘BTN’ were downloaded.98
In these folders information on roads, neighbourhood boundaries, urban fabric, Census
Tracts, Basic Statistical Units and other matters was identified. The file format is shapefile
and the geodetic reference system was the ETRS89. The use of this information was vital
for contextualizing Raval and providing a starting point for the stages that followed.
Carto BCN
This is a project promoted by the city of Barcelona in order to facilitate the
distribution of digital information.99 Access is provided mainly for local businesses and
residents with the aim of encouraging its use and in order to enable innovation through
digital mapping. The main objectives of the plan are: the design and production of a
database in order to facilitate its storage and downloading; the integration of several spatial
units of the municipal database (Districts, Neighbourhoods, Census Tracts); the design and
construction of a suitable downloading system to facilitate its use; and the development of
an appropriate model in order to manage the data content.
The amount of information in this online source is large and includes images, and
PDF, SHP, CAD and others documents. The folders consulted included ‘Divisiones
The term ‘layer’ refers to each of the thematic elements created on GIS which contain information
about the main evaluation units. As mentioned above, several layers were created or modified, referring to
such areas as population (density, education level, migration, and so on), and physical-spatial variables
(public post boxes, underground stations, museums, theatres, libraries and others).
97
98
National Geographic Institute of Spain.
http://centrodedescargas.cnig.es/CentroDescargas/catalogo.do (Retrieved on 5-09-2013).
99
Carto BCN. http://w20.bcn.cat/cartobcn/default.aspx?lang=es (Retrieved on 5-09-2013).
[76]
Administrativas’ (Administrative Division), ‘Direcciones’ (Addresses) and ‘Guia Urbana’
(Urban Guide). As before, the format of the documents is shapefile. The following table
clarifies the origin of the sources of information through GIS, and shows the relationship
between the units of observation and those information sources.
Table 3: Description and Sources of the Layers (Shapefiles) Used in the Research
Layer
Plots (blocks)
Sections (BSAs)
Streets
Social Agents of Wellbeing
Source
1
1
1
2/3
Source
2
2/3
3
3
3
Layer
Libraries-Museums- Theatres
Intervention Projects
Public Water Fountains
Newspaper and Magazine
Stalls
ONCE Stands
Public Phone Boxes
Bus Stops
Bicing
2
2/3
Parking Meters
Public post boxes
3
3
Underground Stations
2/3
Waste Disposal Collection
Containers
3
3
1. Online information provided by CartoBCN and the IGN.
2. Author’s own research based on online information (mainly from the Provincial Council).
3. Author’s own research based on information gathered during the fieldwork.
Source: Azofeifa, J.
4.6.2.2 Main GIS Tools used
GIS tools allow the generation of a large number of applications; however, for this
paper I used general instruments. The reason for using these instruments was the need to
represent individual phenomena of the space reality. The main tools for operationalizing the
documents were as follows:
Creation and Correction of Layers
Many of the employed layers needed to be edited, for two main reasons. First, in
many of the layers internal errors of editing were found, leading to the need to correct the
layers so that they could be used in subsequent stages of the research. Secondly, it was
necessary to have shapefiles with certain characteristics so that the files could be adjusted
to the particular requirements of the investigation.
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In addition to internal digitizing errors some other problems were corrected, such as
mistakes in the location and features of elements, measurement units, and out-of-date
information. Nonetheless, the major problem was related to the characteristics of the tables.
The tables in many cases had information that was irrelevant to the research, and
sometimes I did not know the characteristics of the data. Therefore, these data were
removed and complementary information was added. This new information was linked to
data obtained either through fieldwork or from online sources. Some of the edited layers
were the intervention projects, public post boxes, waste collection containers, Basic
Statistical Areas, and others.
Shapefile Converter
This application was used in situations when valuable information needed to be
supported before performing specific procedures. Copies were created in order to be edited
and modified without altering the original information layer. The absence of supplementary
layers would have meant the loss of important information for later stages of the research.
The Census Tract layer is an example of this application. It was necessary to create a
second copy because the original layer was used in order to create the Basic Statistical
Areas.
The application also enables the selection of information on specific geographic
sectors. Thus, via a previous selection process, it was possible to determine areas of
particular interest. Later, the application of the tool convert to shapefile made it possible to
have a layer or set of layers according to the previous selection. For example, if we
consider the layer of streets throughout the district (Ciutat Vella), one can see that in the
research I only need to include streets in the neighbourhood so it was necessary to reduce
this information. By using a preliminary query those streets within the neighbourhood
could be identified. Thereafter, the use of the convert to shapefile tool enabled me to obtain
only the streets in the neighbourhood.
Search for Information
This tool enabled a simple query of interest values. For example, from a table with a
large number of fields and attributes, the application can locate a particular street and then
[78]
identify its attributes. It is a very useful tool in the process of searching for information.
The tool was used in the process of editing and creating layers in the early stages of
analysis.
GeoProcessing Tool
This tool is able to perform various operations between two or more layers. These
operations enable the creation of new layers with new information either in the physical
dimension or in terms of the structure of the tables in relation to the layers. The tool
facilitates the following functions with respect to layers: dissolve, merge, clip, intersect,
union and assign. The applicability of such functions is explained and depicted on the GIS
platform. The main processes used in the research were clip, intersect and union.
Using the layer of the neighbourhood – and the availability of Census Tracts and
streets at the district (Ciutat Vella) level – as an example, one can see that in order to make
the management and analysis of information easier, it would be more practical to have the
information layers at the same territorial level. The functionality of the tool allows
performing a cut of the streets and Census Tracts limited to the neighbourhood. Through
this procedure it is possible to obtain the layer of those two units of evaluation at the same
(Raval) level, thus avoiding superfluous information.
Creation of New Information Layers
Not all of the required information was available digitally. The need for digital
information entailed creating a large number of layers, as shown in table 3. Some of the
required information for the analysis was graphical, and these data were manually included
in the GIS.
Many layers were created through the options view and new theme. After which the
type of layer to be created must be selected (points, lines, polygons). The inclusion of new
fields in the tables depicting the layers was also necessary. The procedure entailed opening
the database and selecting the tools edit and add field. The creation of the new fields was
related to the data to be included in the layer and the amount of information to be
incorporated.
[79]
Overlapping of Layers
Once the procedures such as generation, modification, query, and import had been
developed, the overlapping of the layers was undertaken. Through this process, particular
layers could be visualized and distribution patterns identified, such as the location of
individual units and the clustering of units of the same type (post boxes, bus stops, bike
rental stations and so on). It was also possible to identify how variables of different types
are associated following particular spatial patterns. Furthermore, the potential interactions
between variables allowed me to identify relational spaces (much more favoured).
Through the overlap, the reality of the neighbourhood in terms of accessibility,
distribution tendencies, and the potential processes of spatial and social inequality were
determined. In addition, through the interpretation of distances in the neighbourhood the
configuration pattern of Raval could be identified.
[80]
CHAPTER V: SOCIAL CONFIGURATION OF RAVAL
This chapter will present an analysis of how the district is structured – according to
the eight basic statistical units (BSAs) – in terms of issues such as population size,
household structure, the provision of education, and immigration. Information regarding the
above was sourced from the Provincial Council of Barcelona via its online database.100
5.1 Population and Density
Table 4: Population and Density Values of the Eight BSAs of the Raval, 2012
BSA
Population
Men
Women
Area (Km2)
Density
1
2985
1654
1331
0,2278
13103,60
2
6233
3412
2821
0,1363
45730,01
3
6611
3865
2746
0,1392
47492,82
4
8070
4694
3376
0,0889
90776,15
5
6970
3739
3231
0,077
90519,48
6
9446
4911
4535
0,0829
113944,51
7
6645
3411
3234
0,2216
29986,46
8
2067
1025
1042
0,0846
24432,62
Source: Azofeifa, J., based on data sourced from the Provincial Council of Barcelona.
The density values allow an interpretation of the potential levels of intensity of land
use in the neighbourhood. The highest population are in BSAs 4, 5, and 6, with extremely
high values of 90776, 90519 and 114000 inhabitants per square kilometre respectively; the
lowest values are in BSAs 1, 7 and 8 with values of 13103, 29986 and 24432. All of the
BSAs, however, show very high density values compared to other European cities.
100
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/castella/index.htm (Retrieved on 2510-2013).
[81]
Diagram 4: Population Density in Raval by BSAs, 2012
120000,00
100000,00
H 80000,00
a
b
/
60000,00
K
m
2
Density
40000,00
20000,00
0,00
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
BSAs
Source: Azofeifa, J.
5.2 Immigration
The highest immigrant populations are in BSAs 3, 4, 5 and 6 with BSAs 4 and 6
showing values of 61.1% and 59.7% respectively. The lowest values in terms of immigrant
population are in BSAs 2, 7 and 8 (49.4%, 50.5% and 42.3%). It is important to note that
the values are high for all of the BSAs; Raval has the second highest foreign population (in
percentage terms) in Barcelona.
Diagram 5: Immigrant Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012
8
7
6
B
5
S
A 4
s
Immigrants
3
2
1
0,00
10,00
20,00
30,00
40,00
%
Source: Azofeifa, J.
[82]
50,00
60,00
70,00
5.2.1 Immigrant Groups
The following section describes the major population groups that shape each of the
BSAs with respect to their number and distribution; different population groups tend to
display different social behaviours and ways of appropriating the space.
5.2.1.1 European Population Groups
The majority (logically) of the European population of Raval is Spanish. The largest
non-Spanish population group is Italian, followed by the French. The values for all of the
BSAs are very similar, but BSAs 1 and 8 show the highest values for Italians (5.25% and
7.17% respectively).
Diagram 6: European Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012
8
7
6
B
5
S
A
s 4
Romania
France
Italy
Spain
3
2
1
0,00
10,00
20,00
30,00
40,00
50,00
60,00
70,00
80,00
90,00
100,00
%
Source: Azofeifa, J.
5.2.1.2 Central and Southern American Population Groups
There are distinct variations within the American population of the neighbourhood.
While Ecuadorians represent a majority in at least half of the BSAs, the majority is only a
slim one. The Bolivian population is also high in BSAs 4, 5 and 7, while BSAs 4 and 8
have large populations from Argentina and the Dominican Republic.
[83]
Diagram 7: Central and Southern American Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012
8
7
6
Ecuador
B 5
S
A
4
s
Argentina
Dominican R.
Colombia
Bolivia
3
2
1
0,00
2,00
4,00
6,00
8,00
10,00
12,00
14,00
16,00
18,00
20,00
%
Source: Azofeifa, J.
5.2.1.3 African Population Groups
Moroccans represent the single most significant African immigrant group depending on the BSA they form between 63% and 85% of the African population in
Raval. The highest values are in the West of the neighbourhood, where in BSAs 4, 5 and 6,
Moroccans make up 85.5%, 85.4% and 85.7% of the African population respectively. The
lowest values for the Moroccan population are in BSAs 1 and 3 in the southern sector of
Raval.
Diagram 8: Moroccans as a Percentage of the African Immigrant Population of Raval by
BSAs, 2012
8
7
6
B 5
S
A
s 4
Morocco
3
2
1
0,00
10,00
20,00
30,00
40,00
%
50,00
Source: Azofeifa, J.
[84]
60,00
70,00
80,00
90,00
5.2.1.4 Asian Population Groups
The population from the various Asian countries is a little more balanced. However,
people from Pakistan are mainly concentrated in the South and West of the neighbourhood
(BSAs 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5) and ranges from 37% to 54% of the total Asian population in those
locations. Filipinos are primarily settled in the northern part of the district (BSAs 6, 7 and
8), with their percentage of the Asian population ranging from 38% to 59%. The population
from other countries, such as Bangladesh, India and China, represent much lower
percentages, with residents from Bangladesh being the most numerous, and mainly
concentrated in the southern part of the district (although higher values can also be found in
BSA 4); people from India appear to be slightly more concentrated in BSAs 1 and 2.
Diagram 9: Main Asian Populations in Raval by BSAs, 2012
8
7
6
B
S
A
s
5
Bangladesh
India
4
Filipinas
China
3
Pakistan
2
1
0,00
10,00
20,00
30,00
%
40,00
50,00
60,00
70,00
Source: Azofeifa J.
5.3 Households and Nationalities
The following charts show the Spanish and other nationalities household according
to the BSAs. The highest values of Spanish households can be identified in BSAs 2, 7 and 8
with values of roughly 58.1%, 57.4% and 60.2%, respectively.
[85]
Table 5: Households and Nationalities in Raval by BSAs, 2012
BSA
Total
Households
Spanish
%
Non-Spanish
%
Mixed
%
1
1092
597
54,67
296
27,11
199
18,22
2
2205
1283
58,19
551
24,99
371
16,83
3
2303
1215
52,76
634
27,53
454
19,71
4
2705
1375
50,83
837
30,94
493
18,23
5
2437
1313
53,88
627
25,73
497
20,39
6
3167
1552
49,01
835
26,37
780
24,63
7
2594
1489
57,40
606
23,36
499
19,24
8
1000
602
60,20
241
24,10
157
15,70
Source: Azofeifa, J., based on data sourced from the Provincial Council of Barcelona
Diagram 10: Households and Nationalities in Raval by BSAs, 2012
8
7
6
Type of
Household
B 5
S
A
4
s
Mixed
All Foreigners
Spanish
3
2
1
0,00
10,00
20,00
30,00
40,00
50,00
60,00
70,00
%
Source: Azofeifa, J.
By contrast, the number of households formed by foreigners alone is much lower.
The highest values are in BSAs 1, 3 and 4 with values of approximately 27.1%, 27.5% and
30.9% respectively. In BSA 6, foreign and mixed households display very similar values
(26.3% and 24.6% respectively), perhaps indicating a transition between two distinct parts
of the city. Moreover, it is interesting to note that even though the number of foreign
households is much lower than the number of Spanish households the actual number of
immigrants (as opposed to households) is much greater in many of the BSAs, denoting
much higher concentration per household.
[86]
5.4 Age Groups
Table 6: Age of the Population by BSAs, 2012
BSA <14
%
15-24
%
25-64
%
>65
%
1
349 11,69
339
11,36 1814 60,77 483 16,18
2
930 14,92
669
10,73 3820 61,29 814 13,06
3
736 11,13
645
9,76
4
1060 13,14
977
12,11 5107 63,28 926 11,47
5
889 12,75
794
11,39 4405 63,20 882 12,65
6
1188 12,58
959
10,15 6212 65,76 1087 11,51
7
606
9,12
709
10,67 4312 64,89 1018 15,32
8
166
8,03
169
8,18
4433 67,05 797 12,06
1402 67,83 330 15,97
Source: Azofeifa, J., based on data sourced from the Provincial Council of Barcelona.
Diagram 11: Age of the Population of Raval by BSAs, 2012
8
7
6
Age Groups
5
B
S
A 4
s
0-14
15-24
25-64
3
65 or more
2
1
0,00
10,00
20,00
30,00
40,00
50,00
60,00
70,00
80,00
90,00
100,00
%
Source: Azofeifa, J.
People aged 25-64 are the most populous group in the neighbourhood, representing
around 65% of the population. The highest values occur in BSAs 3, 6 and 8 (67.5%, 65.7%
and 67.8% respectively). It is also important to note that in most of the BSAs the number of
people over 65 years old is higher than the number of people in the age ranges 0-14 and 1524 (16.1%, 15.3% and 15.9% in BSAs 1, 7 and 8 respectively).
[87]
5.5 Education Level
In most BSAs, the majority of the population has only primary education.101 The
only exception to this is BSA 8, where a university education is prevalent. The category of
“Elemental Bachelor” is the second most common education level in 6 of the BSAs (all
except for BSAs 7 and 8). In the northern sector, BSAs 7 and 8 show the highest levels of
education (university and bachelor). These sectors are nearer the city centre, in the vicinity
of the Plaça de Catalunya and the Rambla de Canaletes. BSAs 1, 2 and 4 (West and South
of Raval) have the lowest education levels (without studies), with values of 9.15%, 8.23%
and 8.23% respectively.
Diagram 12: Education Level in Raval by BSAs, 2012
45,00
40,00
35,00
30,00
Without Studies
% 25,00
Primary
20,00
Elemental Bachelor
Bachelor
15,00
University
10,00
5,00
0,00
1
2
3
4
BSAs
5
6
7
8
Source: Azofeifa, J.
5.6 Average Occupancy-Households and Number of People
This unit of evaluation indicates that BSA 8 has the lowest number of people per
household (2.1 persons). Conversely, BSAs 4 and 6 show the highest values (3.1 and 3.0
respectively). More favourable conditions in the neighbourhood generally coincide with
those areas where the number of people per home is lower, and also the percentage of
foreigners/immigrants is also lower. It is also important to notice that the presence of
“Primary” education is for students between 6 and 12 years of age. “Elemental Bachelor” means
compulsory secondary education for students aged between 12 and 16. “Bachelor” corresponds to a two-year
period of post-compulsory, pre-university education for students over 16 years of age.
101
[88]
households with 7 or more people was relatively higher in the BSAs 3 and 4 with
approximate values of 10.7% and 8.7% respectively. The higher the immigrant level, and
the higher the household occupancy values, the greater the likelihood of problems such as
overcrowding, dilapidated infrastructure and a lack of facilities.
Diagram 13: Average Occupancy (on the left) and Households and Number of People (on
the right) in Raval by BSAs, 2012
100,00
90,00
8
80,00
7
70,00
6
%
B 5
S
A 4
s
60,00
7 or more
50,00
5 or 6
40,00
3 or 4
Average Occupancy
3
30,00
2
20,00
1 or 2
10,00
1
0
0,5
1
1,5
2
2,5
3
0,00
3,5
1
2
3
4
5
Inhabitants/House
6
7
8
BSAs
Source: Azofeifa, J.
5.8 Household Structure
Before going into detail it is necessary to explain the categories in the graph below.
Diagram 14: Household Structure in Raval by BSAs, 2012
20,00
18,00
16,00
14,00
12,00
%
Categories
10,00
1
2
8,00
3
4
6,00
5
6
4,00
7
2,00
0,00
1
2
3
4
5
BSAs
Source: Azofeifa, J.
[89]
6
7
8
Category 1: females aged 16-64
Category 2: males aged 16-64
Category 3: two adults aged 16-64, without children
Category 4: three adults, with or without children
Category 5: five or more adults, with or without children
Category 6: females aged 64 or older
Category 7: two adults, at least one of whom is aged65 or older, without children
The above categories were selected from a total of 20 categories provided by the
Provincial Council of Barcelona. The seven categories chosen account for around 75% of
households for each of the BSAs, so they can be considered representative of the
neighbourhood. Categories 2 and 3 show the highest values in almost all the BSAs, with
category 3 (two adults without children) being predominant in six of the eight BSAs and
representing around 15% of the households in Raval. Category 1 (females aged 16-64)
shows high values in BSAs 3, 5 and, mainly, 8 (around 15% of households).
A consideration of all of the categories reveals significant differences between the
BSAs. Category 4 shows particularly low values in BSA 8. This area shows high values in
categories 1, 2 and 3, suggesting a more “family” like composition in these homes. The
number of households made up of five or more adults, with or without children (category
5), is significantly higher in BSAs 3, 4, and 6 than in other statistical units, with values of
roughly 12.4%, 14.4% and 13.5% respectively. Conversely, the number of homes in
category 5 was lowest in BSA 8. There are high values for category 6 in BSAs 1, 4 and 7
(the highest value being 10.3% in BSA 7). The values for category 7 are highest in BSAs 1,
2 and 7, with values of 9.2%, 10.3% and 9.9% respectively.
5.9 Interpretation of the Social Configuration
In this section I summarize the above observations in order to identify particular
social trends in the neighbourhood. The word “trend” refers to possible patterns in the units
evaluated for each of the eight BSAs, and which allow me, especially, to identify those
areas with unfavourable conditions with respect to one or more of the units of analysis This
evaluation is complemented by the analysis of the chapter entitled Services, Facilities and
‘urban furniture’ in Raval, in subsequent sections of the research.
[90]
The data show that the most populous BSAs are in the western sector of the
neighbourhood. Population values in this area (BSAs 4, 5 and 6) are much higher than
BSAs 1, 7 and 8 in the South and North; other BSAs display intermediate values. Density
values present a similar trend to the total population, so higher density values can be found
in the western sector, while in the South and North they decrease significantly.
In the northern and southern regions of the neighbourhood major public and private
infrastructure, covering large areas, could favour low density and population values, such
as the high number of hotels, student residences, health centres, schools, and community
facilities in the South, and important facilities such as those in the Plaça dels Àngels – the
Museum of Contemporary Art, several faculties of the University of Barcelona, and other
educational and cultural institutions. This is, however, only an initial perspective.
It is worth noting immigration values at this point. The highest foreign population
values correspond to BSAs 4, 5 and 6 which are the same sectors analysed in the previous
paragraph. Beyond the obvious relationship between high population density and high
immigration, it is worth making reference to the areas with lower immigration values,
particularly BSA 8. Initially, the likelihood of a reduction in population and density due to
the effect of public and private infrastructure was suggested, with a respective reduction in
the potential space for housing. Nonetheless, immigration represents another variable to be
considered in order to understand the distribution of population and population density. The
relationship between infrastructure development and a reduction in density appears to be
less important. By contrast, it could be argued that particular infrastructure projects in
Raval have influenced the development of specific commercial activities. These activities
are characterized by being highly specialized and diverse, and by aiming to satisfy
demanding consumers. Such activities have resulted in the generation of spaces with higher
added value, thus establishing the settlement of particular population groups with more
purchasing power in specific areas in the city (mainly in the North).
It is therefore possible to consider a potential and preliminary relationship between
urban intervention and population distribution. The development of a more advanced,
visualized, and planned infrastructure in the North of the district, particularly in BSA 8 and
its vicinity, has led to fragmentation of space and a type of configuration, the settlement of
[91]
a more affluent population and the generation of a more dynamic space in terms of such
elements as commercial activity, urban equipment, public spaces, and other facilities.
Since the conception of the Special Plans of Internal Reform (PERIs) in 1985 there
has been a tendency to develop this area of Raval as a commercial and cultural hub,
especially with respect to open spaces (Cabrera 2007, 14). The main measures proposed,
were the acquisition of land in order to generate new public spaces. According with
Cabrera the ultimate goal was to arrest the progressive degradation of the quality of life in
the historic city centre (Ciutat Vella) (p.14).
While these interventions were implemented in particular areas of the
neighbourhood, the level of development in the northern sector was more significant. It can
be highlighted especially the construction in 1994 of the Contemporary Cultural Centre of
Barcelona (CCCB) and the Centre of Studies and Cultural Resources (CERC); in 1995 the
opening of the Museum of Contemporary Art of Barcelona (MACBA); in 1999 the
Encouragement of Decorative Arts (FAD) moved its facilities to the Plaça dels Àngels; and
in 2006 the Faculty of Geography and History of the University of Barcelona was
inaugurated. Other important organizations included the Department of Journalism of the
Universidad Ramon Llull, and the Centre for International Documentation in Barcelona
(CIDOB) (Gaspar et al., 2002, 121; Rius 2008, 187; Fundació Tot Raval 2008, 10; Sargatal
2001, 9).
The impact of such improvement was highly influential in determining the
economic revitalization of the area and the establishment of certain population groups.102
These projects based around the Plaça dels Àngels have prompted more specialized and
diversified commercial activities, the improvement of public spaces, and the provision of
better urban furniture. The specific consequences of such developments are not the focus of
my research but at this point the relationship seems important. This observation is
considered in more detail in the chapter entitled Services, Facilities and ‘urban furniture’ in
Raval.
102
Further details can be found in the chapter The Neighbourhood and its Urban History.
[92]
More detailed analysis enables me to identify that the trend hitherto discussed
remains intact. According to data at the Census Tract (CT) level, immigration values show
a trend towards the concentration of the foreign population in the West of the
neighbourhood, especially CTs 8, 10, 11, 16 and 17, with values of around 60%.103
Conversely, the aforementioned areas in the North and South of the neighbourhood display
lower values of foreign population. A similar trend is observed for values of education
level, age groups and others.
This relationship between immigrant groups and unfavourable social and economic
conditions can be highlighted by reference to the fieldwork undertaken in the West of the
neighbourhood, on streets such as Riereta, Reina Amalia, Carretes, Sant Vicenç, Tigre, Nou
Dulce, Salvador, Cendra, and Princep de Viana, in BSAs 4, 5 and 6. In these sectors there is
a greater prevalence of residences and other buildings in the process of renovation. Such
areas also display poorer equipment and related facilities, fewer open spaces, and a more
decayed building infrastructure. Commercial facilities in this area are limited to activities
such as supermarkets, butchers, greengrocers, hairdressers, Internet and food services
(usually fast food outlets managed by foreign residents), and others characterized by low
levels of diversification and specialization.
In BSA 5, on streets such as Cendra, Princep de Viana, Salvador, and Erasme de
Janer there is a lack of land uses other than residential, and these having, in most cases,
problems of infrastructure quality and access to public transport. The better facilities can be
found on streets such as Sant Antoni Abat, Hospital, Sant Pau, and Cera. In these streets
there is a little more diversity in terms of commercial activities, but only a limited - banks,
pharmacies, supermarkets, souvenir shops, and particular offices.
Sant Erasme, Cordona, Sant Gil and Sant Vicenç in BSA 6 are also dominated by
residential buildings, and some commercial outlets such as hairdressers, Internet services,
hostels, and travel agencies. Streets such as Riera Alta, Joaquín Costa and Ronda Sant
Antoni have restaurants, supermarkets and somehow more specialized services such as
banking, jeweller's, pharmacies, electrical outlets, bakeries, ice-cream parlours or art
103
Information at Census Tract level can also be found on the Provincial Council of Barcelona website:
http://www.bcn.cat/estadistica/castella/dades/tpob/pad/pad12/nacio/nacio11.htm (Retrieved on 25-10-2013).
[93]
galleries, a certain degree of specialization, diversity, and higher quality facilities (but not
comparable with the North).
Moving on to the nationality of households, although Spanish households are the
most dominant, it is important to note other factors. For instance the lower levels of foreign
households in BSAs 7 and 8 (the northern areas of the neighbourhood), and this coincides
with more favourable conditions in the North (population and economic terms).104 The
western sector experiences the highest values of foreign households and this coincides with
areas lacking commercial facilities, open spaces, equipment among others.
It should be noted at this point that it has been recognized that areas which have
enjoyed greater intervention projects coincide with those BSAs where there are fewer
immigrants, namely BSAs 7 and 8 in the North of the neighbourhood. Conversely, in the
West, BSAs 4, 5 and 6, are the sectors with higher populations, higher densities, lower
levels of education, younger population structure, higher levels of household occupancy,
higher levels of immigrants among others, suggesting greater levels of fragmentation.105
Interventions in the northern section of the neighbourhood, seem so far to have had
counterproductive results, to have facilitated access only to specific population groups, and
to have resulted in a specific configuration of commercial facilities. Subirats and Rius
(2006, 32) suggest that this area (the northern section) is dominated by restaurants, global
brands, supermarkets, and other specialized services. Fieldwork identified this tendency on
streets such as Pelai, Ronda Universitat, Ronda Sant Antoni, Tallers, Jovellanos,
Ramelleres, and Rambla de Canaletes. Facilities in these areas appear to be aimed at
consumers with more purchasing power.
104
Immigrants have been widely associated with problems such as alcoholism, crime, and prostitution,
and this forms the inevitable background to this interpretation.
105
For the case study the above characteristics are strongly related to the immigrant population. In this
sense Bayona (2007b, 30; 2007a, 30) states that features such as the proportion of households without family
core or multiples, for instance, represent a major feature for immigrant population, which is manifested in
other social and demographic aspects.
[94]
The consideration of population and immigration data described above allows an
understanding of trends in relation to age groups within the neighbourhood. BSAs 4 and 6
have the lowest number of older people, a higher population and a larger foreign
population. Two interpretations can be drawn: immigrants who shape these areas are
characterized by being either a young workforce or children who move with their parents.
Therefore, it can be assumed that northern sector (BSAs 7 and 8), and the southern sector
(BSA 1), with higher values for the adult population, represent more established parts of the
city in terms of a more stable population and thus people who have lived for many years in
those sectors - which may be supported by data that suggests national households are quite
high in those BSAs (1, 7 and 8).
In terms of education level, the most significant observation is that the majority of
the population has only a primary education. The highest levels of education (bachelor and
university) are found in BSAs 7 and 8. Conversely, BSAs 3, 4, 5, and 6 (mainly in the
West) are characterized by low education levels (elementary or bachelor level) with values
of roughly 58% of the population. Other BSAs display intermediate levels.
Household occupancy presents the same trend described in the above paragraphs of
favouring the North of Raval. The highest values of people per household are in the western
region of the neighbourhood (BSAs 4, 5 and 6). In the northern region households have an
average of 2 people per home. Therefore, in sectors where large numbers of immigrants are
settled, the average occupancy levels are much higher (BSAs 4, 5 and 6), ad are the
complexity levels of each household, for example several families or generations in the
same household.
Data for households’ structure complements the above findings. Most BSAs present
the highest values in the first 3 categories, which include households composed of only a
few members (from 1 person per household to a maximum of two: singles, couples, small
families (father / mother / grandfather / grandmother and child), or two people who decide
to share for convenience). BSAs 4, 5 and 6 are the areas of greatest complexity in terms of
[95]
population - more members per household and higher prevalence of elderly people and
single women.106
Some major improvement projects (most of them cultural) have been located in
certain sectors of the neighbourhood in order to improve these areas and, potentially to
extend the benefits of the projects to the city level, and even the international level. These
geographically specific transformations appear, however, to have had the counterproductive
effect of creating (or at least increased) physical, demographic and economic divisions
within the neighbourhood. The North, as has been shown, has received the greatest level of
assistance in this respect which is an area that has historically been richer. Poorer areas,
characterized by the presence of large immigrant populations and worse conditions in terms
of their economic activities, housing, and infrastructure, have been more neglected.
Although it is not possible to make a direct correlation between geography and “ethnicity”,
certain patterns can be identified, such as the general inverse relation between the size of
the immigrant population and the health of the local economy.107 Thus, the North of the
neighbourhood is generally in a better condition, while the other sectors area worse off, and
it appears that the levels of immigration play a role in these patterns.
Another point worth noting relates to the configuration of some of the streets in
Raval. Certain roads, such as the main streets and those on the borders of the
neighbourhood, experience more favourable conditions in terms of their population profile,
commercial facilities, equipment, and related urban facilities. Hence, the capacity to enjoy
access to these areas is greater for people with greater purchasing power. Conversely,
problematic areas with narrower streets and higher immigrant populations tend to be
inhabited by the most disadvantaged groups.
106
According to Bayona (2007b, 30) the greater number of people (immigrants) per household
represents a first step in the migration process of certain population groups, so migratory networks and family
ties help to explain this trend. These circumstances make it easier for such immigrants to continually adapt to
the host society.
107
The reason of this situation is due to migrant groups follow different settlement patterns previously
established. With this regard it has been argued that migrants continue "beaten paths" in which their fellow
countryman have previously determined a link. This aspect facilitates access to subsequent basic needs such
as work, education, health, housing, and administrative difficulties.
[96]
It is clear that popular attractions such as the Rambla de Canaletes, Plaça dels
Àngels and others promote economic revitalization of the surrounding areas, but also mass
tourism, an increase in house and land prices, real estate speculation, and other processes
that lead to demographic and land use differentiation. Such circumstances impede the
opportunities for the more disadvantaged population groups. Chilese and Russo (2008, 21)
asks who it is that is actually benefiting from these “improvements”, and what the goals of
this renovation and these intervention schemes are. The benefits of these attractions
certainly appear to have been spatially localized and socially differentiated.
The inclusion of the above circumstances enables a consideration of some important
assumptions about the compact city model. The principle of density established by the
model is not clear and presents certain drawbacks. It is also not so clear which density
values are suited for which urban environments.108 So extremely high densities can be
interpreted as negative (such as at the beginning of the twentieth century) as they lead to
overcrowding and unsustainable lifestyles. The fact that high density values are achieved in
an urban settlement does not necessarily guarantee a more sustainable environment. The
compact urban development require the taking of further measures, rather than simply
considering densities and certain spatial forms.
Several authors allude to the fact that achieving optimum densities is an important
stage in the model but not the ultimate goal. Chin (2002, 2), Camagni et al. (2002, 202),
Burton (2001, 13) and others agree on the need to link a number of strategies. Among these
are re-urbanization, the development of derelict land, the provision of facilities and
infrastructure, the limitation of diseconomies in the city, the promotion of public spaces
among others. The ultimate goal should include achieving the integration of social groups,
a diversity of land uses, the promotion of sustainable modes of transport, the rehabilitation
108
Various suggestions have been put forward regarding the most appropriate parameters for measuring
population density. Arbury (2005, 47) mentions dwellings per hectare, bed spaces per hectare and habitable
rooms per hectare, and considers the various attempts to optimize densities in order to achieve more compact
development and to reduce the pressure on the outskirts of the city. According with the author achieving this
level of control would confer other social and economic benefits.
[97]
and re-use of urban spaces, and the development and improvement of public spaces
allowing urban dwellers and others to meet together.
Raval, although a dense neighbourhood in terms of population and infrastructure,
cannot be entirely conceived in terms of compact urban development. The consideration of
demographic variables discussed in the previous sections enabled me to identify a major
weakness at the heart of the model, namely the inability to incorporate the entire population
in how the city functions, and to create social networks. The current situation in the
neighbourhood manifests an important level of fragmentation, together with inequity in the
distribution of the population and of all manner of facilities, and a distinct failure in terms
of integration. This observations are complemented in detail in the chapter entitled Services
Facilities and ‘urban furniture’ in Raval.
The social structure of the neighbourhood is determined by a residential space that is
characterized by difference and segregation of the social characteristics of the population
and economic dynamics of its activities. Coll and Pujadas (2007, 48-49) suggest that such a
situation leads to two interesting phenomena. Social differentiation translated into (a) the
fragmentation of different population groups under specific features (economic level, social
composition, ethnicity and others) and (b) a territorial (spatial) reality characterized by
physical division in terms of distance. These distances, although short in the case of Raval,
have been clearly identified in the social, economic and environmental realities in the
neighbourhood.
The need to avoid fragmentation with regard to such issues as population, commercial
facilities, and access to infrastructure has been considered one of the main elements of
compact urban development. The need to include all population groups and seek the
egalitarian provision of facilities is a prerequisite for improving the functioning of urban
areas. Such measures promote better conditions and greater levels of participation in the
city. Therefore, any strategy for improving the area under investigation should focus on
enhancing the social and physical conditions and therefore the quality of life of people in
the neighbourhood. Taking advantage of local circumstances that the neighbourhood can
offers is a necessity. Among these advantages are its central location, its history and
cultural heritage, and the diversity of its population. The final goal of this development
[98]
must focus on increasing the appearance of the neighbourhood and generating added values
within perimeters and in the surrounding areas.
One of the important features that need to be addressed very carefully in Raval is
diversity - this issue should be handled with caution, aiming to achieve integration of the
entire neighbourhood. Diversity should not be interpreted as exclusion, as it has been
usually understood. Suitable integration must be approached in a number of different ways
in each of the sectors (BSAs for instance). Projects that will develop integration of
populations and places should be encouraged and implemented. Improvements can be seen
on streets such as Drassanes (in certain places), Rambla del Raval, Rambla de Canaletes,
the area around Plaça dels Àngels, Hospital, Carme, Joaquín Costa, Sant Pau, Riera Alta,
Nou de la Rambla, and Pintor Fortuny, among others. These more attractive (dynamics)
areas should be linked with less well-appointed areas such as Folch i Torres square, the area
around Riera Alta Street, Luna Street, Leon Street, the area around Robador Street, Liceu,
Arc del Teatre, and San Ramon, among others.
[99]
CHAPTER VI: SERVICES, FACILITIES AND URBAN ‘FURNITURE’ IN RAVAL
This section describes the main features of particular services, facilities and major
urban ‘furniture’ in Raval in order to better understand the configuration of the
neighbourhood according to the observation units described in the methodology. The
evaluation makes reference to the BSAs that make up Raval as well as some streets within
these units. For the purposes of evaluation, the neighbourhood is divided into two sections:
the South, including BSAs 1, 2, 3 and 4, and the North, incorporating BSAs 5, 6, 7 and 8.
BSAs and streets are both included in order to better illustrate the reality of the observed
trends. In this section there are references to a set of pictures (whose number is preceded by
the letter “S”) corresponding to a supplementary section described in more detail in the
appendix 7.
6.1 Cultural and Educational Agents (Libraries-Museums-Theatres)
The availability of these elements in the neighbourhood follows a distinct spatial
pattern. On the one hand, libraries and museums are mainly in the eastern sector of Raval,
defined by the axis created by ‘first order’ streets such as Drassanes Avenue, Sant Oleguer,
Rambla del Raval and Joaquín Costa.109 These roads define an area that excludes such
benefits from the western sector of the neighbourhood. Some of the libraries are either
private or belong to study centres, mainly universities, further limiting access to these
facilities.110 There are two museums in this area, one in the North and one in the South the Museu d'Art Contemporani de Barcelona (MACBA) and the Museu Marítim de
First order’ streets are considered the main access points into the neighbourhood and refer to both
motorized and pedestrianized streets. These streets mostly coincide with a higher density of commercial
activity and services and in some cases important urban facilities. Examples of such streets in the
neighbourhood are Tallers, Bonsuccés, Elisabets, Pintor Fortuny, Carme, Hospital, Sant Pau, and Nou de la
Rambla.
109
The main libraries are the Facultat de Comunicació Blanquerna – Biblioteca, Biblioteca de Filosofia i
Geografia i Història de la Universitat de Barcelona, Fundació Centre d'Estudis i Documentació Internacionals
de Barcelona – Biblioteca, and Reial Acadèmia de Ciències i Art de Barcelona.
110
[100]
Barcelona (Drassanes). Both are important and are large public museums that have a
significant influence on the surroundings, especially the MACBA.111
Picture 5: Main Cultural Agents of Change in Raval, Barcelona, 2013
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Theatres on the other hand are located in many different parts of the neighbourhood,
although some kind of pattern can be identified in the southern sector of Raval. The
influence of streets such as Rambla de Canaletes, Hospital, Ronda Sant Antoni, Ronda Sant
Pau, and to a lesser extent Tallers (North), lead to the development of this activity in the
nearby streets such as Riereta, Reina Amalia, Robador, and Arc del Theatre.112 These
sectors have a significant immigrant population and less favourable conditions in terms of
urban equipment, facilities and other demographic aspects. Theatres therefore appear to be
located in areas where there is a greater mixture of social groups thus taking advantage of
the possibilities of cultural and social exchange. It should also be noted that many of these
111
The main sources of information regarding these institutions are:
Provincial
Council
of
Barcelona.
http://www.bcn.cat/cgi-guia/guiamap4/cgiguia/?actives=C001C002C018&zoom=1&scl=4&cnt=30622.040%2C81393.640&plt=&plant=capes4c&txt1=
&txt2=&idioma=0&grayscl=0 (Retrieved on 27-10-2013).
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://barcelonacultura.bcn.cat/es (Retrieved on 27-10-2013).
112
Theatres include the Riereta Teatre Estable, Teatre El Llantiol, Sala Fènix, Espai Barts, and Nou
Tantarantana Teatre.
[101]
theatres are in a poor condition in terms of their facilities and infrastructure (see picture
S8).
6.2 Agents of Social Wellbeing
Picture 6: Agents of Social Wellbeing in Raval, Barcelona, 2013
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Facilities in this category include children’s centres, youth centres, civic centres,
neighbourhood associations and organizations relating to care of the elderly. The main
agents of social wellbeing are mostly located in the area defined by Sant Pau, Hospital,
Sant Antoni Abat and Ronda Sant Pau. This area includes approximately 80% of the
facilities. The children’s and youth centres are mainly situated around Junta de Comerç and
Robador. The latter is usually recognized as having some of the worst social conditions in
the neighbourhood and is affected by problems such as drug addiction, alcoholism and
prostitution. Finally, there are important civic centres, mainly in the vicinity of streets such
as Riereta, Carretes and Reina Amalia. This sector coincides with BSAs 2 and 4 and have a
significant immigrant population, poor quality of equipment and suffers from the
deterioration of its housing infrastructure and public spaces (see picture S8, S5).
Regarding the South and North (just North of the centre) there are very few of the
above mentioned facilities. Services that do exist are mainly located in the area enclosed
within the intersection of Nou de la Rambla and Drassanes Avenue in the South and in
[102]
vicinities of Peu de la Creu, and the intersection of Riera Baixa and Carme in the North.
Four of the five centres in this area are institutions for care of the elderly (three of the
centres are located in the North).
There are thus very few centres of social welfare in the North of the neighbourhood,
meaning that the location of facilities designed to strengthen and assist specific groups with
higher social risk factors are localized precisely in the most disadvantaged areas in social,
demographic, and economic terms. The lack of facilities in the BSAs of the North is
understandable as the characteristics of this sector, such as population profile, are different
and imply different types of activities. Despite this, there is a weakness in terms of the
provision of such organizations in the northwest of the neighbourhood, particularly in
BSAs 5 and 6. These units, despite being in the North, are host to significant populations
with some degree of social risk factors and a more complex household structure. Streets
include Nou Dulce, Sant Vincenç, Lleo, Luna, Paloma, Princep de Viana, and Cendra (see
picture S6).
6.3 Urban Intervention Projects
Picture 7: Main Intervention Projects in Raval, Barcelona, 2011-2013
Source: Azofeifa, J.
The intervention projects to be considered are those developed during the past three
years. The projects were grouped into four main categories: community equipment,
[103]
household equipment, public spaces, and transport infrastructure. In the given time period,
twenty-six major projects were developed by the Provincial Council in partnership with
construction agencies were identified, including public squares, parks, pavements, and
housing infrastructure.113 The most important areas for these projects are streets such as
Drassanes Avenue in the South, Carme Street in the North, and around Tallers Street in the
northern section.
The two areas are different in terms of population, urban equipment, and
commercial activities. In the South, for example, as an area characterized by social strata
with greater economic constraints, the intervention projects identified have been oriented
towards maintaining the basic requirements of the population, such as particular facilities in
public spaces, for example improving the pavements (see picture S7). Despite this area
suffering severe limitations regarding household conditions and equipment the projects
aimed at improving these elements have been far from sufficient. The interventions in the
northern sector of Raval have been focused on improving public spaces, enhancing the
transportation infrastructure, and improving facilities and housing infrastructure. This may
be because this area is more important for tourism and has a population with a better social
and economic profile. More information regarding the intervention projects can be found in
the appendix 6.
An example of this is the improvement of the Plaça del Pedró in the North and the
urbanization nearby. The aim of this project was to increase the space for pedestrians, and
to promote better access to the neighbourhood. Thus, motorized streets such as Carme and
Hospital were partly pedestrianized facilitating easier East-West mobilization in Raval.
Linked to this work, important improvements were made in terms of waste collection,
lighting, drainage, the incorporation of new urban furniture, and others aspects. Further
projects have been undertaken in the North, including the development of a high voltage
113
For more details about this topic see:
Raval Sud Organization. http://www.ravalsudpladebarris.cat/actuaciones_areas.php?idTipo=2 (Retrieved on
26-10-2013).
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w20.bcn.cat/web_obres_map/obras_es.aspx#x=27601.01&y=83987.71&z=0&c=O101O102O103O104
O105&w=963&h=496&i=es (Retrieved on 26-10-2013).
[104]
power line, road paving (for example on Tigre, Lleo, Luna, and Tallers), the refurbishment
of markets (Ronda Sant Antoni), sewer improvements, and improved parking.
In the southern section, an example is the improved access to the Drassanes Civic
Centre and the renovation of multi-purpose spaces on it. Among these improvements are
the installation of an elevator and capacity improvements in the civic centre to make it
more suitable for multiple activities and services. Other notable interventions in the South
include the paving of walkways on streets such as Sant Pau, Drassanes Avenue, Nou de la
Rambla, Om, Santa Madrona, Plaça Salvador Seguí and Espalter. In general terms the
scope of the projects in the southern section, in terms of both distribution and diversity, is
more limited.
Improvements in the northern sector appear to seek to maintain a higher profile of
urban infrastructure in order to maintain its attractiveness, competitive advantages and,
therefore, greater exchange of economic goods (and added values). This is evident from the
greater diversity of development projects and their wider distribution. Carme Street,
meanwhile, occupies an intermediate position: despite specific favourable conditions in
terms of a number of facilities there are some sectors in the vicinity, such as Illa San
Ramon, Robador Street, and Rambla del Raval, experiencing significant amounts of
stigmatization.
In the western area of the neighbourhood there is a distinct gap in terms of
intervention projects. Streets such as Ronda Sant Antoni, Ronda Sant Pau, Riera Alta,
Carretes, Sant Pacia, Aurora, and Vista Alegre do not appear to have experienced any kind
of intervention projects.114 Overall, the sector covered by the streets Sant Pau, Cera, Sant
Antoni Abat, and the Ronda Sant Antoni, corresponding to particular sections of BSAs 2, 3,
and 4, shows a significant lack of intervention projects. In this area only two projects were
identified, one related to public spaces (paving the Plaça Salvador Seguí and Espalter) and
the other a new housing development involving the demolition of buildings numbers 134
and 136 on Hospital Street.
114
Ibid.
[105]
Two trends can therefore be identified in terms of intervention projects. In the
South, improvements have been focused on improving infrastructure (streets, pavements)
and community facilities due to previous degradation in the area. The North, due to its
greater importance with respect tourism, has experienced a more dynamic set of
improvements aimed at maintaining its high economic and socio-demographic status (see
picture S11). These interventions cannot, however, be wholly attributed to the local
authority. The economic power of residents and traders in this sector enables them to
enhance the areas by themselves, at least in terms of building infrastructure and local
facilities.
In short, there are significant regional differences in the level of plans for improving
the dynamics of the neighbourhood. Particular weaknesses can be highlighted in terms of
housing infrastructure and the inadequacy of public spaces, the latter hindering the
possibility of members of the community meeting each other. Despite these problems,
important attempts to improve the image of the neighbourhood have been undertaken by
the Provincial Council and other associations.115 Living conditions in the neighbourhood
have improved dramatically in recent years and the general ‘habitability’ has been
significantly enhanced. Continuous intervention from outside Raval is a necessity, although
wholesale solutions to the problems of the entire neighbourhood are not realistic. This
would require too high an economic investment and the Provincial Council does not have
the economic resources to carry such a programme out: the neighbourhood cannot be
changed overnight. The main problems remain inaccessibility to basic facilities, poor
economic diversification and investment, a lack of quality public spaces, dilapidated
infrastructure and, especially, high social risk factors. All of these problems pose a
continuous and selective (base on internal differences) improvement of the neighbourhood.
115
The City of Barcelona, through major projects has tried to improve the image of the neighbourhood.
Among these plans are the Integral Rehabilitation Areas (ARIs) and the Special Plans of Integral Reform
(PERIs) which have proposed and developed important plans for improving Raval. Many projects are
currently being carried out. Other important events that have led to intervention processes in Raval are the
Olympic Games of 1992 and the Universal Forum of Culture in 2004. These and many other situations have
favoured programmes for the restructuring of the physical space, and improving living conditions and basic
services in the neighbourhood.
[106]
6.4 Transport
6.4.1 Underground
There is a reasonable distribution of underground lines and stations in the area but
they are mainly located on the fringes of Raval.116 This pattern of provision impedes access
to the inner areas of the neighbourhood. The situation is exacerbated by the absence of
other means of transport to these central areas. The following table shows the provision of
underground services and access points.
Table 7: Underground Lines and Stations in the Vicinity of Raval
Line
L1-L2
L2
1.Ronda
Locality
L3
Sant
L6-L7-L3
1.Parallel-Riera Alta
Ronda
Antoni-Riera Alta
2.Drassanes-Portal
de
Universitat
2.Ronda Sant
Santa Madrona
Antoni-Parallel
3.Rambla de Canaletes –
Plaza de Catalunya
La Unio
Source: Azofeifa, J., based on information provided by the Provincial Council of
Barcelona.
The lack of an adequate underground service presents a significant shortcoming,
which becomes yet more significant when the neighbourhood population profile is taken
into account. Raval is home to a large number of elderly people and immigrants with low
purchasing power, unable to provide for their own mobility needs (for example, by owning
a car). Constructing an underground station within Raval is not a realistic option: Raval is
an old neighbourhood with a deteriorating infrastructure, short and narrow streets, and
economic constraints which preclude considering this as a possibility.
116
Detail of the underground service can be found at:
Provincial Council of Barcelona. http://www.bcn.cat/cgi-guia/guiamap4/cgiguia/?actives=K001&zoom=1&scl=4&cnt=30622.040%2C81393.640&plt=&plant=capes4c&txt1=&txt2=&i
dioma=0&grayscl=0 (Retrieved on 27-10-2013).
Provincial Council of Barcelona.
http://w20.bcn.cat/Guiamap/Default.aspx#x=28511&y=84174&z=3&c=K014K015K016K017K001K002K00
3K004K009K011K013K018K008K010K012K006K005K007&w=1066&h=544&base=GuiaMartorell
(Retrieved on 25-02-2014).
[107]
6.4.2 Bus Services
Given the difficulty of establishing an underground station within Raval, a suitable
alternative would be improving the connections with alternative means of public transport,
especially improving the bus service. Currently, this option can be divided into two types of
service: one daytime service and four night-time services which clearly prioritizes specific
sectors of Raval.117
The daytime service (line 120) is routed along the most important streets from South
to North through the middle of the neighbourhood: through Drassanes Avenue in the South
of the neighbourhood, continuing along Oleguer, Rambla del Raval, María Aurèlia
Capmany, Carme, Àngels, Montealegre, Torres i Amat, and ultimately to the Ronda Sant
Antoni. Southwards, the route continues through Sepulveda and Compte d'Urgell (outside
the neighbourhood), then the Ronda Sant Antoni, Riera Alta, María Aurèlia Capmany and
the same streets described above.118 Consequently, several sections of Raval lack a bus
service, such as Nou de la Rambla, Marquès de Barberà, and Arc del Teatre in the southeast
of the neighbourhood. Sant Vicenç, Joaquín Costa and Ferlandina in BSA 5 also do not
enjoy a connection with the daytime bus service. The service is available every 30 minutes
from 07.00, and every hour during the evening until 21.30. The service is the same at the
weekends but with a more limited service in the afternoon and evening.119
The provision of a night-time bus service is even more restricted and follows the
same pattern of being routed around the perimeter of the area, like the underground service.
The four lines run as follows. The N6 line tours the western sector through the Ronda Sant
Antoni, Ronda Sant Pau and Parallel Avenue, with stops in main streets running East-West
such as Valdonzella, Sant Antoni Abat, Cera, and Nou de la Rambla. In the eastern sector
of the neighbourhood there are three lines, N9, N12 and N15, whose routes are roughly the
117
Provincial
Council
of
Barcelona.
http://www.bcn.cat/cgi-guia/guiamap4/cgiguia/?actives=K014K015&zoom=1&scl=4&cnt=30622.040%2C81393.640&plt=&plant=capes4c&txt1=&txt
2=&idioma=0&grayscl=0 (Retrieved on 27-10-2013).
118
Transporte Barcelona. http://www.transportebcn.es/BUS/linea/120.html (Retrieved on 25-02-2014).
119
Ibid.
[108]
same but with variations in terms of schedule.120 These lines run along the Rambla de
Canaletes connecting the maritime area with the Plaza de Catalunya, the city centre.
Overall, the frequency of the night lines is approximately every 20 minutes from 23.30 until
5.30.121
Picture 8: Underground and Bus Service in Raval, Barcelona, 2013
Source: Azofeifa, J.
6.4.3 Bicing
Bicing is another transport service offered in the neighbourhood. It is a shared
bicycle service, launched in 2007, and known for being cheap and healthy for its users as
well as environmentally friendly. To use the bicycles, customers must swipe their
membership card (after being registered) at any Bicing station. This unlocks the bike and
the information is sent to a server that monitors the use of each bike (Froehlich et al., 2004,
16). Information about the availability of bikes can be consulted online.122
120
The
schedules
are
available
from:
http://www.transportebcn.es/BUS/lineas.html (Retrieved on 25-02-2014).
Transporte
Barcelona.
121
Ibid.
122
Bicing official online page. https://www.bicing.cat/es/formmap. (Retrieved on 28-03-2014).
[109]
Once a bike is unlocked, a cyclist has 30 minutes of free riding time. Extra time is
charged as a cost of 0.30 euros per half hour, up to a maximum of two hours. Bikes can be
returned to any Bicing station in the city and placed in a hanger with an automatic closure.
The service is available all day except from 02.00 to 05.00 from Monday to Thursday, and
3:00 a.m. to 5:00 a.m. on a Friday. At weekends and on holidays the service operates 24
hours a day.123
The main advantage of the service is the provision of connections with other means
of public transport, such as the underground or buses.124 Additionally, the service allows
people from other neighbourhoods such as Mont Juic, Gotic or Eixample to come into
Raval, thus facilitating internal mobilization.
Picture 9: Bicing Stations in Raval, Barcelona, 2014
Source: Azofeifa, J.
The distribution of this service in Raval is similar to the bus service, due to their
complementary nature, but it should be mentioned that not all inhabitants have the same
ability to use a bicycle. The service is mainly provided on first order streets connecting the
123
Bicing official online page. https://www.bicing.cat/es/content/%C2%BFqu%C3%A9-es-bicing
(Retrieved on 28-03-2014).
124
Ibid.
[110]
main points from South to North (Drassanes Avenue, Rambla del Raval, Riera Alta and
Àngels) and from East to West (a lesser service, including Rambla de Canaletes, Riera
Alta, and Ronda Sant Antoni). Other Bicing stations serving as a connection point between
major stations and the underground service include Portal de Santa Madrona, Rambla de
Canaletes, Sant Antoni Abat and Ronda Universitat.
The allocation of the service seems appropriate. It allows a connection with several
parts of the neighbourhood in less than thirty minutes, as its operation indicates. There are
important weaknesses, however, such as a lack of Bicing stations in the western sector,
such as in the vicinity of Rambla del Raval and Joaquín Costa. There are also deficiencies
in BSAs 1 and 3, for example in the vicinity of Marquès de Barberà, Sant Pau, Nou de la
Rambla, and Arc del Teatre.
In short, based on fieldwork and other information concerning transport provision,
two important issues can be identified. First, the supply of public transport in the area is
scarce and limited to the fringes of Raval and to the main streets. Other means of transport,
such as Bicing, provide a useful alternative for those who can use a bicycle, but this is only
one option. Secondly, the unfavourable conditions in the neighbourhood in terms of
mobility, and other problems such as the sense of insecurity (lighting, stigmatization, the
physical design of the streets and so on), hamper access to inner sections of Raval. Narrow,
dark, old and stigmatized streets (such as Robador, Sant Vincenç, Carretes, Sant Pau, San
Ramon, Om, and Arc del Teatre) engender distrust and tend to be avoided by residents,
especially at night.
6.5 Facilities Related to Land Use
The following section of the study outlines important elements in relation to the
supply of commercial facilities in Raval.125 These facilities are determined by the
availability, diversity and other aspects regarding the land uses and their features within the
neighbourhood.
125
Commercial facilities are understood in this research as the potential benefits to local inhabitants of
the supply of commercial activities. A strong presence of commercial facilities would mean the existence of a
variety of activities in a given space. Besides variety, other aspects such as complementarity, specialization,
over-representation, and local features are taken into consideration.
[111]
6.5.1 Housing Distribution and Premises that are Closed or Under Repair
In comparison to other land uses in the neighbourhood, the area dedicated to
housing predominates, especially in the South. In scientific monographs a clear distinction
between the South and the North of the neighbourhood has been argued, the North being
largely commercial and the South being devoted to housing.126 However, the results of the
fieldwork showed this distinction to be not so clear cut, and if a difference does exist, it is
between BSA 8 and all the other BSAs.127 BSA 8 is small, and comparable with BSAs 4
and 5, but still its housing only amounts to 5% of the housing in the neighbourhood. Other
BSAs are different, however, BSAs 3, 4, 6, and 7, for example, have approximate values of
between 14% and 16% of the total area occupied by housing in Raval.
Diagram 15: Buildings Dedicated to Housing in each of the BSAs as a Percentage of the
Whole Neighbourhood
8
7
6
B 5
S
A 4
s
3
2
1
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
%
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Alongside current housing values it is interesting to consider the potential spaces
and new buildings to be occupied in the future, but which at the time of writing were either
closed or under repair. In this respect, BSAs 3, 4, 5 and 6 have values markedly higher than
the other BSAs. Most striking is BSA 6, which represents roughly 25% of such buildings in
the neighbourhood. It is important to note that these are spaces which could be developed in
order to improve the dynamics of particular areas and redefine the physical spaces and the
ways of living in and experiencing the city.
126
For more information regarding this suggested spatial distinction in the neighbourhood see: Gaspar et
al. (2002, 127); Fundació Tot Raval (2008, 10); Sargatal (2001, 8).
127
Reference to housing values corresponds to whole buildings and not individual apartments.
[112]
At the level of the street in BSA 6 the roads Sant Gil, Sant Vicenç, Lleo and Luna
can be highlighted. These four streets account for 41% of the available spaces in the
seventeen streets that make up this BSA. The first is a short and marginal street that
connects the Ronda Sant Antoni and Sant Vicenç in the West of the neighbourhood. The
other three are ‘first order’ streets - long streets that connect important roads in the
neighbourhood from South to North, such as Riera Alta and Valdonzella. These three
streets are inhabited by large groups of immigrants, with very few commercial outlets, and
limited services and facilities.
BSA 8 and to a lesser extent BSAs 1 and 2 show the opposite pattern. In these
sectors the number of buildings that are either closed or under repair is extremely low, with
values between 4% and 8% of the total in Raval. Commercial activities in these areas are
much more diverse, especially in BSA 8, where most of the streets display a greater
diversity and quality of supply; in the other two BSAs, the diversification and dynamism
can be found only in specific streets. The identification of very different trends in terms of
these types of space (closed or under repair) can be seen across the BSAs.
Diagram 16: Buildings either Closed or under Repair in each of the BSAs as a Percentage
of the Whole Neighbourhood
8
7
6
B 5
S
A 4
s
3
2
1
0,00
5,00
10,00
15,00
20,00
25,00
30,00
%
Source: Azofeifa, J
Residential occupancy of the neighbourhood therefore shows an absence of a
division between the North and the South; if a difference does exist it is certainly not so
obvious. There is a difference, however, between BSA 8 and some streets of BSA 7
(especially the eastern sector) and the other BSAs of the neighbourhood. The BSAs of the
[113]
North (8 and 7) are more oriented towards commercial activities when compared to other
BSAs.128 Similarly, proper planning of available spaces (closed or under repair) should be
taken into account. The restructuring and development of these spaces, either for housing or
for commercial activities, potentially plays an important role in the improvement of the
neighbourhood. The proper promotion and improvement of these spaces has the potential to
re-activate particular parts of the neighbourhood. Such interventions should, however,
avoid social or commercial ‘gentrification’, which causes the expulsion of the local
population or existing businesses.
6.5.2 Provision of Commerce and Services
In order to demonstrate important trends in the neighbourhood in relation to this
topic I decided to focus on specific activities:129 bars-restaurants-clothing stores,
hairdressing salons, Internet and telephone service providers, and supermarkets-butchersgreengrocers.130 The consideration of these commercial activities and services help to
demonstrate trends within the neighbourhood whose characteristics could potentially be
generalized to other commercial activities. The next table shows the main distinctions in
terms of particular commercial enterprises identified in the neighbourhood.
128
According to the Fundació Tot Raval (2008, 10) the intervention projects developed through the
years have implied an important modification in the type of commerce in the North. Thus, there has been a
change from commerce to satisfy the people of the neighbourhood to a new vision of economic activities
based on new and modernized commerce and services.
129
Due to the large number and diversity of economic activities detected during the field-work this
selection was made for practical purposes. The characteristics of these activities clearly show the patterns of
the neighbourhood in terms of commercial and service activities. The understanding regarding the functioning
and the features of these activities, therefore, shows important trends in order to comprehend the
configuration of the areas that make up the neighbourhood. It is worth noting, however, that the patterns
regarding the functioning characteristics of these activities in Raval could be generalized to other activities.
130
Economic activities of proximity (proximity activities) refer to those activities undertaken to meet
general basic needs of the population (mostly food). Therefore, these activities take place in order to satisfy a
particular group of people in their immediate environment. The predominant presence of this type of activity
in the neighbourhood is usually related to disadvantages in issues such as little diversity, poor conditions, lack
of complementarity, among others. The term has also been used by authors such as Sargatal (2001) and
Fundació Tot Raval (2004).
[114]
Table 8: Features of Economic Activities in the South and North of Raval
South
North
Largely run by immigrants
Poor infrastructure (buildings)
The relation is not so representative
Due to the character and the clientele of the
activities the infrastructure is better maintained
The specialization of the activities has implied a
better provision of facilities
'Added value' due to important
attractions/landmarks and the specialization of
activities have created a diversification of land
uses
Diversification of activities prevents overrepresentation
The specialization and diversification of the
service provision has encouraged more foreign
visitors
Oriented more to ‘cosmopolitan’ consumers
Basic equipment for the development of activities
Little provision of complementary activities in the
vicinity
Over-representation of activities (similar
activities near to each other)
Oriented to meet local needs (visited by residents
or population groups in the same profile, for
example ethnic groups)
More ‘local’ character of the streets
Source: Azofeifa, J., based on fieldwork.
There is not a huge difference between the South and the North in relation to the
first set of activities (bars-restaurants-clothing stores): roughly 40% of these activities are
located in the South and 60% in the North. However, beyond the mere fact of the ratio it is
important to note the kind of commerce undertaken. Regarding restaurants for instance, in
the southern part of Raval many are fast food outlets, especially Kebab houses, whose
operating conditions are certainly limited.131 In most cases these premises are run by
immigrants. In the BSAs of the North, particularly BSAs 7 and 8, there is a greater supply
not of only restaurants but also, especially, of bars and clothing stores (see picture S2 and
S6).
The conditions are ‘limited’ because in many cases the places dedicated to such activities in this area
have poor infrastructure and little opportunity for development. Similarly, services are in short supply and in
many cases of poor quality. Furthermore, the location where the activities are carried out reduces the
possibility of people reaching complementary activities.
131
[115]
Diagram 17: Clothing Stores in each BSA as a Percentage of the Whole Neighbourhood
8
7
6
5
B
S 4
A
s 3
2
1
0,00
5,00
10,00
15,00
20,00
25,00
30,00
35,00
%
Source: Azofeifa, J.
An evaluation at street-level offers a clearer picture of this situation. BSA 3 contains
34% of the buildings dedicated to these activities in the BSAs in the South of Raval (see
diagram 18). Sant Pau, Nou de la Rambla and Rambla del Raval are home to roughly 35%
of the premises in the nineteen streets of this BSA
There is therefore a significant
concentration of businesses in particular places or streets. BSA 4 is at the other extreme. It
has the lowest number of these facilities (seventy buildings), and two streets, Carretes and
Cera, account for roughly 36% of the total in this BSA.
Diagram 18: Bars-Restaurants-Clothing Stores in each BSA as a Percentage of the Whole
Neighbourhood
8
7
6
B
S
A
s
5
4
3
2
1
0,00
5,00
10,00
15,00
20,00
25,00
%
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Analysis at street level in the northern part of the neighbourhood, however, reveals a
more diverse situation. The difference between the four BSAs in this area is not as
significant as in the South. For purposes of the research, BSAs 7 and 8 are highlighted
[116]
because they represent 62% of the buildings (322 in absolute numbers) in the
neighbourhood. Nonetheless, the trends within each of these BSAs are different. In BSA 7
there is a greater distribution of activities, while in the streets of BSA 8 there is the familiar
tendency to concentrate particular commercial enterprises on certain streets. Hence, in BSA
7, despite Hospital and Carme being the most important, their impact is not as
representative as the other BSAs. In fact other streets have higher values, such as Pintor
Fortuny, Joaquín Costa, Elisabets, Passatge de Sant Josep, and Àngels. These streets in
BSA 7 account for only 53% of these activities. However, in BSA 8, Tallers, Rambla de
Canaletes and Pelai account for almost 70% of these facilities. The greater level of
commercial activity in this BSA is likely to be related to positive externalities132 such as the
presence of the MACBA, Rambla de Canaletes, numerous university faculties, and the
proximity of neighbourhoods with a more ‘favourable’ social and urban composition, such
as Eixample.133
Diagram 19: Main Streets with Bars-Restaurants-Clothing Stores in BSAs 7and 8
(Percentages)
14
35
12
30
10
25
20
8
%
%
6
15
10
4
5
2
0
0
Tallers
Hospital
Joaquin Costa
Carme
Elisabeth
Streets (BSA7)
Passatge de
Sant Joseps
Rambla de Canaletes
Pelai
Angels
Streets (BSA 8)
Source: Azofeifa, J.
132
Positive externalities are those elements of the neighbourhood (such as amenities and infrastructure)
which directly and positively affect the welfare of others and the establishment of better urban conditions in
the functioning of urban spaces (aggregate values).
133
Gaspar et al. (2002, 124) have stated that certain projects, such as the MACBA and Plaça dels
Àngels, have become main points of interest in the new Barcelona and make the city more attractive to
foreign visitors. However, such infrastructures have implied counter-movements in which these major
projects, aimed at improving urban and social conditions, have created certain conflicts. These conflicts are
linked to the re-valorisation of spaces resulting in a further intensification of differences and the processes of
exclusion.
[117]
The fieldwork allowed me to identify another interesting set of trends around certain
commercial activities (namely, hairdressing salons, shops related to Internet and telephone
services, and supermarkets-butchers-greengrocer´s), which help with an understanding of
the configuration of Raval in economic terms.
There is a noticeable distinction between the two parts of the neighbourhood with
respect to the presence of hairdressing salons. In this case what is interesting is not the
difference in the number of premises but the character of their operation and their location.
Fieldwork and the collection of information about land uses revealed that 64% of these
premises are in the North, while 36% of them are in the South. In the South, however, the
premises are characterized by being largely managed by immigrants, having poor
infrastructure, and being very concentrated on particular streets. In the North on the other
hand, particularly in BSAs 7 and 8 and some parts of BSA 6, the buildings appear to attract
a different clientele. Customers in this sector might be labelled ‘cosmopolitan’ and able to
access this activity at the same time as enjoying a variety of other specialized businesses
and services (see picture S12 and S13).
Evaluation at street level regarding hairdressing salons enabled me to notice a
particular configuration. In the South, it is important to highlight BSA 3, which
concentrates most hairdressing salons on the East-West axis around Sant Pau (5 premises)
and Hospital (3 premises), and BSA 4, with a significant presence of this activity on
Carretes (6 premises). These three roads account for 34% of the total activity in the
southern section of Raval. In the North, some streets can be highlighted, such as Cera (4
premises) in BSA 5, Joaquín Costa (6 premises), Sant Gil, Ferlandina and Tigre (3 premises
each) in BSA 6, and Joaquín Costa (5 premises) and Hospital and Pintor Fortuny (3
premises each) in BSA 7. These seven streets represent approximately 44% of these
services in the northern section. It is worth noting that this activity in the North of Raval is
distributed over a wider area, that is, in a greater number of streets, while in the South there
is a significant concentration around certain streets generating the ‘theming’ of urban space.
The distribution of this activity indicates a clear tendency of concentration in the
southern sector over the main access streets and pedestrian routes, westbound. The most
important streets in this regard are Sant Pau and Hospital connecting with Rambla de
[118]
Canaletes and the Ronda Sant Antoni. Regarding Carretes Street, the concentration of
activities along this road is related to its being a space that is physically degraded and
socially stigmatized so residents lack alternatives for the development of other activities.
Services in this area are focused on meeting local needs, which means that the activities in
this sector are aimed at satisfying the residents or population groups from the vicinity of the
same population profile (such as immigrants). The activities lack diversity, specialization,
and quality, implying reduced possibilities of attracting other population groups and more
added values to such sectors.
The concentration of the service in the North on streets such as Hospital and Cera
could appear to represent the same principle highlighted in the previous lines, but with a
higher concentration of immigrants on Cera Street. Meanwhile, Tigre and Sant Gil are short
streets with a representative number of immigrants and are located near important roads
such as Valdonzella, Joaquín Costa and Riera Alta. Thus, in this location residents are
trying to take advantage of those externalities for the establishment of these activities.
Finally, Pintor Fortuny and to a lesser extent Ferlandina exhibit a different reality because
the positive characteristics of their location (such as Rambla de Canaletes, museums, and
libraries) have led to the establishment of hairdressing salons with wider choice of services
and aimed at people with greater purchasing power.
Premises related to Internet and telephone services exhibit a similar pattern to the
previous activity in relation to such aspects as the physical condition and the lack of
alternatives. Roughly 65% of these premises in Raval are located in the South. As with
hairdressing salons, most premises dedicated to this activity are managed by immigrants
and in many cases there is over-representation of the service. Thus it is normal to find three,
four or even more of these activities a short distance from each other, thus displaying the
lack of alternatives and little diversity of complementary activities.
[119]
Diagram 20: Internet and Telephone Services in each BSA as a Percentage of the entire
Neighbourhood; and the Main Streets of BSA 3 which host this Activity
45
8
40
7
35
6
30
5
25
B
S 4
A
B
S 20
A
3
15
2
10
5
1
0,00
5,00
10,00
15,00
20,00
25,00
30,00
35,00
40,00
45,00
50,00
0
Sant Pau
%
Streets (BSA 3)
Robador
Hospital
Source: Azofeifa, J.
BSA 3 can be used as an example of this situation. This BSA accounts for
approximately 42% of these activities in the neighbourhood. Some streets stand out, such as
Sant Pau, which is home to five businesses related to the Internet and eighteen to telephone
services. Other streets, such as Hospital, Santa Margarida, and Robador, have large
numbers of these businesses. The concentration of these premises can thus be seen around
the main access streets (Sant Pau and Hospital) and streets characterized by stigmatization
and populations with higher social risk factors (Robador and its vicinity).
In the North of Raval, the activity follows a trend similar to that in the South. In this
sector, there are fifteen stores located in BSAs 6 and 7 and six premises in BSA 5 (the main
streets in this section being Joaquín Costa and Sant Antoni Abat). It is important to note the
absence of this activity in BSA 8, which prioritizes the provision of other types of
commercial activity. Therefore, in the North, the provision of this activity tends to be
located at the borders of the southern section of the neighbourhood and on main streets.
Supermarkets, butchers, and greengrocer's (considered to be commercial activities
of proximity) exhibit similar tendencies to those discussed in the previous paragraphs.134
While the number of premises dedicated to these activities in both areas is similar, BSA 7
accounts for a large percentage of such activities in the North. The important concentration
of activities in this BSA, as well as the relationship of land uses (housing, commerce,
services) between BSAs, leads me to propose a much more important development in terms
134
The definition of this concept is described in more detail in the chapter on Methodology.
[120]
of proximity activities in the southern part of the neighbourhood.135 The characteristics of
such activities in this part of Raval are poor in terms of diversity, denoting a disadvantage
in comparison to the North. In the South, the development of these activities is based on the
need to supply specific population groups (for example, immigrants) for whom such
services are intended, generating the consumption of what has been called ‘ethnic goods’
(Neuman 2013, 6).136 This concept refers to the existence of commercial activities (and
their configuration) that respond to population groups living in the vicinity of specific areas
where those activities take place.
The concentration of a greater number of proximity activities in the South, coupled
with the region’s characteristics, helps me to identify a clear contrast between the two
areas. In the South, the development of enterprises is largely improvised, and overrepresentation and lower levels of diversification are clearly identifiable.137 One could
argue that in the South, the proximity activities devoid of related facilities and existing to
some extend under marginal conditions, makes a contrast with the North, which has greater
specialization and diversity of activities. The abundance in the North of certain activities,
such as shoe stores, jeweller's, furniture stores, drugstores, bakeries, toy stores,
ironmongery stores, tattoo studios, banks, souvenir stores, and musical equipment stores,
and many others shows a more dynamic economic environment. Therefore, the contrast
between the two areas of Raval exists not only in terms of the diversity of activities but also
in relation to the dynamics of their surroundings.
135
The consideration of activities such as clothing stores (shown in diagram 17), bars, restaurants and
specialized activities allows me to identify a more dynamic trend in the northern section. Moreover, in the
South the lower provision in terms of several land uses and a greater presence of proximity activities limit the
possibilities for this area to be more dynamic and enterprising (see pictures S6 and S8).
136
In this regard, Neuman asserts that the provision of ethnic goods is made easier if the number of
consumers in the vicinity is larger. So the large number of immigrants in Raval facilitates the sale of
particular products or services for these population groups. He claims that this situation is good for prices
because of the economies of scale: ‘ethnic goods’ can be sold at a lower price in areas with a higher density of
a certain ethnic group. The predominance of particular population groups has therefore determined the type of
commerce in some sectors of Raval.
The term ‘improvised’ is mainly used to highlight the dimensions and quality of infrastructure in
many localities. Low quality infrastructure hinders the development of these occupations. Moreover, some of
the activities are carried out in the owner’s home.
137
[121]
In short, there is a much greater heterogeneity of commercial activities in the
northern sector of Raval than in the South. However, this trend does not apply to the whole
of the North but is confined to BSA 8, and to a lesser extent BSA 7, largely due to the
influence of the Rambla de Canaletes and similar infrastructure (see picture S14). BSAs 5
and 6 have favourable conditions in terms of commercial facilities in certain streets,
especially those running through the neighbourhood on an East-West axis, and largely
influenced by the proximity of particular externalities, such as the MACBA, ‘first order’
streets, centres of education (mainly university faculties), and markets.
The impact of immigrant population groups, whose presence in the neighbourhood
has influenced the urban configuration in a number of different ways, should also be noted.
Their impact in relation to the social and demographic reality of Raval (discussed in
previous chapters) favours the development of high added-value activities in certain places,
especially those near to the attractions indicated above. The opposite is true when distance
from these attractions increases, a situation in which the dynamics of the urban facilities
and public spaces, and the structure of built-up spaces and so on seem to be less important.
In this case, an understanding of the economic dynamics is closely related to the particular
characteristics of each BSA in terms of social and urban ‘furniture’.
6.5.3 Public Open Spaces
Parks and public open spaces are an important tool in the re-development and
revitalization of urban spaces. The main public spaces, their quality, and the facilities
linked to them, were identified through fieldwork. Most public spaces have significant
drawbacks in terms of the quality of their infrastructure and their ability to attract groups
other than the local population. The next table shows the main weaknesses of public spaces
in Raval:
[122]
Table 9: Main Shortcomings of Public Spaces in Raval
Main Deficiencies
Lack of complementary commercial activities or
services.
Degraded infrastructure (benches, squares, paths,
lighting).
Important stigmatization processes.
Lack of significant attractions or landmarks.
“Conquest” of spaces by particular population
groups.
Source: Azofeifa, J., based on fieldwork.
The design of public spaces by municipal authorities is based on the provision of
basic elements – open spaces, greenery, and the development of basic infrastructure – for
the purposes of rest, recreation, or sport. During the fieldwork it was not possible to
identify any more than the presence or absence of these minimal elements in urban spaces.
They include benches (in many cases dilapidated) and places for playing basketball or table
tennis. These components, besides being limited in terms of quantity and diversity have not
been comprehensively planned in order to increase the overall functionality of the
neighbourhood and its potential connection to the wider city.
The consideration of some examples may help to illustrate this situation. Public
spaces such as the Jardins de les Voltes d`en Cires, Plaça de Blanquerna, Jardins dels Horts
de Sant Pau, Plaça de Salvador Seguí, Plaça de Josep Folch i Torres display certain
deficiencies. Among these shortcomings are a shortage of supplementary services,
commerce and landmarks. The lack of important complementary activities in some of them
limits the development of greater ‘added value’ to these spaces and their surroundings, such
as the addition of banks, restaurants, supermarkets, coffee shops, or ice-cream parlours, in
order to complement the needs of potential visitors to these areas (see pictures S2, S3 and
S5). Some do exist but problems such as minimal specialization, over-representation, and
poor condition can be identified. It should also be noted that in some sectors the stigma
about certain problems of past years or decades (some still present to a lesser degree) have
limited the potential of such areas in terms of improving their contribution to the dynamics
of their surroundings. The last two considerations can be clearly identified in Plaça
Salvador Seguí (see picture S9).
[123]
This square, despite possessing important complementary activities, has been
widely recognized as a problematic area. Among the important activities in its vicinity are
the Film Library of Catalonia, the Catalan Studies Institute, organizations for social
inclusion, bars-restaurants, and supermarkets. Besides these elements, particular problems
such as prostitution and drug addiction have been linked to this square. Therefore, the
provision of proper urban facilities and commercial activities do not necessarily ensure the
satisfactory operation of urban areas.
Finally, immigration appears to present inherent difficulties in the neighbourhood.
Especially in the southern Raval, a "conquest" of public spaces by immigrants (and the
potential stigmatization) was identified during the fieldwork, limiting the interest of other
residents in accessing such spaces (see picture S5, S9). The local government has been
unable to change such a dynamic in order to attract other population groups and social
classes. Social configuration and the potential perception of urban areas, then, are elements
to take into consideration in the understanding of public spaces in Raval.
The above situation can clearly be observed in the Rambla del Raval, the main
public space in the South. This space was created in order to develop a new urban route
between the beach and the mountain. The basic idea was to build a new space for the
enjoyment of the general public, to provide access to other areas of the city, to improve the
areas in the vicinity and to revalorize the original infrastructure (Cabrera 2007, 181). The
Rambla del Raval is located just 400m from the Rambla de Canaletes and 500m from the
Ronda Sant Antoni which would eventually lead to the development of this public space as
one of the main reference points for both locals and tourists.
There were significant complications from the start, however. First, the destruction
of a large number of buildings was necessary for the creation of the Rambla del Raval.
Second, such demolition meant transferring a large number of people to other areas of the
neighbourhood, thus breaking significant territorial ties. Furthermore, its urban furniture
and landmarks are poor and there are no notable attraction or landmarks and this limits the
amount of time that groups other than local residents, especially immigrants, wish to spend
there. During fieldwork, large numbers of immigrants were found in this area, easily
identifiable by their clothes, physical features and language. Authors such as Gaspar et al.
[124]
(2002, 126) and Fundació Tot Raval (2004, 65) have offered similar assessments regarding
public spaces in the city.
The dynamics of this public space and many others in the South is characterized by
its being only a place of transit. Therefore, a space which does not provide activities,
services, facilities or complementary elements capable of attracting members of other
population groups. Gaspar et al. (2002, 126) state that such areas are attractive neither to
tourists nor to residents of neighbouring areas. The authors assess that these spaces are
characterized by gatherings of local residents, thus restricting the possibility of changing
the environment and its pre-existing audiences. A public space like this becomes a no man's
land without leaders or sponsors.
The characteristics of public spaces in the northern area of the Raval are different
from those in the South. This situation cannot, however, be generalized, as certain
shortcomings can also be seen in this sector. Despite this, public spaces in the North,
notably the Plaça dels Àngels and its related facilities (CCCB, MACBA and other cultural
and educational facilities), have lent ‘added value’ to the vicinity.138 There are many other
spaces to be highlighted in addition to this square, such as the Plaça de les Caramelles,
Plaça de Vicenç Martorell, Plaça de Castella, Mercat de Sant Josep (Mercat de la
Boqueria). A greater number and variety of supplementary activities can be found around
these spaces than is the case in the South. Tourists and other foreign populations (from
neighboring districts) were also identified. Among these spaces are Plaça dels Àngels,
Mercat de Sant Josep, Plaça de Vicenç Martorell and Plaça de Joan Coromines (see pictures
S3, S4 and S10).
The attraction of other population groups is due to the large number of positive
externalities in the vicinity, creating spaces with many facilities and thus creating added
138
The positive externalities generated around this space have also been linked to the aim of attracting
other population groups. This attraction takes place through the development of particular activities and the
participation of the local population. Gaspar et al. (2002, 123) mention some examples of this, such as
Vecinos del museu (1996), Mirades sobre el museu (1996), Mascara i mirall (1997), Fotografies de Beat
Streuli (1 997), La ciutat de les paraules (1998), and Art i espai públic (2000). The benefits of the projects
carried out by the museums and other organizations in this area (Plaça dels Àngels) have involved the active
participation of the local residents.
[125]
value for such sectors. The amenities to be found in this area include museums, theatres,
cultural buildings, improved urban infrastructure (including underground parking) and
specialized commercial activities (music shops, cosmopolitan bars and restaurants,
galleries, jeweller's, facilities for children and so forth). Mercat de la Boqueria is a suitable
example. One of the most popular attractions in the city, it is a free market at which visitors
can experience a large variety of sensations (colours and smells) through a large variety of
products. These conditions are complemented by its historical richness and its location on
the Rambla de Canaletes, favouring access to the neighbourhood, for example around
Hospital and Sant Pau. These kinds of attractions encourage the development of other
major activities in the area and the general improvement of the location.
This reality in terms of public spaces in the North and the South should not be
generalized, however. The problems discussed in the configuration of public spaces in the
South can also be found in the North in places such as the Plaça de Pedro, Plaça del Dupte,
Plaça d`Emill Vendrell, and Jardins de Rubio i Lluch. Such areas also suffer from a lack of
commercial facilities, social problems such as alcoholism and drug addiction (widely
recognizable), and an inability to attract a variety of social groups. Many of them have
therefore become simple crossing sites. Similarly, public spaces with good dynamics can
also be found in the South, such as the Plaça de Sant Agustí and sectors around the
Maritime Museum near the Port of Barcelona.
The functionality of the public spaces in Raval was not, therefore, as expected. The
success of public spaces in terms of being areas which should provide a better distribution
of land uses and facilities and which should generate added values for the surrounding area
is not equal across the whole neighbourhood. In this respect, the North of Raval is greatly
favoured. Local government, in partnership with the local population, need to face this
reality, to develop and improve the condition of public spaces and aim to provide new
places for recreation. These places must not be conceived only in terms of places for
contemplation, but for experiences that take into account the historical, cultural and
touristic wealth that the neighbourhood offers.
Notwithstanding, such development should be supplemented by a multitude of
activities in order to facilitate higher added values (Cabrera 2007, 181; Chilese and Russo
[126]
2008, 20). The role of commercial activities is very important for creating more dynamic
areas, but what is more important than the promotion of particular activities is the
renovation of those that already exist, the complementarity of activities (avoiding the
‘theming’ of urban spaces by over-representation processes), and exploiting the potential
attractions in the neighbourhood.139 Efforts to enhance such spaces should encourage the
meeting of local people and visitors (international or local) and enable everyone to identify
with such areas.
6.6 Basic ‘Urban Furniture’
This section outlines basic urban facilities in order to better comprehend the urban
configuration of Raval and its contextualization. The presence of good quality urban
furniture leads to a better urban configuration. Therefore, the premise that the urban space
exemplifies the hierarchy or reality of a given area implies that spaces lacking specific
urban facilities are disadvantaged as access to such elements is limited. Urban furniture
includes such items as hygiene (refuse collection containers), public services (phone boxes,
newspaper and magazine stalls, ONCE stands, public post boxes, parking meters) and
decoration and comfort (public water fountains).
6.6.1 Waste Disposal Collection Containers
Domestic waste containers (rubbish bins) are in five different colours: yellow (for
plastics), blue (for paper,) green (for glass), grey (for inorganic waste) and brown (for
organic waste). The availability of these facilities is an important indicator of political
commitment to recycling and sustainability. Moreover, it means the encouragement of
appropriate behaviour among local residents regarding waste management. Good operation
of these elements implies the possibility of having better urban areas in terms of hygiene
and general comfort.
The location of containers for domestic waste collection in the district can be
divided into two groups. The distribution of blue, green and yellow (basic) containers and
139
The activities that can provide more added value to particular areas are all those that complement the
daily activities of people and facilitate their meeting, such as coffee shops, ATMs, bars-restaurants (they do
not need to be very modern), supermarkets, clothing stores, and cultural and educational amenities.
[127]
the distribution of grey and brown (complementary) containers (see picture 10). Basic
containers (sometimes accompanied by the other two colours) are located mostly on the
edges of the district, especially in the West on Parallel Avenue, Ronda Sant Pau, Ronda
Sant Antoni, Ronda Universitat and in the North on Pelai. Similarly, there is a
concentration on major streets of the neighbourhood such as near the MACBA, Rambla del
Raval, Sant Pau, Nou de la Rambla and Drassanes Avenue. Complementary containers on
the other hand are located abundantly in the neighbourhood without any particular pattern.
There is a notable lack of basic containers in BSAs 4, 5, and 6 (in the West of the
neighbourhood).
In inner areas of these BSAs 4 and 5 only one area providing this urban furniture
(basic containers) was identified. Bisbe Laguarda and Riera Alta offer four different areas
for the collection of waste. There are significant gaps in the provision of basic containers on
streets such as Sant Vicenç, Lluna, Lleo, Ferlandina, Guifré, Reina Amalia, Riereta,
Carretes, Princep de Viana, and Sant Antoni Abat. There was also a notable absence of
waste disposal equipment in BSA 3 (in the East of the neighbourhood) on streets such as
Arc de Sant Agustí, Floristeries de la Rambla, Jerusalem, and Robador. This situation
reduces community participation in domestic waste management and has negative effects
on the urban environment in terms of health and hygiene.
6.6.2 Newspaper and Magazine Stalls
There are eight kiosks of this type and three of them are at the edge of Raval in the
western section on Parallel Avenue (near Nou de la Rambla), Ronda Sant Pau (near Sant
Antoni Abat) and Ronda Sant Antoni (near Riera Alta) (see picture 10). The five other
locations offering this service are first order streets (at least 3 of them) going from East to
West across the neighbourhood and concentrating significant foot traffic and commercial
activity. These streets are Hospital near Rambla de Canaletes, Mercat de la Boqueria and
Plaça de Sant Agustí, Carme near Àngels and Tallers in the vicinity of Valdonzella. The
last street providing this element is Santa Madrona near Drassanes underground station
(L3) and several hotels.
The provision of this amenity can therefore be considered extremely limited.
Several favourable aspects of the neighbourhood, such as the large amount of pedestrian
[128]
traffic (tourists and foreigners) in many of its streets and the important attractions have not
been exploited to the benefit of this activity; priority has been given to the most ‘important’
streets of the neighbourhood.
6.6.3 ONCE Stands
During the fieldwork fifteen ONCE stands were identified, and like many other
facilities these were largely on the perimeter of the neighbourhood (see picture 10). ONCE
is a national lottery service based on the cooperation and inclusion of people with
disabilities and which aims to encourage commercial, political, social and other projects.
Some 12 of the kiosks (80%) are on the edges of Raval, particularly in the western and
northern sectors. The small area of Ronda Universitat and Pelai Street is home to a large
number of stands. The other three premises are situated in the southern part of the
neighbourhood on Santa Madrona Street, Drassanes Avenue and Sant Oleguer Street. The
location of this element exemplifies the priority given to particular sectors or streets in
Raval.
Picture 10: Different Urban Furniture in Raval, Barcelona, 2013
Source: Azofeifa, J.
The existence of a notable inequity in the distribution and access to this facility has
been identified. It is remarkable that the use of or access to this facility for the majority of
[129]
the population in the inner areas of Raval is very restricted. This situation could be
considered inconsistent with ONCE’s policy of including people experiencing physical and
social disadvantage.
6.6.4 Public Post Boxes
Regarding post boxes, a significant difference between the southern and northern
sectors of Raval was recognized (see picture 11). The southern sector contains 37% of all
post boxes but 86% of this amount is located on the borders of Raval. There is only one
post box inside the neighbourhood, at the intersection of Nou de la Rambla and Drassanes
Avenue (major streets in the neighbourhood as mentioned before).
In the northern part of the district the reality is distinct not only in terms of the
number of post boxes but also in terms of the distribution and access to them by the
population. In this area of the neighbourhood there is a more equitable distribution of this
facility, notably around the MACBA on streets such as Àngels, Montealegre and Carme, as
well as Riera Alta and Pelai. However, it should also be stated that the western sector of the
northern part of Raval (BSAs 5 and 6) experiences a total lack of this service on streets
such as Sant Vicenç, Lluna, Lleo, Ferlandina, Tigre and Joaquín Costa. Therefore, the
existence of greater provision of this service in the North should not be assumed to be true
for the entire area as significant gaps can be identified.
6.6.5 Public Phone Boxes
There are twenty nine public phone boxes in Raval (see picture 11). The South
contains 35% of these, most of which are again on the borders of the neighbourhood, such
as on Rambla del Raval, Parallel Avenue, Ronda Sant Pau and Rambla de Canaletes. Inner
areas of BSAs 4, 3 and 2 generally lack this facility. From some streets it is totally absent,
such as Riereta, Carretes, Reina Amalia, Robador, Junta de Comerç, Sant Pau, Marquès de
Barberà, De l'Om and Santa Madrona. In the northern sector there is a wider distribution,
but it is not entirely balanced. Provision on the northern boundary in the surroundings of
Ronda Universitat and Pelai Street represents approximately 42% of the total provision in
Raval. This trend is complemented by streets such as Peu de la Creu, Àngels and Pintor
Fortuny near the MACBA and the Rambla de Canaletes. Despite differences in the
[130]
distribution pattern of this service between the North and the South the same concentration
trend over the boundaries and main roads can be seen.
In summary, there is a predominance of this urban furniture in BSAs 7 and 8 and at
the edges of Raval. In BSAs 5 and 6 serious weaknesses in the supply of this service can be
identified, particularly in inner roads. However, the availability of the element is also very
poor in inner areas of BSAs 1 and 3. In these areas there is a conspicuous absence of the
service on streets such as Lancaster, Guardia, Montserrat, Perecamps, Junta de Comerç,
Robador, Sant Rafael and San Ramón.
6.6.6 Parking Meters
The availability of this service is determined by the patterns of mobility (motorized)
in the neighbourhood (see picture 11). In the southern sector its availability is related to the
axis defined by Drassanes Avenue, Sant Oleguer and the Rambla del Raval. From this axis
and according to the physical characteristics of the neighbourhood (particularly the streets)
there are other areas in which such amenities exist, such as on Guardia, Montserrat, Santa
Madrona, and the surroundings of Jardins dels Horst de Sant Pau. In BSAs 3 and 4 there is
a paucity of this facility, which is strange considering the importance and influential
character of Hospital street in BSA 3. However, in BSA 4 the absence is understandable as
many of its streets are extremely narrow. There is therefore no possibility of parking on
public roads and there is a complete absence of this service on streets such as Riereta,
Carretes and Reina Amalia.
In the northern sector this facility is available in an area defined by Pintor Fortuny,
Peu de la Creu and Riera Alta. These streets have the largest number of meters together
with Egipciaques, Erasme de Janer and Bisbe Laguarda. The most important gaps could be
seen in the northern sector of Hospital Street, the West of Joaquín Costa, and in the vicinity
of Tallers. Thus, the provision of this service is located in the vicinity of the main
pedestrianized streets as well as streets designed for cars in order to complement walking
activities with motorized transport, and to provide parking facilities for the residents of
nearby streets.
[131]
6.6.7 Public Water Fountains
The assessment of public water fountains in the neighbourhood indicates the low
importance given to this facility by the local government despite its importance to the local
population, tourists, animals, as well as to other related urban needs. A total of nine public
fountains distributed throughout the neighbourhood were identified (see picture 11).
Picture 11: Different Urban Furniture in Raval, Barcelona, 2013
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Most of these facilities are located in major parks and public spaces such as in the
vicinity of the Maritime Museum of Barcelona, Jardins de les Voltes d`en Cires, Plaça
Folch y Torres, Jardins de Rubió i Lluch, Plaça de Sant Agusti, and Joaquín Costa.
Nevertheless, the fountains are in a very dilapidated state, showing the low investment by
local authorities. Moreover, the poor condition of this element in Raval can be linked with
the difficult social situation in specific sectors of Raval’s population, which may lead to a
more rapid deterioration of the condition of this amenity.
[132]
CHAPTER VII: PERCEPTION OF THE INHABITANTS
The survey of the residents of Raval was a complementary task to the main body of the
research. The main idea was to identify important characteristics of the neighbourhood
from the residents’ point of view. The following tables show the major problems assessed
and the evaluation scale. The residents assigned a value from 1 to 8 for each problem
according to their perception of its severity.
Table 10: Main Issues evaluated during the Fieldwork
Letter
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
Problem
High density of people and vehicles
Drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution
Lack of economic activity
Lack of facilities (equipment)
Lack of public transport
Isolation–lack of communication (social)
Pollution (acoustic, environmental)
Lack of security
Table 11: Categories of Analysis for the Interview
Grouping
1-2
3-4
5-6
7-8
Category
1
2
3
4
Level of the problem
Extremely Problematic
Very Problematic
Problematic
Tolerable
Source: Azofeifa, J.
In order to facilitate the interpretation of the residents’ assessment, their ratings
were categorized. This classification was based on the grouping of the residents’
evaluations. Thus, the citizens’ perceptions about a particular problem evaluated with a
severity of 1 or 2 were grouped into a category called Extremely Problematic; values of 3
and 4 were grouped into a category called Very Problematic, and so on, as the above table
shows. Moreover, in order to facilitate the representation and interpretation of the results,
each problem was assigned a letter (table 10).
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7.1 Evaluation by Specific Population Sectors
7.1.1 People Aged over 35
The most serious problems (Extremely Problematic) for this sector of the population
are: pollution (acoustic, environmental), drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution and lack of
security, showing values of 24%, 23% and 21% respectively. Many people in this age range
also felt that the lack of public transport was less problematic (Tolerable). Around 90% of
the respondents classified it in this category.
7.1.2 People Aged between 25 and 35
According to this population group the main problems are drug addiction–
alcoholism–prostitution and pollution (acoustic, environmental). Their assessment of these
issues as Extremely Problematic was in marked contrast to their assessment of the other
three categories, demonstrating a definite tendency to consider the negative effects of such
problems. Conversely, the low provision of public transport, the lack of economic activity
and the lack of facilities are considered minor problems (Tolerable) with approximate
values of 26%, 16% and 14% respectively. Their perception of issues such as a lack of
security, the high density of people and vehicles, and drug addiction–alcoholism–
prostitution also receives fairly high values in the second category (Very Problematic), thus
betraying their perception of these issues as potentially problematic in the neighbourhood.
7.1.3 People Aged under 25
The same trend is observable in this sector in terms of their perception of the main
problems, but the magnitude is lower. The problems of drug addiction–alcoholism–
prostitution and pollution (acoustic, environmental) are the most problematic issues, but
with a less severe assessment (categories 2 and 3) for the issues of high density of people
and vehicles, lack of economic activity, lack of facilities, lack of public transport, and
isolation–lack of communication (social). This can probably be explained by the fact that
people in this age group have grown up in completely different circumstances from those
that characterized the neighbourhood in previous years or decades – problems that the older
generation still perceived as highly negative.
[134]
7.1.4 Male Respondents
The evaluation by men shows a clear tendency towards a negative evaluation of
three particular issues, namely drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution, pollution (acoustic,
environmental), and lack of security, with values of approximately 27%, 24% and 17%
respectively. Conversely, a lack of public transport is clearly seen by many in this profile as
unproblematic. An intermediate evaluation (categories 2 and 3) can be observed for other
issues, especially the high density of people and vehicles, the lack of facilities, and the lack
of security.
7.1.5 Female Respondents
The assessment made by women about the problems of Raval is similar to that made
by men. For the women of the neighbourhood, pollution (acoustic, environmental) is the
most problematic issue (category 1), representing 27% of the evaluations in this category.
Like men, women consider drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution to be a limitation to
take into account in Raval. Fewer negative evaluations (Tolerable) by women can be seen
in relation to the lack of public transport and the lack of facilities, with values of 31% and
15% of the evaluations respectively.
7. 2 Complementary Aspects
Diagram 21: Main Means of Transport used by Residents of Raval (percentages)
8,96
4,48
37,31
Train/Underground
On Foot
13,43
Bicycle
Bus
Motorcycle
Car
23,88
11,94
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Diagram 21 shows the main means of transport used by residents of Raval. The
main means of transport is the train or underground, representing around 37% of all
journeys. The second most common means of transport is the bicycle, followed by the bus,
with approximate values of 24% and 14% respectively. Cars and motorcycles show the
[135]
lowest values, with roughly 5% and 9% respectively. While the value for travel on foot is
low, this value should not be misinterpreted. Many people who reported using the train or
underground as the main means of transportation must travel on foot to inner areas of the
neighbourhood due to the lack of public transport alternatives. The importance of this type
of travel is therefore underestimated in the chart.
Diagram 22: Location of Leisure Activities used by Residents of Raval (percentages)
8,22
23,29
9,59
Neighbourhood
Other
Neighbourhood
Other Municipality
Outside the
Metropolitan Area
31,51
27,40
Irregular
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Diagram 22 shows where people of the neighbourhood access leisure activities.
Many residents – the highest value, of around 32% – travel to another district of the city. A
similarly large number of residents make use of facilities in Raval and other
neighbourhoods of the district (Ciutat Vella), with values of approximately 23% and 27%
respectively. By contrast, there are lower values for the development of activities outside
the metropolitan area or in irregular locations. ‘Irregular location’ means a combination of
the other categories, with no one category taking precedence.
My initial expectation regarding the use of leisure facilities in the neighbourhood
was not high. However, the values show that 24% of people use the neighbourhood as a
recreational space. Despite exceeding expectations, however, this value should not be
misinterpreted. There is still a need to increase the use of spaces in the neighbourhood
which local residents do not perceive as interesting. It should also be emphasized that there
are spatial differences within the neighbourhood regarding the use of these spaces. Positive
evaluations of the residents regarding the enjoyment or utilization of such areas are focused
primarily in the northern sections of Raval. In this area, the provision of a variety of
[136]
facilities, the type of facility, and the environment surrounding them foster or favour
greater use and enjoyment.
Diagram 23: Length of Time Living in the Neighbourhood (percentages)
17,81
21,92
< 1 year
1-2 years
2-5 years
21,92
5-10 years
10-20 years
17,81
8,22
> 20 years
12,33
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Diagram 23 shows how many years people have been living in Raval according to
the data collected during the survey. A significant number of people have been living in the
neighbourhood for many years, creating strong territorial ties. Roughly 40% of the
population has been living in the area for over 10 years. However, almost 22% of people
have been living in the area for less than one year.
These figures reflect two important contrasts. On the one hand, the neighbourhood
is perceived as dynamic, constantly changing, and mostly inhabited by young people (and
immigrants) in search of cheaper housing. On the other hand, much of the population has
settled and stayed in the neighbourhood. This permanence could be due to people’s
inability to find other areas of the city that offer the same benefits as Raval (such as low
rent, and being in the city centre with easy access to a large number of shops and services –
at least in some sectors). Raval has also been used for many years as a first destination by
migrants (and in recent years, for many groups, the first and only destination).
[137]
7.3 Evaluation of the Issues According to each BSA
The following description of the main trends in the evaluation of problems by the
residents of individual BSAs aims to identify differences or similarities between BSAs.
Basic Statistical Area 1
Residents of BSA 1 show a highly negative assessment of many of the issues
analysed. For category 1 (Extremely Problematic) the most negative perception is about
drug addiction– alcoholism–prostitution, with a value of 21%. The lack of economic
activity, the lack of facilities, isolation–lack of communication (social), and the lack of
security are also classified as Very Problematic, each with values around 15%. With regard
to category 4 (Tolerable), citizens agree that the lack of public transport is the least
problematic issue, with roughly 29% of the reviews in this category. Less negative values
(categories 2 and 3) are also found in relation to the high density of people and vehicles.
Basic Statistical Area 2
The perception of residents in BSA 2 shows similar tendencies regarding the major
problems. Situations leading to a more negative perception (category 1) in this sector are
pollution (acoustic, environmental) and drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution with
approximate values of 32% and 27% respectively. The evaluation of the inhabitants
indicates that the less problematic situations (Problematic and Tolerable) are the lack of
public transport, isolation–lack of communication (social), and the lack of facilities. In this
BSA, the highest values were found in the second category (Very Problematic) and
regarded issues such as high density of people and vehicles and the lack of facilities, with
respective values of 20% and 21%.
Basic Statistical Area 3
In this BSA, a very marked pattern regarding the main problems is observed. Drug
addiction–alcoholism–prostitution and pollution (acoustic, environmental) were evaluated
as Extremely Problematic with values of 26% and 28% respectively. In the same category,
high values can be seen for issues such as lack of security and the high density of people
and vehicles. Meanwhile the category of Very Problematic also shows high assessments
[138]
with regard to the lack of facilities and isolation–lack of communication (social), each with
values of 22%. In addition, fewer negative evaluations (Tolerable) were recognized for the
lack of public transport, lack of facilities and lack of economic activity, with values
between 21% and 18% respectively.
Basic Statistical Area 4
This BSA also experiences the most negative evaluations for drug addiction–
alcoholism–prostitution and pollution (acoustic, environmental). Each of these situations
represents 29% of all evaluations in this category (Extremely Problematic). The least severe
category for this BSA is represented by the lack of public transport, lack of facilities and
lack of economic activity, with approximate values of 28% for the first of these and 16%
for the other two. Everybody perceived a lack of public transport as unproblematic
(category 4).
Basic Statistical Area 5
The majority of respondents in this BSA agree that the major drawbacks (category
1) are pollution (acoustic, environmental) and drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution with
approximate values of 29% and 21% respectively. In addition, high perceptions for many of
the problems can be seen in the category Very Problematic (category 2). Issues such as the
high density of people and vehicles, drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution, isolation–lack
of communication (social) and a lack of security can be noted, with approximate values of
between 12% and 20%. As with the other BSAs, the lack of public transport has the highest
ratings in category 4 (Tolerable), receiving a total of 40% of the evaluations in this
category.
Basic Statistical Area 6
In this BSA, the highest values in the first category (Extremely Problematic) are for
the lack of economic activity, pollution (acoustic, environmental), and lack of security,
each showing values of approximately 22%. The perception of problems in this BSA shows
a similar pattern in many of the 4 categories. The issue of drug addiction–alcoholism–
prostitution, for example, shows the same value in each of the 4 categories. The lack of
[139]
public transport shows the same values in categories 2 and 4, and lack of security shows the
same values in categories 1 and 2. These data demonstrate that the perception of problems
in this BSA is very diverse and that there may be significant differences in the assessments.
It may also reflect the potential contrasts in the configuration of this BSA.
Basic Statistical Area 7
The most problematic issue in this BSA is different from that in other BSAs. In this
case, residents perceived the main problem (category 1) as the lack of security, followed by
pollution (acoustic, environmental), with approximate values of 28% and 24% respectively.
As in other BSAs, however, the lack of public transport is perceived as the least significant
problem. Category 3 (Problematic) shows the highest values for the issues of a lack of
economic activity and lack of facilities, reflecting a lower perception of the issues as
negative characteristics of the neighbourhood.
Basic Statistical Area 8
In this BSA, the first evaluation category (Extremely Problematic) shows that pollution
(acoustic, environmental), and drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution are the most
problematic issues, with values of roughly 32% and 26% respectively. A lack of security is
perceived as Very Problematic (category 2), with much higher values compared to the other
problems. As with the other BSAs, the lack of public transport was perceived as the least
problematic issue (Tolerable) with a value 88%.
Final Observations
The exploration of mobility and the spatial distribution of leisure activities
demonstrated the existence of particular behaviour patterns among the population, such as
the relatively high use of public transport, whether underground/train, bus, or Bicing; the
use of private means of transport such as car or motorcycle was much lower. Public
transport remained the majority choice despite there being limited options in the
neighbourhood, especially towards the inner Raval. Also identified was the level of use of
recreation spaces within Raval, with around one in four people claiming to access leisure
[140]
facilities within the neighbourhood. This is a reasonably high ratio considering the history
of stigmatization and the economic and social reality of the neighbourhood. It will still be a
major task, however, to boost participation in both areas of the neighbourhood, the North
and the South.
Two contrasting realities in terms of length of residence in the neighbourhood were
identified. Raval is a dynamic and changing space, exposed to constant movement, and is
characterized by high levels of in-migration by those seeking better economic
opportunities, especially young people looking for cheap accommodation, generally as
temporary residents. But there are also many members of the community who have been
living in Raval for a long period of time, and who have significant territorial ties to the
neighbourhood. This contrast is a phenomenon that must be considered when applying
planning policies.
Through the evaluation of the perception of residents in different BSAs it was
possible to identify important trends concerning the relative severity of the problems they
face. Residents of all BSAs agreed that the apparent lack of public transport is the least
problematic issue of all those under consideration. On the other hand, there is a very
negative assessment of issues such as drug addiction–alcoholism–prostitution, pollution
(acoustic and environmental), and lack of security. These issues are clearly related to the
social make-up of the neighbourhood. Raval appears to be a space characterized by
immigration, poverty, and greater social risk factors in terms of education, household
structure, and the quality of infrastructure and facilities, among others. All the above
aspects generate varying degrees of negative perception among the different population
groups.
These perceptions appear to be related to the processes of stigmatization that
surround the neighbourhood. Negative perceptions seem to hamper the development of a
positive approach to tackling the issues that hold Raval back from further improvement.
This perception deviates, however, from observations made during the fieldwork, through
which a negative view of topics such as the provision of specialized activities, the diversity
within and quality of the neighbourhood infrastructure, alternatives means of transportation,
and lack of communication between social groups was identified. The less negative view of
[141]
the inhabitants concerning these issues may be due to perceived improvements within the
neighbourhood in recent years. The positive development of several areas of Raval,
compared to previous years, can generate positive (or not so negative) interpretations of the
current situation in the neighbourhood. For most people, the issues they are most concerned
about are those that directly affect or could affect their wellbeing, such as health, hygiene,
and safety; other issues concerning their everyday lives recede into the background. Finally,
people’s perceptions seem to be influenced by the stigmatization of the neighbourhood,
despite the fact that many of the negative images have more to do with the past than the
present.
Some of the main elements to be highlighted, based on the above assessment of the
Neighbourbood and its potential relation with the compact urban development are as
follows:

Differences in occupation of the territory in terms of housing and commercial
activities.

Poor accessibility to certain urban facilities.

Influence of certain development projects and the generation of externalities.

Differences of population profiles in the configuration of Raval.

Potential lack of commercial and social facilities.

Spatial and functional differences in such issues as public spaces, urban
infrastructure, urban furniture and related facilities.

Population groups and the generation of economic and spatial trends.

Others
[142]
CHAPTER VIII: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The current configuration of Raval is strongly linked to the history of the exclusion of
certain social groups, especially immigrants and the poor. These population groups have
played an important role in the configuration of the neighbourhood especially with respect
to the distribution of the population and other features of demography, the economy, urban
facilities, and so on.
Therefore, any attempt to understand how the neighbourhood functions must begin with
an exploration of the social reality of Raval, which, as has been shown in this research, is
characterized by significant internal variation in its social and demographic composition.
These differences were seen most clearly between the northern and southern sections of the
neighbourhood and its different BSAs. The northern section of the neighbourhood is an
area in which foreign population groups have not settled to the extent they have in the
southern section. This is certainly true of BSAs 7 and 8, although BSAs 5 and 6 are more
similar to the southern section of Raval. The high number of immigrants in the South has
been associated with such features as a more complex household structure, a much younger
population, more people per housing unit, lower levels of education, less specialization, low
'added value', and over-representation in the development of economic activities.
Conversely, the northern section presents a more consolidated structure with a greater
presence of single-family housing units, an older population (people with strong territorial
ties as a result of having lived in the area for several decades), and much higher education
levels (especially university level education), all of which suggests more favourable living
conditions in the North.
Raval's central position in the city is therefore not the only factor to take into
consideration in order to understand its configuration and how it functions - social structure
has been of equal influence. The reality of Raval according to its BSAs in terms of
commercial activities, intervention projects, facilities, and features such as public spaces,
suggests there is a significant level of differentiation in terms of the social and demographic
make-up of the neighbourhood. Social composition, for example, has had a large influence
[143]
on commercial enterprise in the neighbourhood, particularly the contrasts from one section
of the neighbourhood to the next.
The South (including the West), due to its social configuration, is commercially less
developed and diversified, and suffers from over-representation of businesses, which are in
the large part managed by immigrants. Businesses are not, therefore, aiming at
specialization of supply and are generally oriented towards satisfying local demand. This
general pattern was interpreted from a study of Internet and telephone services, hairdressing
salons, bars, restaurants, and butchers, and the identification of the important role played by
related businesses, and of the market for 'ethnic goods' among population groups settled in
particular areas. Commercial activity in the area is therefore limited to satisfying an
"undemanding" population. In the North, commerce is stronger and of a more cosmopolitan
nature. The profile of activities in this sector is clearly designed to cater to a wider section
of the population, and over-representation is replaced by diversification, meaning a greater
provision of alternative businesses, which are also of higher quality. As a consequence, the
North enjoys significant 'added values'. The differentiation between South and North is also
related to the specific needs of the population groups. In the southern part of Raval it has
been difficult to develop more and higher quality activities, so commercial activities with
low added-value characteristics have prevailed. The social and economic characteristics of
the residents have contributed greatly to the type of commerce available.
Fieldwork enabled me to recognize this relationship of particular population groups
(immigrants) and the development of certain commercial activities, such as the
commercialization of ethnic goods. Ethnic goods and related businesses characterized by
low added value, little modernization, and poor conditions raise some contradictions. On
the one hand there are positive aspects, as businesses such as grocery stores, greengrocer's,
butchers, laundries and Internet and telephone services facilitate close social contact among
the population. Such encounters in a densely populated area with narrow streets and a
shortage of public spaces helps to generate important communication networks and
information exchange. On the other hand, these activities foster processes of exclusion as
well as the 'theming' of urban space. Today, the presence of 'proximity commerce' should,
[144]
however, ensure the important provision of alternative commerce and services in order to
attract other customers.
The development and supply of commercial activities and the benefits linked to them
has not, therefore, been fully balanced across the neighbourhood. Important streets such as
Rambla de Canaletes, Àngels (including the MACBA and its surroundings), and to a lesser
extent the Rambla del Raval host the main concentration of businesses and therefore
benefits in this respect. The above axis, along with streets such as Hospital, Sant Pau,
Carme, Riera Alta, Nou de la Rambla, and Pintor Fortuny, has facilitated the generation of
higher levels of commercial activity and economic diversity particularly towards the West
through connections with Rambla de Canaletes and Ronda Sant Antoni. In the northern
direction (from the beach to the mountain) the streets experiencing dynamic development
are scarce and limited to Drassanes Avenue, Rambla del Raval, Joaquín Costa, Àngels and
the eastern and western boundaries of the neighbourhood. Some of the streets in this regard
are Ronda Sant Pau, Ronda Sant Antoni, Pelai and Rambla de Canaletes (borders of the
neighbourhood).
More favourable configurations in some streets and sectors of Raval have been linked
to particular intervention processes and projects, exemplified by the MACBA and its
apparent positive effects on social composition, commercial activity, housing, and other
facilities in the vicinity. The greater the distance from this attraction the greater the number
of shortcomings in the configuration of the neighbourhood, such as a lack of modernization
in businesses, a lack of complementary commercial activities, a general lack of facilities
and a higher prevalence of proximity commerce. This situation can be seen for example in
the West of Raval, in BSAs 4, 5, and 6, where important deficiencies were identified in
terms of such aspects as commercial activity, the quality of the infrastructure and urban
furniture. Furthermore, these sectors coincide with higher levels of settlement by the more
disadvantaged population groups, for example immigrants. In some streets of the South, the
urban configuration presents major insufficiencies because of the limited presence of major
landmarks and because of high levels of stigmatization. The streets of the South are more
'popular' in character, and commerce is designed to meet local needs, with little
specialization.
[145]
Assessment of the urban composition and a consideration of the compact urban
development allows the drawing of certain conclusions. The model addresses the basic
principles of design and development of urban areas on the basis of equality and
sustainability. The most important aspect to understand regarding compact city model is
that a city must be designed for the enjoyment of its citizens (a city for the citizens).
Considering such assumptions and the configuration of Raval, as discussed in the preceding
paragraphs, the neighbourhood certainly does not seem to follow all of these principles.
A very important aspect of the model is mobility. Transport alternatives in Raval are
confined to the perimeter of the region and there is little provision of public transport
within the neighbourhood itself. The best option is the bus service, but this is also confined
largely to the boundaries and main roads of the neighbourhood, thus limiting access to the
service for important sectors of the neighbourhood. This situation takes on even greater
significance if the social and demographic structure of Raval is considered, especially the
high levels of social and economic risk factors among particular groups. The provision of
the Bicing service is a positive element in the transportation networks, especially as it
provides the possibility of connection with other means of transport, but the service is
limited to certain geographical and social sectors of the population. Therefore, beyond
attempts to accommodate pedestrians (many streets are designed for foot traffic) over cars
in the configuration of the neighbourhood, the overall provision for complementary
transportation networks is poor.
Another basic aspect of the compact city model is an effective relationship between
residential, commercial and service facilities. The combination of users and uses in the
neighbourhood should be ensured in order to create more civic spaces and thus facilitate
improved social interaction and equity. However, through the evaluation of commercial
activities it was possible to identify that the mixture of uses exists only partially, in the
northern section of Raval (BSAs 7 and 8), and in particular streets. By contrast, in most of
the BSAs of the neighbourhood there is a lack of specialization and diversity, and poor
provision of commercial activity offering such benefits to the population. The monofunctional / single use in the configuration of particular sectors implies poor linkages within
the urban space, meaning residents need to travel to other BSAs of Raval, or other
[146]
neighbourhoods of the city, in order to avail themselves of particular services and
commercial facilities.
Regarding intervention and rehabilitation projects in Raval a particular pattern was
identified, namely a difference in the number, type and importance of interventions from
one sector to another. Urban intervention has been used as a tool for dealing with the
differing physical and social problems across the neighbourhood. In Raval, projects aimed
at improving and revitalizing the urban context have been undertaken with respect to issues
such as urban decline, social problems, housing infrastructure, and community facilities.
These projects have been planned according to the varying needs of the northern and
southern areas of the neighbourhood.
On the other hand, the function of public spaces as a constitutive element of the urban
configuration also displays significant drawbacks in Raval. There are very few public
spaces in the neighbourhood, and only a small number of them have benefitted from any
initiatives. The public spaces play a limited role in the reality of the neighbourhood so the
benefits that these areas can offer is also limited. Among the most important weaknesses to
be highlighted is the lack of complementary activities and services, the poor quality of the
infrastructure, and a serious lack of 'urban furniture', all of which combines to make the
spaces of limited attraction either to tourists or to local residents. The potential benefits of
the public spaces in Raval have been further hampered by stigmatization. All of this
reduces the opportunity to experience the historical and cultural richness of the
neighbourhood, and reduces the potential for generating cultural meaning and social
cohesion.
Being able to walk around and enjoy urban places is an important principle of the
compact urban development. The consideration of specific services and basic urban
furniture in Raval helped me to identify the gaps regarding this issue (walkable spaces) in
the configuration of the neighbourhood. The distribution of these elements suggests that
access to and within the neighbourhood has not been adequately provided for. The better
facilities are located on the western borders and northern parts of Raval, and in the Rambla
de Canaletes in the East, thus limiting the benefits of such elements to the perimeters and
[147]
restricting the possibilities of entering, walking around, experiencing, and enjoying the
neighbourhood.
Moreover in terms of a peripheral location there is also a tendency for these elements to
be concentrated on the main streets, such as Hospital, Carme, Sant Pau, Nou de la Rambla,
Tallers, Drassanes, Oleguer, Rambla de Raval, Joaquín Costa, and Àngels. Among the units
of analysis that allowed me to interpret this situation are underground and bus services, post
boxes, phone boxes, ONCE stands, newspaper and magazine kiosks and others. People
living in the inner regions of the BSAs have limited access to these facilities. This lack of
convenience is even more significant if certain characteristics of the population (such as
social and economic risk factors) are considered.
The improvement of facilities and related services should be encouraged in order to
create a new image and interpretation of the urban space. The development and appropriate
promotion of facilities, the generation of more interesting features, and the
complementarity of commercial activities and services must take place. This would lead to
a greater sense of ownership by, and greater participation of, the population in terms of how
the neighbourhood functions, and would strengthen existing values (or establish new ones)
with respect to 'shaping' the city.
Another important element to be highlighted in Raval is the potential value of the
numerous buildings that are not in use or are under repair, but which are currently
considered unattractive by the population The reality of Raval has changed significantly
with the efforts of the Provincial Council and the participation of the local community, and
renovation of these spaces should, it is believed, contribute to the reactivation of economic
activity within the neighbourhood. The development of commercial alternatives could help
to change the stigmatized image of Raval and encourage more and better routes into the
city in order to enable the discovery and enhancement of the city's richness.
In practice, the compact urban development model is unable to predict certain
weaknesses. Although the model refers to basic means of optimizing urban spaces, these
seem to be focused on the initial stages of the planning process. What I mean by this is that
the model incorporates various concepts and ideas but does not provide guidelines
[148]
concerning how to carry them out. This weakness is particularly important in cases such as
Raval where historical heritage is an important aspect of the configuration of the city, and
the particular layout and small size of the streets, the type and quality of the buildings, and
the high density of the population, could have a serious impact on the potential application
of some of the basic principles of the model.
Another example which can help to illustrate this situation is the fact that although
pedestrianization has been promoted in the neighbourhood (consciously or unconsciously),
which is a principle of the compact urban development, there is little public transport and a
lack of related infrastructure. This means the encouragement of one element does not imply
sufficient conditions for the accomplishment of the other. Raval is certainly a dense, or
compact, neighbourhood (in terms of population and built up spaces). Nevertheless, this
spatial structure does not necessarily signify the appropriateness of a compact urban
development model, which requires the supplementing of elements, one by the other, as
mentioned in the previous paragraphs.
Despite the above remarks, the model and its main assumptions allowed me to
recognize some significant weaknesses of the neighbourhood configuration and its
relationship to certain concepts, especially equality, in terms of which it is clear that
fragmentation processes in the neighbourhood do exist. Fragmentation has been discussed
in several sections of the research by evaluating the units of observation and their potential
relationships. Analysis of these observation units reveals significant differentiation with
respect to their spatial distribution, leading to an interpretation of the existence of a clear
spatial hierarchy, with some areas enjoying greater social and economic benefits and
higher-grade facilities.
The above differences were contextualized according to different aspects. First, by a
comparison between the BSAs of the North (especially BSAs 7 and 8) and the other BSAs.
Secondly, through differences between the outer (peripheral) and inner regions of Raval
with respect to urban 'furniture' and other facilities, in which regard more favourable
conditions could be identified on the edges of the neighbourhood. Thirdly, according to the
influence that certain public spaces exert on their surroundings. One example of this
situation was the case of the MACBA, which accords the benefits of higher added value to
[149]
nearby streets rather than to other spaces created with the same intention but without
meeting those expectations. Furthermore, the social structure of the neighbourhood
(particularly with respect to the immigrant population) has created particular trends, for
example regarding the appropriation or rejection of particular spaces and the definition of
particular commercial facilities.
Raval is a neighbourhood that experiences high levels of immigration, and these
population groups, and the heterogeneity they bring (interpreted as negative), cannot be
excluded from planning policies. On the contrary, this diverse, multi-cultural situation
should be seen as an opportunity for cultural exchange through the recognition that
diversity is an advantage - a positive aspect - which nonetheless presents significant
challenges in terms of encouraging joint participation. The overcoming of compassionate
and auxiliary policies must be achieved and replaced by broader policies. Issues such as the
quality of education provision for the immigrant population, job security, wage equality,
and access to basic social services should all be considered in planning policies. Although
the urban and economic development of Barcelona is widely known there are other internal
realities which have attracted less attention. What use is economic and urban growth if it
does not address imbalances among certain social groups and the facilities they have access
to? Such imbalances, like those that exist in Raval, lead to the exclusion of those "others"
represented by the population groups that have been highlighted in this research.
Decisions concerning improvements to the neighbourhood must begin with an
understanding of these social differences and the effects they have on equipment, public
and open spaces, patterns of mobility, housing conditions and so on. The spatially localized
social differentiation that characterizes Raval needs to be addressed, as does the fact that
the only option available to many residents in order to improve their lives has been to leave
the neighbourhood. Priority should be given to improving the living conditions and
changing the image of the neighbourhood. Decisions and interventions should not be
generalized but should be targeted according to the strengths and weaknesses of each space.
Also, from the very first stages of the planning process, local participation must be ensured
in order to encourage and support local ownership of the projects and of the continued
improvements that need to be made to the neighbourhood. Capel (1997, 28) stresses the
[150]
importance of a detailed knowledge of the potential processes of spatial and social
exclusion in urban areas. The future of cities and the peaceful coexistence of society
depend on gaining an understanding of these issues.
[151]
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[162]
APPENDIXES
Appendix 1: Gathering Information Form regarding Economic Activities by General
Sectors.
Economic
Activities
Housing
BSAs (
)
Units
Hotel
Commerce
EducationCulture
Health
Religious
Sports
Offices
Industry
Entertainment
Close/Repair
Other Uses
Comments
Source: Azofeifa, J.
[163]
Appendix 2: Gathering Information Form regarding Equipment and Urban Furniture.
Topic
BSAs ( )
Units and Location
ONCE Stands
Public Water Fountains
Newspaper and Magazine
Stalls
Playground
Postal Post Boxes
Waste Disposal Collection
Containers
Bus Stops
Bicing Stations
Urban Intervention
Projects
Educative and Cultural
Organizations
Agents of Social Wellbeing
Parking Meters
Others
Comments
Source: Azofeifa, J.
[164]
Appendix 3: Information Gathering Form regarding Public Spaces and their Main
Characteristics.
BSAs (
)
Feature of Interest
Name of the Square or Park:
Observations
Infrastructures in the surroundings (quality)
Supply of Economic Activities
Features of Economic Activities
Predominant Population Groups
Supply of Urban Furniture
Other Facilities
Potential Problems
Comments
Source: Azofeifa, J.
[165]
Appendix 4: Interview Applied During the Fieldwork.
Nombre:
Sexo:
Edad:
Estado Civil:
Nacionalidad:
Tiempo de residencia/Trabajo en el barrio:
Ocupación:
Localización del lugar del trabajo1:
Medio de transporte utilizado en los desplazamientos cotidianos2:
Localización de las actividades en tiempo libre1:
ID:
Problemas Percibidos
Áreas estadísticas básicas (
Evaluación
Alta densidad de Personas y
vehículos
Drogadicción, alcoholismo,
prostitución
Falta de actividad económica
Poca oferta de equipamientos
Poca oferta de transporte
público
Aislamiento, mala
comunicación (social)
Contaminación (acústicaambiental) o suciedad
Inseguridad ciudadana
Ningún aspecto negativo
Otro aspecto
)
Source: Azofeifa, J.
Observación: En cuanto a la evaluación, se solicitará a cada entrevistado que clasifique de acuerdo a su
percepción los mayores problemas del barrio. La evaluación se realizará en una escala de 1 a 8. Una
percepción de 1 implica una mayor problemática y 8 una percepción más positiva en cuanto al tema
designado.
1
Se consideran en este aspecto: el barrio de residencia, otro barrio del municipio, otro municipio de la ciudad,
fuera del ámbito metropolitano o irregular.
2
Se consideran en este aspecto: Metro/Tren, Carro, Motocicleta, Bus, Bicicleta o a pie.
[166]
Appendix 5: Economic Activities identified During the Fieldwork.
Economic Activities
Restaurant
Pharmacies
Banks
Ironmonger's
Clothing Store
Jeweller's
Dental Office
Housing
Shoe Store
Intervention
Projects
eStore
Furniture Store
Casino
Office Centre
Phone Companies
Institutional
Medical Centre
Beauty Supply
Bakery
Specialized
services
Souvenir Stores
Supermarket
Religious
Artistic
Educative Institution
Internet Services
Bazaar
Grocery Store
Estate Agency
Printing Shop
Travel Agency
Music/Video Stores
Bookshop
Vacant Lots
Social Agent
Auto Service
Shop
Tattoo Centre
Repair Shop
Warehouse
Pet Shop
Laundromat
Telephone
Services
Tailor Shop
Parking
Source: Azofeifa, J.
[167]
Ice-Cream
Parlour
Tobacco Shop
Cinema
Hairdresser's
Optician's
Industrial
Services
Sex Shop
Sport
Infrastructure
Butcher Shop
Cabinetmaking/
carpentry /
Plumbing
services
Greengrocer's
Toy Store
Flower Shop
Appendix 6: Intervention Projects in Raval Barcelona
Project
Intervention Area
Location
Restructuring of the
Community Equipment
North
Parking on Plaça
Gardunya
Conditioning of tents in
Community Equipment
North
the Market Sant Antoni
Enlargement of the
Community Equipment
South
laboratory in the
Perecamps building on
Drassanes Avenue
Paving of Portal Santa
Transport Infrastructure
South
Madrona
Paving of Drassanes
Transport Infrastructure
South
Avenue
Paving of Nou de la
Public Space
South
Rambla Street
Paving of Sant Pau Street
Public Space
South
Paving of Plaça Salvador
Public Space
South
Seguí i Espalter
Demolition works of
Equipment and Household
North
buildings # 134-136 on
Hospital Street
Replacement of 400mm
Equipment and Household
North
valve on Peu de la Creu
Street
Paving of Taller Street
Transport InfrastructureNorth
Public Space
Repair of medium voltage Equipment and Household
North
power line on XuclàRamelleres Streets
Improving accessibility in
Community Equipment
South
the Centre Cívic de
Drassanes
Sewer repair on Came
Equipment and Household
North
Street
Paving of Om Street
Public Space
South
Source: Azofeifa, J.
[168]
Appendix 7: Supplementary Pictures
Picture S1
Square near the Maritime Museum of Barcelona and Rambla de Canaletes (South Raval).
The diversity of this space lies in the influence of the Rambla de Canaletes favouring visits
from population groups from outside the area and the development of particular activities
(higher added value).
Picture S2
Diversity of activities and underground parking around Plaça de Castella (North Raval).
Picture S3
Placa Vicenç Martorell and the existence of several activities such as playground and
commerce (North Raval).
Picture S4
[169]
Squares dedicated to sports and the meeting of people in the Plaça de Terenci Moix (Near
the MACBA, North Raval)
Picture S5
Plaça de Josep. M. Folch y Hort de la Bomba (South Raval). Areas characterized by the
predominant presence of foreign population groups and the lack of urban amenities.
Picture S6
Sant Vicenç Street (South Raval). Area distinguished by the poor supply of commercial
facilities, the lack of public spaces (children playing on the street) and the dilapidated
condition of urban infrastructure.
[170]
Picture S7
De l'Om and Arc del Teatre streets (South
Raval). Urban rehabilitation projects of basic
'urban furniture' (pavements, electricity, and
others)
Picture S8
Sant Pacia Street in the vicinity of the Rambla del Raval (South Raval). Areas with little
diversity in land uses, lack of specialization of commerce, high immigrant population and
over-representation of particular activities.
[171]
Picture S9
Plaça de Salvador Seguí and Robador Street (South Raval) in the vicinity of Sant Pau
Street. Spaces characterized by the over-representation of economic activities, the
'conquest' of public spaces by foreigners and significant stigmatization processes regarding
drug addiction, prostitution, alcoholism and delinquency.
Picture S10
Plaça de les Caramelles and Les Àngels. Public spaces with important dynamics regarding
the mixture of land uses and meetings of population. In addition, these areas greatly
influence the configuration of the vicinity through positive externalities.
Picture S11
Source: Google images. Bonsuccés and Tallers streets (North Raval). These spaces are
very dynamic and characterized by the presence of a multiplicity, and the specialization, of
economic activities, better quality of urban infrastructure and more tourist-friendly areas.
[172]
Picture S12
Source: Google maps. Hairdressing salon on Dr. Dou Street (North Raval). The equipment
and urban infrastructure in most places dedicated to this activity in this region are of quite
high quality.
Picture S13
Source: Google maps. Hairdressing salon on Guifré Street (South Raval). The
characteristics of the places and the quality dedicated to this activity (and others) in this
region is very poor. Besides, in the picture the presence of two places dedicated to the same
activity next to each other can be recognized (over-representation).
Picture S14
Source: Google images. Rambla de Canaletes and Mercat de Sant Josep (La boquería).
These are two of the most tourist-friendly places in Barcelona and both greatly influence
the development of particular activities in the local area.
[173]