CASTRO CUBA IN MID-1960 - Institute of Current World Affairs

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CASTRO CUBA IN MID-1960 - Institute of Current World Affairs
Mexico & Caribbean A r e a S e r i e s
Vol. V
No. 1
(CUBA)
CASTRO CUBA IN MID- 1960
Some Over -all I m p r e s s i o n s of the Revolution
by Irving P. P f l a u m
Havana
August 1960
F o r m a n y s p e c t a t o r s the t r a g i - m y s t e r y of
C a s t r o ' s Cuba was solved when Nikita Khrushchev
confessed h i s love for F i d e l and was accepted.
After t h i s , t h e r e r e m a i n e d for the l a s t a c t only a
few c r i t i c a l questions: What was Uncle S a m , the
pap; b e a r d e d i n h i s den, going to do? And what
w e r e the p r e c i s e intentions of Nikita, a l r e a d y over l o r d of a crowded, r e s t l e s s h a r e m ? What would b e
the i m p a c t on the leading m e n of Latin A m e r i c a who
had r e a c t e d s o a d v e r s e l y to the Nikita-Fidel e m brace?
But f o r m e , a f t e r s i x months i n Cuba, t h i s
was a n over s i m p l e reading of a complex. revolutiona r y jigsaw puzzle. The enigmas and d i l e m m a s of
the C a s t r o epoch cannot be disposed of s o easily.
T h i s i s t h e point I will e l a b o r a t e on i n forthcoming
r e p o r t s . Those that follow this introductory c o m ment will convey m y soundings m a d e on the i s l a n d
before i t was c a s t a d r i f t on the Cold War s e a s .
H e r e , m y intent i s to r e l a t e s o m e p e r s o n a l i m p r e s sions and conclusions--ideas borne i n on m e during
m y provincial m e a n d e r i n g , a f t e r s c o r e s of i n t e r views and a host of i n f o r m a l contacts i n the c i t i e s
and towns of Cuba, and f r o m the c o m m e n t a r y
r e c o r d compiled both before and a f t e r C a s t r o c a m e
to power.
An i n e x t r i c a b l e a d m i x t u r e of violence and r u m o r i s the f a b r i c of r e v 0 lution. In Cuba of l a t e t h e r e have been a b o r t i v e a s s a s s i n a t i o n s , the c l a s h of
r i v a l groups i n t h e s t r e e t s , d e m o n s t r a t i o n s i n t h e c h u r c h e s , comings and
goings of i n s c r u t a b l e O r i e n t a l s and uncommunicative R u s s i a n s , debates i n the
United Nations and e a r n e s t p a l a v e r s i n the Organization of A m e r i c a n S t a t e s ,
diplomatic notes g a l o r e , and many another event to delight the imagination,
And what wild and wonderful r u m o r s have been spawned. Had you h e a r d , for
i n s t a n c e , t h a t when F i d e l b e c a m e ill and Nikita h e a r d about i t , he offered with
h i s inimitable spontaneity to blow up A m e r i c a to c h e e r up F i d e l ? O r that
Nikita h a d rnade the offer f i r s t thus causing F i d e l ' s i l l n e s s ? Or t h a t F i d e l
s e n t R a u l to Nikita with fifty million d o l l a r s (advanced inadvertently to F i d e l
by ESSO, Shell, and Texaco) to (a) pay Nikita to r e m a i n silent o r (b) pay f o r
a flying expedition to put down a n uprising t o be s t a r t e d by Uncle S a m ? But
t h e n , didn't Nikita's t i m e l y n u c l e a r - m i s s i l e aviso d e t e r the i m p e r i a l i s t s and
forestall their aggression?
One w a s a s s u r e d that F i d e l ' s "halo had slipped and soon would become
a noose a r o u n d h i s neck." And a l s o that until the A m e r i c a n s "did something
d r a s t i c " the Cubans would have to put up with F i d e l and Nikita.
Anyway, t h e r e was a Cuban c o n s e n s u s that t h e i r i s l a n d , a c c u r a t e l y
c a l l e d by Columbus "the f a i r e s t land e v e r s e e n by human e y e s , " was d i s a s t e r bound. The i s l a n d e r s I talked to w e r e f e a r f u l , overflowing with h a t r e d and
suspicion o r i f not yet quite h o p e l e s s , v e r y n e a r d e s p a i r .
It would have been impolite and u n r e a l i s t i c to add to the burdens of
t h e s e Cubans by saddling t h e m with the full responsibility for t h e i r plight.
They had been a bit too h a s t y , I suppose, i n submitting to t h e e m b r a c e of t h e i r
b e a r d e d l i b e r a t o r s . They had, to exhume a p h r a s e , jumped f r o m B a t i s t a ' s
frying pan into F i d e l ' s f i r e . But who a r e we to p a s s judgment on a people who
had been f r i e d i n a pan m a d e i n the U.S.A. o v e r a f i r e we helped to i g n i t e ?
The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , I think, needs to be s h a r e d with t h o s e A m e r i c a n s
who joined i n putting a halo around F i d e l and with those who f o r s o m e 60
y e a r s w e r e the Grand Moguls, the m a h a r a j a s , and the c o m p t r o l l e r s of the
Republic of Cuba. F o r , a f t e r a l l , the y e a r 1959 s i m p l y divides a n e r a of p r e dominant A m e r i c a n influence i n Cuba f r o m a y e a r of constantly r i s i n g Soviet
R u s s i a n influence.
The c u r r e n t y e a r h a s r e c o r d e d a n about-face i n Cuban foreign policy
a s abrupt a s H i t l e r ' s friendship pact with Stalin. It h a s s e e n the f r o n t a l a s sault by Nikita Khrushchev upon t h e r a m p a r t s of t h i s h e m i s p h e r e . It h a s
w i t n e s s e d a m a s s i v e shift i n the t r a d e which bound the i s l a n d of Cuba to t h e
A m e r i c a n mainland, a shift binding i t e v e r y day m o r e c l o s e l y to the SovietRed Chinese bloc. And a n enormous r e s e r v o i r of A m e r i c a n good will i n
Cuba h a s been steadily drained. To the tune of a vituperative propaganda
campaign, a pleasant neighborhood i n the F l o r i d a s t r a i t s h a s b e e n converted
into a Cold War battlefield.
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T h e r e i s a n i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e s e events of the l a s t few
months and the many y e a r s of A m e r i c a n hegemony i n the Caribbean. The
B a t i s t a dictatorship that p r e c e d e d C a s t r o w a s indeed Cuban, but B a t i s t a a s a
r u l e r of Cuba was a c r e a t u r e of A m e r i c a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s , Democratic and
Republican. To be s u r e , he m a y not have been too welcome when he f i r s t a p p e a r e d on the s c e n e i n 1933; a s few now r e c a l l , h e began a s a revolutionary
who had behind h i m a r e b e l l i o u s c o r p s of a r m y noncoms and a Students'
D i r e c t o r a t e . But even i n the beginning, h i s r o l e was to substitute h i s revolut i o n a r i e s f o r o t h e r s including Communists who w e r e n a t u r a l l y anti-Yankee
and unacceptable to the United States. In c o m p a r i s o n , B a t i s t a was acceptable.
And soon S e r g e a n t , t h e n Colonel, then G e n e r a l , then P r e s i d e n t B a t i s t a m a d e
himself p r e s e n t a b l e and useful. In the p r o c e s s he grew m o r e and m o r e a c c u s t o m e d to the power and t h e g l o r y and t h e c o m f o r t of ruling t h e Cubans i n
a m a n n e r s a t i s f a c t o r y to the Government of the United States.
I do not s a y and I do not believe that what w a s done i n Cuba while
B a t i s t a r u l e d a s t h e power behind the P r e s i d e n c y f r o m 1933 to 1940 when he
b e c a m e P r e s i d e n t by election, o r what was done i n h i s lawful a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,
w a s a l l evil. On the c o n t r a r y , m u c h of i t was good. In many ways he w a s ,
f r o m 1933 t o 1944 a b e t t e r m a n f o r Cuba than w e r e h i s elected s u c c e s s o r s ,
the P r e s i d e n t s G r a u and P r i o , f r o m 1944 to 1952.
G r a u and P r i o doubtlessly w e r e c o r r u p t , a s w a s B a t i s t a , but G r a u a l s o
played the f e l l o w - t r a v e l e r r o l e , which B a t i s t a did not though he accepted supp o r t f r o m the Communists. P r i o , who n e v e r a s s o c i a t e d himself with the Comm u n i s t s , conducted a n inefficient administration. So when B a t i s t a t o r e a p a r t
t h e constitution he had given the Cubans, destroying r e p r e s e n t a t i v e government
and c i v i l r i g h t s a s he s e i z e d c o n t r o l through the a r m y i n 1952, he was welc o m e d back to power. He w a s welcomed back by A m e r i c a n b u s i n e s s m e n i n
Cuba and by the government i n Washington which sent h i m f r i e n d l y a m b a s s a d o r s , m i l i t a r y a d v i s e r s , munitions, a r m s , and m o r a l support.
In a r e a l s e n s e , t h e n , t h e t e r r i b l e t y r a n n y of Fulgencio B a t i s t a , which
antagonized a l m o s t all Cubans and m a d e F i d e l C a s t r o a p p e a r to be t h e i r libe r a t i n g s a v i o r , w a s m a d e possible by A m e r i c a n support. M o r e o v e r , m u c h of
C u b a ' s economy was controlled by A m e r i c a n f i r m s and individuals, and
Cubans blamed t h e s e A m e r i c a n s f o r t h e i r . unemployment and for the under utilization of r e s o u r c e s that left t h e m f r u s t r a t e d a n d , they f e l t , doomed to a
subordinate place i n the 20th-century world. A m e r i c a n s did, of c o u r s e , r i s k
( a n d have l o s t ) c a p i t a l on the i s l a n d , helped educate the i s l a n d e r s , and t r a i n e d
s o m e of t h e m for m o d e r n i n d u s t r y .
We a l s o gave t o t h e Cubans t h e i r t a s t e i n s p o r t s , motion p i c t u r e s ,
t e l e v i s i o n , and r a d i o , and a lively s k i l l i n the a r t of the propagandist. But we
left t h e m to solve t h e economic and s o c i a l p r o b l e m s our p r e s e n c e c r e a t e d ,
p r o b l e m s that the Cubans could not solve by t h e m s e l v e s . When F i d e l C a s t r o
and the Cuban people demolished B a t i s t a , the Department of State gave
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evidence of having nothing i n the way of a s s i s t a n c e to contribute to political
and economic stability i n Cuba. It t h e r e f o r e adopted the i n s p i r i n g policy of
wait-and-see o r let-the-dust-settle.
I p r e s u m e the policymakers i n Washington believed t h a t we could aff o r d to wait and s e e , that when the dust had s e t t l e d our position vis-2-vis
Cuba would be r e a s o n a b l y s a t i s f a c t o r y to u s , and t h a t , a f t e r a l l , we w e r e not
r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e plight of Cuba and t h e r e f o r e w e r e not obliged to r e a c t
s o o n e r . In any c a s e , Washington o p e r a t e d only on t h e f r i n g e of Cuban developments f r o m the flight of B a t i s t a until the e n t r y of Khrushchev. It was a
policy that m u s t have anticipated the ultimate a r r i v a l i n Washington of F i d e l
C a s t r o , hat i n hand and r e a d y to do b u s i n e s s on r e a s o n a b l e t e r m s . But the
dust didn't s e t t l e t h a t way. I n s t e a d , M r . K. found a n opening into the W e s t e r n
Hemisphere.
Could another policy have l e d t o a different denouement? I believe it
could. If t h e United States Government had gone to Havana, hat i n hand, r e a d y
t o do b u s i n e s s on r e a s o n a b l e t e r m s , r e a d y a s a neighbor to a s s i s t i n the r e c tifying of old m i s t a k e s , to acknowledge the Cubans a s e q u a l s , I believe i t s
o v e r t u r e s would have m e t with a h e a r t y welcome f r o m all the F i d e l i s t a s except t h e Communists. And I believe the r e j e c t i o n of s u c h a n offer would have
b e e n e x t r e m e l y difficult, whatever F i d e l C a s t r o ' s inclinations m a y have been
a t t h a t stage.
A s f o r F i d e l ' s inclinations, c e r t a i n l y he now s e e m s t o be dedicated to
t h e proposition that C u b a ' s b e s t f r i e n d l i v e s i n the K r e m l i n ; a y e a r ago he
might have b e e n p r e p a r e d to find C u b a ' s b e s t f r i e n d on Pennsylvania Avenue.
During the f i r s t y e a r of the Revolutionary Government, t h e F i d e l i s t a s
- F i d e l h i m s e l f - - w e r e not positive about w h e r e they wanted t o go, nor did they
understand v e r y c l e a r l y w h e r e they w e r e being taken by t h e i r Cuban Communi s t compaZeros. They, t h e C o m m u n i s t s , knew and t h e i r m e n t o r s knew. The
o t h e r s , i t would s e e m , only thought they comprehended the goals they w e r e
s e e k i n g , and t h e n e e d f o r t h e i r speedy attainment. It i s difficult to believe
they w e r e a w a r e that the r o u t e they chose would m a k e t h e m Nikita's darlings.
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The Manv F a c e s of C a s t r o Cuba--Mid-1960
Varied a r e t h e r e a s o n s offered f o r what i s taking place i n Cuba. "An
a t h e i s t i c Communist c o n s p i r a c y , " s a y m a n y s o - c a l l e d Voices of F r e e d o m ,
"has by s t e a l t h stolen a beachhead i n the W e s t e r n H e m i s p h e r e which i t s e e k s
to dominate by f o r c e and violence." This explanation s t r i k e s m e a s weak.
The s o - c a l l e d Voices of Communism r e s p o n d i n m o r e inane fashion.
"An e v i l and dying i m p e r i a l i s m , " they s a y , "has been challenged by a b r a v e
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IPP- 1- '60
colonial people who s e e k only to be independent, to exploit t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s ,
to begin a l o n g - r e t a r d e d advance t o w a r d p r o s p e r i t y and freedom." Actually,
t h e Cubans today a r e m o r e dependent on R u s s i a than they w e r e on the United
S t a t e s a y e a r ago, and e v e r y day they a r e losing m o r e of t h e i r independence.
Confused a r e the r e s u l t s of what i s taking place i n Cuba. On one hand
Khrushchev w a r n s that n u c l e a r m i s s i l e s b a s e d i n R u s s i a will be h u r l e d a t the
United S t a t e s , should that country t r y to i n t e r v e n e i n the i s l a n d s off i t s s h o r e ;
on t h e o t h e r , Eisenhower a v e r s that the Monroe Doctrine r e m a i n s valid i n t h e
Atomic Age.
The United S t a t e s , which needs v a s t amounts of s u g a r and pays a high
p r i c e f o r i t s i m p o r t s , m u s t p u r c h a s e l e s s f r o m Cuba, w h e r e huge s u g a r s u r p l u s s e s a r e produced; while R u s s i a (and the s a m e i s t r u e for Red China and
t h e Soviet s a t e l l i t e s ) which d o e s n ' t want m o r e s u g a r and pays a low p r i c e for
i t m u s t p u r c h a s e m o r e f r o m Cuba.
Sugar i s shipped f r o m Cuba to m a r k e t s halfway around the world
r a t h e r than to a n adjacent continent; and r i c e , wheat, m a c h i n e r y , and many
o t h e r things needed by t h e Cubans and f o r m e r l y p u r c h a s e d i n the United S t a t e s
a r e now being bought i n distant l a n d s , s o m e t i m e s a t higher p r i c e s f o r i n f e r i o r merchandise.
P e t r o l e u m f o r m e r l y coming f r o m t h e neighboring Caribbean wells of
Venezuela now m u s t c o m e to Cuban r e f i n e r i e s f r o m s o u r c e s i n Romania and
R u s s i a , and probably a t a net l o s s f o r t h e Cubans. The foreign o i l companies
who supplied Cuba with p e t r o l e u m under c r e d i t a r r a n g e m e n t s that benefited
t h e Cuban Government financially have had t h e i r p r o p e r t i e s intervened by the
Government which now i n one way o r another m u s t m a k e available funds to
p u r c h a s e the n e c e s s a r y petroleum.
The C o n g r e s s and Executive of the United States a r e d e s c r i b e d a s
tools of Wall S t r e e t monopolies seeking to s t r a n g l e the Cubans while the m a n a g e r s and o w n e r s of hotels i n Cuba a r e f i r e d f o r incompetency b e c a u s e A m e r i c a n
t o u r i s t s no longer flock t o Cuba.
Efficient, profitable, tax-paying e n t e r p r i s e s founded with A m e r i c a n
c a p i t a l a r e being nationalized o r "intervened" by the Cuban Government while
o t h e r e n t e r p r i s e s a r e e s t a b l i s h e d with funds b o r r o w e d f r o m R u s s i a and Cia.
The way that Cuba i s taking to i n c r e a s e i t s wealth and income i s to
s e i z e productive r a n c h e s and slaughter t h e i r c a t t l e , o r productive f a r m s and
h a r v e s t and m a r k e t t h e i r p r o d u c e , o r productive s u g a r cane m i l l s , o r product i v e f a c t o r i e s and s u c c e s s f u l e n t e r p r i s e s of all k i n d s , Cuban and foreign alike.
Any Cuban who w i s h e s to insult t h e P r e s i d e n t of the United States and
the A m e r i c a n C o n g r e s s m a y do s o with impunity and even be r e w a r d e d , but
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i t i s a c r i m e approaching t r e a s o n to c r i t i c i z e P r e m i e r Khrushchev o r c o m munism.
While n e a r l y a l l the Cuban people a r e s a i d to support t h e i r Government t h e r e c a n be no elections a t any l e v e l and only one political p a r t y , the
Communist p a r t y .
The Cuban Government i s dedicated to constitutional f r e e d o m and lawful a c t i o n , but Cuba cannot have a constitution and m u s t be governed by edicts.
18 months a f t e r the overthrow of B a t i s t a ' s d i c t a t o r s h i p , d r u m h e a d m i l i t a r y
t r i a l s a r e held and i m m e d i a t e executions s t i l l o c c u r .
While c e n s o r s h i p i s forbidden, m a i l s a r e violated and telephones
tapped, Cubans and f o r e i g n e r s detained f o r e x p r e s s i n g opinions, and no opposition p r e s s , r a d i o , o r television i s t o l e r a t e d .
C u b a ' s way to i n d u s t r i a l p r o g r e s s i s to supplant t r a i n e d Cubans,
A m e r i c a n s , and other W e s t e r n e r s with t r a i n e d E a s t e r n e r s ; i t s way to economic diversification i s to h a r a s s a v a r i e t y of c a p i t a l i s t s , p r i n t c u r r e n c y ,
put the Government into e v e r y kind of b u s i n e s s , and have t h e P r e s i d e n t of the
National Bank of Cuba sign new c u r r e n c y notes with his n i c k n a m e , "Che."
A l l of t h e s e accomplishments a r e h e l d to constitute a splendid and
o r i g i n a l revolution s o i n s p i r i n g and s u c c e s s f u l that only i n c r e a s i n g p r e s s u r e s
f r o m a badly frightened United States and i t s stooges prevent Latin A m e r i c a n s
f r o m i m m e d i a t e l y e m b r a c i n g it.
T h e r e a r e two m a i n a p p r o a c h e s to the study of C a s t r o ' s Cuba. It c a n
b e c o n s i d e r e d a n invalid, the s i c k m a n of t h e Caribbean and a schizophrenic
country under t h e sway of a paranoid.
T h e second a p p r o a c h demands that one m u s t take s e r i o u s l y and s e e k
to explain what could b e the s y s t e m a t i z e d delusions and t h e projection of p e r s o n a l conflicts a s c r i b e d to the imagined e n e m i e s of a paranoid. One a l s o
m u s t a c c e p t a s valid for the Cubans t h e i r feelings and notions which could be
the product of a split national p e r s o n a l i t y , of the dissociations and emotional
d e t e r i o r a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of schizophrenia.
The f i r s t a p p r o a c h i s the m o s t a t t r a c t i v e and i t could be the m o s t
fruitful. I would u s e it without hesitation w e r e I working on the Dominican
Republic of G e n e r a l i s s i m o Rafael Trujillo. Once a n o b s e r v e r i s beyond the
r e a c h of a Maximum L e a d e r and h i s goons, t h i s approach p l a c e s m u c h l e s s
nervous and m e n t a l s t r a i n upon him.
In t h i s introduction and i n the r e p o r t s which follow I have consciously
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chosen the second a p p r o a c h and p u r s u e d i t while fully a w a r e of t h e possible
validity of the f i r s t one.
I have sought r a t i o n a l explanations f o r l ' a f f a i r e cubane a n d , of n e c e s s i t y
i t being the other side of the s a m e coin, for l ' a f f a i r e a m e r i c a i n e . The a s sumption h a s had to b e m a d e that i n Moscow a s w e l l a s i n Washington the
policies adopted i n r e l a t i o n to Havana w e r e developed by s a n e and unemotional gentlemen who c o n s i d e r e d they w e r e dealing with n o r m a l individuals
i n Cuba.
The f i r s t and unavoidable duty of any o b s e r v e r i n a sanely managed
country i s to o b s e r v e . T h i s i s not a s self-evident a s i t a p p e a r s . F o r what
m u s t b e o b s e r v e d i s not what i s s a i d to e x i s t but what i n fact does exist.
F o r example: the Government of Cuba s a y s i t h a s converted and i s
converting t h e m i l i t a r y b a r r a c k s of the old Cuba into the schools of t h e new
Cuba. Someone i n t e r e s t e d i n discovering whether o r not t h i s i s t r u e m a y be
t a k e n to v i s i t s o m e b a r r a c k s which now a r e schools and s o m e b a r r a c k s which
now a r e being t u r n e d into schools. Thus he m a y be s a t i s f i e d with what the
Cuban Government h a s s a i d on t h i s subject.
He would b e wrong: what the Cuban Government s a y s i n t h i s i n s t a n c e
i s only half t r u e . Havana's Camp Columbia, now c a l l e d L i b e r t a d , was the
f i r s t place s e l e c t e d by F i d e l C a s t r o f o r c o n v e r s i o n into a g r e a t educational
c e n t e r f o r Cubans denied higher education b e c a u s e of poverty. The dedication of Camp Columbia to t h i s worthy p u r p o s e took place only days a f t e r
C a s t r o o v e r t h r e w B a t i s t a i n J a n u a r y 1959,
Eighteen months l a t e r , i n J u l y 1960, about half of Camp Columbia ( o r
Libertad) was a m i l i t a r y r e s e r v a t i o n s u r r o u n d e d b y a w i r e fence s e p a r a t i n g
i t f r o m the o t h e r half which w a s f a r f r o m being a g r e a t educational c e n t e r .
The building t h a t had b e e n s e l e c t e d to b e c o m e a n engineering college had
been changed into f u t u r e offices f o r the b u r e a u c r a t s of t h e M i n i s t r y of Education. A single d o r m i t o r y w a s n e a r completion (it w a s nicely done) but no one
w a s quite c e r t a i n who was to live i n i t ; i f t h e o l d e r students w e r e chosen they
would have t o attend the national u n i v e r s i t y m a n y m i l e s away i n the h e a r t of
Havana.
Other buildings w e r e i n varying s t a g e s of r e c o n s t r u c t i o n into c l a s s r o o m s and offices and one was about r e a d y f o r u s e . So i t s t i l l was possible
t h a t a s m a l l school could b e opened i n the c a m p and the students and t e a c h e r s
housed t h e r e and i t s t i l l was possible that i n another y e a r o r two t h e c a m p
would be d e m i l i t a r i z e d ( A r m e d F o r c e s Minister R a u l C a s t r o and many of h i s
o f f i c e r s then would have to find h o m e s e l s e w h e r e ) and be totally devoted to
education.
In July 1960, h o w e v e r , the c a m p w a s about a s m u c h m i l i t a r y a s educational and this w a s t r u e of o t h e r b a r r a c k s visited i n other p l a c e s
while
n e a r l y a l l of Cuba's s m a l l e r m i l i t a r y b a r r a c k s for the r u r a l and national
"revolutionary" f o r c e s s t i l l w e r e b a r r a c k s and not schools.
I have c i t e d the b a r r a c k s - i n t o - s c h o o l s t h e m e and Camp Columbia a s
a n example to i l l u s t r a t e the gulf i n C a s t r o Cuba between what the Governm e n t s a y s e x i s t s and what i n fact does e x i s t . It i s something noted e v e r y w h e r e and i t i s v e r y important.
C a s t r o Cuba e x i s t s on two levels. It i s , a s I have s u g g e s t e d , a kind
of madhouse w h e r e i n f a n t a s i e s and r e a l i t i e s tend to m e r g e i f one does not
r e m a i n on g u a r d constantly. T h e r e a r e two governments i n C a s t r o Cuba.
One you c a n s e e , t h e o t h e r you c a n s e n s e but not s e e . T h e r e a r e two F i d e l
C a s t r o s . One you c a n h e a r and interview and m e e t a t official r e c e p t i o n s o r
s e e on television. The other i s m o s t l y hidden f r o m view.
T h e r e a r e two public opinions. One you c a n s a m p l e a t the g r e a t
gatherings c a l l e d by F i d e l and h i s m e n t o r s to i m p r e s s h i m and to i m p r e s s
the world. O r you c a n r e a d , h e a r , and s e e i t i n the Government p r e s s , r a d i o ,
and t e l e v i s i o n , about a l l t h e r e i s to r e a d , h e a r , and s e e i n Cuba. The other
public opinion i s not s o visible o r audible but i t c a n be found too. In M a r c h
and A p r i l i t was e a s y to find i t , difficult i n fact to evade it. During May,
J u n e , and J u l y i t g r a d u a l l y moved underground and i n many p l a c e s w h i s p e r s
took the place of shouts.
T h e r e a r e two economies i n C a s t r o Cuba. One i s exhibited i n the public r e p o r t s of the National Institute f o r A g r a r i a n R e f o r m (INRA), i n the showc a s e c o - o p e r a t i v e s , i n t h e speeches of F i d e l and h i s c l o s e a s s o c i a t e , Major
E r n e s t o ("Che") G u e v a r a , the P r e s i d e n t of C u b a ' s national bank and the m a s t e r of C u b a ' s economy. The other economy m u s t be e x t r a c t e d painfully f r o m
unpublished data and f r o m the evaluations by e x p e r t s of published official
s t a t i s t i c s . The other economy c a n b e s e e n a l s o i n the c o - o p e r a t i v e s that a r e
not s h o w c a s e s on display to v e r y i m p o r t a n t v i s i t o r s , and i n the towns and
c i t i e s of t h e P r o v i n c e s .
T h e r e a r e two f o r e i g n policies and two w o r l d s outside Cuba. L i s t e n
to F i d e l and h i s official spokesmen and to the Government p r e s s and you will
find the foreign policy the Cuban Government s a y s it i s pursuing. Look a t
what that Government does and you c a n put together the policies i t i n fact p u r s u e s . T h e outside w o r l d a s a n A m e r i c a n knows i t , i s but d i m l y r e f l e c t e d i n
the world you h e a r , s e e , and r e a d about i n Cuba.
1 A notable exception w a s the Moncada B a r r a c k s i n Santiago d e Cuba, a
place of s p e c i a l significance for C a s t r o . It w a s against t h i s installation that
he led a n a r m e d r e b e l band on J u l y 2 6 , 1953, a date m e m o r i a l i z e d i n the name
given h i s revolution: the "26 de Julio" Movement.
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I P P - 1- '60
T h e r e a r e two a r m e d f o r c e s i n C a s t r o Cuba. One you m a y s e e e v e r y
day: t h e r e b e l , revolutionary uniformed f o r c e s of the Government and the
m i l i t i a , composed of f a r m e r s , w o r k e r s , and i n t e l l e c t u a l s who a r e being t r a i n e d
s o that they will be p r e p a r e d t o c a r r y out t h e i r duties should i t be n e c e s s a r y
to c h o s e "death o r country." You even m a y c a t c h sight of the nonuniformed
D.I.E.R. and G-2 police-intelligence f o r c e s (D.I.E.R. s t a n d s for t h e Intelligence Department of the R e b e l A r m y ) . But you will have to work diligently to
uncover the a n t i - C a s t r o f o r c e s of Cuba. Thousands a r e d i s a r m e d and jailed;
m a n y a r e i n exile o r seeking i t ; s o m e a r e planning a n uprising.
And s o t h e r e a r e two l i v e s , two c o m m u n i t i e s , two s o c i e t i e s i n Cuba,
existing s i d e b y s i d e , m e r g i n g rapidly, overlapping, adjusting, and readjusting
to e a c h o t h e r , with individual Cubans slipping f r o m one to the o t h e r , often via
political refuge i n a n e m b a s s y i n Havana o r by somehow evading the a u t h o r i t i e s who would hold t h e m i n s i d e Cuba. Many thousands a r e seeking a l e g a l
way to "el n o r t e " but the l i m i t e d v i s a f a c i l i t i e s of t h e A m e r i c a n E m b a s s y Consulate i n Havana, and of the Consulate i n Santiago de Cuba have c a u s e d
m a n y of t h e s e Cubans to d e s p a i r of getting out, should t h e i r own Government
grant t h e m permission.
It is s a i d that without i r r e g u l a r a s s i s t a n c e , a Cuban cannot expect a
v i s a t o e n t e r t h e United S t a t e s f r o m o u r c o n s u l a r officials i n l e s s than a y e a r
a f t e r h e applies f o r it. F i d e l C a s t r o and t h e United S t a t e s Government appear
to b e co-operating t o f o r c e Cubans to r e m a i n i n Cuba. To s t a y i n one of t h e
two Cubas of C a s t r o , t h a t i s . To find t h e i r place i n t h e complex m a z e of t h e s e
two w a r r i n g s o c i e t i e s which m u s t be p e n e t r a t e d and mapped by a n o b s e r v e r
of t h e Cuba of F i d e l C a s t r o , mid-1960.
The Two Cubas of Mid-1960
Revolutionary a l t e r a t i o n i n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , i n c o n t r a s t with evolut i o n a r y p r o c e s s , i n c l u d e s , I t a k e i t , any change brought about quickly and by
violence, and which i s of s u b s t a n t i a l significance. By t h i s definition, i f a
whole c l a s s of people i n a s o c i e t y i s r e m o v e d f r o m i t s a c c u s t o m e d place
within a few months o r y e a r s , by killing, exiling, jailing, and intimidating i t s
m o s t effective m e m b e r s , one c a n a s s u m e that a revolution i s underway.
After World War I , t h e Bolsheviks, to consolidate and e n t r e n c h t h e i r
newly won p o w e r , e r a s e d substantially a n e n t i r e c l a s s f r o m R u s s i a n s o c i e t y ,
p e r h a p s even two o r t h r e e c l a s s e s : the a r i s t o c r a c y , the b o u r g e o i s i e , and
finallv the kulaks (who i n Cuba might b e c a l l e d colonos). The Bolsheviks
then s t a r t e d t o c o n s u m e one another. Both of t h e s e developments, c l a s s w a r f a r e and c a n n i b a l i s m , w e r e the manifestations of a revolution.
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Signs that a ruling group i s p r e p a r i n g t o undertake the elimination of
a f o r m e r ruling group a s a social-political f a c t o r ; evidence of c l a s s d i s c r i m i nation i n h i r i n g and t r a i n i n g m e m b e r s of the a r m e d f o r c e s , of t h e government
b u r e a u c r a c y , of the diplomatic c o r p s ; evidence of a d e l i b e r a t e campaign to
i n s t i l l c l a s s h a t r e d among t h o s e i n the s o c i e t y who will be r e q u i r e d to p a r t i c i p a t e i n o r condone the contemplated action against other m e m b e r s of the
s a m e society: all a r e recognizable a s t e n t a c l e s of a revolution.
S t i l l another c e r t a i n b a s i s f o r concluding that a revolution e x i s t s i s
the complete change i n attitude toward p r o p e r t y . I r e f e r to l a w l e s s a c t s s u c h
a s the occupation of r e a l e s t a t e and t h e s e i z u r e and r e m o v a l of p e r s o n a l prope r t y of all kinds f r o m pigs to diamonds.
One a l s o c a n a s s u m e the existence of a revolutionary change within a
country when i t suddenly switches i t s allegiance f r o m A t o B yA ' s opponent,
o r f r o m one a l l i a n c e to a n opposing a l l i a n c e , and when i t p r e p a r e s to fight
f o r m e r f r i e n d s a n d to s e e k a s s i s t a n c e f r o m f o r m e r e n e m i e s .
If t h e s e a r e s o m e of the s i g n s of a s o c i a l revolution then Cuba i s having a s o c i a l revolution and F i d e l C a s t r o i s entitled to c a l l himself a revolut i o n a r y . But by s o m e of t h e s e tokens i t s e e m s to be a slow moving, m i l d
revolution l e d b y a he sitant and seemingly faint - h e a r t e d revolutionary who, a s
I have s a i d , might have changed h i s c o u r s e a y e a r ago.
F o r i n Cuba i n the s u m m e r of 1960 t h e r e r e m a i n e d m o s t of the people
belonging t o t h e c l a s s called count e r r evolutionar y , who t h e o r e t i c a l l y should
be d e a d , i n e x i l e , i n p r i s o n , o r s o intimidated they wouldn't d a r e exhibit t h e i r
c l a s s m e m b e r s h i p . In f a c t , they m a d e no effort to hide t h e m s e l v e s o r t h e i r
c l a s s affiliation though s o m e of t h e m didn't e x p r e s s t h e i r views too f r e e l y .
T h e r e w e r e v e r y few c a s e s of a t t e m p t e d disguise. On t h e c o n t r a r y , i n
d r e s s , m a n n e r , occupation, and attitude the Cuban wealthy and middle c l a s s e s
p r o c l a i m e d t h e i r position openly, one might s a y even challengingly, i n t h e 18th
month of the g r e a t C a s t r o revolution which was supposed to b e shattering the
W e s t e r n world.
The c o u n t r y and beach clubs of the b e s t f a m i l i e s and of the wealthy-t h o s e clubs not i n Government hands and m o s t of t h e m w e r e not i n the s u m m e r
of 1960--were j a m m e d over the week-ends. V a r a d e r o Beach was well filled
with vacationing m i d d l e - c l a s s Cubans. The r o a d s w e r e packed with c a r s i n
t h e Havana a r e a on Sundays and Saturdays. Expensive r e s t a u r a n t s i n t h e city
w e r e steadily p a t r o n i z e d , s o m e t i m e s by cabinet m i n i s t e r s and t h e i r p a r t i e s .
The c h u r c h e s w e r e full of the w e l l - d r e s s e d faithful. Lawns w e r e well
c a r e d f o r , the g a r d e n s attended t o , the a i r conditioners humming away i n
Havana's huge r e s i d e n t i a l q u a r t e r s of the well-to-do, a n a r e a a s extensive
and a s handsomely and expensively developed, with spacious h o m e s , many
pools, and two- and t h r e e - c a r g a r a g e s (filled) a s the suburban a r e a s of Chicago o r Detroit.
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I P P - 1 '60
T h e r e w e r e b i r t h d a y p a r t i e s , coming-out p a r t i e s , engagement p a r t i e s ,
weddings, Saint ' s Day r e c e p t i o n s , Chamber of C o m m e r c e m e e t i n g s , Lions
Club and R o t a r y Club luncheons, Old G r a d r e u n i o n s , all well attended by wellfed a n d well-clothed Cubans.
The A m e r i c a n Club did a b r i s k if not r e c o r d b u s i n e s s until t h e exodus
began i n mid-July. The J u l y 4th r e c e p t i o n at t h e A m b a s s a d o r ' s r e s i d e n c e
was a brilliant success.
The Banco Continental Cubano ( F i d e l ' s own b a n k ) , whose Cuban P r e s i dent I m e t dining i n one of Havana's exclusive s k y s c r a p e r c l u b s , r a n a twopage a d v e r t i s e m e n t i n t h e J u l y i s s u e of Bohemia Magazine showing how m u c h
t h e bank h a d p r o g r e s s e d i n C a s t r o Cuba. T h i s p r i v a t e l y owned a g g r e s s i v e
bank had between June 1959 and M a r c h 1960 i n c r e a s e d i t s deposits f r o m 140
million p e s o s t o 190 m i l l i o n , i t s deposits of Government funds r i s i n g f r o m 21
million to 61 million. And while it could show only a r i s e of about 10 million
p e s o s i n deposits o t h e r t h a n those of t h e Government and of public organizations o r F i d e l ' s l a r g e checking account, m o s t o t h e r banks c l a i m e d heavy
l o s s e s i n p r i v a t e deposits suggesting t h a t m a n y Cubans w e r e hoarding c u r rency.
In t h e p r o v i n c e s during the s u m m e r and s p r i n g of 1960, t h e g e n t r y a t tended t h e i r c l u b s , went fishing, held p a r t i e s , walked i n the right p a s e o s i n
t h e evening a n d s o m e t i m e s f o r a week-end took m o t o r t r i p s to t h e beaches.
And a new kind of t o u r i s t w a s s e e n i n r u r a l Cuba. In b u s e s , i n INRA station
wagons, and t h e m o t o r t r u c k s of intervened f a c t o r i e s and INRA c o - o p e r a t i v e s ,
t h e farm a n d c i t y w o r k e r s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s s t a r t e d t o v i s i t the new INIT
(National Institute f o r t h e T o u r i s t Industry) beach h o u s e s and m o t e l s , to view
t h e g r e a t s w a m p s opened up to exploration by newly built r o a d s , and to pat r o n i z e INIT r e s t a u r a n t s i n the countryside.
T h e r e w e r e political a r g u m e n t s i n public p l a c e s even if v o i c e s w e r e
a l i t t l e hushed. A Havana workingman w a s o v e r h e a r d i n a bus proclaiming
h i s undying r e s i s t a n c e to F i d e l C a s t r o and t h e "slave" l a b o r unions of the
Government. And a t a gigantic r a l l y of g a s t r o n o m i c a l w o r k e r s i n Havana
a d d r e s s e d by F i d e l about a dozen w o r k e r s had t o be e s c o r t e d f r o m t h e t h e a t e r . T h e y had b e e n shouting unpleasant r e m a r k s a t t h e i r l e a d e r s , m o s t of
whom w e r e Government officials.
But, on the o t h e r hand and i n the o t h e r Cuba, p e r s o n s d i s a p p e a r e d
f r o m t h e i r h o m e s and offices to t u r n up i n t h e s c a t t e r e d p r i v a t e p r i s o n s of
t h e D.I.E.R. a n d G-2, o r t o b e sent to one of the l a r g e r p r i s o n s o r f o r t r e s s e s ,
c h a r g e d , i f with anything, with "a c r i m e against t h e s t a t e " o r with being "an
enemy of the people.'' The c o u r t s w e r e s t i l l functioning and a number of the
judges showed c o n s i d e r a b l e courage i n t r y i n g to safeguard the constitutional
r i g h t s of c i t i z e n s which t h e o r e t i c a l l y they s t i l l retained.
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I P P - 1 '60
I r e a d i n m i d - J u l y of a habeas c o r p u s proceeding brought by the mother
of a c e r t a i n Capt. Yanez whom I had m e t when he was the P r i m e M i n i s t e r ' s
elegantly a t t i r e d m i l i t a r y aide. I had h e a r d of his d i s a p p e a r a n c e i n m i d - June.
The published r e p o r t of the hearing a c c o r d e d h i s m o t h e r , who c l a i m e d she
didn't know what had happened t o h e r s o n , s t a t e d that a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the
D.I.E.R. had a p p e a r e d i n the c o u r t r o o m , p r e s u m a b l y a f t e r h i s organization
h a d b e e n a s k e d about Capt. Yanez, and t h a t the D.I.E.R. m a n had told t h e judge
t h a t Capt. Yanez h a d b e e n detained f o r a month "on suspicion and f o r q u e s tioning" but had b e e n r e l e a s e d the day of the hearing. The petition was d i s m i s s e d . The newspaper didn't s a y whether o r not the m o t h e r and son w e r e
reunited. I wouldn't be too s u r p r i s e d t o l e a r n that Capt. Yanez s t i l l i s n ' t f r e e .
One of the s e c r e t a r i e s i n the P r i m e M i n i s t e r ' s office a l s o d i s a p p e a r e d
suddenly, no doubt a l s o detained a s a s u s p e c t e d enemy of the people. A mode r a t e l y high-ranking INRA a d m i n i s t r a t o r (of a zone i n Camagiiey P r o v i n c e )
d i s a p p e a r e d between sunup and sundown. I l a t e r l e a r n e d h e w a s i n t h e Mexican
E m b a s s y seeking political refuge i n Mexico o r the United States. His alleged
offense n e v e r w a s m a d e known. Neither was h i s disappearance: a n INRA off i c i a l told m e he had "gone to Havana on business."
The c a s e of ~ o s eM
' i r o Cardona, who c r o s s e d f r o m one of the Cubas
to the o t h e r i n J u l y , overshadowed a l l the o t h e r F i d e l i s t a s jailed o r seeking
exile. M i r o Cardona had been the f i r s t P r i m e Minister of C a s t r o Cuba, a
position he won a s a l e a d e r of t h e underground fighting Batista. An i l l u s t r i o u s
b a r r i s t e r , h e had been the head of the b a r association. After F i d e l b e c a m e
P r i m e Minister he s e n t Miro Cardona to M a d r i d a s Cuban A m b a s s a d o r . He
had to b e withdrawn f r o m Spain when the Spanish A m b a s s a d o r i n Havana was
ousted by Fidel.
Then M i r o Cardona w a s named A m b a s s a d o r to Washington. But
s h o r t l y a f t e r t h e United S t a t e s notified the Cuban Government that the new
Ambas s a d o r was acceptable he took s a n c t u a r y i n the Argentine E m b a s s y i n
Havana.
"Ideological differences" between t h e Cuban Government and h i s cons c i e n c e , he s a i d i t w a s . But a f o r m e r P r i m e M i n i s t e r doesn't s e e k political
refuge and exile only b e c a u s e of ideological differences. Apparently he had
felt the hot b r e a t h of D.I.E.R. a s did the Cuban A m b a s s a d o r i n London who on
r e t u r n i n g home f o r consultations found himself c h a r g e d with the theft of Gove r n m e n t funds and facing c e r t a i n i m p r i s o n m e n t b e c a u s e , a s h e undoubtedly
knew, he had e x p r e s s e d s o m e doubts about F i d e l ' s foreign policies. He a l s o
went into a foreign e m b a s s y for refuge,
A F i d e l i s t a group of l a w y e r s , probably dominated by Nikita's Fifth
C o l u m n i s t s , denounced and "expelled" the d i r e c t o r a t e of the b a r a s s o c i a t i o n
because i t had r e f r a i n e d f r o m d i s b a r r i n g M i r o Cardona and a law p r o f e s s o r
who had gone into exile to join the a n t i - F i d e l F r e n t e Revolucionario Democratic~.
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13
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But in Castro Cuba these denunciations--and there were s c o r e s r e ported in the press--didn't stop with the specified charges of partiality to
some individual in disgrace. They spilled over into the darker a r e a of c l a s s
warfare, accusing the victims of being "divisionists" and "counterrevolutiona r i e s " because of what they were rather than what they had done. Because of
what they were--bourgeoisie professionals, businessmen, f a r m e r s , salaried
technicians, etc.- -they were unreliable, and denounced a s potential t r a i t o r s
partial to Americans and their interests.
-
I know a Cuban hotel manager who was told by a Ministry of Labor official charged with administering intervened hotels in Havad that professional
skill and experience weren't wanted and that revolutionary zeal was. "We
have nothing against you personally," the manager was informed, "except that
you don't have the right background. You're not revolutionary enough."
And that, of c o u r s e , was the trouble with the many men and women
who, having struggled bravely to unseat Batista and to bring i n Fidel, were
dropped one by one f r o m his Government. They had the misfortune of belonging to the "other Cuba."
In key posts in the f i r s t government of Fidel Castro there were able
and dedicated Cubans with immaculate r e c o r d s during the insurrection who
became powerless, virtual prisoners in Cuba. R6fo L6pez Fresquet, who
was T r e a s u r y Minister, Manuel Ray Rivero, who was Minister of Public
Works, Enrique Oltuski Osaqui, the f o r m e r Minister of Communications,
Faustino Pere'z H e r d n d e z , once head of the Department for the Recovery of
Misappropriated A s s e t s , and Elena Mederos de Gonzslez, of Social Welfare,
a r e among them.
And who remains in the front ranks in the key ministries of the nominal Government of Cuba? Heading the T r e a s u r y i s Rolando Diaz ~ A a r a i n ,
a n enthusiastic c l a s s w a r r i o r who i s m a r r i e d to Nilsa Espin. Nilsa's s i s t e r
Vilma i s Raul Castro's wife. F r o m an Oriente family of French origin,
Vilma heads the Communists' front groups for women and Nilsa i s a leader
of the Army's Marxian indoctrination courses. Brilliant and attractive young
women, they appear to be the power behind their respective husbands.
Augusto ~ a r t l n e zSanchez, the Labor Minister, i s a protkgd of Raul
and of Vilrna. In the Public Works Ministry t h e r e i s Osmani Cienfuegos
riara ran, a militant Communist who helped Vilma and Raul purge the a r m e d
forces and begin their Marxist indoctrination courses. Osrnani's brother
Camilo i s the m a r t y r saint of the Fidelistas; he had been head of the a r m e d
forces before Raul.
Camilo's disappearance i s a mystery. But his closest companion in
the Rebel Army, his Chief of Staff, was shot and killed by a Captain Beaton
who later was t r i e d secretly and executed immediately. A member of the
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I P P - 1 '60
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I P P - 1 '60
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14
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firing squad r e b e l l e d and was a r r e s t e d . And the word went around the Rebel
A r m y and on the outside that Camilo had been killed by the C a s t r o s , that h i s
staff officer suspected it and was himself killed and h i s a s s a s s i n executed.
The chief a i d e s of F o r e i g n Minister Raul Roa ~ a r c < w
a ere fired i n his
absence and r e p l a c e d by m e n acceptable t o the ruling clique. In a few weeks
many Cuban a m b a s s a d o r s resigned and joined the "other Cuba." Roa r e mained, apparently content with his t a s k of implementing any policy handed
him. With only a few exceptions t h i s a l s o i s the t a s k of t h e other m i n i s t e r s :
Raul Cepero Bonilla i n C o m m e r c e ; J O S ~A. Naranjo M o r a l e s i n Interior;
Pedro Miret ~ r i i t o
i n Agriculture, and Regino Boti Le6n a n d Luis M. Buch,
who o p e r a t e on t h e fringe of the cabinet.
The decisions affecting Cuban policy a r e not m a d e by the cabinet, they
a r e m a d e by a group composed of F i d e l and Raul C a s t r o , "Chett Guevara,
Osvaldo ~ o r t i c o ' sT o r r a d o , the P r e s i d e n t of the Republic and, apparently, a
Communist f o r many y e a r s , and Antonio ~ 6 n e z~ i m g n e zof INRA, a l s o a longt i m e Communist. E r n e s t o ("Chett) Guevara, apparently h a s been a Communist
since h i s university days i n Buenos A i r e s .
Also possibly sharing i n the policy-making p r o c e s s a r e Vilma Espin
de C a s t r o , R a u l t s wife, and Celia Sanchez Agramonte, F i d e l ' s p e r s o n a l s e c r e t a r y . It i s possible but not likely that s o m e t i m e s the Minister of Education,
Armando H a r t Davalos and h i s dynamic wife, a r e admitted into the inner c i r c l e .
A l s o possibly admitted on s o m e occasions a r e J e s u s Soto, who has taken over
the Cuban Labor Confederation, and R a m i r o Valdes, of A r m y G - 2 , both tough
Communist o p e r a t o r s .
Need it be added that Communists and those willing to s e r v e t h e m
w e r e moving rapidly during the s u m m e r into c r u c i a l jobs a t that t i m e not
filled by one of t h e i r n u m b e r ? Or that t h o s e Cubans displaced and many o t h e r s
a w a r e of what had been going on, moved over t o the "other Cuba"? Or that
soon the Communist battle c r y of "Cuba Si! Yankis No ! I ' was being rivaled by
the c r y of "Cuba Si ! Rusia No ! It?
Or that F i d e l would have to leave his sickbed for a television speech
denouncing Roman Catholic p r i e s t s i n Cuba a s "fascist falangistast' f r o m
Franco-Spain a n d calling upon Cuba's "good Christians" to r e s i s t the growing
power of "a s m a l l group of P h a r i s e e s t t who "want t o convert the churches into
counterrevolutionary t r e n c h e s t t ?
O r that the P r e s i d e n t of the United Nations Security Council, A m b a s s a dor ~ o s eA.
' C o r r e a of Ecuador, should r e p l y t o a Soviet attack on t h e United
S t a t e s , by pointedly warning that "the Latin A m e r i c a n countries will fight f o r
nonintervention.. .if any power whether n e a r o r far--especially i f i t is a d i s tant power--should attempt to t e l l u s what t o dot'?
Or that during F i d e l ts illness his close friend "Che" Guevara found i t
advisable to announce that the Cubans would r e s i s t "to the l a s t drop of blood"
any attempt to make their island "a Communist satellite"?
But I must a s k the r e a d e r to r e m e m b e r that the two Cubas of mid1960 pictured h e r e , the two which a s this i s r e a d well might be one again, a r e
not too much like the Cuba of 1959 when Castro triumphed. This explanation
and analysis therefore would not be complete without comment on when, how,
and why the Castro movement became Nikita's.
Nikita's Conauest of C a s t r o Cuba
The f i r s t President of Castro Cuba, Manuel Urrutia Lleo, was hounded
f r o m office i n July 1959. ~ o s 6
Miro Cardona already had-been supplanted a s
P r i m e Minister by F i d e l C a s t r o , who i n reality was the Government of Cuba,
the only m a n the Cuban m a s s e s would follow. A few months after Fidel ousted
Urrutia he f i r e d Roberto Agramonte Pichardo, the Foreign Minister, Manuel
Ray Rivero, of Public Works, Elena Mederos de ~ o n z a ' l e zof Social Welfare
and Faustino P e r & HernAndez of the Department for the Recovery of Misappropriated Assets. L a t e r , ~ u ' f o~ o ' ~ Fe rze s q u e t bowed out of the Treasury.
Meanwhile, Major Hubert Matos and his staff i n Camagiiey were a r r e s t e d and t r i e d and sentenced for treason; the Rebel A r m y commander
Camilo Cienfuegos disappeared and later his Chief of Staff was shot and killed.
And running through a l l t h e s e events was the i s s u e of Cuba's role in the Cold
War.
President Ur r u t i a , a n incompetent executive who dearly loved e a s y
living and the money i t r e q u i r e d , became a w a r e in the late spring of 1959 that
Communists w e r e receiving m o r e and m o r e of the top posts i n the A r m y and
Government, that they w e r e winning p r e f e r r e d political positions and in their
conflicts with non-Communists getting F i d e l t s unwavering support. Urrutia
was a middle-class lawyer, a provincial judge who had ruled against the
Batista r e g i m e and then fled into exile. In 1959 he showed his courage again;
in a public a d d r e s s he made a backhanded reference to "the Communist
m e n a c e t t by a s s u r i n g h i s audience that i n Castro Cuba t h e r e would be none.
His ouster quickly followed, on charges that he had been drawing the
constitutional s a l a r y of the President and spending i t i n a most unrevolutiona r y way. It was implied that the President of the Republic like P r i m e Minister
Castro and all h i s associates should take modest s a l a r i e s (about $500 monthly)
and lead abstemious private lives a s a n example of honesty and sobriety. The
Fidelistas had inherited one of the most corrupt bureaucracies i n history and
a populace long accustomed to official corruption. A freewheeling, luxury-
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I P P - 1 '60
16
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loving P r e s i d e n t couldn't b e t o l e r a t e d . So U r r u t i a l s o u s t e r w a s explained
away a s p a r t of t h e r e f o r m of Cuban m o r e s .
But t h e r e was another explanation, and t h i s one w a s u s e d a g a i n and
a g a i n a s F i d e l dropped m i n i s t e r s , punished a r m y o f f i c e r s , a n d d r o v e s c o r e s of
h i s onetime followers into p r i s o n and exile. It is b e s t s t a t e d i n F i d e l l s r e m a r k s during a television a p p e a r a n c e on A p r i l 2, 1959, r e m a r k s which b e c a u s e
of t h e i r significance a r e given in full as a n appendix to t h i s r e p o r t . Essentially,
F i d e l t s position until the autumn of 1959 and p e r h a p s even l a t e r , was t h i s :
. . . c o m m u n i s m is the t h e m e which is going to b e u s e d by t h e
counterrevolution . . . t o b r i n g about [our] f a i l u r e . . . . f e a r . . . t h a t
c o m m u n i s m is growing i n Cuba, d o e s not respond t o r e a l i t y . . . .
"
c o m m u n i s m c o e x i s t s with o t h e r political p a r t i e s i n m a n y c o u n t r i e s ,
a s f o r example, F r a n c e , Italy, e t c .
"Why do they wish to r a i s e the ghost of c o m m u n i s m simply b e c a u s e
t h e C o m m u n i s t s a r e not p e r s e c u t e d , i f h e r e no one is p e r s e c u t e d ?
T h e d e m o c r a t i c thing to do is do what we a r e doing: t o r e s p e c t
all i d e a s ' I
...
.
In s h o r t , F i d e l c l a i m e d h e looked upon the Cornrnunists of Cuba as
just a n o t h e r p o l i t i c a l p a r t y ; t h a t he could s e e no danger f r o m c o m m u n i s m ;
t h a t it w a s n ' t growing i n Cuba a c o u n t r y t o b e c o m p a r e d t o F r a n c e o r Italy;
t h a t only t h o s e wishing to overthrow h i s r e g i m e r a i s e d "the ghost of c o m munism"; that anyone wishing to oppose ("persecute1') c o m m u n i s m w a s a
c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n a r y and not a good d e m o c r a t .
Did F i d e l believe what he s a i d ? Or w a s t h i s p a r t of what h i s onetime
followers c a l l t h e G r e a t B e t r a y a l , a p i e c e of the t r a g i c hoax h e played upon
Cubans and non-Cubans? F o r c o m m u n i s m w a s growing i n Cuba, a s U r r u t i a ,
R a y , ~ e r e ' z Elena
,
Mederos, ~ 6 f ~
o o p e ' zM
, a t o s , and m a n y o t h e r i n s i d e r s
well knew and now admit. And Cuba i s no F r a n c e o r Italy and i n 1959
( o r subsequently) had no valid non-Communist political p a r t i e s . And w e r e
,
t h e o t h e r s being p e r s e c u t e d f o r opposing
not M a t o s , U r r u t i a , R a y , ~ e r e ' z and
the growing power of the Communists i n Cuba?
The a n s w e r i s affirmative. And yet I a m not convinced that F i d e l had
s e t out i n A p r i l 1959 to b e t r a y h i s non-Communist f r i e n d s . I a m not s o convinced though e v e r y Cuban who then s e r v e d with F i d e l a n d who l a t e r c r o s s e d
into t h e "other Cuba" with whom I could t a l k i s convinced h e was b e t r a y e d by
F i d e l ; t h a t F i d e l knew f r o m the s t a r t w h e r e he was leading Cuba.
Analyzing the developments i n Cuba s i n c e F i d e l ' s s t a t e m e n t on comm u n i s m i n A p r i l 1959, I believe i t i s s t i l l u n c e r t a i n whether F i d e l C a s t r o i s
t h e G r e a t B e t r a y e r s o many Cubans believe h i m t o be o r i s a stubborn, dedic a t e d , egocentric young m a n i n a h u r r y who w a s n ' t quite bright enough f o r the
job and who was "taken" by m o r e c l e v e r , unscrupulous a s s o c i a t e s , by Nikita's
Fifth Column.
The p r o c e s s by which F i d e l found himself i n Nikita's waiting a r m s i s
fascinating and i n a subsequent r e p o r t I s h a l l t r y to d e s c r i b e i t . T h e r e m a y
b e m o r e F i d e l s and t h e r e m a y be m o r e Cubas. But I cannot imagine t h e r e
will e v e r again be anything quite like the C a s t r o Cuba that i s the subject of
these reports.
APPENDIX
During t h e t e l e v i s e d interview i n Havana held on A p r i l 2, 1959, one of
t h e Cuban n e w s p a p e r m e n who f o r m e d t h e panel questioning D r . F i d e l C a s t r o
asked:
"Do you not believe, D r . C a s t r o , t h a t t h e r e e x i s t i n Cuba and a b r o a d
l a r g e s e c t i o n s of opinion which f e a r t h a t t h e r e m a y b e a growth of commun i s m i n o u r country?"
In reply, D r . F i d e l C a s t r o said:
I a m happy that you have a s k e d m e t h a t question b e c a u s e t h i s i s
a v e r y fitting t i m e t o c l a r i f y t h a t p r o b l e m , which i s fundamental.
F o r t h a t f e a r of the s e c t i o n s of opinion t o which you allude is
a l s o fundamental even though t h e s e c t o r s a r e i n the m i n o r i t y .
E s p e c i a l l y s i n c e c o m m u n i s m i s the t h e m e which i s going t o b e
u s e d by t h e counterrevolution, s i n c e t h e r e is no o t h e r p r e t e x t of
g r e a t e r i m p o r t a n c e , to c a u s e h a r m t o Cuba, to a g i t a t e o r t o bring
about the f a i l u r e of o u r revolution.
That f e a r t h a t the m i n o r i t y s e e m s t o have, that c o m m u n i s m i s
growing i n Cuba, does not r e s p o n d to r e a l i t y . F r a n k l y , I do not
u n d e r s t a n d t h a t f e a r b e c a u s e the United S t a t e s and R u s s i a e x i s t
and n e i t h e r one power n o r the o t h e r h a s died of f e a r . B e s i d e s ,
it is a n evident f a c t t h a t c o m m u n i s m c o e x i s t s with o t h e r political
p a r t i e s i n m a n y c o u n t r i e s , a s f o r example, F r a n c e , Italy, e t c .
F e a r of t h e growth of c o m m u n i s m ? Why? F o r what r e a s o n i f
what h a s s u r v i v e d i n t h i s country h a s nothing t o do with t h o s e
f e a r s ? What h a s survived i n t h i s country i s t h e r e c o v e r y of t h e
c i t i z e n s ' r i g h t s : of the p r e s s , of a s s e m b l y , of writing, of thinking,
and of speaking. That is what h a s been r e - e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h i s
country
.
Do t h e s e r i g h t s , t h e r i g h t s which everyone enjoys i n Cuba today,
m e a n t h a t a growth of c o m m u n i s m m u s t come with t h e m ? Does
it m e a n t h a t it would be p r e f e r a b l e to live a s we lived under the
r e g i m e of B a t i s t a ? With everything c e n s o r e d , everyone oper
to live a s the people
p r e s s e d , everyone p e r s e c ~ t e d ~ r a t h than
of Cuba a r e living today?
The C o m m u n i s t s simply have a n e w s p a p e r . What do t h e s e people want? That we p e r m i t everyone except the Communists t o
s p e a k ? Why? We p r o t e s t e d that they did not p e r m i t u s to speak
when we w e r e told to be quiet. Yet s o m e wish to s i l e n c e o t h e r s
and a c c u s e the revolution of being communistic b e c a u s e i t
I P P - 1- '60
p e r m i t s the Communists to publish t h e i r paper a s do the Marina,
E l Mundo, and a l l the other newspapers and magazines which a r e
published without c e n s o r s h i p o r stumbling blocks of any kind. l
Why do they wish to r a i s e the ghost of communism simply because
the Communists a r e not persecuted, i f h e r e no one i s p e r s e c u t e d ?
To p r o t e s t when we a r e persecuted and not when other p a r t i e s a r e
persecuted, t o want u s t o p e r s e c u t e t h e m because they a r e Commun i s t s ? To p e r s e c u t e the Catholic because he i s a Catholic, to p e r secute the P r o t e s t a n t because he i s a P r o t e s t a n t , t o p e r s e c u t e the
Mason because he is a Mason, and the Rotarian because he i s a
Rotarian; t o p e r s e c u t e the Marina because it is a newspaper of the
Rightist tendency, another because it i s of a Leftist tendency, to
p e r s e c u t e one because i t i s r a d i c a l and of the e x t r e m e Right, and
another, because it is of the e x t r e m e Left i s something I cannot
conceive, n o r s h a l l I do it nor will the revolution do it. The democ r a t i c thing t o do is do what we a r e doing: t o r e s p e c t a l l ideas.2
1 T e r r o r i s m r a t h e r than d i r e c t , official c e n s o r s h i p silenced the Marina
( E l Diario de l a Marina, Cuba's oldest and m o s t r e a c t i o n a r y newspaper) within a y e a r but the Communist p r e s s and the government-run p r e s s - - a n d between t h e s e two t h e r e was only a s m a l l difference i n emphasis--flourished.
T e r r o r "controlled" those publications which the Government and its affiliates
did not o p e r a t e o r indirectly manage. I have h e a r d a r e p o r t that the d i r e c t o r
of Bohemia Magazine i s in a n e m b a s s y in Havana and seeking exile, a f t e r a c cusing Fidel of betraying t h e revolution. Bohemia Magazine and i t s d i r e c t o r ,
whose p e r s o n a l life l e a v e s much t o be d e s i r e d but whose courage in B a t i s t a 1 s
t i m e was boundless, showed m o r e political independence during the f i r s t s i x
months of 1960 than any o t h e r publication in C a s t r o Cuba. But it n e v e r opposed the Government o r its actions and policies. P r e n s a L i b r e , like Marina
independent and c r i t i c a l , but not Rightist, a l s o went down and b e c a m e by f o r c e
a government organ.
2 Enough evidence h a s been p r e s e n t e d t o show that in C a s t r o Cuba in
A p r i l 1959, when Fidel was speaking, and since that date, "all i d e a s " w e r e
not r e s p e c t e d a t a l l . It i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o o b s e r v e how F i d e l shifts the topic
f r o m a f e a r of the Communists gaining too much power in Cuba to the defense
of Communists f r o m "persecution" which of c o u r s e was not proposed in the
question he i s answering. Fidel was a s k e d in effect i s t h e r e a danger of the
Communists taking over in Cuba and a f t e r saying t h e r e was no such danger
he r a i s e s the nightmare of persecution and the "ghost of communism." I
think it m a y be s a i d that Fidel, who was a s t a r student in a J e s u i t institution,
r e a l i z e d what he was doing i n equating a Communist with a Catholic, a P r o testant, a Mason, and a Rotarian. Cuba h a s had little o r no religious, s e c t a r ian persecution o r prejudice. T h e r e i s in Cuba hardly any group of laymen
who can be identified a s "Catholic" in a political s e n s e . F i d e l knows a l l that,
y e t he i s arguing that communism and catholicism a r e comparable.
IPP- 1- '60
Those who speak of d e m o c r a c y should begin by l e a r n i n g i n what
r e s p e c t f o r a l l i d e a s , f o r a l l c r e e d s , c o n s i s t s ; in what l i b e r t y and
the r i g h t s of o t h e r s c o n s i s t s . And frankly, we r e s p e c t everyone;
we p e r s e c u t e no one. That i s o u r d e m o c r a t i c principle. Those
who do not p r a c t i c e this principle a r e not d e m o c r a t s and t h e wish
to i m p o s e those r u l e s on the people i s even l e s s d e m o c r a t i c . In
t h e United States i t s e l f , t h e r e i s a Communist newspaper, t h e r e
a r e communistic organizations. What do they want us to d o ?
C l o s e n e w s p a p e r s , p e r s e c u t e i d e a s ? No s i r . I s a y absolutely
If to think a s I do is to b e a Communist, they c a n c a l l
not
m e a Communist b e c a u s e I have a c t e d a s I believed and I have
a c t e d i n t h e s p i r i t of l i b e r t y , of justice, and of r e s p e c t f o r o t h e r s .
I think t h a t I have thought and a c t e d a s the m a j o r i t y of the Cuban
people would; t h a t I have thought and a c t e d i n a s p i r i t of justice
and with r e s p e c t f o r o t h e r s . I m a k e no distinctions and a s a m e m b e r of t h e Government I m u s t have a n equal r e s p e c t f o r a l l i d e a s ,
f o r a l l c r e e d s , even though they a r e not m i n e ; a r e s p e c t f o r e v e r y one's r i g h t s b e c a u s e h e r e giving r i g h t s to s o m e and p e r s e c u t i n g
o t h e r s h a s been c a l l e d d e m o c r a c y . The o t h e r day t h e r e w a s a
debate on t h e r a d i o between Catholics and C o m m u n i s t s . They
w e r e d i s c u s s i n g i d e a s . To d i s c u s s i d e a s reasonably, in t h e publ i c eye, i s t h e way things should b e d i s c u s s e d . It i s a n o t h e r thing
to i m p o s e i d e a s by f o r c e , to want t o i m p o s e i d e a s using f o r c e i n s t e a d of r e a s o n . I wish everyone t o p r e a c h h i s own doctrine, t h a t
s o m e p r e a c h one thing and o t h e r s something e l s e . H e r e s o m e
want u s t o p e r s e c u t e the Communist newspaper and c l o s e i t . Ah!
But when t h e government begins by closing one n e w s p a p e r , no
newspaper c a n f e e l safe.3
....
When the government begins to r e s t r i c t , d e m o c r a c y is a right
only f o r s o m e and not a s well a s o t h e r s . L e t a l l d i s c u s s t h e i r
t h e o r i e s , t h e i r preachings. L e t a l l w r i t e , l e t a l l a r g u e ; f o r m a n
is r e a s o n , not f o r c e . Man i s intelligence; not imposition. He i s
not c a p r i c e . L e t him speak, l e t h i m a r g u e . What we a r e seeking
i s a l i b e r t y w h e r e i n a l l i d e a s a r e d i s c u s s e d , w h e r e everyone h a s
a right t o think; f r e e d o m to w r i t e ; f r e e d o m t o a s s e m b l e f o r a l l
l i c i t and l e g a l a c t s . Isn't that the ideal world?4
3 F i d e l i s h e r e completely right and no newspaper o r r a d i o and television
r e p o r t e r o r c o m m e n t a t o r felt s a f e in h i s Cuba f o r t h e v e r y r e a s o n he s t a t e d .
As f o r t h e f r e e d i s c u s s i o n of ideas, the C a s t r o p r e s s was a f r a i d t o publish
o r d i s c u s s even a p a s t o r a l l e t t e r of a Catholic Archbishop in Cuba. And i t
should go without saying that F i d e l ' s opponents, s u c h a s L u i s Conte Agiiero
who once was h i s b i o g r a p h e r , w e r e given no chance to p r e s e n t t h e i r i d e a s to
t h e Cubans; a s soon a s they showed they had changed they w e r e f o r c e d out of
t h e country o r s i l e n c e d i n s o m e o t h e r way.
L e t u s add to t h a t a wqrld w h e r e everyone e a t s , a world w h e r e
m e n do not die of hunger b e c a u s e those who like t o demand to
speak of l i b e r t y and d e m o c r a c y do not like to speak of the right
of m e n t o e a t , to live. With t h a t t h e o r e t i c a l d e m o c r a c y the
wretched people who a r e dying of hunger do not e a t ; with t h a t
t h e o r e t i c a l d e m o c r a c y the s i c k a r e not c u r e d .
We m u s t p r o c u r e m o r e things f o r m a n . We m u s t give h i m l i b e r t y , but fundamentally, we m u s t give h i m a n a m p l e opportunity
to s a t i s f y h i s needs. When, f o r example, a m a n of a c o n s e r v a t i v e
mentality s p e a k s of equal opportunity, we m u s t s a y to h i m : V e r y
well, what do you m e a n by equal opportunity? Can the son of a
barefoot f a r m e r who does not go t o school, who does not r e c e i v e
a n education, and the son of a m a n who l i v e s i n a comfortable
house, who r e c e i v e s a n education, and who h a s m e a n s of a l l kinds,
have t h e s a m e opportunity? That i s not equal opportunity i n any
s e n s e of t h e word. What we m u s t do is give equal opportunity to
the poor boy a n d t h e r i c h boy.
We m u s t concede t h e poor boy equal p o s s i b i l i t i e s . We m u s t m a k e
available t o t h e son of t h a t f a r m e r who l i v e s l o s t away in t h e
mountains the s a m e advantages t h a t the son of the m a n who l i v e s
i n t h e city enjoys. We m u s t give to t h e poor m a n opportunity to
work in o r d e r to feed h i s child; t o r e c e i v e the f r u i t of h i s l a b o r
i n o r d e r t h a t he m a y educate him. We do nothing when we talk
about l i b e r t i e s t h a t a r e theoretical. The right to w r i t e , v e r y n i c e .
The right to speak f r e e l y , v e r y fine. But the i l l i t e r a t e who h a s
n e v e r opened a book i n h i s life cannot have the right to speak.
Rights unfortunately, a r e m o r e r e l a t i v e than the human ideal would
wish. I wish t h a t m e n w e r e s t i l l m o r e . f r e e . The t r u t h i s t h a t
today we know how t o w r i t e a g r e a t deal, and to speak; and m a n
does not have a p l a c e t o speak n o r a place t o w r i t e .
It would b e w i s e of u s t o dwell on t h e f a c t t h a t we m u s t give m a n
not only l i b e r t y i n o r d e r t h a t he m a y p r o p e r l y and f r e e l y develop
h i s individuality, but we m u s t give h i m a l s o a n opportunity to live
b e c a u s e h e h a s to live i n a house; h e h a s to d r e s s , he h a s to e a t .
Not only that, he h a s t o r e l a x and enjoy h i m s e l f .
4 I had a n occasion to r e m i n d F i d e l of t h e s e w o r d s and to a s k what happened
t o "the ideal w o r l d t t i n Cuba. The u s u a l r e p l y , and I have had it in R u s s i a too,
was that i n "war" one m a y not do what he would like to do in p e a c e t i m e . Cuba
i t s e e m s was a t w a r with the i m p e r i a l i s t s and hence could not a f f o r d - - t e m p o r a r ily of c o u r s e - - "the i d e a l world" quite y e t . T h e R u s s i a n people have been waiting 40 y e a r s f o r the f r e e d o m s F i d e l p r a i s e s . They a r e only a tiny bit c l o s e r to
having t h e m today than they w e r e in Stalin's day. And the Cubans, I f e e l s u r e ,
would be taking the s a m e long p e r h a p s e n d l e s s r o a d with F i d e l i f Cuba w e r e
geographically a s r e m o t e a s the Soviet Union.
I P P - 1- ' 6 0
The i d e a l politico-philosophical t h e o r y i s that which gives to m a n
a l l the f r e e d o m s and, b e s i d e s , m a k e s i t possible f o r h i m to s a t isfy h i s m a t e r i a l needs. That is o u r revolutionary d o c t r i n e . Do
you want m e to t e l l you what t h e r e s t i s ? P r e t e x t s . A r e n ' t we
h e r e speaking of c o m m u n i s m ? A f t e r w a r d s , s o m e will s a y ,
s i n c e we do not shoot the Communists, that we a r e t r a i t o r s ; and
b e c a u s e we do not c l o s e the newspaper Hoy, we a r e C o m m u n i s t s ;
t h a t we a r e t r a i t o r s to our country; t h a t i t i s right f o r foreign
m e r c e n a r i e s t o c o m e h e r e t o d e s t r o y the country. T h e r e we begin
and t h e r e we end. That i s the r o u t e of counterrevolution.
The s t r a t e g y of the counterrevolution i s to c r e a t e p r o b l e m s f o r
u s among t h e v e r y m a s s e s whom we have been t r y i n g to help find
a b e t t e r f u t u r e ; to block o u r m e a s u r e s ; to t r y to c r e a t e unemploym e n t while we do a l l we can to d e c r e a s e i t . In that campaign, the
c o u n t e r r evolutionists have a l r e a d y begun to s a y t h a t the happenings
in Cuba a r e s i m i l a r to those of Guatemala in o r d e r to m a k e it a p p e a r that what happened t h e r e i s happening h e r e . It would be a
l a m e n t a b l e e r r o r , f o r the situations a r e different. T h e r e i s no
possible point of comparison.
In t h i s Republic, in t h i s country of o u r s , we know what s a d days
a r e and we do not want to f o r g e t t h e m . We know of s a c r i f i c e s , of
s l e e p l e s s nights, of endless physical effort. We know what a d v e r s i t y i s , and we know of defeats and a l s o , a t the end, of v i c t o r y . I
know t h e m e n who m a k e up the Rebel A r m y today. Our opponents
do not know the people of Cuba. And I t e l l you now that h e r e in
Cuba it would b e a m i s t a k e to m a k e e r r o r s of t h i s type. T h e r e i s
not t h e s l i g h t e s t r e s e m b l a n c e between one thing and the o t h e r . If
in that country [ ~ u a t e m a l a those
]
who fought had t o leave, b e t r a y e d
by the m i l i t a r y c a s t e , because t h e r e a s e v e r y w h e r e they abandoned
the constitutional government and r a n away; h e r e , we have the
s o l d i e r s of t h e Rebel A r m y m e n who know how t o die fighting in
defense of t h e i r land. It would be well f o r those who think that
with that campaign they a r e going t o r e c o v e r t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s and
t h e i r power with the a i d of f o r e i g n e r s , not to think t h a t i t i s going
to b e a "pushover" and that the people of Cuba c a n be imposed
upon e a s i l y b e c a u s e possibly a l l t h e i r plans will t u r n out bad. L e t
t h e r e b e no m i s t a k e about i t . F o r in defense of o u r country and of
the Cuban Revolution we a r e willing to m a k e whatever s a c r i f i c e s
m a y b e n e c e s s a r y and to die t o the l a s t m a n .
F r o m : Political, Economic, and Social Thought of F i d e l C a s t r o , Havana :
E d i t o r i a l Lex, 1959, pp. 213-219.

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