The Struggle for Identity in a Multicultural Society

Wesleyan University
Department of Music
The Struggle for Identity in a Multicultural Society:
Urumi Melam in Singapore
By
JinXing “Gene” Lai
Faculty Advisor: David P. Nelson
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Wesleyan University in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
Middletown, Connecticut
May 2016
Acknowledgements
This thesis would not have been possible without the support and contributions by many
individuals. First and foremost, I am thankful to Navind Kumar and the musicians of the
Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam for their friendship and their generosity in sharing
with me their knowledge, life stories, and music. In particular, I would like to thank those
involved in the special recording session for this thesis: Thiru (vocalist), Theva (vocalist),
Navind (urumi), Arvin (urumi), Kavi (tavil), Kinesh (tavil), Danesh (cinna kattai), and
Sabari (chin chak). They performed exceptionally well despite having two public
performances before the recording session. From them, I learned the power of
determination, and the notion of mind over body. The songs are included in the
accompanying CD to this thesis. I thank Chelliah Kannuswamy who kindly granted me
access to his drum making facility in Johor Bahru, Malaysia, and Chaker who offered me
a cross border car ride to the Kannusamy’s drum making facility. My sincerest debt is
owed to Navind Kumar, my primary research collaborator, guru, and friend. I am
extremely grateful for his guidance and support since I began to pursue the study of
urumi melam in Singapore.
At Wesleyan University, I would like to thank Dr. Mark Slobin, Dr. Su Zheng,
Dr. Eric Charry, Prof. Ron Kuivila, and Dr. Justine Quijada for their inputs in the thesis
chapters through their graduate seminars. I am thankful and grateful to my primary
advisor and South Indian percussion guru, Dr. David Nelson for his guidance, patience
and encouragement. He also reads all the drafts of this thesis meticulously and provided
invaluable suggestions that brought the thesis to its current form. Most importantly, I will
i
not be what I am today without his presence in my educational endeavor. Many thanks to
my karnatak vocal guru, Dr. B. Balasubrahmaniyan for sharing his knowledge in Tamil
folk music and folklore, and his help in the transcription and translation of urumi melam
songs.
Life in Wesleyan would not have been so wonderful and intellectually
stimulating without my Wesleyan colleagues. I would like to thank Ender Terwilliger for
proof reading my thesis drafts, and for his guidance on ways to improve my academic
writing. Many thanks to Christine May Yong, Adwoa Arhine, John Dankwa, Eugenia
Corte, SarahVictoria Rosemann, Mitch Lee, Brian Fairley, Bridgid Bergin, Wan Yeung,
and Kelly Sanchez for making my life in Wesleyan wonderful and fun.
I am thankful to Dr. Eugene Dairianathan, my honors thesis advisor who
nurtured and prepared me well for my graduate studies in the United States. He is the one
who introduced to me the field of ethnomusicology and musicology during my
undergraduate years at National Institute of Education / Nanyang Technological
University.
Last but not the least, the one person who deserves the most credit is my wife,
Emily. I would not have been able to concentrate on my studies and thesis without her
sacrifices. She left her job, takes care of our children, and relieves me from much of the
household responsibilities. During intensive working periods in the semester, she
virtually managed the family single-handedly.
ii
The Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam (Singapore) with the author
iii
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements
Table of Contents
Table of Figures............................................................................................................... vii
Table of Tables ................................................................................................................. ix
About the Tamil Transliteration ..................................................................................... x
Introduction
Part 1
Setting the Stage ...............................................................................................................................................1
Hinduism in Singapore ...................................................................................................................................3
Humanism, Reciprocity, and Trust: ...........................................................................................................4
My Fieldwork Experience with a Singaporean Tamil Musical Practice ........................................4
Part 2
Literature Review: Musical Practices in Singapore (1995 – 2015)
Finding an Identity........................................................................................................................................ 17
Finding an Alternative Performing Space ............................................................................................. 18
Nationalism in Singapore ........................................................................................................................... 20
Observations ................................................................................................................................................... 21
Part 3
Fieldwork and Methods ................................................................................................................... 22
Part 4
Chapter Descriptions ........................................................................................................................ 24
Chapter One: The Southeast Asian Urumi Melam
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 26
Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam (Singapore) .................................................................... 27
Social-Cultural Functions of Southeast Asian Urumi Melam ................................................ 30
Distinction: Singaporean Urumi Melam and Malaysian Urumi Melam .............................. 31
Hybridized Instruments of the Southeast Asian Urumi Melam ............................................. 32
Urumi ................................................................................................................................................................ 33
Tavil................................................................................................................................................................... 35
Cinna Kattai ................................................................................................................................................... 39
Vocalist ............................................................................................................................................................ 39
Chin Chak ........................................................................................................................................................ 41
Shankh .............................................................................................................................................................. 41
Designs and Decorations on the Drums ................................................................................................. 42
Chelliah Kannusamy: The Drum Maker ..................................................................................... 45
Sociocultural Status of Southeast Asian Urumi Melam ........................................................... 51
Need for Urumi Melam .................................................................................................................... 52
Adaptation of Karnatak Tālas to Urumi Melam Music ........................................................... 52
The Arulmigu Velmurugan Gnanamuneeswarar Temple ................................................................ 57
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................... 57
iv
Chapter Two: Symbols and Power Relations in Singapore’s Thaipusam Festival
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 59
Demography of Singaporean Indian Community...................................................................... 60
The Thaipusam Festival ................................................................................................................... 61
Part One: Semiotic Aspects
A Brief Introduction: Geertz, Asad, and Turner ................................................................................. 69
Applying Clifford Geertz’s Theory to the Thaipusam Festival ...................................................... 71
A ‘Model of’ and ‘Model for’ the Devotees......................................................................................... 74
The Impact of Secularism........................................................................................................................... 75
Turner’s Perspective: The Spike Kavadi as a Religious Symbol................................................... 78
Part Two: Power Relations
Same Ritual in Two Countries .................................................................................................................. 79
Discipline, Pain, and Truth ........................................................................................................................ 82
Fear as an Element of Felicitous Performance .................................................................................... 85
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................... 86
Chapter Three: The Music of Urumi Melam: Karnatak Music Idioms, Tamil Folk
Music Models, Visual and Verbal Cues
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 89
Notes on The Transcription............................................................................................................. 89
The Song list for a Typical Urumi Melam Performance ........................................................... 94
Urumi Melam Arrangements: Decisions in Rehearsals ............................................................ 96
Overall Styles of Urumi Melam Arrangements........................................................................ 102
Setting up the song .................................................................................................................................... 103
Rhythmic Models ....................................................................................................................................... 107
Rhythmic Designs ...................................................................................................................................... 111
Rhythmic Cadences ................................................................................................................................... 119
Visual and Verbal Cues .................................................................................................................. 127
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 130
Chapter Four: Superculture, Subculture, and Interculture: Urumi Melam in
Singapore
Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 131
Superculture, Subculture, and Interculture .............................................................................. 131
Superculture: The Singapore Government and Authorities ................................................. 135
New Immigrants and the Thaipusam Music Ban .................................................................... 137
Activitism and Protest against the Thaipusam Music Ban .................................................... 140
Subculture and Interculture: Social Networking Sites, Cross Border Performance
Opportunities, and Singapore and Malaysia Urumi Melam ................................................. 148
Industrial Interculture: Alai Osai Productions .................................................................................. 148
Diasporic Interculture: Social Media and Cross Border Performance Opportunities .......... 150
Affinitive Interculture: The Hindu Temple and Drum Maker’s workshop ............................. 155
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 158
v
Conclusion: Thaipusam 2016: A New Beginning ....................................................... 159
Bibilography .................................................................................................................. 164
Newspaper Articles.......................................................................................................................... 168
Websites ............................................................................................................................................. 169
Appendix: Transcriptions ............................................................................................ 171
Velan ................................................................................................................................................... 172
Soolam ................................................................................................................................................ 209
vi
Table of Figures
Figure 1: Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam (Singapore) ........................................... 28
Figure 2: An urumi with painted designs ......................................................................... 42
Figure 3: An urumi with carvings of Hindu deities (Courtesy of Chelliah Kannusamy). 43
Figure 4: A tavil with the custom made LED light belt ................................................... 44
Figure 5: A cinna kattai with the custom made LED light belt ....................................... 44
Figure 6: Musicians fixing LED lights on an urumi with cable ties. ............................... 45
Figure 7: The Drum Maker - Mr. Chelliah Kannusamy................................................... 47
Figure 8: Drum maker's workshop ................................................................................... 48
Figure 9: Tool that ensures the drumhead is fastened evenly to the drum body. ............. 49
Figure 10: Drums in the storeroom .................................................................................. 50
Figure 11: Spike Kavadi (Courtesy of Amy Tan). ........................................................... 62
Figure 12: Chariot Kavadi (Courtesy of East West Love Story)...................................... 63
Figure 13: Paalkudam (Courtesy of YourSingapore.com) ............................................... 64
Figure 14: Paal kavadi (Courtesy of hcjonesphotography) .............................................. 64
Figure 15: The thaipusam procession route from Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple to Sri
Thendayuthapani Temple.......................................................................................... 66
Figure 16: Spike sandals (Courtesy of telegraph.co.uk)................................................... 67
Figure 17: Family and friends who walk the procession with the kavadi bearer sing
Hindu hymns for him (Courtesy of Straits Times) ................................................... 68
Figure 18: The Notation System....................................................................................... 93
Figure 19: A verse taken from Mannanalum Thiruchchendhuril Mannaven that is inserted
into Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam's rendition of Velan. ............................ 100
Figure 20: A verse taken from Muthana Muthukumara that is inserted into Siva Sakthi
Muniandy Urumi Melam rendition of Velan. .......................................................... 101
Figure 21: The monophonic tune of Velan occurs in the first two measures. The chin
chak and tavil provide accompaniment to the tune for the next eight measures. The
full ensemble starts to play at the last two measures that lead into the song .......... 104
Figure 22: The monophonic tune of soolam occurs for fourteen measures. Thereafter, the
tavil starts to play briefly for two measures, follow by the entry of the full ensemble.
................................................................................................................................. 106
Figure 23: Five Rhythmic Models that are the Basis for most Urumi Melam
Arrangements. ......................................................................................................... 110
Figure 24: Third Beat of the First Cycle ........................................................................ 112
Figure 25: Fourth Beat of the First Cycle ....................................................................... 112
Figure 26: Rhythmic Design 1 - Transition from pallavi to Instrumental Interlude ...... 114
Figure 27: Rhythmic Design 2 marks the end of the Introduction. ................................ 116
Figure 28: Rhythmic Design 3 – Caranam to mannanalum thiruchchendhuril mannave
................................................................................................................................. 118
Figure 29: Nelson’s Paradigm Form of mōrā................................................................. 119
Figure 30: Rhythmic Cadence in Velan .......................................................................... 121
Figure 31: First Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam (cinna kattai) ........................................ 122
Figure 32: First Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam (urumi) ................................................. 122
Figure 33: First Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam (tavil) .................................................... 123
Figure 34: First Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam............................................................... 124
vii
Figure 35: Second Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam .......................................................... 125
Figure 36: Second Rhythmic Cadence marks the end of Soolam. ................................. 126
Figure 37: Tavil player in eye contact with Navind, and ready to switch to a new
rhythmic pattern when Navind gives him a head nod............................................. 128
Figure 38: Navind instigates an impromptu tavil duet with his fellow drummer Danesh
Kumar in the midst of a song. ................................................................................. 129
Figure 39: A Facebook Post to inform the Singaporean Hindu community about a
complaint lodged to the United Nation Human Rights Council. (Courtesy of Voice
of One). ................................................................................................................... 142
Figure 40: The logo of Alai Osai Productions................................................................ 148
Figure 41: Storefront of Jothi Music Center (Courtesy of InnCrown Hostel, Singapore)
................................................................................................................................. 149
Figure 42: Urumi Melam CD and DVD section at Jothi Music Center. ........................ 150
Figure 43: Crowd taking photos with their smartphones during the thaipusam procession.
(Courtesy of Amy Tan). .......................................................................................... 154
Figure 44: Temple Musicians in the Makeshift Canopy ................................................ 156
Figure 45: A spontaneous combined urumi melam jam session in the makeshift canopy at
Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple, Singapore (Courtesy of Straits Times).................. 156
viii
Table of Tables
Table 1: Musical events of Vasantha Utsavam 2015 at Sri Vadapathira Kaliamman
Temple ...................................................................................................................... 56
Table 2: The Solkattu Syllables that represent each Instrument in the Transcriptions. .... 92
ix
About the Tamil Transliteration
All transliterated Tamil words appear in italics, with the exception of proper names and
movie titles, which are often written in Roman letters.
Vowels: Tamil vowels can either be short or long. Long vowels are distinguished from
short vowels by a macron, e.g. ā, ē , ī, ō, ū
Retroflexes: Retroflexes are distinguished from dental consonants by a line below the
letter e.g. t, n, l
Single and Double Consonants: Single and double consonants are transliterated with
single or double Roman letters. Double consonants reflect what in Tamil is called the
sandi rule, whereby the first letter is dotted and second letter is attached to a vowel.
Letter t in the word nāttuppura is an example of a doubled consonant.
Special Characters: The special Tamil consonant l (not to be confused with the retroflex l
) is written zh. When spoken this consonant sounds like a cross between the English r and
an l. The combination ng refers to another Tamil consonant. When spoken its sound is
comparable to the ng in the English word sing.
x
Introduction
Part 1
Setting the Stage
Singapore is situated at the southern tip of the Malay Peninsula, 137 kilometers
(approximately 85 miles) north of the equator. It is separated from Malaysia by the Straits
of Johor to its north and from Indonesia's Riau Islands by the Singapore Strait to its
south. Its location provides access to trade routes that span the Indian Ocean, the Malay
Archipelago, and the South China Sea. Eugene Dairianthan notes that Singapore started
“…from probably only around a thousand inhabitants known as ‘orang laut’ (sea
gypsies). Indians, Malays and Chinese arrived around 1819…. By the end of the 19th
century, Singapore became regarded as the most cosmopolitan city in Asia….”
(Dairianathan 2012:323 – 346).
Singapore became a British crown colony in 1946, obtained self-government in
1955, and won internal autonomy in 1959. In 1963, it gained independence as part of the
new Federation of Malaysia, and in 1965 became a fully independent nation.
Singaporeans, regardless of race, language or religion are educated in Western
fashion. English, sciences, humanities and the arts are core subjects in schools. However,
Mandarin, Malay, and Tamil are recognized as official languages. The policy of
bilingualism in public schools has contributed to the preservation and development of
Singaporean ethnic groups. In public schools, from primary to pre-tertiary level, classes
1
are conducted in English, but students are required to study their ‘mother tongue’ as their
second language.
Indians have been present in Singapore since its beginning as a British colony in
1819. A vast majority of them came from the Southern Tamil speaking regions of India,
while a small minority came from North India, Pakistan and Ceylon (now Sri Lanka).
These immigrants brought along Hinduism and Indian cultures into Singapore. Hindu
temples and shrines of deities were set up near worksites, plantations and estates with
Indian populations.
Ceremonies and festivals continue to be important in the lives of Singaporean
Indians (Babb 1974:43). Lawrence Babb notes that the time required to observe ancient
religious rituals is “inconsistent with the usual [contemporary] pattern of Indian
(Singapore Indians) in the republic” (1997:166 – 168). Nevertheless, Hindu festivals and
their religious rituals are set according to the Hindu calendar and Hindu auspicious hours.
Some religious rituals are conducted during working hours and some are conducted early
in the morning. Consequently, participants and observers need to take leave from their
work in order to participate in the rituals. Despite the demanding schedule, the festivals
are regularly observed and attract participants and observers of all ages and social classes.
While studies by Dairianathan and Phan (2005:400), Tong Soon Lee (1998:518 –
526) , and Jim Sykes (2015a; 2015b) are significant contributions to scholarship on the
subject, most studies comprise general surveys. Dairianathan and Phan, and Sykes
document the music of the Indian diaspora and Hindu musical practices in Singapore, and
are especially informative about performance practices of the South Indian Musical
Ensembles in perspectives of historical ethnomusicology. They note that much of the
2
music has been altered to observe laws implemented to alleviate noise pollution in public
spaces. Tong Soon Lee defines the common functions of Indian music and dance in
Singapore, and calls attention to Indian music societies that have made major
contributions to the performing arts in Singapore.
Hinduism in Singapore
Hinduism is founded upon the vedas, sacred writings ascribed to brahman (the ultimate
power underlying universe) and transcribed by sages endowed with supernatural
intuitions. These texts are among the most ancient in the world. Their sacred wisdom
dominates the religious life of India and is central to Hindu religious thought.
Orthodox Hindu practices have been modified by three factors: (1) urban life
styles in Singapore make it difficult to observe traditional Hindu rituals that originated in
agricultural contexts; (2) recent government restrictions on crowd and traffic control limit
the way processions are carried out; and (3) a shortage of orthodox priests to officiate at
ceremonies. These factors contributed to the formation of what Babb terms “NeoHinduism” in Singapore (1997:164 – 168). Consequently, rituals and ceremonies are less
elaborate, with reduced activities, and indoor rituals replace outdoor processions.
However, the making of religious vows and the use of religious shamans for advice
remain popular among Hindus in Singapore (ibid.:171 – 174).
3
Humanism, Reciprocity, and Trust:
My Fieldwork Experience with a Singaporean Tamil Musical Practice
“Bro, Come! Come! We take wefie1” said Navind Kumar, the Bandleader of Siva Sakthi
Muniany Urumi Melam. As I walked toward the energetic group of young musicians who
were ready for a wefie, I asked myself “Why am I invited to take a wefie with them?
Shouldn’t I be the one taking the group photo for them?”
Nearing the end of the fieldwork with the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam,
Navind offered to take me to his drum maker’s house in Johor Bahru, Malaysia for a
visit. The drum maker, Chelliah Kannusamy, who usually restricts photography or
videography in his drum making vicinity relaxed his rules for my visit. When asked for
the reason, Chelliah replied, “Because you are Navind’s friend.”
During the course of my fieldwork in Singapore in the Summer 2015, besides
conducting ethnomusicological fieldwork, I also provided my services to the Siva Sakthi
Muniandy Urumi Melam as their official photographer and videographer during their
performances. Furthermore, to show my appreciation and respect, I voluntarily provided
food and icy cold beverages to the musicians when I attend their rehearsals and
performances. After a week or so, my rapport with the musicians grew stronger. This
became visible when they started to open up to me whenever I initiated conversations
with them. Furthermore, the wefie and the visit to the drum maker’s house were events
that had enriched my fieldwork experience.
In this section, I discuss the importance of humanity and reciprocity during
ethnomusicological fieldwork. Supported by accounts of events that occurred during my
1
Wefie is a photo taken in the same fashion as a selfie but with 2 or more people.
4
fieldwork, I propose that reciprocity in forms of small gestures such as offering my
service as photographer, and providing food and beverages may have led to unexpected
opportunities that enhanced my fieldwork experience. My experience suggests that
humility and respect for research associates at all times are necessary to establish a good
working relationship.
The visit to Chelliah Kannusamy’s house was not originally planned in my
fieldwork schedule. Because of his reluctance to reveal his drum making secrets, Chelliah
does not allow uninvited guests into his house. Invited guests are prohibited from taking
photos or videos within his drum making facility. Chelliah puts up signs at every corner
of the house to remind his guests about his house rules. When Navind offered the
opportunity to me, I agreed without hesitation. This made me contemplate why this
opportunity was offered to me and not to other ethnomusicologists who had worked with
Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam.
Mantle Hood suggests that successful fieldwork depends on a combination of
three factors: technical know-how, substantive knowledge of subject, and a great
sensitivity to the values and feelings of other human beings (1971: 202). I suggest two
possible elements that resulted in the invitation to Chelliah’s house: first, my Singaporean
identity and background; second, the degree of trust established between me and the
musicians.
Identity and Background
There are three features that define my Singaporean identity: Singlish, the education
system, and national service. They helped me significantly with establishing a closer
working relationship with Navind and his musicians because: 1) we communicated in
5
Singlish, 2) we went through the same education system in neighborhood schools. 3) we
served in the Singapore Armed Forces during our national service.
Singlish as the Communicating Language
Proficiency in a field language does not mean that ethnomusicologists will not encounter
any challenges when communicating with their research associates (Stock and Chou
2008; Chou 2002). In Jonathan Stock’s case, despite having spoken Mandarin Chinese
for almost twenty years, he still comprehended better in English (2008:118).
Singaporeans speak four variations of English: Standard English, Standard Singaporean
English, Colloquial Singaporean English, and Learner English (Mattar 2009: 184). Native
English speakers may not understand the three versions of Singapore English other than
Standard English. On the other hand, depending on his or her education and ethnicity, a
Singaporean may not understand a native English speaker.
Standard English or Queen’s English is understood and respected in every corner
of the globe. Standard Singaporean English exists in formal settings such as government
and educational instruction. Colloquial Singaporean English, commonly known as
Singlish, is a mixture of English and ethnic vernacular, in which English has the stronger
linguistic influence. Learner English is a mixture of English and ethnic vernacular in
which the ethnic vernacular has a stronger linguistic influence.
The use of any one of the four English dialects depends on a person’s education
and ethnicity (Tan 2003). Singaporeans code-switch among the four. The code-switch is
done smoothly and subconsciously (Gupta 2003). For example, they switch to Standard
English and Standard Singaporean English when speaking to Caucasian tourists or native
6
English speakers, and use colloquial Singaporean English when speaking to a fellow
Singaporean.
During the course of my fieldwork, I spoke to musicians in Siva Sakthi Muniandy
Urumi Melam in Colloquial Singaporean English. This helped the musicians feel more
comfortable with me. We did not address each other by our names; Instead, we addressed
each other as bro (the short form of brother). Our conversations sometimes became so
comfortable as to be informal. We began to talk about our goals in life, passions,
education, and family issues. These conversations were personal to the musicians, so I
did not record them. However, they helped me grasp a deeper understanding of how each
musician is coping with his daily life.
The Singapore Education System
Every Singaporean usually undergoes a ten-year educational journey under the Singapore
Education System administrated by the Ministry of Education. This comprises six years
of primary education and four or five years of secondary education, followed by two or
three years of post-secondary education. After their post-secondary education,
Singaporeans may opt to pursue a degree at a university, or to embark on a career
(Ministry of Education 2015a).2
Schools are informally classified as elite schools and neighborhood schools.
Most parents of the upper strata of the society (e.g. upper class and middle class) prefer to
2
In Singapore, education is compulsory up to Primary Six (grade six) for all
Singaporean. Children with special needs are exempted from the compulsory education
law. According to the Compulsory Education Act (Cap 51), Parents who fail to send their
children to school or maintain regular attendance in school will face the penalties of a
fine not exceeding $5,000, or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 12 months, or to
both (Ministry of Education 2015b).
7
send their children to elite schools where there are ample educational resources (funds,
opportunities, and teaching staff) to fulfill their maximum potential. Most graduates of
the elite schools eventually go to university, and take up top jobs in the society. On the
other hand, parents of the lower strata of the society (e.g. working class and below) send
their children to neighborhood public schools. The Ministry of Education administers all
public schools directly, and the Singapore government provides generous subsidies for
the school fees. Classroom curricula and syllabi of all school subjects are standardized in
all neighborhood schools. These schools typically attract students who live nearby.
The musicians of the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam comprise alumni and
current students of neighborhood schools. After their secondary education, most of them
went on to vocational colleges to pursue their post-secondary education. As an alumnus
of neighborhood schools, and a computer-engineering graduate of a vocational college, I
get nostalgic whenever I communicate with the musicians. This feeling reminds me of
my days in primary, secondary schools, and college when I spent most of my time
playing cricket, basketball, and jamming in a rock band with my Indian and Malay
friends.
Having undergone the same educational path, the musicians and I were able to
converse comfortably. I shared with them my struggles and experiences that I attribute to
what I am today. On the other hand, the musicians shared their personal stories with me.
They sought for my advice on what they can do to be successful in life. Many also shared
their reasons for joining Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam. Without exception, playing
in an urumi melam to seek blessings from God was the main reason.
8
National Service in the Military
All male Singapore citizens and second-generation permanent residents must undergo a
mandatory two-year, full time national service. Once enlisted into the army, they are
given the rank of recruit, and undergo a three-month basic military training boot camp.
After the boot camp, they are promoted to the rank of private, and posted to various
military units where they serve for the remaining twenty-one months (Ministry of
Defense 2013). During the course of the military training boot camp, recruits of different
ethnicities are divided into sections. Each section comprises seven recruits. They stay in
the same barracks, and do all activities together. This gives the recruits plenty of
opportunity to work and live with members of other ethnicities.
The national service has been a common topic among the musicians. There are
two musicians in the urumi melam who are currently pursuing careers in the Singapore
Air Force as a mechanic and an engineer. During our conversation about our military
experiences, the musicians gradually opened up. They shared accounts of their personal
struggles at home, at work and in school. Younger musicians who had not gone through
national service were also engaged in our informal conversations.
Reciprocity
Navind encouraged me to take as many photographs and videos as I could during their
performances. I always made it a point to send them to Navind as soon as possible via
email. Although my photography and videography techniques are not at a professional
level, I am very happy that these pictures and videos were put to a good use. They were
eventually uploaded to the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam’s official Facebook page
9
as publicity materials. They have gathered over one hundred likes on Facebook, and they
have also received positive comments from fans.
The musicians of the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam gather for long
rehearsals (usually six hours) before a performance. During festive seasons, notably
Vesak day, 3 Thai pongal, 4 and Thaipusam, 5 the performance schedule of the urumi
melam is always packed. Several times they had to perform at multiple locations within a
day. On Vesak day, for example, they had performances at five different locations. The
extremely tight rehearsal and performance schedule made it hard for musicians to take a
proper lunch break. I volunteered to provide food and beverages for their rehearsals and
performances throughout the duration of my fieldwork. The food was mainly burger
combo meals from MacDonald (chicken and fish burgers), Indian take-outs (fried rice,
3
Vesak Day is a holiday observed traditionally by Buddhists on different days in India,
Sri Lanka, Nepal, Tibet, Bangladesh, Bhutan, and the South East Asian countries of
Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Malaysia and Myanmar, and
other places all over the world. Sometimes informally called "Buddha's Birthday", it
actually commemorates the birth, enlightenment (nirvāna), and death (Parinirvāna) of
Gautama Buddha in the Theravada or southern tradition.
4
Thai Pongal is a Tamil harvest festival. Thai Pongal is a four-day festival, which
according to the Gregorian calendar is normally celebrated from January 13 to January
16, but sometimes it is celebrated from January 14 to January 17.
The thaipusam festival is celebrated between the end of January and the beginning of
February. The festival is dedicated to Lord Murugan, one of the most important Hindu
deities worshipped by Hindus in Southeast Asia. During the festival, Hindu devotees seek
blessings, fulfill vows, and offer thanks to Lord Murugan. They show their appreciation
to Lord Murugan by performing any one of four types of kavadi when they walk the
thaipusam procession. They may choose to hold a milk pot on top of their head
[paalkudam], carry a garlanded wooden arch across their shoulders [paal kavadi], carry a
heavy semi circular metal structure that is attached to their torso via skewers [spike
kavadi], or pull a chariot that is hooked to the skin on their back [chariot kavadi]. Only
male devotees are allowed to perform the spike kavadi and chariot kavadi.
5
10
fried noodles, and roti parata6), and the beverages were bottled soft drinks that musicians
shared by drinking directly from the bottle. At the first glance, this may seem unhygienic
but, in Hindu culture, it is a gesture that signifies brotherhood and trust among the
musicians.
In many instances, I was offered to share a soft drink with them. I am not used to
sharing food and beverages with others, so I politely declined their offers. I contemplated
this matter for a while, and got to know that in Hindu culture, the sharing of food and
beverages with guests is a gesture of trust and respect. After my second week in the field,
I began to share beverages with them. The musicians were very grateful to have had a
proper lunch before their performances and rehearsals. They expressed their gratitude by
coming to me individually to thank me.
Eating lunch together with the musicians provided another opportunity for me to
converse with them. We usually sat in a circle or in a group of three while we talked. I sat
with them and listened to them while they discussed about their music, their performance
attire, and upcoming performance and rehearsal schedules. I jumped into the
conversations whenever I had a question in mind, or whenever I was asked by the
musicians to give my opinions about their music.
Trust
Ethnomusicologists need to establish trust with their research associates. Once trust has
been established, the fieldwork process is likely to be smoother, and research associates
may provide more information and insights that can enhance our fieldwork experiences.
The urumi melam community in Singapore is extremely competitive. Each group has its
6
Roti parata is a fried flour-based pancake that is cooked over a flat grill. It is usually
served with a vegetable- or meat-based curry and is from Malaysia and Singapore.
11
own trade secrets that its members do not feel comfortable sharing with an outsider. The
following is an excerpt from my conversation with Navind on Facebook before my
fieldwork began:
Gene Lai: Hi Navind, how are you doing? I will be back in Singapore
from next week, and I wonder if I have the opportunity to watch you guys
in action, and also watch your rehearsals.
Navind Kumar: Cool. Next week when?
Gene Lai: I will be back on Friday.
Navind Kumar: When are you going back [to the US]?
Gene Lai: June 13th
Navind Kumar: We can meet up next week Sunday (Practice) and we
have a performance on 30th May (Saturday evening).
Gene Lai: Oh Great! Where is the rehearsal, and is it okay if I do
recording?
Navind Kumar: Yes Sure. All right. Call me once you reach Singapore.
Navind Kumar: You coming here for?
Gene Lai: Summer Holiday, and also to meet up with you guys.
Navind Kumar: Are you meeting only my group or other groups too?
Gene Lai: Only your group. I am not working with other groups.
Navind Kumar: Are you a Singaporean?
Gene Lai: Yes Yes.
Navind Kumar: Ok ok.
Navind Kumar: This Friday, we will conduct a lesson in a primary
school.
12
Gene Lai: That is great! What time is the gig?
Navind Kumar: Afternoon Bro
Gene Lai: Which primary school is that. May I know?
Navind Kumar: AMK (Ang Mo Kio Primary). I need to ask permission
from the teacher first.
At the beginning of our conversation, Navind did not reveal a lot of information about his
urumi melam’s performances and rehearsals. When I asked him for the rehearsal venue,
he replied that he would tell me over the phone. The fact that he asked if I am a
Singaporean, and if I am working with another urumi melam suggests that he was
conducting a screening process before he was willing to share more information. When I
asked for the school where they would conduct a workshop, he replied with the acronym
AMK instead of writing Ang Mo Kio. 7 This acronym is commonly used among
Singaporeans but not among foreigners. this may have been another test that he posed to
determine if my Singaporean identity was genuine.
I made several gestures that could best express my sincerity and enthusiasm in
working with Navind and his musicians. I took several urumi lessons from him I made
sure to record all their performance details correctly, and to arrive at the performance
venue on time. At the performance venue I made it a point to stay with the musicians at
all times. I also followed their instructions and suggestions without any hesitation.
Gaining trust is an accumulative, as well as an ambiguous process. Even though I showed
7
AMK is the acronyms of a residential district located at the north-eastern part of
Singapore known as Ang Mo Kio (宏茂桥). Therefore, Navind was referring to Ang Mo
Kio Primary School.
13
my sincerity and enthusiasm to Navind and his musicians, I never know when exactly, or
even whether they would put their trust in me.
According to Mantle Hood, substantial knowledge of a given subject is an
important factor contributing to success in the field (1971: 202). I bought myself an
urumi drum, and took private lessons from Navind who generously offered to coach me
for free. The lessons usually took an hour before or after their rehearsals. Sounding the
urumi drum by rubbing the drumstick on the right drumhead was extremely challenging
for me. It took me several lessons and practices before I could produce a sound. Navind
was overjoyed when I finally managed to produce a decent sound on the drum. My
perseverance and willingness to learn deepened my relationship with Navind. Apart from
my research questions, I also discussed drumming techniques and drum designs with him.
Navind has become my guru, friend, research consultant, and research associate.
Arriving at the performance venue on time is an important gesture that shows
Navind and his musicians that I trust them and their information. There were times when
I arrived at a performance or rehearsal venue before the musicians, carrying with me bags
of food and beverages. There were also situations when I arrived at a wrong venue
because of I was suffering from jet lag and misunderstood. Instead of venting my
frustration, I laughed it off, and proceeded on to the actual fieldwork. Navind and his
musicians always apologized whenever they were late, or had given me the wrong
information. However, that did not mean that I had won their trust.
I always sat or stood near the musicians while waiting for the performance to
begin,. The long waiting time was a good chance to start an informal conversation. On
June 6th, the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam was hired to perform for a wedding
14
ceremony at the Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple. I arrived at the temple at 11 a.m., met up
with the musicians at their waiting area, and started to set up my equipment. Once
everyone was dressed and ready to proceed to the wedding hall to perform, we were told
stay at the waiting area to wait for further instructions. I took this chance to talk to a
senior musician whom I met for the first time. Navind came to talk to me about his
visions for Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam, and sought my opinion for a possible
North America performance tour for them. The wait lasted for two hours before an
instruction to proceed to the wedding hall was given.
Doing what I promised, and fulfilling the promises on time was another gesture
that helped me earn trust from Navind and his musicians. A week after my fieldwork
concluded, I received a phone call from Navind requesting an official testimonial from
Wesleyan. He reminded me about his interest to do a performance tour in the United
States. I promised Navind that I would send him a testimonial as soon as my school
semester began, I also promised that I would work on their US tour. However, I revealed
to him that this project was way beyond my capability as a graduate student. Therefore,
there was no guarantee that things will work out. I sent the testimonial to Navind two
weeks after the fall semester began. I am still looking for funding sources and potential
sponsors for their performance tour.
Reflection
Identity, reciprocity, and trust are important factors that help to enhance fieldwork
experiences. My Singaporean identity and the gestures I made to express my sincerity
and enthusiasm to work with the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam have borne fruit.
15
They responded to my efforts by offering me an opportunity to visit their drum maker’s
house. They told me that I am the first researcher to get this privilege.
There were times when my research associates did not fully respond to my
hospitality. For example, I hired the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam to record three
of their most popular arrangements. Unfortunately, the musicians who turned up for the
recording session made up only half the usual size of the ensemble. Despite my
disappointment over the unusually small number of musicians, the recording session went
well, everyone including myself enjoyed the process, and we are happy with the final
products.
Successes in fieldwork cannot be measured by the quantity of material collected.
The rewards of fieldwork include more than the quality and quantity of materials
assembled (Hood 1971:202). The anecdotes and hypothesis I have provided may be
perceived as a successful fieldwork experience. I attribute this smooth experience to luck
and my utmost effort to establish a good relationship with my research associates.
Although I did my part by making gestures to express my sincerity and enthusiasm,
unpleasant situations were inevitable. I did not take them to heart, and continued to work
on gaining their trust. As Nicole Beaudry puts it, “human relationships not only influence
the quality of my work but are what make fieldwork a meaningful experience. Allowing
friendships to develop or simply enjoying people as they are is not as simple as it sounds”
(2008: 245). Fieldwork is hard work, but if one approaches it sincerely and respectfully,
it can be one of the most rewarding activities of an ethnomusicologist’s career.
16
Part 2
Literature Review: Musical Practices in Singapore (1995 – 2015)
Scholars from diverse academic disciplines have conducted studies about music in
Singapore. 8 Historical analysis and interview are the two common research methods
engaged in all the studies. Other research methods include participatory observation,
audiovisual analysis and textual analysis. I place the studies about music in Singapore
into three main themes: 1) finding an identity, 2) finding an alternative space, and 3)
nationalism in Singapore.
Finding an Identity
Tamil and Hindi film music are important representation of Indian identity. They are the
basis of Tamil and Hindi popular music culture in Singapore. According to Dairianathan,
it is a common practice in Singapore to appropriate Tamil film music to produce new
popular music hybrids (2014: 157). One such hybrid is Vedic Metal.
Vedic metal is a new subgenre of extreme metal music coined by four
Singaporean Indian musicians in early 1990s. This new genre synthesized sonorities from
extreme metal music and Hindu Vedic chants, with lyrics in English and Sanskrit. The
group claimed ownership over Vedic metal, and formed a band known as ‘Rudra’. This
new identity has become a burden to the band members. They have to balance sustaining
their band with their personal lives and hectic work schedules (Darianathan, 2013: 257).
In his entry on ‘Singapore’ in the New Grove Dictionary of Musician and Music, Tong
Soon Lee defines music in Singapore as: “largely marked by music of the three major
ethnic groups (Chinese, Malay and Indian), as well as Euro-American classical music and
popular music in Mandarin and English. In the late 1980s, musicals by Singaporean
composers had tremendous success in the country, followed by the advent of locally
composed, produced and performed rock music in the 1990s” (2001: 421).
8
17
Indian classical music is another emblem of Indian identity in Singapore. It is deeply
rooted in the South Asia community because of well-established music schools and
organizations that offer Indian classical music courses (Shobha & Perera, 2010: 11).
These factors contribute to a localized Indian classical music, which synthesizes
Hindustani music with Karnatak music. Confluences between Indian and non-Indian
musics in Singapore began when Indian music scenes developed around mid-1920s.
Confluences peaked in the 1960s because of the availability of radio, films, recordings,
touring networks, and performance at hotels and amusement parks in Singapore (Sykes
2015a).
Finding an Alternative Performing Space
Singapore is a small city-state with limited physical spaces. Since 1973, the Singapore
government has imposed strict regulations on the use of physical spaces. The Muslim
community was the first to embrace the regulations. They initiated reforms in sound
production within the vicinity of mosques. The adhan or call to prayer is the emblem of
Islamic identity. It is recited live and broadcasted to the surrounding area of every
mosque five times per day. The Islamic council of Singapore turned to radio broadcast in
order to accommodate the noise control regulations (Lee, 1999: 93 - 94).
Under the government regulations and censorship law, musicians are subject to
sanctions whenever they perform in public spaces. Many have turned to alternative
spaces. Some musical practices for example extreme metal were classified as “moral
panics9” and restricted accordingly.
9
Moral panic is defined as a condition, episode, person or group of persons that emerges
to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests (Kong, 2006: 104).
18
Dairianathan and Sykes explore the notion of moral panics as it applied to Rudra
and urumi melam. All extreme metal music concerts in Singapore are heavily policed to
prevent unlawful events such as riots. Urumi melam are stigmatized as gang affiliated
because of the number of public nuisances [fighting, public alcohol consumption and
alike] caused by the musicians. Consequently, the Hindu Endowments Board of
Singapore10 discourage Hindu devotees from hiring urumi melam, and they tried to ban
the musical practice (Sykes 2015b: 394 – 404).
Both musical groups persistented with their music despite being government
suppressed. They turned to social media to promote their music and use the underground
scene for live performances (Dairianathan, 2013: 358 - 360; Liew and Fu, 2006: 10 - 13).
Sykes argues that all musical practices should remain in the physical spaces, and the
government should “refrain from legitimizing the secularizing processes that lead to
communal disenfranchisement” (Sykes 2015b: 409).
The Singapore government initiated the Speak Mandarin Campaign in the 1980s.
The objective of the campaign is to encourage the use of Mandarin as a common
language among the Chinese community. Other Chinese dialects were discouraged 11 and
denounced as negligible languages that used to communicate with senior citizens (Liew
and Chan, 2013: 276 - 278; Liew, 2003: 220). All television programs in Chinese dialects
are transmitted with Mandarin voice-overs. Furthermore, original Chinese dialect songs
10
The Hindu Endowments Board is a statutory board of the Singapore government that
issues related to the Hindu community, and maintains Hindu temples (Hindu
Endowments Board 2016).
11
Chinese dialects in Singapore include Hokkien (福建), Cantonese (广东), Hakka (客
家), Teochew (潮州), and Hainanese (海南) (Liew and Chan, 2013: 278).
19
in the soundtracks are replaced with Mandarin songs that are unrelated to the storyline.
Despite the government’s discouragement of Chinese dialects, they have not been totally
eradicated. Hokkien and Cantonese popular music are still ubiquitous on alternative
platforms such as ‘Getai’ (歌台)12, CDs, DVDs, and Cable TV channels (Liew and Chan,
2013: 280; Liew, 2003: 226 - 227).
Nationalism in Singapore
Sing Singapore was a government sponsored mass singing competition held in the citystate in celebration of its national day. The underlying objective of this competition was
to develop a strong sense of belonging to Singapore through singing locally composed
national songs. These songs are characterized by their catchy melodies and patriotic
lyrics (Kong, 1995: 452; Tan, 2005: 84). Many people regarded the songs as propaganda
tools (Tan, 2005: 84).
The songs were appropriated to produce parodies that went viral on social media.
These parodies are known as songs of resistance or ‘Fake Songs’ (Kong, 1995: 453 - 456;
Tan, 2005: 97 - 100). While the melodies remain original, the original lyrics were altered
to express the ironies of Singaporeans under the government policies (Tan, 2005: 97 –
99). The national songs are in the style of current popular music with localized English
lyrics, so they are easily consumable by people from different ethnic groups. They have
become the emblem of Singapore national identity (Kong, 1995: 65 - 68). Singaporeans
remain enamored of popular music produced in the West and sung by native English
12
Variety Show performed in a makeshift stage during the Hungry Ghost Festival to
entertain both human, and supernatural beings (Liew and Chan, 2013 :281).
20
speakers (Yasser, 2009: 191 - 192). However, popular music is subject to censorship, and
concerts are constantly under surveillance (Kong, 2006: 108 - 109).
Confucianism is the underlying philosophical framework that provides the basis
for Singapore cultural policies. It emphasizes the scholar-amateur and deemphasizes
professionals in artistic performance. Tong Soon Lee elucidates the role switch between
the professional and amateur Chinese opera troupes in Singapore as a phenomenon
correlated to the Confucian philosophies embodied in the national cultural policies (Lee,
2007: 412 - 413). While professional troupes typically perform for deities during
religious festivals, amateur troops perform in secular performances that are usually selffunded or sponsored by major Chinese owned businesses. Additionally, amateur troupes
are advocates for the Chinese street opera art form (Lee, 2002: 155 - 156).
Observations
The studies on music in Singapore run the gamut from surveys to meticulous studies that
address major ethnomusicological issues. Many survey the ways musical practices in
Singapore operate under strict government regulations, analyze government initiatives,
and some criticize the Singapore government for its lack of artistic freedom. In
Singapore, scholarly criticisms in academic journals and mongraphs are likely to escape
the censors. As Kenneth Paul Tan explains:
“While theatre and books can be powerfully emotive means of raising
sympathy for the political underdog, these media remain for the most part
within the purview of Singapore’s cultural elite and are unlikely to enjoy
broader reach to politicise or even conscientise the wider electorate” (2016:
243).
21
Musical practices often embrace government regulations and policies. Consequently,
there are conflicting perspectives between musics that the government advocates and
those that scholars attempt to define (Rasmussen 2010; Tan 2016). These made it difficult
to clearly define music of Singapore.
In general, I observed three points among the studies reviewed: 1) popular music
culture seems to be the dominating musical practice among the studies, 2) there is a lack
of foreign perspective in the ethnomusicological scholarship, and 3) scholars extrapolated
information primarily from local newspaper articles and official documents.
Given the limited ethnomusicological scholarship available on Tamil musical
scholarship in Singapore. The primary aim of this study is to contribute to this emerging
body of work. Given the longstanding emphasis on Indian classical performing arts in
Singapore, this thesis might serve as a small step towards raising awareness about Tamil
folk music in Singapore.
Part 3
Fieldwork and Methods
I was first introduced to urumi melam when I met Aaron Paige during one of my visits to
Wesleyan as an MA hopeful in Fall 2013. Our conversation at Kekolo World Coffee Café
on Court Street inspired me to search for more information about urumi melam on the
Internet. I was stunned to learn that urumi melam in Singapore is constantly suppressed
by the Singapore authorities. I found the need to address and analyze this issue from the
perspective of ethnomusicology. From then on, I pursued the topic and informally began
my fieldwork. I conducted my study with reference to Clifford Geertz’s (1973) Thick
22
Description and Tim Rice’s (1994) Dialogical Ethnography. I also adopted Zoe
Sherinian’s (2014) approach by which data were primarily gathered from conversing with
musicians and common people instead of relying on mainstream reports. This approach
helped me to get a balance in data.
I used several methods to collect the data on which this thesis is based. At the
beginning I used social networking sites. I followed every urumi melam in Singapore on
Facebook, and read comments posted by netizens. I subscribed to online editions of
Singapore English newspapers, namely The Straits Times, The New Paper and Today. I
took screen shots whenever I spotted a relevant datum for my research. Among all urumi
melam in Singapore, the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam caught my attention. They
are active in spreading the musical practice as they regularly conduct workshops in
schools. I added Navind Kumar as Facebook friend, and have since been communicating
with him.
In the summers of 2014 and 2015, and winter of 2015, I conducted fieldwork in
Singapore. I followed the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam to all their engagements,
and attended their rehearsals. During the process, I made videos, audio recordings, and
photographs. Having the concept of dialogic ethnography in mind, I conducted interviews
in the form of informal conversations with musicians and Hindu devotees, using the
concept of dialogic ethnography. I hired the urumi melam to record three of their most
popular musical arrangements. I transcribed them using David Nelson’s (1991) notation
system for analysis. Nelson’s system of notation was design to provide meticulous
analysis of the rhythmically complex tani avartanam in karnatak music. Not only does it
23
shed light on the shapes of the rhythmic patterns, the solkattu13 syllables also correspond
to the actual sound produced on the drum.
Apart from fieldwork, I also drew data from archival documents such as historical
newspaper articles, oral history transcriptions, historical photographs and historical maps.
I obtained these valuable documents from National Museum of Singapore, National
Archives of Singapore and National Library of Singapore.
Part 4
Chapter Descriptions
In Chapter 1, I trace the genealogy of Southeast Asian urumi melam, and discuss
characteristics such as matching outfits and hybridized instruments that articulate the
idiosyncrasy of Southeast Asian urumi melam. I also look at aspects that distinguish
Singaporean urumi melams from Malaysian counterpart. Apart from being socio-religious
institutions, Hindu temples in Singapore are junctions or interface points (Allen 1998) of
all South Indian performing arts. In the final part of this chapter, I discuss how Hindu
temples in Singapore play a significant role in exposing musicians to new musical ideas.
In Chapter 2, I examine symbols and power relations of the Hindu thaipusam
festival in Singapore through the lenses used by scholars of semiotic and religion. In the
first part of this chapter, I analyze three significant symbols of the thaipusam festival
using semiotic theories and responses from devotees. In doing so, I acquire a deeper
understanding of the symbols by examining possible meanings they convey within the
culture. The three symbols encompass 1) the festival, 2) the idol of Lord Murugan, and 3)
13
Solkattu refers to the South Indian system of spoken syllables along with the hand
gestures of a tāla (David Nelson 2008:11).
24
the spike kavadi. In the second part of the chapter, I draw on theories of power relations
to examine the Hindu doctrines, and governmental interventions that provided the
impetus of the thaipusam festival in Singapore. The discussions of symbols and power
relations in the thaipusam festival in Singapore require a brief understanding of the
demography of the Singaporean Indian community and the background of the festival.
Chapter 3 focuses on the music of the thaipusam kavadi procession held annually
in Singapore during the month of February. The study is based on fieldwork conducted in
Singapore in the summer of 2013, and summer 2015. It describes in detail the music of
the urumi melam, the instrumental ensemble that provides music for the procession.
Using musical analysis, this chapter explores the ways in which urumi melam musicians
appropriate musical idioms characteristic of karnatak music and Tamil folk music as
signposts and models for a flawless performance.
Support by Mark Slobin’s tripartite framework of superculture, subculture, and
interculture, chapter four provides a brief observation on how urumi melam operates in
Singapore and Malaysia. I first examine the impact of the superculture on the urumi
melam subculture in Singapore by tracing the history of noise control regulations that had
attributed to the ban on music along the thaipusam procession route since 1973. Next, I
survey the impact of changes made to the Singapore immigration policy that led to the
reemergence of the 1973 noise control regulations in 2011. Finally, I discuss the various
interactions that occur in subculture and interculture. They foster friendships,
collaborations, and trigger feuds in the urumi melam subcultures. I also shed light on how
social media such as YouTube and Facebook have became portals for the gathering of
urumi melam musicians, affiliates, and enthusiasts from Singapore and Malaysia.
25
Chapter One
The Southeast Asian Urumi Melam
Introduction
The urumi melam is a folk ensemble that originated in Tamil Nadu. In Tamil Nadu,
urumi melam consist of urumi14, nagaswaram15, tàvil, pambai 16, and jālra. In Southeast
Asia, notably Malaysia and Singapore, urumi melams usually comprise a vocalist, urumi,
távil, chinna kattai17, and jālra. The performers are Tamil Hindus males in their teens and
twenties who drum with frenetic energy, and sing songs of praises to the deities. The
Southeast Asian urumi melam emerged in the Malaysian state of Ipoh in the late 1980s.
Subsequently it began to spread, and became popularized in Singapore in the mid 1990s
(Sykes 2015b: 383).
Southeast Asian Urumi melams adopted the idea of wearing matching shirts
from the Malay kompang18 drum ensemble. The members of Siva Sakthi Muniandi Urumi
14
The urumi is a double-headed drum that is common in Tamil folk music.
The nāgasvaram is a Tamil folk wind instrument; it has been a necessary instrument
that accompanies important religious rituals at the Hindu temple.
15
16
The pambai comprise of a pair of small cylindrical drums held horizontally one on top
of the other in front of the musician's chest. The lower pitched drum is tied to the
musician’s waist and the higher pitched drum is slung from the musician’s neck so that
the drums comprises and lie above the other horizontally.
17
The chinna kattai drum is the high-pitched drum of the pambai.
18
The kompang is a hand-beaten frame drum. It has a shallow, hardwood body and a
single tacked head, sometimes with metal jingles inserted into the frame. The extreme
range of high and low timbres in the drumming, the loud volume, and the fast tempi offer
26
Melam, the urumi melam with which I work, change their group outfits once every two
years. There is a standard dress code they adhere to depending on the event. The leader of
the group often holds a meeting after their rehearsals to decide on the outfit for the next
couple of bookings. According to Navind, “I want to make sure everyone has a say to
what we should wear for our bookings” (personal communication, June 6th, 2015). When
they perform for secular events, the ensemble will wear matching collared shirt coupled
with a white single dhoti bottom. This is a common outfit for any Karnatak or South
Indian folk musicians. When performing for sacred events, they wear a set of Indian
traditional outfits, which includes a headwear, a kurta top, and double dhoti.
Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam (Singapore)
The Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam is one of the oldest, and most prominent urumi
melams in Singapore (see figure 1). Navind Kumar, founded the ensemble in 2005 at the
tender age of 15. Navind’s mother is a frequent traveller between Tamil Nadu and
Singapore. She often bought Tamil Folk drums for Navind as souvenirs. Eventually,
Navind became interested in the drum, and became a drum collector. He also sought to
learn the drums from his relatives and seniors in his school. As his drum collection grew,
Navind decided to set up his own urumi melam with his family members and
schoolmates.
The Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam comprises Tamil Hindu youths between
the ages of 16 to 31. Most of them have at least six months of ensemble experience. The
youths are predominantly in their early 20s, and they are either full time students pursing
vocational certifications at the Institute of Technical Education, or in the midst of serving
a dynamic accompaniment to the ceremony or procession (Matusky and Chopyak,
1998:446).
27
their national service in the military. One member is currently pursuing a Business
Administration degree at a private university, and the youngest member in the group is
completing his Secondary school (middle school) education. The older youths (age 25 to
31) have successful careers at managerial level in Marine, Food and Beverage, and Hotel
industries, and some are pursuing a military career. When asked to choose between
school or work and urumi melam bookings, almost all young members are willing to skip
classes for bookings, while senior members will take a leave of absence from their work
depending on their workload and availability. Nonetheless, a senior member will be
present for most bookings. When necessary, musicians may take long-term leave of
absence from the group to pursue their endeavor or to attend to their personal matters.
Figure 1: Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam (Singapore)
28
Members of the Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam come from diverse
backgrounds. Each of them joined the urumi melam for different reasons. Besides Arvin,
Navind’s younger cousin, who joined the urumi melam under the influence of Navind
(personal communication, Arvin, June 6th 2015), others joined for the following reasons:
they were attracted by the sound of the urumi; their friends are in the urumi melam; and
in the case of older youths, most were Navind’s old schoolmates. Apart from the reasons
mentioned, everyone in Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam believes that performing in
an urumi melam is a gesture that would bring good karma to himself and his family
members.
Discipline, team spirit, and being a faithful Hindu are three qualities that are
strongly inculcated to the youths in Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam. Members are
expected to put on their best behavior during a performance, show respect to all, and
conform to strict rules set by Navind whenever they handle their instruments. According
to Navind, “we see the instruments as saraswati amman (the Hindu goddess of music and
education) … so everyone in my group must learn to handle the instrument with our
utmost respect…” (personal communication, June 1st, 2015). Members must observe the
following rules whenever they handle their instruments: 1) instruments must be laid on a
piece of sari whenever they are placed on the ground; 2) no smoking is allowed; 3) vulgar
talk is not allowed; 4) no footwear is allowed; and 5) no one should step over the drums.
Additionally, all members must go on vegetarian diet for a day before any sacred events.
On the fun side, group outings are regularly organized after major events to heighten
group bounding.
29
Since their inauguration, Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam has performed at
Hindu Temples in countries such as India, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Australia.
They are the first Southeast Asian urumi melam to tour. The performances were well
received by local audiences in all the countries. In one instance, during their performance
in Tamil Nadu, the powerful sound and flawless ensemble coordination immensely
impressed their audience, which included a professional nayandi melam. As Navind
describes:
“After we started to play, people from a nearby village rushed over to
watch us… A nayandi melam was at our performance… they were so
impressed by us that they brought their guru over to watch us” (personal
communication, May 24th, 2015).
Educating the posterity about urumi melam is one of the primary goals of Siva
Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam. The ensemble has conducted numerous workshops at
local schools. The workshops are conducted in show and tell format, and students have
the opportunity to play on the drums under the guidance of a drummer. Currently, the
ensemble is engaged by the Singapore Navy to form a temporary urumi melam, which
comprises Naval servicemen.
Social-Cultural Functions of Southeast Asian Urumi Melam
The Southeast Asia urumi melams are hired on a demand basis. Typically, they provide
music for events such as Thaipusam and Punguni, silver chariot processions (Ratham
point), Hindu weddings, religious rituals (Hindu, Taoist, and Buddhist), house warming,
30
and birthday parties. Apart from their bookings, Southeast Asian urumi melams have cut
their own commercial albums, and competed in the annual urumi melam championship in
Malaysia.
Based in a cosmopolitan city-state, the Singaporean urumi melams are also hired
for non-Hindu events such as Vesak day19 and Taoist rituals. The patrons who hire the
urumi melam for these events are Tamil Hindus who are members of Buddhist or Taoist
temples, and Chinese businesses. To the Tamil Hindu patrons, hiring an urumi melam to
perform for the Buddha or a Taoist deity is a votive gesture. A patron explains, “My
family, for generations, have been dedicating music (urumi music) and dance
(Bharatanatayam) to the Buddha in this temple on Vesak Day. At the end of the
performances, we will offer a modest buffet spread of South Indian vegetarian food to all
devotees” (personal communication, anonymous, June 1st, 2015). On the other hand,
Chinese businesses hire an urumi melam to bring them good luck, and to bring prosperity
to their businesses (Sykes 2015b: 390).
Distinction: Singaporean Urumi Melam and Malaysian Urumi Melam
The instrumentation, matching outfits, and non-Hindu bookings have attributed to
regionalized urumi melam that is uniquely Southeast Asian. However, there are notable
differences that distinguish Singaporean urumi melam from Malaysian urumi melam.
In contrary to the Singapore urumi melams, the Malaysian urumi melams focus on
collective virtuosity and showmanship. The Malaysian urumi melam arrangements are
generally loud, fast, and rhythmically complex, while the Singapore urumi melam
19
Vesak Day occurs annually in the month of May in Gregorian calendar. The day
commemorates the birth of Gautama Buddha, and it is celebrated by Buddhists around
the world (emphasis mine).
31
arrangements are slower in tempo, melodious, and less rhythmically complex. As vocalist
Thiru Kumara elucidates:
“Singaporean audiences are fond of songs that are slower in tempo, and
melodious because they want to hear the melody and lyrics… Urumi
melams in Malaysia are impressive… they can do a lot of complicated
rhythms, but the lyrics are usually covered by the loud drumming, and
often, the tempo are so fast to the extent that vocalists tend to mumble
the lyrics in order to keep up with the fast tempo” (personal
communication, May 24th, 2015).
Singapore urumi melams focus on producing good sounds on the drums. They are very
precise about the ways each drummer strikes his drum. According to Navind:
“My goal is to make sure that everyone in my group play with good drum
strokes regardless during rehearsals or bookings. When everyone play
with the right drum stroke, and hit on the right spot on the drum head, the
ensemble as a whole will sound loud and good, and the sound of the
drums will travel far away” (personal communication, May 24th, 2015).
Hybridized Instruments of the Southeast Asian Urumi Melam
The Southeast Asian urumi melams perform on drums that are constructed in Malaysia.
These Malaysian made drums are modified to certain degree to produce sounds that are
louder, and garner greater sound projection than drums from South India. Furthermore,
32
the modifications cater to better efficiency when playing on the drums. In other words,
drummers can attain the preferred volume and projection with minimal physical effort. In
spite of the modifications, well-executed drum strokes remain crucial for achieving the
desired sounds. The following paragraphs provide description of each type of drum, and
shed light on the modifications that occurred on them:
Urumi
Urumi is a double-headed hourglass-shaped drum that originated in the state of Tamil
Nadu, South India. In Tamil Nadu, it is typically played by dalits, many of whom believe
it has supernatural and sacred powers. When played in religious ceremonies and
processions, the performance of specific beats and “moaning” sound produced on the
urumi may induce spirit possessions or trance.
The urumi comprises two drumheads attached to a single hollow wooden body.
The drum body is usually made out of jack wood, the same wood used to make the
mrdangam. Both left and right heads are usually made from cow skin that is stretched
around a thin metal ring. Sometimes, lizard skin is used as the substitute for cow skin on
the right head. Traditionally, the two heads are held in tension by a continuous leather
strap that is woven around the drum in a V-shape pattern. Nowadays the more easily
maintained nylon cord is preferred over leather strap. Small coils of string or metal are
tied around each pair of cord. Urumi players can adjust the tension on the drumheads by
sliding the coils along the drum body. As Aaron Paige (2005) notes, “During the
monsoon season the drumheads will slacken so much that the instrument becomes
unplayable. Using these coils drummers can easily rectify such problems.”
33
In contrast to conventional urumi, the drumheads of urumi constructed in
Southeast Asia are solely made of goatskin. Goatskin can produce louder sound with
greater sound projection (personal communication, Navind Kumar and Chelliah, June
12th, 2015). Furthermore, the small coils are replaced by cable ties. A typical Southeast
Asian urumi melam features urumi of three different sizes (high, medium, and bass) with
the medium pitched urumi taking the leading role both for the urumi section, and for the
entire ensemble. The high pitched and bass pitched urumis provide support for the
medium pitched urumi.
The urumi is designed for mobility. The urumi is slung with a cloth strap across
the shoulder and played by the drummer horizontally. This allows the drummer to play
standing or walking. The urumi player strikes the left drumhead with a small bent rattan
stick, and rubs the right drumhead with a larger rattan bent stick creating a deep resonant
"moaning" sound. It is worth noting that drumsticks made in Southeast Asia are generally
longer and thinner than drumsticks made in India. The design of the Southeast Asian
urumi drumsticks made it easy to produce the “moaning” sound.
In India, the left drumhead is often lubricated with castor oil to facilitate the
production of the sound. In Southeast Asia, urumi players prefer to apply oil pressed from
the serangkotai seed20. Locally, the seed is known as “Mye” or ink. When castor oil or
Mye seeds are not available, latex juice from a jackfruit may be used.
20
Serangkotai seeds are ancient Indian medicinal seed. The oil pressed from the seed is
applied to the right drumhead to facilitate a better grip when the drumstick is glides to
produce the “moaning” sound (Rao, B. Sivaramakrishna, and Rao, B.
Arunasivaramakrishna. 2009).
34
Tavil
The tavil is widely known as “the mother of all percussion instruments” as Geetha
Rajagopal notes. “This instrument [tavil] has set guidelines for all other [South Indian]
percussion instruments.” (2015: 36). The tavil is a single barrel-shaped drum with two
heads, the treble sounding head normally at the right and a bass sounding head at the left.
The tavil consists of a drum body hollowed out of a solid block of jackfruit wood. In
South India, the left drumhead or toppi of the tavil is made of water buffalo skin, and it
has a smaller diameter than the right side. The right drumhead or valantalai is made of
goatskin that is stretched very tightly to the drum rim. Thus, it gives a high sounding
pitch that resembles the sound of a horse’s gallop. The toppi is kept loose to allow pitch
bending, and to attain a resonating bass sound. Whenever the toppi is tightened due to a
change in climate, tavil players can loosen it by giving it a hard strike with their palm.
The tavil is either played while sitting, or hung by a cloth strap from the shoulder of the
player.
In recent years, a modified tavil has become popular among tavil players in India.
It is a combined effort of T.G. Paramasivam, a drum rim maker in Thiruvaiyaru, and R.
Venugopal Pillai, a tavil player.
The function of a drum rim is to hold the drum skin on both sides of the drum.
Traditionally, bamboo lath is the primary material for making drum rims. However, they
have been gradually replaced by steel. According to T.G. Paramasivam, “Drum rims
made of bamboos would break easily, and artistes needed to replace it frequently. So, I
decided to use steel pipes” (B. Kolappan 2013).
35
In addition to steel drum rims, tavil makers have also replaced the mechanisms
that fasten drumheads to the drum body. R. Venugopal Pillai, the inventor of the new
mechanisms sheds light on how he came up with the innovation: “I hit upon the idea
when I listened to a western band playing in a cinema theater in Mayilauthurai. The
drummer played extremely well, and I went near him and my eyes caught the nuts and
bolts attached to the drum. I decided to adapt the technology for tavil” (B. Kolappan
2013).
Traditionally, drumheads are tied to the drum body using a long leather strap.
Whenever the drumheads become loose, the process of tightening the leather strap is
complicated, strenuous, and may take hours to complete. Furthermore, most drummers in
India do not learn to maintain their drums because professional drum makers are always
available in their neighborhood. Umayalpuram Mali, a professional mrdangam player
explains, “In Mylapore alone, there are at least eight drum makers in a neighborhood…
drummers can send their drums to any of them… it is very convenient… so why do we
need to learn how to maintain our drums?” (personal communication, May 26th, 2015).
The drumheads of the new tavil are fastened to the drum body using thick steel
belts, or a steel case via bolts and nuts. This allows tavil players to tune the drum quickly
in the event of skin tear, or when drumheads become loose. Moreover, tavil players can
perform simple maintenance or replace drumheads on their own. This is very helpful for
tavil players who travel frequently. The steel mechanism and steel drum rim enable the
tavil to endure higher tension, which results in bigger and louder sounds. Consequently, it
is common for tavil to overpower nagaswaram, the wind instrument it typically
accompanies.
36
The new tavil is popular among the Southeast Asian urumi melams. Yet further
modifications were made to draw even louder and bigger sounds from the tavil, which
has resulted in a Southeast Asian tavil. Apart from the steel rim, drumheads of Southeast
Asian tavils are made of goatskin because they are more durable and can withstand
greater tension than cow skin.
The modification of the heads has led to changes in the sticks. In India, távil
players in periya melam21 wear koodus (finger caps) when they play on the valantalai
while folk tavil players use long thin bamboo sticks. The thin bamboo sticks produce a
much more powerful sound than koodus, and is said to be one of the naiyandi melam’s
most distinguishing characteristics (Aaron Paige 2009:80). Southeast Asian urumi
melams do not use koodus or the thin bamboo sticks. Rather, they use plastic balloon
sticks22 to play on the valantalai. As Navind explains, “we experimented with all sort of
sticks but none are comparable to balloon sticks… They make the loudest, and most
projected sound out of valantalai… soon after we used balloon sticks, other urumi
melams started to follow us” (personal communication, May 24th, 2015). On the other
hand, oleander wood stick is used for hitting the toppi.
The drumheads must be loosened after use, and tightened before use. The new
mechanism enables tavil players to adjust the drumheads by counting the number of turns
The periya mēlam (literary translated as “big band”) is often mistaken for its folk
counterpart, naiyandi mēlam. Both have the same instrumentation. However, there are
three differences that distinguish naiyandi mēlam from periya mēlam: First, periya mēlam
musicians mostly play sitting down while naiyandi mēlam musicians play standing.
Second, tavil players in the classical ensembles play with a short thick stick in the weak
hand, and koodus or finger caps on the dominant hand. Naiyandi tavil players hold a thick
stick in the weak hand, and a long and thin bamboo stick in the right hand (Lai 2014:23).
22
The balloon sticks are colorful plastic sticks that hold and display the balloons. The
balloons are tied to the stick via a cup.
21
37
on the bolt and nut. In this case, the drum maker decides the default number of turns for a
particular drum, and tavil players set the default number as a benchmark when tightening
the drumheads. They may manipulate the number of turns by a little bit to attain the
desired sound from the tavil. To prevent the skin from tearing, tavil players press their
thumb on the drumheads to ensure that the skins are not overly strained by the tension.
The same number of turns must be observed when they loosen the drumheads. According
to the lead tavil player of Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam:
“I always do ten turns on my personal távil, but I will ask Navind for
opinion if the távil doesn’t sound good… he will check for me, and
increase the turns if necessary, and I need to remember the number of
turns” (personal communication, Kinesh, May 24th, 2015).
Most tavil players acquire the rudimental technique of the mr̥daṅgaṃ [a standard
double headed barrel drum used in all karnatak music] before switching to the tavil.
Furthermore, tavil players need sound technical knowledge about the nuances of laya
(sense of time) because playing the távil involves a great deal of mathematical
calculations (Geetha Rajagopal 2015: 36).
In Southeast Asian urumi melam, tavil players are not required to master the
nuances of laya but they need to be well versed with South Indian folk rhythms, karnatak
rhythms, Punjabi bhangra rhythms, hip hop rhythms, and many more in order to meet the
flexibility of the repertoires.
38
Cinna Kattai
The cinna kattai drum is the high-pitched drum of the pambai. The localized name ‘cinna
kattai’ may be derived from the loud “ka ta” sound it produces, and the size of the drum.
The steel mechanisms of the tavil are adapted into the cinna kattai, it is played
with balloon sticks. Furthermore, the drumheads also comprise steel rim and goatskin.
Thus, like tavil and urumi, the Southeast Asian cinna kattai is loud and gathers more
sound projection than the pambai. Most Southeast Asian urumi melam comprise one
cinna kattai with two tavils and three urumis.
Vocalist
Southeast Asian urumi melam feature at least one vocalist unless a request is made for a
drum-only performance. The vocalist is equipped with a bullhorn that is usually hung
around his neck or over his shoulder while he sings. Regardless an indoor or outdoor
performance, the vocalist always amplifies his singing through the bull horn. Similar to
quran recitation in Indonesia, the penchant for amplified singing in urumi melam
performances, as Rasmussen suggests “is an aesthetic of sound that is contextually based
and socially and historically informed and that is characteristic of the listening practices
required to participate meaningfully” (2010: 49). Traditionally, nagaswaram is the
primary melodic instrument for all Tamil folk ensembles. However, according to Navind
Kumar “the nagaswaram is hard to learn because it demands excellent techniques to keep
the instrument under control” (personal communication, April 14th 2016). Therefore, the
nagaswaram has been substituted with vocalist.
The urumi melams serve a wide range of annual events, and they must compete
with other urumi melams in the region for bookings. In this respect, a Southeast Asian
39
urumi melam, like most folk ensembles in the world, must have well-known resources
and well-honed strategies in their quest to find and please clients (Slobin 2011:4). In
India, a typical professional folk musician usually knows one to two thousand film songs,
and to meet public demands the song list is consistently updated (Paige 2009:74 – 75). In
Southeast Asia, an urumi melam vocalist must know a huge repertoire of songs varying
from devotional songs to the latest Tamil movie theme songs. They must learn the songs
quickly and effectively so that they are ready to perform the songs at anytime. Thiru
Kumara, the lead vocalist of Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam reveals:
“Although I am more interested in Tamil devotional music, I need to
keep up with the latest songs in all Tamil music genres especially Tamil
devotional song and Tamil movie theme songs… I practice the songs
everyday, and I make sure that I memorize the songs within 5 days”
(personal communication, May 24th, 2015).
Most vocalists in Southeast Asian urumi melam have not had any form of
karnatak vocal or melodic instrumental trainings. Unlike karnatak music and temple
music, vocalists do not rely on a sruti or tonal center when they sing. Instead, they are
free to sing in their preferred keys. They often learn to sing Tamil folk songs by listening
to commercially produced media, and watch YouTube videos of their favorite Tamil folk
singers. Thiru Kumara’s singing is heavily influenced by renowned folk singers
Pushpavanam Kuppusamy and S.P. Balasubrahmanyam (personal communication, May
24th, 2015). Recently, vocalists are beginning to read the lyrics from tablets and
40
smartphones. Despite these technological aids with lyrics, vocalists are still required to
learn song tunes by heart.
Chin Chak
The main function of the chin chak or brass bells is to keep tāla for the urumi
melam. The chin chak are usually made of brass, bronze or copper, and produce a
resonating ringing sound that marks the strong beats of the tāḷa. For example, in ādi tāḷa
[8 beats cycle], the chin chak will play on the first, fifth, and seventh beats. However,
there are cases when the chin chak is played on every single beat of the music. This adds
some metallic sonority amidst the deafening sounds from the drums.
Shankh
In addition to urumi, tavil, and the vocalist, there are occasions when auxiliary
instruments are incorporated into this ensemble. The most common one is the shankh
[conch shell]. The shankh is an ancient instrument used in battle scenes of the ancient
Sanskrit epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata. It is a conch shell used as a horn. Conch
shells come in different sizes, which produce different pitches [a higher pitch for a
smaller shell and a lower pitch for a larger one]. It is not always used for musical
purposes because its musical associations are not extensive. It requires performers to
have excellent breath control and precise intonation. Despite these challenges, it does not
possess a rich sonority and has never attained the status of a serious musical instrument.
The shankh is commonly used as an instrument that signals war and is often used in
Hindu rituals, ceremonies, and festivals.
The shankh can be performed in three ways: from the side, from the apex or with
an attached mouthpiece. To play from the side, a hole is bored on the side and the
41
performer blows through the hole to produce a tone. To play from the apex, the tip of the
apex is cut, creating a blowhole; the performer will produce a tone by blowing through
the top blowhole. A mouthpiece attached to the shankh is often depicted in paintings and
sculptures (Deva 2000:98).
Designs and Decorations on the Drums
Musicians decorate their drums with painted designs, carvings and LED lights. Each
drum body has its unique woodturning designs. However, some musicians seek to further
enhance the designs on their drums. Some send their drums to auto body shop to paint
designs on their drums (see figure 2), while some engage artists to paint graphics related
to Hinduism. Drum makers occasionally produce drums with meticulous carvings of
Hindu deities (see figure 3). These drums usually cost around SGD$4500 [USD$3280
03/12/2016].
Figure 2: An urumi with painted designs
42
Figure 3: An urumi with carvings of Hindu deities (Courtesy of Chelliah Kannusamy).
Drums decorated with battery operated LED lights have become popular among
the Southeast Asian urumi melam. The siva sakthi muniandy urumi melam is the first
urumi melam to fix LED lights to their drums. They custom made belts with LED light to
wrap around their tavil (see figure 4) and cinna kattai (see figure 5), and fixed LED light
to their urumi using mini cable ties (see figure 6).
43
Figure 4: A tavil with the custom made LED light belt
Figure 5: A cinna kattai with the custom made LED light belt
44
Figure 6: Musicians fixing LED lights on an urumi with cable ties.
Chelliah Kannusamy: The Drum Maker
Despite their origins in South India, the Southeast Asian urumi melams do not acquire
their instruments from India. Instead, they are purchased from drum makers in Malaysia.
The drums are usually made to order, and drum makers do not own a storefront.
Therefore, it is not a common practice to purchase a drum off the shelf. However, on rare
occasions, a drum maker may sell an extra drum that he made during his spare time.
45
On June 24th, 2015, I had the privilege to pay a visit to an eminent drum maker,
Chelliah Kannusamy who is based in Johor Bahru, Malaysia. Chelliah has been making
drums for his living for 36 years; he has performed in urumi melam since he was 17 (see
figure 7). His residence, a single floor three-bedroom house is 30 minutes drive away
from the Singapore – Malaysia border. Upon entering his residence, I was welcomed by a
pungent smell of untreated skins23 that came from a compact sheltered space in the front
yard. This is the workspace where Chelliah makes all his drums. In the workspace, I saw
a stack of dried skins on top of some untreated jack wood logs of different sizes; a
woodwork lathe; a set of pressurized air dusters; and a table saw (see figure 8). Besides
the machinery, Chelliah invented simple hand tools to help him with the drum making
process. One such tool helps to ensure the drumhead is fastened evenly to the drum body.
This tool eases and quickens the daunting processes of replacing and tuning drumheads
(see figure 9).
23
They are goatskins that Chelliah purchased from a mutton butcher at a nearby market
(personal communication, Chelliah Kannusamy, June 12th, 2015).
46
Figure 7: The Drum Maker - Mr. Chelliah Kannusamy
47
48
Figure 8: Drum maker's workshop
Figure 9: Tool that ensures the drumhead is fastened evenly to the drum body.
Normally, a drum that is made to order will take 3 days to complete. However, the
time to complete a drum varies according to the drum maker’s motivation. As Chelliah
reveals, “I usually take 3 days to make drum…. But if I am very motivated on a particular
day, or when I have too many orders on hand, I will be able to make a drum from scratch
within 6 hours” (personal communication, June 12th, 2015). After a drum is completed, it
will be stored in a storeroom where customers could try out their new drums, and select
the best drumsticks for their drums (see figure 10). As the drums are made-to-order,
Chelliah is always around to make fine adjustments to the drums while his customers try
49
them out. When a deal is sealed, Chelliah will hand write his name, and date and time of
sales on the right drumheads. He did not provide a reason for this gesture. When asked
how many drums he made on average in a year, he replies proudly, “about a thousand a
year”. Chelliah’s drums are usually priced around USD 200 to USD 2800 depending on
their quality, size, and craftsmanship (personal communication, Navind Kumar, July 20th
2015). Chelliah’s replies and the prices of the drums explain why he is able to make a
living out of making and repairing drums.
Figure 10: Drums in the storeroom
50
Chelliah has created a one-stop consumer experience for his customers. In this
sense, his customers can purchase any essential urumi melam equipment and accessories
from his residence. Besides the drums, he also has bullhorns and chin chak for sale. The
bullhorns are acquired from an industrial equipment supplier, and the chin chak from a
reliable bronzesmith. Chelliah handpicked the bullhorns and chin chak for quality
assurance, and to ensure that their volume can match up with the drums.
Sociocultural Status of Southeast Asian Urumi Melam
In Southeast Asia, urumi melam are hired on demand to provide music accompaniment
for auspicious events such as temple festivals, house warmings, birthday parties, and
welcoming a government official. Paradoxically, an urumi melam is, at the same time,
stigmatized as ensemble of the dalits 24 because: 1) they perform on the urumi drum,
which is often associated with the dalits, and 2) urumi melams in Tamil Nadu were
traditionally hired to accompany inauspicious events such as funeral processions.
Furthermore, most upper caste Hindus perceive the instruments in an urumi melam as low
status because they require engagement with polluting substances such as saliva (wind
instruments like flutes or the double reed nāgasvaram) or any animal skins (drums like
the távil or the urumi) (Sherinian 2014: 13).
24
Zoe Sherinian provides a comprehensive description about the dalit in her monograph
‘Tamil Folk Music as Dalit Liberation Theology’. She asserts, “The category of
“untouchable” is a social distinction or social ranking at the bottom, indeed outside
(avarna) of the caste hierarchy; hence the term “out-caste”. It is a state of complete
impurity and pollution associated with one’s birth ranking, one’s ritual ranking, and one’s
occupation. In many locations untouchables are separated from the caste communities
physically and socially. They are required to live in a village ghetto, or area of wasteland
called the cēri. Untouchables are subject to daily humiliations that mark their degraded
status. In the recent past and in many places today, they are not permitted to wear sandals
when they walk through the main village, even if they could afford them; men are not
permitted to wear the tundu, or towel on their shoulder as a marker of status” (2014:1213).
51
Need for Urumi Melam
It is a Hindu belief that the sound of the drum is absolutely necessary to send souls to
surgam (heaven) during funerals (Sherinian 2011), and inevitable in evoking possessing
spirits during Hindu rituals (David Roche 2000: 293). In the case of temple festivals,
when a Hindu deity comes out of the temple for procession, the drum must be played, or
else, the spirit of the deity will refuse to leave the temple (Sherinian 2011).
Drums are powerful musical instruments that can cast out evil spirits. Therefore, folk
ensembles such as urumi melam and naiyandi melam are always hired to perform for
auspicious events. Interestingly, in Tamil Nadu, the presence of a Tamil folk drum
ensemble for an auspicious event is extremely important. Because Tamil folk ensembles
are irreplaceable, there are instances when Brahmins had to plead the dalit musicians to
perform for their events.
In addition to providing music for events, Southeast Asia urumi melams have been
successful in keeping vulnerable teens away from narcotics and secret societies (Sykes
2015b: 390).
Adaptation of Karnatak Tālas to Urumi Melam Music
The concepts of Karnatak tāla and raga largely form the basis of most Tamil folk music.
In his study of the Naiyandi melam, drawing upon his interviews with Tamil folk
musicians, Aaron Paige elucidates that Tamil folk drummers are constantly adapting
musical concepts from the karnatak music because “in addition to playing folk-type
aḍis25, naiyandi players have also acquired and developed a unique understanding of the
25
Folk drumming in Tamil Nadu generally consist of playing short ostinato-like rhythmic
patterns, known as ādis (beats) (Paige 2008:39).
52
karnatak tāla system. The main tālas used in naiyandi melam performance are ādi tāla (8
beats) and rupaka tāla (three beats)” (2008:39-40).
Conversely, Paige highlights the point that the concept of tāla differs amongst the
folk drummers. For example, in contrast to karnatak music, ādi tāla may not necessarily
mean an eight beat cycle to the folk drummers, but rather any patterns that are felt as
duple, and tiśram may be referred to any three or six beat rhythms. In their study of South
Indian film music, Balasubrahmaniyan and Getter (2008) note that the common
compound meter in most South Indian film music, and Folk music corresponds to the
karnatak tāla known as tisra-nadai ādi tāḷa. Other karnatak music concepts are also
apparent in South Indian folk music. These include sarvalaghu26, kanakku27, mora28, and
sangati29.
The studies provided by Paige (2008), and Balasubrahmaniyan and Getter (2008)
suggest that confluences between karnatak music and Tamil folk music are not
coincidental. In South India, the Hindu temple is the locus for socio-musical exchanges.
Such exchanges are immensely vibrant at the temples of Tanjavur district, as Matthew
Allen writes “the major Hindu temples of Tanjavur district were centrally placed along
26
Sarvalaghu is defined by David Nelson as the range of time-shaping patterns that carry
the tāl ̣a- and aks ̣ara-structures (1991:xvi). Fugan Dineen takes Nelson’s definition
further as he asserts, “although sarvalaghu designs often emphasize tāl ̣a structures, they
are not those structures themselves. Unlike North Indian thekā patterns, which are
determined by (and determine) specific tāl-s (North Indian time cycles), sarvalaghu are
not prescribed by tāl ̣a. Nor are sarvalaghu patterns intrinsically linked to the metric
constructs of tāl ̣a, as are most rhythm solmization systems used in western music
pedagogy” (2015:149).
Kanakku are literally translated as “Calculation” rhythmic figures that create tension
within the tāla they are design to fit (Nelson 2008:11).
27
28
Mora is a rhythmic-Ending Figure (ibid).
29
Sangati are composed variations on the tune of a kriti (Song form).
53
the continuum of artistic performance in their communities, and as such must have served
for centuries as centers for socio-musical exchange…. The Hindu temple served as a
“junction” or “interface” point” (1998:37).
There are four broad categories of performers who are instrumental in all sociomusical exchanges at Hindu temples: 1) The God-intoxicated singer of devotional songs,
such as the trinity karnatak music composers; 2) The professional court musicians,
asthana vidvans and freelance musicians who travel from one patron’s home to another;
3) Groups of non-Brahmin Hindu ritual and artistic specialists living and working within
temple precincts, such as devadasi, musicians in chinna melam and periya melam, and
oduvars; 4) Several types of performing musicians not based in the Agamic temple, but
living in outlying areas and periodically visiting large temple centers, mainly folk
musicians (ibid:37 – 41).
In Singapore, socio-cultural events are vibrant in Hindu temples. These events,
ranging from cooking classes to religious seminars, have fostered cultural exchanges
within the Singaporean Hindu community. In the realm of Indian performing arts, the
Hindu temples hold numerous concerts and dance recitals during temple festivals. These
include karnatak vocal and instrumental concerts, Hindustani vocal and instrumental
concerts, bharatanatyam performances, Tamil film music concerts, jugalbandhi30 (mixed
North and South music), and the singing of tevarnam and bhajan. Taking the Maha
Shivrathri festival as an example, Eugene Dairianathan and Phan Min Yen note that
during intermissions of the long evening pooja “bhajan (holy songs) are sung with
30
The jugalbandhi performances are attempts to mix Northern and Southern India
musicals styles. These performances are regular features at social gatherings
(Dairianathan and Phan 2002:209).
54
musical accompaniment to keep the devotees awake. Sometimes jugalbandhi (mixed
North and South music) performances or villupattu, storytelling with music and sketches
take place” (2002:208).
Performing arts events for a Hindu festival are publicized on a banner at the main
entrance of the temple. Event publicity on a temple’s official website is not uncommon.
Performing arts events are usually presented by students and gurus from an Indian
performing arts school such as the Singapore Indian Fine Arts Society31, and Alapana
Center of Music and Dance32. Table 1 shows the musical events of Vasantha Utsavam
2015 at Sri Vadapathira Kaliamman Temple presented by Alapana Center of Music and
Dance.
31
The Singapore Indian Fine Arts Society was founded in the year 1949 and has
completed now 62 years of establishment. The Society is devoted to the teaching of the
classical arts in a non-formal environment. It began humbly, with just 12 members.
Today it has a Principal, Academy Registrar, 25 full time teachers, over 1500 members
and about 1,800 students with a pan-Indian curriculum that reflects the cultural diversity
of a vast country with an ancient heritage. Developing and sustaining that curriculum has
been one of the greatest challenges for the Society so far, but one, which has yielded
many benefits. It has fostered homegrown talent and created an awareness and
understanding of the Indian cultural heritage, particularly valuable in the multi-ethnic
Singapore (Singapore Indian Fine Arts Society 2015).
Alapana Center of Music and Dance, popularly known as ‘Alapana’, was founded in
Singapore in 1999 by Mrs R. Banumathy daughter of Dr S. Ramanathan. Over the years,
Alapana has established itself as a premiere institution teaching and performing Indian
classical Carnatic music & Bharatanatyam in Singapore. Alapana faithfully adheres to the
musical tradition inherited through the Trinity and passed on by Dr S. Ramanathan.
Alapana also strictly follows the path laid by our trendsetter Gurus, the Dhananjayans in
the field of Bharatanatyam (Alapana Center of Music and Dance 2015).
32
55
Sequence
Category
Artist- participant
Repertoire
Duration
1
Vocal
Children Group
Prabho Ganapathe, Paluke
5 mins
2
Vocal
Senior Group
Sriranga Pancharatnam
23 mins
3
Veena
Anjana and Mrs. Sudha
Atukara, Thamburi
7 mins
4
Instrumental
Alapana Teachers
Bhairavi Varnam
25 mins
Table 1: Musical events of Vsantha Utsavam 2015 at Sri Vadapathira Kaliamman Temple
Every Hindu temple in Singapore has a periya melam to provide music for all
temple events. They usually comprise one távil and one nagaswaram. Nevertheless,
whenever a larger ensemble is needed, or in the event of long working hours during
major Hindu Festivals, musicians from other temples will be deployed to supplement the
pair. All periya melam musicians in Singapore are professional musicians imported from
South India.
Apart from periya melam, Tamil folk ensembles such as naiyandi melam and
urumi melam are hired for major Hindu festivals. Every year, the Sri Mariamman
temple33 hires a naiyandi melam from India to accompany the fire walking ceremony.
During thaipusam and panguni, Hindu devotees often hire an urumi melam to provide
music accompaniment while they perform the kavadi. The vibrant musical events at
Hindu temples in Singapore have encouraged musical confluences among South Indian
33
Sri Mariamman temple is the oldest Hindu temple in Singapore (opened in 1827). It is
situated in the heart of Singapore’s central business district. The temple’s tower or
gopuram is decorated with figures of Hindu deities that distinguish it from the
surrounding buildings for Hindu immigrants. The Sri Mariamman temple was the
inspiration of Naraina Pillai, a businessman and leader of the Indian community. The Sri
Mariamman temple houses ten different deities, among which, Mariamman and Draupadi
are the two most important (Lai 2014: 14 – 15).
56
and North Indian musical groups. In this respect, the emergence of potential musical
hybrids and fusions such as the jugalbandhi are inevitable. As we will see in the next
chapter common signposts and cues, and models of karnatak music and Tamil folk music
are appropriated by Southeast Asian urumi melams to facilitate their performances.
The Arulmigu Velmurugan Gnanamuneeswarar Temple
The Arulmigu Velmurugan Gnanamuneeswarar Temple is located at Seng Kang, a
newly developed residential town in the northeast region of Singapore. The temple is
proactive in spreading the South Indian classical performing arts and folk arts. It offers
various social programs such as tēvāram class, 34 karnatak vocal class, bharatanatyam
class, and Yoga class. It also engages urumi melam regularly to perform for major
festivals and ceremonies. According to Navind, “the owner of the temple is a big
supporter of urumi melam… he also knows that urumi melam is very popular among
young Hindu devotees… his effort in promoting South Indian classical performing arts
and urumi melam have attracted young Hindu devotees nation wide to the temple…”
(personal communication, January 1st 2016).
Conclusion
The Southeast Asian urumi melam is a relatively new ensemble that was popularized in
Singapore in the mid 1990s. Apart from wearing matching outfits during their
performances, instruments in Southeast Asian urumi melams are modified to attain louder
and greater projected sounds than conventional drums. These instruments are constructed
in Malaysia by local Tamil drum makers. Despite a Southeast Asian urumi melam,
Tēvāram means garland to god. They are Tamil hymns of devotion to the Hindu god
Śiva (Indra Peterson 1989:3).
34
57
Singaporean urumi melam may be distinguished from its Malaysian counterpart. In
general, urumi arrangements performed by Singaporean urumi melams are melodious,
slower in tempo, and less rhythmically complex. They are catered to Singaporean
audiences who largely prefer songs with beautiful melodies and meaningful lyrics, and
solid rhythmic accompaniment. Moreover, Singaporean urumi melams are very fastidious
about drawing good sounds from their drums by executing good drums techniques. In
contrary, Malaysian urumi melams put their emphasis on collective virtuosity and
showmanship. Hence, their urumi arrangements are louder, faster in tempo, and
rhythmically challenging. Often time, melodies and lyrics of songs are drowned by the
deafening sound of the drums.
In addition to social media, and audiovisual materials, urumi melam musicians
may acquire new musical ideas from musical events at Hindu temples. Informally, urumi
melam musicians learnt nuances from the karnatak music system, and adapt them into
their arrangements, while karnatak musicians acclimate musical elements from folk
music into karnatak music concerts. All in all, new sonorities and new musical ideas have
already emerged from the confluences. In as much as being socio-religious institutions,
Hindu temples in Singapore are, at the same time, to use Matthew Allen’s words,
“junctions” or “interface points” of all South Indian performing arts. As we will see in the
next chapter common signposts and cues, and models of karnatak music and Tamil folk
music are appropriated by Southeast Asian urumi melams to facilitate their collective
improvisation.
58
Chapter Two
Symbols and Power Relations in Singapore’s Thaipusam Festival
Introduction
The thaipusam festival is celebrated between the end of January and the
beginning of February. The festival is dedicated to Lord Murugan, one of the most
important Hindu deities worshipped by Hindus in Southeast Asia. During the festival,
Hindu devotees seek blessings, fulfill vows, and offer thanks to Lord Murugan. They
show their appreciation to Lord Murugan by performing any one of four types of kavadi
when they walk the thaipusam procession. They may choose to hold a milk pot on top of
their head [paalkudam], carry a garlanded wooden arch across their shoulders [paal
kavadi], carry a heavy semi circular metal structure that is attached to their torso via
skewers [spike kavadi], or pull a chariot that is hooked to the skin on their back [chariot
kavadi]. Only male devotees are allowed to perform the spike kavadi and chariot kavadi.
In this chapter I will examine symbols and power relations of the Hindu
thaipusam festival in Singapore through the lenses of semiotic and religion scholars. In
the first part of this chapter, I analyze three significant symbols of the thaipusam festival
with semiotic theories and responses from devotees. In doing so, I hope to acquire a
deeper understanding of the symbols by examining possible meanings they convey within
the culture. The three symbols encompass 1) the festival, 2) the idol of Lord Murugan,
and 3) the spike kavadi. In the second part of the chapter, I draw on theories of power
relations to examine the Hindu doctrines, and governmental interventions that provided
the impetus of the thaipusam festival in Singapore.
59
The discussions of symbols and power relations in the thaipusam festival in
Singapore require a brief understanding of the demography of the Singaporean Indian
community and the background of the festival.
Demography of Singaporean Indian Community
Five million people live in city-state Singapore, of which the Indian community
comprises six percent.35 The Singaporean Indian Community includes people of all ages,
all social strata; they are not bound by the Hindu caste system.36 Perhaps unexpectedly,
the Singaporean Indians who are most active in participating in Hindu festivals are high
school and college students. As Lawrence Babb notes:
Young people quite commonly make religious vows, and it is obvious to
the most casual observer that two occasions for votive behavior 37 namely
thaipusam and the fire walking ceremony, are dominated by young men in
their late teens and early 20s. There is doubtless an element of youthful
bravado in this, but it is nevertheless a striking fact that these young men,
in many ways the most truly Singaporean of the Indian community, should
engage in such a deeply traditional activity (1976:172).
35
Department of Statistics, Singapore. Latest Statistics Data. 2015.
http://www.singstat.gov.sg/statistics/latest_data.html#14 (accessed February 21, 2015).
According to Vineeta Sinha, “Here, caste is no longer a framework that constrains
possibilities for socioeconomic mobility. Today, members of educated, professional
groups are proponents of religious practices that would be regarded as part of ‘folk
Hinduism’. The fact that a style of religiosity characteristic of marginalized groups in the
homeland, appeals to a broader cross-section of society in the diaspora (transcending
caste, class, gender, religion and ethnicity) prompts us to question the relevance of the
categories ‘folk’ and ‘popular’ Hinduism, as originally formulated” (2006:106).
36
37
Votive behaviors are performed in consequence of a vow. Multiple body piercings
during thaipusam and punguni, and fire walking during the fire walking ceremony are
two common votive behaviors performed by the Singapore Indians.
60
The thaipusam festival was an outlet to elevate self-esteem for the few who lack the
educational qualifications to expect more than relatively menial and low paying jobs
(Babb 1976:172). In recent years, because of fast economic growth and an improved
education system, Singaporean Indians are currently enjoying a better lifestyle than their
predecessors of the 1970s. Hence, Babb’s claim of low self-esteem and self-worth may
no longer be relevant.
The Thaipusam Festival
The thaipusam festival falls in the Tamil month of Thai (usually within late
January and early February), when the constellation of Pusam, the star of well being,
rises over the eastern horizon. It is an annual procession by Hindu devotees seeking
blessings, fulfilling vows, and offering thanks to Lord Murugan. Lord Murugan is the son
of Lord Shiva, one of the most important deities worshipped by the Hindu community in
Southeast Asia. Lord Murugan is the god of war, and commander-in-chief of the army of
the gods. Hindus take a vow to offer a kavadi to show their appreciation to Lord Murugan.
For example, a devotee prays to Lord Murugan to grant good health to a family member
who has fallen ill. In return, the devotee dedicates a kavadi to him.
For 48 days the devotees prepare themselves for the festival. The preparation
starts in December when they undergo a rigorous purification ritual, during which a
devotee must live a life of abstinence from sexual intercourse and the luxury of sleeping
on a proper bed. They also maintain a strict vegetarian diet. They believe that only when
the mind is free of material wants and the body free from physical pleasures can a
devotee undertake the kavadi without feeling any pain, and no blood is shed throughout
the ritual.
61
On the day of thaipusam festival, devotees take ritual baths and offer prayer to
Lord Murugan at home before setting off to Sri Srivinivasa Perumal Temple on
Serangoon Road. Upon arrival at Sri Srivinivasa Perumal Temple, devotees and their
family and friends congregate in a makeshift canopy erected on the side yard of the
temple. Apart from the overwhelmingly large crowd, numerous eye-catching spike
kavadis (see figure 11) and chariot kavadis (see figure 12) are laid on different spots in
the makeshift canopy while their owners wait for their turn to be pierced.
Figure 11: Spike Kavadi (Courtesy of Amy Tan).
62
Figure 12: Chariot Kavadi (Courtesy of East West Love Story)
In contrast to paalkudam (see figure 13) and paal kavadi (see figure 14), the spike
kavadi and chariot kavadi are massive structures that may weigh as much as 200 pounds;
they are attached to a devotee’s torso via multiple piercings. The spike kavadi is a semi
circular metal structure decorated with peacock feathers, flowers and palm leaves. It is
attached to a devotee via 108 skewers pierced into the skin on his torso. The chariot
kavadi carries an idol of a Hindu deity (not necessarily Lord Murugan), and is attached to
the skin on a devotee’s back via 38 metal hooks. The devotee pulls the chariot while he
walks the procession.
63
Figure 13: Paalkudam (Courtesy of YourSingapore.com)
Figure 14: Paal kavadi (Courtesy of hcjonesphotography)
64
Each devotee undergoes an initiation ritual conduct by his or her guru (religious
teacher) followed by the piercing ceremony.38 In addition to the skewers on the torso,
devotees must pierce one skewer vertically through their tongues and one across their
cheeks. The mandatory piercings in the mouth restrict devotees from speaking, forcing
them to concentrate on the procession. They may also pierce additional ornaments on
their body. Perhaps unexpectedly, during the piercing ceremony, there are no signs of
pain, discomfort, and blood while the skewers pierce through the skin. This makes the
scenario hard to believe for bystanders. Is it the blessings they received from Lord
Murugan? Is it their ability to endure extreme pain?
The procession for paalkudam and paal kavadi begins at the Sri Srivinivasa
Perumal Temple at 12:30am, while devotees bearing the spike kavadi and chariot kavadi
begin their procession at 4:00am. From Sri Srivinivasa Perumal Temple, they embark on
a 2.5 miles route to Sri Thendayuthapani Temple on Tank Road (see figure 15). This
route may take up to five hours but all devotees must complete the procession before
5:00pm. Most devotees walk the route on barefoot, though some walk on a pair of spiked
sandals (see figure 16). To facilitate the procession, railings are set up to mark the singlelane procession route, and devotees are required to observe strict mandatory guidelines
imposed by the Hindu Endowments Board.
The piercing ceremony is usually conducted by the devotee’s guru (spiritual mentor),
family members, or fellow devotees. However, officials from the Hindu Endowment
Board are deployed to monitor the piercing process to make sure that the process is
performed according to the official guidelines.
38
65
66
Figure 15: The thaipusam procession route from Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple to Sri Thendayuthapani Temple (courtesy of google maps)
Figure 16: Spike sandals (Courtesy of telegraph.co.uk)
Traditionally, a professional drum ensemble known as urumi melam is hired by
kavadi bearers to perform devotional songs during the procession. The urumi melam
provides music accompaniment for a kavadi bearer from the initiation ritual to the end of
the procession. Devotees believe that performing Hindu hymns while bearing the kavadi
is the ideal way to show their appreciation to Lord Murugan. 39 Moreover, music also
serves as a motivational tool for kavadi bearers while they walk the procession. Under the
strict Hindu Endowment Board guidelines, playing of any instruments is banned during
39
Devotees hire the urumi melam to accompany them while they perform the kavadi.
According to Navind Kumar, band leader of Siva Shakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam, the
rate to book his ensemble is USD$380. (Personal Communication, Navind Kumar, April
15th 2015).
67
the procession.40 Therefore, in the absence of urumi melam, family and friends who walk
the procession with the kavadi bearer sing Hindu hymns for him (see figure 17).
Figure 17: Family and friends who walk the procession with the kavadi bearer sing
Hindu hymns for him (Courtesy of Straits Times)
When devotees arrive at Sri Thendayuthapani Temple, they pay respect to the idol
of Lord Murugan, and paalkudam devotees offer their pot of milk to him. Thereafter,
40
The regulations are intended to ban traditional loud music and drumming from the
annual thaipusam procession because of noise and unruly behaviors. Traditionally, the
urumi melam often perform music at a volume beyond an acceptable level. Under the
new regulation, only Hindu hymn singing is permitted, and participants are not allowed
to play recorded music or percussion. Depending on the severity of the infraction, anyone
who breaks the regulations will be barred from future processions or face a fine of up to
SGD$5000 [approximately USD$4800]. Furthermore, the Hindu Endowment Board
discourages devotees from hiring the urumi melam.
68
they proceed to a makeshift tent within the temple vicinity to remove their kavadis. These
acts mark the end of the thaipusam festival for the devotees.
The thaipusam festival may be seen as a symbol in itself. Because of intervention
by the secular Singaporean government, the practice of the thaipusam festival in
Singapore has become different from those in Malaysia, Sri Lanka, and India.
In the following sections I provide an analysis of the symbols and power relations
in the Thaipusam festival by drawing upon theories by Clifford Geertz, Talal Asad,
Victor Turner, Valentine Daniel, and Saba Mahmood. These scholars are from the school
of interpretative anthropology, in which they are interested in the study of religious
symbols and power relations in religious settings. Their theories are especially valuable
in bringing an understanding on the issues of sacredness and secularism in religious
rituals.
Part One: Semiotic Aspects
A Brief Introduction: Geertz, Asad, and Turner
In his renowned book The Interpretation of Cultures interpretative anthropologist
Clifford Geertz defines religion as:
(1) A system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive
and long-lasting moods and motivations in men (3) by formulating
conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing these
conceptions with such an aura of factuality that (5) the moods and
motivation seem uniquely realistic (1993: 90).
69
In Geertz’s perspective, religion has a tendency to connect proper conducts / behaviors
not just to reality in the sense of “real things” but also to the general order, or nature of
reality.
Along with his definition, Geertz provides two terminologies to support his
definition, “model of” reality and “model for” reality. On the one hand, he relates “model
of” reality to theories of sciences and religious doctrines that seek to encourage certain
feelings, attitudes, and experiences, and to orient their devotees toward certain ritual,
aesthetic, and ethical behaviors. On the other hand, “model for” reality refers to ethos,
genes, natural instincts, or comprehensive worldview that is formulated naturally in any
animal or human being. For example, beavers are born with the ability to build makeshift
dams as their habitats, while spiders build their webs without any instructions. However,
there are entities such as religion that are both a “model of” and “model for” reality.
The concept of religion takes on another perspective in the writings of Talal Asad.
Asad is instrumental in applying the Foucauldian notion of power relations and
genealogy to his theories on religion and politics. In Genealogy of Religion Asad made
two fundamental arguments using Geertz’s theory as his point of departure: First, there
cannot be a universal definition of religion because conditions are radically different in
different societies. Second, religion is a product of history (1993:29). He elucidates his
concept of religion as a form of power and as a historically-driven phenomenon by
tracing the history of Christianity back to medieval times. He also cites Vygotsky’s
theory of developmental psychology to support his assertion:
The formation of symbols is conditioned by the social relations, in which
the growing child is involved (by the social activities that he or she is
70
permitted or encouraged or obliges to undertake) in which other symbols
are crucial. The conditions that explain how symbols come to be
constructed, and how some of them are established as natural or
authoritative as opposed to others, then become an important object or
anthropological inquiry (Vygotsky 1962 in Asad, 1993:31)
Besides his study on communitas and liminality in the rites of passage, Turner has
also made a significant contribution to the study of ritual symbols. He coined the term
multivocality that indicates multiple interpretations of a single symbol. He suggests a
tripartite approach to the study of meaning in polysemous ritual symbols. The meaning of
symbols must encompass 1) the exegetical meaning, 2) the operational meaning, and 3)
the positional meaning.
According to Turner, the exegetical meaning is obtained by "questioning
indigenous informants about observed ritual behavior" (1967:50). The operational
meaning comes from observing the function of the symbol, the demography of the group
that handles the symbol, and the affect evoked while handling the symbol. The
operational meaning is also gathered from groups that are excluded from venerating the
symbol.
Applying Clifford Geertz’s Theory to the Thaipusam Festival
According to Geertz, religion is a system of symbols, and religious symbols
perform a distinctive function that bridges believers’ worldview and their ethos. A
symbol is anything that conveys meaning to someone; it may be pictures, objects, actions,
events, or relationships. Although the thaipusam festival comprises many symbols, there
71
are three primary symbols that are iconic to the festival: the festival, the idol of Lord
Murugan, and the spike kavadi. All these symbols share some common functions because
they teach Hindu devotees to see and to understand the world with the values of
Hinduism, and they shape the devotee’s experience, notably the sense of satisfaction, and
joy after they have performed the kavadi.
The religion establishes powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and
motivations in men and women. In other words, religious symbols convey the message
that reality is constructed in a certain way. The idol of Lord Murugan may convey
multiple meanings to the Hindu devotees. On the one hand, it reminds them about Lord
Murugan’s divine power that could help them to fulfill their wishes. In this respect, the
devotees must embrace certain Hindu values and behaviors to please Lord Murugan in
order to receive blessings. Furthermore, in addition to performing the kavadi, devotees
also make offerings, and chant the Vedas to the idol of Lord Murugan. On the other hand,
the idol is also a beacon of hope for devotees who are undergoing hardship. They can
depend on Lord Murugan to alleviate their hardship by performing the kavadi. Therefore,
despite the pain and hardship they must embrace, the devotees are motivated to perform
the kavadi.
Mr. Murugan, a veteran kavadi bearer and a physics lecturer at a local University,
comments that despite the pain kavadi bearers must endure after they regain
consciousness from trance:
We feel happy… we feel like we’ve already punished ourselves for the
mistakes that we have done. Even if we haven’t done any mistakes, we
believe that we are committing a very bad mistake whenever we scold
72
someone… Thaipusam is a very important day for me. After performing
the kavadi, I feel that I have become a new person having a new energy,
and I feel happy. The pain may last for few seconds but after that we
won’t feel anything… we calm down, take a rest, and we are back to our
normal life. After everything is done (kavadi dismantled and all piercings
are removed, we offer a pot of milk to Lord Murugan, and we are going to
pour the milk on the idol of Lord Murugan. We are going to stand there
sometimes we will cry like: “I have been carrying the milk for you and
doing all these so please accept my gift and please forgive me for all the
mistakes that I have done and please give me one more chance to come
and meet you again next year (Kurnik 2014).
Religious symbols do not take hardship away, but they help in alleviating the
impact of hardship by providing spiritual guidance, and by creating miracles. These are
vital in sustaining the Hindu devotees whenever they are confronted with crisis. In 2008,
kavadi bearer Theneshvaran K Maran suffered from a severe kneecap dislocation after a
motorcycle accident. His doctors were pessimistic about his recovery. Feeling hopeless,
Maran turned to Lord Murugan for help by offering prayers, and vowed to carry the
kavadi every year in his lifetime to honor him. Theneshvaran has fully recovered from his
injuries; he attributes his incredible recovery to the vow he made to Lord Murugan. This
annual commitment cost him USD$2600 for a lavishly decorated kavadi that may weigh
over 176.37 pounds (Theneshvaran Maran 2015). The willingness to spend a large sum of
money on the kavadi, and to bear a heavy kavadi are gestures that devotees have
embraced to show their sincerity and love for Lord Murugan. As Mr. Muruga puts it,
73
“when we take the kavadi, on top of the kavadi we are going to put one statue, it is
mainly a statue of Lord Murugan. So actually, it is a way that we say to Lord Murugan
that ‘I’m going to carry you on top of my body, I am going to decorate you, this is the
way how I can show my love to you’” (Kurnik 2014).
A ‘Model of’ and ‘Model for’ the Devotees
Religion is double-edged sword because it is a model of, as well as model for
reality. It is a model of the world that tells how things are, and thus induces certain
moods in the believer. At the same time, religion is the model for the world that tells how
things ought to be, and thus induces certain motivations.
In the case of thaipusam, the festival is a model for reality because in order to
receive blessings, which are the desired outcome of the festival, devotees are motivated
to follow the procedures of the thaipusam rituals religiously. Devotees are motivated to
1) follow the doctrine of thaipusam by undergoing a set of rigorous purification ritual as
early as forty eight days before they perform the kavadi, 2) embrace the pain from the
piercings, 3) walk in the procession on bare feet, and build massive kavadis that may
weigh as much as two hundred pounds.
The festival is also a model of reality because young devotees learn to worship
Lord Murugan with their bodies by watching their family members perform the kavadi.
The way to perform the kavadi is never taught; the process of acquiring the knowledge to
perform the kavadi is acquired solely by participatory observation. Young devotees watch
their family members and friends perform kavadi year after year while they walk the
thaipusam procession with them (Rajaram 2013:10).
74
The Impact of Secularism
According to Talal Asad, “there cannot be a universal definition of religion, not
only because it constitute elements and relationships are historically specific, but because
that definition is itself the historical product of discursive processes” (1993: 29). In other
words, religion is a product of history, and the purpose of religion varies in different
societies.
Singapore became a British colony in 1819. She became a separate crown colony
in 1946, obtained self-government in 1955, and internal autonomy in 1959. In 1963, she
gained independence as part of the new Federation of Malaysia, and in 1965 became a
fully independent nation. Though an independent nation, the influence of colonial
government system remains strong in the Singaporean government system. The secular
government41 intervenes in religious affairs by establishing religion statutory boards such
as the Hindu Endowment Board. The Hindu Endowment Board manages all major Hindu
Temples, organizes major Hindu Festivals and community outreach programs, and gives
advice to the government on Hindu religious issues.
Orthodox Hindu practices in Singapore have been affected by four factors: (1)
urban life styles in Singapore make it difficult to observe traditional Hindu rituals that
41
The Singapore Parliament is unicameral, and is made up of Members of Parliament
(MPs) who are elected, as well as Non-constituency Members of Parliament (NCMPs)
and Nominated Members of Parliament (NMPs) who are appointed to be part of the
parliament. Out of 98 seats in the parliament, 81 seats are taken by the incumbent
People’s Action Party (PAP), 6 seats are taken by the opposition workers’ party (WP), 3
seats are taken by the NCMPs, and 9 seats are taken by NMPs. The ethnic representations
in the Singapore parliament are 73 Chinese, 13 Malays, 11 Indians, and 1 Eurasian
(Government of Singapore 2011). The ideology of pragmatism has been internalized and
institutionalized within the entire government planning and civil service machinery. It is
fait accompli that all exercises in government planning and policy-making since 1965
have had to adhere to this one defining criterion of pragmatism: that is, the question of
whether the policy will stimulate or retard economic growth (Lee 2010:4)
75
originated in agricultural contexts; (2) government restrictions on crowd, traffic, and
noise control limit the way processions are carried out; (3) there is a shortage of orthodox
priests to officiate at ceremonies, (4) and animal sacrificial is banned. These factors
contributed to the formation of what Babb terms “Neo-Hinduism” in Singapore
(1997:164 – 168). Consequently, rituals and ceremonies such as thaipusam are less
elaborate with reduced activities, and indoor rituals replace outdoor processions.
By contrast with Singapore, thaipusam in Malaysia is considered a major Hindu
festival, and is also a national holiday. Major roads are closed to facilitate the festival,
and animal sacrifices are allowed. The rituals are more elaborate, and drumming and
devotional music are highly encouraged. The Malaysian government is an Islamic
government, but their policy on religion seems to be less stringent than the Singaporean
government. As Sangeetha, a Singaporean Hindu devotee puts it, “a country that is
supposedly less fair than Singapore, is able to treat its minorities with so much more
respect and sensitivity than Singapore does” (Sangeetha Thanapal 2015).
Singaporeans expressed their frustrations with the restrictions on the thaipusam in
local forums. According to blogger Amutha:
“I stopped going to temples and thaipusam festivals for a very long time.
It is because I realized nearly twenty five years ago, that all our rights
have been taken away by the PAP [ruling party in the government] We are
the minority and we have no say in anything in this Island. I wished to
leave this place but I could not leave my family to do so” (Amutha
Murtusamy 2015).
76
While Murtusamy expressed his discontent by not visiting any Hindu temples,
Singaporean Chinese blogger Serena noticed the change in the recent thaipusam festival,
and commented:
“So many decades, we have no problems with thaipusam. In fact we used
to be so excited, rushing down to the Penang road area to watch the parade
and had so much admiration for these men carrying the kavadi. We even
learned about this festival in school [Civics and moral education classes].
Life in Singapore was so full of color and diversity. Why is this happening
now? What has become of the social fabric in Singapore? Are the leaders
blind how this in incident can be the start of more social unrests?” (Serena
Tan 2015). 42
During our informal conversation, Navind Kumar, the leader of Siva Shakthi Muniandy
Urumi Melam,43 commented, “Thaipusam festival was one of the best [Hindu Festival] in
Singapore but now it's all gone. Singaporean are going to Malaysia to take part in the
festival” (Personal Communications, Navind Kumar, February 3rd, 2015). For those
42
The interviews and comments are based on personal opinions. They do not correspond
to the Hindu community as a whole. Furthermore, governmental intervention occurs in all
religions in Singapore. Therefore, I do not perceive this phenomenon as anti-Hindu.
Instead, the thaipusam festival is a manifestation of sacredness, profanity, and
pragmatism. Nonetheless, I am more interested in looking at how the profane guidelines
imposed by the Singapore government have impacted the thaipusam festival in
Singapore.
43
The urumi melam is a South Indian double headed drum folk ensemble that usually
consist of a singer, a pair of larger double headed drums called távil, and one to three
urumi drums. This ensemble is the staple of the thaipusam festival because it provides
accompanying music to the kavadi bearers. The Siva Shakthi Munidy Urumi Melam is
the ensemble I have been working with. I am thankful to Navind Kumar, my research
associate, for his insights and guidance.
77
devotees who prefer to remain in Singapore for the thaipusam festival, they may have
accepted the changes that have taken place in administration of the festival, and the
somber mood during the festival. Consequently, the idiosyncrasies of the Singapore
thaipusam festival may eventually become the norm.
Turner’s Perspective: The Spike Kavadi as a Religious Symbol
The spike kavadi is an important emblem of the thaipusam festival. It has been
featured on postcards, stamps, posters, and tourism advertisements. The spike kavadi is
heavily decorated with peacock feathers, a symbol of Lord Murugan.
The exegetical meaning of the spike kavadi varies among the devotees. All
devotees see it as a burden to perform to return their vows to Lord Murugan, though
some see it as a gesture that strengthens family ties and friendship. The process of
performing kavadi involves family members and friends. Days before thaipusam, family
and friends gather at the kavadi bearer’s residence to help with the preparatory work.
Some help to set up and decorate the kavadi while others help to prepare food for the
helpers. On the day of the festival, they walk the procession with the kavadi bearer, and
sing hymns to praise Lord Murugan, as well as to motivate the kavadi bearer.
The operational meaning is derived from how the spike kavadi is used in the
ritual. Performing the kavadi is a gesture to worship Lord Murgan using the human body.
Only males above the age of 16 are allowed to perform the spike kavadi. Up to one
hundred and eight skewers are pierced onto the torso of the devotee, and additional two
skewers are pierced in the mouth; one is pierced vertically though the tongue, and one is
pierced across the cheeks. Devotees may decide if they want to increase the burden by
piercing more ornaments onto their face or body.
78
Devotees perform a purification ritual forty-eight days before the thaipusam
festival. They take up a strict vegetarian diet, abstain from sexual intercourse, perform
regular prayers, and sleep on the floor. After performing the kavadi, devotees do not
bleed from their wounds or develop any scars. They attribute this amazing phenomenon
to the blessing received from Lord Murugan for the fulfillment of the purification ritual,
and the fulfillment of vows using the spike kavadi as a tool.
Part Two: Power Relations
Same Ritual in Two Countries
Similar to Valentine Daniel’s case study on two Tamil weddings that occurred in
two countries (Tamil Nadu and New Jersey), the thaipusam rituals performed in locations
outside India have become localized. Among the countries that celebrate thaipusam,
Singapore’s suffers the greatest restrictions from the government. Stringent guidelines
control the operational and organizational aspects of the festival. Governmental
interventions are also evident in other religious rituals that require the use of public
spaces. According to the Singapore Police Force (2015), activities that require a police
permit include: (a) religious assembly, (b) festival procession (e.g. Chinese lantern
festival procession), (c) religious processions [e.g. Chariot procession, foot procession,
foot and vehicular procession], and (d) public talks.
In the case of the thaipusam festival, Police officers and temple officials are
planted along the procession route to ensure that all devotees observe the guidelines.
These guidelines, to name a few, include: no amplified or live music or drumming along
the procession route; no shouting or other forms of unruly behaviors; the height of any
kavadi (inclusive of the height of the kavadi bearer) must be less than 4 meters measured
79
from the ground, the width of any kavadis must be less than 2.13 meters.44 Devotees who
do not comply with the guidelines are barred from future festivals, and those who
contravene the law are liable to prosecution.
Anyone, regardless of race, language, religion, or gender is allowed to participate in the
festival. However, in Singapore, participants who intend to carry the kavadi are required
to pay a mandatory registration fee. The fee varies according to the type of kavadi one
wishes to perform. They are as follows: SGD$150 for spike kavadi and chariot kavadi;
SGD$15 for Paalkudam (carrying the milk pot on the head), and SGD$30 for paal
kavadi.
The administration of the entire thaipusam festival in Singapore fits well into Daniel’s
argument that power is a necessity for any concepts or ideas to expand, grow and hold
sway (2002:32). In the context of Singapore’s thaipusam festival, the government adopts
a pragmatic approach. In this respect, it seems that they are attempting in enforce their
ideologies by imposing stringent guidelines to alleviate pressure from crowd control,
eliminate rowdy behaviors, and to minimize traffic congestions.
44
In the years prior to 1973, music en route was permitted for the kavadi procession.
However, the Police observed that with the accompaniment of music, the pace of the
procession was slowed down. Further, the supporters, relatives and friends accompanying
the devotees tended to dance to the beat of the music and occupied too large a portion of
the road. The music also attracted large crowds of spectators. The result of this was that
traffic flow was completely disrupted, creating huge traffic congestions in the city.
Hence, the ban was imposed in 1973 (Singapore Parliament, cited in Sinha 2010:226).
The size of the kavadi is restricted so that they fit to the width of the single lane
procession route (Hindu Endowment Board, 2015). More specifically, it is in the last four
decades or so (1970s to 2010s) that the festival has been reshaped through a number of
changes that have been introduced for the more effective management and ‘problem-free’
enactment of thaipusam (Sinha 2010:227).
80
The Singapore Hindu community has mixed reactions to the governmental
interventions. Some have succumbed to them, some have boycotted the festival in
Singapore by performing the kavadi in Malaysia, and others have protested against the
festival by signing online petitions and confronting the organizers during their postfestival feedback sessions.
Devotees have become innovative with the decorations on their kavadis. In
addition to the traditional decorations [peacock feathers, pictures and idols of Lord
Murugan], devotees attached colorful LED lights to their kavadis. Local urumi melam
ignored the ban on music as they continue to provide music for kavadi bearers. Apart
from new devotional songs they composed for the festival, they play on shiny chrome
tavils45 and artistically painted urumis46 that are decorated with bright LED lights. The
effect of LED lights is stunning during the night as the lights from the drums and kavadis
blend amazingly well to produce an extravaganza of light that is bound to please any
bystanders.
The guidelines imposed by the government, the new trend of decorating the
kavadis, the “open-to-all” festival policy, the newly composed music, and the chromed
Tamil folk drums with LED light decorations are manifestations that may lie dormant
until the emergence of conditions that are conducive in gaining full acceptance within the
Singapore Hindu community. Thereafter, their actualization and generalization will arrive
in the course of history (Daniel 2002:32). In other words, when the appropriate
45
The távil is a single barrel-shaped Tamil folk drum with two heads. The treble
sounding head normally at the right, and a bass sounding head at the left.
46
Urumi is a double-headed hourglass-shaped Tamil folk drum. The urumi player strikes
the left drumhead with a small bent rattan stick, and rubs the right drumhead with a larger
rattan bent stick creating a deep resonant "moaning" sound.
81
conditions emerge, the overhauled thaipusam festival manifested by the guidelines and
new practices will become a new Hindu ritual that is unique to Singapore.
Discipline, Pain, and Truth
In his study on the notion of pain and truth in medieval Christian Rituals, Talal
Ashad looks at the gradual shift from ordeal to torture as a way to determine the truth. He
argues that it was the full development of the rational practices at the heart of
sacramental penance, which formed an ideological precondition for rejecting the ordeal
system as superstition and for rationalizing judicial torture (1993: 123).
In the context of the thaipusam festival, the practice of using ordeal to determine
the truth remains strong because it is a way to determine whether or not a devotee has
received blessing from Lord Murugan. When performing the kavadi, the devotees
dedicate their bodies to worship Lord Murugan. The ordeal is imparted by the multiple
piercings on the human body, and by the extreme fatigue devotees experience while they
walk the procession. In most cases, while performing the kavadi, many devotees
experience an inexplicable outburst of energy that alleviates their pain. After they
perform the kavadi, open wounds and blood are usually absent.
Mr. Muruga is a male devotee in his forties, and a physics lecturer at a local
university. In his interview, he explained:
“Trance actually is a blessing for us. Its really a big blessing where they
give us energy because, as you can see, we are fasting, and then, on that
day before the thaipusam festival, we are going to stop eating so on the
thaipusam day, we are extremely tired. We lack energy, but still we can
carry the heavy kavadi. It is at least 30 kilograms [66 pounds], and we can
82
spin and dance and everything. Moreover, the body is hooked with lemon
and everything, but we still have energy. So… where is the energy from?”
(Kurnik 2014).
The doctrines of Hinduism manifested the pastoral power47 that institutionalized a
forty-eight day purification ritual as the ascetic discipline for those who intend to perform
the kavadi. According to Asad, ascetic discipline is the process of observing and testing
the body’s inclinations that was systematically developed by the subjection of self to the
divine authority (1993: 97 – 98). Devotees are expected to commit to the purification
ritual for forty-eight days before the thaipusam festival, though there are some who
commit for a week. Most devotees believe that the purpose of partaking in the
purification ritual is to cleanse and prepare their bodies to receive blessings from Lord
Murugan, while some believe that fasting can strengthen their discipline and endurance.
Kesaven, a male devotee in his twenties, and a four-time kavadi bearer explains:
“We usually start forty-eight days before [Thaipusam], so there is a fasting
period of forty-eight days. First, we start it off with prayers, we do prayers
to Lord Murugan, and we wear either a bangle or a holy necklace. The
whole point is to be pure for forty-eight days. We don’t eat meat, we don’t
swear, we stay clean, we don’t sleep on the bed, we sleep on the hard
floor” (Paths 2015).
47
Pastoral power is a complete form of power that does not look after just the whole
community, but each individual in particular, during his entire life” (Foucault 1983:213214). Pastoral power reflects the same way as a shepherd who cares for his livestock from
birth to death. Modern states and religious institutions establish a meticulous set of
techniques, rationalities and practices that are designed to govern or to provide moral
guidance to individuals in a population, and also to organize them as a political and civil
collective.
83
Arvin, another male also in his twenties, perceives the forty-eight days of purification
ritual as an activity that encourages Tamil youths to bond together, and to do good deeds.
According to Arvin:
“During the forty-eight days, we fast, we behave the good way and meet
good people [at the temple] so at least that thing [purification ritual] can
teach them good behaviors, and they won’t mingle around [in the street].
That’s why they call it the two mandalam, which is like, God’s training
session for you, something like that” (Greg 2014).
Shanthosh, a male devotee in his thirties, a father of two, and a veteran kavadi bearer who
has performed the kavadi for the past thirteen years reveals that due to his busy work
schedule, he usually fasts for one week before thaipusam. (Personal Communications,
Shanthosh, April 15th, 2015). Despite his short commitment to the purification ritual, he
was able to enjoy the sense of satisfaction after he performed the kavadi. On his
Facebook, he writes, “Fulfilled my vow without any obstacles...feeling satisfied and
blessed” (Shanthosh 2015).
Kesavan, Arvin, and Shanthosh had each shared an anecdote about their journey
from the purification ritual to thaipusam festival. They have undergone the same rituals,
and achieved their desired outcomes. Interestingly, apart from seeking blessings from
Lord Murugan, none of them have revealed any other reasons that made them participate
in the thaipusam rituals. Neither did they talk about the consequences for breaking a vow.
Perhaps the fear for ordeals is one of the reasons.
84
Fear as an Element of Felicitous Performance
Performing the kavadi for Lord Murugan may be, according to Saba Mahmood,
“an action that is an abidance by conventional behavior that cannot be simply be taken as
evidence of the operation of a high degree of social control and repression of self. Rather,
formal behavior is a condition for emergence of self as such and integral to its
realization” (2001:845). Performing the kavadi during the thaipusam festival is the
conventional way to fulfill a vow, while breaking vows is a taboo that will invite bad luck
and ordeals as forms of punishments from Lord Murugan. Therefore, the fear of ordeals
not only propels one to act, but is considered to be integral to action. Hence, fear, in this
case, may be an element internal to the very felicitous performance of an act.
The devotees who participated in the interview did not share any information
about the consequences for breaking a vow, or missing the thaipusam festival on purpose,
and there are no reports of failure when performing the kavadi. This lack of data made it
hard to determine whether a devotee has undergone a failed ritual. However, in an article
produce by Wong et al. (2012) suggests that on rare occasions, skin complications do
occur at the sites on the torso where the kavadi spikes and hooks are inserted.48
48
In Malaysia, Thaipusam is celebrated by the Indian community. Every year, thousands
of devotees gather at ‘Batu Caves’, where the devotees undertake worship by the bearing
of Kavadis. Most kavadi bearers pierce their cheeks with metal skewers (vel). Although
many Hindu devotees have oral and body piercings during Thaipusam, any complication,
such as bleeding, infection and granulomatous reactions are rare. There have been two
case reports in the literature of sarcoid-like foreign body reaction, after vel piercings of
the oral mucosa, during this festival in Malaysia. One of the cases had a delayed
presentation of five years. Scar sarcoidosis has also been reported in Singapore at the
sites of kavadi insertion on the body. In our patient, the nodules on the skin and buccal
mucosa appeared 15 years after the initial piercing (Wong et al 2012).
85
Nevertheless, Mr. Muruga briefly shared an insight on the reason he missed the
thaipusam festival for the only time in his life:
“There was one time when my wife and I were supposed to get engaged.
During the engagement time, I was fasting for thaipusam, then, I told my
wife I’m fasting, so we are not supposed to get engaged now, but she told
me that her father was not feeling well so she forced me [to get engaged].
So this happened about two weeks before thaipusam. So, after that, two
days before thaipusam, I dreamt that there is one lady wearing a yellow
Sari who told me that ‘you won’t go to thaipusam this year’, and she
touched my forehead. Then, just few hours after I woke up, I got fever,
and then when I went to the clinic, I was diagnosed with chickenpox. But I
was very happy. She [goddess] came, and told me personally that I am
making a mistake [for not agreeing to the engagement]” (Kurnik 2014).
In Mr. Murugan’s case, it may be perceived as a blessing as well as a punishment from
the goddess. It is a blessing because the goddess warned him about the ordeal he was
about to succumb to. It is a form of punishment inflicted by the goddess on Mr. Murugan
because he prioritized thaipusam over his future wife.
Conclusion
This study has examined the symbols and power relations of the thaipusam
festival. Although many religious symbols may be seen during the festival, three major
symbols (the festival, the four kavadis, and the idol of Lord Murugan) were culled for
detailed analysis. The festival as a whole is a model of reality, as well as a model for
reality because, on the one hand, devotees are motivated to seek blessings from Lord
86
Murugan (model for), and on the other hand, the festival is also the nucleus where
devotees learn steps they should do to receive blessings.
Performing the kavadi involves multiple meanings: First, it is a way by which
devotees could express their love, and sincerity to Lord Murugan. Second, to receive
blessings in the form of trance when performing the kavadi, devotees need to engage in a
purification ritual, which ideally begins 48 days before the festival. Last, performing the
kavadi involves devotee’s family members and friends, and therefore it is a gesture that
strengthens family ties and friendship.
When devotees see the idol of Lord Murugan, they see it as a symbol that remind
them of certain Hindu values, and motives them to perform certain behaviors. It is also a
beam of hope for devotees to alleviate their hardship.
Drawing from the theories on power relations in religious rituals, they reveal an
ominous fact that the robust governmental interventions in the administration and
organization of the thaipusam festival are not merely pragmatic approaches to maintain
law and order. Instead, they seem to have gradually overhauled the entire traditional
festival to become one that is unique to Singapore.
The Singapore Tourism Board has publicized the festival as a tourist attraction. In
recent years, there has been an increase in the number of local and foreign attendees who
are not spiritually connected to the festival. This phenomenon has created a duality in the
purpose of the festival: a spiritual activity, and a theater production.
With all of these efforts toward localization, the future of the thaipusam festival is
uncertain. Additional government policies may be implemented to further control the
87
festival. As the festival become an object of popular entertainment for the tourists, it may
be difficult to preserve the spiritual element of the ritual and retain the strong traditions
that promote integrity and cohesiveness within Singaporean Hindu community.
88
Chapter Three
The Music of Urumi Melam: Karnatak Music Idioms, Tamil Folk Music
Models, Visual and Verbal Cues
Introduction
This chapter focuses on the music of the thaipusam kavadi procession in Singapore. The
study is based upon fieldwork conducted in Singapore in the summers of 2013 and 2015,
and the winter of 2016. This chapter will explore ways by which urumi mēlam musicians
appropriate musical idioms and models from karnatak music and Tamil folk music to
create musical arrangements for their group. During performances, the musical
arrangements are further supported by visual and verbal cues to produce perfect
performances.
Notes on The Transcription
In this project, I have attempted to create a system of musical notation that reflects the
urumi melam’s principles of musical adaptation and improvisation, and reveals musical
features that function as cues for collective improvisation. As an oral/aural tradition, the
urumi melam does not have a systematic written notation. Learning and transmission are
accomplished largely through listening to the spoken rhythmic syllables that correspond
to the drum strokes, and watching veteran urumi musicians execute the strokes on their
drums.
As a mrdangam student, I appreciate the benefit of learning the mrdangam strokes
through solkattu. Solkattu refers to the South Indian system of spoken syllables along
with the hand gestures of a tāla (David Nelson 2008:11). In the context of karnatak
89
music, the solkattu is a mnemonic device for learning and transmitting extremely
complex rhythmic patterns. The solkattu corresponds with drum strokes and rhythmic
patterns that can be performed on the mrdangam or kanjira. In his thesis entitled
Subaltern Sounds: Fashioning Folk Music in Tamil Nadu, Aaron Paige asserts, “Solkattu
not only functions as an important compositional tool amongst karnatak musicians but is
commonly used by many Tamil folk drummers” (2009:7). In the context of parai 49
drumming, the parai drummers in Tamil Nadu learn drumming techniques through sol
ādi, the folk rendition of solkattu (Sherinian 2011). Navind Kumar, the leader of Siva
Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam and his drummers use spoken drum syllables to illustrate
rhythmic patterns to each other. Hence, transcribing the rhythmic components of the
urumi music into solkattu notation system will reveal more insights about the urumi
melam drum rhythms than western notation system.
My system of notation draws heavily from the one developed by my advisor
David Nelson, and adapted into Tamil folk music by Aaron Paige. Additionally, the
melodic component is illustrated by the notation system developed by T.Viswanathan and
Jon Higgins, and has been used extensively by karnatak vocal students at Wesleyan
University. Nelson’s system of notation not only shows the structural and organizational
aspects of the music but also demonstrates how the syllables or drum strokes fit within
the framework of a tāla. As Nelson describes, “Unlike western music, in which most
musical elements are fixed within the composition, musical elements in karnatak music
are not fixed. The pulses within a beat of the tāla may switch from three to six (tisram) to
49
The parai frame drum is played primarily by the untouchables at funerals (which are
polluting and thus considered unclean by upper castes), the parai symbolizes the general
degradation and untouchability of folk music in Tamil culture (Zoe Sherinian 2014:xix).
90
seven (misram) or nine (sankiranam). Western notations do not account for the flexibility
of karnatak music” (Personal Communication, David Nelson, April 6th, 2015).
Furthermore, I also adopted the Viswanathan and Higgins system of notation to show the
Indian solfege syllables.
Since this study is on urumi melam, I found it necessary to do some minor
adjustment to the notation system provided by Nelson and Paige. With the help of
Nelson, I have settled on notation system that represents the drum strokes played by each
instrument in the ensemble. I took his direction because the urumi melam is a small
ensemble, and it is not too challenging to single out the drum strokes that are executed on
the drums.
The low pitch produced on the left head of the tàvil is represented by the syllable
|tom|. The right head of the tàvil is always doubled with the cinna kattai drum, and
sounds produced from both drums are similar in pitch. Hence, they are represented by
syllables that comprise |ta ka|, |ta ri ki ta|, |ta ka jo nu tam| [tracks 1 and 2]. After
consulting Nelson for a possible solkattu syllable that corresponds to the moaning sound
of the urumi drum, we have settled with the syllable |gum| (pronounced as goom) [track
3]. The chin chak (metallic bells) is represented by the syllable |jem| for open sound, and
|Ta|50 for closed sound. These syllables are adapted from Natṭ ̣uvangam solkatṭ ̣u of the
bharatanāṭyam; the South Indian classical dance form (see table 2).
‘T’ is retroflex, pronounces with the tip of the tongue curled against the roof of the
mouth, as if a liquid ‘r’ preceded them: hurt (David Nelson 2008: 10).
50
91
Instrument
Syllables
Chin Chak
jem (open); Ta (closed)
Cinna Kattai
ta ka; ta ki Ta; ta ri ki ta (trkt); ta ka jo nu tam
Tàvil
ta ka; ta ki Ta; ta ri ki ta (trkt); ta ka jo nu tam
Urumi
gum; ta; Tam
Table 2: The Solkattu Syllables that represent each Instrument in the Transcriptions.
The notation comprises seven lines. The number of beats per cycle is indicated on
the top line. The second and third lines notate the Indian solfege syllables and song text
that the ensemble accompanies. The chin chak is notated in the fourth line. The rhythmic
patterns performed on the cinna kattai drum are notated on the fifth. The sixth and seven
lines notate the rhythmic patterns played on the tàvil. Last but not least, the urumi drum is
notated on the seventh line (See figure 18).
92
Cycle 4
93
Song Text
1
|| || kan -
da
nu
-
kku
2
|
|
aro
-
-
hara -
-
3
|
|
ka
-
dam
ba
nu
kku
4
|
|
aro
-
-
hara -
-
||
||
chin chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
|
tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|
ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
|
gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|
ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Figure 18: The Notation System
Rhythmic values are defined as follows: Unit time, or pulse level articulations are
designated by a consonant followed by a vowel such as:
Original time: | ta ka di mi |
Double time: | t k d m t k d m |
Quadruple time: |tkdm tkdm tkdm tkdm|
Dashes are used to represent rests. The value of the rest can be deciphered by looking at
its neighbor syllables. | ta - ka - |
Transcriptions should be read from left to right, and top to bottom. Tempo
changes, gati / nadai (pulse) changes, and mō rās along with their respective durations, in
bold, directly above the place at which they occur in the song. On occasion, artists
deviate from the tāla cycle, drop or add beats, or play cadential figures that do not
conform exactly to the structure of the tāla. All such instances are noted at the point at
which they occur in the cycle.
The Song list for a Typical Urumi Melam Performance
The urumi melams perform original tunes and songs selected from YouTube and
recordings of popular Malaysian urumi melams. All urumi songs are devotional and in
praise of a specific Hindu deity. Some of the songs were appropriated from popular TV
serials such as Velan (about Lord Murugan) and Soolam (about Goddess Sri
Mariamman).
94
When performing at festivals and Hindu ceremonies, the urumi melams will
usually perform a set of songs in a specific sequence. According to Navind Kumar, leader
of Siva Shakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam:
“We always start with Ganesh song [the god of good luck and
beginning]…. After that, we will go to Murugan, Hanuman [monkey
God], Shiva and etc” (Personal Communications, Navind Kumar, April
15th, 2015).
In rare occasions, when a client requested for a song to praise a specific Hindu
deity that is not common in the common pool of songs, vocalists in the urumi melam will
manipulate the song text of a preexisting song in order to create a new song
spontaneously for the deity. As Navind reveals:
“When we are asked to perform a song for a deity that we don’t really
know of, the vocalists will need to work harder. They will take a melody
from a song we all know, and change the lyrics. Take the song soolam for
example, it is originally composed in praise of Goddess Sri Mariamman.
We will take the original melody, and change all the ‘she’ in the lyric to
‘he’ if the deity is a male deity. We also change the word ‘soolam’ [the
auspicious object that represent Goddess Sri Mariamman] in the lyric to
the something that represent the particular deity. I am very glad that I have
a pair of really good singers who know a lot of songs in their memory, and
95
can change lyrics effortlessly at all time” (Personal Communication,
Navind Kumar, December 27th, 2015).
Urumi Melam Arrangements: Decisions in Rehearsals
Paul Berliner’s seminal Thinking in Jazz (1994) has highlighted the importance of
interactions in jazz improvisation. He further pursues the implication of interaction in the
creation of musical arrangements and provides insights on how interactions enable jazz
musicians to work out details of presentation for each piece in advance of music events.
Berliner suggests three stages that occur during the process of arranging musical pieces
collectively: 1) Stage One: What goes into Arrangements, 2) Stage Two: Transmitting
Arrangements, and 3) Stage Three: Collaborating on Arrangements (1994: 291 – 304).
Similar to arranging a jazz arrangement, the processes of adapting a piece of
preexisting devotional music into the urumi melam arrangement also involve a significant
amount of interactions among the musicians. Therefore, supported by data from my
interviews with musicians from Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam, I hope to adapt
Berliner’s paradigm of arranging musical pieces into the context of urumi melam.
At stage one, the leader and musicians of the urumi melam will select potential
songs from various sources. Navind and his lead vocalist, Thiru Kumara, select the
group’s songs with great care. Apart from the musicians, songs are important entities for
successful performances, and they are excellent marketing materials that attract potential
employers. In this case, Navind and Thiru make regular trips to Chennai to acquire new
songs for the ensemble. In Chennai, they patronized as many music shops as possible to
acquire Tamil folk music CDs and DVDs. These shops are usually located near Hindu
96
Temples. As Thiru describes, “the CDs and DVDs we selected are often covered with a
layer of dust because they are not in popular demand... But to us, they are gems!”
Back in Singapore, the duo will set a day to listen to the CDs, and watch the
DVDs. The song selection process is extremely valuable to them because aside from
picking potential songs, they also learned facts from the song lyrics. In this sense, the
songs are excellent research materials. According to Thiru:
“We usually learn a lot while we listen to the songs… other than the
musical style, in many instances, we get to learn different names of a
Hindu deity, and the names of temples… say… the murugan temples in
India… you know… we don’t get to learn these stuff in Singapore, or
rather, no one told us about them” (personal communication, May 24th,
2015).
At stage two, the ensemble will gather to arrange the selected songs collectively.
At this stage, individual musicians are free to contribute their favored musical ideas, and
to decide on how to integrate their ideas into the arrangements. Therefore, the
arrangements represent the sum of the talents of group members. One musician with a
gift for rhythms may collaborate with another to fashion appropriate rhythmic patterns.
Another musician who is talented in orchestration can envision complementary parts for
the full ensemble. The strengths of other band members may lie primarily in composing
parts for their own instruments. To Navind and his musicians, rehearsals are excellent
97
times to try new musical ideas, and to work on existing songs that are not good enough
from Navind’s perspective:
“During rehearsals, we will try out new songs that Thiru and myself have
selected from the CDs and DVDs from Chennai. We try to be as close as
possible to the original recording but we will add new beats [rhythms] to
them. I always discuss with my guys on the spot to decide what kind of
beats we could add to the song to make it sound good to us and to our
clients” (Personal Communication, May 24th, 2015).
It is also at this stage when Navind and his musicians attempt to manipulate their
arrangements further to make them even more appealing. In the song Velan for example,
the female vocal sections in the original song were replaced with a verse from two very
popular devotional songs in praise of Lord Muruga: mannanalum thiruchchendhuril
mannaven (see figure 19) [track 4] and muthana muthukumara (see figure 20) [track 5].
As Navind explains:
98
“We inserted that two songs on purpose. Firstly, they are very popular
songs that anyone in the Tamil community will know. Secondly, it is very
challenging for our vocalists to sing the female sections from the original
song. They are beyond their vocal range, and the sudden drop in tempo
made the entire song boring. Initially, Thiru did not agree with me on the
changes, and insisted on sticking to the original. However, after we
performed the song for the first time during Thaipusam in 2013, we
received great reviews from our audiences. The video of our performance
that day has gathered 23,975 views on YouTube. Thiru is totally
convinced” (Personal Communication, December 27th, 2015).
99
MANNANALUM THIRUCHCHENDHURIL MANNAVEN (INSERT)
Cycle 37
100
Song Text
1
||G
G
||Man na
-
G
na
-
G
lum -
2
|R
R
|thi ru
R
chen-
S
dhu -
N
ril -
3
|S
|man -
S
na
-
S
ven -
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
SR ||
oru ||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Song Text
1
||G
G
||Man na
-
G
na
-
G
lum -
2
|R
|pa
R
R
zha mu
S
N
S
dhi rch cho -
3
S
|S
lai |ma
ra
S
ma
-
S
ven -
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||tm ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cycle 38
Figure 19: A verse taken from Mannanalum Thiruchchendhuril Mannaven that is inserted into Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam's rendition of Velan.
MUTHANA MUTHUKUMARA (INSERT)
Cycle 59
-
-
R
na
-
2
|G
|Mu
-
M
thu -
G
ku
R
ma
G
ra
-
3
||-
-
R
mu
G
ru
S
gay -
N
ya
-
4
|S
|va
-
-
-
S
va
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Song Text
1
||R
||si
-
M
tta -
R
dum -
2
|S
|sel -
S
va
-
S
ku
S
ma
S
ra
-
3
||-
G
cin -
R
G
dai ma
S
gi
N
ra
-
4
|S
|va
-
-
-
S
va
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||tm ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
101
Song Text
1
||P
S
||Mu tha -
Cycle 60
Figure 20: A verse taken from Muthana Muthukumara that is inserted into Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam rendition of Velan.
At stage three, the ensemble will start to rehearse the arrangement with all the
additional musical elements in place. During rehearsals, veteran musicians within the
ensemble help remedy deficiencies, and guide younger players (Berliner 1994:290).
Navind and his veteran musicians are always listening for any bad execution of drum
strokes during their rehearsals. Whenever a mistake is observed, Navind will stop the
ensemble, and demonstrate the correct drum stroke to the drummer. If the issue persists,
the groups will break up for sectionals. This is the time when Navind will conduct a short
private lesson for the drummer. When questioned about his meticulousness with drum
strokes, Navind answers:
“It is important to do it [drum strokes] the correct way… You see… if we
are just banging on the drums with our full strength, it maybe loud, but at
the end of the booking… we will be tired… during thaipusam and
punguni, we usually take three or more bookings in a day. How to perform
for the subsequent bookings if we are already tired out after the first one?”
Overall Styles of Urumi Melam Arrangements
Signposts, as Bruno Nettl describes, are points of reference within a piece of music. They
can include motifs, cadences, sequences, modulations, and changes in tone or rhythmic
density (1974:15-17). Models, on the other hand, are materials learned as a basis for
improvisation and composition (1974:7).
Because of its mobility, the urumi melam requires sonic signposts to cue their
musicians. When the ensemble is on the move, they move in two straight lines with the
102
vocalist standing in front, and the lead tavil and urumi players in front of the lines facing
the musicians while walking backward. Hence, visual and verbal cues are limited as the
ensemble walks the thaipusam procession route. Most of the time they listen for the
constant beats provided by the finger cymbal to keep in tempo. However, when signposts
and models fail to coordinate the ensemble, the lead tavil player and lead urumi player
will take the lead by performing a loud but brief solo or fill-in that helps to pull the
musicians back into the song. On the other hand, when the musicians are stationary, they
form a drum circle that enables all musicians to have a better view of each other. This
allows them to make better eye contact with each other during a performance. In this
case, visual cues such as hand and body movements and verbal cues support the sonic
signposts to enhance ensemble coordination.
Setting up the song
The singer will usually start the song by singing the melody monophonically [tracks 6
and 7]. This allows the ensemble to understand which song they are about to perform, to
catch the tempo, and execute the correct rhythmic models. Beginning a song by singing
the melody monophonically is also a common practice in karnatak music (see figure 21
and 22). At all times the monophonic melody establishes the tempo for the drummers. As
Viswanathan and Allen write “The beginning of the kritis also marks the entry of the tāla.
Drummer T. Ranganathan waits for Brinda to begin the first lines of the pallavi section of
the kriti. He listens carefully to get a ‘fix’ on the tempo she has chosen and then begins to
play” (2004: 63).
103
Cycle 1
Song Text
1
||S
||om -
S
en
-
-
R
num -
2
|S
|man -
N
ti
-
S
rat -
R
ti
-
3
|S
|vā
-
-
S
rum -
-
-
R
de
4
|G
|van -
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||Cycle 1
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
104
Tavil
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|tm
ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
ta
ka
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
S
en
-
-
R
num -
2
|S
|man -
N
ti
-
S
rat -
R
ti
-
3
|S
|vā
-
-
S
rum -
-
-
R
de
4
|
|
G
van
-
-
||
||
Finger Cymbals
||jm -
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|
jm
ta
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||tm ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
ta
ka
|tm
ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|
tm
tm
tm
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
||
Cycle 2
Song Text
1
||S
||om -
Figure 21: The monophonic tune of Velan occurs in the first two measures. The chin chak and tavil provide accompaniment to the tune for the next eight measures.
The full ensemble starts to play at the last two measures that lead into the song
Cycle 1
Song Text
1
|| S
|| om
-
-
-
-
-
2
|
|
S
ma
-
R
ka
-
S
li
-
3
|
|
S
ni
-
-
-
-
-
4
|
|
S
va
-
R
ta
-
S
yi
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Urumi
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Song Text
1
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
|
|
R
ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
|
|
P
ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
|
|
-
-
-
-
-
S
nī
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cycle 2
105
Tavil
|| Urumi
|| -
||
||
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cycle 3
Song Text
1
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
Tavil
|| -
-
-
Urumi
|| -
-
2
|
|
R
ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
|
|
P
ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
|
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Song Text
1
|| S
|| om
-
-
-
-
-
2
|
|
S
ma
-
R
ka
-
S
li
-
3
|
|
S
ni
-
-
-
-
-
4
|
|
S
vā
-
R
ta
-
S
yi
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|ta - tm ta tm - ta - tm ta tm -| ta - tm ta tm - ta - tm ta tm -||
Urumi
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
S
sai -
Cycle 4
106
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Figure 22: The monophonic tune of soolam occurs for fourteen measures. Thereafter, the tavil starts to play briefly for two measures, follow by the entry of the full
ensemble.
Rhythmic Models
The rhythms or beats aḍi of the Tamil folk drumming traditions in Tamil Nadu are
semiotically connected to individual rituals, rites, and dances (Wolf 2000:14). Tamil
Nadu’s folk musics are set to hundreds of ādis, each with its own particular meaning and
significance.
In the case of the parai (Tamil folk frame drum) ensemble in Tamil Nadu,
drummers perform three common rhythmic patterns at different stages of their
performance. They begin with sami attam (deity dance) that has a specific rhythmic
pattern that is performed in all auspicious events. The six beat pattern with the internal
tension of duple against ternary meters gives a rocking quality that reflects the
movements of the devotee or temple priest as he dances with the fire pot or milk pot. The
spoken syllables (sol aḍi) are: | jin na jin na ta ku |.
The celebratory beats are performed in sets and are derived from the tappuattam
(drum dance). Each celebratory rhythm in the set comprises twelve fast beats, and can be
a transition into a six beat halved version. There is no specific name for each rhythmic
pattern. The funeral beats are also performed in a set, each rhythm associated with
different points in the funeral. For example, the ordinary funeral rhythm is performed
when the dead body is being carry away. The spoken syllables are |Jen2 ja na gu
di| (Zoe Sherinian 2011).
The rhythms performed in the urumi melam, according to Navind Kumar,
comprise “a mixture of classic, modern, creative beats, fast and slow types of rhythms,
and all songs do not share the same rhythm.” Tempo and volume are attuned according to
107
the reactions of the devotees. As Navind Kumar commented, “when the trance is about to
happened we usually play the music louder and faster” (Personal Communication,
Navind Kumar, April 15th, 2015)
All arrangements for urumi melam are derived from five basic rhythmic models.
They include kutirai aḍi, mūnu aḍi, classic aḍi, rethai aḍi, and ottai aḍi (see figure 23).
The kutirai aḍi [track 8] is in duple meter and provides a mild rocking momentum. The
name kutirai aḍi or horse beats suggests that the rhythm derived from the galloping
sound of a horse. The rethai aḍi [track 9] is also in duple meter. However, it produces a
more energetic rocking momentum than kutirai aḍi. The mūnu aḍi [track 10] is in triple
meter. It bears a resemblance to the tisram nadai caturasara jati eka tala in the karnatak
system. Despite in triple meter, it has a tendency to create an illusion of a duple meter. It
also has a forward momentum. The classic aḍi [track 11] is a common rhythmic pattern
used in Tamil Film Music and Tamil popular music. Every beat in ottai aḍi [track 12] is
emphasized, and lacks the swinging momentum in this rhythmic pattern.
The five rhythmic models groove with the beats. Therefore, suggesting the
karnatak concept of sarvalaghu (Nelson 2008:10). Urumi drummers set these rhythmic
models to the tune of a preexisting devotional song to create a musical arrangement for
urumi melam. The rhythmic models set to devotional songs vary among urumi melams
108
Kutirai aḍi (Horse Beats)
Chin Chak
1
|| jm
-
ta
-
-
2
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
3
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
4
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
tk
ta
-
tk
|
ta
-
tk
ta
-
tk
|
ta
-
tk
ta
-
tk
|
ta
-
tk
ta
-
tk
||
Tavil
|| tam
-
kT
tk
jn
-
|
tam
-
kT
tk
jn
-
|
tam
-
kT
tk
jn
-
|
tam
-
kT
tk
jn
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
tT
-
gm
-
|
gm
-
tT
-
gm
-
|
gm
-
tT
-
gm
-
|
gm
-
tT
-
gm
-
||
-
Mūnu aḍi
109
Chin Chak
1
||
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- Cinna kattai
||
t - t t k T t k T t k T
2
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- -
3
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- -
4
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- -
||
|
t - t t k T t k T t k T
|
t - t t k T t k T t k T
|
t - t t k T t k T t k T
||
Tavil
||
t - kTtm- - - - t - tm-
|
t - kTtm- - - - t - tm-
|
t - kTtm- - - - t - tm-
|
t - kTtm- - - - t - tm-
||
Urumi
||
g - g - g - t - g - t -
|
g - g - g - t - g - t -
|
g - g - g - t - g - t -
|
g - g - g - t - g - t -
||
Classic aḍi
Chin Chak
1
2
3
4
|| jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- - - - -
| jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- - - - -
| jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- - - - -
| jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- - - - -
||
Cinna kattai
|| t - - tt- k - d - m - t - k -
| t - - tt- k - d - m - t - k -
| t - - tt- k - d - m - t - k -
| t - - tt- k - d - m - t - k -
||
Tavil
|| tm- - tt- k - t - k - tm- t -
| tm- - tt- k - t - k - tm- t -
| tm- - tt- k - t - k - tm- t -
| tm- - tt- k - t - k - tm- t -
||
Urumi
|| g - t - g - t k - - - g - g -
| g - t - g - t k - - - g - g -
| g - t - g - t k - - - g - g -
| g - t - g - t k - - - g - g -
||
Rettai aḍi
Chin Chak
1
|| jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- - -
2
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- - -
3
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- - -
4
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- - -
||
Cinna kattai
|| t - - t k - t - k t k T -
|
t - - t k - t - k t k T -
|
t - - t k - t - k t k T -
|
t - - t k - t - k t k T -
||
Tavil
|| tm- - t k - t k T - t k -
|
tm- - t k - t k T - t k -
|
tm- - t k - t k T - t k -
|
tm- - t k - t k T - t k -
||
Urumi
|| gm- gm- tatm- - - g - g -
|
gm- gm- tatm- - - g - g -
|
gm- gm- tatm- - - g - g -
|
gm- gm- tatm- - - g - g -
||
Ottai aḍi
110
Chin Chak
1
||
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- -
2
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- -
3
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- -
4
|
jm- - ta- - jm- - ta- -
||
Cinna kattai
||
t k T t k T t k T t k T
|
t k T t k T t k T t k T
|
t k T t k T t k T t k T
|
t k T t k T t k T t k T
||
Tavil
||
tm- - t tm- tm- - t tm-
|
tm- - t tm- tm- - t tm-
|
tm- - t tm- tm- - t tm-
|
tm- - t tm- tm- - t tm-
||
Urumi
||
gm- t - gm- gm- t - gm-
|
gm- t - gm- gm- t - gm-
|
gm- t - gm- gm- t - gm-
|
gm- t - gm- gm- t - gm-
||
Figure 23: Five Rhythmic Models that are the Basis for most Urumi Melam Arrangements.
Rhythmic Designs
Rhythmic designs observed in Urumi Melam arrangements involve some form of
simple Kanakku or calculation. Kanakku is an important aesthetic element in karnatak
music, as well as Tamil folk music. Kanakku or calculations are rhythmic figures that
create tension within the tāla they are designed to fit (Nelson 2008:11). The complexity
of a rhythmic design demonstrates a group’s musical creativity (Dineen 2015:146), and
level of proficiency (Personal Communication, B. Balasubrahmaniyan, April 9th, 2015).
Although urumi melam arrangements comprise mainly sarvalaghu, there are sections in
the arrangements that feature interesting rhythmic designs based on simple kanakku. The
rhythmic designs performed by urumi melam musicians are meticulously rehearsed to
show off their rhythmic precision and virtuosity as a group.
In the brief section in Velan that occurs between the pallavi and the instrumental
interlude, the pulses switch from six to twelve and back to six [track 13]. This generates a
tension that lasts for two cycles and resolves at the start of instrumental interlude.
Moreover, the manipulation of the phrase “ta ki Ta” has also contributed to the rhythmic
design.
On the third beat of the first cycle, instead of inserting fours sets of |ta ki Ta| to
accommodate all twelve pulses in the beat, the ensemble design the rhythm by playing
one set of |ta ki Ta2| in which the syllable |Ta| occupies two pulses. This design is
repeated twice to fill the remaining eight pulses (see figure 24).
111
Cycle 20
Song Text
3
|- - - - |- - - - -
-
-
Chin Chak
|jm ta - - jm ta -
-
4
-|
-|
- jm ta -
-|
- - -
-
Cinna kattai
|ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta -|
Tavil
|tm tm tm - tm tm tm - tm tm tm -|
Urumi
|ta ka gm - ta ka gm - ta ka gm -|
Figure 24: Third Beat of the First Cycle
In the fourth beat of the cycle, two sets of |ta ki Ta| are played consecutively,
filling the first six pulses of the beat (see figure 25). Thereafter, a set of |ta2 ki2 Ta2| is
inserted into the rhythmic design to fill the remaining six pulses of the beat. In this
phrase, each syllable comprises two pulses.
Cycle 20
Song Text
4
|- - - |- - - -
-
-
-
- - - - -
-
-||
-||
Chin Chak
|jm - - ta -
-
jm - - ta -
-||
Cinna kattai
|ta ki Ta ta ki Ta ta - ki-
Ta -||
Tavil
|tm tm tm tm tm tm tm - tm - tm -||
Urumi
|ta ka gm ta ka gm ta - ka - gm -||
Figure 25: Fourth Beat of the First Cycle
112
The rhythmic design for the last two beats of the first cycle is repeated in the first
two beats of the second cycle. These create a tension that leads into the instrumental
interlude (see figure 26).
113
Cycle 20
Song Text
1
|| S
|| tan -
S
jam
S
a
N
dai
R
yu
2
| S
| du
-
-
X
hey
-
-
3
||-
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|jm ta -
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
|ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta -|ta ki Ta ta ki Ta ta - ki-
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
|tm tm tm - tm tm tm - tm tm tm -|tm tm tm tm tm tm tm - tm - tm -||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|ta ka gm - ta ka gm - ta ka gm -|ta ka gm ta ka gm ta - ka - gm -||
-
-
- - -
-
-
- jm ta -
- - -
-
-
- jm ta -
114
Pallavi
4
-|-|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- - - - -
-
-||
-||
-|jm -
-
ta -
-
jm - - ta -
-||
Ta -||
Rhythmic Design
Cycle 21
Song Text
1
||- - - - ||- - - - -
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
3
-| P
-| da
-
M
di
-
P
da
-
4
| M
| da
-
P
di
-
M
da
-
||
||
-|jm -
-
ta -
-
jm - - ta -
-| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta -|ta ki Ta ta ki Ta ta - ki-
Ta -| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ta
||
Tavil
||tm tm tm - tm tm tm - tm tm tm -|tm tm tm tm tm tm tm - tm-
tm -| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
||ta ka gm - ta ka gm - ta ka gm -|ta ka gm ta ka gm ta - ka-
gm -| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
-
-
Chin Chak
||jm ta - - jm ta -
- - -
-
-
- jm ta -
2
-|-|-
Rhythmic Design
- - - - -
Instrumental Interlude
Figure 26: Rhythmic Design 1 - Transition from pallavi to Instrumental Interlude
The urumi melam plays a distinct polyrhythmic rhythmic design to mark the end
of introduction in Velan [track 14]. I label this marker rhythmic design 2. The cinna
kattai plays a duple rhythmic pattern |ta2 ka ta2 ka| through the cycle. The tàvil plays the
duple rhythm |tom2 ta ta2 ka| with the cinna kattai on the first and third beats of the cycle.
However, it switches to the triple rhythm |ta2 tom2 tom2| with the urumi on the second
and fourth beats of the cycle. The urumi plays a continuous triple rhythmic pattern |gum2
ta2 gum2| that goes against the duple rhythm (see figure 27). These build a tension that
leads to the pallavi.
115
Cycle 10
116
Song Text
1
|| R
|| ta
-
G
la
-
R
le
-
2
|
|
S
la
-
R
le
-
S
la
R
le
3
|
|
S
la
-
-
S
a
-
-
4
|
|
S
a
-
-
S
a
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
ta
jm
-
ta
|
jm
-
ta
jm
-
ta
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
|
tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
tm
ta
-
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|
ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
|
gm
-
ta
gm
-
ta
|
gm
-
ta
gm
-
ta
||
Figure 27: Rhythmic Design 2 marks the end of the Introduction.
Rhythmic design 3 [track 15] in cycle 36 marks the end of caranam before
mannanalum thiruchchendhuril mannaven. While all instruments in the ensemble play
in unison the pattern |tam3 tam3| on the first and fourth of the cycle, the cinna kattai plays
slightly different rhythmic pattern |ta ka2 ta ka2| with an additional stroke on the second
and fifth pulses of the cycle (see figure 28).
117
Cycle 36
Song Text
1
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
|
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
3
|
|
S
kan
-
S
bo
-
S
may
-
4
|
|
S
ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
ta
ka
-
ta
ka
-
|
ta
ka
-
ta
ka
-
||
Tavil
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
tm
-
-
tm
-
-
|
tm
-
-
tm
-
-
||
Urumi
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
gm
-
-
gm
-
-
|
gm
-
-
gm
-
-
||
118
Figure 28: Rhythmic Design 3 – Caranam to mannanalum thiruchchendhuril mannave
Rhythmic Cadences
In karnatak music, a mō rā is used to mark sections of songs or to draw the listener’s
attention to structural points in the tāla or song text (David Nelson 2008:22).
Furthermore, the mō rā is essentially made up of a phrase, stated three times with
separation or a gap inserted among the statements (Ibid 2008:23).
The statement must have a duration of at least one pulse, and the gap may be zero.
In its paradigm form as illustrated by David Nelson (see figure 29), it is assumed that all
three statements are either identical or bear some orderly relationships to one another, and
the figures in the gaps must always be equal (1991: 45 – 52). Moreover, a mōrā must
have a certain degree of rhythmic complexity (personal communication, David Nelson,
February 4th, 2016). The concept of mō rā is also ubiquitous in the Tamil folk music
performed by the naiyandi melam (Paige 2008:114).
(Statement ≥ 1) [Gap ≥ 0]
(Statement ≥ 1) [Gap ≥ 0]
(Statement ≥ 1)
Figure 29: Nelson’s Paradigm Form of mōrā
119
In the context of the urumi melam, the cadential rhythmic figures observed urumi
melam arrangements do not fall perfectly into the description asserted by Nelson and
Paige. Therefore, in this study, the quasi mō rā figures in urumi melam arrangements will
be labeled as rhythmic cadence. Similar to mō rās in karnatak music and Tamil Folk
music, the rhythmic cadences in urumi melam arrangements serve three functions: 1) they
mark sections of songs, 2) they lead to rhythmic modulation, and 3) they bridge into a
new section of the song.
During the transition between pallavi and caranam in Velan at cycles 25 to 26,
the urumi melam inserted another brief yet interesting cadential rhythmic design. This
rhythmic cadence does not exactly fit David Nelson’s description of mō rā. However,
similar to a mō rā, the rhythmic pattern marks the end of pallavi, and bridges into the
caranam. It builds a momentum and rhythmic tension towards caranam. It is 28 pulses in
length, making it a total length of 1
1
2
cycles. It starts on the third beat of the first cycle
through the second cycle. At the end of the rhythmic cadence, the tavil plays a short
rhythmic fill-in |tom tom ta ta tom tom ta ta| that leads into the caranam. In this rhythmic
cadence, the drum strokes and rhythmic pattern correspond to the phrase |ta ka jo nu|.
All instruments play in unison from last two beats of the first cycle to the first
three beats of the second cycle. The rhythmic cadence two ends with the tavil fill-in in
the last beat of the second cycle (see figure 30) [track 16].
120
Cycle 25
Song Text
1
|| || la
-
-
a
-
-
2
|
|
a
-
-
-
-
-
3
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|jm
ta
jm
ta
jm
-
-
-
|jm
-
ta
-
jm
ta
jm
ta
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
|ta
ka
jo
nu
tm
-
-
-
|ta
-
ka
-
ta
ka
jo
nu
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
|
ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
|tm
tm
tm
tm
tm
-
-
-
|tm
-
tm
-
tm
tm
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
|
Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
|gm
ta
gm
ta
gm
-
-
-
|gm
-
gm
-
gm
gm
gm
gm
||
end of pallavi
Rhythmic Cadence
121
Cycle 26
Song Text
1
||||-
-
-
-
-
-
2
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
3
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||jm -
-
jm
-
ta
-
|jm
ta
jm
ta
jm
-
-
-
|jm
-
ta
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||Tm -
ta
-
ka
-
|ta
ka
jo
nu
Tm
-
-
-
|ta
-
ka
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||tm -
-
-
tm
-
tm
-
|tm
tm
tm
tm
tm
-
-
-
|tm
-
tm
-
-
-
-
-
|tm
tm
ta
ta
tm
tm
ta
ta
||
Urumi
||gm -
-
-
gm
-
gm
-
|gm
gm
gm
gm
gm
-
-
-
|gm
-
gm
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Rhythmic Cadence
Tavil fill-in
Figure 30: Rhythmic Cadence in Velan
The first rhythmic cadence in Soolam occurs at the last cycle of the
introduction. Although this rhythmic cadence appears to have the structure of a mōrā, but
doesn’t have the complexity to generate tension with the tala. This cadence comprises
eighteen pulses. There are six pulses in the statement (s = 6), and zero pulses in the gap
[gap = 0]. While the cinna kattai and urumi play a common rhythmic pattern |ta ki Ta ta
ki Ta| and |ta tam gum ta tam gum| that fills all six pulses in the statement (see figure 31
and 32), the tavil plays a different rhythmic pattern |tam2 ta tam2 ta| (see figure 33).
(ta ki Ta ta ki Ta) (s = 6) [g = 0]
(ta ki Ta ta ki Ta) (s = 6) [g = 0]
(ta ki Ta ta ki Ta) (s = 6)
Figure 31: First Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam (cinna kattai)
(ta tam gum ta tam gum) (s = 6) [g = 0]
(ta tam gum ta tam gum) (s = 6) [g = 0]
(ta tam gum ta tam gum) (s = 6)
Figure 32: First Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam (urumi)
122
(tam - ta tam - ta) (s = 6) [g = 0]
(tam - ta tam - ta) (s = 6) [g = 0]
(tam - ta tam - ta) (s = 6)
Figure 33: First Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam (tavil)
The forward momentum and rhythmic tension generated by the rhythmic cadence
resolves to the fourth beat of the cycle. This allows a very brief silence before all
musicians shout the word amman (Tamil: “mother goddess”) (see figure 34) [track 17].
Thereafter, the pallavi begins.
123
Cycle 10
124
Song Text
1
|| R
|| vā
-
-
-
-
-
2
|
|
R
vā
-
-
-
-
-
3
|
|
R
vā
-
-
-
-
-
4
|
|
R
vā
-
-
-
X
am
X
man
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
|
tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
|
tm
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ta
tm
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ta
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tm
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-
-
-
-
||
Urumi
|| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
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ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
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ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
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ta
-
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-
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-
||
Figure 34: First Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam
The second rhythmic cadence in Soolam occurs at the end of the song. This one is
closer to nelson’s structure of mora in its strucuter and rhythmic It comprises thirty pulses
with ten pulses in each statement (s = 10) and zero pulses in the gap [g = 0] (see figure
35). Unlike the first rhythmic cadence, all instruments play the same rhythmic pattern. It
1
lasts 12 cycles in the final percussion interlude (see figure 36) [track 15].
(ta - ki - Ta - ta ka tr gd) (s = 10) [g = 0]
(ta - ki - Ta - ta ka tr gd) (s = 10) [g = 0]
(ta - ki - Ta - ta ka tr gd) (s = 10)
Figure 35: Second Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam
125
Cycle 51
126
Song Text
1
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
|
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Chin Chak
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-
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jm
-
ta
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jm
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|ta
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jm
ta
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Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
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ta
-
ki
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Ta
-
|ta
ka
tr
gd
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Tavil
|| -
-
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tm
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ta
ka
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
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Urumi
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-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
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gm
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ta
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gm
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|ta
ta
gm
gm
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Song Text
1
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-
-
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2
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3
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|
-
-
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Chin Chak
|| jm
-
ta
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jm
-
|ta
ta
jm
ta
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jm
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ta
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jm
-
|ta
ta
jm
ta
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ki
-
Ta
-
|ta
ka
tr
gd
|
ta
-
ki
-
Ta
-
|ta
ka
tr
gd
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
|
tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|ta
ta
gm
gm
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gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|ta
ta
gm
gm
||
Cycle 52
Figure 36: Second Rhythmic Cadence marks the end of Soolam.
Visual and Verbal Cues
Visual and verbal cues provide further support to the sonic cues in order to produce a
perfect performance. The bandleader and the lead tavil players of the urumi melam are
responsible for providing visual and verbal cues to the ensemble.
In the case of Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam, musicians keep their eyes on
Navind at all time. On the other hand, Navind also receives cues from the vocalist to
determine: 1) when the ensemble should play after the monophonic introduction, 2) when
the ensemble should echo the vocalist during a call and response section, and 3) when to
stop the song. Before the vocalist starts to sing, he cues the musicians by saying “check,
check” through his bullhorn. This verbal cue from the vocalist alerts Navind and
musicians that he is ready to sing. As he starts to sing monophonically, all musicians will
keep their eyes on Navind who will cue the ensemble to play by doing a slight hop. The
slight hop is also a cue to stop a song.
When nearing a transitional point, Navind first reminds the musicians verbally
what to play next. Thereafter, they wait for Navind’s head nod to cue the change in
rhythm. Besides cueing the transitions, a soloist looks out for Navind’s eye contact and a
head nod to begin his brief drum solo (see figure 37).
127
Figure 37: Tavil player in eye contact with Navind, and ready to switch to a new
rhythmic pattern when Navind gives him a head nod.
During the song, Navind controls the dynamic and tempo of the ensemble with his
urumi. Whenever he wants the ensemble to play louder, he hits his drum harder to signal
more volume. Once the dominating sounds from Navind’s urumi reach the musicians,
they begin to play louder. When Navind’s urumi sound becomes subdued, the musicians
play softer. When the tempo of the ensemble becomes unstable, Navind will again
dominate the ensemble with his loud urumi sound to guide his musicians to the ideal
tempo.
Facial expressions are the other visual cues that Navind uses to provide
instantaneous feedbacks to his musicians. A head nod with a smile from Navind is an
affirmative gesture that tells his musicians instantaneously that he is happy with their
performance. There are instances when Navind was so satisfied with his musicians that
he started to dance animatedly with his musicians in the midst of a song. He further
128
heightened the moment by improvising a brief call and response duet with one of his
musicians (see figure 38).
Figure 38: Navind instigates an impromptu tavil duet with his fellow drummer Danesh
Kumar in the midst of a song.
On rare occasions when the songs do not meet Navind’s expectation, he puts on a
stern face and shakes his head disappointedly to show his disapproval or annoyance with
his musicians. Whenever a poor performance occurs, Navind gathers all his musicians for
a post-performance discussion. This enables Navind and his musicians to express their
opinions on how to make their next performance better. Usually, the post-performance
discussion reconciles the disheartening feeling after a poor performance, and motivates
the musicians to do better for their next performance.
129
Conclusion
The mobility of urumi melam and the absence of a notation system have forced urumi
melam musicians to rely heavily on sonic signposts, and visual and verbal cues to
produce cohesive performances. While sonic signposts are worked out collectively during
rehearsals, urumi melam musicians always look out for visual and verbal cues provided
by their leaders in the midst of a performance. The purposes of signposts and cues are to
mark different sections within the song, to prepare musicians to execute the correct
rhythmic pattern in a particular section, and to control the volume and tempo of the
ensemble.
The urumi melam musicians are not trained in karnatak music or Tamil folk
music. However, the process of appropriating musical idioms from karnatak music and
Tamil folk to produce arrangements for urumi melam has enabled the musicians to
aurally acquire rudiments from both genres. One such acquisition is the popular
dappankuthu Tamil folk rhythm, which is the basis for the five rhythmic models of urumi
melam arrangements. The nuances of karnatak music are discernable in the arrangements
for urumi melam. These include the concepts of tāla (number of beats), sarvalaghu
(rhythmic figures that flow with the tāla), rhythmic designs via kanakku (manipulating
pulses per beat to create tension in the tāla), and mōrā (rhythmic ending figure).
However, some musical idioms from karnatak music and Tamil folk music are modified
to fit the collective aesthetic preferences of the musicians of the urumi melam.
130
Chapter Four
Superculture, Subculture, and Interculture: Urumi Melam in Singapore
Introduction
Urumi melam groups in Singapore have faced challenges from the regulations
imposed by the government and the Hindu Endowment Board, they are stigmatized as a
dalit (untouchable caste) ensemble affiliated to Tamil gangs, and are banned from all
Hindu festivals. Challenged by the escalating pressure and restrictions imposed on them,
musicians of the urumi melam set up blogs, forums, and Facebook groups to express their
frustration. Their diminishing presence in public spaces leads them to reach their fans and
potential clients through social media. In this chapter, I will draw from the writings of
Mark Slobin (1993) on the concept of superculture, subculture, and interculture to
understand how urumi melam operate in Singapore and Malaysia. This is the first study
that applies Slobin’s concept to a musical subculture in Singapore.
Superculture, Subculture, and Interculture
In his seminal Subcultural Sounds: Mircomusic of the West, Mark Slobin writes about
what he calls “micromusics,” which he defines as “the small units within big music
cultures” (1993: 11). He offers three types of cultures: superculture, subculture, and
interculture, within which the micromusics operate.
The superculture emphasizes the hegemonic state that is “internalized in the
consciousness of governments, industry, subculture, and individuals as ideology” (Slobin
1993:27). The Singapore government predominantly comprises members of the
131
incumbent People Action Party. It is the sole power that influences all affairs in the
country from passing new legislations to the placement of speakers during a public
performance. As an example from the realm of education, the urumi melam is one of the
important emblems of the Singaporean Tamil Community, but paradoxically, it is never
recognized as one of the Singaporean Indian musical practices in the national general
music program and national music examination syllabi.
According to the syllabi, students attending years three and four in elementary
schools should be able to “recognize some of the cultural music and instruments in
Singaporean context, e.g. Chinese Opera, Malay Kompang, 51 Indian Classical music”
(Ministry of Education 2015:15). From primary five (fifth grade) to secondary two
(eighth grade),52 students will “identify and discuss art music and popular music in the
local [Singapore] scene” (ibid: 19 – 21). According to the national music elective
program examination syllabi, students will examine the musical characteristics of
Hindustani and karnatak musics. Furthermore, they will examine “1) the instruments
(sitar, vina, violin, sarod, sarangi, tabla, mridangam, tambura); 2) Improvisation
according to raga and tala; 3) Structure (alap, gat, alapana, kriti)” (Ministry of
Education and University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate 2015). The
51
The kompang is a hand-beaten frame drum. It has a shallow, hardwood body and a
single tacked head, sometimes with metal jingles inserted into the frame. The extreme
range of high and low timbres in the drumming, the loud volume, and the fast tempi offer
a dynamic accompaniment to the ceremony or procession (Matusky and Chopyak,
1998:446).
52
Students in all public schools take general music classes from Primary One to
Secondary Two. Students who wish to pursue music audition for the Music Elective
Program. The Music Elective Program (MEP) is a special program that provides
“opportunities for academically able students with an aptitude for music to pursue a
deeper and more comprehensive study in Music” (Ministry of Education 2016).
132
exclusion of urumi melam, Temple music and Tamil folk music, and the emphasis on
Indian classical music in the national music syllabi are no coincidences. It is one of many
examples that demonstrate the power of the superculture.
The subculture is tied to “three overlapping spheres of cultural activity: choice,
affinity and belonging” (Slobin 1993: 55). This is related to one’s identity, and his/her
affiliation with groups or organizations. In Singapore and Malaysia, people in the Tamil
working class inevitably face a certain degree of marginalization because they are racial
minority. Furthermore, they are subject to prejudice and discrimination from highly
educated Tamil elites. The prejudices toward working class Tamil have led to public
narratives that frequently portray them as criminals and gangsters and Tamil spaces as
chaotic and dangerous (Paige 2013:6).
The urumi melam community in Singapore is a close-knit community. Most
urumi melam musicians are acquaintances. It is common for a musician from one urumi
melam to perform with another urumi melam when there is a shortage of players. The
urumi melam have also received support from the Singaporean Tamil working class
community, who engage them for many sacred and secular events. The cohesiveness
among the urumi melam and the Singaporean Tamil working class community has made
the ensembles an important emblem of the community.
In Malaysia, the emergence of Tamil hip hop occurred in response to pervasive
and derogatory stereotyping. Therefore, Malaysian Tamil youth engaged in hip hop as “a
strategic site for waging ‘language ideological combat,’ or ‘linguistic practices that
challenge the sociopolitical arrangement of relations between languages, identities, and
133
power’” (Paige 2013:6). These phenomena suggest that Tamil youths in Singapore and
Malaysia turn to musical activities to empower their Tamil identity and youth culture.
The urumi melam in Singapore is a subculture driven by three factors: 1)
Singaporean Hindu identity, 2) a musician’s affinity with his regular urumi melam and
within the Singapore urumi melam community, and 3) the emblematic status of urumi
melam in the Singaporean Tamil working class community.
The interculture, according to Mark Slobin, refers to “musical forces that cross
frontiers” (ibid: 61). It involves musical activities that occur beyond the borders of
nation-states. He further provides three subcategories of intercultures:
industrial,
diasporic, and affinity. Slobin describes the Industrial interculture as the creature of the
commodified music system that is built upon negotiations between consumers and the
nation-state (1993: 61). The diasporic intercultures are the linkages that subcultures set
up across national boundaries (Slobin 1993: 64). The affinity interculture refers to music
that “seems to call out to audiences across national-state lines even when they are not part
of a heritage or a commodified, disembodied network, and particularly when the
transmission is of the old-fashioned variety – face to face, mouth to ear” (Slobin 1993:
68).
The urumi melam interculture comprises predominantly the urumi melam
subcultures in Singapore and Malaysia. They are connected via social media, as well as in
person. Bandleaders in Singapore and Malaysia are engaged in regular exchanges on the
social networking platforms. They share videos and comment on videos shared by their
counterparts. These online exchanges encourage interactions and confluences between
urumi melam subcultures in both nation-states. Interactions among musicians in a group
134
occur via smartphone messaging tools, notably whatsapp. It allows bandleaders to share
recordings and performance information within their groups.
Urumi melam bandleaders and their veteran musicians make frequent trips to
Tamil Nadu to acquire CDs and DVDs of devotional songs and Tamil Folk Music. They
learn musical nuances from these media, and teach them to their musicians during
rehearsals. On other hand, urumi melam musicians in Singapore and Malaysia often
travel across the border to help their counterparts when either side lacks manpower. The
opportunities to perform with their Singapore or Malaysian counterparts encourage
interactions and exchanges of ideas through, in Slobin’s words, “face to face”, and
“mouth to ear”.
Superculture: The Singapore Government and Authorities
The Singapore government has implemented noise control regulations for all
public performances since July 1973. The regulations have had significant impacts on
Chinese street opera troops, Chinese temples, Mosques, Hindu temples, Churches, and all
sources of noise in the city-state.53
In the case of the Muslim community in Singapore, Islamic organizations
modified their daily call to prayers to accommodate the noise control regulations. They
reduced the volume of loudspeakers at existing mosques, turned loudspeakers towards the
interior of newly built mosques, and broadcast the call to prayer five times a day over the
radio (Lee 1999:91).
Public performances that require electronic sound equipment must send their
speakers to the Singapore Institute of Standards and Industrial Research (SISIR) to install
53
Straits Times. 1974. July 18.
135
a sound control device. This device limits the maximum volume of their amplifiers. The
SISIR seals the speakers with their official seal to ensure that the speakers are not
tampered with.54 All public performances must obtain a public entertainment license, and
make a cash deposit. The deposit is forfeited if the SISIR seal is tampered with or if event
organizers do not comply with any of the licensing conditions. 55 This regulation was
replaced by new regulations passed in May 2005.
According to chapter 257 section 16 of the 2005 Singapore Public Entertainments
and Meetings act, where the arts entertainment is to take place outdoors: 1) nothing shall
be included in the arts entertainment which is directed towards a political end; 2) the
organizer of the arts entertainment shall notify any police officer on duty at any
Neighborhood Police Post, Neighborhood Police Centre or the Police Land Division of
the arts entertainment, at least 7 days before the arts entertainment, in such form and
manner as the Licensing Officer may determine; 3) no more than 2 loudspeakers shall be
used for or in connection with the arts entertainment; 4) any loudspeaker used shall be
inclined towards the audience or participants, or otherwise positioned to face the
audience or participants; 5) the arts entertainment shall commence not earlier than 11.00
a.m. and end not later than 10.30 p.m.; and 6) the organizer of the arts entertainment shall
take all reasonable measures to ensure public order and public safety at all times.
Violators are liable to a fine not exceeding SGD$10,000 [USD$ 8000].56
54
Straits Times. 1974. July 25.
55
Straits Times. 1974. July 20.
See “Public Entertainments and Meetings Acts (Chapter 257, Section 16)” for the
regulations
imposed
on
all
outdoors
performances.
Available
at:
http://statutes.agc.gov.sg/aol/search/display/view.w3p;page=0;query=DocId%3A%22178
56
136
New Immigrants and the Thaipusam Music Ban
In early 2000s, the loosening of immigration law saw a huge influx of
immigrants, and expatriates [also known as foreign talents] in Singapore. The numbers
escalated to a record high in 2010. By the end of June 2010, the Singapore population
was about 5,076,732. The number of Singapore residents and permanent residents stood
at 3,771,721 [74%], while the remaining 1,305,011 [26%] are foreigners. As of
September 2015, the Singapore population is 5,535,002, the number of Singapore
residents and permanent residents stood at 3,902,690 [70%] and foreigners stand at
1,632,312 [30%], and the figures continue to escalate. 57 In recent years, new private
luxurious condominiums are being built along the 4-kilometer thaipusam procession
route. These condominiums are own by private realty companies, and their residents are
predominantly expatriates. This is because foreigners are not eligible to apply for public
housing.58
From the government’s perspective, urumi that occurs within the temple vicinity,
or which happens quietly in railings set up for the thaipusam procession, or in places
where drumming has been authorized, is acceptable. However, urumi at unauthorized
times and places, or which generates complaints from expats deprived of sleep, constitute
11b84-08c4-44ff-95e8cdbdf6d31e2c%22%20Status%3Ainforce%20Depth%3A0;rec=0;whole=yes
February 17, 2016).
(accessed
See “Latest data,” for the statistics of Singapore population. Available at
http://www.singstat.gov.sg/statistics/latest-data#16 (accessed February 17, 2016).
57
See “Lion Dance Banned in Singapore!” for the comments made about urumi melam
and the noise control regulations. Available at http://youngpap.blogspot.com/2011/01/lion-dance-banned-in-singapore.html (accessed February 17,
2016).
58
137
noise pollution (Jim Sykes 2015b: 393). Although most Singaporean find urumi melam
essential to Hindu festivals, authorities have received numerous complaints from expats
for noise pollution. This is one of the reasons that forces authorities to enforce stricter
control on urumi melams. urumi melam hired for thaipusam and punguni uthiram have
frequently had to walk the procession with their clients without making a sound on their
instruments, and play briefly at sections of the procession route that are not under
surveillance.
According to Navind Kumar and members of the Siva Shakthi Muniandy Urumi
melam, the influx of upper caste (Brahmin) expatriates, and new immigrants from India is
also a factor that contributed to the instrument ban. The upper caste Indian nationals, as
Navind explains, “brought the caste system with them, and see urumi music as dalit
music that will contaminate the temple premises…. So they set rules to prevent us (urumi
melam) from playing.” (personal communication, May 24th 2015). The Indian nationals
assume key positions in the Hindu Endowment Board, and some serve on organizing
committees of important Hindu festivals. However, the members in the organizing
committee, at least for thaipusam, change annually. Navind further explains, “During
those years [2011 and 2015] when disputes between the police and urumi melam
musicians broke out due to instrument ban, the thaipusam organizing committees were
chaired by India Indians. We never had any problems whenever a Singaporean Indian
chairs the committee” (ibid).
The regulations that are in place since 1973 are intended to control loud
drumming and unruly behavior during the thaipusam procession. The urumi melam often
perform music with volume beyond acceptable levels to accompany Hindu devotees
138
carrying the kavadi. Devotees believe that music performed during thaipusam is a way to
thank Lord Murugan for his blessing. Moreover, music is also a form of encouragement
for devotees who will carry the kavadi on a 4-kilometer [2.5 miles] trail that can take as
long as five hours.59
Under the regulations, only Hindu hymn singing is permitted, and participants are
not allowed to play recorded music or percussion instruments. Depending on the severity
of the infraction, anyone who breaks the regulations will be barred from future
processions or face a fine of up to SGD$5000 [approximately USD$4800].
60
Furthermore, the Hindu Endowment Board discourages devotees from hiring urumi
melam for any Hindu rituals and ceremonies. Shunthosh, a fourteen-year veteran kavadi
bearer reveals:
“HEB has never been supportive…. They [urumi melam] are quite a
talented group… they are part of Tamil folk culture… urumi melam will
probably die off soon… government do not encourage these group of
people. They try to put them off during religious festivals…. So how can
they carry on?” (personal communication, October 15, 2014).
Most kavadi bearers are accompanied by their family members who also sing Hindu
59
Carrying kavadi is a popular form of devotion for Hindus. It is usually carried in
fulfillment of a vow that a devotee has taken. For a period of about a month, the devotee
must live a life of abstinence whilst maintaining a strict vegetarian diet. It is believed that
only when the mind is free of material wants and the body free from physical pleasures
that a devotee can undertake the sacred task without feeling any pain.
60
Straits times. 2011. Jan. 07.
139
hymns to them while walking the procession route. Some devotees have ignored the
regulations as they continued to drum along the route. Those who were caught were
ordered to stop drumming and they received verbal warnings. There are kavadi bearers
who have resorted to listening to devotional music in their smartphones via earphones
while walking the procession. In the opinion of Hindu devotees, this has made thaipusam
in Singapore the quietest, and most somber in the world.
Activitism and Protest against the Thaipusam Music Ban
The Singaporean Hindu community was outraged by the reemergence of noise
control regulations after thaipusam 2011. Singaporean Human Rights Lawyer M. Ravi
appealed against the regulations on behalf of the Singaporean Hindu Community, and a
Facebook group page entitled ‘Bring the Thaipusam Beat Back’ was set up.
Unfortunately, Ravi’s appeal was unsuccessful, and the Facebook group page was
ordered to shut down.
During thaipusam 2015, a scuffle between members of an urumi melam and
police officers broke out along the procession route. As a result, the police SWAT team
was deployed to the scene and three men were arrested. The trio was later charged with
disorderly behavior, and assaulting police officers. The case is currently under
investigation. If they are convicted, they will face maximum jail sentences of between
three months and seven years, maximum fines of between $2,000 and $5,000, or both.
The instrument ban and the scuffle during Thaipusam festival 2015 have invited a
tsunami of comments on social media platforms. An online petition named “Allow urumi
mellam and thavil to be played for Thaipusam” was set up in change.org on February 3rd
2015, and it was extremely well supported by the netizens. The creator of the petition,
140
Subramaniam Arumugam (2015) writes,
“THANK YOU SO MUCH!!!!!! We have received 1400 likes in less than 5
hours. I will be writing a letter to the Prime Minister and Presidential Office,
along with the Home Minister. Tamil Murusu, Huffington Post will also receive
the news on the discrimination that the Hindus are feeling. As Singaporeans we
have learnt to accept cultures of all sorts, but in recent days, a lot of things that
Singaporeans are used to, are becoming 'strange' thanks to the biased law that is
banning everything that is deemed to not having a viable solution. Once again
thank you for your support and I will update you accordingly. PLEASE SHARE
TO EVERY ONE. 'REGARDLESS OF RACE LANGUAGE OR RELIGION,
TO BUILD A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY' - Singapore pledge”
Facebook group pages such as ‘Voices of Singaporean Indians’, ‘Voice of One’, and
‘Speak up for Thaipusam – We want answers from HEB’ were setup to provide platforms
for netizens to express their concerns about the instrument ban. Tamil human rights
activists also made use of these Facebook group pages to inform netizens about their
moves to battle the instrument ban. Among the initiatives were 1) a call for researchers to
conduct a study on the importance of Tamil folk music to the kavadi bearers; 2) a call for
lawyers who are willing to represent the trio arrested during thaipusam 2015; and 3) soft
copies of several letters of complaint addressed to authorities and to the United Nations
Human Rights Council were posted (see figure 39). Most recently, three Singaporean
141
Tamil human rights activists have engaged lawyer Eugene Thuraisingam to take on the
Attorney General at the High Court to appeal the ban on musical instruments during the
thaipusam festival.
Figure 39: A Facebook Post to inform the Singaporean Hindu community about a
complaint lodged to the United Nation Human Rights Council. (Courtesy of Voice of
One).
In response to the questions and ferocious comments posed by the netizens, Mr. K.
Shanmugam, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Law wrote a post on his
official Facebook page to address the issue on February 6th, 2015. Shanmugam writes:
“Lion dances, kompangs and other such celebrations are often held during
social, community events. These are usually non-religious events.
Likewise, at Hindu community events, musical instruments are also used nathaswaram, melams. There are many such community celebrations:
both on a national scale and in the local communities across Singapore.
142
Likewise, singing, dancing at communal get-togethers by Singaporeans
and foreigners are not affected by the general ban on religious foot
processions. While there is a general ban on religious foot processions,
sometimes, permission may also be granted for religious events, with
some music in a public place. It is unlikely that there would be a foot
procession over a long route. And sometimes, at events such as the Kew
Ong Yah Festival 61 , there will be public gatherings in the different
constituencies, playing of some music, but even then, the police will
generally not allow long foot processions. What I have set out are the
general rules - based on appeals, sometimes exceptions may be made,
based on the specific facts. But the basic position is: as a rule, religious
foot processions will not be allowed except for the three Hindu festivals.
So yes - as shown by social media, there are many events in public with
music. But they are often not religious events. Sometimes, they are
religious events - for which permission would have been obtained. So the
Hindus are actually in a privileged position. There are many other
religious groups, which have asked to be allowed to hold foot processions.
These appeals have generally been rejected. I think even as Hindus ask for
relaxation of the rules, we should know the true facts. And not
misunderstand them. With these facts, is there a case for allowing musical
instruments to be played during the thaipusam foot procession, in support
61
The Kew Ong Yah (九王爷) Festival is a popular Taoist festival is celebrate the birth
of the Nine Emperors by the Taoists in Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Hong Kong and
Indonesia. The festival occurs in the ninth month of the lunar calendar (emphasis mine).
143
of the kavadi carriers?
This is a matter that can be debated. There were incidents in the past,
which led to the tightening up. Whether the rules should be relaxed, and
whether and under what conditions music should be allowed during the
Thaipusam processions, is something HEB has to discuss with the
agencies. HEB has relaxed the rules last year within the temple premises”
(Jalelah Abu Baker 2015).
During his official visit to Germany and Spain, Mr. S. Iswaran, Second Minister
for Home Affairs was asked by the European media to address the scuffle that took place
during the thaipusam procession. Iswaran explains that rules for street processions,
including the use of musical instruments, have been put in place “to manage events for
the greater public good”. He further explains that a long-standing ban on playing musical
instruments during religious foot processions has been in place “as the result of past
instances of fights between competing groups of musicians, and disruption to the
procession and to devotees” (Zakir Hussain 2015). Iswaran agrees with Shanmugan that
the Singapore Government recognizes the event's significance and sanctity for the Hindu
community. Therefore, despite the ban on religious foot processions since 1973, special
concessions were made for thaipusam and two other Hindu festivals. However, because
of the scale of participation at thaipusam, and because the route of the foot procession
goes through major roads, rules and the presence of police officers are necessary “to
ensure the event's peace and safety” (ibid).
144
Following the scuffle, during the Saint Patrick’s Day parade in Singapore on
March 15th 2015, Human Rights Lawyer M. Ravi and an urumi melam with minimal
instrumentation (one tavil, one urumi, and one cinna kattai) showed up at the venue
before the start of the parade. There are no official reports about Ravi’s intention for his
action. However, the caption for a video that captured the whole incident suggests that M.
Ravi and the urumi melam were there to protest against the instrument ban during
thaipusam festival. The caption reads:
“Indian drum ‘urumi melam’ found its way in the Saint Patrick’s Day
March. Thanks to Brother M. Ravi, the two independent candidates Sister
Mohana Sunthiari and Brother Siva Chandran for negotiating with the
organizer. A sincere thanks to the organizer Mr. Colin Macdonald for
understanding our Singapore Indian community’s sentiments. Not
forgetting our ‘urumi melam’ brothers for upholding our fundamental
rights. Thank you guys… This is what we call UNITY IN DIVERSITY”
(M. Ravi Human Rights Network 2015).
This video was posted on the YouTube channel M.Ravi Human Rights Network after the
Saint Patrick’s Day Parade. However, it has since been removed from YouTube.
The sound of the urumi melam, and an invited Thai dance troop gave the 2015
Saint Patrick’s Day parade a unique multicultural twist, and parade participants
welcomed Ravi and the urumi melam as they danced to the Tamil folk rhythms. In a
thank you note to the Saint Patrick’s Day parade organizers and the Irish community in
145
Singapore, on behalf of M. Ravi and Human Rights activists at the parade writes:
“We are thankful to the Irish community and Mr. Colin Macdonald for
inviting us to perform at the St Patrick's day parade 2015. Mr. Colin said,
‘we welcome everybody to join. Next year, please come down and bring
your drums; bring everything! We welcome you!’ The participants love
the drums and danced along with music. There was another local group
playing drums as well. A Thai group was performing a dance at United
Overseas Bank Plaza foyer. What a joyous moment to celebrate
multiculturalism and foster international relationships! It's a pity that the
urumi drums are not allowed to be play during the thaipusam festival. Mr.
Colin expressed shocked over the ban as well” (M. Ravi 2015).
In an effort to mock the Singapore authorities for oppressing the Singaporean
Indian Community, Singaporean Indian cross dresser, and stand up comedian, Kumar
cracked a joke that is cursory, but genuine at the same time. This video went viral on
YouTube, and has drawn 750,078 views. The following paragraphs are directly
transcribed from the video:
“When you go to Changi airport. Oh my god, there are no Tamil words on
the signs. I am not joking! There are English, Chinese, Malay, and
Japanese. You mean you thought Indians can speak Japanese? What? Ah
neh [Indian in Singapore Colloquial English], and anoneh [“Well…” or “If
that’s the case…” in Japanese] is the same? Another thing that is unfair,
Christmas, national day, and Chingay [An annual parade held in
146
celebration of Lunar New Year], the roads are closed. Thaipusam? Partial
Road, smaller than bus lane, you know? And then, they carry the kavadi
walk there… When the Traffic light turns red, they must stop!
Malay has two public holidays, Hari Raya and Hari Raya Haji [Both are
Islamic holiday celebrated by the Malay community]. Christians have
Good Friday [Easter Friday] and Christmas. Even government has two
days, May Day [Labor day] and national day. But for the Indian
community, thaipusam is not holiday, but deepavali is a holiday. Ask
them why, they say Vesak day [Buddha’s Birthday], when did Buddha
become keling [Indian]?”62
The video by M. Ravi, and the joke by Kumar seem to suggest that Hindus in Singapore
are still deeply rooted to the original thaipusam tradition, and are reluctant to embrace the
regulations. The regulations imposed on the urumi melam by the superculture have not
driven the urumi melam subculture into extinction. The urumi melam subcultures have
found alternatives to promote their presence in Singapore as well as in Malaysia.
Video clip of “Must Watch! Kumar Speaks up for Indian in Singapore,” can be found
on YouTube at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3Cn2ZSabluU
62
147
Subculture and Interculture: Social Networking Sites, Cross Border Performance
Opportunities, and Singapore and Malaysia Urumi Melam
Industrial Interculture: Alai Osai Productions
Alai Osai productions is the only recording company in the world that produces
CDs, VCDs, and DVDs of Southeast Asian urumi melam (see figure 40). The company
has been based in Kuala Lumpur, the capital city of Malaysia, since 1991.
Most albums produced by Alai Osai are released by Malaysian urumi melam.
While the albums are available in most Tamil record stores in Malaysia, they are only
available in one record store in Singapore. The record store is known as Jothi Music
Corner, located within the Little India Arcade (see figure 41). All CDs sell at an
affordable price of SGD$12 [approximately USD$9] (see figure 42).
Figure 40: The logo of Alai Osai Productions
(Courtesy of Alai Osai Productions Sdn Bhd).
148
Figure 41: Storefront of Jothi Music Center (Courtesy of InnCrown Hostel, Singapore)
149
Figure 42: Urumi Melam CD and DVD section at Jothi Music Center.
It is hard to determine whether urumi melam musicians acquired musical idioms
primarily from these CDs. However, it is almost certain that the CDs help to raise
awareness of the urumi melam sonority, and the purpose of urumi melam during Hindu
festivals and rituals. Urumi melam CDs are broadcast over stereos or public
announcement systems whenever an urumi melam is not present, or when musicians take
their breaks in the midst of rituals and ceremonies. The CDs are definitely important
vehicles for introducing the urumi melam subculture to youths in the Singaporean Hindu
community.
Diasporic Interculture: Social Media and Cross Border Performance Opportunities
Social Media platform and online technologies have made creating and sharing
media content accessible. These virtual spaces enable users to bond with peers, engage in
public discourse, explore identity, and acquire new skills. Many eventually become
established portals for online communities, and also help in creating an identity among
the participants. The medias and comments posted online permeate cyberspace with
minimal interference from the superculture. This encourages interactions among urumi
melam intercultures (in particular Malaysia and Singapore) and Tamil communities
around the world.
YouTube and Facebook are virtual platforms that support media distribution and
sharing. They encourage participatory culture in which users are able to interact, and
learn. They also provide opportunities for musical groups to perform and share their
150
music (Dairianathan 2013:365). YouTube and Facebook are ‘quasi’ public spaces that
encourage interactions within the subculture and interculture.
Urumi melam in Singapore are often associated with Tamil gangs in Singapore.
According to an anonymous urumi melam member, Anjadies (Hooligans) are the culprits
who caused incidents that tarnished the reputation of urumi melam. Some anjadies are
urumi melam musicians. They have started fights and caused public nuisances. 63
Consequently, urumi melam in Singapore became stigmatized as an ensemble that
encourages bad behavior among Tamil youths. When asked for his opinion on the stigma
attached to urumi melam, Navind clarifies:
“As urumi melam musicians, we need to be very discipline. The leader
must be the one who has the most discipline in the group…. These illdisciplined people are the black sheep in the urumi melam community….
They create trouble and brought bad reputation to all the urumi melam…
Urumi melam in Singapore are not affiliated to gangs… its just a few of
them who are in gangs and made trouble… these people often come from
broken families… like some of my boys…. One of them comes from a
single parent family…. Before he joined my groups he was in a very bad
state… He befriended bad companies…. he drinks… he smokes…. he did
badly in school and skipped school…. After he joined my group… I have
been very strict with him… I taught him to play the drums and to be a
good person…. Eventually, he dropped all his bad habits and his grades in
See “Latest update on meeting with HEB,” for the blog entry. Available at:
http://singaporeurumimelamassociation.blogspot.com (accessed October 24, 2015).
63
151
school improved… even that, I still scold him whenever he does things
wrongly. I am like a big brother to him… I communicate with his mother
all the time to keep her updated with his progress…” (personal
communication, January 3, 2016).
Despite being a musical institution that provides help and friendship to troubled
Tamil youths in Singapore, their virtues have been overlooked. Urumi melam still find it
hard to overcome their stigma in the society.
In hopes of reaching out to the Singapore public and to alleviate their stigma,
urumi melam set up YouTube channels and Facebook group pages. The images and
audiovisual media shared on social medias serve two functions: 1) they educate viewers
about the ensemble and the functions the ensemble serves, and 2) they enable potential
clients to evaluate the ensembles before they decide which group to hire. According to
Navind Kumar:
“Our bookings increase significantly when we setup our Facebook page in
2007… Unlike other urumi groups, we are extremely selective with the
videos we upload to our page. We always make sure that the sound and
visual qualities of the video are good. It is hard to record a good video
recording of an urumi melam because we are always so loud, and most of
the time, microphones are not able to take our sound. Therefore, the
person recording us must know where to stand during the recording, and
also be very sensitive to the sound so that he or she knows when to adjust
the microphone’s sensitivity” (personal communication, June 1st 2015).
152
To hire an urumi melam via the social networking platforms, potential clients can
simply send a private message to the liaison person via their Facebook group pages and
YouTube channels, or give them a call. The following list shows a selection of Facebook
group pages and YouTube Channels created by members of urumi melam in Singapore:
Facebook Group Pages:
1. Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam (2300 likes)
2. Raja Rajeswary Urumi Melam (2165 likes)
3. Maaya Sudar Oli Urumi Melam, Maaya Karen (3244 likes)
4. Sri Ruthramakali Urumi Melam (2551 likes)
5. Aathi Sivan Urumi Melam (1909 likes)
YouTube Channels:
1. Jada Muni urumi melam Singapore
2. Arulosai
3. VideoArt4513
4. Sathish Shawn
5. Nithish Senthur
6. Thiru Kumara
Comments posted on Facebook and YouTube are the primary motivating element
(Chau 2010:67) that encourages urumi melam musicians and their enthusiasts to upload
more videos. In the case of urumi melam in Singapore, comments on the videos are
153
mainly positive, although negative comments do occasionally appear. Regardless of who
the owners of the videos are, the number of urumi melam videos uploaded online has
increased significantly and the number of online users engaged in online discussions
about the music has grown (see figure 43). Consequently, urumi melam Facebook group
pages and urumi melam YouTube channels have become portals for musicians, affiliates,
and enthusiasts. Most participants engaged in the online discussions are from Singapore
and Malaysia.
Figure 43: Crowd taking photos with their smartphones during the thaipusam procession.
(Courtesy of Amy Tan).
Urumi melam in both countries are consistently moving across the SingaporeMalaysia border to perform for various events. Musicians in both countries to perform
with their counterparts as substitutes when there is a shortage of players. As Navind
154
reveals:
“We usually help whenever other groups [urumi melam] in Singapore or
Malaysia need players. They also help us whenever we are need players.
So we learn from each other. This year my group will not be performing
for panguni uthiram64 because I will be carrying the kavadi. So I will be
engaging my friend’s group from Johor Bahru [Malaysia]. They are the
best group in Johor Bahru” (personal communication, January 3rd, 2016).
Affinitive Interculture: The Hindu Temple and Drum Maker’s workshop
Hindu temples in Singapore are, in Matthew Allen’s (1998) words “junctions” or
“interface points” of all South Indian performing arts. Urumi melam are always engaged
for Hindu rituals, ceremonies and festivals at Hindu temples in particularly the thaipusam
festival and punguni uthiram. During the thaipusam festival, there are at least three urumi
melams performing in the makeshift canopy where kavadi bearers are being pierced.
Temple musicians playing the nagaswaram and tavil are also present at the site (see
figure 44). The urumi melam musicians at the site often come together for a spontaneous
combined jam session, and bystanders of various ethnicities are seen dancing to the loud
propulsive Tamil folk rhythms (see figure 45). Urumi melam musicians are engaged in
musical exchanges with their counterparts during these jam sessions.
64
Panguni Uthiram, a Hindu festival similar in the way it is celebrated to the better
known thaipusam, is celebrated during the full moon in the Tamil month of Panguni (in
March or April). In Singapore, the festival is observed at the Holy Tree Sri
Balasubramaniar temple, located at the Northern part of Singapore.
155
Figure 44: Temple Musicians in the Makeshift Canopy
(Courtesy of Christine May Yong).
Figure 45: A spontaneous combined urumi melam jam session in the makeshift canopy at
Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple, Singapore (Courtesy of Straits Times).
156
The drum maker’s workshop is a hub that connects urumi melam musicians. Mr.
Chelliah Kannusamy is an eminent drum maker in Malaysia. Many musicians from
Singapore and Malaysia visit his workshop either to purchase new instruments or to have
their instruments repaired. Interactions often occur between Kannusamy and the
musicians or among the musicians while they wait for their instruments. Kannusamy is
also a highly sought-after urumi player who occasionally performs with the famous Sri
Karumariamman urumee melam in Johor Bahru, Malaysia. Musicians often seek for his
advice on ways to improve their playing techniques.
There are cases when interactions among urumi melam musicians trigger jealousy and
competition, for example when one urumi melam is more successful and gets more
engagements than others. Desperate for engagements, some musicians may turn to black
magic and supernatural means to distort their competitors’ success. According to Navind:
“This black magic is very powerful and it is very common in India… It
has spread to Malaysia and Singapore. It can cause drums in urumi melam
to sound bad. I have learned to perform rituals that protect my drums from
the black magic… I cannot tell you more about the ritual, but I have to
perform the ritual once in a while on my drums…. It is better to be safe
than sorry…” (personal communication, January 3, 2016).
157
The virtual communities, the cross border performance opportunities, festivals at
Hindu temples, and meetings at the drum maker’s workshop have fostered interactions
among urumi melam subcultures in Singapore and Malaysia. These cross border activities
create an interculture that is, in general, close-knit and harmonious.
Conclusion
The urumi melam subculture in Singapore hopes to gain recognitions as a
Singaporean Indian musical practice that serves Hinduism and the Singaporean Hindu
Community. However, the constant suppressions by the authorities makes it difficult for
urumi melam to retain their emblematic status in the Singaporean Hindu Community.
Tamil Activists, urumi melam musicians, and members of the Singapore Hindu
Community have been fighting hard against the suppressions. They have signed online
petitions, written open letters to ministers and International organizations, and appealed
the 1973 regulations at the Singapore high court. Unfortunately, the appeal was rejected.
The activists continued to pursue the case at the apex court. However, the case was lifted
after the government and the Hindu Endowment Board released news that they will
revamp the administration of the thaipusam festival in 2016.
158
Conclusion
Thaipusam 2016: A New Beginning
In January 2016, the Hindu Endowments Board released a new set of regulations
for thaipusam 2016 in the national newspaper under the title Live Music at Thaipusam
After 42 Years. The HEB set up an official website the HEB to provide information to
Hindu Devotees. Temple musicians and urumi melam were invited to perform at
allocated spots in the Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple, and at three live music points along
the procession route. However, they were not allowed to walk or play along the
procession route. All urumi melam were required to register with the Hindu Endowments
Board in order to play for the festival. Information about each musician was gathered and
an official pass was issued. The HEB hired all the musicians so the Hindu devotees do
not need to engage their own ensemble.
There were a total of ten music points along the procession route. Three were live
music points and seven were transmission music points. These were identified by the
police, and each was located at least one hundred meters away from residential areas
along the procession route (Melody Zaccheus 2016). The three live music points were
located at Hastings Road, Short Street, and Bras Basah Road. While two live music
points were assigned to temple musicians playing the nagaswaram and tavil, only one
live music point was assigned to urumi melam.
Eleven urumi melam registered to perform during the festival.65 They performed
for a maximum duration of two hours at Sri Perumal temple and the live music point.
65
The registered urumi melam were 1) Karpaga Vinaygar Urumi Melam, 2) Arul Osai
divine music, 3) Bathrakali Urumi Melam, 4) Veeravel Urumi Melam, 5) Sri Siva
159
They began to play at their assigned locations at 8:00 a.m. and they were required to stop
by 10:30 p.m (Balasubrahmaniyam 2016). Each urumi melam received an honorarium of
SGD$200 [USD$140] from the Hindu Endowment Board. (personal communication,
Navind Kumar, January 18, 2016). When asked for his opinions on the new thaipusam
initiatives, Navind writes:
“It is a new beginning new beginning for thaipusam in Singapore.
Everyone is taking extra efforts… HEB is giving in too… We are also not
expecting too much… But we believe if everything goes well this year, we
can request for more next year… Our goal is to be able to play in the
chettiar temple at tank road… We told them [HEB] that we will not play
at the chettiar temple and also create any problem during thaipusam this
year. But next year we want a chance to play in the temple… The perumal
temple vice chairman is a very very nice person… he is also the main in
charge for music… I requested a lot of things from him and he is able to
fulfill my requests… I respect him a lot” (personal communication,
January 18, 2016).
On January 27th 2016, Tamil Activist Sathiyamoorthy posted a notice on the timeline of
the Voices of Singaporean Indians Facebook group. He writes:
Veappamakali Urumi Melam, 6) Om Sri Jada Muni Urumi Melam, 7) Ruthramakali
Urumi Melam, 8) Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam, 9) Maaya Sudar Urumi Melam,
10) Manthraz Urumi Melam, and 11) Aathi Sivan Urumi Melam.
160
“Dear All, I’m bringing the petition titled ‘Hindu Endowments Board –
Citizen’s Call’. HEB has organized the thaipusam 2016 and a lot of
improvements were seen. They have taken our call seriously. The
prohibitions on playing musical instruments during thaipusam foot
processions has been somewhat been addressed by 50% with static
musical points. Feedbacks given to HEB were addressed accordingly.
They have shown their leadership, which was amiss all these years. We
thank the Hindu Endowments Board for a job well done. All other minor
issues can be amicably settled via various correspondences. It would be
only justifiable to bring down the petition from the above mentioned
statement” (Sathiyamoorthy s/o Murugiah 2016).
Minister K Shanmugam released a video entitled ‘Festivals That Make Singapore
Special’ on his official Facebook page and YouTube channel on January 29th, 2016. The
video has since gathered 19000 likes and 748 shares. It documented the Minister’s visit to
the thaipusam festival, and his responses about the new initiatives. He comments:
“I went from perumal temple to the tank road temple this morning. Part of
the way I walk with people just to get the experience… the sense of how it
was. Almost uniformly everyone I spoke with said that the arrangements
are very good and they are very happy with the fact that we added live
music points and that tremendously encouraged people…. And we will see
how we can do the arrangements even better in the coming years… But it
161
is a beautiful thing to see young kids eight years old ten years old carrying
kavadis, old people… its a wide ranging age groups and the multi-racial…
lot of chinese coming in to support… it is a very beautiful thing to see… it
is the very sort you see in very few countries…” (Home Team News
2016).
Despite the new initiatives, Thaipusam 2016 was just a small step forward. Urumi
melam musicians and Hindu devotees are not totally satisfied, and they are still fighting
for the music restrictions to be entirely removed. However, they are taking it one step at a
time. Since Thaipusam 2016, Navind Kumar has taken on the role as leader of the new
Singapore Urumi Melam Association. He looks forward to working closely with the
Hindu Endowments Board and Singapore authorities to provide more opportunities and
support for urumi melam in subsequent thaipusam festivals.
His primary goal for
Thaipusam 2017 is to be able to perform in the chettiar temple, which marks the end
point of the thaipusam procession.
In this study, I have surveyed and provided new perspective on the idiosyncrasies
of urumi melam in Southeast Asia and the thaipusam festival in Singapore. Next, I shed
light on how urumi melam appropriated musical idioms from karnatak music and Tamil
folk music to arrange their musical arrangements. Finally, I analyzed the urumi melam
musical practice in Singapore with the help of Mark Slobin’s concept of Superculture,
Subculture and Interculture. This is the first study that has meticulously applied Slobin’s
concept to a musical practice in Singapore.
162
Despite the goals I have achieved in this study, the study of urumi melam in
Singapore is far from completion. Topics such as the organology of the urumi drums, the
distinctions between urumi melam in South India and Southeast Asia, and how musicians
in different countries learn the drums are worth pursuing. I am looking forward to
deepening and expanding this research.
163
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170
Appendix:
Music
Transcriptions
171
Velan
Music Composed by A. Johnson
Arranged by Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam (Singapore)
Text Transcribed by Prof. B. Balasubhramaniyan
PRELUDE
Cycle 1
Song Text (Monophonic
1 (00:03)
||S
S
||om en Chin Chak
||-
start)
R
num -
2
|S
|man -
N
ti
-
S
rat -
R
ti
-
3
|S
|vā
-
-
S
rum -
-
-
R
de
4
|G
|van -
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
172
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|tm
ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
ta
ka
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:09)
||S
||om -
S
en
-
-
R
num -
2
|S
|man -
N
ti
-
S
rat -
R
ti
-
3
|S
|vā
-
-
S
rum -
-
-
R
de
4 (12:00)
| G
| van
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||jm -
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|
jm
ta
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||tm ta
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
ta
ka
|tm
ta
ka
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|
tm
tm
tm
||
Cycle 2
ka
tm
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
||
Cycle 3
Song Text
1 (00:15)
|| || -
-
-
2
||-
-
-
-
3
|
|
-
-
-
4
|
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
ta
-
|jm
-
ta
-
|
jm
ta
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
|-
-
-
-
|
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
tm
tm
|tm
tm
tm
tm
|
tm
tm
tm
|
tm
tm
tm
tm
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
gm
gm
|gm
gm
gm
gm
|
gm
gm
gm
|
gm
gm
gm
gm
gm
gm
||
173
INTRODUCTION
Cycle 4
Song Text
1 (00:16)
|| || kan -
da
nu
-
kku
2
| | aro
-
-
hara -
-
3
| | ka
-
dam
ba
nu
kku
4
| | aro
-
-
hara -
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 5
ga
nu
-
kku
2
| | aro
-
-
hara -
-
3
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
4
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
tm
-
-
| tm
-
ta
tm
-
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
gm
-
-
| gm
-
ta
gm
-
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:23)
|| P
|| ta
-
S
la
-
S
le
-
2
| S
| la
-
N
le
-
N
la
S
le
3
| G
| la
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
174
Song Text
1 (00:18)
|| || mu
ru
Cycle 6
Cycle 7
G
la
-
R
le
-
2
| S
| la
-
R
le
-
N
la
S
le
3
| R
| la
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:29)
|| R
|| ta
-
G
la
-
R
le
-
2
| S
| ta
-
R
la
-
S
le
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
ta
-
jm
ta
-
| jm
ta
-
jm
ta
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
175
Song Text
1 (00:26)
|| R
|| ta
-
Cycle 8
Cycle 9
176
Song Text
1 (00:32)
|| R
|| ta
-
G
la
-
R
le
-
2
| S
| ta
-
R
la
-
S
le
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
ta
-
jm
ta
-
| jm
ta
-
jm
ta
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
-
R
le
-
S
la
R
le
3
| S
| la
-
-
S
a
-
-
4
| S
| a
-
-
S
a
-
-
||
||
Cycle 10
(Rhythmic design 2)
Song Text
1 (00:34)
|| R
|| ta
-
G
la
-
R
le
-
2
| S
| la
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
ta
jm
-
ta
| jm
-
ta
jm
-
ta
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
ta
-
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
gm
-
ta
| gm
-
ta
gm
-
ta
||
PALLAVI
Cycle 11
S
ka
S
ra
S
kko
-
2
| S
| se
-
S
val
R
on
G
ru
-
3
| R
| en
S
na
-
S
sol
S
li
-
4
| S
| ku
-
S
vu
S
du
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:42)
|| G
|| vel -
-
G
vel
-
-
2
| R
| vel
-
-
R
vel
-
-
3
| S
| vel
-
S
mu
S
ru
S
ga
-
4
| S
| vel
-
-
S
vel
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
177
Song Text
1 (00:39)
|| P
|| kok -
Cycle 12
Cycle 13
S
ka
S
ri
S
ttu
-
2
| S
| nir
-
S
kum
R
bo
G
du
-
3
| R
| en
S
na
-
S
pe
S
ru
-
4
| S
| ku
-
S
ru
S
du
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:48)
|| G
|| vel -
-
G
vel
-
-
2
| R
| vel
-
-
R
vel
-
-
3
| S
| vel
-
S
mu
S
ru
S
ga
-
4
| S
| vel
-
-
S
vel
-
S R
mana
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
178
Song Text
1 (00:46)
|| P
|| kok -
Cycle 14
Cycle 15
-
e
-
-
2
| | e
-
-
e
-
-
3
| G
| pa
-
M
dai
-
P
vi
-
4
| M
| du
-
S
ni
-
-
S R
tedi
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:54)
|| G
|| va
-
-
a
-
-
2
| | a
-
-
a
-
-
3
| G
| e
-
G
na
M
se
P
di
M
a
4
| M
| du
-
G
ku
R
ri
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
179
Song Text
1 (00:50)
|| G
|| me
-
Cycle 16
Cycle 17
S
ti
S
va
N
ru
R
gu
2
| S
| du
-
-
X
hey
-
-
3
| S
| mu
-
S
ttu
S
ve
-
S
lai
4
| S
| su
-
S
tti
S
su
-
S
tti
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (01:03)
|| S
|| muk -
S
ti
S
a
N
dai
R
yu
2
| S
| du
-
-
X
hey
-
-
3
| S
| sak
-
S
ti
S
va
-
N
ru
4
| R
| gu
-
S
du
X
hey
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
180
Song Text
1 (00:57)
|| S
|| su
-
Cycle 18
Cycle 19
S
ti
S
a
N
dai
R
yu
2
| S
| du
-
-
X
hey
-
-
3
| S
| tan
-
S
ga
S
ve
-
S
lai
4
| S
| su
-
S
ti
S
su
-
S
ti
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
-
-
X
hey
-
-
3
||-
181
Song Text
1 (01:05)
|| S
|| sak -
Cycle 20
(Rhythmic design 1)
Song Text
1 (01:08)
|| S
|| tan -
S
jam
S
a
N
dai
R
yu
2
| S
| du
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|jm ta -
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
|ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta -|ta ki Ta ta ki Ta ta - ki-
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
|tm tm tm - tm tm tm - tm tm tm -|tm tm tm tm tm tm tm - tm - tm -||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|ta ka gm - ta ka gm - ta ka gm -|ta ka gm ta ka gm ta - ka - gm -||
-
-
- - -
-
-
- jm ta -
- - -
-
-
- jm ta -
4
-|-|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- - - - -
-
-||
-||
-|jm -
-
ta -
-
jm - - ta -
-||
Ta -||
Cycle 21
Song Text
1 (01:12)
||- - - - ||- - - - -
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
3
-| P
-| da
-
M
di
-
P
da
-
4
| M
| da
-
P
di
-
M
da
-
||
||
-|jm -
-
ta -
-
jm - - ta -
-| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta - ta ki Ta -|ta ki Ta ta ki Ta ta - ki-
Ta -| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ta
||
Tavil
||tm tm tm - tm tm tm - tm tm tm -|tm tm tm tm tm tm tm - tm-
tm -| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
||ta ka gm - ta ka gm - ta ka gm -|ta ka gm ta ka gm ta - ka-
gm -| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
-
-
Chin Chak
||jm ta - - jm ta -
- - -
-
-
- jm ta -
2
-|-|-
- - - - -
182
Cycle 22
Song Text
1 (01:16)
|| P
|| da
-
-
G
da
-
-
2
| R
| da
-
-
-
-
-
3
| P
| da
-
M
di
-
P
da
-
4
| M
| da
-
P
da
-
M
di
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 23
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| P
| da
-
M
di
-
P
da
-
4
| P
| da
-
M
da
-
P
di
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (01:22)
|| P
|| da
-
-
G
da
-
-
2
| R
| da
-
-
-
-
-
3
| N
| len
-
P
la
-
N
le
-
4
| P
| la
-
N
le
-
R
la
S
le
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
183
Song Text
1 (01:20)
|| P
|| da
-
Cycle 24
Cycle 25
-
2
| | a
-
-
-
-
-
(Rhythmic
3
||-
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|jm
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
|ta
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
-
-
ta
ki
| Ta
-
gm
-
gm
-
Song Text
1 (01:26)
|| S
|| la
-
-
a
-
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
Tavil
|| tm
-
Urumi
|| gm
-
Cadence in Velan)
-
-
-
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
jm
ta
jm
-
-
-
|jm
-
ta
-
jm
ta
jm
ta
||
ka
jo
nu
tm
-
-
-
|ta
-
ka
-
ta
ka
jo
nu
||
|tm
tm
tm
tm
tm
-
-
-
|tm
-
tm
-
tm
tm
tm
tm
||
|gm
ta
gm
ta
gm
-
-
-
|gm
-
gm
-
gm
gm
gm
gm
||
184
Cycle 26
Song Text
1 (01:29)
||||-
-
-
-
-
-
2
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
3
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||jm -
-
jm
-
ta
-
|jm
ta
jm
ta
jm
-
-
-
|jm
-
ta
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||Tm -
ta
-
ka
-
|ta
ka
jo
nu
Tm
-
-
-
|ta
-
ka
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||tm -
-
-
tm
-
tm
-
|tm
tm
tm
tm
tm
-
-
-
|tm
-
tm
-
-
-
-
-
|tm
tm
ta
ta
tm
tm
ta
ta
||
Urumi
||gm -
-
-
gm
-
gm
-
|gm
gm
gm
gm
gm
-
-
-
|gm
-
gm
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
CARANAM
Cycle 27
G
ni
-
G
ru
-
2
| G
| pu
-
G
sik
G
kol
-
R
lum
3
| S
| Dei
-
S
va
-
S
nai
-
4
| S
| man
-
S
na
S
va
-
N
nai
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (01:36)
|| G
|| ti
G
rup
G
pa
-
G
ran
2
| G
| kun
-
R
dra
R
tti
-
R
le
3
| S
| kan
-
S
bo
-
S
may
-
4
| S
| ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
185
Song Text
1 (01:33)
|| G
G
|| ti
ru
Cycle 28
CHORUS
Cycle 29
S
da
S
nuk
-
R
ku
2
| G
| vel
-
-
G
vel
-
-
3
| S
| kan
-
S
dam
S
ba
S
nuk
R
ku
4
| G
| vel
-
-
G
vel
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (01:42)
|| S
|| mu
-
S
ru
S
ga
nuk
R
ku
2
| G
| vel
-
-
P
vel
-
-
3
| M
| ku
-
M
ma
G
ra
R
nuk
S
ku
4
| S
| vel
-
-
S
vel
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
186
Song Text
1 (01:39)
|| S
|| kan -
Cycle 30
BACK TO CARANAM
Cycle 31
Song Text
1 (01:44)
|| G
G
|| a
la
G
pa
-
G
yum
-
2
| G
| ka
G
da
G
lo
-
R
rum
-
3
| S
| sam
-
S
ha
-
S
ra
-
4
| S
| va
S
di
S
ve
-
N
lai
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
187
Cycle 32
Song Text
1 (01:48)
|| || -
G
G
chen du
-
G
ril
2
| G
| nam
-
G
ka
R
na
-
-
3
| S
| sey
-
S
vo
-
S
may
-
4
| S
| ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 33
188
Song Text
1 (01:50)
|| || -
S
pa
S
ra
-
R
ni
2
| M
| ma
-
M
la
M
yil
-
-
3
| G
| pa
M
ra
P
ma
-
G
gi
-
4
| M
| nin
-
-
M
dran -
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (01:53)
|| || -
S
a
S
ra
-
R
gan
2
| M
| mu
-
M
ru
M
gan
-
M
a
3
| G
| ri
-
P
ro
-
M
may
-
4
| M
| ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 34
Cycle 35
R
mi
G
ma
R
lai
-
2
| S
| tan
S
ni
R
gai
N
ma
D
lai
-
3
| S
| pa
S
ra
R
mu
G
di
R
rum
-
4
| S
| so
-
R
lai
N
ma
D
lai
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
S
yi
R
la
N
ra
D
gai
-
3
| S
| kan
-
S
bo
-
S
may
-
4
| S
| ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
189
Song Text
1 (01:56)
|| S
|| sva -
Cycle 36
(Rhythmic design 3)
Song Text
1 (02:00)
|| S
S
|| u
la
R
vu
G
gin
R
dra
-
2
| S
| ma
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
t
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ka
-
ta
ka
-
| ta
ka
-
ta
ka
-
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
-
tm
-
-
| tm
-
-
tm
-
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
gm
-
-
| gm
-
-
gm
-
-
||
MANNANALUM THIRUCHCHENDHURIL MANNAVEN (INSERT)
Cycle 37
190
Song Text
1
||G
G
||Man na
-
G
na
-
G
lum -
2
|R
R
|thi ru
R
chen-
S
dhu -
N
ril -
3
|S
|man -
S
na
-
S
ven -
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
SR ||
oru ||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Song Text
1
||G
G
||Man na
-
G
na
-
G
lum -
2
|R
|pa
R
R
zha mu
S
N
S
dhi rch cho -
3
S
|S
lai |ma
ra
S
ma
-
S
ven -
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||tm ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cycle 38
Cycle 39
Song Text
1 (02:14)
||||-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||jm
ta
jm
ta
| jm
-
ta
| jm
-
ta
| jm
-
ta
||
Cinna kattai
||tk
tk
tk
tk
| ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavi
||tm
tm
tm
tm
| tm
tm
tm
| tm
tm
tm
| tm
tm
tm
||
Urumi
||gm
gm
gm
gm
| gm
gm
gm
| gm
gm
gm
| gm
gm
gm
||
191
BACK TO CARANAM
Cycle 41
Song Text
1 (02:17)
|| || su
-
ti
va
ru
gu
2
| | du
-
-
hey
-
-
3
| | su
-
ti
a
ru
gu
4
| | du
-
-
hey
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 42
thu
ve
-
lai
2
| | su
-
ti
su
-
ti
3
| | muk
-
ti
a
dai
yi
4
| | du
-
-
hey
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:23)
|| || sak -
ti
va
ru
gu
2
| | du
-
-
hey
-
-
3
| | su
-
ti
vs
ru
gu
4
| | du
-
-
hey
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
192
Song Text
1 (02:20)
|| || muk -
Cycle 43
Cycle 44
gu
ve
-
lsi
2
| | su
-
ti
su
-
ti
3
| | tan
-
jsm
a
dai
yi
4
| | du
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:29)
|| || ah
-
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
ah
-
ah
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavi
|| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Urumi
|| tm
-
-
tm
tm
-
| tm
-
-
tm
tm
-
| tm
-
-
tm
tm
-
| tm
-
-
tm
tm
-
||
193
Song Text
1 (02:26)
|| || ssn -
Cycle 45
Cycle 46
Song Text
1 (02:33)
|| || ah
-
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| tm
-
-
tm
tm
-
| tm
-
-
tm
tm
-
| tm
-
-
tm
tm
-
| tm
-
-
tm
tm
-
||
194
PERCUSSION INTERLUDE
Cycle 47
Song Text
1 (02:35)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 48
Song Text
1 (02:39)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
195
BACK TO CARANAM
Cycle 49
Song Text
1 (02:40)
|| || ku
ra
van
-
ji
-
2
| | ko
di
yo
-
du
-
3
| | ka
dai
pe
-
sum
-
4
| | va
di
ve
-
lai
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 50
Song Text
1 (02:44)
|| || ku
dra
ku
di
-
2
| | ve
-
-
ri
-
-
3
| | pa
-
ni
-
vom
-
4
| | ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
196
CHORUS
Cycle 51
Song Text
1 (02:47)
|| || Ap
-
pa
nuk
-
ku
2
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
3
| | sup
-
pa
nuk
-
ku
4
| | vel
-
-
ve
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 52
Song Text
1 (02:50)
|| || I
-
ya
nuk
-
ku
2
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
3
| | az
-
ha
ga
nuk
ku
4
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
197
BACK TO CARANAM
Cycle 53
Song Text
1 (02:52)
|| || si
ru
van
-
ni
-
2
| | na
di
yo
-
du
-
3
| | ka
i
vee
-
sum
-
4
| | kar
hir
ve
-
lai
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 54
198
Song Text
1 (02:56)
|| || ma
ru
ta
di
-
2
| | ma
-
lai
mae
-
le
3
| | pa
-
ar
-
pom
-
4
| | ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
ka
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:59)
|| || -
va
-
li
-
2
| | ma
-
la
yil
-
-
3
| | va
na
ve
-
dan
-
4
| | nin
-
-
dran -
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 55
Cycle 56
199
Song Text
1 (03:03)
|| || -
ka
la
-
ta
2
| | nam
-
yen
-
ni
-
3
| | -
-
ke
-
lai
-
4
| | ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (03:05)
|| || su
ra
li
ma
lai
-
2
| | sen
ni
-
ma
lai
-
3
| | pa
ra
mu
di
rum
-
4
| | thra a
li
ma
lai
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 57
Cycle 58
Song Text
1 (03:08)
|| || mu
ru
ga
nuk
ku
-
2
| | ka
va
di
gal
-
-
3
| | ser
-
tom
-
my
-
4
| | ya
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ka
-
ta
ka
-
| ta
ka
-
ta
ka
-
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
-
tm
-
-
| tm
-
-
tm
-
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
gm
-
-
| gm
-
-
gm
-
-
||
200
MUTHANA MUTHUKUMARA (INSERT)
Cycle 59
Song Text
1 (03:12)
||P
S
||Mu tha -
-
-
R
na
-
2
|G
|Mu
-
M
thu -
G
ku
R
ma
G
ra
-
3
||-
-
R
mu
G
ru
S
gay -
N
ya
-
4
|S
|va
-
-
-
S
va
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cycle 60
Song Text
1 (03:17)
||R
||si
-
M
tta -
R
dum -
2
|S
|sel -
S
va
-
S
ku
S
ma
S
ra
-
3
||-
G
cin -
R
G
dai ma
S
gi
N
ra
-
4
|S
|va
-
-
-
S
va
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
|jm
-
-
-
ta
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
||-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
||tm ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
|tm
ta
ka
ta
-
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
||-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
|-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
201
Cycle 61
Song Text
1 (03:21)
||||-
-
-
2
|
|
-
-
-
3
|
|
-
-
-
4
|
|
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
||jm
ta
jm
ta
|
jm
-
ta
|
jm
-
ta
|
jm
-
ta
||
Cinna kattai
||tk
tk
tk
tk
|
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavi
||tm
tm
tm
tm
|
tm
tm
tm
|
tm
tm
tm
|
tm
tm
tm
||
Urumi
||gm
gm
gm
gm
|
gm
gm
gm
|
gm
gm
gm
|
gm
gm
gm
||
PALLAVI
Cycle 62
S
ka
S
ra
S
kko
-
2
| S
| se
-
S
val
R
on
G
ru
-
3
| R
| en
S
na
-
S
sol
S
li
-
4
| S
| ku
-
S
vu
S
du
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (03:29)
|| G
|| vel -
-
G
vel
-
-
2
| R
| vel
-
-
R
ve
-
-
3
| S
| vel
-
S
mu
S
ru
S
ga
-
4
| S
| vel
-
-
S
vel
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
202
Song Text
1 (03:25)
|| P
|| kok -
Cycle 63
Cycle 64
S
ka
S
ri
S
ttu
-
2
| S
| nir
-
S
kum
R
bo
G
du
-
3
| R
| en
S
na
-
S
pe
S
ru
-
4
| S
| ku
-
S
ru
S
du
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (03:34)
|| G
|| vel -
-
G
vel
-
-
2
| R
| vel
-
-
R
vel
-
-
3
| S
| vel
-
S
mu
S
ru
S
ga
-
4
| S
| vel
-
-
S
vel
-
S R
mana
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
Tm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
203
Song Text
1 (03:31)
|| P
|| kok -
Cycle 65
Cycle 66
-
e
-
-
2
| | e
-
-
e
-
-
3
| G
| pa
-
M
dai
-
P
vi
-
4
| M
| du
-
S
ni
-
-
S R
tedi
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (03:40)
|| G
|| va
-
-
a
-
-
2
| | a
-
-
a
-
-
3
| G
| e
-
G
na
M
se
P
di
M
a
4
| M
| du
-
G
ku
R
ri
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
204
Song Text
1 (03:37)
|| G
|| me
-
Cycle 67
Cycle 68
S
ti
S
va
N
ru
R
gu
2
| S
| du
-
-
X
hey
-
-
3
| S
| mu
-
S
ttu
S
ve
-
S
lai
4
| S
| su
-
S
tti
S
su
-
S
tti
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (03:48)
|| S
|| muk -
S
ti
S
a
N
dai
R
yu
2
| S
| du
-
-
X
hey
-
-
3
| S
| sak
-
S
ti
N
va
-
R
ru
4
| S
| du
-
-
X
hey
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
205
Song Text
1 (03:44)
|| S
|| su
-
Cycle 69
Cycle 70
Song Text
1 (03:53)
|| S
|| muk -
S
thu
S
ve
-
S
lai
2
| S
| su
-
S
ti
S
su
-
S
ti
3
| S
| muk
-
S
ti
S
a
N
dai
R
yi
4
| S
| du
-
-
X
hey
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
206
END
Cycle 71
Song Text
1 (03:55)
|| || kan -
da
nu
kku
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | kan
-
da
nu
kku
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jt
-
jt
-
jt
-
| jt
jt
jt
jm
ta
ta
| jt
-
jt
-
jt
-
| jt
jt
jt
jm
ta
ta
||
Cinna kattai
|| tkT tkT
-
tkT
-
| tkT
tkT
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| tkT
-
tkT
-
tkT
-
| tkT
tkT
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| ttT
-
ttT
-
ttT
-
| ttT
ttT
ttT
ta
ta
Tm
| ttT
-
ttT
-
ttT
-
| ttT
ttT
ttT
ta
ta
Tm
||
Urumi
|| ttg
-
ttg
-
ttg
-
| ttg
ttg
ttg
gm
gm
gm
| ttg
-
ttg
-
ttg
-
| ttg
ttg
ttg
gm
gm
gm
||
Cycle 72
207
Song Text
1 (03:58)
|| || kan -
da
nu
kku
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
4
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jt
-
jt
-
jt
-
| jt
jt
jt
jm
ta
ta
| jt
-
jt
-
jt
-
| jt
jt
jt
jm
ta
ta
||
Cinna kattai
|| tkT tkT
-
tkT
-
| tkT
tkT
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| tkT
-
tkT
-
tkT
-
| tkT
tkT
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| ttT
-
ttT
-
ttT
-
| ttT
ttT
ttT
ta
ta
Tm
| ttT
-
ttT
-
ttT
-
| ttT
ttT
ttT
ta
ta
Tm
||
Urumi
|| ttg
-
ttg
-
ttg
-
| ttg
ttg
ttg
gm
gm
gm
| ttg
-
ttg
-
ttg
-
| ttg
ttg
ttg
gm
gm
gm
||
Song Text
1 (04:01)
|| || kan -
da
nu
kku
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | kan
-
da
nu
kku
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jt
-
jt
-
jt
-
| jt
jt
jt
jm
ta
ta
| jt
-
jt
-
jt
-
| jt
jt
jt
jm
ta
ta
||
Cinna kattai
|| tkT tkT
-
tkT
-
| tkT
tkT
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| tkT
-
tkT
-
tkT
-
| tkT
tkT
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| ttT
-
ttT
-
ttT
-
| ttT
ttT
ttT
ta
ta
Tm
| ttT
-
ttT
-
ttT
-
| ttT
ttT
ttT
ta
ta
Tm
||
Urumi
|| ttg
-
ttg
-
ttg
-
| ttg
ttg
ttg
gm
gm
gm
| ttg
-
ttg
-
ttg
-
| ttg
ttg
ttg
gm
gm
gm
||
Cycle 73
Cycle 74
Song Text
1 (04:04)
|| || kan -
da
nu
kku
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
4
| | vel
-
-
vel
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jt
-
jt
-
jt
-
| jt
jt
jt
jm
ta
ta
| jt
-
jt
-
jt
-
| jt
jt
jt
jm
ta
ta
||
Cinna kattai
|| tkT tkT
-
tkT
-
| tkT
tkT
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
| tkT
-
tkT
-
tkT
-
| tkT
tkT
tkT
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| ttT
-
ttT
-
ttT
-
| ttT
ttT
ttT
ta
ta
Tm
| ttT
-
ttT
-
ttT
-
| ttT
ttT
ttT
ta
ta
Tm
||
Urumi
|| ttg
-
ttg
-
ttg
-
| ttg
ttg
ttg
gm
gm
gm
| ttg
-
ttg
-
ttg
-
| ttg
ttg
ttg
gm
gm
gm
||
208
Soolam
Music Composed by A. Johnson
Arranged by Siva Sakthi Muniandy Urumi Melam (Singapore)
Text Transcribed by Prof. B. Balasubhramaniyan
INTRODUCTION
Cycle 1
Song Text
1 (00:03)
|| S
|| om
-
(Monophonic start)
-
-
-
-
2
| S
| ma
-
R
ka
-
S
li
-
3
| S
| ni
-
-
-
-
-
4
| S
| va
-
R
ta
-
S
yi
-
||
||
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Urumi
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:07)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
S
nī
||
||
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Urumi
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Chin Chak
|| -
209
Cycle 2
Cycle 3
210
Song Text
1 (00:12)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Urumi
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:18)
|| S
|| om
-
-
-
-
-
2
| S
| ma
-
R
ka
-
S
li
-
3
| S
| ni
-
-
-
-
-
4
| S
| vā
-
R
ta
-
S
yi
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
|ta - tm ta tm - ta - tm ta tm - |ta - tm ta tm - ta - tm ta tm - ||
Urumi
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
Cycle 4
-
-
-
-
-
|
-
-
-
-
-
-
|
Cycle 5
Song Text
1 (00:21)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| S
| ma
-
R
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:21)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| S
| ma
-
R
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 6
211
Cycle 7
212
Song Text
1 (00:28)
|| || -
P
et
P
tum
P
va
D
raī
2
| M
| vil
-
M
ta
M
ttu
M
ppa
P
dip
3
| G
| pōm
-
G
nat
G
ca
M
tti
P
rap
4
| D
| pā
-
-
P
ttu
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
-
ta
-
| ta
ka
-
ta
tk
ta
| ta
-
ka
-
ta
-
| ta
ka
-
ta
tk
ta
||
Tavil
|| ta
-
tm
-
tm
ta
| tm
tm
-
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
ta
| tm
tm
-
ta
ki
Ta
||
Urumi
|| ta
gm
-
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
gm
-
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:31)
|| || -
P
kot
P
tum
P
ma
D
rai
2
| M
| yil
-
M
kum
M
mi
M
a
P
dip
3
| G
| pōm
-
G
ku
G
la
M
vāi
P
ya
4
| D
| pō
-
-
P
ttu
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
-
ta
-
| ta
ka
-
ta
tk
ta
| ta
-
ka
-
ta
-
| ta
ka
-
ta
tk
ta
||
Tavil
|| ta
-
tm
-
tm
ta
| tm
tm
-
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
ta
| tm
tm
-
ta
ki
Ta
||
Urumi
|| ta
gm
-
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
gm
-
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 8
Cycle 9
Song Text
1 (00:34)
|| || -
P
kō
P
vi
P
lai
R
vit
2
| R
| tu
-
P
kō
P
lam
P
ma
G
rai
3
| G
| tu
-
P
kon
P
jum
G
ara
G
gē
4
| R
| vā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
-
ta
-
| ta
ka
-
ta
tk
ta
| ta
-
ka
-
ta
-
| ta
ka
-
ta
tk
ta
||
Tavil
|| ta
-
tm
-
tm
ta
| tm
tm
-
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
ta
| tm
tm
-
ta
ki
Ta
||
Urumi
|| ta
gm
-
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
gm
-
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
213
Cycle 10
(First
Rhythmic Cadence in Soolam)
Song Text
1 (00:37)
|| R
|| vā
-
-
-
-
-
2
|
|
R
vā
-
-
-
-
-
3
|
|
R
vā
-
-
-
-
-
4
|
|
R
vā
-
-
-
X
am
X
man
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
-
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
|
ta
-
-
-
-
-
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
|
tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
|
tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
|
tm
-
-
-
-
-
||
Urumi
|| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
|
ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
|
ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
|
ta
-
-
-
-
-
||
PALLAVI
Cycle 11
-
-
-
-
2
| S
| ma
-
R
ka
-
S
li
-
3
| S
| ni
-
-
-
-
-
4
| S
| vā
-
R
ta
-
S
yi
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (00:44)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
S
ni
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
214
Song Text
1 (00:40)
|| S
|| om
-
Cycle 12
Cycle 13
Song Text
1 (00:47)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| vā
-
S
di
-
D
yam
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| S
| a
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
215
PERCUSSION INTERLUDE
Cycle 14
Song Text
1 (00:50)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 15
Song Text
1 (00:54)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
| ta
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
gm
Tm
gm
gm
Tm
| gm
gm
Tm
gm
gm
Tm
||
216
CARANAM
Cycle 16
Song Text
1 (00:57)
|| S
|| on
-
-
-
-
-
2
| N
| di
S
pa
D
du
N
pu
P
val
-
3
| M
| a
-
P
sai
D
ye
-
P
na
4
| P
| yā
-
-
-
P
vi
D
rum
||
||
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| -
-
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| tm
-
ta
ka
-
ta
| ka
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| ta
-
tm
-
ta
-
| gm
gm
ta
gm
gm
ta
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
||
Cycle 17
-
-
-
-
2
| N
| la
S
me
D
na
N
pa
P
yir
-
3
| M
| u
-
P
yi
D
re
-
P
na
4
| P
| yā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
| tm
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
||
Song Text
1 (01:04)
|| S
|| tāi -
-
-
-
-
2
| N
| la
S
me
D
na
N
pa
P
yir
-
3
| M
| u
-
P
yi
D
re
-
P
na
4
| P
| yā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
| tm
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
||
217
Song Text
1 (01:00)
|| S
|| nīr -
Cycle 18
Cycle 19
-
-
-
-
2
| N
| pa
S
si
D
yā
N
ri
P
da
-
3
| P
| pāl
-
D
ma
-
P
di
-
4
| P
| tā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
| tm
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
||
Song Text
1 (01:10)
|| || -
P
an
P
nai
P
e
D
na
2
| N
| vā
-
N
an
N
bu
-
N
e
3
| N
| na
-
N
vā
N
aki
S
la
S
mē
4
| N
| vā
-
-
D
vā
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
218
Song Text
1 (01:07)
|| S
|| sēi -
Cycle 20
Cycle 21
P
dru
P
mu
D
ra
N
vā
2
| N
| en
-
N
gal
N
ma
N
ra
N
vā
3
| N
| a
-
N
nu
N
di
-
G
nam
4
| R
| vā
-
-
S
vā
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
gm
-
gm
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (01:17)
|| G
|| kā
-
-
-
-
R
la
2
| G
| va
-
R
ri
S
sol
-
N
la
3
| S
| nī
-
R
yal
-
S
la
-
4
| S
| yā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
ta
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
219
Song Text
1 (01:13)
|| P
|| en
Cycle 22
Cycle 23
-
-
-
R
dam
2
| G
| e
-
R
na
S
kku
-
N
un
3
| S
| pē
-
R
ral
-
S
la
-
4
| S
| yā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (01:24)
|| G
|| en
-
-
-
G
dē
R
gam
2
| G
| na
-
R
dap
S
pa
-
N
dum
3
| S
| vi
-
R
yap
S
pal
-
R
la
4
| S
| vā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
220
Song Text
1 (01:20)
|| G
|| uē
-
Cycle 24
Cycle 25
Song Text
1 (01:30)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
amma
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
-
-
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
| tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
| tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
| tm
-
ta
tm
-
-
||
Urumi
|| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
| ta
Tm
gm
ta
-
-
||
221
PALLAVI
Cycle 26
Song Text
1 (01:33)
|| S
|| om
-
-
-
-
-
2
| S
| ma
-
R
ka
-
S
li
-
3
| S
| ni
-
-
-
-
-
4
| S
| vā
-
R
ta
-
S
yi
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 27
Song Text
1 (01:37)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
S
ni
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
222
Cycle 28
Song Text
1 (01:40)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
|
|
R
vā
-
S
di
-
D
yam
-
3
|
|
P
ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
|
|
S
a
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
|
jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
|
ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
|
tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
|
ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
|
-
ta
gm
-
gm
-
|
gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
|
-
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
PERCUSSION INTERLUDE
Cycle 29
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (01:47)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
| ta
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
gm
Tm
gm
gm
Tm
| gm
gm
Tm
gm
gm
Tm
||
223
Song Text
1 (01:44)
|| || -
Cycle 30
CARANAM
Cycle 31
-
-
-
-
2
| N
| va
S
rum
D
va
N
rai
P
ma
nam
3
| M
| si
-
P
rai
D
al
-
P
la
4
| P
| vō
-
-
-
P
a
D
dil
||
||
Chin Chak
|| -
-
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| -
-
-
-
| -
-
-
-
-
-
| ta
-
ka
-
ta
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
tm
-
tm
tm
| tm
-
tm
-
tm
-
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
||
Song Text
1 (01:54)
|| S
|| ōr
-
-
-
-
-
2
| N
| si
S
va
D
ma
N
yam
P
u
nai
3
| M
| si
-
P
rai
D
i
-
P
da
4
| P
| vō
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
tm
-
tm
tm
| tm
-
tm
-
tm
-
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
||
224
Song Text
1 (01:51)
|| S
|| ni
-
Cycle 32
Cycle 33
-
-
-
-
2
| N
| e
S
na
D
du
N
yir
P
u
dal
3
| M
| po
-
P
ru
D
lal
-
P
la
4
| P
| vō
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
tk
tk
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
tk
tk
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
tm
-
tm
tm
| tm
-
tm
-
tm
-
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
ta
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
||
Song Text
1 (02:01)
|| S
|| sēi -
-
-
-
-
2
| N
| pa
S
si
D
yā
N
ri
P
da
-
3
| P
| pāl
-
D
ma
-
P
di
-
4
| P
| tā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
| tm
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
| ta
-
gm
-
gm
gm
||
225
Song Text
1 (01:57)
|| S
|| nī
-
Cycle 34
Cycle 35
226
Song Text
1 (02:04)
|| || -
P
an
P
nai
P
e
D
na
2
| N
| vā
-
N
an
N
bu
-
N
e
3
| N
| na
-
N
vā
N
aki
S
la
S
mē
4
| N
| vā
-
-
D
vā
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:07)
|| P
|| en
P
dru
P
mu
D
ra
N
vā
2
| N
| en
-
N
gal
N
ma
N
ra
N
vā
3
| N
| a
-
N
nu
N
di
-
G
nam
4
| R
| vā
-
-
S
vā
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
gm
-
gm
gm
-
||
Cycle 36
Cycle 37
227
Song Text
1 (02:11)
|| G
|| kā
-
-
-
-
R
la
2
| G
| va
-
R
ri
S
sol
-
N
la
3
| S
| nī
-
R
yal
-
S
la
-
4
| S
| yā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
ta
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
| gm
-
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:14)
|| G
|| uē
-
-
-
-
R
dam
2
| G
| e
-
R
na
S
kku
-
N
un
3
| S
| pē
-
R
ral
-
S
la
-
4
| S
| yā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
ta
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 38
Cycle 39
-
-
G
dē
R
gam
2
| G
| na
-
R
dap
S
pa
-
N
dum
3
| S
| vi
-
R
yap
S
pal
-
R
la
4
| S
| vā
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
tm
tm
ta
tm
tm
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:24)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
||
amman ||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
ki
Ta
ta
-
-
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
| tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
| tm
-
ta
tm
-
ta
| tm
-
ta
tm
-
-
||
Urumi
|| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
| ta
Tm
gm
ta
Tm
gm
| ta
Tm
gm
ta
-
-
||
228
Song Text
1 (02:18)
|| G
|| en
-
Cycle 40
PALLAVI
Cycle 41
-
-
-
-
2
| S
| ma
-
R
ka
-
S
li
-
3
| S
| ni
-
-
-
-
-
4
| S
| vā
-
R
ta
-
S
yi
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:31)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
S
ni
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
229
Song Text
1 (02:28)
|| S
|| om
-
Cycle 42
Cycle 43
230
Song Text
1 (02:35)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:38)
|| S
|| om
-
-
-
-
-
2
| S
| ma
-
R
ka
-
S
li
-
3
| S
| ni
-
-
-
-
-
4
| S
| vā
-
R
ta
-
S
yi
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 44
Cycle 45
231
Song Text
1 (02:41)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
S
adu
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:45)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
S
adu
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 46
Cycle 47
232
Song Text
1 (02:48)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
S
adu
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Song Text
1 (02:52)
|| S
|| en
-
R
vā
-
S
sai
-
2
| R
| ma
-
S
ri
-
D
am
-
3
| P
| ma
-
-
-
-
-
4
| S
| a
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
| jm
-
-
ta
-
-
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
ka
ta
-
ka
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
| tm
-
ta
ta
-
ka
| ta
-
tm
-
tm
-
||
Urumi
|| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
| gm
-
-
-
ta
gm
| -
ta
gm
-
gm
-
||
Cycle 48
PERCUSSION INTERLUDE
Cycle 49
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| ta
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| ta
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
ta
gm
gm
ta
gm
| gm
ta
ka
ta
gm
ta
| gm
ta
ka
ta
gm
ta
| gm
ta
ka
ta
gm
ta
||
Song Text
1 (02:59)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
||
||
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
||
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
||
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| ta
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| ta
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
||
Urumi
|| gm
ta
gm
gm
ta
gm
| gm
ta
ka
ta
gm
ta
| gm
ta
ka
ta
gm
ta
| gm
ta
ka
ta
gm
ta
||
233
Song Text
1 (02:57)
|| || -
Cycle 50
Cycle 51
Song Text
1 (03:01)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
(Second
3
| | -
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
| jm
-
jm
jm
-
jm
| jm
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ka
ta
ki
Ta
| ta
-
ka
ta
ki
Ta
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
| ta
-
ta
ka
tm
Urumi
|| gm
ta
gm
gm
ta
gm
| gm
ta
ka
ta
gm
Song Text
1 (03:03)
|| || -
-
-
-
-
2
||-
-
-
Chin Chak
|| jm
-
ta
-
jm
-
|ta
ta
Cinna kattai
|| ta
ki
-
Ta
-
|ta
Tavil
|| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
Urumi
|| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
Rhythmic Cadence marks the end of Soolam)
-
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
||
||
-
ta
-
jm
-
|ta
ta
jm
ta
||
| ta
-
ki
-
Ta
-
|ta
ka
tr
gd
||
ta
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
||
ta
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|ta
ta
gm
gm
||
-
3
| | -
-
-
-
-
-
4
||-
-
-
-
||
||
jm
ta
| jm
-
ta
-
jm
-
|ta
ta
jm
ta
||
ka
tr
gd
| ta
-
ki
-
Ta
-
|ta
ka
tr
gd
||
|tm
ta
tm
tm
| tm
-
ta
ka
tm
ta
|tm
ta
tm
tm
||
|ta
ta
gm
gm
| gm
-
ta
-
gm
-
|ta
ta
gm
gm
||
234
-
Cycle 52