Orji Kalu: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist

Transcription

ORJ IKALU
Leadership Lessons From
A Master Strategist
BT
DIMGBA IGWE
&
M I K E AWOYINFA
I McDEE I
I BOOKS I
McDee Commvmications Limited
First Published By
McDee Communications Limited
43, Osolo Way, (Last Floor)
Ekwu Awolo House,
Ajao Estate,
Lagos.
Tel: (234) 01-7731531,7749019, 7749297
© Dimgba Igwe and Mike Awoyinfa, 2001
First Published in 2001
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrival system, or transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording,
newsmedia reprints of more than two paragraphs, or otherwise,
without prior written permission of the publishers.
Typeset by BALOGUN HTILAYO (MRS)
ISBN 978-028-607-1
Printed by Intec Printers Limited, Ibadan
Dedication
To our beloved wives Mrs. Oby Igwe and Mrs. Bukola Awoyinfa
and our lovely children.
Also By Dimgba Igwe
& Mike Awoyinfa
• ART OF FEA TURE WRITING
• 50 NIGERIA'S CORPORA TE STRATEGISTS: Top CEOs
Share Their Experiences in Managing Business
• SEGUN OSHOBA: The Newspaper Years
If you are a serious manager, a business scholar or a business owner
and you have not read the classic bestseller, 50 NIGERIA'S
CORPORATE STRATEGISTS: Top CEOs Share Secrets of Managing
Companies in Nigeria, then there is a big VACUUM waiting to be filled.
Yes, you don't—always—judge a book by its cover but what about these
powerful testimonials from CEOs, business scholars, entrepreneurs and
managers of over five hundred companies that have bought and read
the book? Check below—if you are not missing something very
important:
It is a compulsory addition to the library of any serious-minded
entrepreneur...(It's) an excellently researched and packaged book.
—Dr. Raymond Zard, J.P. Group Managing Director, The Zard
Group of Companies
A historic book...a masterpiece in today's corporate world.
May I therefore congratulate you for the added value to the
corporate management and corporate learning process.
—Ogala Osoka, former MD/CEO, Nigerian Re and NIC ON
Talking seriously, this book is a classic, it is indeed a prodigious
work. It is unique in concept and presentation. I have read books
about successful people from the secular and Christian perspective
but I have not seen one as loaded with managerial experience and
wisdom.
—Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa, Chairman/CEO, Neimeth
International Pharmaceutical Convpany
VI
I have enjoyed reading portions of the book already.
—Biodun Jaji, Marketing Director, Cadbury
From the little of the book that I have seen, I have a feeling that
it would be a roaring success.
—Victor O. Johnson, MD/CEO, MC & A/Saatchi & Saatchi
I commend your4 vision and tenacity of purpose in successfully
nurturing this wholesome idea into fruition. The book as a reference
material is destined to aid upcoming entrepreneurs as each individual
or institution reach out to establish presence in the corporate world.
It becomes even more relevant today in the re-awakening to launch
Nigeria on the path of economic growth.
—Femi Ekundayo, Chairman/CEO, Resort Group,
Your painstaking efforts at writing the book and by so doing
creating access to an apparently rich reservoir of useful knowledge
and corporate skills are most commendable.
—Tony Okonedo, Head, Media Relations, The Shell Petroleum
Development Company of Nigeria Ltd.
I think that this book would do a great service to the Nigerian
public because there hasn't been a book like that in this part of the
world.
—Hay Ekpu, MD/CEO, Newswatch Communications Limited.
In quality and relevance, the book compares favourably, and
even surpasses the work of its kind anywhere in the world. Indeed,
it is in line with rr*y avowed belief and conviction that determination
with God's support can achieve what others think unachievable.. .The
facts and practical reality of the hints and opinions expressed by the
various contributors in the book would challenge anyone who cares
to read it, digest it and apply the strategies with a view to succeeding
where others have failed.
—Prince Samuel Adedoyin, OFR, Chairman/CEO, Doyin
Group of Companies
.. Jt came to me as a surprise to find that I featured in this highly
illuminating, educative and historic reference document...Without
doubt, your foresight and dogged zeal to document for posterity the
VII
rare attributes of select corporate strategists who have impacted
positively on the commercial, industrial and corporate scene of our
country especially during the dark periods of our history is worthy
of commendation.
—Felix Osifo, Chairman/CEO, Osiquip Business Aids Limited
I believe this book will do well, because it is drawn from the
hands-on experience of managers; it is different from a book by
somebody who just read three books and synthesized them into a
fourth book. There is a vast difference between that and what this
book tries to do. This book is original arid path-breaking in the sense
that the authors have not copied from any existing book on the
subject they have treated. The managers they interviewed have lived
through those experiences for years, and there are common trends
in their managerial thoughts.
— Dr. Michael Omolayole, management consultant, first
Nigerian CEO of Lever Brothers Nigeria Pic.
The authors approach to the book, Nigeria's Corporate Strategists,
is very sound. These case studies of real life in our own
contemporary setting are arrestingly instructive... Students of
management, not only Nigerian students of management, would
find it extremely useful. It would make them see that these are not
just highfalutin and seemingly abstruse principles they learn from
erudite treatises from Harvard, Oxford and Stanford but that these
principles are also being applied here... I commend the idea of this
book which is sound and creative and should be extremely useful in
the hands of both students and practitioners.
— Gamaliel Onosode, Chairman ofDunlop Nigeria Pic and
many other blue-chip companies in Nigeria.
Published and marketed one-on-one by:
McDee Communications Limited
43, Osolo Way
(Ekwu Awolo House—Last Floor)
Off International Airport Road
Ajao Estate, Lagos.
Tel: 7731531, 7749019, 7749297
Acknowledgement
The media is invariably a fertile information source when writing
about public figures. This political and leadership profile of His
Excellency, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, is no exception. Apart from formal
and informal interviews over the years with him and others too numerous
to be adequately listed here, we also drew heavily from media reports
on Dr. Kalu—positive or negative.
Some of the media sources quoted in the book were not directly
attributed because we had expected to list the references later at the
end of the book. But, unfortunately, owing to a technical snafu, we
irretrievably lost the detailed references. In the circumstance, we are
left with a general acknowledgement of various media reports from
ThisDay, The Guardian, The Punch, The Comet, Concord,
Vanguard, TELL, The News, TEMPO, The Ambassador, and other
publications. To all of you, we owe a debt of gratitude.
At a personal level, we must also acknowledge the co-operation
and helpful interventions of many of Kalu's aides, especially Chief Chuka
Odom, the Chief of Staff, (Political), Victor Onochie, Special Assistant,
Media, Mr. Idika, Private Secretary, Prince Hanson Madukwe Igwe,
Special Adviser, Security and Special Duties and many others who
facilitated the project at different levels. God bless you all.
Vlll
Table of Content
Introduction
CHAPTER 1
CHAPTER
CHAPTER
CHAPTER
CHAPTER
CHAPTER
2
3
4
5
6
1-8
Kalumania
KaluonKalu
A Shot into the National Scene
The Beautiful Bride
Launching into the Deep
CHAPTER 7
The Real Politick and the
Power Game
Gunning for Governorship
CHAPTER 8
CHAPTER 9
CHAPTER 10
The Amazons in Kalu' s Life
Kalu's Penetration Strategy
The Mafia Fights Back
CHAPTER 11
CHAPTER 12
Kalu on Leadership
9-15
16-39
40-51
52-64
65-76
77-88
89-92
93-101
102-113
114-126
127-134
135-150
CHAPTER13
Straight from Harvard
Kalu is the Action Governor
CHAPTER 14
—Obasanjo
Riding Through The Storm
151-161
162-175
CHAPTER 16
Strikes from the Media
War Front
Kalu and the Sharia Albatross
176-188
189-196
CHAPTER 17
CHAPTER 18
CHAPTER 19
The Voice of the East
Kalu's Defining Moment
Kalumaniacs Versus
197-215
216-232
Kaluphobiacs
233-255
CHAPTER 15
IX
CHAPTER20
CHAPTER 21
Kalu in the Eyes of TELL
Magazine readers
Testimonial of a Former Classmate, Chika Mbonu (MD of
Citizens International Bank)
CHAPTER 22
Vintage Kalu
Appendix
256-266
267-271
272-288
289-292
Introduction
Writing about the executive governor of Abia State, His Excellency,
Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu presents its own challenges. Challenges that can
only be compared with shooting a dart at a moving object. With Kalu,
events do not just take shape, they run, at times, leaving your assumptions
in a state of constant flux. In the last twelve months for instance, Kalu
has compressed enough activities to last many ordinary mortals more
than a lifetime. His hyper activism has only been matched by his omnimedia presence. It used to be taken as a given that whoever governed
Lagos State commanded more media attention than all the other
governors put together. But Kalu, from far away Abia State, has
smashed that tradition. His media coverage since coming to power
nearly two years ago—as at the time of writing—has been more than
the coverage of any governor in Lagos or any part of the country.
Is it all mere grandstanding or is there some substance behind all
the hoopla?
Why is everybody—for good or ill—talking about Kalu? Why is
Kalu the issue? Is there a background to all these or just a mere flashin-the pan? Who the hell is this Kalu that is setting the nation on fire, as
it were?
If as Odumegwu Ojukwu says, Kalu has "a mandate"; political
maverick, Arthur Nzeribe states, he can't be ignored and the former
Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Mr. Clement Akpamgbo
declares, he is "the idol of the Igbos", what qualities elevated him to
such pedestal?
It was our attempt to find answers to these posers that gave birth to
this book, ORJI KALU: Leadership Lessons From a Master
Strategist.
For close to two decades—since 1986—we have closely associated
with Kalu. As they say, we have seen him up-close. We have seen him
without the paraphernalia of political office. We have known him as a
ORJI KALU: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
2
friend for so many years. To Dimgba Igwe, for instance, Kalu is not
just a friend but also a kinsman. The two hail from the famous Igbere
town which has in a short span of a decade produced two governors
of the state—former governor of the old Imo State, Commander Amadi
Ikwechegh and now Kalu.
In the Babangida days when Kalu's life was less hectic than now,
we used to spend hours on end in his Apapa offices—from 42, Calcutta
Crescent to the new corporate headquarters of his Slok Group at 10,
Randle Close—to share reminiscences off-the-cuff. Kalu in those days
was a great raconteur, as long as you had no tape. Like some other
great Nigerians— Professor J. P. Clark and Ernest Shonekan, for
instance—who are allergic to tape recorders, tape tends to put Kalu
on guard, removing the juicy details from his responses. But that was
then; today, Kalu has acquired so much media savvy that he is constantly
granting recorded interviews and making headlines. So the early part
of the book were pieced together largely from those uninhibited
encounters as well as other researches.
As editors of Weekend Concord in those days, Kalu even accepted
at a point—perhaps, simply to indulge us—to be our "Celebrity
Reporter". His beat then was to report his encounters with great men.
And to our great astonishment, he did come up with great scoops—
mostly interviews with world leaders including the then President F.
W. de Klerk and former U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros
Ghali,etc.
If nothing else, those encounters proved beyond reasonable doubt
to us that Kalu was a man to watch. The trajectory of his personal
dynamics was set for the top. Anybody keen on the alchemy of
leadership will see it in Kalu's body chemistry. His quietly assertive
personality; his wide network of connections nationally and
internationally; his sharp business acumen; his ambition and grand vision
for greatness, his putative ideas on politics, business and economy; his
irreverent drive for the top often, his critics argue, bordering on
ruthlessness, among others.
Yet, underscoring these attributes is what has been frequently
described as his disarming humility, down-to-earth realism and
3
INTRODUCTION
friendliness. Kalu must rank among the top ten Nigerians with the highest
network of friends across the nation and beyond, but what probably
amazes more than the sheer number of his friends is his incredible
capacity to sustain such relationships.
As Warren Bennis, the globally acclaimed authority on leadership
argued, "leadership is the capacity to create a compelling and plausible
vision and to translate that vision into an organisational realities. Now,
if you take that as an overarching view of leadership, I think I would
also include the ability to generate and sustain trust, and the ability to
be agile and adaptive enough to changing situations. Leadership, if
nothing else, is a deeply nuanced thing."1
What are the peculiar nuances of Kalu's leadership alchemy? What
are those things that make Kalu tick? This book is about unraveling
those components in Kalu's life that had turned him into a fertile study
in leadership. First, corporate leadership and now political leadership.
Those things that made him stand out of any crowd in his distinctive
way. Those distinctive elements that have made Kalu the stormy petrel
of not just of Igbo politics, but the nation's polity.
Why for instance, has Kalu suddenly become a major project for
those who, perhaps, felt uncomfortable or threatened, by his meteoric
presence in the national political psyche? What is it in Kalu that generates
extremity of passions in his millions of captive admirers and foes alike?
Notice, for instance, that a columnist, Gbolabo Ogunsanwo of The
Comet, disliked Kalu so much that he wrote three different columns in
less than two months just abusing him. Another, Eniola Bello of Thisday,
wrote twice, denouncing him. On the other hand, consider the avalanche
of pro-Kalu articles in the various media, all praising him to high
heavens. Within his immediate constituency, that is, the Southeast, Kalu
has become a cult figure whose presence at public functions evokes
the response of a pop superstar among the people.
Of course, there are reports, true or false, of a presidential project
to stop Kalu. All of these translate into one undeniable point: like him
or hate, Kalu is an issue. As Max De Pree argues, "the first task of a
leader is to define reality."2 In his own inimitable way, Kalu is re-defining
reality in many fronts. In governorship of the state, he has re-defined
4
governance in such a way that those who are not ready to perform
would find it difficult to survive as governor in Abia State in the future.
With Kalu' s gigantic record of achievements in office, never again would
any chief executive of the state blame lack of fund for non-performance.
So far, Kalu has raised the benchmark of governance for any aspirant
to Abia State's governorship seat.
From the perspective of the marginalised and alienated Ndigbo,
Kalu has imposed a new paradigm not just for Igbo politics but ultimately
the national polity. Like him or hate him, no matter, but these days, the
new reality in national politics is that the fear of Kalu—nay, Ndigbo—
is the beginning of political wisdom. Ask President Obasanjo; ask some
of the southeastern governors and cabinet ministers who are looking
forward to 2003 elections. The received wisdom in the politics of the
new republic is to first advertise your love for Ndigbo. Never before
since the Nigerian Civil War has Ndigbo loomed so large and audacious
in the nation's political space. Suddenly, intellectual wars are waged
on the relevance or otherwise of Kalu's brand of politics to the Igbo
question, to the ethnic nationality question, to the nature and substance
of our federalism, to the spectre of state police, confederation, resource
control, restructuring of the revenue allocation, political alliance of
Southeastern and later Southern governors who now meet regularly,
etc. In all of these vital issues, Kalu is at the forefront of the advocacy.
"Leadership," says Vance Packard, "is getting others to want to do
something that you are convinced should be done."3 And Garry Wills
adds, "Leadership is mobilising others toward a goal shared by the
leader and followers."4
J. Oswald Sanders, author of Spiritual Leadership, provides a missing
key: "Leadership is influence."5
Whichever way you look at it, Kalu seems to epitomise political
leadership in its generic context. There are those who see Third World
politics as a game of the wealthy elite. If so, Kalu is no stranger here.
Part of his political leverage and ultimately, the secret of his bold and
independent perspectives, derive partly from the fact that he had the
economic resources to sponsor his political aspirations without being
beholden to anybody. As he used to insist, he is not in politics to make
5
INTRODUCTION
money.
In any case, Rick Joyner had rightly argued that leadership has
been driven by four elements in the great epochs of human history.6
And these, he says, are military, religion, politics and economics, basically
in that order. Before the advent of Christ, military power determined
world leadership. However, by the fourth century onto the Renaissance,
with the rise of Christianity in the West and Islam in the East, religion
became a dominant power base that shaped leadership. With the
evolution of political institutions in the 16th century, military and religious
power bases became extensions of political power. Economic power
which has been evolving all through the epochs became a dominant
leadership base in the twentieth century.
Joyner's view is essentially a paradigm of global leadership
perspective. But it also has individual application. One of the logical
inferences from the argument is that those that aspire to contemporary
leadership must not only have strong economic base—wealth, if you
like—but be conversant with the language and instruments of economic
power. In the Economic Age, the modern generals of the people's
army, Joyner contends, are not those with military power, but captains
of industries. The modern weapons of war are not guns and bombs
but computers and software—all the cutting edge of modern economic
technology.
Despite his Gulf War popularity for instance, Joyner notes, President
George Bush lost to Bill Clinton because he failed to grasp this reality.
"Clinton recognised that the Economic power base is now more
powerful than Military, Religious, or Political influences, so he built his
platform where the real power was."7
Where the contemporary Nigerian intellectuals or commentators
are deeply suspicious and indeed, antagonistic to wealthy individuals
like Kalu aspiring to political leadership, Joyner sees economic base
as the new reality for contemporary leadership. In that case, Kalu seems
tailored for leadership role. Many, for instance, put Kalu's anticorruption drive to the fact that he is already so wealthy on his own as
not to have any motivation to indulge in corruption.
At times, he seems able to meander through a maze of conflicts
6
unscathed. And Kalu seems to have enough influence not just to weather
any storm but to draw the majority behind him. As Bayo Onanuga,
editor-in-chief of The News puts it, he has the uncanny ability to "connect
with the people", that being, in Onanuga's view, the very essence of
leadership.8
He seems to see ahead while others are still grappling with disparate
chain of unfolding events, and then strikes before others come to terms
with the new reality. Joyner for one is convinced that the new leader of
the Economic Age must have not just the uncanny ability to acquire
information but to apply it to a strategic advantage. He said:
"The new leadership must be able to assimilate knowledge and act
on it much faster than has previously been required. To be a leader in
the world today requires much more than just knowing where we have
been, or even where we are today—world leadership today requires
prophetic insight into where we are going, with the wisdom and will to
act on future probabilities as if they were historic facts."9
But at times, it seems evident that Kalu is driven by the momentum
of the unfolding situations, but whether driven or not, his genius is in
being able to find a winning niche from which to ride the crest. Years in
the rough business terrain had taught him not to blink an eye when he
had to cut his losses; when he had to pitch his tent and when he had to
bail out of a sinking ship. His abortive pro-Abacha campaign was a
case in point: once he was convinced of the futility and moral repugnance
of the effort, Kalu backed out, even at a grave personal dangers to him
and his vital interests. As he would always say, one thing he learnt from
his northern mentor, Professor Jubril Aminu, is the ability to say no
when he meant no and yes, when he meant yes. Some see this decisive
streak in him as ruthlessness. But then, Kalu never pretended to be St.
Francis of Assisi.
But much more important than that or perhaps consequently, Kalu
is a factor nobody is prepared to treat lightly. Like a natural force,
Kalu is a phenomenon that demands attention one way or the other.
The Kalu fever was enough for us to write a chapter titled, Kalumania,
and another titled, Kalumaniacs versus the Kaluphobiacs.
Is such an unusual attention indicative of greatness in whatever form
INTRODUCTION
defined? Is greatness synonymous with leadership? In what ways do
Kalu' s life, achievements, activism and ideas reflect a paradigm of the
new Igbo leadership? As Warren Bennis and Robert Townsend argued
in their classic book, REINVENTING LEADERSHIP,YizkasBooks,
1996, there at least 650 definitions of leadership in the literature of the
subject.10
It is obvious that in such a vast array of definitions, leadership is
ultimately a function of needs and environment. In other words,
leadership is situational. In the 40s, for instance, when Hitler was
breathing down the neck of the British empire, the nation woke up to
the reality that the then prime minister, Clement Atlee, was no match
for Hitler's blood-thirsty demagoguery. It was no time for people adept
at diplomatic niceties. The nation needed a charismatic leader who
would be able to harness the reservoir of national energy, rouse and
inspire the nation into action. And they found that man in Winston
Churchill, whose power of oratory inspired the British forces into heroic
exploits that ultimately, at the end of the day, saved the empire. But
after the war, it was time for winning the peace, and diplomatic skill
was once again on demand. The great war hero, Churchill lost the
election to another politician who offered the leadership imperative of
the moment.
Perhaps, the British experience is being replayed by Kalu and the
Igbo question. Perhaps, at a time like this, Kalu is the new phase of
Igbo leadership that has come to push Ndigbo to greater heights.
Perhaps, that is the context under which this book is most relevant. As
Benjamin Disraeli argued, "The secret of success in life is for a man to
be ready for his time when it comes." Perhaps, Kalu is the symbol of
an idea whose time has come—an unstoppable idea. Perhaps, this is
the fullness of time for the idea of Igbo renaissance, political and
economic determinism, to bear fruit.
If Kalu is the new phaseof Igbo leadership—or perhaps, the very
face—who is he? Where is he coming from? Are his methods suitable
for the matters at hand?
Again, we draw a lesson from three imperatives listed by Bennis
for any great leader, "First, a strong set of convictions. Second, a
8
devoted constituency. Third, the capacity to use his position as a bully
pulpit to muster broad support for his goals.""
There is hardly any doubt that Kalu had employed these tools
effectively in his crusade against the marginalisation of the Igbos.
That is why he deserves more than a passing attention from all
who have the interest of Ndigbo, and the nation, at heart.
We hope that as you read these pages that follow, the engima
called Orji Uzor Kalu would emerge from the pages not as a stainless
angel but as flesh and blood, a Nigerian who knows what he wants
and sets about to get it. Or as Kalu describes himself, "I have Igbo
in my heart but I wear Nigeria in my face."
1
Kalumania
For few months in the beginning of year 2001, a tornado seemed to
be sweeping through the Igbo political landscape. And like a volcano,
the lava spread all over the nation, bringing everyone under the spell of
its momentum. Suddenly, everyone was sucked into the vortex of a
political agitation for an Igbo man as the president of Nigeria, come
year 2003.
On the one side were the frenzied Igbo people who seemed to
have recovered their lost voice since Kalu's volcanic eruptions against
Igbo oppression. It was like Kalu had uncapped the key to a dam that
bottled the heat of Igbo feelings. Out poured streams of passion, anger,
emotion, sentiment and all the righteous indignation against years of
Igbo suffering in silence. Suddenly, the sleeping giant had been aroused,
charged, stamping its mighty feet in a fit of self-determinism.
The Igbo Kwenu spirit was on fire again, raring to explode.
On the other side were those opposed to the Igbo agitation
championed by Kalu; those who want the Igbo beast of burden to
10
keep toiling in silence, grateful for all the juicy droppings from the tables
of the ruling class. In this class belongs some of the critical Southwest
elite who wonder at the Igbo betrayal: would these Igbos ever learn
their lessons? How dare they think of undermining Obasanjo's second
term with the active connivance of the North!
Again? Ha.. .ha.. .ha...
Also huffing and puffing were those Kalu had branded glorified
errand boys and carpetbaggers who won't mind pawning the interest
of their kindred for contracts or political office.
Then, the aspirant campaign managers. Those whose ultimate dream,
Kalu said, were to be the campaign managers of either the Yoruba or
the Hausa-Fulani presidential candidates.
And, sure, the political veterans also who were struggling with a
deep ambivalence. Many of them accepted the message but quarreled
with the messenger. Why Kalu—a young man at that? Is he among the
prophets? Since when did the spirit of the Lord move from the elders
to Kalu of yesterday? Who made him an Igbo spokesman? Yes, he is
daring and frank, but... but....
It did not matter whether they were for or against the momentum.
Whichever way, they only fuelled the storm that was raging over Kalu,
the political stormy petrel whose agitation lit the fire for Igbo political
resurgence.
Consciously or otherwise, everyone was sucked under the spell of
a political fever called Kalumania.
Almost on daily basis, Kalu was hitting the headlines on the radio,
television, newspapers and magazines. He was either being celebrated
by numerous admirers who practically swear by his name as the new
Igbo messiah, or was being abused by his army of opponents. That his
activism excites extremity of responses were evident in the various hot
media exchanges whose only subject was Kalu and the Igbo question.
Consider a few examples. Before Kalu's rousing speech at the Igbo
summit, some of the Igbo governors, notably those of Enugu and
Anambra States, actively canvassed for a second term for Obasanjo.
They were highly critical of Kalu's anti-Obasanjo rhetoric. But at the
summit of Southeast governors the following month, all the Igbo
11
KALUMANIA
governors were singing a new tune. The Igbo nation, they now resolved,
should produce the president come year 2003.
But why the dramatic turnaround? According to Dr. Chimaroke
Nnamani, Governor of Enugu State, it was not so much of a change of
mind as the Southeastern governors finally coming to terms with the
reality on the ground in their constituency. He explained to THISDA Y
February 16,2001: "Now, M%6o somehow seem to think that the
only solution to this problem ( marginalisation) is the presidency of
Nigeria. An Igbo president of Nigeria 2003, that's what the man on
the street will tell you, that's what the taxi driver, the Okada rider, will
tell you. So as governors, we don't really have any alternative than to
convey that message to the appropriate quarters."
If that was now the received wisdom, then it had taken a Kalu to
discover this fact. It had taken a Kalu to discern the heart of the Ndigbo
and went to town with it at a time others found it convenient to accuse
him of impertinence. It was precisely this uncanny capacity to connect
with the heartbeat of his people that marked out Kalu as an outstanding
leader of men. It was the same reason a messianic aura is building
around him. And, ironically, it was also the same reason that those
who are wary of enthroning Kalu as the king of the Ndigbo are worried
to death, questioning his credentials to such an exalted position.
But Kalu's chief of staff (political affairs), Chuka Odom, believes
that those who questioned Kalu's credential are missing the context of
his emergence as a leader. "Most of the time," he said in an interview
with THISDA Y, "people who turn out to be martyrs never set out to
kill themselves. People who set out to fight a cause never appreciate
the extent of what they are embarking upon but what is important is
that the crusade is (borne) out of conviction."
In the circumstances, Kalu is apparently riding the crest of a
momentum that is even beyond his control. To many, he had moved
from the plane of a mere crusader to the ethereal height of the symbol
of the new Igbo spirit—bold, assertive, daring, driven and insistent on
justice, with apologies to none. These are the traits that characterise
Kalu in his private setting, even before venturing into public office.
As Odom argued, "one should know that leadership is not sold in
ORJIKALU: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
12
the supermarket; leadership is not conferred by virtue of stature or
status, leadership is taken. And leadership is the ability of the leader to
fill a vacuum. It would be irresponsible on the part of any Igbo leader
to question the leadership of another Igbo man if that leadership actually
fills a vacuum."
Which vacuum? Odom argued that for long, the Igbo had yearned
for "strong Igbo leadership devoid of greed, devoid of selfishness." In
effect, Kalu merely walked into a yawning gap in the pantheon of Igbo
leadership waiting to be filled.
As audacious as this claim might appear in the view of many antiKalu critics—and they are many too—many respected Igbo leaders
endorse it. Maverick politician, Chief Francis Aurthur Nzeribe took a
cold-blooded analysis of the situation and concluded that the "Kalu
phenomenon" is now a definite "factor" in the Igbo power equation.
He said: "Good, Igbo have had a presidential aspirants and even
candidates in the Ekwuemes, the Iwuanyanwus, the Nzeribes, the
Nwobodos etc., etc, but—perhaps due to circumstances then—none
of them became a phenomenon or was seen by their people as rallying
points for rapid transformations of the region, psychologically and
materially. That was in the past.
"But time has changed. The political elite which thought before that
the masses are not conscious had better had a rethink. With the promise
that things will become better once the military are chased away not
being fulfilled, the people naturally have no stomach for the conventional
approach to national politics. Thisls a point which members of the
other two blocs—the OBJ and IBB—must note. When people like
Kalu declare that the Igbo will no longer "pour their votes into the
ocean," I guess it is a statement any power seeker in the forthcoming
dispensation will ignore only at his or her peril. I admonish OBJ and
IBB to please not ignore Kalu's populist utterances. It is not just the
rantings of youth. There is substance to it." (THISDAYarticle)
To Ike Emeagwali, who teaches at the elite Lagos Business School,
Kalu "has started demonstrating himself as being the only one who has
a clear vision of where he wants to go." In doing so, Emeakwali noted,
Kalu was gradually walking into a waiting leadership role nobody had
KALUMANIA
been able to fill. He said: "I think Orji has guts. He says some of the
things that a whole lot of us wants to say but may not say, maybe
because we are not in position to say them or whatever. And because
le was putting himself out in the leadership position because of what
he has done in his immediate constituency. There may be lots of fellows
who are better educated and more knowledgeable than him out there
but there is a role and he is working into that role."
Former Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Mr. Clement
Akpamgbo saw Kalu' s leadership in terms of his contribution to the
judiciary evidenced by bringing a Federal High Court to Umuahia. He
said: "The Federal Government had approval of a maximum of 53
Federal High Court Judges, but the problem is the distribution, and I
think if the Federal High Court is spread out evenly in all the states of
the Federation, this number of Judges can be enough to take care of
the cases of the Fundamental Rights Enforcement. For instance, there
are about only three of them in the east, at Enugu, Port Harcourt and
Calabar, although recently, and by the grace of Orji Uzor Kalu, there
is going to be one at Umuahia. This is one of the things he has done and
someone (Ojo Maduekwe) says he will not win again."
To Kalu's critics who are angry at his anti-Obasanjo broadsides,
the Ikemba of Nnewi, Chief Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu has a word
of caution: "I don't think Orji Kalu is antagonising Obasanjo as some
people have erroneously said. Orji Uzor has a mandate of the people
of Abia State to be their governor. And he is doing everything, I hope,
will benefit Abia people, to the best of his ability. I think we still have a
lot of military reflexes in our society. At every thing, we see in the
context of a military head of state and his subordinate governors. It is
not necessary. A governor has his mandate and a president has his
own mandate too. The essence of democracy is work with everybody,
even when you think he is a lunatic, work with him." (NEWSWA TCH
interview)
Kalu had fired the political imagination of the Igbos and nothing
else but real political power seemed to satisfy their Mpdctation. He
had hit at the core of what the average Igbo man waptecfcbjut had no
14
way to express. As Eziuche Ubani, Special Adviser (Media) to the
Speaker of the House of Representative aptly observed:
"In Igboland, there is a delicious tension. Outside Igboland, there is
some palpable anxiety...As things stand now, it would be an
understatement to say that like a few times in the past, the Igbo are
restless."
Ironically, some of the Igbo ministers in Obasanjo's cabinet either
did not grasp this reality or were destined to learn the lesson the hard
way. While Dr. Kema Chikwe, Minister of Aviation naively wondered
why the Igbos should be aspiring for the presidency when Obasanjo
still wanted a second term, Chief Ojo Maduekwe, Minister of Transport
pointedly told THISDAY editors that Kalu's agitation for an Igbo
presidency was "idiotic". And for Kalu's effrontery, Maduekwe decreed
that Kalu would not be re-elected for a second term. "Four years of
Orji Kalu is enough punishment for the people of Abia State."
The astonished editors wanted to know whether the minister would
like to be quoted, Maduekwe gave them the nod.
His argument was as follows: "There is no Igbo Republic. What we
have is Federal Republic of Nigeria. So whoever wants to be president
can only be a Nigerian president, even if of Igbo extraction. It is idiotic
to speak of an Igbo president, a Nupe President, a Yoruba president,
when we should be thinking of working for the greater glory of the
nation. Ndigbo wants a better deal in the Nigerian polity, not a nominal
title that would give the ignorant masses a false feeling of relevance."
Maduekwe's sophistry could have been ignored if he hadn't been
so reckless in his language. His dismissal of his people's agitation as
"idiotic" and reference to "ignorant masses" and all that landed the
honourable minister in political hot soup within his Igbo constituency.
Maduekwe's comments provoked so much rage among the Igbos that
he had to take pages of adverts in newspapers to pacify people
especially "his fellow angry Igbo kinsmen" as the advert put it. With
Maduekwe already stewing in the hot juice of his own political heresy,
Kalu did not even need to lift a finger in self-defense.
Not only had the minister been lambasted by many, some insisting
on his trial and possible ostracism, people from his constituency
15
KALUMANIA
disowned him. At the Government House, Kalu, the master
strategist, was once again handed a political tool to beat down his
opponent. All Kalu had to do therefore, was simply to sit back and
receive solidarity visits from various interest groups, including
members of Maduekwe's ward, who came to distance themselves
from the minister's recklessness.
Even before the battle for the coveted 2003 election began,
another Kalu opponent is dusted.
That is the Kalu phenomenon that we have set out to study in
this book. Perhaps, for a proper understanding of why Kalu is such
a fertile material for leadership case study, we start from the
beginning of his leadership odyssey.
2
Kalu on Kalu
It was one of those days the elements were locked in their ancient
wars. It was a war between the sun and the earth. From its blazing
throne 93 million miles away, red the sun shot down its fierce arrows
on earth, burning the dusty streets of Maiduguri with a seismic rage
that left everything else drained and dehydrated.
But not the young man trotting behind a cart laden with grimy tins of
palm oil that were dripping with the red-hot liquid. He was sweating
and panting behind the ass-drawn cart bearing his wares.
It was a busy street, on a busy day. Beggars, carts, people and few
cars struggled for access. Decrepit cars. Then, like an oasis in a desert,
a chauffeur driven air-conditioned car cruised across, passing the
strapping and struggling young man in faded jeans, sweating and trotting
behind the loaded cart. From the cool comfort of his car, the face of
the middle-aged occupant creased into a frown as he passed the young
man and the cart. Puzzled, he spoke in Hausa to the driver who instantly
stopped and engaged in a long reverse. The car screeched to a stop
beside the oil cart and its sweating and dirty young owner.
Instantly, Professor Jubril Aminu, Vice Chancellor of the University
|7
KALU ON KALU
of Maiduguri was hit with a big shock. "Are you not Orji Kalu?"
"Yes sir," the equally astonished and sweating oil merchant
responded.
"Yes sir means what?" the professor persisted. "Are you Kalu, my
student?"
"Yes sir."
An embarrassed smile played on Kalu's face as he confronted his
VC in a most unexpected circumstance. The VC knew him as a student
activist, a member of the university's students' union executive who
led a students' demonstration that turned violent. In the process, Kalu
and others were rusticated.
An Orji Kalu, his student as a palm oil trader was a completely
weird experience to him.
"You stubborn boy!" Aminu raged. "Why are you doing this? Is
that how you want to end up your life?"
"No sir," Kalu replied, not quite sure what else to say.
"You must see me tomorrow in my office," Aminu decreed.
"Yes sir."
The next day, Kalu went to see his VC. He was on a familiar ground.
As a member of the students' union executive, he had had occasions
to come to the VC's office along with other exco members for parleys
and negotiation. But since he and other members of the students' union
executive were rusticated, Kalu had never seen the VC who is a famous
disciplinarian; an erudite and a highly principled scholar.
Since the famous riot, the university senate had met and decided to
re-admit some of the students whose cases were not as grave as the
others. Kalu was a beneficiary of this reprieve. But to the surprise of
many, he had turned it down, insisting his decision was based on
principle.
He had reasoned that it would be unfair for him and a few others to
be granted pardon for an offence allegedly committed by all the
executive members of the students union. The decision to embark on
students protests was a collective one; the extent of individual's
culpability in the process of the protest which degenerated into a violent
riot, was both unanticipated and circumstantial. As a young man who
18
had been involved in various youthful adventures and misadventures—
depending on whichever way one looks at issues—he was aware that
the cardinal rule of belonging to a team is never to betray your
colleagues.
He explains: "All of us in the students' union leadership collectively
agreed to embark on the demonstration against the university authorities.
When the crisis went out of control, the university senate decided to
rusticate all of us. Some students went to court to contest the rustication
but I preferred to start trading while waiting for general reprieve for
everybody. But in a classical divide-and-rule tactics, the authorities
decided to pardon some of us who didn't go to court and left out some
of the others. This was unacceptable to me because it smacked of
betrayal of the other colleagues in the students' union leadership if I
accepted the offer. So I rejected the pardon or the offer on principle.
"I said that I would not return to the university until all the others
were also pardoned since what led to the crisis was a collective decision.
The university authorities felt that the others did not deserve pardon
because they took the university to court but I felt that going to court
was a civilised thing to do. We were in the school to learn how to
behave in a civilised way and the value of exercising our fundamental
human rights, so I cannot see the sin in anybody going to court to
enforce his natural rights. The university stood their ground and I stood
my ground."
Kalu met his VC in an unusually avuncular mood. Unlike the stern
and remote scholar he was used to, Aminu struck him more like a
father trying to assist an errant son.
Back in the office, Aminu had had time to reflect on Kalu's reasons
for refusing to return to school. It was a bit of youthful idealism and
obduracy that at times reminded him of his younger days at the University
of Ibadan. Youthful idealism, he could accept; even the heady whiff of
radicalism, he could live with, but vandalism? That was where he must
draw the line. In his days at Ibadan, the students were involved in all
the heady stuff of radicalism, non-conformism and Utopian idealism
19
KALU ON KALU
but never—and never—vandalism. And where students' right of
protests was abused and allowed to degenerate into vandalism, then it
was time to wield the big stick. That was what the university precisely
did to draw the line between the students' rights to disagree which is a
legitimate tool of epistemology and resort to violence and destruction
which do not belong in enlightened academic setting.
The decision to grant reprieve to some of the students' exco members
was based on a review of each person's role in the riot. Kalu was
among those who merited a reprieve based on a favourable review of
his involvement in the riots. But unfortunately, instead of gratitude, Kalu
turned down the offer and issued his own conditionalities to the
university before he could accept the reprieve! To Aminu, that was
simply madness. Nonsense!
But for all the boy's cheekiness, however, there was something in
his bold exuberance that impressed the old professor. At the inquiry
over the students' riot, Kalu was a witness of truth. While others were
quibbling about their involvement, Kalu owned up to his role. Aminu
admired the young man's courage. But for all his fondness for Kalu,
Aminu was not about to bend a serious issue of principle to
accommodate him. In Aminu's world, it is the individual that Should
bend for the establishment, not the other way round. Aminu tried to
impress this on Kalu, to let him see that without education, he was
wasting his future, that the business he was engaged in had no bright
future, that he could do better with a degree than sweating behind a
cart-load of palm oil.
But to his dismay, Kalu was unyielding. Instead, he restated his old
argument, why he could not accept the offer because it would amount
to a betrayal of the other students. If the VC wanted to help him,
maybe he should allow him to supply things to the university.
"Supply what?" Aminu asked in irritation.
"Anything you want, even if chairs!" Kalu declared. Aminu could
not stomach the idea of his student becoming a hardened trader. But
Kalu insisted that that was what we he intended to do for now; that he
would complete his education later.
Something in the young man's obstinacy must have reminded Aminu
20
of something of his own nature. Instead of shutting the door against
Kalu, Aminu was determined to help him. If he must trade, it should
perhaps, be in something better than palm oil.
While Kalu who came from a famous trading background knew
how profitable the business was, that a successful business was not
determined by how glamorcus and neat the business appeared, Aminu
who had no trading experience to go by, associated it with the lowest
form of trading.
The unusual rapport created by this encounter paved the way for
Kalu to become a petty contractor to the university, supplying office
furniture and other minor things. On a friendly recommendation from
the VC, Kalu was supplying petty things including furniture to the staff
quarters, not just of the university but of Ramat Polytechnic.
In this small and humble manner, the foundation of a corporate
empire was built, as Kalu narrated in our management book, 50
NIGERIA'S CORPORATE STRATEGISTS: Top CEOs Share
Practical Secrets Of Managing Companies in Nigeria. Kalu was
among the 50 corporate leaders profiled in the book.
Although this book, ORJI KALU: Leadership Lessons From A
Master Strategist, is purely a political biography, the moving story of
how Kalu built his corporate empire from this humble beginning even
before coming into politics, provides a good backdrop to the story of
Kalu as apolitical leader. Below, Kalu tells the story of how he made
it as a business leader. It shows a Kalu who was not born with any
silver spoon, but who by sheer combination of grit, guts and rare
business acumen, pushed his way to the peak of corporate success.
There is no better introduction to Kalu's corporate personality than
this classic grass-to-grace chronicle of building a corporate empire,
which we captured straight from the horse's mouth:
Starting business
This business started small, like every business, (over) nearly
ten years ago. Today it has grown into the Slok Group of
Companies. While I was at the University of Maiduguri, I was a
member of the executive of the students union. There was a big
riot which led to a lot of vandalism. The university authorities
21
KALU ON KALU
suspended the students' union leaders. I was one of them. Later,
the university recalled a few of us, including my friend, OkonAkiba,
now a medical doctor working at the NNPC Medical Centre, Ikoyi.
One of the expelled students, Innua Garuba, had fought the case
up to the Supreme Court which nullified the expulsion.
I decided not to go back to the university unless all of us were
recalled. Some of the students felt that since the decision to
demonstrate was collectively made, it would be a betrayal of others
if only few of us were recalled and others made scapegoats.
It was during this period of expulsion and litigations that I
decided to go into trading, starting with palm oil. Amongmy people
at Igbere, it is no news that a person has gone into trading because
trading is in our blood. My mother gave me a capital ofN5,000
with which I started buying palm oil in the East and selling in the
North, at Maidugurl There, I discovered that there was no good
furniture around. Those who needed good furniture usually
imported them from abroad, at exorbitant prices. Of course, I knew
that there were many good upholstered furniture made in Aba.
When I brought the furniture from Aba to Maiduguri, they were as
good as the imported ones, but by far, cheaper. Many people liked
the furniture and the patronage was high. I had orders from a lot
of customers, especially the Leventis Stores which mixed them
with their imported stock The turnover from the furniture business
was so high that I decided to stop selling palm oil and concentrate
on furniture. Then, one day, as I struggled to meet my customers'
orders, an idea struck me. Why not make the furniture in
Maiduguri?
From that point, I decided to set up a furniture company. I got
seven carpenters from Aba to Maiduguri, bought furniture
catalogues for them and we started making furniture right there
in Maiduguri. That eliminated the heavy cost of transporting
furniture from the East to Maiduguri. We started in a one-room
apartment.
One day, Professor Jubril Aminu, my former vice chancellor,
saw me sweating on the road as I was conveying my goods. He
22
pitied me so much that he ordered his driver to reverse to where I
was. He wondered why I was so stubborn as to refuse to come
back to the university to complete my degree in political science
and do something better than trading. When he realised that I
was determined to trade, he started giving me furniture supply
contracts for the university. He also introduced me to the then
rector ofRamat Polytechnic, now the executive secretary of the
National Board for Technical Education, Dr. Adamu Yabani. Dr.
Yabani gave us contract to supply a lot of furniture to the
institution. Through him, I met the financial controller of Chad
Basin Development Authority, Alhaji Gonori and the purchasing
officer Gambo Duri who also gave us a lot of orders for the supply
of furniture. Before we knew it, the business had started growing
very fast. From a staff of seven we employed over 40. From a
one-room apartment we moved to a whole yard and from a whole
yard, we built a big factory, Ojialex Furniture Company.
Expanding to Lagos
When our furniture became very popular, our clientele base
grew. People ask how we grew so fast, comparing us to many
furniture companies in the South that had not grown so fast. But,
it is not the age of a business that makes the difference. It is the
market. As at the time we went to Borno State, the furniture market
there was virtually a virgin market. The major source of furniture
supply was Leventis Stores which sold imported furniture. We did
not stop at the traditional furniture market of displaying furniture
at showrooms for people to come and buy, we aggressively
expanded the market.
We started supplying furniture to the staff quarters of the
National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) and their offices. When the
then director of the NYSC, Major General Edet Akpan (then a
Colonel) came on tour of NYSC formations, he was very impressed
with our work. The director was made to see our factory because
apart from our being young, we also had five youth corpers among
our staff. He was very impressed. After the inspection, he gave us
23
KALUONKALU
order to supply furniture for Gongola, Bauchi and four other
northern states. Making him see our factory turned out a great
marketing boost but that would have been impossible if we did
not employ some youth corpers. Some business people do not do
well because they are busy penny-pinching instead of taking the
bull by the horn. If anything can be done, we simply try our best to
do it. That *s my philosophy.
When we executed these contracts, I came to Lagos to present
the bills at the NYSC headquarters. When the director received
the performance report from all the states, he found out that we
were very efficient. We had an advantage over the other suppliers.
While we own a furniture factory and could control our input
without compromising quality, most of the others were general
contractors who simply bought their furniture from the open
market or contracted the job to others to do for them. There was
little or no quality control. The director was impressed with out
performance, especially because we were mainly youths. I was in
my early 20s then.
In his office, I saw samples of the NYSC uniforms which he
said were made from Hong Kong and South Korea. I tentatively
threw a challenge. At times a major business breaks from mere
adventurism. I told him that the uniforms could be perfectly made
at Aba. General Akpan is a very honest man, very religious (an
Elder in Qualboe Church) and very trusting. I told him that even
the khaki could be made in Nigeria and that he could save foreign
exchange. He decided to try us right away. I hadn't expected him
to react so fast. I made a frantic search for a textile company that
could manufacture high quality khaki fabric because as at the
time I was talking, Ihadn't the slightest idea which company could
make it. I eventually found a company in Ado Ekiti owned by the
Odua Group which made the khaki for me at the exact
specification. He had given the contract to many other contractors
and they all flew abroad to buy the materials and sew. I was the
only contractor who manufactured and sewed locally.
But when it came to payment, we had problems with the
24
bureaucratic process. I left my business in Maiduguri to pursue
the payment. I was in a hotel for two months. Dr. George Obiozor,
now director-general of the Nigerian Institute of International
Affairs, NIIA, advised me to rent an accommodation in Lagos
rather than live in a hotel. He introduced me to an estate surveyor,
Obi Achebe & Co. based in South-West, Ikoyi. This company found
the accommodation in Victoria Island where I still live in and the
office block atApapa where my office was based until recently (in
1995) when we moved to our property at 10, Randle Avenue,
Apapa.
Coming to Lagos opened my eyes to so many business
possibilities that I never thought existed. Apart from contract jobs,
we went into various businesses: importation and exportation of
various commodities, textiles, computers, industrial spare parts,
stockfish, sugar, salt, rice, cement and later crude oil. We also got
involved in cargo shipping with hired vessels. I go into any
legitimate business I know I will make money from. That is the
principle of trading: you buy things to sell at a profit. Those who
are not adventurous in nature should not bother about trading
because they will not be able to change direction when any line of
business they are involved in is collapsing until they run into losses.
At the time we were going into commodity trading, people said
there was a Mafia behind the importation of cement, sugar and
rice. We decided to join the Mafia, if there was one. But we
discovered there was no Mafia involved. Just that these
commodities are very expensive to trade on.
Before you can make profit in these businesses, you must buy
certain bulk quantity in order to be competitive. To buy 12,500
tons of sugar cost nearly five million dollars. In Nigeria of today,
only the really big players can raise that kind of money. Not even
the big banks in Nigeria today will find it easy to open a fivemillion-dollar letter of credit for a commodity trader!
If ever there is a Mafia in the business, it is a Mafia of high
capital. I belonged to this Mafia simply because I have a good
banking relationship outside the country. The Chemical Bank of
25
KALUONKALU
New York finances most of our trading, no matter the volume. A
good businessman is not the man who has all the money but the
man who knows how to get the institutions with the resources to
back him up. Banks outside Nigeria are really looking for credible
outlets to invest their capital, but the key thing is that you must
really be CREDIBLE. My relationship with the Chemical Bank
started through buying and selling, especially, commodity and
crude oil exports, etc. If you know viable people or institutions
abroad, business becomes subsequently easy for you. The secret is
never to default in your agreement. Once you have done business
with such viable institutions a few times, you have a reference.
America is the freest country to do business; if it is not that I have
political ambition, I would prefer living and operating from the
U.S., because it is the easiest place to do business once you are
honest.
Going into crude oil export
At Slok Group, we do not close our eyes to any good business
opportunities unless it is illegal or unethical. We believe in
corporate flexibility. If any business can be done by human beings
and we are interested, we try out best to do it. It is another thing,
if we do not succeed.
That is the background to our involvement in crude oil lifting.
In the '80s, many Igbo business leaders believed that no Igbo man
could be licensed to lift crude oil. They believed so because many
of the big Igbo business leaders had tried and failed. I was still in
my late 20s then, around 28. Somehow, I do not accept
11
impossible " in anything. I did not believe that it was impossible
as they made it to appear.
Everywhere in the world, business is about contacts, but it is
especially so in Nigeria. I had certain contacts that were quite
influential but I also believed that you don't get into such a
sophisticated business on the strength of contacts alone. There
must be technical competence and relevant infrastructure. Before
I thought of applying for license to sell crude oil, I had researched
26
on what it took. I did that then more out of curiosity. One of the
crucial requirements then was that you must have a refining
capacity or sell to a refinery. I got in touch with Atlantic Refinery
in the U.S. to make enquiries about buying crude oil. By the time
I analysed their terms, it was obvious there was a good business
prospect.
By then, Slok Group, had become a notable company in Nigeria.
We were fairly well known. So, we applied through the formal
channels and followed up through the formal and informal
channels. In Nigeria, you don't do certain businesses unless you
know the right set of people. Contact is a big asset in Nigeria. We
met the requirement because the Atlantic Refinery stood in as our
technical partner. That opened the door for us.
In any business you want to go into, research is very important.
You don't just jump blindly into any venture. You must do your
homework. Some people think that all it takes to do business is
merely to know people. Sure, that will help in certain businesses
but in crude oil business, you must do your homework first before
pressing buttons, if any.
Going global
In the course of marketing crude oil, I had to travel frequently
to the United States. 1 began to see a lot of business opportunities.
A businessman must have nose for business just like a journalist
has nose for news. Once your eyes, ears, nose, heart and brain are
trained on business, you sniff business opportunities everywhere.
In places where people see a lot of obstacles, I see a lot of
opportunities. At times, there is something instinctive in me that
tells me of business opportunities even at a place others see
nothing. That is what makes me different, maybe unique.
The proceeds from the crude oil exports helped to boost our
global trading activities. As far as trading is concerned, the whole
world is our market. Apart from crude oil, we export commodities
like cocoa, rubber, resin chips and timber to the world market.
The revenue from such exports helps to finance the various things
27
KALU ON KALU
we import — confectioneries, sugar, rice, salt, cement, stockfish,
frozen fish, textiles, Pharmaceuticals, etc. At times, we buy
commodities in one country and sell in another. For instance, we
used to buy salt from India and sell along the West African coast.
Our operations have no boundaries and that means that the
economic fortunes of one country, including Nigeria's, cannot hold
us to ransom.
Slok U.S.A. has a factory where second-hand clothing are sorted
and packaged into bails. We set up the factory with about $7.5
million, but Slok actually provided $2 million while the Chemical
Bank put up the remaining capital on a loan agreement. Secondhand clothing or okirika is a business heritage of my people from
Igbere and Abiriba areas. We are only putting modern touch to
what is actually the traditional business of my people. We get the
second-hand clothing from the Red Cross, Salvation Army, Rescue
Missions and other charities; we sort them out, bail them and
export to Pakistan, Chile, Ghana, Togo, Benin Republic and of
course, Nigeria. We bought the business two years ago and the
turnover has been impressive. In the first year, the factory posted
a turnover of $17 million with about 5% of that sum as the net
profit. Even though the factory is highly mechanised, it still has a
staff strength of 67.
We also have a major joint venture between Slok and some
Jewish partners in North Carolina, where we make resins with
groundnut chips. The factory worth $35 million makes resin for
plastic manufacturers. I find the Jews very compatible business
partners. Doing business with Jews is challenging. They are very
strict, straight, smart and no-nonsense people. At any point in
time, they know exactly what they want from you and they go
about getting it very diligently. They work very hard. They are not
the types you can cheat very easily —just like me. Oh yes, their
eyes are very, very open. That }s my portrait of a good businessman.
Key to international trading
At Slok Group, we do not want our business fortunes or survival
and success tied only to what happens in Nigeria. That is what is
28
killing many companies now in Nigeria. Our endemic political
crisis has destroyed many business ventures. In this group, we have
also suffered losses as a result of the country's spate of instability
but we don 'tjust sit down and bite our fingers. The entire world is
a big market waiting for anybody that knows the rules of the game.
Right now, our focus is on breaking into the market in Korea. I
can see big business opportunities in Korea. I am keeping
everything to myself yet because, right now, it is still my business
secret. Like I used to say, the mark of a good businessman is the
ability to see where others don't see. What I see, you may not see.
That is what makes me what lam today. You cannot see it because
that is the secret of the business.
When you want to go into the international trade, you need a
strong foreign base. They key thing is capital. Once you have the
capital, you can do business anywhere. When we went to North
Carolina to open businesses, we came with some capital base.
That is basic.
But, beyond capital base, international business depends on
good reputation and good faith. Therefore, you must have good
referees of international repute. In the United States, the quality
of your references matters a lot to them. Character references,
business references. The key to our success overseas is the quality
of our references. Our references include Atlantic Refinery, Mitchell
Corporation Inc., Chemical Bank of New York, B.B. and T
Corporation, etc. These are institutions that I have been doing
business with for a long time. With the backing of these reputable
institutions, business becomes easy for your. That is how
international businesses are conducted. For this reason, if you want
to thrive in global businesses, your words have to be good.
In business, to make sure your words are good is not easy at
all. I give you a practical example. During the first anniversary of
June 12 political crisis, this company would have closed down if
we were not well grounded. We had shiploads of commodity which
we sold off in a hurry because ofthefeax of crisis at a time the
value of the naira was at about 50 to a dollar. That meant we
29
KALU ON KALU
based our sales on that rate. The import was financed by the
Chemical Bank in the United States. By August, when we were
under pressure to remit the money abroad to avoid default, there
was a tremendous pressure on the dollar. Because of the June 12
riots that lasted for two months, people were converting their
money into dollars and other hard currencies. This skyrocketed
the value of the dollar from 50 to 100 naira to a dollar. People
were envisaging war, so they bought the dollar at any rate, just to
convert their local currencies. Because of our obligation to our
bankers, we also bought at that rate to remit the money. For every
dollar worth of goods we sold, paid for it with two dollars worth.
At the end, we fulfilled our obligation to the Chemical Bank, but
we lost N350 million at a go. That is the price of international
reputation which is your passport to international business.
We have since learnt another lesson. A good international trader
must be sensitive to political crisis. You have to be very politically
alert locally and internationally. Any time we envisage political
crisis in Nigeria, I will divert the ship to other countries—Togo,
Ghana or Cotonou.
Qualities of a good business manager/CEO
The most important is the ability to tell the truth. I am very
accessible to a lot of people. We have 12 telephone lines and all of
them get to me through the switchboard. I have only one cellular
phone. I get all my calls here. But, I have only two answers to
every situation: yes or no. It is either yes or no. I learnt this
important principle from Professor Jubril Aminu. He told me that
I must always remember to tell people yes or no. Not only is it the
most honest thing to do, it is the quickest way to save time. When
you have the gut to say yes or no, you sleep well. It pains to say no
to some requests but it is worse to say yes to a request you have r\o
intention of granting. Yes or no means you have to tell the truth.
Yes, I will do this, no, I won't do that. Blunt as it is, people have
come to know me for it. That is why it is easy for me to deal with
so many people in a day. We don 7 beat about the bush here. It is
30
not a question of dribbling you around until you become frustrated.
The more I dribble you, the more I waste my own time, and yours.
If people know you for being blunt, they won't bother you when
you say no. But if you are known as a dribbler, the person may
keep trying in the hope that he may trap you eventually.
Some public relation and service industry experts preach the
concept that a good manager should know how to say no without
hurting the person. That is up to them. I do not buy that. I do not
know of any better way to turn down a business proposal than to
say a capital, NO! Where has the manager or the CEO engaged in
other fruitful ventures got time to spend ages trying to say no in a
nice way?
A good manager must be courageous. You need courage in
business. You must be able to say, "No, I don't want this," or
"Yes, I want that. " That simple decision, yes or no, may cost you
a hell of money, may cost you a hell of time, may cost you a hell of
losses. It might also save you time and money.
Being blunt is not the same thing as being callous. A good
businessman must be able to put others into consideration, when
you are making money off them. You do not kill them. You should
not skin them. No man does business with you if there is nothing
in it for him. Ability to make allowance for the interest of all the
parties concerned is what good business is about. You need courage
to do this. You might make a decision that will bring you losses.
After a loss, don't start sulking. Pick up courage and shake hands.
Tell the other parties: yes, we are losing gallantly today, tomorrow,
we will make up. Don 'tjust try to take it out on them because you
are losing. Don't renege on the payment terms because you are
losing. In certain businesses, you might be able to renegotiate your
losses but if not, don't try to cheat the people because you are
losing to them. As a businessman, you must know clearly what
you want and go for it. I hate people who beat about the bush.
You must have the ability to resist things 'that will swerve you off
your course, otherwise, you will end up picking crumbs while the
main dish slips off your hands.
31
KALU ON KALU
What it takes to succeed
To befrank^withyou, to do business now and the time we started
is like the difference between heaven and earth. Things were stable
then. Banks could lend you money once you satisfied their
requirements, things were moving normally, and banks could easily
open letters of credit for you and at times, would finance your
imports. But now, there is so much instability in the system that
the only thing now that is consistent is change.
In an environment that is perennially inconsistent, you must
find an element that is consistent. In business, that element is the
integrity and honesty of the people involved. Since all other
variables are now unreliable, the biggest asset of any business* is
to be trusted. Doing what you said you will do. If you took N1O
credit, make sure you honour your own side of the bargain,
because, next time, you will get N20 or Nl 00 credit line. Returning
what you took and making sure that your words are good to your
clients and creditors.
Aba traders in Abia State, have some of the most advanced
informal system of business financing. If you want to import a
container of commodity valued at N 10 million and you have only
a million, a dozen other wholesalers or retailers will raise the
balance for you by depositing various sums of money in your office
on the agreement that whenever the goods actually arrive, they
will share it on the basis of how much each person deposited. The
money is interest free no matter how long it takes for the
commodity to arrive. But on the other hand, the importer must
sell the goods at a price that guarantees reasonable profit for those
that deposited money. Even though no formal agreement is written
down for such transactions, nobody who intends to do business in
Aba town dares violate the verbal terms of such agreement. It
does not mean that Aba traders are very honest people, it rather
means that Aba traders have devised a system of doing business
that is respected by everybody else. It is a system based on
credibility.
In the same way the Aba trader develops a system of mutual
32
trust based on credibility, that is the same way every company or
businessman must develop mutual trust based on credibility with
the banks. Since we started, we have been borrowing money from
the Allied Bank of Nigeria Pic. And we have been paying up.
Because of the present economic situation, at times, it is difficult
to keep your words. Right now, we have goods worth over N450
million in the warehouse which we have been trying to market. In
the past, we would have sold off such goods in a month or so. But,
the purchasing capacity of people is so low that we now have a
glut in the market. In times like this, it becomes difficult to keep
your word to your bankers but if you have established credibility
with your bankers, it is easy to make them understand your
situation. We call the bankers to see things for themselves. That is
credibility.
Unless your banker is not performing well, you must develop a
consistent banking tradition. Allied Bank has been our banker
from the scratch. From our record, they saw that we are serious
clients. In 1994, for instance, we were their second biggest
customer in terms of turnover. They have no doubt about us. We
are now part and parcel of each other. We started with them and
grew with each other: they made us, and we made them. We are
helping to make them, now that they are in difficulty. We are still
putting huge deposits with them to shore up their liquidity.
Yet, at the beginning of our relationship with Allied Bank, we
made a lot of business proposals which the bank turned down.
The beginning of a relationship with a bank is not always easy.
But we didn V stop. The frustration came to a point that Professor
JubrilAminu had to intervene on our behalf. He phoned the bank
and told them to help us if they could afford it. That marked a
turning point in our relationship because once we performed well,
that opened the door for more facilities. Today, the bank cannot
afford to turn down our request unless it is really impossible for
them to grant.
33
,
KALU ON KALU
How to develop contacts
I started out with, trading, then went into contracts and
manufacturing. In business, you need a lot of contacts to do well,
but especially so in contract business and trading. Developing
business contacts is a longtime investment which must begin long
before you need the contacts. For a long time, I have always worked
on knowing a lot of people. It's more like a hobby to me. If lam in
the plane or any social gathering and I see people I care to meet,
I walk up to them and introduce myself to them. I give them my
card and collect their own. A week or so later, I might just call to
say hello. At this point, there is nothing at stake. I encourage the
person to call me any time he or she wishes to. Of course, I receive
all such calls. If I am able to give out my card to people, I should
be able to receive their calls. That was how I met a man like
General Olusegun Obasanjo and we became acquainted. I met
him in the plane. And many others. Usually, from such casual
contacts, a relationship develops.
At seasonal festivities, I send out cards to such people. For
years, you may keep nurturing such relationship until one day you
are involved in a business the person may be in charge of directly
or indirectly. And, you suddenly find the person being useful to
you. People wander how I came to know a lot of government
people who most of the time, happen to be military people. Many
years ago, a friend of mine, Kere Ahmed, (formerly of NT A)
requested me to accommodate his relation, then Brigadier Ibrahim
Babangida who was posted to Maiduguri for a short period,
pending the renovation of his official quarters. I was a young
bachelor then but I had a very good house. I volunteered the best
of my house to him. He stayed there for three months before he
was recalled to Lagos to become the Chief of Army Staff During
his stay, many of the young officers, within the rank of lieutenants
to colonels were visiting him and they all came to know me as the
host of their boss. The goodwill robbed off on me. By the time I
was doing contracts, many of these young officers had become
governors, ministers, and top government functionaries while
34
Babangida eventually became the President of Nigeria. The
relationships paid off in terms of business.
When I get to a place, I make sure that I determine who is the
key man in the setup. So many people get to an office and start
wasting their time with irrelevant people. Your ability to know the
decision-maker, whether he is behind the scene or in the open is
the key to success. If I know the decision-maker, then of course, I
will focus my efforts on him. If possible, I will befriend him and
give him the opportunity to assess my capability informally. In the
end, if it takes 10 years for the proposals to come to his table, he
already has favourable impression of our company.
But, how do you know the key man in a place? By research, of
course. Business is all about research. Anything you do to gather
relevant facts to guide your business operations is research. If I
want to tender for a contract in a company, I try to find out who
and who are on the tenders' board. That is the Nigerian reality. In
US, it is different. Slok USA doesn 7 need to know anybody in the
tenders' board. As a minority company in the US, we tender for
businesses and they give us purely on merit. They don }t need to
know beyond the basic facts about the essential requirements. If
you are competitive, they give you the job. But, if you are
competitive in Nigeria, you might not get the job. In fact, that is
one of the reasons we pulled out of contract businesses and
concentrated on manufacturing, commodity trading and crude
oil export. To be a contractor in Nigeria means that you must
continually be worshipping human beings. I simply got fed up with
that.
You have to know who has the capability to do what because
in the business world in Nigeria, a lot of people claim what they
cannot do. Some decision-makers are afraid to give job to people
who wilt not perform well. Everything will look good on paper
but when it comes to performance, the story will change. But, if
you have cultivated friendship with the decision-makers, they have
the opportunity to assess you even before the business proposals
come up. But, that does not mean that knowing the key people
35
KALUONKALU
always work. Sometimes, the lower people frustrate everybody.
Developing business ideas
First, I have a lot of managers down there whose job is to keep
me informed of what they have heard, read or seen. I also keep
my eyes and ears open. I make my internal research. I ask people
questions. I joke with a lot of people. A lot of people talk to me. I
know what I want and I judge from whatever facts I have. I make
my market research. If I buy or produce this at Nl 0, will I be able
to sell it at N 15?
For instance, recently, I called some of my managers and said,
"In the next two weeks, we must export cocoa, whatever it takes. "
They were surprised. We had stopped exporting cocoa because of
unfavourable international market price. Basically, the prices were
still the same and locally, we had even lost some of our customers.
But, from my personal research in the market, I was able to
anticipate a slight rise at the international market. In the course
of thinking of how to boost our foreign exchange earnings, I had
spent time thinking about various options. In the process, I had
spoken to various European contacts and local companies. From
my analysis of the prices there and then, I was able to forecast
that in the next few weeks, cocoa price will rise.
Some of the managers wanted to know how and why we should
be exporting cocoa at that point. I threw the question back at
them: "Take money, go to Ondo and find out. We must export
cocoa. " By the time they came back from Ondo, their pessimism
had changed into optimism. In commodity business, you should
not be rigid. If you are importing commodity, you should also be
able to export commodity. Cocoa is an on-and-off thing, so we
export it when it is viable and when it is not, we focus on other
things like logs, ginger, cashew nuts, shrimps, palm kernel cake
(chaff) from our Aba factory, etc.
Searching for the export market is simple. We have Slok USA,
UK, Ghana, Togo and Cotonou. We exchange relevant
information. We also co-ordinate our operations. We always send
enquiries to our companies abroad and they will now tap from the
36
information pool of the London Commodity Market or the Chicago
Commodity Market. If we have things to export, they feed the
information to the commodity market information pool Interested
buyers will contact you for transactions.
My management style
I see business as the ability to control your input so that at the
end, your output will generate higher returns than your input. The
things you have to do to ensure that this is done is business
management. Trading is the ability to buy and sell at a profit.
The key to my management style is flexibility and delegation.
People do the job, I only supervise what they do. We are not ruled
by systems. Rather, we make our systems flexible enough to suit
every need.
We pay very well. So do all the trading giants. I have not seen
any bank that pays better than we do. Some of our managers
earn between N90,000 to N 120,000 a month.(That was in 1994)
But we run aflat organisation. Our managers are flexible andean
adjust to different functions. We do not have rigid job definitions
because that only leads to duplication of positions. We pay so well
and we get so much. People don't steal our money. We are relatively
fraud free. If you meet a man's needs, he won Y steal your money.
Why should you pay a top grade manager N5,000 a month?
And, this is a man who handles N100 million! He has a problem of
N 10,000 and he cannot solve it, yet you expect him not to steal
your money. When you don't pay well, you cheat yourself. You
managers will commit the company to huge liability with just a
little gratification. Money is the biggest motivating factor in
business.
My practical exposure to Japanese and German companies
taught me some of the management principles that have guided
me in running the Slok Group. Their management style showed
me that everything I can do in one room, I should not do in two
rooms. Be practical. Don't create positions for the fancy of the
name. Create it only if it is necessary. Business should be run like
37
KALUONKALU
a partnership with the workers. I always remind the workers that
this is partnership, that it is their business.
I try to foster that impression. For instance, apart from the
fact that my office looks more prestigious than that of other
managers, you will not know who owns this business. On a working
day, you will not know the owner. The owner of the business goes
up and sits down and allows the workers in the other floors to do
the business without interference. The managers take the decisions.
Because a manager is well paid, if you want to influence him, he
says no. You have to do it right.
With or without me, this business will function. Like now, lam
basically out of trading. The workers are the ones doing the
business. That is why I have time for politics. They do the market
research, process the letters of credit and buy whatever they know
will sell. Apart from their salaries, they are entitled to share 10
percent of the company's profit. Some of them are able to build
houses in their villages without bothering me about housing loan,
which we do not grant, in any case. Because they have so much
stake in the success of the business, they do everything right as
far as they can. They are able to solve personal problems, unlike
when they are just salary earners. It has helped us reduce pilfering.
People have so much at stake that they don't want to risk losing
their jobs through fraud. That guarantees staff continuity and
experience. It is not easy to attract them to other places with better
conditions of service. Almost all the staff in the group headquarters
have been here for about six years since we set up the Lagos office.
It is only in contract business that without the key man, nothing
moves. Here, I come in and go without affecting the company's
activities. That's another reason why I left contract business.
Because, contract business is liman-know-man " type of thing.
There is nothing skilful about being a general contractor, anyway.
Anybody can do it, provided you know how to beg and worship
people. I don 7 want to continue worshipping human beings,
lobbying or begging anybody. In trading, for instance, you see
AlhajiIsiaku Rabiyu, Aliko Dangote, A.D. Innua, Yinka Folawiyo,
38
Chief Michael Ibru, etc. These are trading giants whose turnover
each run into multibillion, some of them posting more turnover
than some of the nation's manufacturing giants. But, they do their
businesses quietly, noiselessly. They don't worship anybody. They
are just traders!
Organisational structure
Our organisational structure is simple. We have two main
divisions: trading and manufacturing. The trading section is
headed by a group general manager who reports directly to me as
the chairman and chief executive of the group. But, because the
trading section has offices in various countries — USA, UK,
Ghana, Togo and Republic of Benin — we also have marketing
and sales manager in each sector of our operations who reports
directly to the group general manager at Aba where the bulk of
our trading activities in Nigeria is done.
The manufacturing section is made up of Slok Vegetable Oil,
Aba, the Toilet Paper Factory, Aba, and the Ojialex Furniture
Factory, Maiduguri. In the United States, we have the bailing
factory under the Slok USA and our partnership venture in North
Carolina. All the manufacturing outfits have their general
managers or managing directors who run the companies with a
group of other managers. The GMs/MDs of these companies report
to me. Each month or at times, weekly, I sit down with each of the
management team to review their operations, look at their targets,
their achievements, their shortfalls and plan for the future. Our
biggest operation is now in USA, so naturally, a lot of my attention
is on the US operations.
We have a group executive committee made up of the executive
directors. All the divisional general managers or operational
business heads submit weekly operational statements to the group
executive committee which scrutinises their performance whether
lam there or not. When lam around, I chair the meeting but when
I am not around, the group general manager stands in for me. In
the end, las the CEO, look at what everybody is doing. The result
39
KALUONKALU
is that with or without me, the business will function.
People cannot easily cheat me because despite this
organisational structure, my eyes are very open. We can only do
business and you make profit and Intake profit, but cheating me,
rule it out. Don 7forget that I started each of the businesses. I am
down-to-earth and humble, I am able to X-ray you very well. I
don't do things alone. I invite many other managers to look at the
details of every transaction. If I don 7 detect mistakes, any other
person can detect them.
My vision for the group
Today, it is a holding company. But we are still far from the
peak. By the time we get to the peak, we should have the type of
corporate network of companies like the UACNPlc. or John Holt
Pic. which started as a trading company and today became a
corporate conglomerate.
My dream is to ensure that we trade well, employ key people,
pay them well, make them part owners of the business and expand
the business to the peak. It is not easy to run a business like mine
without making the workers partners. In this place, all our workers
are partners. They are involved in profit sharing apart from their
salaries. In every quarter, whatever is the profit, the workers get
10 percent which they share pro-rata of their salary. This has helped
the business because they take it as their own.
1
A shot into the
National Scene
August 29,1985.
It was barely two days since the draconian government of MajorGeneral Muhammadu Buhari was overthrown. A new regime led by
Major-General Ibrahim Babangida was on the saddle. The nation was
in a euphoric mood, celebrating the ousting of the draconian BuhariIdiagbon regime by a presumably more liberal general.
Riding on the crest of public support, the new regime reeled off a
number of populist measures. The congested detention camps of the
past regime were thrown open to set the captives free.
Everybody cheered.
Anti-media Decree 4, which severely curbed the liberty of the media
and hounded journalists into jail was scrapped.
The media screamed in ecstasy.
Two days after coming to power on August 27, Babangida took on
another sensitive issue: whether or not the nation should take on an
IMF facility expected to tide over the nation's balance of payment
41
A SHOT INTO THE NATIONAL SCENE
problems and service our external commitments. It has been a sensitive
subject opposed by many interest groups in the country because of the
stringent conditionalities. But the ousted Buhari regime had appeared
determined to take the loan despite the public sensitivity on the matter.
Buhari as a leader was never one to pander to public sensibility. His
leadership credo, it appeared, had always been to do whatever, in his
judgement, was right and patriotic, even if it was not the most politically
expedient thing to do.
Not one with the gift of the garb for a start, Buhari sought no man's
views on the matter outside his official economic advisers and
technocrats and was seemingly prepared to yield to no man's persuasion
to the contrary outside the official circles. The facts at his disposal
demanded the loan but the price for it appeared too scary with
rumblings by the public, especially the labour, the academics and the
media. It was like the gathering of a dark cloud, a prelude to a decisive
national upheaval whose dimension and ramifications appeared to be
outside anyone's control.
Then entered Babangida, a wily political animal who in many ways,
was what Buhari was not. Where Babangida was a tactician dancing
to the music of political expediency, Buhari was like an uncompromising
Old Testament prophet administering the bitter dose of judgement
without blinking.
On taking over power, Babangida the political animal—or as some
would insist, the great manipulator—found a smart way out. He simply
threw the matter open to public debate. And the question was: Should
we or should we not take the IMF loan?
A nation that had been stifled and silenced by draconian decrees of
the past regime suddenly recovered it voice. For months, the nation
was agog with heated debates on the merits and demerits of an IMF
loan; the benefits and disadvantages of the stringent conditionalities
attached to the loan. With everybody from professors to market women,
from captains of industry to bus conductors pontificating on the subject,
at times with a decidedly blind profundity, it was no surprise that the
nation was soon reduced to a state of logical apoplexy.
42
From the blues, a fresh voice cut through the cacophony of views
with an entirely different and practical view that hit the headlines in all
the major newspapers. It was the voice of a young millionaire in his
early twenties, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu. He offered an alternative view that
was not only simple and pragmatic but also a political masterstroke.
Instead of borrowing the money from the IMF with all the stringent
conditions, Nigeria should seek the loan from her wealthy nationals all
over the world who could easily afford to raise the approximately $2
billion needed to set the nation back on her feet. After all, there are
various Nigerians who are reputed to be among the world's wealthiest.
Well, that was not an entirely unique or o^ginal view—some other
commentators had said that before.
But the unique and original dimension was that Kalu did not just
stop at making a brilliant contribution. He offered to catalyze the
process by loaning $800,000 to the federal government without the
strangulating conditions of the IMF that everybody was scared of. In
doing so, Kalu challenged all the rich Nigerians who had billions of
dollars and pounds sterling stashed away in various banks all over the
world to follow his example.
Kalu's gesture hit all the headlines in the country and gave a new
focus to the debate. For a moment, the question was which of the
Kalus? Until then, Kalu had been a popular brand identity for some
wealthy merchants from Abiriba. But this Kalu is different. He is not
from the familiar pedigree of Kalus known to Nigerians. This Kalu,
the young millionaire, as everybody began to call him, is from another
town, Igbere, about six kilometers to Abriba.
Until this debate, nobody had heard about him. Well, not in national
terms. Those that knew him knew him as a student leader and unionist
who was rusticated from the University of Maiduguri for student activism
that went out of control and turned violent. As earlier explained, he
never went back to the university, even when the university granted
him special pardon. Kalu turned down the opportunity to complete his
studies because the pardon granted him was not extended to all the
rusticated students. It was either a sort of exuberant youthful heroism
or a post-adolescent idealism. Or a combination of the two.
43
Whichever was the case, such post-adolescent leadership bravura
was not a flash in the pan. It was probably honed through years of
asserting himself in leadership situations and insidiously coming to grips
with the demands of team-building, spirit of collective responsibility
and the values of peer loyalty. For in his secondary school days, Kalu
distinguished himself not necessarily as an academic star but as a
budding leader. In academics, his schoolmates at both Eziama High
School and Government College, Umuahia, rate him as an average
student. One of his classmates, Mr. Chika Mbonu who is now the
managing director of Citizens International Bank, said:
"I will not say that Orji Uzor was a first class brain, but he pulled his
weight. He backed up his academic intelligence with native intelligence."
Mbonu, however, was quick to add that Government College of
those days was not a run-of-the-mill school where just anybody could
get admission. "Don't forget," he emphasised, "that Government
College Umuahia was a first class school that attracted the best brains.
It was very rigorous to get admission there."
But in popularity, in mobilisation skill, in spearheading initiatives and
all the intangible attributes of leadership, Kalu was more than
distinguished. Born in Aba in April, 1960, Kalu states that he attended
an average primary school....
"It was not the best and not the worst," he noted. "Just an average
school."
At Eziama High School, Kalu led the school's soccer team not as a
captain or a player but as a team manager. And as John C. Maxwell
argued in his classic work, The 21 Irrefutable Laws ofLeadership,
the best place to demonstrate leadership skill is in sports. From Eziama
High School to the famous Government College, Umuahia, Kalu
demonstrated an instinctive leadership drive that marked him out among
his peers as somebody to watch.
From that early in life, Kalu showed himself as both a leader and a
dealmaker, a man who makes tilings happen, not a dreamer who merely
visions and depends on the power of his rhetoric to drive others into
pursuing the dream. Even if Kalu combines the two sides to leadership,
there is no question of it that he was and still is, at least in our views,
44
stronger on the side of action rather than dreaming and rhetoric.
Perhaps, nothing better illustrates Kalu's leadership flair even in his
secondary school days than this testimony by his schoolmate, George
O. Nwokonko, published in THISDAY of Friday, March 10,2000:
"I am an old boy of Government College, Umuahia, where I
graduated in 1978. Governor Orji Uzor Kalu's class was one
year behind my class. All Umuahians (as the students of
Government College are wont to call themselves) would remember
him vividly. He was, apart from being a key functionary of the
schools star football team, also a very visible student socialite,
always with money to spend, which to those who were not close to
him was a surprise, considering his pedigree. His charisma and
shrewd mind were the secret: his school chums were the scions of
wealthy and famous families.
Orji was then also popularly known by his nickname, "Murphy "
(<
or Murphy Blame ". His fame at Government College depended
on an improbable feat. It is true that he never kicked a ball, he it
was that through a masterstroke restored the fading glory of
Government College in football.
Orji arrived Government College in 1976 from Eziama High
School, Aba. The story of his arrival is the stuff of which legends
are made! Eziama of those days was a backwoods secondary
school. But it had managed to build a formidable football team
that was the terror of all competitors in the old East Central State.
The team had won all available laurels in the East and spanked
Government College 3 nil in 1976, at the semifinals of the Imo
State Principals' Cup competition. Orji saw his chance. The
precocious dealmaker even then knew that in Government
College's hunger for soccer glory lay his chance of crossing over
to the school which had behind it, an intimidating reputation for
academic excellence.
Better known for cricket, Government College was also haven
for the children of the Eastern rich and thus, a more auspicious
launching pad for any boy with talent. Orji was vice-team manager
45
at Eziama, and therefore, very influential with the players. Under
normal circumstances, crossing over to Government College would
have been a mission impossible. Then he made his fateful move:
Was Government College, in return for the engineered desertion
of members of Eziama's all- conquering team to Government
College prepared also to accept the team's crew? And the all vital
crewmember was Orji himself Its deal was sealed. Government
College would go on the following year to win the Imo State
Principals Cup! "Murphy Blamef> became lionized, an
"Umuahian" who had finally bestowed elusive soccer glory on
the school. He brought with him the stars that had made Eziama
great.
In the sporting annals of Government College, the coup against
Eziama, hatched and executed by "Murphy Blame" remains an
epic. Orji therefore was not just any other student. He had feted
and had been feted several times by the school's old boys. Thus
the alleged SSS report disputing OrjVs attendance ofGovernment
College, and indeed, Eziama High School, is causing greater
laughter amongst all Umuahians of our era and is fit only for the
trash can."
For Kalu, the dramatic media response to what he thought was a
simple suggestion on how to solve the nation's loan problem, was
overwhelming, amazing and even slightly intimidating. Suddenly, the
Maiduguri-based young business tycoon found his every step dogged
by reporters who wanted him to speak on various national issues.
"I was not used to all that media attention," he said, "I was used to
slipping through the airport just like any other Nigerian to conduct my
business and getting away. But all that changed with that my sincere
and honest suggestion."
Having spent much of his business life in remote Maiduguri where
media presence was rare, Kalu was by no means a national figure. For
one thing, he was only then, a businessman, not apolitician. Even if he
were apolitician, he was too young to share the media limelight with
veteran Borno-born politicians like Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim or Senator
Mahmmod Ibrahim who were the prominent voices from the area that
ORJIKALU; Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
46
enjoyed national recognition. Kalu was basically, in his own view, a
trader, albeit a successful trader.
Therefore, for aMaiduguri based tycoon, being featured in the media
at all was a major cause ceiebre; becoming a media celebrity was
entirely out of this world. He was not entirely at home with some of the
major national issues, but that didn't seem to matter to the reporters
who thronged his Lagos home for interviews and stalked him at the
airport, asking nondescript questions.
He was at first a bit overawed by the whole drama, but with time,
he soon rose to the occasion. If there was anything that marked him
out as a businessman, it was his fluid capacity to play up to any situation,
to assume and assert himself in any situation. He is an extrovert to the
core; always worming up to knew faces, always in the forefront even if
he needed to master the situation later. A Kalu in the background, a
Kalu whose presence in a crowd is not felt in a few minutes is not Orji
Kalu.
In effect, the media hoopla merely played into the core of his natural
element, even though this was entirely novel experience to him. He
even began to enjoy the giddy sensation of name recognition in offices
and public places. In offices where he had been treated like one of the
crowd of other contractors, he began to receive special VIP treatments.
Invitations to public functions, especially public launch of this and
that, flooded his home and offices. At home and offices, a crowd of
visitors, majority of them people completely unknown to him, waited
for him patiently. Again, even for Kalu who was very gregarious and
extroverted, this was a strange phenomenon.
Whenever he was available, he spent hours and hours attending to
visitors, listening to various tales of woes by the needy and completely
helpless Nigerians who saw him as the answer to their problems. They
needed financial assistance to solve various financial predicaments: some
money to pay school fees, pay medical bills, defray accumulated tenancy
rent, buy the next meal, pay outstanding debts, raise business capitals,
et cetera. Others needed jobs badly; yet, many more wanted him to
link them to business and employment connections.
To Kalu, the extent of personal pressure mounted upon him by an
47
army of needy Nigerians was both a revelation and a burden to him.
For until then, it never occurred to him how bad things were, how
desperate the situation of the majority of Nigerians were, how
desperately and urgently they needed help, how hopelessly the
prospects of such help often turned out to be.
He found himself doling out thousands ofnaira daily to various people
even though it was obvious even to him that the problem was far beyond
an individual's generosity. It was an institutional malaise that required a
macro solution.
For one thing, it was easy for him to do that, to dole out money. He
was invariably liquid, so liquid that he always had enough cash at his
disposal. At this time, he had no major investment that was taking
away his money, so he was literally, like a Father Christmas, swimming
in liquidity. That made him an ideal target for fortune hunters in search
of a willing heart to listen to their tales of woe.
But, underlying those tales of woes is a story of the malaise of the
national polity. A story of the monumental scope of the nation's economic
woes which the government seemed incapable of addressing. It was a
story of the various deprivations of the citizenry who are left without
hope, without tomorrow, only just managing to survive today, hoping
for a miracle to take care of tomorrow. It was a story of the capacity
of the leadership—or the lack of it—to tackle the pressing economic
predicaments of the citizens.
In the end, it was not merely a tale of one man's unbounded
philanthropy. For the politically green Kalu, it was a story of the loss of
political virginity, of a gradual initiation into a public arena, a national
political arena. Like a seed sowed in the dark, the harvest was not
immediate. In fact, like a delayed pregnancy, the harvest of Kalu's
political leadership took time to come to fruition.
And a lot of wooing the beautiful bride.
But before then, Kalu had to go through his own baptism of fire. He
had to go through his own Golgotha, where his salvation in the religion
of public life—and ultimately political life—lies in his paying the bitter
price.
48
The Bitter Price
There is always a price for everything in life. But there are probably
more prices to pay for fame than most other tilings. It is not for nothing
that fame is described as a double-edged sword. Like beauty which
carries the price tag of admiration and at the same time attracts envy,
jealousy and even its own peculiar form of dangers, fame comes with
its peculiar burden. The media that builds a celebrity's fame is even
faster at destroying it, at times, with cynical relish!
After all, not even the gods are without skeletons in their cupboards.
Operating from that simple credo meant that the media have no
permanent friends—or enemies!
Kalu was to learn this lesson the hard way when he was beset by a
major scandal that nearly permanently ruined him. Like a Greek tragedy,
the story had started on a positive note and now headed to end in a
tragedy. In March 1986, the Borno State Military Governor, Colonel
Abdulmumuni Aminu had invited Kalu to the launch of Borno State
Education Development Fund. The government's target was to generate
donations from rich Nigerians. Kalu was not just one of the up-andcoming rich Nigerians then, he was more like an honourary indigene of
the state. For one thing, his business started in Borno State's capital,
Maiduguri. Secondly, Col. Aminu was a personal friend. He was one
of the young officers who was visiting the then Brigadier Babangida in
Kalu's Maiduguri home and came to know Kalu closely. These young
IBB loyalists who rose to power with him respected Kalu, the man
who housed their military godfather.
Invariably, the acquaintance blossomed into friendship which for a
businessman like Kalu became a major asset once these people were
in power and holding various political offices. Aminu was the military
governor of Borno State—Nigeria's largest state in terms of landmass.
For Kalu, it was not just an opportunity to honour appointment
with a friend but also a chance to sow a seed of gratitude to a state
which had been very good to him, a state whose economy had
transformed a young Igbo boy, rusticated from the university, into a
rich man even though he started with an absolutely minimal capital.
In his enthusiasm, Kalu was determined to impress his hosts—
49
the governor and his people. He was determined to be one of the
highest donors, if not the highest. Unlike most rich people who often
pledged fat donations in public but usually balked when it came to
redeeming the pledge or issued dud checks, Kalu wanted to donate
cash in the open for everybody to know that he was not just
grandstanding. Of course, he knew the cataclysmic effect of pouring
out so much cash in the open and how it would galvanise the audience.
But then, a little problem.
The chairman of the occasion would not recognise Kalu or even
call him up to donate. For a long time, Kalu stood in the queue with his
aide who carried a carton. It was obvious to Kalu that the chairman
deliberately ignored him because of a private business quarrel between
them. The chairman had been a director in Kalu's company, Slok Group
of Companies, but had been removed by Kalu following irreconcilable
differences. Kalu and the chairman were not seeing eye-to-eye. It was
obvious to Kalu that the chairman was merely exacting his own pound
of flesh. Kalu literally forced himself onto the microphone and then
subsequently shook the whole venue. He had just made the highest
individual donation ofN250,000:00 (Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand
Naira) in the days when the naira exchanged at less than ten to a dollar!
And what was more, he paid cash on the spot. (Actually, Kalu insisted
that he donated Nl 50,000 (One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Naira
only) but the media reported variously between N 150,000 and
N250,000.)
The media crowed the news to the high heavens, reporting especially
the drama of the highest donor who was not even recognised by the
chairman. From that point, what subsequently transpired remained
shrouded in mystery. Two days after the donation, the chairman told a
press conference that what Kalu donated were not real money but
sliced pieces of papers! To worsen matters, even Kalu's friend, Col.
Aminu had no choice but to support the chairman who was his
appointee.
Again, the media screamed the scandal with greater relish. The young
millionaire whose wealth was like a fairy tale was after all a con man.
To the media, that even made better copy. Bad news after all sells
50
faster than good news. Kalu was held up to national ridicule. Kalu's
frantic denials only received obscure mention in the media. Better to
believe the worst than losing a good copy. He was at the receiving end
of a negative media bandwagon.
Kalu's explanation that the money was cashed by his aide from the
bank, that if indeed the money was tampered with from his end, the
aide was to be held responsible, that the aide had been arrested for
questioning by the police, got no sympathetic hearing in the media. In
any case, the accused aide, Chinedu Okereke denied that he tampered
with the money. It was obvious that Kalu had a bad story in his hand
and needed the best crisis manager to bail him out of trouble.
Unfortunately, Kalu trusted only in the presumed veracity of his own
position even though he lacked the capacity to sell his own side of the
story with the self-propelling force of a bad news. To the media, bad
news is good news. In any case, Nigerians were more prepared to
believe the worst of a precocious and inordinately wealthy young man
who must be held up to the strictest proof of his wealth.
As if to kick a man already down, an Abiriba business tycoon who
was then vaunted as an indigenous hi-tech whiz-kid floating a company
at the stock exchange with a high dosage of media hype, promptly
issued a disclaimer declaring that Kalu was not from Abiriba where all
the famous Kalus hailed from. In effect, Orji Kalu was not related to
any of the "famous" Kalus from Abiriba He is from another community,
Igbere.
The insinuation was obvious: this Kalu is an imposter!
It was like a dagger driven into an embattled victim from behind.
Another good copy for the media!
Kalu's only defence that enjoyed media prominence was on the
platform of the then famous Sunday Concordwhere an interview with
a sympathetic journalist allowed him two full pages to defend himself.
In the face of a media blitz where perception was more important than
reality, that two pages of defence was like a lifeline to a drowning man.
Still, in the eyes of many, Kalu stand condemned for a sin he insisted
he did not commit. It was his word against the aggrieved chairman's
word, with the public as the arbiter.
5]
The Positive Side
If this unwarranted disclaimer was designed to protect his attacker's
company that was going to the stock market from the collateral effect
of Kalu's troubles, well, time had proved otherwise. For while Kalu
had waxed stronger ever since despite this major problem, the other
Kalu who issued the disclaimer had since gone through his own spell
of bad news with bad debts and near de-listing of his quoted company
from the stock exchange for consistent bad annual performance record.
However, despite the albatross of having to clear his name, the fact
remains that at the end of the day, every publicity ultimately has its
positive side. Kalu's name became a household name in the country.
But whether for good or ill depends on individual perception. What
was obvious was that those who came into contact with him whether
for business, politics or social interaction were ready to give him benefit
of the doubt, having been won over by his simplicity, integrity and
transparency.
And despite the negative media, however, it is instructive that
after the donation controversy or despite it, the military governor,
Col. Aminu continued to hold Kalu in high esteem and till date,
remains his close friend. One man who never doubted Kalu's sincerity
and integrity is his former Vice Chancellor, Professor Jubril Aminu who
remains, till date, Kalu's personal mentor and a close family friend.
The highly principled and no-nonsense professor who had held two
coveted ministerial portfolios—Ministry of Petroleum Resources and
Ministry of Education—remains till date, one of Kalu's heroes and
character reference. Through thick and thin, Aminu, now Nigeria's
ambassador to the United States, had stood by his irrepressible former
pupil.
4
The
Beautiful Bride
There is nothing spectacular about House No 6A Adeleke
Adedoyin Street, Victoria Island, Lagos. By the high brow standard
of the neighbourhood, No 6A looks quite ordinary, even a bit
nondescript. In front of the main compound is a small iron gate
manned by an Hausa maiguard whom visitors simply address as
mallam. He attends to guests in a typically battered English which
strains all his whole being merely to find out which of the two
tenants of the modest compound you came to see: the Chief ox the
other tenant, a quiet, discreet banker whose privacy seemed
threatened by his famous neighbour.
Beside the gate is a covered refuse drum overlooking the
mallam's kiosk which doubles as his security post and a shop where
few articles ranging from sweats and matches to cheap cigarettes
are sold. However, despite the modest look of the compound, No
6 A is quite a busy house. When the chief is in town, the mallam is
faced with an endless stream ol visitors: from the poorest to the
53
THE BEAUTIFUL BRIDE
richest, from the commoners to the elite power brokers, from the
business, political and civilian professional class to the military elite.
Not excluded are the expatriates of various nationalities.
If mallam wanted to know the latest from the automobile market in
the world, he only had to note the stream of exotic cars that stream
into the compound, cramming into the chiefs parking lot. Now and
then, mallam's assistance is needed to guide the cars into a parking
space or crawling out.
This evening of 1991, Chief Orji Uzor Kalu's guest is one of the
new political aristocrats who came in a mint-fresh Mercedes Benz. He
is the chairman of the octopus National Republican Convention, (NRC),
Chief Tom Ikimi. He came to consolidate a negotiation that began on
phone. To draft Kalu not just into the NRC but into contesting for
Bende Federal Constituency. Until now, Kalu had been pussyfooting
about going full blast into politics.
In the past few years, even before the ban on politics was lifted in
1987, Kalu had been under tremendous pressure by some of the
subterranean political associations that were meeting under different
guises, to join the political game. A man of extensive personal network
in high and low places, Kalu knew who and who were meeting at
various venues to prepare the ground for the expected return to partisan
politics. With his money and his perceived high level contacts within
the ruling class, Kalu was considered an invaluable asset by all the
secret political associations. But Kalu resisted all the pressures
ostensibly because he did not want to be involved in illegality since the
ban on politics was still in place.
But his reluctance was not so much of legalism but pragmatism. He
simply was not convinced yet about the sincerity of the military to hand
over power to civilians. A man of unusual instinctive drive, Kalu's haunch
was simply to stay out. However, when the ban on politics was finally
lifted, his excuse about the legality of politicking was blown. With that
came an avalanche of pressures from friends and promoters of the
various political associations. But Kalu was still not convinced. "I politely
resisted the pressure to be dragged into politics," Kalu said.
This was unusual for a highly politicised person like Kalu who from
54
the secondary school to the university was a student union activist. "At
this point when everybody was rushing into politics," Kalu stated, "there
was still a lot of political uncertainties in the air. Everything was still too
cloudy for my liking. As a businessman, I know how to take risks but
it must always be calculated risk, not just gambling. To me, the whole
scene was still looking like gambling."
He added another clincher: "I did not want to commit my time and
money to politics in an atmosphere that was unclear to me. When the
pressure continued, I decided to support some of my friends who were
convinced enough to be actively involved, financially, especially those
of them behind the four major political associations out of the thirteen
that eventually filed papers to the electoral commission, NEC during
the verification exercise."
He loved his role as a behind-the-scene kingmaker doling out money
to his political favourites without necessarily getting his feet wet. This
role had allowed him some degree of neutrality.
Kalu was on a business trip to the US when the government
announced the proscription of the thirteen political associations that
competed for registration as political parties by the National Electoral
Commission. "I was not surprised," Kalu said. "I saw it coming and in
fact, I warned some of my friends but they would not believe me.
Instead, they kept piling pressures on me to join them. Ijniaci ooe of
the main reasons that I left for the United States was to stay away Horn
all the pressures."
By simple executive fiat, the government simply'imposed two
political parties, the National Republican Convention, (NRC) for those
of conservative political persuasion and the Social Democratic Party,
(SDP) for those with progressive inclination. All the proscribed political
associations were urged by the government to fuse themselves into
these two national parties and make themselves comfortable, period.
With fiiends in both the conservative and rightist NRC and the liberal,
left of centre Social Democratic Party (SDP), Kalu was in a fix. His
membership of SDP had been solicited by many of his friends in that
party but Kalu had been able to buy his way out of such pressures by
donating to the campaigns of such friends with political ambition or to
55
THE BEAUTIFUL BRIDE
the party. And he was doing the same - or even more - to his friends
in NRC. In doing so, he was playing the classical businessman fishing
from both sides of the net.
He was doing extremely well in business with companies within and
outside the country. He was no longer the young businessman who
burst into the national scene with a fortuitous press statement that turned
him into a celebrity. He had now matured in experience and in business.
He had now invested heavily in real estate, in industry, in banking, in
shipping, in textile business within and outside.
He was now not only one of the few privileged Nigerian tycoons
that lifted and exported crude oil, he had now successfully spread his
tentacles into international commodity trading around countries like
India, Mexico, Brazil, and other Third World countries. From Orjialex
Furniture Company, he had now built Slok Nigeria Limited, a
conglomerate in USA, UK, Togo, Ghana, The^Gambia and of course,
Nigeria. He was no longer just a millionaire but a billionaire, at least in
terms of turnover. Yet, despite all these, he cherishes his independence^
as a businessman.
Although he had his high moments as a government contractor and
was now flourishing as a crude oil trader, being the only Igbo man that
had the licence to lift crude oil, a sacred patronage seemingly reserved
to northern business elite and well-connected foreigners fronting for
local power brokers, he was smart enough to foresee that his good
fortune might not last forever. He had had his chances largely owing to
connections with the military power elite, especially the military president
who was his family friend. He understood the value of access in the
power game and did not fritter away the opportunities that came his
way.
But, even though his greatest strength was in his incredible capacity
to build a powerful network and penetrate the walls of any economic
and political or power clique, he was not naive enough to expect that
with civilians in power, things would necessarily remain the same. It
was not every day that you had the president of the country as your
friend who wants to help you in whichever way possible. It was not
every day that you had the wife of the president putting in a word for
56
you, "a small boy" to be enlisted among people who lift the black gold,
knowing that doing so would transform the black gold into liquid
dollars!
Lucky, yes! Well connected with whomever was in power and
those likely to come into power, yes! But he was not about to push his
luck beyond limit. He was as much an inveterate optimist as much as
he was a cold-blooded realist. And while the giddy spell of optimism
told him he could always find his way through whichever political,
economic or power clique, realism told himthat partisan politics is a
quicksand. A good corporate strategist is one who does not build his
dream on a spider's thread.
After cold-blooded scenario analysis, Kalu felt that he should spend
more time diversifying his businesses into other areas not only in Nigeria
but also around the world, but especially within the West African subregion. He had spotted a golden niche nobody seemed to have noticed
or willing to exploit. And the niche was that the West African subregion seemed to be under-banked. While so many banks were
struggling for the Nigerian market, not many, if any, seemed to see the
yawning bankable market in the sub-region. Kalu was determined to
exploit that market by setting up banks in the sub-region.
Apart from that, he was anxious to diversify his businesses into
other areas. In his exposure to the oil industry, he had noticed prospects
in shipping business and was investing in acquiring shipping vessels
that would carry crude oil. And so many other areas like going into
either the manufacturing or importation of Pharmaceuticals. With so
much to chew, he thought that politics was out of it for him.
Kalu had another reason to be cautious about politics. His closeness
to the military president and the military class, his discussions with them,
his deductions from such discussions, did not often convince him that
the military were in as much hurry to leave as the civilians wanted them
to do. For one thing, it was glaring to him that the military brass he
associated with seemed to harbour deep-seated contempt for the
political class whom they saw as a bunch of rabble-rousing rascals and
trouble makers that should be kept out.
But whatever contempt the military had for the political class was
57
THE BEAUTIFUL BRIDE
equally reserved by the politicians for the military whom they saw as
even more corrupt but with nobody to check their brigandage. The
mutual suspicion had been so deep-seated that when Babangida, on
taking over power on August 27,1985, vaguely promised to return
the country to civil rule as soon as possible, nobody took him seriously.
In fact, Kalu's attitude was that of wait-and-see.
The public scepticism was so deep that when some months later,
Babangida set up a 17-man Political Bureau on January 3,1986, headed
by Dr. Samuel Cookey to conduct a nationwide debate on the country's
political future, one of the nation's greatest politicians and an astute
analyst, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, vowed not to contribute to the
debate. Awo dismissed the process as a fruitless exercise. He politely
declined the invitation of the bureau to come .and contribute his highly
respected ideas. "Something within me," explained the revered political
sage, "tells me loud and clear that we have embarked on a fruitless
search. At the end of the day, when we imagine that the new order is
here, we will be terribly disappointed."
Well, like an Old Testament prophet, Awo was already dead when
his prophecy came to pass!
Stunned by Awo's remarks, a man not known for glib or flippant
talks, Kalu visited the old man on the Easter day of 1986, to seek
advice on various personal and national issues. One of them was to
find out why Awo had no confidence in the new political process. "I
don't trust the military," Awo told him. He made it clear to Kalu that
from his own political crystal ball, he did not believe that the military
would be sincere in handing over power to civilians. Awo painted the
picture of two types of military: the professional, patriotic and
depoliticised military who stick totally to their professional calling of
defending the nation's territorial integrity while being subject to the
political authority; and the mercenary military usurpers who came in as
an occupation force masquerading as saviours.
Awo saw nothing in the successive military regimes to convince
him about such messianic pretensions. On the contrary, what he saw
was a hydra-headed monster of corruption in high places, savagery of
people's human rights, economic anarchy and apparent lack of clear
58
political or economic agenda.
By the time Awo finished with his young pupil, Kalu left with a
heavy heart. "I became disillusioned," he said.
At the university, Kalu had studied political science and had been
extensively enamoured of the political philosophy of Edmund Burke,
the British political intellectual and statesman who counseled that if one
did not want to be ruled by fools, he should be prepared to be involved
in politics. But at Ikenne, Kalu learnt from another master. What he
learnt was different from what they taught him at the university. What
he learnt was realpolitik, the Nigerian perspective.
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
Even though Kalu, through his military connections, was a beneficiary
of military governance, within him the spirit of democracy yearned. He
said: "I believe that there is no alternative to democracy. Even in the
business world, international investors prefer to invest in stable
democratic nations than in countries ruled by military dictatorship. There
are many of our business associates abroad who turn down lucrative
opportunities in Nigeria because they were not prepared to risk their
investment in a military dictatorship, whereas such investors would go
to Ghana or Ivory Coast. Despite the disastrous failures of the two
democratic experiments, Nigerians still yearn for civilian governments.
That is why they are always clamouring for areturn to civil rule as soon
as the dust of any military coup settles."
Despite his disillusionment after the encounter with A wo, Kalu had
nevertheless articulated his ideas into a paper titled, "Blueprint for
National Development and Integration" which he delivered to the
Political Bureau. In the paper, one of over 27,324 contributions received
by the bureau, Kalu canvassed his views on Structural Adjustment
Program, (SAP) which he hailed for liberalizing trade and removing
the extremely corrupt import licensing system of the Buhari regime
which turned every Nigerian first into a criminal before you could do a
legitimate business.
But he frowned at the downsides of SAP which was threatening
to squeeze life out of the common man and offered no protection
59
THE BEAUTIFUL BRIDE
to budding local industries that were on the brink of extinction. He
wanted a SAP mediated by some policy instruments to cushion the
harsh effects on local industries and the population of the unemployed
that kept growing.
He endorsed the presidential system of government and called for
a national political ideology that should be evolved from our sociocultural and political background. He also canvassed views on (he place
of traditional rulers, women in politics, revenue allocation - which he^
suggested should be tilted more in favour of the states rather than the
federal government since he felt that the bulk of development takes
place at the state level - his concept of federalism and the secularity of
the Nigerian state. These issues had been as relevant then as they were
today. But these were as close to political participation as he wanted
to be - at the level of patriotic engagement without direct partisanship.
Even if he wanted a more active participation in politics of the Third
Republic, the frequent revision of the transition timetable and the
discernible vacillation of the Babangida regime did not encourage him.
For instance, on receiving the report of the Political Bureau in March
1987, the government had set up a sub-committee headed by MajorGeneral Paul Omu to produce a draft white paper. The government
White Paper accepted among other things, the recommendation of the
minority report of the Political Bureau, which suggested that the military
required more time to accomplish some of the programmes,
recommended by the bureau. Consequently, the government shifted
the final disengagement from October 1,1990 to October 2,1992.
To some observers, the shift in date was unnecessary and apparently
self-serving. If this shift in the terminal date raised some dust, the
government kicked up a major storm when it banned all the thirteen
putative political associations that filed papers for registration as political
parties. They were banned for non-strict compliance with the Herculean
registration hurdles imposed by the government ostensibly to ensure
the emergence of truly national political parties as opposed to ethnicbased political parties. In their place, the government created two
political parties, the right-of-centre National Republican Convention
(NRC) and the left-of-centre Social Democratic Party (SDP) and urged
60
the aspiring political associations to fuse into these two parties. Of
course, this meant a revision of the transition programme again, even
though it did not lead to a change in the hand over date of October 1,
1992.
The seeming inconsistencies, amendments and revisions of the rule
of the game since the transition began fuelled scepticism about the
sincerity of the government's transition programme. This scepticism
was worsened by the ambiguous provisions of Participation in Politics
and Election (Prohibition) Decree No. 25,1987 which banned and
disqualified some former politicians from participating in politics, either
for life or during the transition programme. While some hailed the ban
as a good measure to pave the way for new breed politicians, others
considered it undemocratic and a violation of the natural rights of the
banned politicians.
But the most contentious issue in the decree which remained
unresolved to the satisfaction and comfort of such skeptics was the
provision of part 11 of schedule 2 of the decree which states that,
"Nothing in this decree shall be construed to prevent any holder of the
offices stipulated in part 11 of schedule 2 of this decree from holding
and continuing in that office until such a time as he is replaced in that
office by a duly elected or appointed successor, as the case may be, in
accordance with the provisions of the Transition to Civil Rule Political
Programme Decree, 1987.
Those included in this sacrosanct list were the President/Head of
State, Chief of Staff, Deputy Chief of Staff, Chairman Joint Chiefs of
Staff, Chief of General Staff and Chief of Defence Staff. While the
government argued that this provision was a moot point and a routine
legal safety catch, legal experts saw it as a booby trap that could be
exploited by the military. In retrospect, how prophetic such cynics
turnedouttobe!
Political purists were also uncomfortable with the provision that
any amendments to the manifestoes written by the government for the
two political parties must be subject to the approval of the Armed
Forces Ruling Council. This stripped the parties of any independence
whatsoever as a political organism that must evolve its own structural
61
THE BEAUTIFUL BRIDE
and internal dynamics.
Many also queried the rationale in bringing the local government,
governorship and legislative elections over a year ahead of the
presidential election with the implication that these tiers of government
would have been inaugurated under a military dictatorship. This meant
smuggling the concept of diarchy first suggested by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe
in the early '70s but rejected by most Nigerians, through the back
door, even though the Political Bureau didn't recommend that. And as
if the suspicious atmosphere was not strong enough, the military's
director of public relations, then Colonel Fred Chijiuka, warned that
elected civilian governors or local government chairmen could be
sacked by the head of state. Now, this was pure sacrilege in the ears
of those who understood the sanctity of democratic mandate of the
people. To sack a duly elected official was tantamount to a coup, cried
the critics.
These ambiguities and apparent inconsistencies in the transition
process were not reassuring signals of the government's sincerity. The
regime's lack of credibility occasioned by these ambiguities and
inconsistencies undermined the government's transition programme.
As a close confidant of the president, Kalu repeatedly tried to point
out these dark spots to the president who usually was surprisingly
receptive to such criticisms. "I also repeatedly warned those close to
the president that the way the transition was being implemented could
lead the nation onto a dangerous crossroad," Kalu said. But the fact
was that Babangida listened to so many voices that it was difficult for
him to sift the wheat from the cnaff, in the end. As Kalu pointed out,
Babangida was a democrat at heart, despite his uniform.
He added: "Owing to these inconsistencies that characterised the
transition programme, I was very sceptical about going into politics
initially. In fact, I became very disillusioned with the regime generally.
This might be surprising to those who knew how close I was to the
president. On many occasions, I openly criticised the government's
transition process. This used to annoy many of Babangida's aides but
he never seemed to bother about my criticisms. At times, I suspect
that he even welcomed them. I never hesitated in making my views
62
known to him. Like SAP which I supported in principle, I believed
that the transition programme was very poorly implemented. That made
me extremely hesitant about plunging into politics headlong."
But then, his desire to limit his involvement in politics to such
constructive engagement at non-partisan level was being daily
undermined by pressure from the political class to join the game fully.
Like in most things of life, it was one thing to wish and desire what you
want for your life; it was another thing to carry them out without the
interference of others. Kalu's desire for a private life out of politics
was definitely one area that the political class was not willing to accept.
And so, the pressure to draft him into one of the parties became an
intense battle pitching political heavyweights against each other
consciously or unconsciously.
Chief Tom Ikimi's visit was to persuade Kalu not just to join the
NRC but to become a candidate. To the NRC, it was crucial that Kalu
joined before the governorship election. "Chief Tom Ikimi and some
of his executive members came to my house several times to sell the
party's programme to me," Kalu recalled. "Chief Ikimi told me just
before the governorship election that the party needed a person like
me to neutralise the popularity of the SDP governorship aspirant, Dr.
Sam Eke who is from the same local government with me. The party
also needed the financial assistance of those considered as wealthy in
Abia State to stop Chief Arthur Nzeribe who was playing dangerous
money politics in SDP."
Before the governorship elections, SDP had trounced the NRC in
all the previous elections. It was therefore taken for granted that SDP
would sweep the polls during the governorship election. But then, the
near certainty of the SDP victory had fuelled the determination of the
political maverick to ensure that only candidates sponsored by him
were nominated to contest in the Eastern states.
Flaunting his wealth as a carrot, Nzeribe had created an artificial
political fiefdom which he called CARIA states embracing Cross River,
Abia, Rivers, Imo and Anambra States, where he sought to impose
himself as the political godfather. Candidates for any of the elections
63
THE BEAUTIFUL BRIDE
were to be sponsored by him, subject to swearing of a native oath of
loyalty to his political over-lordship. It was alleged that those who
resisted his dominion were subverted through the most reckless form
of rigging and brazen manipulation of the political process to exclude
sucli candidates from scaling through the nomination process.
It was also alleged that the Eastern SDP machinery was in Nzeribe' s
pocket to such an extent that the national leadership of the party was
totally compromised. In fact, the party's national chairman, Ambassador
Babagana Kingibe who needed Nzeribe's support for his presidential
ambition simply turned blind eye to Nzeribe's flagrant excesses.
Nzeribe's anointed candidate for Abia State governorship poll was
Dr. Sam Eke whose nomination against the popular and politically
independent aspirant, Dr. Ezekiel Izuogu, perceived by many to have
won the nomination process, left the party in disarray in the state.
In the ensuing internal conflagration,%the eastern SDP was set on
self-destruction. NRC's winning strategy was simply to exploit the
internal crisis of the SDP to its advantage. But then, SDP leadership
also needed strong minds with sufficient financial muscle to neutralise
Nzeribe's destructive hold on the party. Kalu fitted the bill. Like Izuogu,
Kalu is independentminded and is not likely to be anybody's stooge.
And then, he has the financial muscle necessary to win elections in the
rough political terrain of the state.
Therefore, SDP leaders like Dr. Sam Mbakwe who in any fair
political contest then, was probably the most popular political figure in
both Imo and Abia States, also lobbied Kalu to join'the party. Kalu
had a particular soft spot for Mbakwe whose tenure as the first civilian
governor of the old Imo State, now split into three states, was a
watershed in the infrastructural development of the state. Mbakwe is a
man of the people. In fact, Kalu and Mbakwe.' s son, Alex, were friends
and at a point, were business partners. A combination their two names
coined into Ojialex Furniture Company, the first company managed by
Kalu, although the two friends later disagreed and split.
Kalu was tempted to join the SDP but then, the prospect of joining
the same party with Nzeribe who was obviously a thorn in everybody's
flesh then was unattractive. And then, in terms of political philosophy,
54
Kalu is a centrist who believes in the power of the market forces as
opposed to any contrived human devices dressed in fanciful name.
For a man of his tremendous wealth who rose from nothing to such a
height, it would have been a contradiction in terms, for him to make
any socialist pretensions. He believes that competition is the ultimate
tonic for man's self-actualisation, provided there is a level playing field
for everyone. Intrinsically, he believes that free enterprise provides such
a level playing field where the only denominator in success or failure is
the added value offered in any human transaction.
Like the great Ronald Reagan reputed as one of the greatest
presidents of the United States, Kalu is not ashamed to be called a
capitalist, provided by that you mean the supremacy of private
enterprise as a means of wealth generation. In any case, he believes
that even the best examples of the socialist states and their centralised
economies had ended up in bread basket cases. The day God created
man, He commanded him to go into the world and subdue the whole
earth and bring the resources therein under Ms domination. That was a
statement of divine endorsement of free enterprise with its attendant
competition as the inevitable lubricant.
Therefore, if he was joining a party, it must be based on a personal
philosophical conviction more than any other argument and the party
with the closest approximation to his political conviction happens to be
NRC more than the SDP. As Reagan, one of Kalu's political heroes,
argued, "I feel sorry for any man occupying a governor's chair without
holding his own deep-seated personal philosophy...When the
temptation to make a political decision, instead of going with the right
decision regardless of politics, becomes ever so attractive, as it
sometimes does, strength of character supported by strong personal
convictions and ideals is desperately needed."
In the circumstance, once it became obvious to him that he had to
get directly involved, Kalu first voted for his personal philosophical
conviction. And that favoured his joining the NRC. And for Ikimi and
his team, that was a major victory for the party, a turning point for the
ultimate victory of the party in the state.
5
Launching
Into the Deep
Winning Kalu into the NRC was a major strategic move by the
leadership of the party. In the local government and state houses of
assembly elections, SDP had shown itself to be the dominant party in
the eastern states. The SDP controlled more seats in both the local
government and state assembly elections. It was obvious that the SDP's
winning streak in the eastern states would continue unless the NRC
did something drastic to reverse the trend. Bringing Kalu into the party
was one of such strategic moves by the party.
Having accepted to join the party, the leadership sought to maximise
the benefit of his membership by making him declare for the party on
the day the party's gubernatorial candidate, Dr. Ogbonnaya Onu, was
being officially presented to the public. But Kalu refused, preferring
not to be rail-roaded until he had studied the scene more carefully. To
Kalu, life is a game of risk, but like in business, every risk must be a
calculated risk. Experience in the business world had taught him never
to allow himself to be stampeded. "I have nothing against Onu," he
66
said. "In fact, I supported him financially in his campaigns and also
personally campaigned for him widely in the state. But I've learnt in
business that any decision taken in a hurry always leads to regret. So,
I was simply taking my time, nothing else."
Well, NRG had no such time to waste, so they piled pressure on
him, using the party's eventual presidential candidate, Alhaji Bashir
Tofa who was his neighbour and Ibrahim Mantu to speak to him. But
these party leaders soon found out that Kalu had a mind of his own
and could not easily be stampeded.
It may be that at this point, Kalu was already nursing a personal
ambition to go for an electoral office. If he must be in politics, then he
might as well get involved in practical terms. But Kalu would not admit
to this, insisting he was only taking his time.
In any case, the party leadership was not satisfied with his mere
membership of the party. They wanted him as the arrowhead in a
strategy to break the myth of SDP' s invincibility in the state, especially
in Abia North Senatorial district which remained an SDP stronghold.
In the previous elections, starting from the local government to state
houses of assembly elections, the SDP had won more seats than the
rival NRC, and often doing so with a comfortable majority. But in the
governorship election, the party seemed to lose its winning streak owing
to the internal wranglings in the party which took a deep toll on the
party.
Nzeribe's imposition of his candidates as opposed to the popular
choice of the electorate as gubernatorial candidates was being stiffly
resisted by the masses. The general expectation that the Kingibe-led
leadership of the party would intervene to save the party's electoral
fortunes was dashed. Because of his hidden presidential ambition,
Kingible was more keen on winning Nzeribe's support than in electoral
justice. In fact, the SDP leadership simply swept the brazen electoral
violations inflicted on the popular candidates of the party under carpet.
Like in a marketing game, the electorate plotted their revenge in the
marketplace by swinging their votes to the opposing NRC candidates.
Suddenly, the NRC performed the feat of winning the governorship
elections in the two eastern states. Kalu might justifiably take some
67
LAUNCHING INTO THE DEEP
credit for plotting this victory, but in the main, the NRC won because
of protest votes by the aggrieved SDP supporters. Ultimately, this
strategic faux pas led to NRC winning 16 governorship seats to SDP's
14 seats, contrary to general expectation.
However, with the national assembly elections, the SDP hoped to
re-establish its dominance. On its part, the NRC was anxious to prove
that its gubernatorial victory was not a mere fluke but gains that should
and must be consolidated in the remaining elections—the national
assembly and presidential elections. In effect, the battle for the national
assembly elections became a deep-seated one. NRC's leadership
wanted Kalu to contest the Bende Federal Constituency to ensure that
the party did not lose out in the area.
"Finally, after very extensive consultations," he said, "I decided to
run for the a seat at the Federal House of Representatives on the platform
of the NRC on March 15,1992, at Igbere, my hometown."
It was an impressive ceremony which like a typical Kalu celebration,
was designed for maximum impact. His declaration was attended by
national and state executives of the party, community leaders from the
constituency, friends from home and abroad. It was an intimidation
tactics which worked so perfectly that other NRC candidates simply
withdrew. Kalu was then returned unopposed at the party's primary
election.
"The most formidable candidate in the race before my declaration
was Mr. Sam Onyeama who was a former speaker in the old Imo
State house of assembly during the Mbakwe era," Kalu said, recalling
his great relief at the withdrawal of such an experienced candidate.
"His initial impression wasthat I was not serious but when he found
out my seriousness and possible victory at the primary election he
withdrew his candidature few weeks to the nomination. I was returned
unopposed on May 23,1992."
For Kalu, it was a most exhilarating experience, having never
contested for a political office before and now being returned
unopposed. But, of course, Kalu's opponents said that Onyeama was
"settled" to pave the way for Kalu, an accusation that Kalu vigorously
denied.
68
The Campaign
Kalu's opponent, Mr. Orji Lekweuwa was an.urbane, articulate
and decent new breed politician who ran a decent but highly effective
campaign. He was a man at home with the problems of his constituency
and he articulated them with admirable finesse. With an average
candidate, Lekweuwa could have won easily, especially because Bende
Federal Constituency was an SDP stronghold. But Kalu was by no
means an average candidate.
While other candidates needed to build their names, he was already
a national household name. Even if other candidates were rich or had
rich sponsors, Kalu was not just rich but among the very wealthy
Nigerians. He needed no rich sponsors. With his personal resources,
he had been involved in a lot of philanthropic activities. To him, politics
was not an avenue to make money, the familiar bane ofNigerian politics,
for he already knew how to make money and had made enough to last
him more than a lifetime. And just like honey attracts bees, so money
attracts fiiends. If politics is a game of contacts, then Kalu had a national
network of contacts in high and low places. By nature, he has an
incredible capacity to build network of contacts locally and
internationally; among the very powerful and among the very common;
among the very wealthy and among the very poor. A shrewd, downto-earth man, Kalu is at home in every crowd. In his own way, he is
the archetypal man of the people His capacity to worm his way into
the local and national media meant that he enjoyed constant media
exposure, even if it was not always positive. In a game where visibility
is the name of the game, Kalu was shoulders above his rivals.
Given so much comparative advantage and the seeming odds
stacked against his opponents, it would have been expected that the
battle for the Bende Federal Constituency was a non-contest. But that
was not the case, as Kalu soon found out. For one thing, his opponent
was very rooted in the grassroots politics and spoke the right language.
Substantial percentage of the electorate did not depend on media
visibility to make up their mind—many didn't have access to the media
in the first place, print or electronic. They vote for the party where their
reputable sons advised them or simply for their stomach. In that case,
69
the party of the familiar big names usually had an edge. In Bende Federal
Constituency, SDP was the party of the big names. Even the respected
patron of old Imo State politics—comprising the present Imo and Abia
State plus Ebonyi State which came later - Chief Sam Mbakwe was
of the SDP. And Mbakwe, the extremely shrewd and pragmatic
politician, had gone to Aba, the highly cosmopolitan melting pot of old
Imo politics, to inform the Igbos that SDP was the party of the Igbos.
And as an ardent Zik loyalist, he had the blessing of the great Zik to
say that.
Such a statement at Aba, the heart of Igboland where Igbos from
every community was usually represented, was a strategic masterstroke.
For one thing, Zik who in his last years, played the father of the nation
and was above partisan politics, made it a point to bless every politician
that came his way as the father of the nation. But it took a shrewd
politician to turn such a general blessing into a personal political patent.
Coming from the great Dee Sam Mbakwe, people accepted SDP
as Zik's party. And Aba as a city was a very effective communication
hub, from where the message would ricochet to every part of Igboland
through their sons and daughters in Aba as the able mouthpieces. And
Mbakwe's credibility with the people stood as solid as a rock. His
achievements as the first executive civilian governor of the old Imo
State had remained a great political credit card he was always cashing
from the people. And in Igboland, good record is an inexhaustible
credit card you can cash for life, provided that like the irrepressible
Dee Sam, you know how to cash it without squandering it.
As if to worsen matters, Bende Federal Constituency falls within
AbiaNorth Senatorial District where SDP fielded a highly articulate,
popular and a national media commentator, Chief Ojo Maduekwe
against NRC's relatively unknown dark horse, Mr. Onyeka Okereafor.
And in the Bende Federal Constituency, SDP also fielded a man of
good reputation who knew the heart of the people.
"Lekweuwa was a man of high integrity," Kalu said of his SDP
opponent. "He put the interest of the people of Bende Federal
Constituency above personal and partisan consideration." That was
&s much a tribute to Kalu's magnanimity as a politician as much as
70
it was to Lekweuwa's impeccable character. As Kalu puts it, he had
always been attracted to Waziri Ibrahim's political philosophy of
"politics without bitterness."
Lekweuwa seemed to symbolise that philosophy in practical terms.
"It dawned on me," Kalu said, "that nothing short of door-to-door
campaign would do, if I am not to be floored by SDP. It was like a war
without guns and bullets but a war of votes."
But it was a war Kalu was determined to win.
Despite Lekweuwa's fine credentials, Kalu was the man to beat.
The challenge for Kalu was to convince the people that it was a race
between a Kalu and a Lekwauwa, not between a Kalu and an Mbakwe
or the great Zik. The issue at stake was not party but development.
The choice before the people was who between their two illustrious
sons had the network, the high-level contacts and the capacity to attract
state, federal and even international development to the area. And a
good way to determine that was to decide who already was well known
at these levels without needing further introduction. In the past, people
voted on party leanings but in the battle for the Bende Federal
Constituency, Kalu forced the choice on the basis of personality. And
to demonstrate that he was not in the game for anything else but for the
best interest of the people, Kalu articulated what he called his political
agenda. The political agenda was to be the parameter by which his
performance, if elected, was to be judged.
Since then, the thrust of that agenda had not differed significantly
from the agenda that saw him to power as an executive governor of
Abia State. Again, it was significant that while running for a legislative
as opposed to an executive position, Kalu articulated a policy thrust
that required an executive platform to execute.
His campaign was based on a four-point programme. These
programmes need to be adequately highlighted here because they
formed the foundation of Kalu's agenda which remained unchanged
since he formulated them over a decade ago. In other words, Kalu
then might be a new politician but from the onset, he had a clear-cut
idea of the goals he wished to actualise in public service. Almost like
the four cardinal programmes of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria,
71
Kalu' s political agenda had no room for fine political or philosophical
rhetoric. In his view, what the people need most is not sweet sounding
words that sooth the ears but leave the stomach empty and aching,
what they need is a political action that is focused on agriculture, roads,
erosion control and education. And that four formed the kernel of Kalu's
political agenda. And he took time to articulate the key points wherever
he went, to a very captive audience:
Agriculture
Our constituency is endowed with a fertile agricultural
land suitable for cultivation of variety of food and cash
crops. Consequently, agriculture had been the mainstay of
the economy of the people of Bende local government area
with majority of the people engaged in subsistence farming.
I promised our people that I was going to use my position
as their elected representative to ensure that we harness
all these agricultural potentials of our area. I wanted our
people to get the necessary credit facilities from the State
Agricultural Development Programme, (ADP), and the
Agricultural Credit Guarantee Scheme; (AGCS) initiated
by the Central Bank of Nigeria.
Owing to lack of encouragement, many of the farmers
have not gone into commercial agriculture. The rice
cultivation in Igbere, Ozuitem, Item and Bende were
virtually reduced manual labour, apart from the rice mills
that were inevitably mechanised. The lack of mechanised
agriculture was as a result of lack of necessary assistance
from the federal and state level. I therefore promised to
ensure that the vast potential of our people, especially our
agro-allied economy was brought to the attention of the
state and federal governments, if I were elected their
representative at the federal legislature.
My vision for agriculture made considerable impact in
my campaigns. I visited all the farm settlements in the
area that were established during Dr. Michael I. Okpara's
tenure as the premier of the defunct eastern region. I also
visited other agricultural projects that Chief Ogbonnaya
Maduka, the then chairman of Agricultural Development
Authority (ADA) established in our area during Chief Sam
Mbakwe's tenure as the governor of the old Imo State.
I discovered from my tours that no leader in our history
had given as much attention to agriculture like Dr. Okpara
did when he was the premier of Eastern Region. He
effectively harnessed the agricultural potential of our people
during his time. In his time, agriculture was the mainstay of
. the region's economy, the largest revenue earner, surpassing
crude oil. It was sad that Dr. Okpara's dynamic and
pragmatic agricultural policy was abandoned by successive
administrations who in later years, depended only on oil
revenue accruing from federal allocations. I felt that Bende
Federal Constituency and Nigeria as a whole needed a
well-articulated agricultural policy that would effectively
harness our local potentials and become the engine of our
economic development. In my view, it was a high time we
returned to the land, a high time we restored the pride and
place of agriculture in our economy.
Roads
Even if we succeed in our effort to harness our
agricultural potentials, yet without a good road network
linking the various places within our locality, the aim would
be defeated. So, in my campaigns, the issue of road
development and reconstruction became a major issue. The
length of federal roads in Bende constituency is quite
substantial considering the landmass of the local
government. But even more crucial than the question of
length is the deplorable state of such roads. The UmuahiaBende Road was not just in bad state but it was further
devastated by erosion. Portions of the roads had developed
yawning gullies that made night journeys a dangerous
adventure. Similarly, the condition of the Bende-Ozuitem,
Item-Nkporo, Item-Akaeze/Ugwueke roads had
deteriorated. The Igbere-Ozuitem-Bende road just like most
of the other roads had not received any attention for over a
decade.
72
73
LAUNCHING INTO THE DEE?
Even the Mbakwe administration that was hailed for
achieving a lot did not work on these roads. The result was
that these roads had gone so bad that they became
impassable. My campaign team bore the brunt in our
journeys. A journey to Bende, the local government
headquarters, that should have taken 20 minutes took hours
to make, as we had to detour through Umuahia to reach
Bende from Igbere. In effect, it took us as much time to
get to Bende from Igbere with our cars as it took our fathers
in the past to trek to Bende by bush tracks! Yet, in many
places, we were wisely advised to trek to the next
community rather than venture the trip by cars. My
entourage and I had to trek to many places to reach the
potential voters. For me, it was a rewarding opportunity to
know where and how our people lived—which told a very
deplorable story.
Erosion Control
Soil erosion was one of the greatest problems of our
local government. In fact, the state of roads was so bad
because in many cases, erosion had washed out the roads
completely, thus cutting off access to the people. Since
erosion was first noticed in our area in the early 50s, it had
gradually assumed alarming proportion and now constitutes
the greatest menace to roads, homes and arable lands. With
each rainy season, it advances with greater devastation on
lands, roads and residential areas. In many communities
like Nkpa, Igbere, Itumbauzo, Item, Ozuitem, Bende, Alayi
and Ozuitem—all the major communities in the Bende
Federal Constituency—hundreds of families have been
forced out of their homes by the menacing gully erosion.
Various town unions in the local government made feeble
efforts to control situation without success. Experts too
had offered various suggestions and warnings but not much
came out of their effort. Erosion had become a great
impediment to any form of development. Even before I
entered politics, 1 was aware that erosion was a great
menace to our constituencies and other lgbo-speaking states
and that we were heading toward a major natural disaster.
In places like Agulu-Nanka in Anambra State, erosion
eventually sacked whole communities. To tackle the problem
of erosion required more than any state could afford. In
many of the Igbo states, it required multi-billions to check
the problem of erosion, not to talk of the collateral damage
to the social and economic life of the people. This meant
that the problem of erosion would be tackled at the level of
state, federal and even international level. In this context, I
saw my role as that of sensitising the nation about the
looming danger to our people, initiating appropriate
legislation to tackle the problem, including the amendment
of the revenue allocation formula to ensure that greater
percentage of the federally collected revenue is given to
the ecological disaster fund. I also promised to sensitise
the international community about our pi ight.
Education
I saw education as the biggest industry in our state. But
I felt that our state did not have adequate number of
educational institutions, especially at the tertiary level.
Therefore, I saw the establishment of many educational
institutions in our state as a cardinal objective. Since Abia
State is largely an agrarian state, I felt that we need
educational institutions that cater for the studying of
agriculture and agro-science at higher level. Already, we
have the Federal Institute of Tropical Agriculture, at
Umudike, established by Dr. Okpara. I wanted to work in
concert with the federal and state government to ensure
that this institute was converted into a full-fledged university.
(This objective was achieved when the institute was
converted to Federal University of Agriculture.) The only
way we could harness the large agricultural potentials of
our area was to establish such institution. I assured our
people that even if we could not attract the University of
Agriculture into our constituency, we would bring it to a
nearby constituency in the state where we would benefit
from the proximity. I also promised to lobby our wealthy
74
75
indigenes to consider setting up an educational trust fund to
help the needy. I promised to set the example by setting up
Dr. Orji Kalu Educational Endowment Fund. The fund
awards scholarships to qualified scholars from our area as
well as donate for the improvement of existing educational
institutions in our area. I also promised to lead the way in
setting up industries that would provide employment to
people in our area.
In his campaigns, Kalu paid a lot of attention to these
four cardinal programmes. In the past, Bende Federal
Constituency had suffered undeserved political hostility
from the executive governors of the state because the
people had voted for representatives who ended up
antagonising the state's chief executives. In the ensuing
confrontation, the area ended up denied development,
ostensibly as a way to punish the opponents of the state's
chief executive. This was a case of the father eating sour
grapes and the children suffering tooth decay, or a case of
the elephants fighting and the grass suffering and bearing
the brunt of their aggression:
"I noticed that the confrontational attitude of Senator
S. M. Ojukwu, who represented us, towards Governor
Sam Mbakwe and the entire NPP leadership in general
during the Second Republic, ended up robbing our area
of development. All the development schemes slated for
our area were diverted to other areas to punish Senator
Ojukwu, but in the end, it was the entire senatorial district
that suffered."
Kalu vowed to profit from the errors of the past leaders by making
sure that he worked in concert with the state's chief executive, no
matter the governor's party, to ensure that whatever is due to the people
came to them. "I used such policy in the past as a student union leader
at the University of Maiduguri and it worked for me," he said.
76
After weeks of hectic campaigning, it was time for result. The
returning officer, Mr. Roger Nworie announced the results: SDP's
candidate, Lekwauwa had gallantly polled 22,280 votes to NRC's
Kalu's 32,000 votes. Kalu was declared the winner.
It was an ecstatic moment. Nothing could be as sweet as victory. A
well-deserved victory after a heated and memorable battle. Kalu was
mobbed by supporters and to his greatest shock, the man that clasped
him in a tight bear hug was his opponent, Lekwauwa! He lifted Kalu
shoulder high. It was an action that spoke louder than words. By the
time he spoke, urging the electorate to behold and accept their newly
elected representative, it was more like the denouement of an epic
battle. "My beloved people of Bende," he said, "the election of Orji
Kalu today as our representative in the House of Representative is the
beginning of a new era in our collective effort towards building a strong
and united Bende. I urge you all to give him your unflinching support
and co-operation. I have accepted defeat in the spirit of sportsmanship."
Lekwauwa's sportsmanship left an indelible impression in Kalu's
heart. It taught him a deep personal lesson in magnanimity in victory
and losing gallantly. From that moment, Kalu resolved never to
see victory or defeat as a matter of life and death, as a do-or-die
affair. And from that moment a seed of political idea was sown in
his heart: in victory, remember to co-opt your opponent. In defeat,
be magnanimous in your support. That simple lesson had remained
one of Kalu's political credo ever since. Thanks to Lekwauwa.
6
Real Politick
and the
Power Game
Leadership is when persons with certain motives and purposes
mobilize, in competition or conflict with others, institutional, political,
psychological and other resources so as to arouse, engage and satisfy
the motives of followers.
- James McGregor Burns
Are leaders born or made? Of course, this has been an ancient
question with no definitive answer. Some might have been born
with natural leadership traits, but whatever traits a man possesses
from birth may come to naught if they are not constantly tested
against practical realities. From his birth to a modest family that
struggled like most Nigerians to make ends meet, his chequered
secondary school encounters, his days of students' union activism,
his battles to survive and conquer poverty to his election to the
National Assembly after a titanic campaign, Kalu had constantly
confronted with such practical realities. It was from such hectic and
78
often grueling crucibles that Kalu emerged with unusual wealtli of native
wisdom and pragmatism.
Whatever natural leadership traits Kalu had were ultimately groomed
by series of practical experiences that over the years had built into him,
a street-wise toughness that enables him to assert himself in any forum.
As Garry Wills notes, "leadership is mobilizing others toward a goal
shared by the leader and followers."
The National Assembly provided Kalu a fertile ground to test out
his leadership potential and shape things. But to shape things requires
a pedestal, a position or a platform from which to mobilise. Kalu's first
and foremost platform was not necessarily his seat at the National
Assembly or the offices he held - the conventional platform for many
political actors. His first and foremost platform was his personal
influence, his capacity to spin network of contacts at the various levels
of the power structure. "It is not the position," observes Stanley Huffty,
"that makes the leader; it's the leader that makes the position."
Well then, Kalu is the leader, albeit a budding leader. His election
into the Federal House of Representative came at a time of great political
ferment. It came at a time the government was grappling with the web
of confusion spurned by the various inconsistencies in the transition
programme. Like the various aspects of the transition process, the
election into the National Assembly came with a lot of uncertainties.
First, the date. In the revised transition programme announced by
NEC, elections into the National Assembly were fixed for November
7,1992 for the final results to be fully declared within two days. But
the vice president Augustus Aikhomu in another unexpected revision
brought forward the date to July 4, 1992, with the Assembly's
inauguration billed for July 27,1992, ostensibly to allow a learning
period for the legislators, but ironically, under the military school masters!
With the best of intentions, this would have allowed the legislators almost
six months of practice before the new civilian president was sworn in
on January 1993.
But the military schemers apparently had not anticipated or worked
out answers to the political conundrum which this revision threw up,
mainly: Who would inaugurate the National Assembly? The 1989
79
REAL POLITICK AND THE POWER GAME
Constitution made and approved by the military government stipulated
that "the person elected as the president shall have the power to issue
a proclamation for the holding of the first session of the National
Assembly immediately after his being sworn in."
Clearly, this section did not anticipate a military president inaugurating
a civil National Assembly, while at the same time sitting in his ruling
military council. So, the status of the new National Assembly became
a new national question that generated a great deal of heat. To douse
the national heat, the military government reversed itself again,
announcing in a communique of the Armed Forces Ruling Council,
AFRC, that the inauguration of the National Assembly would wait
until January 2, a day after the civilian president would have been sworn
in, who in turn, would inaugurate the assembly.
Sanity returned, but only for a moment. For like Murphy' s law,
whatever must go wrong, just must go wrong. The transition was
designed - or bound - to go wrong. And wrong it did. The entire
transition train went into another shock when President Babangida
announced a further postponement of the hand over date to August
27,1993. As usual, IBB told the astonished nation, this umpteenth
shift was in the "national interest". In a military regime, that phrase was
usually as nebulous as it was pregnant. In the hands of a mindless
military dictator, that simple phrase - national interest- could give
birth to any protean creature, benevolent or monstrous.
The new shift worsened the case of the National Assembly. If the
constitution was to be adhered to, then the assembly would be
inaugurated on August 28,1993, after the new civilian president would
have been sworn in. That would be over a year after they were elected!
Meanwhile, those of them who were working in the public sector had
been required by law to resign their appointments before contesting
the election with the implication that the assemblymen, save for those
who had flourishing private businesses to sustain them, were in the
unemployment market, an induced unemployment. This could not have
been by any stretch of definition, the meaning of national service. To
expect the assemblymen to wait that long, especially those of them
already out of job, was asking for an unnecessary sacrifice.
80
The hue and cry generated by this problem forced the military into
coming out with a new permutation. Yes, the assembly would be
inaugurated, after all, but no, it would not be inauguratedbut convened
by the military president on December 5, 1992. It was left for the
linguistic experts to unravel the difference between inaugurate and
convene or for that matter, between six and half a dozen. But then, as
Kalu and other commentators noted, if the assembly was inaugurated
or convened by the military, it threw up a new set of problems, even if
we choose to ignore the violation of the constitutional provision of who
should inaugurate the assembly. If the National Assembly was
inaugurated, then the nation was faced with monstrous prospect of
two parallel legislative organs: the elected 680 members of both the
House of Representative and the Senate on the one side and the unelected 18-member National Defence abd Security Council, which
under Babangida's newly created Transitional Council, became the
highest legislative body. The government had an answer for this one. It
came up with Decree 53 of 1992 which restricted the power of the
National Assembly during this interim period to legislating only on
tourism and cultural issues while vesting the de facto legislative authority
to the 18-member National Defence and Security Council which
replaced the AFRC. Of course, unlike the AFRC, the NDSC has a
sprinkling of civilians including the Attorney General and the chairman
of the Transitional Council, as members, otherwise, it was an all- military
affair, as usual. For an unelected body of few men to exercise authority
over hundreds of elected representatives of the people was a gratuitous
insult to democracy.
The question was the propriety or otherwise of convening the
assembly under such inauspicious circumstances. Kalu's view was that
the political class should toe the pragmatic line. "I told my colleagues,
at a meeting of NRC's elected legislators that it would not serve any
purpose debating on the status of the National Assembly at this
transitional era," Kalu said. "I suggested instead that the legislators
should use this period to understudy the workings of the various
government agencies and get briefings from their chief executives to
prepare us more for the actual legislative duties when the time comes."
81
Kalu argued that the country was in a season of political anomie
and it would amount to self-deception to expect democratic ideals
from the military who to all intents and purposes, were at best, reluctant
to hand over to anybody. Rather than bellyache over spilt milk, the
political class should make the best of a bad situation until the elephant
is guided out of the china shop!
Kalu himself spent the time consulting with various interest groups
in his constituency, commissioning personal studies, using consultants,
to examine some problems of his constituency and the nation at large.
One of such studies on agriculture, focused on improved seedlings for
higher yield, pest control and problems of commercial small-scale
agriculture. Another study dealt with tax reforms necessary to enhance
the revenue base of the state. He commissioned studies on a microloan scheme to rural farmers, traders and small-scale entrepreneurs.
(He was later to experiment with these programmes first through his
private foundations which he later set up and when he became the
governor.) He was burdened with how to assist the poor, not with
stipends or gifts, but how to empower them to form the bedrock of
economic development. "If hunger must be driven out of the land," he
argues, "it is not going to be because of government's efforts but because
of the productivity of individual fanners. Government should not go
into agriculture to produce food but government should empower the
big and small farmers to achieve their maximum productivity.
Government can provide micro loans to small farmers to boost their
productivity and at the same time, provide good roads, so that the
farmers could market their products."
The Tempting Offer Kalu Refused
The National Assembly that Kalu met when he went to Abuja a
few days before the convening by President Babangida was a melting
cauldron of controversy. First was the question of electing principal
officers and the status of such officers of the two houses. While some
held that the principal officers being elected should serve out their full
term, others argued that the principal officers should be considered
transitional since the decrees that set up the National Assembly like
82
Decree 18 of 1992 and the controversial National Assembly (Basic
Constitutional and Provisional) (Amendment) Decree 53 of 1992
specified the functions of the assembly during the transitional period
At the inauguration of the assembly, Babangida had directed, citing
the Standing Orders of the Assembly, that only the majority party—
the SDP in this case—should produce the principal officers and
committee chairman. The minority party, NRC, vainly challenged this
while the SDP simply applauded. But what was to be a blessing for the
SDP nearly tore the party apart in the scramble for the spoils of office.
The party's zoning arrangement for the offices left it boiling, while
ambitious aspirants lobbied and fought for various key positions to be
allocated to their zones.
In the House of Representative, the post of the speaker was the
golden pot. The party had zoned it to the Southeast but the Southeastern
leaders preferred nothing short of the senate presidency. Once again,
the SDP was in disarray and the NRC was waiting in the wings to
exploit the divisions in the SDP to spring a surprise. But this time, it
was in concert with some aggrieved SDP legislators who formed a
nocturnal coalition with NRC legislators to hijack the speaker's seat
from the fissiparous SDP. One Friday evening of December 1992, the
coalition sent feelers to Kalu offering him their backing for the speaker's
seat.
Two things were at stake here. First, it was a recognition of Kalu's
leadership potential by members of the alliance. Secondly, contesting
for such a coveted position in such a controversial circumstances
required somebody with a deep pocket to foot the bill. Again, Kalu
fitted the bill.
For a young politician, barely 32, this was a dizzying offer that kept
Kalu sleepless throughout the night. For politics is nothing else but a
contest for power and here was power being thrown at his feet. The
opportunity to be the nation's Number Four citizen offered on a platter
of gold. It was beyond Kalu's wildest dream. On various occasions in
the past, especially when he was being wooed into politics, and into
contesting for a seat in the House of Representative, the office of the
speaker had been dangled to him by some members of the party
83
leadership. But Kalu had not given the idea any serious thought. In
politics, it is only a fool that builds a dream on such promises made
under the heat of political expediency.
On one occasion, the party's national chairman had assured him
that the post of a speaker would be his for the asking if he invested
enough to make the party win a majority at the assembly. Kalu had
seen that merely as a motivational talk rather than a promise that could
be fulfilled. For one thing, for a party of so many giants—financial or
otherwise—it would be asking for too much to expect one man, a new
politician for that matter, to make the party win majority all over the
country. Instead, Kalu concentrated in making sure that he delivered
his constituency first, secondly, his senatorial district, his state and by
some remote implication, the nation to his party—in that order.
On the night that he was celebrating his victory at the Bende Federal
Constituency, he had received an urgent message from the national
chairman, first congratulating him and secondly warning him that he
would face party discipline if he allowed SDP's well-known candidate
to defeat NRC's relatively unknown candidate, Onyeka Okoroafor.
Kalu took the warning seriously enough to deploy his campaign
machinery for Okoroafor's victory. At the end of the day, NRC
achieved a big political upset when its candidate floored the SDP giant,
Ojo Maduekwe. Even then, NRC did not win majority in the eastern
states, including Kalu's Abia State. If Kalu hung any hope on Ikimi's
promise, it went withNRC's lpss of majority in the National Assembly.
Against this backdrop, the offer of a speaker's seat through the
back door was a tempting offer. But after chewing the offer all night,
Kalu knew he must not swallow the bait. "I politely declined the offer
for two reasons," Kalu explained. "First, if I were to vie for the office
of a speaker, it would be with the full endorsement of my party. The
party had told me at different fora in Abuja that I would be nominated
as speaker of the House ifNRC won majority in the National Assembly.
But the party changed this position at the last national consultative
meeting held in Lagos in June 1992 before the National Assembly
elections. The party then decided to zone this position to Middle Belt
and to pick the vice presidential candidate from the East in order to
84
balance the political equation. My accepting the offer to vie would
disrupt this agreement and could lead to unforeseen consequences.
Secondly, I believe we might precipitate a major political crisis at that
early stage if the majority party was upstaged in the speaker's position
because of its internal conflict. As a democrat who was anxious not to
give the military any excuse to tinker with the transition again, I decided
against the offer, to the amazement of my friends in the coalition."
In the end, Kalu was elected vice chairman of the banking and
finance committee. It was the best that was possible for a member of
the minority party and Kalu decided to use the position to fight for
comprehensive tax reforms in the country. It is no secret that there are
so many loopholes in our tax laws that in the end, only a fraction of the
actual tax revenue is eventually realised.
He said:
I wanted to sponsor a bill that would overhaul the tax
system of the country. The easiest crime to commit in
Nigeria is tax evasion whereas in the West, the worst crime
is to evade tax. If we have a good tax system in this country,
then we would have enough money for development. But
because of the loopholes in the system, many rich men do
not pay tax. In fact, it is the poor worker that pays tax in
this country. Even the big corporations declare doctored
returns to avoid paying the correct tax. The customs
doctor the duties and tariffs at the ports. The government
is cheated and the individuals are enriched. They call these
tax games, but I wanted to stop all that.
Well, if Kalu was thinking of sponsoring serious bills, most of his
fellow legislators were thinking of different things altogether. Many of
the legislators were busy gorging themselves, tlieir friends, families and
constituency members with food and drinks at the luxurious five-star
hotels where they were quartered at government's expense. Refusing
to provide accommodation for the legislators despite the eight years of
Babangida's transition programme was one of the booby traps the
85
REAL POLITICK A N D THE POWER G A M E
military set to torpedo the transition. The legislators were checked into
hotels at government's expense. Like elephants in a china shop, they
ran up enormous bills.
As Kalu the shrewd businessman observed with horror: "I noticed
that some members were abusing the privilege of staying in hotel.
Essential and unessential items were bought indiscriminately at the
expense of the National Assembly. Some members lodged their families
and members of their constituencies at the hotel at the expense of the
National Assembly. The members also indiscriminately made local and
international telephone calls. I was so shocked by the abuses that I
saw that I lodged strong complaints with the speaker and the chairman
of the House Service Committee, Honourable Chris Agbasi. At my
insistence, Agbasi issued a circular on April 27,1993 directing the
hoteliers to regulate the expenses of the legislators that are charged
into the National Assembly accounts.
"The circular further directed that members could no longer hire
personal recreational facilities at the expense of the National Assembly.
After the circular, members were requested to deposit some personal
money to cover incidental expenses that are not chargeable to the
National Assembly account. Personally, I refused to stay in the hotel at
government's expense. I used a private guesthouse throughout my stay.
I stayed there with all my legislative aides, all at my expense. At times,
I was coming to Abuja from Lagos for each sitting and going back the
same day."
The June 12 Scandal
For some of the legislators, the June 12 crisis became a major
industry from where they made money. The annulment of the June 12
election had put Kalu in a particularly difficult situation. "I was very
close to the two principal actors," he said.
Kalu got to know Abiola through Babangida. Abiola, like Kalu,
was a frequent visitor to both the Dodan Barracks homes of the
president and later Aso Rock. Babangida introduced them and in time,
Abiola came to like the ebullient young man with a lot of business
86
sense. In 1986 when Kalu married, Abiola was unavoidably absent
but as soon as he returned from his overseas trip, he visited the young
couple at home and lavished them with gifts. Kalu was greatly touched
by the kindness, generosity and Abiola's attention to such minor details,
despite his extremely busy life.
Kalu was privy to the forces that led to the annulment of the June
12 election. "I knew that Babangida was forced to annul the election,"
he said. "The annulment was his greatest failure as a leader. If he had
handed over to Abiola, he would have been one of Africa's greatest
heroes."
Kalu disagreed with the stance of his party on June 12, which he
described as "very hypocritical and anti-democratic." This did not
endear him to the party hierarchy, which felt that Kalu was obliged to
support the party position that the annulment be sustained. He was
even more disgusted when the 16 NRC governors paid a solidarity
visit to Aso Rock to pledge their loyalty to Babangida. "It was a
desperate gambit to save their position as governors but that sent the
wrong signal to the military. It was the politicians that gave the military
the platform to destabilise the political class through divide-and-rule
tactics. If the political class had been united and less opportunistic, it
would have been difficult to sustain the annulment."
At the presidential election, Kalu fully supported the party's
candidate, Alhaji Bashir Tofa. "In fact, I was one of those who asked
him to run," Kalu said. During the campaigns, however, Kalu read
Abiola's campaign manual, Farewell To Poverty, and felt that it had a
powerful mass appeal. Combined with Abiola's national appeal as a
person, it dawned on Kalu that NRC had no chance against the SDP
in the presidential election. He made his observation known to NRC's
campaign co-ordinator, Ibrahim Mantu. "If we are going to lose the
election," Mantu told him, "it would not be because of Abiola's
manifesto, it would be because of the lack of unity in our party."
Well, for whatever reason, Abiola won decisively. But before the
entire result could be announced, the military hawks swooped on
Babangida and forced him to annul the election. Kalu saw it not as a
personal matter between Abiola and Babangida but a classic struggle
87
between the military and political class. In the ensuing struggle, the
military so easily routed the political class. Kalu put a great deal of the
blame on the failure of the politicians.
Unknown to most Nigerians, much of the June 12 battle was fought
at the National Assembly. On one hand, Abiola battled to win the
support of the National Assembly and this meant a lot of money to the
legislators. On the other hand, official lobbyists came with millions of
naira to campaign for the National Assembly to endorse Babangida
for another two or four years to give him chance to clear the political
mess created by the annulment. Kalu was sought out by top government
functionaries to champion the cause of Babangida's extension of his
tenure. "I turned down their offers," Kalu said. "I told them that if Oga
(Babangida) wanted to stay further in power, he should tell me himself."
Well, Babangida never did, so Kalu pitched his tent with the people.
"I also consulted with members of my constituency and they all
overwhelmingly supported democracy. They wanted me to fight for
democracy and I obeyed their mandate to the letter."
Although Kalu was not one of the flag-carrying June 12 disciples,
the principled leadership of people like him helped to stem the
groundswell of official pressure for Babangida to be endorsed for
another extension of his tenure by the National Assembly. For a man
who owed so much to Babangida's support, refusing to support the
pro-Babangida forces at the National Assembly was more than
agonising. But he was quite aware that it was a conflict between
expediency and judgement of history and opted to stay on the right
side of history.
It was therefore gratifying to Kalu that he was among the few heroes
of the National Assembly listed out by The Guardian of December 5,
1993, which lamented the failures of the lawmakers. The paper wrote:
There were, however, some lawmakers who made their marks
before the assembly collapsed. Dr. Okey Umeano, in the first joint
sitting of the assembly spoke on the need for democracy in May.
Solomon Edojah (Delta) fought speaker Anakwe till the end. Abdul
Rahaman Kadizi (Edo); BolaAdegbesan (Ogun); Abubakar Bobboi
(Adamawa); Wale Osun(Ogun); Korede Duyile (Ondo); Ambrose
88
Asawe (Edo); Abubakar Tambawa (Sokoto); and some others
distinguished themselves as vocal members. Abiodun Obafemi
(Kogi); Femi Ikuomola (Lagos); Rabiu Musa (Kano); Sani ElKutuzu; Ibrahim Emandi; Orji Kalu; Clement Nwankwo stood
out as advisers on strategies for progress.
A day before Abiola declared himself president in 1994 when
General Sani Abacha was in power, Kalu was one of the last persons
who met Abiola at his home. "Based on the information I had
then," Kalu said, "I tried everything to convince Abiola not to go
ahead with declaring himself president, but it was like talking to a
brick wall. Abiola's mind was made up."
The rest is history.
7
Gunning for Governorship
He had bought one of the most expensive cars in the land, the latest
model of the Toyota brand, Infinity. Unlike his other luxury collections
that were stationed in his Lagos home, Kalu had acquired this piece of
automobile masterpiece for his home at Aba. Like every kid that
acquired a new toy, the excitement was there. Kalu felt the rush of
adrenaline as the car, gleaming like a star in the eastern sky, flew to
Aba from Port Harcourt, tearing through the highway like an eagle
soaring in the clear sky. The sheer effortless speed gives it the feel of a
bird flying in the sky.
For that brief moment, Kalu reveled in the transferred machismo of
an automobile power. But only for a brief moment. Soon, his mind was
elsewhere, plotting the next business strategy as he looked ahead to
the next meeting he was rushing to Aba to catch up with. The sheer
translucent glamour of a new car was already behind his mind. He had
seen it all before. The speed, the luxury, the supple sheen of the interior,
the state-of-the-art gadgets, all the works that go with luxury cars. For
90
him, every other luxury car comes with a sense of deja vu after that
brief romance with the aura of novelty. Everything is all too
familiar.. .luxury competing against luxury, sophisticated gadgetry versus
state-of-the-art gadgetry, speed for speed, all the works.
By this time, Kalu was rushing to meet up with a scheduled business
appointment with some expatriate project designers exploring the
feasibility of a new joint venture. But it would seem that in that brief
moment, Kalu had forgotten that he was now heading into Aba, in
Abia State, one ofNigeria's neglected and vandalised cities. Hie sudden
traffic build-up soon jolted him into reality. Yes, a traffic jam stretching
for over a kilometer stretch of uncharted gullies that used to be Port
Harcourt Road, a Trunk A federal road cutting through Aba town to
Port Harcourt. The road had been motorable until the Aba end. And
then, everything else changed into a yawning cataract. Suddenly, the
world seemed to come to a standstill. Cars, tippers, trailers,
motorcy lists, pedestrians jammed into each other, creating a perfect
bedlam. A picture of Armageddon.
Kalu was lost in the confusion. No movement, only confusion and
wild noise that cut through the smooth air-conditioning into his little
automobile paradise trapped in hell. Confusion and more confusion
everywhere around him. Caged in that confusion, Kalu thought about
his appointment and by reflex action, snatched his mobile phone to
alert his guests of his plight. The phone responded with a bleeping
sound of pooh.. .pooh.. .pooh.. .that reminded him that Aba telephone
exchange had been out of order for weeks.
One hour, two hours, three, four.. .Kalu was still trapped in the
traffic, exhausted, angry and wondering why he didn't take his driver.
He loves driving himself at times, but nobody could have reckoned
with the devastated state of the road. "Between Ngwa High School
and Umungasi, a journey of less than two kilometers, took me four
hours, twenty-six minutes," Kalu recalled. "I had one of the best
automobiles that money can buy but there was no road to drive it
through. I was driving the latest model of Toyota Infinity. If you know
that car, then you know how luxurious it could be. But with my state of
the art car, I was trapped in the traffic. I felt very angry and frustrated
91
GUNNING FOR GOVERNORSHIP
with the sy stem. What was the point in making money if you could not
deploy it to liberate the people?"
Trapped in the anarchy, Kalu reflected on governance, on the neglect
of the state, on the incompetence and insensitivity of successive military
and civilian rulers of the state who had allowed things to degenerate to
depth of anarchy. He reflected on the sufferings of the people; others
trapped in the traffic like him whose businesses had been ruined and
are being ruined daily as a result of lack of access roads, electricity,
telephone, pipe borne water and other infrastructure that are the basic
necessity for development. Kalu reflected on the grinding poverty visited
upon otherwise hard-working people whose businesses had been
destroyed. He reflected on many who invested their life earnings on
small-scale industries—the veritable engine of economic growth in any
society—but whose businesses had closed down either because their
access roads had been cut off by the elements or lack of electricity to
run their plants. He reflected on the brazen corruption at all levels of
governance in the state. He reflected on so many things. Suddenly, the
words of the British political philosopher hit him: if you do not want to
be ruled by fools, then good men should get into governance!
To Kalu that was it. He should get into governance. It was not
enough to be in just politics, he should gun for the governorship of the
state. He should take over the reins of government; just to show the
example that governance means action, development, progress, and
provision of infrastructure. Government could be ran like a business
with the sole purpose of yielding dividends to the people through the
provision of basic amenities. That was all the people are asking for:
amenities. Provide amenities and leave the people to run their lives. It
seemed so simple that it seemed absolutely stupid that anybody in
power could have failed to grasp this elementary reality.
Trapped in his luxury car, Kalu made a personal resolution to do
something: "I felt that God had given me money and it would be a sin
on my part to allow people who do not have the interest of the people
at heart to continue to govern the state. I cannot allow people who had
no focus to ruin the state anymore. We have had enough of ineffective
governors who are controlled by powerful external forces whose interest
92
they serve rather than the interest of the people. Somebody has got to
stop that and I felt convinced that God wants to use me to do that.
There and then I made up my mind that I was going to use my last
sweat and resources to become the governor of Abia State as a platform
to liberate the people of the state. I will use the position to set a
benchmark on how to govern and develop a state. I am going to govern
the state like a business where there are stakeholders to whom the
governor must render accounts."
Alone in the car and to no one in particular, Kalu shouted the
resolution that had just formed in his heart: "I will be the governor
of this state! I will, I will!"
That was in 1994, shortly before the military swept off the
Interim National Government headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan.
And then commenced another military interregnum which
practically kept Kalu's dream in the shelf for another five years.
8
The Amazons
In Kalu's Life
For Kalu, it was one thing to say, "I will be a governor of Abia
State," but it was another thing to actualise the dream. For a start,
Kalu's life is sandwiched by two strong women who in their different
levels and roles, exert strong influence upon him—his mother and his
wife. But, these two women saw Ms ambition from slightly different but
strong perspectives that stretched from ambivalence to outright
opposition.
Kalu's wife, Ifeoma, a genial, scholarly woman with a chain of
degrees in economics and law; an MBA and a doctorate, did not
approve of Kalu's ambition. She did not like the boisterousness of
politics, a thing which seemed a second nature to her husband. She
feared the peculiar hazards ofNigerian politics: absolute loss of privacy;
the acrimony and the ever-present threat to the lives of the politicians;
the ever-looming prospect of coups that makes Nigerian political office
94
a perennial musical chairs; the often and seemingly inexorable prospect
of detention, torture, unfair trials mostly in Kangaroo legal settings and
the dangers of confiscation of personal assets the politician might have
laboured for life to acquire; the dirty accusations—true or false
notwithstanding—and all the collateral hazards of the power game in
Nigeria. All of these dangers simply made her stomach churn in horror.
Kalu is best described as a people's man but Ify is much more
reserved. Warm and affectionate, even courteous, yes; but Ify prefers
to live her life as aprivate person. While Kalu is at home in any crowd—
elitist or common, no matter—Ify prefers to choose her own friends
and these certainly didn't include a lot of political stalwarts, especially
the usually red-eyed stalwarts with rough, loud and lousy manners who,
unfortunately, are indispensable to winning political battles. It was a
sufficient affliction that as wife, it was her duty to cope with her husband's
brood of friends, business associates, hangers-on and sheer intruders
who usually came to seek for various assistance from her wealthy
husband. Of course, like any wealthy family, she had her domestic
staff at her beck and call to attend to visitors but receiving her husband's
numerous guests often demanded more than serving refresliments or
meals by the domestic staff. Some occasions demanded that she was
around to play the good wife, a role she enjoyed at times but at other
times, considered an inexorable chore she could do without.
In 1986 when they met, Ify was an undergraduate student of
economics at the University of Jos. Kalu was already a people's man.
As one of the young nouveaux riches then, Kalu was already the target
for many girls but for Ify, wealth was beside the point. She too came
from a veiy comfortable background. It was Kalu's irrepressible nature
that got her. But then, she had not bargained with the crowd of Kalu's
friends. By the time she discovered how crowded Kalu's life was, she
was already in love with him. She was simply hooked. But then, by
nature, she was very accommodating and trusting, which for Kalu was
a refreshing difference from the other girls who put up a fight each time
they saw another girl, suspecting such a girl to be a rival. Others tried
to change him - by insisting that he cut down on his friends, a suggestion
as feasible as asking a bee to avoid a honeycomb. But in these, Ify was
95
THE AMAZONS IN KALU'S LIFE
different from other girls. *
Kalu's impression of his wife captured the essence of her nature
and attraction to him:
"She had self-confidence. She understood me very well and trusted
me. We understood each other. Her ability to understand me, to cope
with my excesses in many things like sleepless nights, excessive travels,
excessive visitors round the clock and all the pressures that go with my
life, made her the type of woman I needed. I didn't have to answer
queries each time a female visitor came to the house. In an average day,
I had many male and female visitors coming to see me for various
purposes. Ify simply made herself part and parcel of my life. That was
the real reason I loved her. Because the other girls were fighting and
pushing people away. 'Oh, I don't want so many people to be coming
here.' But Ify was very accommodating. That gave me a lot of insight
into how we would face the future together."
It was not so much that Ify did not notice these "excesses" as the
sheer act of self-confidence in her own intrinsic merits as a woman. An
unusual blend of beauty and brain. As Kalu later came to realise, Ify
was simply being herself. "She was simply being natural," Kalu said.
Except that even for a monk, there is limit to patience. Kalu's daily
stream of visitors covers the entire spectrum of the society—from the
most ordinary to the most elitist. Coping with them was at times most
trying.
Indeed, the most difficult to deal with were the political hirelings
and favour-seekers who must be handled with extreme dexterity even
when such favours might not be forthcoming. You don't want to appear
arrogant or insensitive, just because you are rich. At times, the demands
were made on her as if she controlled her husband's purse, and in such
situation, she simply did her best in the circumstances. At other times,
people wanted her to speak to her husband on their behalf, expecting
her to influence him to do something for them, perhaps a thing he might
have refused to do. Sometimes, she did intervene on behalf of others
but it was not something she loved doing. She felt that on his own,
Kalu was already undergoing undue pressures from many people and
96
even needed to be protected from such pressures. It would then be
unfair for her to add to his pressures. Incidentally, the paradoxical logic
of giving is that the more you give, the more fresh demands come,
knowing that you would give, anyway. Which, in a way, was part of
Kalu's weakness: the willingness to give!
When Kalu contested for the House of Representative in 1992, Ify
knew how much hassle the family went through. Everybody in the home
lost both their privacy and of course, the attention of the head of the
family, to political meetings, campaigns and strategy sessions. By 1994
when the entire process was truncated by the military, Ify wondered
whether the whole trouble was worth it in the first place.
Again, the fear of coups, detention, confiscation of personal
legitimate assets in the real or mistaken impression that they were
corruptly acquired, the threat to life and personal safety, among other
hazards, made Nigerian politics akin to playing roulette with one's life
and family.
It is a well-known secret that in Nigeria, the detention, trial and
confiscation of the assets of political office holders are considered very
expedient tools of grappling with the challenges of legitimacy by the
new helmsmen. Usually in their excessive zeal to win public support,
every coup maker dons the cap of anti-corruption crusader, only to
finally settle down draped in the brazen garment of filth and corruption
afterwards. They come with messianic pretensions and leave with
villainous putrefaction. Naturally, Ify was fearful that Kalu might end
up losing his legitimately acquired wealth to such military zealots who
must show evidence of some kind of corruption by former office holders
as some kind of raison d'etre for their intervention. And come to think
of it, she was doubtful whether the military was really willing to hand
over power to civilians. Ify's inclination was for Kalu to stay away
from the fray and instead, play the kingmaker from the ringside
To make sure her husband remained by the ringside only rather
than the centre of the ring, Ify deftly convinced and enlisted the support
of her father in-law.
But Kalu's mother, Mrs. Eunice Uzor KaluNsiegbe, alias Oduko—
97
._
one of her chieftancy titles—was less analytical but equally concerned
for the safety of her illustrious son. Without his holding political office,
she felt she had missed nothing either in terms of resources or influence
with power brokers. Thanks to Kalu, she did not need to go out seeking
for power brokers, they usually come visiting her son at home. Ministers,
governors, political heavyweights, tycoons, stars in different fields, she
had seen them all. Whether at Aba or Kalu's country home at Igbere,
her son had hosted the top echelon of the Nigerian society. She can
never forget once in the 1980s when the then President Ibrahim
Babangida came to the newly created Abia State on a state visit but
preferred to pass the night in Kalu's country home because that was
the only place he felt at ease, despite the security implications. Invariably,
all of Kalu's distinguished friends always ended up coming to greet
her, the mother of the illustrious Orj i Kalu. It was every mother's dream
to be told that her son is a great person and Oduko does not even
pretend to hide her pride that she was the mother of the famous Orji
Kalu. And who in her position wouldn't?
She could still recall how her marriage at a point went awry with
Kalu's father because her husband preferred to stick with his younger
wife, at her expense. It was not an issue of you shouldn't marry two
wives. Every man that could, did so in those days and nobody
complained. But it was a question of the petty rivalry between two
women—the older and the younger, with the man pitching on the side
of the younger woman. Her plight then was the familiar story of older
wife versus the younger wife.
She could still recall how she laboured to see Kalu through school,
up to the university, all on her own sweat. She could still recall her
great but apparently modest expectation, at least in retrospect, that
when Kalu graduates from the university, she would get a big job in the
public service, grow in the system and one day own a car of his own!
It was the best any woman could hope for in her circumstance. And
even when every mother prays and hopes that her child would be
great, it was beyond the elastic stretch of her imagination to dream of
a son who will turn out to be as famous and wealthy as her son.
For her dream for Kalu was that he would turn out as successful as
ORJI KALU: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist .
98
any of his peers, get a good job, marry a good wife, raise children and
of course, support her in her old age. She was shattered when as a
result of students' activism, Kalu was rusticated from the university.
Why? Why Kalu, her son? She had always been close to her son and
now wondered why he never told her when thi s trouble was brewing?
Was it part of the adolescence rebellion that deceive young people
into thinking they were already matured enough to handle their own
problem when in actual fact, they were but babies merely just stepping
out of their diapers?
She was even more astounded when she heard that the university
had granted Kalu reprieve but he preferred not to go back to school
on some flimsy excuses about principles. Life in her world had always
been that you do your best for others but also knowing that whoever
broke his hand would ultimately have to nurse the injury on his own.
Why was Kalu sacrificing his university education because of others?
She had thought that to avoid idleness, it was better to agree to Kalu's
request to give him some seed capital to start trading while waiting for
the problem with the university to be resolved. Kalu after all is an
Igbere son and the people are famous for trading. But how and then,
despite the success Kalu was beginning to record in his trading, the
mother was beginning to doubt whether she did the right thing after all.
Did she make a mistake in scrapping all her life's savings to give him to
start trading in the interim, while waiting to be recalled to the university?
Had she unduly exposed her son to money which probably now had
entered his head and he no longer cared for education? She recalled
her agony and the many gloomy thoughts that criss-crossed her mind,
despite Kalu's fervent assurances that he was doing the right thing, that
he was doing well in the business, that he would still in God's time go
for his degree, that she should not be bothered about him.
Well, ultimately, Kalu had been right. Her fears had been unfounded.
Kalu had become greater than she could ever imagine. For her, she
couldn't really ask for more. If Kalu's judgement was leading him into
politics, well then, why not? All the big people in government were his
friends in any case and had been visiting him at home. Kalu must know
what it took. And if her son had already achieved so much as a private
99
citizen, why can't he achieve more as a governor? Didn't he singlehandedly construct a road for his village and a bridge, which the whole
Igbere town could not afford despite various levies on thousands of
indigenes and public launches of appeal funds? What thousands of
people could not do, did Kalu not do it alone? Didn't Kalu spend his
personal millions to construct the bridge, thus linking Umuisi to Ibinanta
village with a motorable road?
And what was wrong with being called Nne Governor—the mother
of a governor—anyway? The very idea excited her enough to resolve
to do her best in support of her son's political ambition. A woman of
steely resolution, Oduko's determination to back her son was total, so
much so that nothing was strong enough to deter her, no foe big enough
to intimidate her. To her, it was a matter of tactics for tactics, brawn for
brawn, spiritual warfare for spiritual warfare. As she put it to her son's
opponents: "Anyhow they want the battle, we are ready for them."
And she meant every word of it.
For a moment, the Kalu family was divided on whether he should
run or not. On one side was a tag-team of Ify and her father-in-law.
On the other side of the ring, are Kalu and his mother, a powerful
woman who knew how to move mountains. "My mother is like Margaret
Thatcher," said Kalu. "She is a woman who knows what she wants
and goes for it. When she makes up her mind about anything, she is
simply unstoppable."
There is no doubt where Kalu's unstoppable personality is from: he
had drawn deeply from his mother's genetic code. Like his mother,
everyone that knows him well enough tells you that when his mind is
set on a target, there is nothing big enough to stop him. Some describe
this aspect of him as the ruthless side of Kalu who crushes every obstacle
on his way to success.
Pitching the two sides of opposing positions was probably an unfair
match. Kalu's first maj or battle was winning his wife over to support
his ambition. Ify simply refused to lend her support. Even after winning
the race, Kalu said, "My wife never liked me going into politics till
today."
100
He added:
My first major battle was with my wife and my father
too. My wife convinced him that politics was very
dangerous adventure. She didn't want the military to come
tomorrow and start confiscating our property which we
acquired long before we became governor. Like our personal
residence in Lagos, which we bought in 1990, or our office
block in Apapa, which we acquired in 1989. Or our other
properties in Lagos and Abuja. Somebody could come
tomorrow and say we used government money to acquire
them.
She believed my stint as a member of the House of
Representative was enough adventure. She believed that I
should face my business and support the society with
whatever God has blessed me with rather than going into
governance. But my mother supported me. She said I should
go ahead if I was convinced that that was what I wanted
to do. And that happened to be what I wanted to do. We
really fought an in-house battle over this. It was a very
divided house at the time. Everybody had a complaint or a
point of view that was either for or against. My wife warned
that she would never follow me into politics.
In the end, the combatants held a family conference. Kalu explained:
My mother insisted on her position and the other side
stuck to their gun. My mother said that the only reason I
shouldn't go was if it was other people that were pushing
me into it. In the end, it boiled down to my personal decision.
Once I became a candidate, my mother mobilised the
women in Aba where she was based. She was one of my
campaign managers. Ify kept the home front but she was
not involved in the campaigns.
It was not only that she was not involved in the campaigns, even
after her husband won the race, it took a lot of effort to persuade her
\0\
THE AMAZONS IN KALITS LIFE
to assume the office of the First Lady. She is a professional woman
with a lot of local and international banking experience. Politics to* her
was like being wedded to a new husband when she was still at home
with her first love. But since reluctantly joining her husband at Umuahia,
Ify has adjusted fast to the hurly-burly of politics. She had warmed up
to her new role is now one of the enterprising First Ladies to watch!
9
Kalu's
Penetration
Strategy
In his campaign for election into the National Assembly, Kalu
had promised so many things that had turned out not feasible to
implement mainly because of the various diversions of the transition
programme. The first year of the assembly's life was more or less
a jamboree because of the limitations of the controversial Decree
53. Then entered the June 12 crisis which effectively crippled every
other personal or national initiative. Rather than grappling with
their legislative duties, the National Assembly became a theatre
where the battles for either June 12 or the extension of the military
regime were fought. Heroism then consisted not so much in the
quality of legislative initiatives and contributions of any legislator
as in the ability to take a principled stand on the national crisis,
despite the dangling offers of money to compromise such position.
103
K A L ^ S PENETRATION STRATEGY
Kalu said:
Once I consulted with members of my constituency and
discovered that they wanted the military to go, I personally resisted
every pressure to prolong the life of the military regime. I must
say that despite my closeness with the president, he never
mentioned to me that he wanted to stay further. So, I took that to
mean that he did not really want to campaign for the extension of
his tenure but that some of his top officials were doing so on his
behalf as a cover for their own selfish motives.
But while personal initiative at the national level was subsumed by
the national crisis, Kalu felt that he should do something on his own for
the people. He had noticed that among the daily requests he received
from people, many of them came from indigent students whose
education was threatened by lack of money to further their studies or
to continue in school. Other priority class included people who needed
money for simple or major medical treatment and traders who needed
money either to start a trade or to augment their little capitals. During
his campaign for the legislative job, he had promised to set up an
educational foundation to help members of his constituency.
With his election into the house, Kalu began to see himself not just
as a representative of Bende Federal Constituency but the whole state.
Therefore, his holistic response to these demands was to set up two
foundations: Orji Kalu Educational Foundation and Orji Uzor Kalu
Loan Scheme. All requests for educational assistance or petty capital
requirements were channeled through these bodies while request for
assistance for medical treatment were handled by him on case-bycase basis. Kalu appointed Barrister Chuka Odom as the Executive
Secretary of the foundations and Professor Osita Eze, a professor of
law, became the chairman.
While the education foundation awarded university scholarship to
indigent students, the loan scheme disbursed loans as seed capitals to
mainly petty traders in urban and rural areas with low capital
requirement. There were occasional exceptions where the sums
given to a single person was up to N50,000 or above. Otherwise,
104
the amount for each trader was generally pegged at N5,000 and the
only collateral required was a convincing proof of need and the
willingness to engage in viable petty trading with the money. That way,
the scheme stressed mass rather than exclusivity—the very goal Kalu
strove to achieve.
"The first time we gave out loans," Kalu said, "was in 1992 when
we gave out sums ranging from N5,000 to N50,000 each to widows
who lost their husbands prematurely and petty traders with low working
capitals. We tried to reach out to the lowest cadre of petty traders,
mostly women who sell little things like groundnut, akara, pap, fruits,
etc. For many of such women, their working capital requirement may
not be more than a few thousand. So we gave them a revolving loan of
N5, 000 even though in actual fact, we were not expecting any
repayment. We called it loan to foster a sense of responsibility in the
use of the money. We don't want a situation people simply saw the
money as booty to be misused. Our goal was to empower such petty
traders with a source of living."
According to the Executive Secretary, Odom, about 60 students
were funded by the Kalu Educational Foundation through the university.
Some of them even later got jobs in one of Kalu's companies. "We
disbursed close to N300 million through these foundations," said Odom.
"We piloted a whole lot of rural development schemes through the
foundations."
Investing so much through the foundation suggests that even before
the encounter on the traffic jam, Kalu had already determined his political
trajectory and like a good strategist, had set about working for his
goals long before the time came. Kalu of course, perfunctorily denies
this, insisting it was all an act of altruism. "I didn't have politics in mind
in setting up these foundations, I just wanted to help."
True or otherwise, the reality was that when he finally plunged into
the campaign for governorship, these foundations became the
arrowheads of his winning strategy. In retrospect, Kalu confessed:
"These structures made me governor. I am telling you the truth. I was
the target o r the elite. None of the rich people wanted me to be the
governor. This is why I am going to stake my life to work for the
105
KALITS PENETRATION STRATEGY
people."
The Strategist in Politics
Kalu approached the politics of the governorship race like a typical
corporate strategist. Rather than merely dabbling into the game, he
started with environmental screening. He wanted to know what was
on the ground already. Why was it that the past governors of the state
had made no appreciable impact? Why was it that in their time,
governance seemed more like an organised scheme to share the state's
meagre resources among a clique of power brokers? Why was there
so much corruption in the governance of the state? Why was corruption
so rampant in the state? Was it a reflection of the extent of moral
weakness of the governors—military or civilian—or a function of
systemic defect? And why was it that corruption is so deep-rooted in
all sectors of the state, especially the public service? Why do Abians
refuse to pay any tax to the government and if they must pay at all,
prefer to connive with tax officials to pay only a token, all or much of
which ended up in the pockets of the officials rather than the
government's treasury?
These and many other questions agitated Kalu's mind, begging for
answers. In the end, Kalu came to some conclusions. Since the creation
of state in 1991, Abia political leadership had been under the spell of a
highly predatory and powerful interest groups that sucked the resources
of the state at the expense of the masses. They invested heavily in
whoever was in power and in turn, expected to reap heavily from their
investment. With their enormous wealth, they sought to determine who
ruled the state, what agenda was to be pursued. Even with th6 military
governors who ordinarily were not beholden to the cliques for their
appointment, the Mafia's grip on the state's power base and ipso facto,
the resources of the state, remained strong. After all, for the military
rulers of the state to be corrupt, they needed the active collaboration
of the business class, the wheeler-dealers in the state who knew the art
of simulating contract executions as conduits for wheedling money out
of the state's treasury. At times, even the naive military governor needed
106
to be initiated into art of making money from his position without getting
caught by the grandmasters in the art of scams. Winning elections in
the state required the endorsement of these political godfathers, including
of course the powerful traditional rulers who are ever willing to flaunt
their influence for gains. And the endorsement usually came with long
strings attached.
Kalu shared his concerns with a group of other young men in the
state who were equally concerned about the decay in Abia polity. The
result of some days of brainstorming was a decision to form a small
think-tank team that meets regularly to plot strategies for change.
According to Mr. Chuka Odom, the Chief of Staff to Governor Kalu,
it was from such brainstorming that the reasons for the failures of the
past regimes in the state became very clear.
Odom, an experienced lawyer who had been in lucrative legal
practice since 1986, was a member of the think-tank. The group was
made up of about seven members with Kalu as the arrowhead. He
was an insider into the formation of the think-tank which later
metamorphosed into a political movement called OGANIHU—^Q Igbo
word for progress. In Kalu's context, progress was meant literally, not
as a metaphor for progressive movement which is an already wellestablished political movement that had been in existence even before
Kalu was born.Odom explained:
It actually started with a small group known as
OGANIHU which we formed. It started more or less like
a meeting of minds of progressive elements in the state. At
that point in 1993, we thought that the state needed a new
leadership. We wanted something dramatically different
from the status quo. We wanted people who had a new
dimension to governance.
The old order was built around mature and perhaps highly educated
people who had little or no personal resources to pursue their political
ambition. So, they invariably depended on the sponsorship of the state's
moneybags. But as Odom noted, the performance of such people had
107
KALU'S PENETRATION STRATEGY
always fallen flat compared with the people's high expectations. He
said:
In the East, especially Abia, Imo and Anambra States,
we have always had people with academic laurels but their
performance in the office usually left people dissatisfied.
We've always had vast pools of intellectuals and human
resources but the irony was that it appeared that the more
educated these people were, the more disastrous their
performance in office. Our people started asking ourselves
questions: is it a curse for people going into public office to
be highly educated?
The people soon found out that the fault was not with education or
even with a fundamental character flaw, but mainly with the system that
produced such political office holders:
We discovered that some of these gentlemen were not
bad per se, but they were always financially handicapped.
And sometimes, they were even coming from the ivory
towers to seek for the exalted political positions. And
because of their weak financial base, they were easily
hijacked by a cabal that probably did not share their vision.
But this cabal brings the money to sponsor the candidates.
All over the world, politics had always been a costly venture, a
game of the wealthy. It is said that almost all American presidents—
the world's model democracy—came from fairly wealthy and at times,
very wealthy families. But the difference is that the law recognising the
essential frailty ofhuman beings, strictly regulates campaign contributions
in such a way that vestedrnterest groups do not hi-jack political office
holders with their money. But in Nigeria, the game is an open sesame,
with no questions asked about the sources of funds. The result was the
ridiculous scenario that usually was playing itself out in the state. Odom
continued:
108
In fact, there is a joke in Abia State that there was a
particular political aspirant who later became a governor,
whose dresses were even made by the cabal that sponsored
him. When he was brought to run for the governorship, he
had only one native caftan. The sponsors had to take him
to a tailor to do some white caftans for him, buy stockings
and shoes for him. They made a red cap for him and took
him on a campaign. With a situation like that, the man
invariably became a prisoner of his sponsors who made it
possible for him to get there.
He is made to sign an agreement to repay the favours
with specific official patronage. In such a situation, no matter
how good his intentions were, those intentions become
circumscribed by the activities of the people who sponsored
him. And of course, no businessman spends that kind of
money without making you sign all sorts of documents and
seal them with a mandatory native oaths.
In such a situation, the political office holder cannot back out without
risking the wrath of the cabal and the psychological blackmail of the
oaths he swore. And if the candidate were a typical Nigerian, he would
also want to ensure his future financial independence by plundering the
state's resources. The result is that:
It becomes a delicate balancing act between an
educated poor man sponsored by a ruthless cabal whose
main agenda is to make their own money and consolidate
their financial and power base.
With this careful analysis of the situation on the ground, Kalu's
strategy was simply to avoid the power brokers and create his own
power base rooted directly in the masses. In which case, the
foundations, which were already popular on their own, became a
veritable platform to reach out to the people directly without
intermediaries.
As Odom saw it, there was nowhere in the world that a person
without a financial base dabbles into politics and hopes to go far in the
109
KALITS PENETRATION STRATEGY
game. And that was where Kalu became an attractive choice to those
who wanted an independent minded politician who could stand up to
the cabalistic power brokers in the state. He said:
We looked at Kalu, a young man who had made it on
his own. We saw in him a highly articulate, focused politician
with a clear vision of what he wants to achieve. He had a
clear idea of how to turn around the state. The problem
then was how to effect his political metamorphosis. He
had just come back from the House of Representative.
And in Abia politics, being an ex-House of Representative
member is not just enough pedigree for you to come to the
centre stage. So there were obvious handicaps. One, he is
not of the intellectual extraction—that'is to say, that he is
not a professor, a lecturer and had no doctorate degree,
etc. In fact, throughout the campaigns, he simply described
himself as a trader. But in a state where majority of the
people were either farmers or traders, this simple act of
humility struck the right chord, generating a sense of, 'He
is one of us.' This is somebody who has been doing business,
who has done it successfully and he was not making any
apologies for not being a professor or a former lecturer.
Then, another seeming handicap. He is young, very young
for that matter, to meet the leadership expectation of the
Igbos whose cultural orientation was that a young man
should not be credited with responsibilities. In meetings,
people would tell the young man to let the elders speak
first. For such a young person to now aspire to be the
number one citizen of the state was asking for too much.
In the peasant farming, trading and entrepreneurship
that was dominant in the East, it did not occur to many
people that a young person could just come up with bright
ideas and great understanding of the international business
to make so much money as Kalu had done. So, there had
to be a way of explaining your wealth. Maybe the person
has done something illegal to make money. Just like the
joke of a man who buys oil in some villages and resell in the
next town. He had done that for many years on his rickety
110
bicycle and was just managing to exist. So if after doing
that for many years he did not make money and another
person does it differently and strikes gold, he raises an alarm.
'If I can't make it after all these years, another person
claiming to have made it from the same business must have
stolen the money.' So their conception of wealth is that you
must suffer. You go to farm, eke the land, and grow gray
hairs before you make some money. And if you are a trader,
you must have served a long apprenticeship with a wellknown master well before you stand on your own and begin
to grow.
But Kalu's story is different. And we understood him. Here is
somebody who by sheer dint of personal innovation and uniqueness
in character has been able to penetrate areas that were hitherto
the exclusive preserve of the privileged northern clique. He
managed to break through the elitist barriers of business and
political power clique, including their closely guarded wealth to
become part of the system. When he offered to serve, those of us
who understood where he was coming from and the tragedy of
governance in our state, saw a great opportunity to liberate the
state from the stranglehold of mediocre leadership and the
manipulation and exploitations of the power brokers who were
milking the state dry. Our challenge was to turn his personal
success into an advantage for the state.
So, we now went to campaign for him. He had established
some foundations that were quite popular, so we expanded the
scope. It is one thing to say you have money but when the chips
are down, you start balking. We were able to make him to
understand that in practical terms, we have to use that money to
reach the people. Something he had already been doing through
the foundations. That was the quickest way of letting people know
that this man is not looking for money to steal because he already
has enough to last him more than a lifetime.
Next, we now had to market his vision—because he has a
vision that is uniquely his. What we tried to do was merely putting
some icing on the cake, because the man that is putting icing did
not bake the cake. You are merely decorating the cake.
Ill
The basic thrust of Kalu's strategy was to create a new power
base that was rooted in the masses of the people rather than the elite.
That meant not only bypassing the power brokers but under-cutting
them. In this mass mobilisation drive, Kalu discovered that the
foundations, although ostensibly set up on non-partisan goals, were
now his most important tools. The components and success of this
strategy was best articulated below by Odom who headed these
foundations and was also an insider in Kalu's campaign team:
We started off with a small compact group which was
more or less the intellectual think-tank that we called
Oganihu—the Igbo word for progress. Our objective was
trying to draw up a blueprint for changing the state. The
focal point was the governor then as an aspirant. The task
was how we were going to debrief him of his lofty ideas
and translate them into reality. We recognised that there is
a wide gulf between theory and reality. It is one thing to
have lofty ideas and vision but another thing to be able to
translate them into reality. In the past, we have always had
people with lofty ideas but these were never translated into
reality. So we recognised that our ability to translate his
vision into reality is the most important thing. That was
why we tagged his campaign organisation, REALITY 99;
because from Oganihu we developed into a bigger umbrella
called REALITY.
REALITY was later to turn into a campaign
organisation for the governorship. He wanted to test-run
his ideas we had on paper. So we went out to mobilise. It
was in the course of mobilising that Oganihu became a
force and in fact, became so powerful because it included
associations of taxi drivers, Okada or motorcycle drivers,
and so on. All those groupings that were ordinarily described
as the downtrodden we drew them on board. Where there
were no cohesion in their leadership, we formed one. We
organised thtoi into associations and got them to elect a
leadership. For instance, those that ride Okada, we had to
form them into a union. Those who push wheelbarrows in
the motor parks (porters), we had to get them into an
association. Truck pushers (another set of porters) in the
park, we had to form into an association and they elected
their own leadership. And we started funding them. We
bought motorcycles for those who don't have and they pay
instalmentally. Fortunately. Slok Lagos was perhaps the
biggest importer of motorcycles into the country then. Those
who wanted to buy wheelbarrows we lent them money on
zero interest rates to buy.
We had the opportunity to experiment on the various
groups that made up the polity. And these were the people
that caught the idea. The petty traders who wanted to fry
akara (bean cake) we gave a loan of N5,000. We reckoned
that their capital base might not be more than N5,000, if at
all. So, if you gave them N5,000, it would give greater push
to their businesses and that was what happened.
The religious groups were not left out. We sponsored
religious crusades and special prayers in various churches.
Whenever any religious group wants to organise crusade
and came to us, we helped with grants. These are the littlelittle things we had to come down from our high horses to
really look at in small detail and see how we could use
them to achieve appreciable impact, no matter how little.
And they worked out like magic.
Quietly, a revolution was taking shape. These were the
groundwork we first did before we launched our campaign
organisation. By the time we launched REALITY
organisation, it was like a mass movement. The other
contenders would come in from Abuja and make the usual
intellectual noise and then go away. Kalu was in Lagos but
he was well grounded. We were prepared. Today, when
people begin to talk about the Kalu phenomenon, they don't
really appreciate what happened. We touched the poor at
their most sensitive points and they responded in kind. They
felt that nobody had cared for them before; that this man
who had spent so much for the poor must be different. He
must mean well. When there is fire, flood or other natural
disasters, we were there in cash and kind. We donated to
112
U3
the victims. Naturally, the people felt that this man who
was prepared to spend his personal money this way would
do more with government money. That was the secret.
Although Kalu spent hundreds of millions in the grassroots
mobilisation, he could only actually reach a fraction of the millions of
the poor people of the state. In the context of the large army of the
state's poor masses, Kalu's efforts amounted to grand gestures, really.
Yet, the fruits of these gestures generated powerful multiplier effect.
Each beneficiary of Kalu's gestures became a powerful testimonial
that won over a dozen or a hundred others who know him and through
the powerful medium of word of mouth—as yet, the world's most
powerful and authentic medium of advertising.
Initially, the power brokers dismissed Kalu as a joker. They
considered it foolhardy to contemplate winning power in the state
without first consulting them and seeking their blessings. Nobody
had done it before, so who the hell is this* impudent young man?
They felt the best way to teach him a lesson was to allow him to
waste his money first and when he had exhausted himself, to let
him know who pulled the strings of political power in the state. It
was the typical hubris of political godfathers who had grown fat
and sedate in their self-esteem. By the time they realised how
mistaken their assumptions were, how strongly the Kalu
phenomenon had become rooted in the state, it was already too
late. In fact, it took the local government election to snap the power
brokers out of their arrogant stupor. Over two-thirds of the state's
local government candidates sponsored by Kalu won chairmanship
seats. This result sent the power brokers into panic. And they fought
back with all the forces at their disposal.
10
The Mafia
Fights Back
Like the ancient Greeks who dealt with bad news by attacking
the messenger, the power brokers' first strategy was to attack Kalu's
credibility. They created a web of rumours about him: that he made
his money through some illegal Ventures, that he was a northern
stooge, an American spy, Babangida's agent, all the bad news in
town. But somehow, all these allegations didn't stick. People saw
them as the normal run of politics where you could throw mud at
your opponents.
But in desperation, the opponents went for the jugular,
determined to squeeze political life out of him. And they chose an
issue that struck at the heart of the people: business.
It is a well-known fact that Aba is the business heartland of
Abia State, and perhaps, the whole of Igboland. Like all centres of
commerce, Aba is easily Igboland's most cosmopolitan city with
business people from all parts of Igboland resident in the town,
including of course, thousands of non-Igbos. Traders from the entire
U5
THE MAFIA FIGHTS BACK
West African sub-region flock either to Aba or the rival Onitsha to
stock up goods for their trade, mainly because literally everything under
the sun is available for sale in Aba.
It is also no secret that much of these goods at Aba are contraband
of all sorts, especially textiles. Importation of contrabands goods is a
booming industry in Aba which from all appearances, not even the
Nigerian Armed Forces could stop. It was in realisation of the futility
of banning contraband goods in places like Aba that the government at
times imposes punitive tariffs on the importers. No matter how punitive,
however, the business was still booming.
However, wherever there is legalised illegality, there is also a Mafia
in control. In Aba, the ruling Mafia are some business barons, mostly
from the highly prosperous Abiriba town. And many of these barons
happened to be the leading power brokers in the state who employ
their money to exert political control and recoup their investment through
juicy contracts.
Some influential members of these political and business Mafia
formed themselves into a powerful cartel that negotiates the clearing of
all contraband goods with the customs and other security agencies.
For their services, they impose all kinds of extortionist fees that must
be paid by the traders. Since thousands of containers of legal and
contraband goods are imported into Aba monthly, the members of the
cartel soon realised that they even made more profit from their illegal
charges than getting involved in direct importation themselves.
But while members of the cartel fed fat and grew wantonly rich
from the various charges, the traders complained that their profitability
had been wiped off by the various charges imposed by the cabal. But
no matter how bitter the importers felt, they knew they dared not
challenge the cabal. To do so would be at the of risk their business.
Those who dared them either had their containers seized and auctioned
at give away-price to members of the middlemen by the customs. Or
the containers simply disappeared at the high sea. The cabal was that
powerful and nobody dared challenge their authority.
Kalu's company, Slok, Aba, was also hit by the activities of tho,
powerful group. "I was opposed to it," Kalu said, "because a lot of the
116
people who were buying textile materials from our factory in US were
not making profit."
Every businessman wanted the extortion to stop but who would
bell the cat? Who would dare the tiger in his den? Since members of
the Mafia were some of his friends, Kalu tried to reason with them, to
persuade them to stop the extortion. But he was hitting the brick wall.
Kalu threatened to stop the illegal charges and the group dared him to
try. And so, from another front, Kalu and the Mafia drew marks on the
ground—their battleline.
Before Kalu could strike, the group struck first. Kalu had ran into a
friend at the Port Harcourt Airport and made to embrace him, calling
him his nicknames. But the friend was very cold to him. Kalu wondered
if all was well with him. The man is not only a friend but is from Igbere,
the same town as Kalu; a factor which probably gave him the courage
to challenge Kalu, for in Igbere, it is age, not money, that speaks.
"You're asking me?" the friend retorted. "Why did you do that to
us?"
"Do what?" Kalu asked, puzzled.
"Order our containers seized!" the angry fellow challenged him.
"How can I order your containers seized?" Kalu countered
wondering if it was a joke or a serious accusation. "Am I the customs
people?"
"You can afford to say that because you are rich!" the friend
persisted, dead serious. "But for some of us struggling men, what you
have done is as good as killing us. Everybody knows you are wellconnected but must you use your power against Aba businessmen?"
Kalu realised the seriousness of the situation and insisted on
clarification. From the briefcase^ the friend fished out a photocopy of a
document circulating in Aba, which alleged that Kalu reported Aba
businessman to the then Chief of General Staff who ordered all
containers of imported contrabands waiting for clearance at Calabar
and Port Harcourt ports to be impounded. In the past, when such
goods were impounded, the traders usually raised money to "settle"
the matter and recovered their goods but this time, the confiscation of
hundreds of containers was for good, because the customs officials
117
claimed that the order was from above.
Kalu was in shock. How could he have ordered or conspired to
have people's containers seized when he knew that to the average
Aba businessman, the container was a life-and-death affair? How could
he have been behind the seizure when his company, Slok, Aba branch
lost 13 containers valued at $750,000 dollars, plus a Lexus car
concealed in one of the containers?
Kalu not only denied involvement in the seizure, he enlisted his
accuser there and then to help him trace the origin of the documents
circulating against his name. He knew that seizure of containers have
contagious effect on Aba people, a city where almost everybody is a
trader. The easiest way to commit political suicide was to be associated
with such seizure whose ripples and multiplier effect affect literally every
Aba trader directly or indirectly. Of course, Kalu didn't have to search
far to trace the source of the documents: the same power brokers.
Below, Kalu painted the picture of how the battle was fought:
The issue was that a group of businessmen decided to
make themselves overlords over their fellow businessmen.
They were collecting all sorts of illegal charges from
importers before any goods could be cleared from the ports.
They would be sitting at home and collecting millions of
naira from importers who had already paid the necessary
custom duties - both the official and unofficial tariffs. After
all these, the importers also paid thousands of naira per
container to the business Mafia who is colluding with
unscrupulous customs and security agencies, including the
police. I didn't like what they were doing at all even though
many of them were my friends and brothers from Abiriba,
a nearby town to my town.
Personally, I have no interest in textile business, which
is the main business of our people at Aba. But my mother
wanted me to be involved in textile importation purely for
sentimental reason. In Aba, the rich businessmen are the
importers of textile and my mother cannot understand why
her son should not be in the trade. I agreed to do so purely
PRJI KALU: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
for sentimental reasons. Otherwise, I was not making any
money from the business. I didn't make my money from
Aba in the first place. My being involved in it provided
business for my people, even though personally, I was losing
money. A lot of people were simply accumulating debts,
many of them turning into bad debts. Our company, Slok
USA deals in textiles, which our people usually import, from
our company. It is convenient for them. They would deposit
$ 10,000 or $20,000 in Slok USA and then take the container
of goods valued at $80,000 and pay the rest at Aba in naira,
after selling off. But invariably, some of them would come
up with so many excuses, the major one being that they
could not even recover their cost because of the extra
charges they paid to clear the goods. Left to me, the best
thing to do was simply to close up the business but my
mother would not hear of it. She believed that closing the
business would make people think I had gone bankrupt—
which does not bother me personally, anyway. But my
mother would have fretted herself to death over that. And
besides, closing the business would have put many other
people who depended on us out of business.
I felt that it was wrong to worsen the business with
such illegal extortions by these Aba Mafia. Since many of
these people are known to me and some of them are even
my friends, I tried to persuade them to give up their extortion.
They felt I was trying to fight them to liberate the people.
That I was challenging established authority. How can you
be an established authority in extortion? But unluckily for
both parties, something happened in Calabar port. I think
the government caught a container load of arms at the
Calabar port. And that was under the security sensitive
Abacha regime!
The government moved in a special squad to the ports
that seized all containers in the ports. All contraband goods
were seized and auctioned. I was abroad when that
happened. We were heavily affected. The Mafia tried to
negotiate as usual and collected a lot of money from the
importers for that purpose. But the matter was beyond them.
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119
However, they had already raised millions of naira from
the importers, which they claimed were needed to "settle"
the federal special squad. But of course, they could not
release any container. The honourable and decent thing to
do was to return the importers' money to them rather than
inflicting double loss on them. But they did not want to
return any kobo to the victims. They had to find explanation
for their failure. And the excuse was me. They forged a
letter purportedly from the CGS office alleging that the
goods could not be released because I had already petitioned
the government to seize the containers. This is a very
malicious and ridiculous ni ischief.
How could 1 petition the government to seize my own
people's containers in a business I am a major stakeholder?
In one of the ships whose cargo was seized, we had 13
containers. In one of the containers, my brother had a Lexus
car imported for somebody. We didn't own the containers
directly but they were imported from Slok USA. The
importers had only deposited about $10,000 for each
container. We never recovered any kobo from the importers.
The victims of this tragedy were willing to believe anything,
so many of them believed I was behind the seizure. The
photocopies of the forged letter were circulated throughout
the market like a newspaper to portray me as a wicked
man. The worst was that people believed them. The forgery
was so convincing that people believed them. Overnight, 1
became a villain in the eyes of Aba businessmen who
believed I was behind the seizure. The situation was so
bad that my life was threatened. My life was in danger. It
came to a point that the regular police became so
compromised by these people that they could not protect
my life. They were many attempts on my life. The situation
became so bad that I reported the threats to the head of
state, General Sani Abacha. He directed the GOC of 82
Mechanised Division to provide military security for me.
The police could no longer be trusted to protect me because
their leadership then was in collusion with the Mafia. The
army gave me about 12 soldiers to provide security for me.
120
That was how bad the situation was.
Solution came only by the grace of God. The opinion
leaders in our area had to be mobilised to vouch for me that
I could not have done the evil they accused me of. We
worked hard to expose the entire fabrication against me.
People like Chief O. O. Okoronkwo, Justice Anya Kalu, a
former state chief judge, and others stepped into the matter.
Eventually, they succeeded in brokering peace. The whole
Bende people were worried but once people found that it
was a fabrication against me, they supported me. After
series of peace meetings, truce was brokered.
For Kalu, however, the lesson was clear: ambition should be made
of sterner stuff. If he wants to win the Abia governorship, he should be
prepared for war. When in the course of the campaign, the members
of the Mafia wanted to donate money to his campaign, Kalu turned
them down because he thought the gift was a kind of Trojan Horse.
The battle line was clearly drawn, despite the truce.
Inevitably, the power brokers sponsored rival candidates both in
PDP and the rival All Peoples Party, APP. Kalu countered by picking
an Ngwa man as his running mate. This was to turn into a major political
albatross in future but from the purely strategic point of view, it was a
smart choice. Whether the specific candidate he chose was a compatible
optionhadremainedamootpoint in the ligjit of the political conflagration
that later erupted between Kalu and his deputy once they were sworn
into office.
The campaign was a heated one pitching Kalu against the power
brokers in the state. In terms of landmass and population, the Ngwas
are the largest group in Abia State; in terms of Abia politics, Aba
town, which is in Ngwa land, is the ultimate melting pot. People from
all parts of Igboland are resident in Aba and engaged in all sorts of
trading or as artisans. Until then, the strategy for winning elections in
the deep Igboland comprising the old Imo State—now Abia, Imo and
Ebonyi States—was simply to concentrate your campaign in Aba to
win over the residents. If Aba or Enyimba, the preferred cognomen,
1I2J
was on your side, you could sleep easy from then on: the election was
yours and victory was certain. Any message sold in Aba would ricochet
to all the Igbo hinterland in matter of hours through their sons and
daughters resident in Aba. From the great Zik of Africa to the former
Biafran warlord, Chief Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, to Chief Sam
Mbakwe and other great Igbo politicians, the strategy had been the
same. In fact, when the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, seeking the
Igbo votes, went to Aba to disparage the people's means of livelihood—
-the trading in second-hand goods called Okirika—and threatened
to ban it along with the importation of stockfish, another major line of
business for many Aba residents, he was booed and stoned at Aba
stadium. And from that day, he lost the Igbo votes forever, despite his
other good messages. Enyimba typically has its own icons and cult
mentality; for one, everyone knows that Aba would not brook any
nonsense. Not even the thieving military governors had the effrontery
to visit Aba at will without first appeasing the gods of the town—
usually the opinion leaders of the different trades who could casually
drop the word that the august visitor was an enemy and trouble would
begin.
It was inevitably not an accident that it was from Aba that the
dreaded vigilante group, Bakassi Boys, was formed to rid the town of
criminals and hoodlums, even though at times, it was difficult especially
in the early days of the group, to distinguish some of the members of
the group from the hoodlums. In 1967, when Ojukwu needed to
mobilise the Igbos for war, he knew where to go: Enyimba city. After
his rousing emotional speech that ended up with his shedding drops of
tears, the Igbo monster was charged, giving birth to another
Frankenstein's monster. From then, there was no going back on war—
with or without even the most rudimentary arms and ammunition.
Much of Kalu's foundations had, therefore, beenrfocused on Aba,
although their tentacles reached into the hinterlands of the state. But
while Kalu had a lot of grassroots support in the town, the elite that
were opposed to him were also almost, all resident in Aba and wielded
enormous influence. And they were determined to move mountains to
ensure that Kalu was trounced at the elections, if for nothing else, to
122
teach him some home lessons. For them, it was not just a question of
maintaining their honour, it was also a question of their very survival.
They were not going to fold their hands and allow a young man who
did not recognise them and did not seek or receive their blessings to
sneak into power before their veiy eyes.
And to worsen matters, Kalu had committed the political gaffe of
condemning the jungle tactics of the Bakassi Boys, promising to
streamline the activities of the vigilante group to ensure that they do not
take the laws into their own hands, but rather should turn over criminals
they arrest to the police for prosecution. In a normal setting, Kalu's
comment was quite reasonable, given the excesses of the Bakassi Boys
whose activities seemed to be getting out of hand. But in the charged
political atmosphere where the Bakassi Boys were the most influential
power brokers and enjoyed passionate mass support of the Enyimba
people who had lost all confidence in regular police, the comment was
a political hara-kiri. In the circumstances, he literally handed his political
opponents the weapon to fight him. The opponents wisely twisted
Kalu's promise of streamlining the activities of the group to a threat to
disband the Bakassi Boys.
Disband! People were simply enraged by his alleged threat to
disband the only group that had put the uncontrollable menace of armed
robbers in the state in check. The blunder was so serious that Kalu
was forced to swallow his comment, insisting that he was misquoted.
He only advised the Bakassi Boys to hand over criminals to the police
for trial rather than mete out instant justice—usually open execution of
their suspects. Kalu had feared that in such instant justice, it was
inevitable that some innocent victims might be unjustly killed. But nobody
cared about such legal niceties as long as the next Bakassi victim was
somebody else.
Kalu's opponents were no amateurs. If any tiling, they were ruthless
tacticians and veterans of the power game and in Aba, it seemed that
despite all the millions and the energy he had spent in the city, his
opponents were having the upper hand. In the circumstances, rather
than continue in the bruising battle, Kalu did a strategic re-think. In the
business world, Kalu knew that it was usually better to cut your losses
123
early than to prop up a losing business. He did the same thing in the
campaign:
The rich men used their money to stop me at all costs,
despite the fact that the masses wanted me. When I saw
how brutal the confrontation between the rich people and
us was shaping out, I devised another strategy during the
governorship campaigns. I left Aba totally. I called our group
and advised that we leave Aba for them. I told our campaign
team that all these rich men opposed to us live in Aba, they
don't want to campaign in their villages. Many of them
don't go home until December time, to celebrate. They
want to stay here at Aba to cause trouble in these two
local governments. As a deliberate policy, I said, let us leave
these two local governments for them. Let them beat me
in Aba here. As long as they have the upper hand here in
Aba, they will think I am losing in every part of the state.
After the election, the initial results would come from Aba
because of the proximity of the two local governments in
the city. I will lose the two local governments and they will
be happy. It will satisfy their egos. Let us not waste our
time here. Let's go to the other 17 local governments. The
rich were in Aba carrying out campaign of calumny against
me and doing all sorts of things just to stop me. But the
weakness of their strategy was that they concentrated only
in Aba, believing in the old logic that whoever wins in Aba
will also win in other parts of the state.
Intelligence reports available to Kalu indicated that his opponents
wanted to use the Bakassi Boys to cause a big fight at Ariaria Market,
the biggest market in Igboland, which is the heart of the state's
commercial economy. According to Kalu, the elections were to be
disrupted by the Bakassi Boys if Kalu was winning in Aba. Kalu added:
When I got this information, I told my inner campaign
team—about six of them - that we must change strategy.
It was a tactical decoy which they fell for. I felt we must
124
avert the tragedy that would have taken place if the Bakassi
Boy provoke a fight in Ariaria Market. They would have
been massive bloodshed between my supporters and theirs
and a lot of arson and looting of people's stalls. For me, it
was better to leave Aba for them rather than inflict such
tragedy on the people. In fact, rather than allow that to
happen, it would have been better to lose the whole election.
I am going there to serve, not to shed blood and loot people's
property.
But even after leaving Aba for them, it was still not easy to beat
Kalu. His grassroots support base was still strong. Although he lost
Aba, it was almost a photofinish as indicated by the results. In Aba
South local government, the rival APP won by 12,600 while Kalu's
PDP won 11,400 votes. In Aba North which was the stronghold of
the power brokers, APP scooped 8,000 votes to Kalu's 4,000 plus.
To Kalu, that was not a bad result:
You can see that even with all their money, troubles and
influence, it was not easy for them to beat me. And the
Bakassi Boys were used to intimidate our supporters. Even
the Catholic Church was mobilised against us. I came from
a Protestant background but I did not belong to the dom inant
Protestant groups like the Anglican or Methodist. I belong
to the Presbyterian Church. My strategy was just to win
the mandatory 25 per cent of the votes scored in the two
local governments of Aba and I did far better than that.
Instead of Aba, we targeted Ukwa West, Ukwa East
and Ugwunna where we were not well received because
the^ were the strongholds of APP. 1 said, target Obingwa
South, but leave Umuahia South. Leave Osisioma where
we had problems and suffered protest voting against us
following false murder allegations against us. Let us
concentrate on our areas of strength, which is in Aba North
Senatorial district which comprises of Umunochi, Isukwuato,
Bende, Ohafia and Arochukwu. I said, let's convince our
people in these areas to vote massively for PDP. And with
125
our large number, we have the ability to win the election.
The strategy worked out well.
Kalu also did well in Ngwaland Justifying the intense efforts he put
up to appease the Ngwa people. He had made sure that only Ngwa
people were sponsored to the local government chairmanship in Aba
North and Aba South; he had an Ngwa son, Abaribe, as his running
mate. He had also promised an exclusive cabinet positions for the
Ngwas. It was probably an overstatement to say that the Ngwas held
the key to his victory but their support was .very helpful, especially
against the background that he was running against a very determined
opponent, Chief Vincent Ogbulafor, fielded by the APP, the closest
rival party to PDP in the state. But Kalu had an explanation for his
success in this areas and his explanation came with a little chest thumping:
The Ngwas were genuine partners. They were
genuinely involved in my bid. And I tell you frankly that if
the race were between another strong Ngwa man and me
I would have still won. I can't see anything stopping me.
Like I said on the state television, the only thing that could
have stopped me from becoming governor was death or
God Himself. Apart from these, I would have won. In fact,
if there were an election there tomorrow, I would win with
higher margin because the people have started seeing the
truth about me. The Ngwas themselves like me. I was
born in Aba, an Ngwa town. I was brought up there and
had my early education there. I am like an Ngwa man
myself. I speak their dialect. Whenever I campaign in their
area, I address them in their own dialect.
But Kalu's biggest support came from Bende and Ohafia local
governments, although with the exception of Abiriba town. And the
reason was quite obvious: most of Kalu's virulent opponents are Abiriba
tycoons who did everything to crush his ambition. While Kalu got over
99 per cent of the votes in Ohafia town and about 90 in Nkporo, he
scored very low in Abiriba. UI will give you an example," Kalu said.
126
"In Ohafia local government, I scored 70,000 votes, out of which
27,000 representing over 90 per cent of the votes cast, came from
Nkporo with only 5,000 votes from Abiriba."
Although APP's candidate scored only about 8,000 votes to Kalu's
70,000, of the 8,000 APP votes, 7,000 of it came from Abiriba! APP
got only 1,000 votes from Ohafia and about 500 votes from Nkporo.
Kalu's immediate constituency, Bende local government also massively
endorsed him with 63,000 votes to APP's 1,900 votes. Kalu attributes
his loss in Abiriba to the hostility of the power brokers who hail from
the town. Although many of the Abiriba tycoons were supposed to be
Kalu's friends, at times, the relationship got sacrificed on the altar of
hubris and money. "They want everything good to come from their
community only," said Kalu. "They want everybody to worship them
because they have money. But I don't believe in that. I don't rate
success only in terms of money. Success must be rated also in terms of
professionalism. You are successful if you are good in whatever you
do."
In the local government of Kalu's opponent, in Umuahia, Kalu
scored 12,000 votes to his opponent's 23,000 votes. "That was
more than I expected," he said. In the end, Kalu attributes his
election as the governor of Abia State to divine favour first and
foremost, and the massive support of the masses. "The elite was
against me," he said frequently. "I won the election by act of God
and the support of the people—(he ordinary people. And that is
why I will put my life on the line to serve the people."
As for his inveterate political opponents, including the Abiriba
tycoons, Kalu waved an olive branch. "I am not in power to settle
scores but to serve. I have completely forgiven them all. I consider
everything as part of politics. I need everybody's support so that we
can build up Abia State for the benefit of all us. No bitterness at all, no
hang-ups about the past. For me, it is the dawn of a new era and I
want everybody to be part of it."
Kalu
On Leadership
The siren blared announcing the arrival of the state's chief executive,
Governor Orji Uzor Kalu. Heralding his coming were six monstrous
looking motorcycles zigzagging around the limited compound of the
state's Government House. From a dark monstrous jeep, out came a
young man in white caftan—Governor Kalu. With him came the usual
flurry of security men and top government functionaries of the state.
Soon, a crowd of officialsand security personnel gathered. In the middle
was the governor interviewing a young man dressed in jeans and a Tshirt. He is the vendor of six new escort motorcycles the state
government wants to buy.
But there is a problem. The security men who had test-driven the
motorbikes did not like them. And they minced no words in telling the
governor so.
"It can't run," argued one of the police sergeants in the governor's
escort team. They pointed out that at a maximum speed limit of only
160 KPH, it might not be fast enough when security situation demands
128
top speed. Even though it has up to 160 kph, you cannot normally
exhaust the speed limit.
Another security man pointed out that it didn't look like a new
product. It is like a refurbished machine. The vendor vigorously denied
this, swearing and shuffling some papers about to everyone around to
prove his case.
"Well,
even if na new one, it is not original," arguedanother officer. "It looks
like Taiwan."
Some muffled a laughter.
"But the label there said it is made in Germany," pointed out the
governor who was listening to all the arguments with keen interest,
making room for every point of view. An atmosphere of unfettered
freedom of speech seemed to pervade the discussion. An unusual
camaraderie was at play, belying the seriousness of what was at stake:
a good business for the vendor, security for the governor and job
satisfaction for the security guys who love their machine strong and
powerful to suit their sense of power, self-control and efficiency.
The argument went to and fro, degenerating into a no-win situation.
The governor tried to persuade the security men that the product was
O.K. But the operatives politely refused, arguing that the machines
didn't have the feel of the original stuff. "Your Excellency, I have been
riding machine for almost 20 years," argued one of the operatives, "so
I know how original Suzuki sounds. This one no even sound like
new!"
At this point, the governor proposed a compromise. "Instead of
buying six at once, we will take three and use them on trial basis, if they
are not good, we will return them to the seller".
But despite this seeming compromise, there were still some
dissenting voices. At last, the governor firmed up his decision. "I
know the dealer," he declared, "he can't sell a bad product to us but if
it turns out bad, we'll return them to him."
Well, if you thought the governor won the argument, you are dead
wrong. The security boys grumbled so loudly to the governor's ear
that it soon became obvious to him that the voice of the people must
have it way. And so it was. "All the motorbikes were eventually
129
KALU ON LEADERSHIP
returned," Kalu confirmed. In the end, the voice of the majority carried
the day.
That incident typifies a typical decision-making process of Kalu.
For him, leadership is about listening to what the people want and
trying your best to meet such aspiration. Two heads, it is said, are
better than one. If that is true, then majority decision is certainly superior,
even if not necessarily better, than that of the minority or the individual.
To Kalu, even where the majority is wrong and the leader is right, it is
not the duty of the leader to force the right decision down the throat of
the followers. It is not for nothing that democracy has been described
by some as the tyranny of the majority.
"One of the important lessons you learn as a leader," Kalu says, "is
that in leadership, you can't always run faster than the people you are
leading."
Because of the interactivity between leadership and followership,
there must always be a meeting point between the leader and the
followers. Yes, a leader probably has a superior argument, a better
vision, a clearer foresight, and perhaps, even better and superior facts
at his disposal, but in a democracy, you must sell your arguments well
to win the majority. In the motorbike argument, Kalu felt he was making
the right purchase at a better cost advantage than what the security
operatives preferred, but he was also aware that for efficiency to be
sustained, it was most important that the actual users liked it. It did not
matter if that was the best motorbike in the world, it was more important
that the people perceived it to be so.
"While a good leader should not be led by the people, he also must
not ignore the people," states Kalu. "There must always be a meeting
point."
Kalu's Vision
It could be rightly said that leadership without vision is like a blind
man leading a flock. "One distinctive quality of a leader," notes John
Jackson, former chief executive of UPS, Nigeria, featured in the
corporate classic, 50 Nigeria's Corporate Strategists: Top CEOs
130
Share Their Experiences in Managing Companies in Nigeria, "is
that ability to conceive a vision for the organisation." 1
Most of the times, political leadership fails because people come
into political positions without a clear-cut vision. Some come in driven
more by greed than the vision of service; some only grapple with the
vision question while they are already in power with the obvious result
that either the vision is swamped and crippled or at best, come out
very warped by the corrupt influences that surround the leader. On
many occasions, Nigeria's political leadership fail because of the
reluctant leadership syndrome where leaders emerged more by fluke
of coincidences rather than by a deliberate systematic process. In such
a situation, the emergent leader starts the visioning process, if ever,
while already saddled with power. In more cases than not, the result is
often a stunted vision or none at all, leaving the ship of state either
drifting or stagnant.
But as corporate leaders acknowledge, success is rarely an accident;
it is more a deliberate-process that starts with the leadership. Even
though the decision to run for governorship appears to have been
triggered off by the traffic jam incident, Kalu also confessed that he
had not exactly been a virgin in terms of political ambition. The nature
and the timing for actualising such an ambition are different things. He
candidly acknowledged that much:
At all times in my life, I have always been aware of the
inner calling to lead people. I thought of the day I would
become a political leader. I started as a student union leader
at the University of Maiduguri. Even in the secondary
school, I was the labour captain at the Government College,
Umuahia. At Eziama High School where I started before
coming over to the Government College, I was team
manager of the school's soccer team. I have always wanted
to be in position to change the society for the better. When
I became successful in business, I thought maybe that was
the level of leadership God wanted me to be involved in.
But afterwards, I realised that God wants me to go into
political leadership too. I see leadership as both inborn and
131
KALU ON LEADERSHIP
acquired through some form of tutelage or through
experience. You can be born a leader. You can also be
groomed as a leader.
The implication of Kaiu's political leadership consciousness since
very early in his life was that he had time to reflect on what should be
considered his vision of political leadership. His vision of political
leadership is based on a concept of mass mobilization. His perception
of the interface between leadership and followership is that every human
being has a divine right to personal sovereignty over himself or herself.
In a family situation, this right extends to the right of the head of the
family to control his own family unit. In this micro setting, each person
is a leader in his own right. But despite divine rights of the individual
person, a society cannot be built on such atomistic credo. It is a
recognition of this reality that people are compelled to surrender some
parts of their individualism to a centralised human construct called the
society to cater for the collective well-being of all. It was thus by free
and willing collective consent that the micro units of human elements—
the individuals—allow the society to be stronger than the individual.
Government then is a human construct designed for the mutual benefit
of the governed. In this regard, Kalu posits that the only reason people
surrender their natural sovereignty over themselves and allow another
man to exercise authority over them is a consideration of a mutual
benefit to be derived from such contract. He said:
The only reason why a man can come out to rule another
man is for the benefit of the ruled. If you are able to convince
people you are ruling that your rulership is for their own
benefit and good, then their loyalty and support are
guaranteed. But in ruling the people, you should not play
God who has all the answers. You should not order the
people around and disregard their opinion. Everybody
cannot be a fool and only the leader is wise. You must first
consult the people and do whatever they want. Sometimes,
what the people want may not be what you want, but you
must consult and negotiate your way through.
132
Leadership fails because of lack of participation of the
people. The fact that people discover the hollowness of the
life of the leader. The people must trust you and it is the
leader's duty to ensure that you earn the people's support.
If a leadership is sincere, even when you make mistakes,
the people will understand it within the context of an honest
effort to improve their well being. It is like flogging your
child. No child has taken up arms against the parents at
least in our African context because he was being flogged.
It is even later in life that the child begins to show
appreciation to the parents for being so firm.
The second aspect of his vision and leadership perspective is his
conviction that the only way the society can move forward positively is
to fight corruption especially in governance. As a businessman who
rose through the ranks, and who had experienced a broad spectrum of
the nation's business life, Kalu felt he could speak authoritatively on
the effect of corruption on national development. After all, he had seen
it all. He had been a government contractor and at a point was very
active as an arms supplier who at times brokered business between
the arms manufacturers and the Nigerian defence authorities. In fact,
the international arms vendors required his services as a broker because
of his intimate knowledge of the local business system, especially, his
ability to get payments out of the system after the usual supplies. He
had also been active as a crude oil trader. He was one of the few
Nigerians and at that point, the only Igbo man, with the contract to lift
crude oil and export. In Nigeria, these two areas happen to be the
bastion of corruption. So in talking about corruption, Kalu talks neither
as a saint nor villain, but as a Nigerian who is highly knowledgeable
about the system. If as critics say, it is impossible to fish in these murky
waters without getting wet, then Kalu's anti-corruption philosophy is
at least, a typical Saul-to-Damascus encounter that turned out most
enduring too in Kalu's case.
"I believe," Kalu asserts, "that democracy in the Third World
countries cannot thrive if we do not fight corruption. In fact, Nigeria's
133
KALU ON LEADERSHIP
biggest problem today is corruption."
He believes that all other problems of Nigeria, including the muchdebated national question, are the collateral effect of corruption. He
argued:
If the leadership were corrupt, if institutional corruption
thrives in public life, whatever is meant for a particular
purpose would not achieve that purpose. If it is a project
idea, then the whole idea is defeated from the beginning
because the fund meant for the purpose is diverted into
private pockets through phony contracts. In Nigeria, the
contract for a single project could be awarded six times
and the money diverted all the time. That is why the people
have nothing to show for their past support for government.
And that is why the people would do anything to avoid
paying tax because they do not see the purpose of paying
tax only for power brokers to share the money without any
project to show for it.
He also believes that like cancer, corruption has a multiplier effect:
The minute you start stealing, there is no way you can
perfect the stealing of government money alone. There
must be people around you who know that Oga is also
stealing. And if you are also stealing, then you cannot have
the moral authority to tell people that 'if you steal, I will fire
you.' Of course, you can fire him but you cannot stop him
from talking to the press openly or secretly.
Kalu believes that leadership must go with moral authority because
that is the only instrument the leader has to beat erring ones into line or
out of the system. His recipe for that is quite simple but logical:
When they see that you are not taking, even the ardent
thief would think twice. It does not mean that the ardent
thief won't steal at all if he has the way to do it but it means
that he is aware that stealing is a suicidal gamble. If he
gets caught, he knows that he would pay the price and he
134
has no tale to tell. That was why none of the commissioners
and special advisers I removed said a word when I
reshuffled my cabinet and sacked many of them. In doing
that, I was daring them to expose me if any of them had
any evidence of corruption against me but none of them
said a word. Many of them were even very grateful to
have escaped prosecution.
But some of Kalu's critics argue that he could afford to wage anticorruption crusade because he was already wealthy; that if he was
as poor as most Nigerians, he would have appreciated the
inevitability of corruption in a largely impoverished society. But
Kalu felt it was simply a matter of choice: to serve the public
selflessly or go into private ventures to make money.
12
Straight From Harvard
At the heart of our message should be five simple familiar words.
No big economic theories. No sermons on political philosophy.
Just five shortwords.family, work neighborhood, freedom, peace.
—Ronald Reagan, 1980
Governor Kalu's detractors like to maKe much out of th^ fact
that he did not complete his university education. At times, the
impression is thus created as if a degree is a magical mantra that
solves leadership problems. But as has been stated in this book,
Abia State had suffered so much leadership ineptitude from past
rulers, many of who had various degrees from distinguished
universities. But while a degree per se is not the panacea for
leadership deficiency, formal and informal education in the broad
sense of the word is an invaluable asset in tackling any human
problem, leadership or even the simple demands of daily living.
The world's most famous university, the Harvard University,
no doubt recognises this reality. It is not only that Harvard Business
School originated the famous case study methodology in graduate
136
business studies—a concept now considered axiomatic in business
studies all over the world—its executive programmes are designed to
tap the reservoir of practical knowledge that can only be acquired
from the university of practical experience. And only those that have
been exposed to the University of Practical Experience qualify for
admission.
Kalu was one of such candidates. In the third quarter of 1998,
Kalu went to complete an executive programme at Harvard Business
School. But what was intended as an academic adventure turned out
into a turning point in Kalu's political and leadership experience. It will
amount to no exaggeration to say that the secrets with which he
performed what has been widely dubbed the "Abia Miracle" were
orchestrated by the world's most prestigious institution, Harvard
University.
In the twilight days of the Abacha regime, Kalu had suddenly
disappeared from Nigeria, only to reappear in Harvard Business School
where he was part of the executive programme for 1998/9. Since he
was one of the frontrunners for Abia State governorship under the
UNCP, his disappearance fuelled a lot of rumours. Some said he had
been arrested by Abacha's security agents—a very familiar possibility
under the fascist regime of Abacha which brooked neither friends nor
foes. Others speculated that he was actually in the hands of the CIA
for an undisclosed offence. Some even declared with absolute certainty
that he disappeared to avoid arrest because of Abacha's displeasure
with Kalu for withdrawing from the campaign for Abacha to succeed
himself. One of Kalu's greatest political miscalculations was to have
been the first person to announce the campaign for Abacha to contest
for the presidency. In the light of Abacha's poor human rights record
and kleptocracy, it was a grave act of political misjudgment to have
been linked in any form with Abacha's self-succession bid. But it is
generally assumed that Kalu did so presumably to remain in Abacha5 s
good books and avoid disqualification for his gubernatorial ambition
under the UNCP. No doubt, it was a tribute to Kalu's acute capacity
to see things ahead of time; he knew before most Nigerians had any
137
STRAIGHT FROM HARVARD
inkling of the reality that Abacha was set for self-succession. Playing
the politician, Kalu sought to exploit such information to his advantage
by announcing his intention to launch an Abacha-for-president
campaign. Why did he do so? Even now, Kalu is usually reticent about
that decision or why he eventually backed out of the effort. Although
he usually put up a brave face over that decision whenever he was
pressed to comment on it, in the view of many, it remained a source of
personal discredit to him. Many of Kalu's admirers and critics alike
can't find any justification whatsoever for anybody to support Abacha's
continuation in power under whatever guise.
To further compound issues, Kalu issued a statement that he had
withdrawn from the political race, at the instance of pressures from his
family and the Igbere community. But what was unknown to many was
that Kalu the master tactician had concluded from his political crystal
ball that Abacha's transition was headed for nowhere; that it was time
to beat a tactical retreat. Furthermore, he had grown weary of the
exploitative demands on him by the various political interest groups
and individuals who practically lived off him. Some of his close political
associates estimated that Kalu might have spent as much as N300
million in the futile political bid under the Abacha transition. Kalu felt it
was time to withdraw and refocus. To do that effectively, he needed
something fresh, something challenging, something new and intellectually
stimulating.
In registering for the executive programme of the Harvard Business
School, Kalu wanted to rejuvenate his mind not only for potential
leadership opportunity but also to enhance his business. But ironically,
it was at Harvard that Kalu's political interest was revived. But he kept
everything close to his chest, waiting for the right moment—which came
when Abacha died and General Abdulsalami Abubakar started a new
transition to civil rule.
At Harvard, once Kalu introduced himself as a business tycoon
and also a political aspirant for the post of a state governor, he became
the automatic focus of the class. Like Jimmy Carter who was shaped
into the American presidency by a group of Harvard professors, Kalu
became the main project of the class. And the project was not only
138
how to make him an unbeatable candidate but also how to shape his
political agenda in such a way as to ensure optimum performance in
office. Kalu was taken through the mill on why governments fail
especially in the Third World; how to form a government; how to
prioritise your agenda rather than attempting to solve all problems at a
go. He was groomed on the latest principles on leadership strategies;
how to lead by examples rather than precepts, etc.
"We were using Abia as a management case study and it is an ongoing thing," Kalu said in acknowledgement of the Harvard input into
the success of his administration. "In fact, even before I became the
governor, Harvard was involved. They made a lot of input into my
campaign strategy. I was feeding them in on the problems I was
encountering in the field and they made their suggestions. They made a
lot of input on how I should start the government, how government
should be focused on key priorities and specific policy objectives, how
to run people oriented government, what and what I should do."
On why he went to Harvard, Kalu responded: "When I went to
Harvard, the aim was just to widen my intellectual horizon. But once
we introduced ourselves and they got to know that I was interested in
becoming the governor of my state, they paid special attention to me
and worked on making me achieve my goal. In the event, I now found
that the Harvard ideas would be useful for governance."
You will soon see action!
Kalu's inaugural speech on May 29,1999 had been brief but pungent
in many respects. He outlined his policy objectives in unequivocal terms.
In broad terms, his assignment as a governor, he said was "to position
Abia strategically in Nigeria"; he had a divine covenant to serve and
make the people proud citizens of state. In doing so, the politics of
dichotomy was to be buried into the past; there must be no victor and
no vanquished, he added, extending an olive branch to all his political
opponents and foes.
As a governor of a state where the people are highly endowed with
entrepreneurial drive, high level of ingenuity, innovation and creative
139
energy, his main task, he promised, was to rebuild the collapsed
infrastructure of the state to enable the people soar into higher heights
in their various endeavours. "To this end," he said, "this government
will seek to create the conducive economic environment to allow our
people's ingenuity and innovativeness to grow. We shall leave no stone
unturned to ensure that oppressive acts hindering commerce in the
state are removed."
He added: "If our people are given the necessary infrastructure and
a good business environment, we shall excel. As a matter of priority,
we shall develop adequate infrastructure in Abia State and above all,
uplift the image of Enyimba City to enable business and commerce to
thrive. Aba will, I repeat, will reclaim its status as an important
commercial, industrial and manufacturing centre not only in Nigeria but
also in the West African coast. You will soon see action!"
Commitments like that were sweet music to the ears of the
cosmopolitan residents of Aba. There is no gainsaying the fact that
Aba is the commercial nerve-centre of Igboland, along with Onitsha.
A greater percentage of the famous Igbo-made products are fashioned,
formulated, designed and fabricated at Aba. People from all parts of
Nigeria and West Africa flock to Aba to buy cheap versions of any
goods under the sun, both imported and those produced at Aba for
both domestic use and exports. For instance, it is said that the shoe
industry in Aba could only be compared, at least in terms of volume
and design if not quality, with the Italian footwear industry. Aba-made
shoes are exported to all parts of West Africa. Aba suits, shirts, trousers,
children-wears and so on are giving a fight to their imported versions
and some Aba tailors have invaded the export market for their products.
But in recent years, Aba had suffered many reverses following the
total collapse of the state's infrastructure. The city's road network
hitherto one of the best in planning became totally unmotorable;
electricity and water supply became rare, if ever. Telephone facilities
worked in fits and starts. For years, many of the residents watched
helplessly as the dynamic city of Aba gradually degenerated into a
disaster zone. With that went business opportunities in the city with
ripple effects in the whole state, since the economy of state, if not
140
much of Igboland, derives from the commercial economy of the great
EnyimbaCity.
As if that was not enough tragedy, the city was soon besieged by
criminals who terrorized people in the night and broad daylight. The
criminals operated with so much impunity that those who came to buy
things from outside the town were scared away, further ruining the
commercial fortunes of the town. The scanty police presence in Aba
was so outnumbered by the hoodlums that the police was no more
reckoned with as a factor in crime control in the state. It was this
lawless atmosphere that gave birth to traders taking up arms to rout
the criminals in the city. And they were so successful at it that in the
end, the anti-robbery vigilante transformed itself into the dreaded
Bakassi Boys.
Focusing on Aba therefore, was not only good politics on Kalu's
part, it was indeed a smart move. For whatever touches the people of
Aba ultimately affects everyone else in Abia State. "There will be no
place for criminals to terrorize Abians," Kalu pledged, adding, "While
I bring no magic formula to solve all our problems, I pledge to meet my
campaign commitments to Abia.'5
Besides, it conforms with the strategy of management by
prioritization. As a businessman, Kalu knows the importance of focus
as a key to success. Ask Reagan or Clinton, the strategy is often the
same: focus on the few specifics. For instance, on coming to office,
Clinton's agenda was summarized as follows:
Change vs. more of the same
The economy, stupid
Don't forget health care.
Kalu turned out to be a very good student, able to successfully
marry the Harvard ideas with his native wisdom and practical
understanding of his peculiar setting. For instance, while Harvard taught
him how to set up a government—since he had no experience in
141
governance whatsoever—and how to prioritise and focus and register
his impact on few but key specific projects, nothing in the whole wide
world prepared him for the administration that he inherited from Colonel
Anthony Obi, the last Military Administrator of the state who handed
over to Kalu. The government Obi handed over to Kalu had no kobo
in its account whereas the state was in debt of about N8 billion. No
Harvard professor could have contemplated the possibility of starting
a government without a cent in the treasury.
Kalu further described the bleak picture he inherited: He said: "My
expectation when I was coming was that I would see a well-organised
government which I can take over from but when I came here, there
was nothing like an organised system of governance. Not even a penny
was left for me in the treasury. So my first assignment was to do a
financial re-engineering of the state and to create a system from which
we could operate. As everyone well knows, my first action was to
secure a bank loan on my personal guarantee to start work on the
roads.
"In trying to do a financial re-engineering of the state, the first monster
I confronted was corruption of the highest order. Everything and
everybody was in it. Nothing was being done; in fact, no system was in
place. You could do anything—literally anything—and get away with
it. The situation was simply shocking, for lack of better words to
describe it."
A few hours after being sworn in, Kalu had formed a skeletal
government. Within the few hours, he appointed the Secretary to the
State Government, Principal Secretary to the Governor, Chief Press
Secretary and Chief of Protocol. "He remained the only governor out
of the 36 states who assembled a skeletal government on the day he
was sworn in," noted one of the governor's aides.
Convinced that those who wish to throw stones must not live in a
glass house, Kalu followed this up the same day with a public declaration
of his asset, stating that he was worth N2.9 billion as at the time of his
being sworn in. One of the glaring manifestations of the extent of
corruption that Kalu talked about was the vulgar acquisition of
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government lands and houses by public servants at an almost gratuitous
prices. Some of the government lands at the government reservation
areas valued at between Nl 5 million and N20 million were brazenly
acquired by civil servants at as low as N50,000! While the state lacked
accommodation for its officials, those lucky to get official quarters ended
up buying the houses at a giveaway price. And this was not because
the government was in need of selling the houses, but simply that the
occupiers wanted the property for themselves. To compound the
brigandage, some who lived in twin duplexes, decided to buy one half
of the house and leave the other side for the government! "The whole
thing was simply madness," Kalu raged.
The public finally grew weary when nobody listened to their
complaints at the massive looting and cannibalisation of government
property. Kalu had vowed during his campaign that one of his first
assignments would be to revoke the acquisition of these property but
since those that acquired these property were the powerful people
considered the untouchables, nobody took him seriously. They felt he
was simply grandstanding in order to win people's votes. Nobody, it
was assumed, dared to step on such powerful toes and hope to survive
in government.
Well, nobody, until Kalu was sworn in. On his first day as governor,
he announced the revocation of the acquisition of the property. He
gave those who had built houses on these property two weeks to move
out of the houses; those who bought government houses for peanuts
should also look for alternative accommodation. However, he promised
to get quantity surveyors to estimate the value of the property and
compensate those who built houses on the revoked government
property.
Kalu explained why the revocation of the allocations was imperative:
"Abuse of land allocation in the state was one of the manifestations
of the type of corruption that I am talking about. One of the first decisions
I took was to revoke the allocation of government lands to powerful
individuals in the state. It was the prime government land in Umuahia
which people bought at a give-away price. People sold parcels of
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government lands valued atN25 million atN50,000 to themselves. Some
civil servants simply bought over their official quarters at the price of
peanuts. Can you imagine government workers buying their official
quarters, even when the government had no reason to sell any property
given the fact that the state was still suffering from acute lack of
accommodation? That is the kind of corruption that we are talking about.
You cannot be a civil servant and you were given an official quarter to
live in and the next thing was that you divide the official quarter into two,
sell half of it to yourself and leave the other half for the government. We
are talking about the same property with the same document, but half
now belongs to the former occupier and the other half belongs to the
government. Have you ever heard of a thing like that happening
elsewhere? But it happened here in Abia State. And the people say,
leave the sleeping dog to lie. If the dog must sleep on government property,
it is the duty of whoever God has placed over the state to wake the
bloody dog up! If the dog must sleep, it should go and build its own house
in a neutral ground, not on a government property. What if I as the
governor decide to buy the government lodge, where would the next
governor live in?"
Kalu also wondered how ordinary civil servants in a poor state like
Abia got so rich as to build mansions on a government land. But the
explanation was not far-fetched. Governance in the state, he said, was
not about service but about sharing the people's money in a most brazen
manner. "This is brazen stealing for which these people ought to be
hiding their faces in shame," Kalu said, wondering at the effrontery of
the people challenging the revocation. "Because this is democracy, I
cannot behave as a military man. Otherwise, these people should have
all been behind bars."
The initial reaction of the property owners was to pooh-pooh the
governor's tough talk as the empty grandstanding of somebody shopping
for popularity at all costs. If military rulers did not dislodge them and
actually co-operated in the bazaar, insisting only on guaranteeing their
own cuts in the deals, who the hell is Kalu, a political greenhorn at
that? But Kalu kept drumming the ultimatum home until the land
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interlopers panicked, convinced that he was dead serious.
This was a serious matter.
Deadly serious.
The masses of Abia State cheered, astonished by Kalu's boldness
and courage. To them, Kalu's guts was simply unbelievable. Too good
to be true.
The wealthy property acquisitors mounted pressures—incredible
pressures. Day and night. Some offered money—as much as N5 million
bribe to be let off the hook. Kalu was not yielding ground.
Even for Kalu, the pressure reached a boiling point. And he was
feeling the heat. His life was threatened. Kalu realised how serious the
matter was when his domestic staff was recruited to poison his food.
Privately, Kalu was troubled and haunted by dangers all around him.
Like a general during a coup plot, Kalu was privately suspicious of
even his close aides, not knowing who might buckle under the pressure.
"From what I have seen," Kalu told a group of editors privately, "they
even want me dead. They are prepared to kill. Believe it or not, even
my cook was recruited to poison my food in the government lodge.
But only God saved me and exposed the evil. What have I done to
deserve such fate? Just because I was standing against corruption?"
Some who cared for his safety advised him to rescind tfie decision.
Maybe the government should tell the people to pay the appropriate
market price for the properties they acquired. But Kalu felt that this
was a litmus leadership test. If he rescinded his decision on the land
issue, the government would never be able to resist pressures in future.
In fact, that might mark the end of his government in terms of credibility.
As the saying goes, his government would be dead on arrival. In his
books, the only justifiable reason a leader should reverse his policy
decision is when he was convinced that he was wrong in the first place.
But that was not the case in the land matter. What the people did was
clearly despicable and they knew it.
Even if Kalu wanted to change his mind, he was also afraid of the
masses. The land issue had assumed a popular momentum of its own.
It was a very popular action in the eyes of the people. "The people
may lynch me if I cave in to pressure," Kalu conceded.
145
Kalu needed desperately to focus on other issues. Finally, he hit on
a way out. He set up a committee to examine the merits or otherwise
of the representations made by the people who bought the land and
houses. This had the desired effect of relieving pressure from him and
buying him more time for action.
But as Kalu soon realised, in deciding to fight corruption, he had
battles to fight from all fronts. It was not only those whose land
allocations were revoked that were against him, it seemed to him at a
point that the entire establishment was against. Kalu's approach to the
management of the bureaucracy was rooted in iconoclastic philosophy.
And to the traditional civil servants, this was simply sacrilegious.
The Road Master
In line with the philosophy of governance by selective prioritisation,
Kalu had outlined his primary focus in the first half of his administration
to be road construction and rehabilitation, although attention was paid
to his other pet projects like Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu's Free Mobile Health
Clinic where free medical services were rendered to rural dwellers by
doctors operating from mobile clinics. He also paid attention to rural
electrification, agriculture, education and provision of potable water
especially boreholes in the rural communities. Each of the local
governments were beneficiaries of these schemes. However, in terms
of priority, there was no gainsaying that road construction and
rehabilitation were his major policy obsession. Indeed, it was such
obsession with good roads that earned him the nickname, The Road
Master. Those familiar with Kalu's ordeal in Aba road which was
perhaps, the most important catalyst for his plunging into politics, would
not be surprised at Kalu's zest and obsession for provision of good
roads all over the state. In the dark recesses of his mind is perhaps a
personal quest to prove a point to successive administrations in the
state who had neglected the development of the state's infrastructure
on the flimsy excuse of lack of funds. In other words, the driving desire
is to prove the point that what the successive governments deemed
impossible simply because of their rapacious appetite for corruption
146
can be done.
But it was not enough to rehabilitate roads, he also understood the
secret of registering dramatic impact. He understood that change by
incremental measure may go unnoticed, so Kalu went for dramatic
change.
His primary motivation for coming into politics was the devastated
state of Aba roads where he was trapped for four hours for a less than
ten minutes drive. Kalu's strategy was not only to repair roads, but to
make Aba roads his showcase to the people. So within 48 hours of his
coming to office, he mobilised contractors to start work on Aba roads.
Since the state had no kobo, Kalu had to take a bank loan of N250
million on a personal collateral to commence work on the road. And
this, of course, was made an open secret!
The impapt was dramatic. Seeing caterpillars mobilised on Aba
roads was like an act of miracle. For the first time in more than 20
years, the people who were only used to hearing rumours that a contract
for the rehabilitation of any of the Aba roads was being discussed or
were awarded to contractors who were never seen afterwards,
suddenly saw heavy duty equipment at work, even before they heard
rumours about impending contract.
By the time he marked 100 days in office, Kalu had built Omuma,
Umule, Ohanku and Osusu roads. As the government correctly noted,
"these roads had been impassable for the past 20 years." In addition
to these roads, the potholes in Aba were filled up with so much speed
that people were stunned. By his first year in office, over 20 roads had
been constructed by the Kalu administration, opening up the gateway
for the revival of commercial activities in Aba. To the people, this was
nothing short of a miracle. And Kalu insists that his target was to build
250 roads by end of his first term in office. These days, not even Kalu's
opponents doubt whatever he says he will do.
For the first time since Governor Mbakwe worked on Aba roads
and earned himself a messianic followership in the state, the rule of the
game had changed. The people were seeing action instead of empty
rhetorics, results instead of official excuses and lamentations about lack
offund.
147
Short-circuiting bureaucracy
Kalu's first challenge was how to align the bureaucracy to move at
his speed of change. But that soon proved to be an impossible dream.
Bureaucracy is primarily designed to move at a pace only dictated by
its cumbersome processes, dark intrigues, obtuse language, hidden
interests, primordial alliances and conflicts, corruption and more
corruption, memos upon memos, files upon files. The rules that govern
the corpus of bureaucratic machine are sacrosanct. Yet, when the
operators so wish, they become veterans at the phaiisaic dictum: follow
the letters and not the spirit of the rules.
With the letters, the lords and minions of bureaucracy can always
have their way and get away with it. As Reagan once argued, "The
first rule of bureaucracy is to protect bureaucracy."
Those experienced in the ways of bureaucracy often acknowledge
that the silent and inconspicuous methods of the bureaucracy conceal
the secrets of its power to make and unmake without taking
responsibility. It is for instance acknowledged ofNigeria's longest ruling
head of state, General Yakubu Gowon that he merely reigned while
the bureaucrats—remember the Super Perm Sees!—actually ruled.
President Harry Truman once ruminated on the impotence of even the
president of the United States before the determined ways of
bureaucracy. Reflecting on his experience, Truman warned the future
President Eisenhower of how bureaucracy frustrates the power of the
president, rendering him, in effect, powerless. The president, Truman
lamented, would say, 'Do this! Do that!' And nothing will happen. "
With his private sector background, a bit of impatience, inherent
obduracy and a natural aversion for excessive paperwork, Kalu found
the entire panoply of bureaucratic processes incomprehensible and
intolerable. "In the public sector," he said, "you have so many forces
to contend with—corruption, bureaucracy, political considerations,
intrigues by various interest groups. So many forces are at play that
making a simple decision can become so cumbersome. These drag
things down and slow everybody. The civil servants are not in a hurry
148
to do anything at all."
Since the rules of bureaucracy are like the Medo-Persian edicts
that do not change, it was inevitable that Kalu must invent his own
rules if he must move at the speed he desired. "What I have tried to do
is to short-circuit the processes," he said. UI want Abia to be private
sector-driven. I personally can't cope with all the bureaucracy."
For instance, to ensure speedy execution of projects, Kalu awards
contract first, makes down payment for substantial part of the job,
before the contractors process the papers through the bureaucratic
mill. For instance, it took Kalu only 48 hours in office to award road
contracts and raise bank loans of N250 million to mobilise the
contractors to work on Aba roads. Under the normal bureaucratic
setting, he would have needed to wait for many months for the contract
papers to be processed.
Kalu explained: "The system I use is that all the tenders would come
and we see the capable people who quoted fairly and we make a
decision for them to go to site and we give them payment immediately
to start work. After mobilising them, then they can go ahead and
process their contract papers and satisfy the requirements of
bureaucracy."
But some have pointed out that this method is not only undue violation
of established procedure, but that it is fraught with dangers and open
to abuses. The bureaucratic procedures had their in-built checks and
balances that are now voided by Kalu's method. But Kalu is not deterred
by such arguments. He believes that any nation that must do well must
first get rid of excessive paperwork and get down to the practical
reality. That, he argued, was what many of the Asian Tigers did to
succeed as economic powers. "India did, Indonesia did and Malaysia
did," he insists.
As for checks and balances, Kalu contends: "It is not true that
these long processes are checks and balances to guard against abuses
and corruption. If anything, those tilings actually encourage corruption.
After all, all these cumbersome processes were in place when past
regimes simply shared government money among themselves and their
cronies and got away with it. If I used the system of the old bureaucracy,
149
all these roads that we are building, we will not build because we would
still be processing papers up till now."
Instead of the bureaucracy's version of checks and balances, Kalu
prefers the private sector approach: "Some say, what if the contractor
runs away with the money without performance? But how can he get
away when I have his bank guarantee? Before we give money to a
contractor, we insist on a bank guarantee of the same amount. If I have
given the contractor N20 million, his bank would guarantee that if he
did not do a job worth N20 million, I would take the nloney. So, why
should I be afraid? That is what I do in the private sector."
Kalu's style of governance—whether in government or in private
sector—fits into mould of a hands-on manager. He is perhaps, the
only chief executive who rode on a commercial motorbike to reach a
project site for an inspection, when he realised that there was no access
road. The Guardian columnist, Rueben Abati, described his action as
melodramatic and suicidal for a governor. But to the people of Abia,
such earthy style is precisely what endears him to them. "I think that
Kalu has this disarming humility," says a prominent Abia indigene, Mazi
Sam Ohuabunwa, Chairman ofNeimeth Pharmaceutical Company and
President General of Nzuko Aruchukwu. "You know, when you hear
of Orji Kalu, you have a larger-than-life image of him. But when you
get close to him, you see that he is as ordinary as anybody can be. I
don't know whether it is an instrument he uses to disarm people, but I
think that he displays humility."
When the state was confronted with the problem of ghost workers,
thereby paying more salary than the actual workforce, Kalu took it up
as a personal challenge to fish out the ghost workers. In other states
and even at the Federal level, the problem of ghost workers is a multimillion naira industry for various consultants who come to proffer
different solutions. For a handsome fee, they organise various seminars
and training workshops. But the snag is that whatever solution a
consultant proffers is buried under the pile of bureaucracy since in the
first place, the ghost worker phenomenon is a conduit pipe for siphoning
money in the guise of paying non-existent workers by some powerful
cabals in the public service. The irony is that some of the people that
150
award suclicontracts are the brain behind the ghost workers syndrome
in the first place. In some government establishments, some of the
consultant contractors don't even bother to present new papers; they
merely dust up the old papers to re-present and collect fresh fees.
But in Abia, Kalu had a novel way out. To everyone's astonishment,
he simply went physically to inspect payment of workers' salary. With
Kalu playing the paymaster, civil servants came in person to collect
their salary or paycheck. Kalu's explanation: "I. did that to be able to
know that I am not carrying a lot of ghost workers. The issue for me
was simple: if any of my companies was paying more money to workers
as salary than what I consider the actual workforce, what would I
have done? I would have cross-checked physically. That was just what
I did and I saved millions of naira that would have gone into private
pockets."
Underlying that action was Kalu's aversion for armchair
approach to management. He said: "I don't see myself as an armchair governor elected to sit in the office and be fed with false
paperwork. People in this state know that if what you put in the paper
is not satisfactory to me, I will go physically there to check and see
things for myself. As a businessman, I have the policy that we can do
business and make profit both sides. But you can't cheat me, because
I am too streetwise for that. That is the principle that I am using in
government. I will never be a slave to bureaucracy and paperwork. I
will do it by my own ways which are practical and open for everybody
to see.
"I am not elected for office work. My aides and commissioners
should do the office work. I am the chief executive in the corporate
sense of it. In Slok Group which I own, I don't get involved in
office work. I leave that to my managers. I concentrate on strategic
issues. Here in Abia, I don't want to get into office work. That is why
I am everywhere to see that things are working."
13
Kalu is the Action Governor
—Obasanjo
He was like a Roman consul besieged by a frenzied Jewish
audience. But this audience was different. Instead of shouting
crucify him and let's his blood be upon our heads, the audience
were shouting praises and praises.
"Orji is our man o!...Orji is our man!..." sang thousands of
excited residents of Aba. It was at a central reception for the visiting
President Olusegun Obasanjo—his maiden official visit to Abia
State.
The predominantly trading residents of the commercial heartland
of Igboland, Aba, alias, Enyimba City, had voluntarily closed their
shops and businesses in solidarity with their governor and the
visiting president. They trooped out in their thousands, lining the
streets; motorists, the ubiquitous motorcyclists (Okada in Lagos
or Inaga in much of Abia State) and pedestrians, singing and
dancing in praise of their young governor. What was intended as
152
an official reception had turned into a major political carnival.
It was almost impossible to silence the audience. Finally, President
Obasanjo shouted through the din. "Areyouhappy with your governor?"
"Yeeeessssss!!!!" roared the thousands of voices in unison.
It was indeed a superfluous question and Obasanjo already knew
that. Riding on the crest of the mass hysteria, he asked again,
superfluously. "Are you happy?"
Again, a thunderous yes.
"Why are you happy?"
Thousands of voices cited provision of roads, water, free healthcare,
early free education and Kalu's crusade against official looters of
government money, lands and property, among other things.
"No be tomorrow una go complain o," Obasanjo reminded them,
switching to the language of the masses, pidgin.
"We want him for life sef!" some replied.
"Don't remove him o! He is our governor for life!" others warned.
At the mention of "remove", the audience burst into a renewed
pro-Kalu uproar, chanting, singing, dancing and shouting. "We want
Orji.. .We want Orji.. .We want Orji..."
It was impossible trying to control the audience until the renewed
uproar had ran its course. It was no use pointing out to the highly
excited audience that in a presidential system under a democratic setting,
the president has no power—or business for that matter—to remove
an elected governor other than by impeachment by the state legislature.
Or through the ballot boxes. The people were simply taking no chances.
Finally, after some minutes of waving and seeking for audience,
Obasanjo spoke again.
"From what I have seen today," he said,'"it is obvious to me that
your governor has aligned his priority in line with the needs and
aspirations of his people. What is most important to the people of this
state is the provision of roads and your governor has been doing that.
It is also obvious to me that he has spent more time working for the
people than talking. That is why he has enjoyed your support and I
want you to continue to support him. His policies are in line with the
policies of the PDP federal government which is to provide basic
153
KALU IS THE ACTION GOVERNOR
amenities for the people. That is why I want to publicly change his
name from the Executive Governor of Abia State to the Action Governor
of Abia State."
From that moment, the audience became uncontrollable with
excitement. Before the central reception, Obasanjo had commissioned
three new roads—Ohanku Road, Umule and Ukwu Mango Roads,
each of which had been unmotorable and totally impassable for the
past 20 years.
"My target is to build 250 roads by the end of our tenure," Kalu
said as he recalled the president's visit. "When the president came, he
could not commission all the roads we built because of security. The
security people were afraid of the crowd. The people went so wild
with excitement that the security people could not control them. I told
the security people not to bother, that it is a friendly crowd that meant
no harm. But the president's security detail'said no, for fear that the
president and I could be trampled by the excited crowd of Abians
shouting, 'Orji is our man o.. .Orji...!!'
"You know there is nothing better than good governance. Even if I
commit a crime today in the state now, I can get away with it because
the people are so charged that anybody that attempts any anti-Orji
activities may be lynched by the people. And I pray that God forbids
such happening."
Of course, this is in line with the central thesis of Kalu's leadership
philosophy which states that the greatest challenge of leadership is to
earn the trust of the followers. If the people trust the leadership, you
can get away with honest mistakes, or even worse. In the United States,
President Clinton proved that to be true. Despite the serious moral
blemishes over the Monica Lewinsky sex scandal, the people had so
much confidence in Clinton's capacity to handle the booming American
economy that they were prepared to ignore his sexual peccadilloes.
But then, every sensitive leader will know the limit to such indiscretions.
Kalu dismissed the suggestion that the massive support of the people
was stage-managed by him. While not denying that the government
mobilised support, he argued that you could only mobilise people where
you already have support. He threw a challenge to anybody who thinks
154
that the people's support was state-managed:
"I will simply challenge anybody who thinks you can stage-manage
the support of over a million people who left their businesses to storm
the streets for me, to stage-manage their own support in the same
manner for another person. Maybe after that, I can come and hire the
person to stage-manage that kind of support for my political opponents
or the past governors that plundered the state."
The secret of such kind of massive popular support is to win the
confidence of the people not with grammar that is not backed with
performance. The people want concrete development. Which is what
Kalu was offering the people.
He said: "Our operation 250 roads is on track. By all means road is
the biggest priority of our people. It is the only way to restore the
people's confidence in governance. Since we came to power, we have
built and rehabilitated dozens of roads. We are talking of standard
roads ranging from five kilometers to roads of over 40 kilometers. It
involves both rehabilitation and building of new roads. In Aba alone,
we have worked on so many roads, including Ukwu Mango, Ohanku,
Umule, Azikiwe, Market, East, Georges, Mosque, Ehi Roads and many
others. It is our strategy for restoring infrastructure to the state. And
from subsequent budgets, we are going to be putting aside between
10 and 20 per cent of the state's capital votes for road maintenance."
Barely half of the official itinerary was accomplished during the
president's visit. The massive crowd made it impossible for him to
commission all the projects lined out for him by the state government.
In fact, at Abia State University, the president could not commission
the "gigantic hostel complex", as the PDP chairman, Barnabas Gemade,
puts it, thanks again to the uncontrollable crowd and the excitement of
students who turned out to sing Orji's praises. Apart from building the
hostel in the shortest possible time, Kalu had also donated a 500 KV A
generating plant to alleviate the shortage of power supply in the
university. Providing light and hostel, among other things, turned Kalu
into a messiah among the students.
Even the very shrewd and cynical old soldier cum politician, President
155
Obasanjo was very surprised. Surprised at the number of roads, water
projects and other achievements of Kalu under a year of his
administration. The PDP chairman, Gemade who was with the president,
was equally astounded with the speed with which Kalu started off. He
told us, "Within the first month of (Kalu's) assuming office, we started
getting reports in Abuja about improved roads in Aba which has been
one of the biggest headaches of the Nigerian business community and
indeed the general populace of this state."
Gemade and the party's leadership, not the least, President
Obasanjo who was still pulling his early surprises with retirements of
political military officers asa prelude to reorganising the armed forces,
took the reports of Kalu's successes with a pinch of salt. Perhaps,
they thought, it was apolitical gimmick. A sort of propaganda or public
relations spin.
Shortly after, the political crisis between Kalu and his deputy took
over the newspaper headlines. The stories were no longer about new
roads built by the young Kalu administration but the political wrangling
between the governor and his deputy, Enyinaya Abaribe. The general
media reports were that the serious business of governance had taken
a back burner while political conflict took the centre stage. Although
Kalu had always been dismissive of the crisis with his deputy as a
storm in a teacup, nobody believed him that it was possible to govern
in the midst of such hoopla. So nobody outside the state's residents
knew that beneath the smokescreen of political conflagration, serious
development programmes were going on at arevolutionary and record
pace.
Perhaps, the first indication that it was not all crises in Abia State,
but that physical developments were taking place, came with the
commissioning of the various roads by the Vice President Atiku
Abubakar. Few months later, the then Senate President, Dr. Chuba
Okadigbo came to commission more roads as well as broker peace
between Kalu and his deputy. But then, in the psychology of news,
crisis usually enjoys more focus than development. So, the media
reported more of Okadigbo's mediation than the newly constructed
roads.
156
And now came Obasanjo's turn. For a start, his visit to the state
was driven by the crisis between the governor and the deputy governor.
Kalu's political opponents had found the deputy governor as their
rallying point. And part of the rumour sold by them was that even
President Obasanjo was backing Abaribe in preference for Kalu; that
the president would support Kalu's ouster via impeachment; that the
president wants Kalu out of office or at least, does not want to have
anything to do with him. Kalu wanted to debunk that, he said. As at
this time, things had not fallen apart between Kalu and the president as
later happened.
If Obasanjo were to support Abaribe in favour of Kalu, that would
have been a major shock for Kalu. First, Obasanjo had been Kalu's
friend for many years—over ten years before then. They first met in
1988 in KLM flight. "They had no seat for him in the first class
compartment," Kalu recalled. "So, I offered him my seat but eventually
somebody offered us two seats together. He was coming from one of
his many international conferences. We discussed until we got to Nigeria
From that day, he was in love with me and I was in love with him."
A rapport was struck between them. In his usual manner, Kalu
followed up with personal calls, letters and complimentary gifts. The
young man soon entered the general's database as one of his young
associates and potential leaders of tomorrow to watch out for. Such
an assumption soon proved too true. And Kalu proved himself to be a
consistent ally, not merely a fair weather-friend. It is of course, part of
Kalu's instinctive ingenuity that he seems unusually able to spot and
forge such strategic alliances that would turn out most fruitful someday
and is able to start investing early in such relationship.
He aptly described himself as adept at building bridges across ethnic,
age, educational, economic and social barriers, especially in the north.
"I am deeply rooted in the North," Kalu would tell you. "I am good at
building bridges. Apart from the young military officers who later became
senior officers during the military era, I had strong links with important
northern leaders. In the North, you need some kind of ticket to be
trusted by them and one of my tickets into their heart in that region is
people like Professor Jubril Aminu who adopted me like his son. People
157
like the present Vice President Atiku Abubakar."
Kalu's deep northern roots had always exposed him to charges of
being a northern stooge. To Kalu, such labeling is no big deal, certainly
nothing to be ashamed of, provided the context of such a nametag is
seen in the proper perspective. His logic is the obvious one: "If having
friends in the North is what makes one a northern stooge, then I am
not ashamed to plead guilty to the charge. Every northerner is my fiiend.
It is not only the rich that are my friends. The talakawas. If you go to
my house in Maiduguri, you will see who are my genuine friends. From
the airport, you will see me surrounded by the talakawas—the poor
masses who would follow me to my house to eat."
It would seem that the secret to the heart of the North is not just to
understand the social psychology of the people but to blend into it.
And Kalu had since been assimilated into the people's psyche and
culture. To his Igbo kinsmen who genuinely complain about
marginalisation in Nigeria, Kalu proposes that the people should reach
out to the various social strata of other ethnic groups for friendship and
alliances; they should be more inclusive rather than exclusive. And here
is Kalu's solution to that problem, using his own experience as a case
study:
"People like me can never be marginalised in this Nigeria. I will
fight and do everything within my power not to be marginalised. I can
penetrate any Mafia, whether business or political Mafia. If so ever
there is a Mafia anywhere in Nigeria, then I am part of it, unless it is a
criminal Mafia
"It is true that the Igbos are marginalised in Nigeria. I have no doubt
about it and that is why I supported Obasanjo because I expect he
would change things, if he keeps to his promises. There is no doubt
that the Igbos are marginalised but it is not what we should be singing
or preaching a sermon on every day. People won't do anything for you
just because you are lamenting and crying. They can only pity you but
that won't do anything for you. The only thing you get from pity is
alms—just like the alms we give to beggars we pity. The way to
overcome marginalisation is that the Igbos should take their destiny
into their own hands. We should incorporate and integrate ourselves
158
as key players into the larger part of Nigeria. We should make friends
with people from other parts of Nigeria. Through friendship, honesty
and understanding, we are able to forge deeper relationship in business
and politics. It is not an issue you cry about in newspapers every day.
If you want the presidency ofNigeria, you fight for it. You forge alliances
with other power blocs. People do not get the presidency or the vice
presidency on the platter of gold. You fight for it. The other man doesn't
want you to get it but you fight for it until you win. And to win any
battle, you must devise a good strategy long before the battle. You
can't make good plans when the war has started. You make your
plans long before the war. I believe in strategy and that is why in
everything I do, I plan my strategy ahead of time."
Even though Kalu forged a relationship with Obasanjo long before
he became the president, that friendship was probably cemented on
concrete during Obasanjo's travails under Abacha. When Abachajailed
Obasanjo for coup plotting, Kalu who was contesting for governorship
under the UNCP took the suicidal gamble of visiting Obasanjo in jail.
"Sure, I did," Kalu declared. "Mrs. Stella Obasanjo would confirm
that I was one of the few friends that visited Obasanjo in Kaduna
prison, even though I was contesting for governorship under the platform
ofUNCP."
The Abacha regime's security agents had dutifully filed a report of
Kalu's visit to Abuja. For such a political sacrilege during the Abacha
junta, Kalu was "invited" by the Directorate of Military Intelligence for
"a chat". His visit was not only tantamount to a sacrilege in the official
quarters, it was capable of ruining both his political ambition as well as
any business interests with the government. The DMI demanded
explanation for visiting a jailed coup plotter, the enemy of the
government. "I told them that he was a prisoner and that internationally,
prisoners are entitled to visitors," Kalu said.
He ultimately escaped detention by the skin of his tooth—thanks to
a timely intervention by his military contacts, including the then Federal
Capital Development Authority Minister, Lt. General Jeremiah Useni.
It was the second time that Useni was bailing him out of a tight situation.
159
The first time was when Don Etiebet, the then minister of petroleum,
decided not to renew Kalu's oil licence on the grounds that others
should be given a chance. But Kalu knew that there were some more
ulterior motives which only those in the industry would easily understand.
Kalu pulled all the stings he could, but none could put a word to Abacha
for him. He turned to Useni who assured him not to worry. Useni
convinced Abacha that Kalu was "our boy"—whatever that meant.
Etiebet was stunned to see Kalu's name in the approved list from
Abacha.
In 1995, Kalu escaped Abacha's gulag, having been detained for
nearly three months by Col. Frank Omenka in 1995 on account that
many suspected coup plotters were also his friends. Which made it
even more surprising that he risked his freedom again for the sake of
another person. So, the question remained: why take such a risk? Kalu
saw nothing wrong with it. "He is a friend and I don't deny friends in
trouble," Kalu said, rather facetiously. "Besides, as a prisoner, he was
entitled to a visit subject to prison regulations."
Was Kalu taking such a gamble for a purely altruistic purpose or
had he at this time read the handwriting on the invisible wall of his
personal instinct and decided that Obasanjo would still play a decisive
role in the nation's political future? Conspiracy theorists may of course
cite the fact of Kalu's closeness with the former military ruler, General
Ibrahim Babangida who played a decisive role in Obasanjo's emergence
as the civilian president later. Or Kalu's alleged closeness to the northern
oligarchy—whichever way you define such label.
Kalu would not be drawn into such speculations, insisting they had
no basis in reality. But when the chips were down and Obasanjo was
contesting, Kalu was in a great dilemma choosing between Dr. Alex
Ekwueme and Obasanjo. But ultimately, the tactical ineptitude of
Ekwueme's inner caucus helped Kalu to resolve the dilemma. Kalu
had complained that the various key positions in Ekwueme' s campaign
organisation were occupied by people from the candidate's state of
origin—a fact which, if unchallenged, would amount to a great tactical
myopia. For a man seeking for the presidency of a country, such clannish
blunder was simply lacking in tactical dexterity, to say the least.
160
"Ekwueme wasn't the headache," Kalu said. "His followers at that
point were. You cannot make an Anambra man the campaign manager,
an Anambra man the treasurer and so on. It sounds funny and politically
naive. When I could not convince them otherwise, I complained openly
in the media. I tried to convince them to build larger bridges instead of
concentrating key short-term position on themselves but the people
refused. Instead, they started abusing me in the media. They refused
and ultimately failed to build broad-based organisation that would stand
the test of time. That was the problem. They couldn't build bridges at
a time that it mattered most, so they paid a heavy price for it. That is
the point I have been making about the Igbos and marginalisation."
Kalu easily swung his support behind Obasanjo whose approach
was very broad-based. The paradox was that Obasanjo's kinsmen
had rejected him, leaving him with no choice but to depend on national
support outside his ethnic enclave. That suited Kalu well. Under
Obasanjo, he reckoned, the Igbos won't have to be short-changed
since Obasanjo would not be beholden to his kinsmen. (Kalu was to
reverse this judgement later.)
His philosophy once again was at play and Kalu had no doubt
where the pendulum of political success would ultimately swing. It was
said that despite the high cost of his own campaign for governorship
which he was funding, Kalu donated millions—^unconfirmed reports
put it at as much as Nl00 million—to Obasanjo's campaign. Kalu
merely put it in bland way, "Yes, I supported Obasanjo all the way."
Against the background of such a long association and commitment
to the president, Kalu felt easily challenged when his domestic
opponents alleged that he had fallen out with the president over the
crisis with the deputy governor. "Mr. President wanted to disprove
such rumour," Kalu said. But that was at the instance of Kalu who
visited the president and insisted that he must come to Abia State.
Obasanjo yielded to Kalu's importunity in the end, adjusting his other
engagements to accommodate Kalu's request.
As many would acknowledge, Obasanjo's endorsement of any ally
must be based on good performance. There is an apt story—perhaps,
161
apocryphal—that bore this out. Some years ago, he had recommended
a kinsman to head a government owned media establishment. But rather
than perform, the man allegedly plundered the place like a buccaneer
and later replaced. Nearly ten years later when Obasanjo had become
a president-elect, the kinsman made his way to greet Obasanjo at a
public reception by the Nigerian community in South Africa. Obasanjo
not only shrank back, he shouted abuses in vernacular at the man openly,
inviting the crowd to behold a shameless rogue who plundered a public
institution and now wants to fraternalize with decent people. The
stupefied victim tried to say something in self-defense but was incoherent
and Obasanjo continued the onslaught until the culprit withdrew from
his sight, wishing that the ground had swallowed him up to hide his
open mortification.
So inviting Obasanjo as a public relations gambit was a dicy game
unless you are sure of a solid performance. But when Obasanjo came
to Abia State, he saw more than he expected. As the PDP chairman
Gemade said, "Today, we have seen much more than we were getting
at Abuja. Several projects had been accomplished here. The president
could not commission all the projects that were accomplished here. At
Abia State University, for instance, a gigantic hostel complex had been
completed but time and security did not allow the president to
commission it."
14
Riding through the storm
"Paradox is part of a leader's style," wrote Gene Wilkes in his
book, Jesus On Leadership. 1 As we noted earlier, it would probably
have seemed like a paradox for a Nigerian business tycoon who
had participated in almost all sectors of our business life to turn
round to pontificate about the ills of corruption. Because of our
sometimes perverse business culture, many people believe that
nobody who had participated actively in Nigerian business life as
much as Kalu had is free of corruption. It is not for nothing that
Kalu's opponents make mountains out of a disputed loan of N13.
4 million Kalu allegedly owed the defunct Progress Bank of Nigeria
for which he was charged to the Failed Bank Tribunal, although
the case was settled out of court. Suffice it to say that just like the
next Nigerian, Kalu is no saint. As Jean Riboud, CEO of
Schlumberger noted, "If you want to be St. Francis of Assisi, you
should not head a public company ."2
When he was therefore pontificating on the evils of corruption
in public life, he was not speaking from a high horse. He was
speaking as a realist who had seen it all; who knew what was going on
H>3
RIDING THROUGH THE STORM
in the system.
Since his election as the executive governor of Abia State, he had
made it obvious that he would fight corruption in the public service. To
many people, there was nothing wrong in promising to fight corruption.
Every in-coming government says that only to end up being the most
corrupt.
That was why most people were shocked when they realised that
Kalu actually meant what he said. For him, the matter was not just all
rhetoric, it was backed with action. A day after he was sworn, he
declared his audited asset and challenged other public officers to follow
suit.
Shortly before he was sworn in, he had been forced to issue a
warning against those who were paying money—from hundreds of
thousands to over a million—to agents who were promising them a
place in Kalu's cabinet or any other lucrative political appointment. If
those that paid such money knew it was a wasted effort, they would
have saved their money for better things. As it were, many political
appointees came with the business as usual mentality only for their
ambition for making money to be dashed.
By short-circuiting the traditional method of contract award and
replacing it with a private-sector-driven system of project evaluation,
award and speedy execution, Kalu stripped the commissioners, special
advisers and the top civil servants much of the avenue for private deals.
Contract awards for any project above N500,000 were centralised at
the executive council where competitive tenders are collectively
scrutinised and approved.
Kalu's strategy was scrupulously avoid kickbacks in any form and
also ensure that any commissioner who did so was fired. Recalling his
experience to the media, Kalu said: "You must be prepared to step on
people's toes."
And he did just that. He was the first person to sack his entire
cabinet and advisers because he felt some of them had not imbibed his
anti-corruption credo. In doing so, Odum argued, Kalu was also daring
the people removed to expose him, if they had anything against him.
"You cannot steal government money alone," he stressed. "Somebody
ORJI KALU Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
164
must know—from the commissioner for finance to the accountant
general, or even the officers that processed the release of the fund."
Well, in this case, none of the commissioners raised even a whimper.
Many of them accused of various malfeasances were even too relieved
not to have been prosecuted, as Kalu had stated.
Speaking to the media, Kalu cited instances where wily contractors
did their best to try to compromise him. They would come to his house
with their boots loaded with money. Kalu declared: "I laugh at them.
You see a contractor you have given a road contract bringing you
millions of naira and say, 'Oh, I want to tell you something, I have
some money in my boot for you.' I will call my orderly first, 'Mr.
Douglas!...' IfI have any other person there, I will call him second. I
will call my aides like Barrister Odom or Barrister Uche. I will tell
them, 'Look at this man, he is a very stupid man. Tell him to go and do
the road and chop the money. The money is for you, it is not for me.'
I am not here to make money ."3
Refusing to take bribe guarantees that many of the public projects
in the states were executed at the market value. Since Kalu came to
power, many people had been mystified as to where he was sourcing
the fund with which he Was executing so many capital projects while at
the same time making sure that for the first time in decades, workers in
the state were paid as at when due. Where is he getting the money
from, many usually wondered. "That is the question many people are
asking," Kalu agrees but decides to play hard to get. "Where are you
getting the money from? Because what you are doing cannot be
matched by the normal revenue of the state. Well, that remains the
personal magic of the governor. It is my personal secret which I won't
leak to anybody. What is important is that you are seeing results. It is
the official secret of the state executive council. It is part of my contract
with Abia State. Remember I have a contract with Abia people. We
are the contractors, and they are the clients. We are doing exactly
what our clients expect us to do by providing them amenities. They
need education, roads, health, water and agriculture—these are our
four cardinal objectives."
But actually the secret is simply an open one. By strenuously
J65
eliminating over-pricing of capital projects, the governor discovered
there were enough funds to take care of many things that were neglected
in the past. A typical instance was the case of the automatic voltage
regulator of the Broadcasting Corporation of Abia, BCA, which was
awarded by a previous administration for N47 million. Kalu later
revoked the contract, arguing that it was unduly inflated. He was right.
Under Kalu's scrutiny, the project was eventually executed at N7 million,
leaving everybody astonished. Incidentally, in most projects in the state,
the BCA case was not an exception but a pattern.
Kalu said: "I have had to revoke some contracts either for nonperformance or because they were inflated. Terribly inflated, like the
BCA radio, the automatic voltage regulator. How can somebody on
earth put what I have done with N7 million at N47 million, thereby
saving N40 million for the state? Yet, people ask me where I am getting
money to do so many things! If we were awarding that kind of contracts,
then the development programme we have now would not be possible.
We would have gone back to the old story. No money to do this, no
money to do that..."
So, the cat is let out of the bag. Kalu is no magician who conjures
money for state projects from the thin air. He is only a sincere manager
of available state funds to achieve maximum value.
This again was demonstrated from the first financial year of his
administration in 1999/2000. Until Kalu's advent, the public service
tradition was that whatever money could not be spent before the end
of the financial year was not allowed to survive until the New Year. As
part of a well-organised scam, government officials usually orchestrated
a spending bonanza in the last few weeks and days of the year to make
sure that money allocated from the previous year was exhausted. One
of the arguments was that if you want to get a higher budget allocation,
you must make sure you exhausted the budget allocation of the previous
year, otherwise, a surplus might suggest that you don't really need as
much money as was budgeted for you the preceding year. Contractors
and top government functionaries looked forward to the end-of-theyear contract bonanza. Perhaps, "contract" was misnomer here
because, the award of various spurious contracts were usually official
166
excuses to share the money between the government functionaries and
the favoured contractors. Part of the unwritten rule was that such end
of the year contracts and local purchase orders were hardly excuted in
reality—only on paper.
In Kalu's first financial year in office, those who waited for the usual
bonanza were in for a huge shock. Kalu would not allow it. The result
was that in the end, the government posted an unspent surplus of nearly
N200 million which was returned to the state's treasury and was carried
forward into the New Year. It was the first of its type in the history of
the state.
I will fight corruption with sledgehammer
Even before his election, Kalu had made anti-corruption crusade
a major plank of his electoral mandate. In his choice of cabinet and
advisers, Kalu had pointedly ignored many powerful lobbyists and
interest groups, many of whom he was aware, had collected huge
sums of money from desperate candidates, to push their case for
appointment. And after the appointment of his cabinet, Kalu had
also made it known that he would not hesitate to sack any
commissioner or adviser who compromised himself.
And one of the areas he harped on even before he was sworn in
was to deal with public servants who swindled the state government
of well-deserved tax revenue. A month after his election, Kalu had
painted a picture of the revenue generation problem in Abia State.
He said:
"As far as I am concerned, the board of internal revenue in Abia
State is not doing a good job. In fact, they are jokers. How can a
state like Abia not be generating up to Nl3 million a month while
Lagos State is generating nearly a billion naira monthly? Are you
telling me that Lagos State is hundred times richer and more
prosperous than Abia State? That is not the truth. I believe they
are generating money but that this money is going into private
pockets. And, I will do everything to stop that. From my first month
in office, I will warn those in charge of internal revenue board that
167
if I don't get N50 million monthly and above, I will make sure they
leave the job. Corruption has eaten so deep into all aspects of our
state and fighting the cankerworm is going to be my main focus. I am
going to use sledgehammer on corrupt officers."
Obviously, Kalu never imagined that he might have to apply this
sledgehammer on his deputy. In effect, he felt challenged to make good
his word, when he got reports that his deputy, Abaribe, was involved
in a massive scam to defraud the state. The report was that the deputy
governor approved the printing of fake receipts for the collection of
taxes and illegal revenue from motorists at motorparks that would be
diverted into private pockets/According to the reports, the Secretary
of Abia State Co-operative Federation (ASCF) Limited, Mr. Godwin
Okereke, had been authorised by Abaribe, barely a month after coming
to office, to print the fake receipts in a letter dated July 5, 1999.
According to a confession extracted from Okereke which was secretly
taped, the syndicate had in the past enriched all the past military
administrators who collected between N2 to N5 million dividend
monthly from the tax scam.
The report started as a rumour and was later given official credence
by special broadcasts at Broadcasting Corporation of Abia State,
BCA, television and radio and the state's newspaper, The Ambassador.
The widely publicised detail of the scam provided by the state's
Commissioner for Information, Santiago Amaefula in a media
advertorial, were as follows:
• That by a letter dated July 7, 1999 in response to an
application in June by the ASCF secretary, Okereke, the
deputy governor authorised the printing of fake
government receipts by Okereke, without the consent and
authorisation of the state government.
• That the proceeds of the illegal collections were to be
paid into an unauthorised private accounts including
account number 100019-101, allegedly opened by the
deputy governor with a fictitious name of Tamuno Felix,
although the signatory to the account was the deputy
governor.
•
That at the state's executive council meeting of
Wednesday, September 29, 1999, Abaribe was
confronted with these allegations in the presence of
Okereke who openly confessed the deputy governor's
involvement in the tax scam.
• An extract from the minutes of the meeting indicated that
the deputy governor apologised for his misjudgement. The
minutes read: "Mr. Okereke was brought into the Council
Chamber and he admitted that he negotiated with the
deputy governor on how the money was shared and
delivered to the past military leaders in Abia State. The
deputy governor apologised to the Chairman (Kalu, that
is) and members for the embarrassing involvement. He
said he was misled into taking the wrong action."
Although Abaribe was said to have apologised for
his actions as indicated by the minutes, in his media
response, Abaribe denied any wrongdoing. The fact of
the case, he asserted, was that ASCF secretary applied
to him for permission to reorganise motor transport unions
in all government motor parks in the state. The government
was sworn into office on May 29,1999 and Okereke's
application came in June, at a time the government had
not yet constituted a cabinet. Since supervision of public
utilities, lands and urban planning were then under his
jurisdiction, he said, based on a letter from the principal
secretary to the governor dated July 26, 1999, he
(Abaribe) felt duty-bound to approve Okereke's request.
The approval, according to the deputy governor, was made
in July. But if that was the case, this raised questions as to
why the undue haste in granting such approval at a time
that even the cabinet was yet to be constituted. But
Abaribe denounced the allegations of fraud as "mere
fabrications", insisting that at the executive council meeting,
he vehemently denied Okereke's accusations.
He said that what was recorded in the minutes were
168
169
not his exact words but the secretary's subjective
paraphrase. He insisted: "The earlier parts of the minutes
which they refused to publish record that I vehemently
denied the false allegations of Okereke."
A season of counter accusations and mudslinging between Kalu's
supporters and Abaribe's supporters followed. Twice, Abaribe survived
an impeachment move by the state house of assembly, thanks to his
successful politicisation of the crisis as a case of victimisation of Ngwa
by the Bende people, thereby whipping up primordial sentiments.
Kalu Vs. Abaribe: The Remote Causes
The crisis that engulfed Abia State, pitching the governor and
his deputy, Enyinna Abaribe, had immediate and remote causes.
The immediate cause was the alleged printing of fake receipts for
collection of levies and taxes from motorists authorised by Abaribe.
If the allegations were true—in the absence of a definite judicial
pronouncement, they remained allegations—then, Abaribe would
have been following in the footsteps of many past military
administrators of the state who were alleged to have pocketed N2
to N5 million monthly from such tax scams.
In fact, in the heat of the crisis with his deputy, Kalu told the
media in October that all the past military administrators would be
made to refund N5 million monthly—being the amount they
allegedly made from tax scams monthly during their tenures. Even
as a governor-elect, Kalu said some emissary of tax consultants
had come to him to propose a deal that would see him receive N5
million monthly. The proposal, Kalu said, was conveyed to him
through a traditional ruler he knew who also sent his trusted aides
to discuss with him.
"I drove them out of my house," he said, vowing from then on
not to have anything to do with tax consultants as a way of
generating revenue. Incidentally, employing tax consultants had
been a favourite method of revenue drive by state governments
and local governments all over the country, although Kalu argued that
170
it was actually illegal. No doubt, one explanation for its popularity is
the prospect of the easy money to be made by the chief executives of
the states and local governments.
But the remote causes of the Kalu-Abaribe face-off are several.
The first is the dichotomy of Abia politics along two of the three senatorial
districts—Abia South and Abia North senatorial districts. The former
which covers the local governments in Ngwaland comprising Aba
North, Aba South, Ukwa West and East, Osisioma, Obingwa, Isiala
Ngwa North and South local governments, is considered the most
populous zone in the state. But by historical circumstances rather than
design, Abia North senatorial zone comprising Umunochi, Isikwuator,
Bende, Ohafia, Arochukwu and the Umuahia North and South local
governments had produced the various leaders from the state both at
state and national level. State and national leaders like Dr. M. I. Okpara,
Major-General J.T.U. Aguiyi- Ironsi, Commodores Ndubisi Kalu and
Ebitu Ukiwe, Commander Amadi Ikwechegh, Major-General Ike
Nwachukwu to Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu are all from Abia North, especially
from the old Bende zone.
For this intimidating array of leaders from Abia North, Abia South
has so far produced no governor. Apart from the inimitable Dr. Jaja
Nwachukwu, former external affairs minister and Paul Ogwuma, former
Central Bank governor, the Ngwas have not produced many national
leaders.
With their numerical strength, however, Ngwa votes were crucial in
winning election in Abia State governorship, but how to leverage that
numerical strength to gain ultimate power has so far remained a jinx to
the Ngwas. This reality informed Kalu's choice of an Ngwa man,
Enyinna Harcourt Abaribe as his running mate. But there was no
question that if the Ngwas had their way, they would have preferred to
be at the driver's seat. But politics is a game of the possible and if the
possible was not within their reach, they could use what was available
as a stepping stone to their ultimate goal—Abia State governorship.
The second reason has to do with Kalu's visceral opponents who
became even more determined to oust him because of his willingness
171
to step on so many powerful toes. To them, anybody else but Kalu
was preferable. In Abaribe, they found a more malleable candidate
who met their expectations: somebody who will deliver the grammar
and rhetoric needed to confound the electorate but who was not yet
so rich as to become independent and disinterested in making money,
as Kalu had proved to be. In fact, as a former lecturer, Abaribe, prior
to entering politics, was not a wealthy man and if he must build his own
power base, he surely would need some money. It is a well-known
fact that in the Third World, politics is the easiest way to wealth.
But for the above condition to be met there must be inherent ambition
for power strong enough to become a compelling force. Many believed
that Abaribe fitted into this picture. For not only were the Ngwas
desirous of having their son on the saddle, Abaribe himself was certainly
not averse to such elevation. Methodology only became a secondary
issue.
The relationship between Kalu and Abaribe started fortuitously.
The two had met in Oha Motors, a luxury bus from Lagos to Aba in
December 1998 when the scarcity of aviationfiiel forced a cancellation
of Kalu's flight and he was compelled like others to travel by road.
After a long chat from Lagos to Aba, something within him told Kalu
that he had found a good candidate to become his running mate.
Abaribe, a former lecturer at Ambrose Ali University, Ekpoma, holds
an M.Sc. in economics and is only three years older than Kalu. Kalu
felt that in Abaribe, he had found a partner who shared his vision for
the development of Abia State.
But as events turned out, a few hours of a bus ride might be too
short a time to choose a perfect partner. On the other hand, 24 hours,
according to Churchillian dictum, is too long a time in politics. Anything
can change at anytime.
With Kalu and his deputy, that precisely happened.
Kalu's side believed that having won the bruising electoral battle,
riding on Kalu's back and cost, Abaribe, actively aided and abetted
by a combination of innate ambition, Kalu's elite opponents and the
primordial dream of his people, began to fantasize about himself in
control rather than playing the second fiddle. Kalu's audacious approach
172
in his few months in power galvanized the anti-Kalu forces. And the
prime driving force was a combination of politics, greed for power and
a determined quest for vengeance by his opponents.
They wanted an early change. But how could that be? Hie certificate
issue came into focus. For the opponents, the.tempting "mix-up" in his
academic record was a purported claim by Kalu that he had a degree
in political science and a master's degree in business administration. In
a 1994 interview for our book, 50 NIGERIA'S CORPORATE
STRATEGISTS: Top CEOs Share Their Experiences in Running
Business in Nigeria, Kalu said he attended Government College
Umuahia—which was undisputed—and was rusticated from the
University of Maiduguri in his third year in the school. That too was
undisputed.
If as his opponents claim, some newspaper profiles or political
brochure claimed that he had a degree in political science and an MBA
from Harvard, that certainly had little or no legal validity since the
information could have come from any number of sources outside Kalu.
What was valid, however, was that in the form he filed for governorship
election still with the Independent National Electoral Commission,
INEC, Kalu's credentials were consistent with what he told us in the
1994 interview contained in the above book. More on the certificate
issue later.
The disgraceful exit of the former Speaker of the House of
Representative, Salihu Buhari, to certificate forgery, and the media
hoopla brewing in Lagos over the authenticity of Governor Bola
Tinubu's credentials, seemed to feed Kalu's detractors with a strategic
weapon. Those that found Orji Kalu's guts uncomfortable put out the
word in the media that Abia State Governor would soon follow. When
the news began to spread in the media circle that Kalu's credentials
were questionable, Abaribe was fingered as the source, although he
denied it. The fact that he stood to gain by Kalu's loss left him with a
heavy burden of proving his innocence. Whether he was behind the
media campaign against Kalu remained to some extent a matter of
conjecture but in cases like that, perception was more important than
reality. The general perception in Kalu's camp was the scenario of a
173
second-in-command who wanted to mount the throne through the
backdoor. If Kalu were to be impeached, the leadership jinx which the
Ngwas had griped about would have been broken in one fell swoop.
To the state's power elite, Abaribe would have been easier to deal
with and therefore potentially more malleable than Kalu. Kalu's election
despite all efforts to stop him was simply bad business for those who
lived on government business. His no-nonsense approach; his anticorruption stance and his independence might be popular with the
masses, but these also were the very reasons the Mafia wanted him
out of the way by all means.
Having been elected, the only way to get him out of power was by
impeachment. And his opponents felt he was clearly impeachable. With
his rising popularity rating, impeaching him on conventional grounds of
incompetence, insolvency or breach of financial ethics, appeared not
feasible. Despite his anti-corruption stance—or because of it—Kalu's
opponents felt his flanks were vulnerable. A confluence of these diverse
interests gave birth to the cocktail of fake certificate scandal allegations
against Kalu that were packaged and distributed to the media houses.
At least, so Kalu's supporters asserted.
On the other hand, if Abaribe was desirous of replacing Kalu as
alleged, he didn't seem to have been very meticulous in his methods. If
the allegations against him were anything to go by, then his tactical
ingenuity bordered on the reckless, thereby leaving his flanks too open
for an indefatigable opponent like Kalu who is a veteran of many
successful deadly wars. It is said that only a bloody fool takes on Kalu
lightly in a battle without a lot of bruises, if not grave losses to show for
such challenge. In the ensuing confrontation, Abaribe got far more than
he bargained for. It soon became obvious to the Abaribe camp that
the only way out for him was to bury his ego and sue for peace. But
then, what happens to the pressure from the power brokers behind
Abaribe? Such consideration probably delayed the peace moves but
eventually, peace overtures became inevitable.
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Abortive Peace Moves
While the crisis between Kalu and his deputy raged, many peace
moves were initiated by the presidency, the two arms of the National
Assembly, local and national party executives, traditional rulers, opinion
leaders in the state and even religious leaders. Many well-meaning
leaders in the state were concerned that the bickering might distract
Kalu's momentum. But somehow, when everybody thought peace
would hold, tilings ended up going awry, leaving the crisis worse than
before. This was blamed on the various vested interest groups who
profited from the crisis in various ways. Kalu's traditional opponents
were too anxious to hit him wherever it hurt most and peace was not
on their agenda. A section of the business elite who felt that Kalu had
frozen avenues of lucrative government deals usually perpetrated
through phoney contracts in collaboration with top government
functionaries chaffed endlessly about Kalu's suffocation of their
businesses. Aba golf course often became a veritable ground not only
for Kalu bashing but also for hatching anti-Kalu plots.
A truce brokered by the then Senate President*, Dr. Chuba
Okadigbo, was soon shattered when Abaribe came to a meeting at
the council chambers with a pistol concealed in his garment. It was to
be his first cabinet meeting after the peace deal by Okadigbo. Acting
on his haunch, Kalu had ordered for a search of everybody. According
to Kalu, gun was the last thing on his mind when he ordered the search.
Instead, he wanted everyone frisked to ensure that nobody came to
the meeting with a bugging device. Kalu voluntarily was the first to be
searched. "I unveiled my immunity and asked to be searched," Kalu
said.
After Kalu, others were searched. When it was Abaribe's turn to
be frisked, he demurred, invoking his immunity. His reluctance to submit
to the screening raised suspicion. When eventually he was frisked, a
pistol was found, leaving everyone else in shock. Kalu saw this as an
act of bad faith and a potential attempt on his life. Once again, peace
flew out of the window.
175
After many more months of bickering, Kalu finally announced
that the crisis was over. A lasting truce was achieved, said Kalu's
aide, when the deputy governor saw the futility of his challenge,
and genuinely sued for peace. It was left for Kalu to show
magnanimity, in the interest of peace.
Kalu's courage and self-confidence was soon put to test when
he took a well-deserved six-week leave, handing over the reins of
government to Abaribe. "Let another person see what I have been
going through in governing the state," Kalu told the press on his
way to a six-week holiday abroad.
It was a vintage Kalu, trusting and daring at the same time.
Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa captured the situation as another example
of Kalu's maverick ways. He pointedly advised Kalu to moderate the
extent of the risk he was prepared to take: "I would advise him to
moderate some of his unconventional methods. Like sacking all his
commissioners within one year. I mean that was a serious political risk.
But that shows his courage. He is quite courageous. I was amazed the
other time when he went on leave for six weeks. I don't know how
many governors that can take that kind of risk, especially when he
handed over to his deputy whom he had not been quite in good terms
with for long. These are the unconventional things. They work for him,
they show his courage."
Incidentally, courage is one word that seems to encapsulate the
essence of Kalu's leadership strategies. Kalu's confidence is rooted
in his unflinching support by the people of Abia State. "The masses
of Abia State know who is their leader," he said, explaining his courage.
"The mistake people make is to under-rate the people. I don't underrate the people. Once you serve the people well, your interest is
protected anytime. You could be mobbed by the traders if you speak
against me in Ariaria market in Aba. In Abia State, everybody knows
that if you try anything funny against me even in my absence, the people
will react. It has happened before with the legislators."
Strikes From
the Media War front
And most importantly he won't stab you in the backeven if you deserved it
—a testimonial from Al Gore's close friend to
Clinton on why Gore should be chosen as Clinton's
VP.
Even though Kalu claimed that he ordered the body screening
of members of his executive council, leading to the discovery of a
gun on his embattled deputy, on mere haunch, it was quite obvious
that his decision was not unconnected with the devastating cover
story in January 10, 2000 edition of TELL magazine titled, THE
KALU STORY: A Governor and His Scandals. The story accused
Kalu of various unprintable things, from certificate forgery to
complicity in murder of two innocent victims, Chukwudozie
Nwachukwu, 29 and Okechukwu Maduekwe, 27.
Weeks before the TELL story, Kalu had been alerted by his
177
STRIKES FROM THE MEDIA WAR FRONT
media friends that a major media campaign was being waged against
him by his opponents who had been circulating highly damnable
documents about him. Since Abaribe happened to be the visible rallying
point of the anti-Kalu forces at this point, it was not too difficult to
point accusing fingers at him or his agents as those behind these
documents. The documents were circulated to the media both in Lagos
and Abuja, since the originators of the documents claimed—and not
without some merit—that the state's media were under the
government's total influence and control.
In-between the circulation of these documents and their eventual
publication by TELL, an uneasy truce had been struck between Kalu
and his deputy. In line with the peace initiative, both sides had agreed
to sheath their swords. But by then, the documents had already gone
out. Like a genie, it was presumably impossible to recall them. In any
case, for months since the documents began circulating, none of the
media outfits seemed interested. Kalu's spin doctors had further
consolidated by dispatching pre-emptive statements to the various
media houses, especially the tabloids and the junk press, denouncing
the documents as unfounded campaign of calumny by Kalu's political
enemies. But it would $gem that despite the efforts of Kalu's media
managers to discredit the documents, a Murphy's law was at play
here. For while the government succeeded in discrediting the documents
in the various media houses, the story based on the documents finally
burst out from the most unexpected of all the sources—TELL magazine
which is one of the nation's most credible media.
Another dimension to the story was the allegation that the presidency
was behind moves to oust Kalu "by all means" in retaliation for Kalu's
perceived support of the leadership of the National Assembly who
were at loggerheads with the presidency. For instance, when the police
invaded Okadigbo's official residence, then the president of the Senate,
Kalu defied the police siege to see the embattled Okadigbo and render
help. And he also condemned the executive-inspired police invasion
as a gross abuse of power. Kalu also was known to be close to the
leadership of the lower house led by the speaker, Ghali N'abba, who
0RJ1 KALU: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
178
was perhaps the biggest thorn in the flesh of the president, having
survived various attempts to impeach him. Kalu admitted to offering
tactical tips to both N'abba and Okadigbo who are his friends, on
how to survive the executive onslaught against their offices.
For supporting the president's enemies, Kalu was believed to have
earned himself the sore displeasure of the president. And in the typical
take-no-hostage brinkmanship of the presidency, Kalu became a fair
game for executive mischief. And the Kalu question was reportedly
handed over to the two Igbo ministers, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor and
Ojo Maduekwe, two of whom were ironically, nominated by Kalu for
the ministerial portfolio. At the head of the presidential Kalu taskforce
was Prince Ogbulafor who emerged minister in a political horse-trading
between him and Kalu. Ogbulafor contested against Kalu on the APP
platform and lost. But he was threatening to be a sour loser. To avoid
a protracted litigation that may further polarise the state, Kalu opted to
settle out of court with him. Part of that rapprochement was the
ministerial portfolio. In the early days before he gradually began to fall
out with the president, it was impossible to get any national appointment
from the state without Kalu9 s support. Some therefore believed that
the documents circulating in the media might be part of presidency's
anti-Kalu project whose goal was to oust the governor via impeachment.
And since Kalu's deputy, Abaribe, was constantly turning to the
presidency for support at certain point in the imbroglio, it was perhaps
not difficult to establish a confluence of interests in the Kalu-must-go
project.
At the peak of the anti-Kalu brouhaha, a businessman and a political
heavyweight who recently joined the PDP from the rival APP was
reportedly commissioned to spearhead an impeachment proceedings
against Kalu. Having been heavily dosed with money reportedly funneled
from the presidency's agents through the business tycoon, the legislators
hatched an impeachment plan against Kalu. But unknown to the
planners, one of the legislators in the thick of the project was a double
agent. He reportedly tipped off Kalu who in turn mobilised a
counterattack. From that moment, what subsequently happened
remained mired in controversy. But what was known was that the nation
179
woke up one day to hear that the Abia State House of Assembly had
been sacked by a pro-Kalu mob who stormed the assembly on the
day the impeachment plan was to be tabled. The legislators were sent
scampering for safety as the mob visited their rage on everything in
sight—destroying vehicles and assembly property.
The official line was that the state government was not aware of any
impeachment plot; that the people merely heard rumours that the
governor Kalu was to be impeached and got so incensed by such
wickedness that they decided to storm the assembly and deal with the
scoundrels who could contemplate such evil; that whatever happened
was more of a spontaneous response of the people to the false rumour.
But the legislators alleged that the sacking of the assembly was
orchestrated by the executive to intimidate the legislators. However,
orchestrated or not, the overwhelming response of the Aba traders to
the anti-assembly protest initiated by the students of tertiary institutions
in the state, certainly went behond official manipulation. There was so
much outpouring of public support for Kalu from the Aba traders who
arrived in numerous bus loads, that there was no question that even if
they were mobilised by Kalu's agents, they were only too willing to
join what they perceived to be a popular cause.
As it were, Kalu found himself fighting in all fronts. While fighting
those that could be described as the enemies within—made up of the
corrupt and disgruntled officials and some of his appointees with divided
loyalties—Kalu also had to battle external foes fighting him from different
fronts. The documents being circulated against him became the
arrowhead of the anti-Kalu project.
But the documents were not entirely new. During the governorship
nomination process, some of Kalu's opponents who could not match
his popularity and campaign machinery had resorted to various petitions
questioning Kalu's certificate and seeking his disqualification. The first
ground was that Kalu claimed to have a degree in political science
from Catholic University in USA and an MBA from the prestigious
Harvard University. But these petitions backfired because Kalu did
not include any degree in the INEC form he filled for the governorship
180
election. The minimum educational requirement stated by the electoral
law for candidates contesting for governorship was a West African
School Certificate which Kalu fielded. When it became obvious therefore
that the allegation of claiming to have degrees did not hold, the campaign
shifted to Kalu's secondary school certificate. As had been stated
earlier, Kalu had had a chequered secondary school education. He
started at Eziama High School and moved over to the prestigious
Government College, Umuahia, from where he participated in a threemonth exchange programme between the then Imo State and Kaduna
State which saw him spending three months at the famous Barewa
College. It was at Barewei College that some of Kalu's northern roots
started. A disarming extrovert that he is, Kalu soon made friends with
many students, many of whom later became prominent citizens of the
North. It was in fact, at Barewa College that Kalu got inducted into
the Alhaji Shehu Shagari family through his close friendship with one of
Shagari's sons. Of course, Shagari was later to become the President
of Nigeria during the second republic. His decision to go to the
University of Maiduguri was not only informed by the possibility of
enhanced admission prospects but also by the friends he made during
his stint at the elite northern school. To have been selected for this
exchange programme by the school suggested a positive academic
performance.
He was however back at the Government College, Umuahia, where
he had his school certificate examination in 1979. But while it was
indisputable that he was a student of the Government College, Kalu's
opponents alleged that he did not write the school certificate
examination. Some said he didn't complete the school, contrary to
records at the college and even the testinonies of his classmates. For
instance, one of Kalu's classmates, Mr Chika Mbonu, who is now the
managing director of Citizens Bank, dismissed such accusation as
"nonsense".
He told us: "I have heard the nonsense about whether he actually
wrote his school certificate examinations there. Of course, why would
he not write his school certificate examination? I mean, it is so easy to
find Qut the truth. But you know, in Nigeria, we are always looking for
181
hot stories to tell. Journalism in Nigeria, unfortunately, is driven by
what sells fastest, not necessarily the facts. I think what we have is
commercial journalism. And people find it difficult to say "sorry" when
they even know they have made mistakes.
"There is no way Orji Uzor couldn't have written his school
certificate examinations. It's so easy and so simple to find out. We all
did class five together and every class five student later wrote the final
examination. There is no way Orji Uzor could have hired somebody to
come and write the examination for him at that period."
Notwithstanding such strong evidence in Kalu's favour, the rumours
spread by the opponents before, during and after the elections were
that Kalu's secondary school certificate was borrowed from one
mythical figure, Orji Johnson Uzor. Following petitions to this effect
by his opponents, both the Independent National Electoral Commission
and the State Security Services investigated the allegations and cleared
Kalu to contest the election. That should have been enough vindication
but in the murky game of politics, perception is often more important
than reality. If the electorate were to be convinced that Kalu was a
certificate forger, that would represent the reality even if there were no
facts to support the argument.
On his part, Kalu's defence was usually that of a no-case
submission. He was not, he said, going to play the opponents game of
forcing himself into the defensive. Ifthe people behind the allegations
were sure of their facts, Kalu felt they would have used them to a
devastating effect against him. He was under no illusion about how
much they hated his guts, how much they wanted him disgraced or
removed by any means whatsoever. If anybody wanted to authenticate
his certificates, Kalu argued, the person had various ways out. One is
to go to the Government College, Umuahia, to check out his record;
two is to go to the office of West African Examination Council to confirm
and three > is to interview his various school mates, many of them in
highly responsible positions like Mr. Chika Mbonu who now manages
Citizen International Bank. Like Mr. Peter Okafor, a classmate who
sat the school certificate examination with him and who returned to
ORJl KALU: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
182
teach at the college and is still there, etc.
When these allegations started circulating again in the last quarter
of 1999 coinciding with the peak of his face-off with his deputy
when the state's House of Assembly initiated impeachment
proceedings against Abaribe, it was easy to draw conclusions. There
were even rumours in the air that a political cataclysm was in the
making in Abia State in the New Year.
Somehow, the various media houses that received the documents
declined to use them, except TELL. The magazine commenced
investigations and where other publications felt the facts did not
add up, TELL felt otherwise. The result was the devastating cover
of January 10, 2000. The magazine rehearsed the allegations of
certificate forgery against Kalu but added a new dimension to its
story. Based on an interview7 with one Johnson Kalu, 35, who
claimed to be Kalu's kinsman from Igbere, the TELL story alleged:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
That in 1991, Kalu supposedly procured the certificate of
Johnson Kalu Uzor to contest for election to the House of
Representatives, promising to send the said Johnson Kalu Uzor
abroad for education
That this Johnson Kalu Uzor was a schoolmate of Kalu
That Kalu also used this certificate to file for governorship in
1999 and won
That Kalu however did not honour the agreement to sponsor
him abroad
That when he pestered Kalu to pay up, the governor asked him
to wait for a package at Safari Restaurant down the road at 99,
Azikiwe Road, Umuahia
That while waiting there, armed Bakassi squad invaded the
restaurant and killed two persons, Chukwudozie Nwachukwu,
29, and Okechukwu Maduekwe, 27, believing the two to be
Johnson Kalu Uzor
That he escaped death because he went to buy suya at the time
of the invasion
That this Bakassi squad was ordered for by the secretary to the
183
state government, Dr. Nwogbo and directed to the scene by a
protocol officer from the Government House.
• That Kalu had secured the release of the secretary to the state
government, thereby stalling police investigation.
• That since the secretary to the state government was accused of
inviting the Bakassi boys to rid the place of robbers, Kalu had not
suspended him, etc.
The report contained other wild allegations, insinuations and
speculations. The report came with the force of an earthquake in the
state. It threw everybody into panic and turmoil except Kalu and his
closest associates who maintained his innocence.
The government issued a categorical denial of all the allegations,
describing them as the "campaign of calumny" by his detractors. "This
allegation against the governor (his alleged complicity in the murder of
the two victims) is unfounded and is the handiwork of detractors who
are bent on retarding the progress of the state. The truth of the matter
is that as the chief security officer of the state, the security and well
being of all persons in the state is the primary concern of the governor.
It is therefore preposterous to insinuate that His Excellency could
descend so low as to cheapen human life."
The statement added: "Some publications have before now
fingered the secretary to the state government, SSG, in the murder, but
up till now the police has not indicted him for the dastardly act. There
is no basis therefore for the governor to remove him from office based
on rumour and hearsay, as the outcome of police investigation is still
being awaited."
The statement therefore concluded that the stories were the "brain
child of political opponents who are bent on achieving their nefarious
aims with all the propaganda weapons in their arsenal."
If Kalu's defence had rested at that, the governor would still have
been under suspicion till now. But as it were, providence weighed in
on his behalf. After the earth-shaking TELL cover, the bottom was
knocked out of the story when it turned out that the man interviewed
by TELL, who claimed to be Johnson Kalu Uzor, and whose picture
184
was used in the story, was a different person. After the TELL publication,
the publisher of a community newspaper in Umuahia named Kenneth
Okonkwo, showed up to claim that it was his picture that TELL used
in the interview purporting him to be Johnson Kalu Uzor. He claimed
to have been shocked to see his picture reportedly granting an interview
to the magazine. According to Okonkwo, not only did he not grant
any interview to TELL, he neither came from Igbere nor attended the
same secondary school with Kalu as alleged by the mysterious person
purportedly interviewed by TELL. The question of loaning his school
certificate to Kalu to run for political office, therefore, didn't arise since
he only knew Kalu, like every other person, as a public personality.
The question became, how did TELL come by another man's pictures,
in an interview reportedly conducted face-to-face with the TELL
reporter? Did TELL reconcile the picture with the person they
interviewed? Was TELL merely used—consciously or otherwise—
by Kalu's opponents to achieve their own end? Who exactly granted
the purported interview to TELL1 Was TELL merely manipulated by
anti-Kalu forces to achieve their own nefarious end? If so, how could
a highly credible organisation like TELL who fought the monstrous
Abacha regime to standstill fall victim of political con men from Abia
State?
TELL fought desperately to restore their reputation but could not
locate whoever sold the dummy to their reporter. Some Igbo leaders
threatened to organise a boycott of TELL magazine but Kalu felt that
would be a tactical error. It might backfire and hand over heroism to
the magazine on a platter of gold, so he dissuaded people from such
moves. Besides, Kalu had always seen himself as a friend of the media,
a champion of media rights and as a former publisher, a media man
himself. Some years back, for instance, Kalu had accepted to be
Weekend Concord fs celebrity reporter interviewing world leaders for
the paper. And he had enjoyed the role!
Kalu ultimately had the last laugh. "The man they called Johnson
Kalu in the TELL report," he said, "his real name is Kenneth Qkonkwo.
There is nobody called Johnson Kalu, so if there is no Johnson Kalu
who spoke to TELL, then who did? If there is no such person that
185
spoke to TELL, then the entire structure of the story has collapsed like
a pack of card. Basically, it is all lies, nothing else."
In a lengthy explanation, Kalu linked the TELL story to his anticorruption crusades which he said was making his opponents
uncomfortable. Feeling vindicated by the denial of the TELL story,
Kalu played the long-suffering card of the persecuted.
He said: "Well, when I saw myself on the cover of TELL magazine,
I took it as one of those things—part of the price I have to*pay for my
anti-corruption crusades. As a politician, there is no publicity that is
too good or too bad. Primarily, every publicity is an advertiserflent.
I've learnt that longtime ago. But the crux of the matter is really: how
truthful is the report? TELL report was a sponsored story. It only
beats my imagination that a credible organisation like TELL could not—
if indeed they could not—detect that the story was the voice of Jacob
but the hand of Essau. We have since discovered that my detractors
circulated the fictitious documents to all the media in Abuja and Lagos,
but none of the media accepted to carry the story at whatever fee,
after investigating to discover that the entire report was false. How
TELL fell for it was left for them to explain. But I am reliably informed
that it was one of the stories that rattled the organisation when they
discovered that their reporter interviewed a "fictitious" character.
But if Kalu felt that the story was false, why didn't he sue TELL for
libel? Kalu found such proposition ridiculous for a politician who would
always continue to need the press. One of his enduring political credos
was to disagree with the press but never to fight them, never to
antagonise them. For a politician, Kalu considers that simply foolhardy.
"Why not sue?" Kalu asked rhetorically. "Why should I sue them?
Why should I waste my time in the court knowing the truth shall vindicate
the just? It is enough for me that the person they interviewed who
made fictitious allegations against me did not exist. The person whose
photograph was used in the story has denied TELL in writing. His
traditional mler had come here (the Government House) to state their
total embarrassment at the fact that TELL claimed to have interviewed
their son and even used his picture when in fact, it was not true. He too
(Kenneth Okonkwo) had openly declared that he never attended
0RJ1 KALU: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
186
Government College, Umuahia, but another secondary school entirely.
So the TELL report is bogus and has been entirely discredited left,
right and centre. So why should I bother to sue, unless I am looking for
cheap money from them? Don't forget I used to be a publisher and I
had known that the biggest punishment for any publication is to have
your reports discredited openly. When that happens to any publication,
you will start to have heavy unsold copies because the readers no
longer trust what you write.
"Above all things, they allege that I didn't attend Government
College and that I didn't have my school certificate. But I am here with
my school certificate, I am here with my school certificate result. I am
not even moved. My people in the state don't even know that anything
is happening. Why should I waste my time in court with TELL11 still
expect that one day, they on their own would say the truth about that
report. Mark my word.
"Don't forget that the smear campaign is the hand of the opposition.
Surprisingly, TELL is unconsciously being used in a war by the corrupt
Mafia against our policy of transparency, probity and accountability.
The traditional ruler said when he came here: 'When we saw the report
and the picture of our son given another name—Johnson Kalu—we
knew that something was wrong. We knew that there was no such
name from our place and the picture they used for the story is that of
Kenneth Okonkwo.'
"The Golden Guinea Breweries where the man used to work also
had the same photograph of Kenneth Okonkwo. And Golden Guinea
is not owned by Abia State government. It is a quoted public limited
liability company owned by tiie public, with Abia State government
owning less than five per cent share. The company is run by Germans.
The officials of the company also came immediately to point out that
Kenneth Okonkwo was being impersonated by the fictitious character
called Johnson Kalu. Incidentally, Kenneth Okonkwo himself is a
publisher of a city newspaper and even all the vendors including those
that sell TELL knew that the picture paraded as Johnson Kalu was
Kenneth Okonkwo, the publisher.
"I genuinely believe that somebody must have misled TELL in
187
publishing the falsehood. But I believe that instead of scratching
everywhere to try to justify their publication, they should simply have
the guts to admit their mistake and apologise. It would regain them
their lost credibility. But TELL like everyone else have their own moral
standard and style of doing things. Good luck to them."
For Kalu' s officials, the battleline was drawn between the government
and TELL magazine. And from subsequent reports in other editions of
TELL aimed at justifying their earlier publication or at least explaining
the mystery behind the mix-up of pictures, it was obvious that the feeling
of antagonism was mutual on both sides. It was therefore a big shock
to everyone when Kalu asked his media adviser to arrange a courtesy
visit to TELL.
Alarmed, the officials told Kalu to perish the thought; that he was
walking into the jaws of political peril. TELL, they asserted, was now
part and parcel of the opposition. "Even if they receive you," a top
official said, "they will set a trap for you." But Kalu was determined to
go. His troubled officials enlisted the support of Kalu's friends to stop
what they considered a suicidal gambit.
Friends and officials tried in vain to dissuade Kalu from such visit,
believing that it was highly ill-advised to visit your enemy's territories.
But Kalu seemed to know what his officials appear ignorant of. Many
of the time, media men assume their messianic posture not because
they hate the personality involved but because the facts at their disposal
suggested wrongdoings that must be exposed. It is most often not a
personal thing, but purely a matter of professional judgement. As in all
human situations, sometimes, such seemingly professional judgement
is flawed either due to factors beyond their control or at times, personal
failings of the journalists. But antagonising the man with the media for a
faulty report is like waving a red flag before a charging bull.
Even TELVs editors could not believe Kalu's bravado. TELUs
report of Kalu's visit conveyed their shock at his bravery. The story
spotting picture of Kalu with all the TELL directors in very exuberant
mood was aptly titled, BRA VING THE ODDS, in TELL edition of
May 1,2000.
Referring to the controversial TELL story, Kalu told the editors:
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"That story made me very popular and I am very grateful to TELL"
Since the publication, the people of Abia State had rallied behind their
governor, Kalu said, and would be happy to have him rule the state for
the next 20 years, if possible—all thanks to the TELL report! Talk of
turning adversity into an advantage and you couldn't beat Kalu!
For Kalu, the visit was a public relations coup which even millions
of naira of counter press war could not have achieved. Kalu believes
in the power of the human touch, the infinite capacity of personal
relationship to foster goodwill more than any other power. As TELL
reported, Kalu appeared quite relaxed in the midst of the TELL editors
who he insists were his friends. But the visit also offered TELL directors
the opportunity to reassure Kalu and his officials that TELV s report
was not out to get him for a fee.
A measure of the success of Kalu's winning strategy was that since
that personal visit, Kalu has enjoyed good coverage from TELL. His
strategy is the simple and obvious one: befriend your critic and he
would think twice before he launders your dirty lining in the open!
16
Kalu and the Sharia
Albatross
The Sha'ria Albatross
It was on the heels of President Olusegun Obasanjo's eventful
visit to Abia State which snowballed into a huge public relations
coup for the governor, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu. Obasanjo had been
overwhelmed by the rousing welcome accorded him and above
all, the ecstatic support of the state governor everywhere in the
state by the people. It could, of course, be legitimately argued that
such open display of support could have been organised. But even
so, the president had been in public life for too long to distinguish
when a public support is genuine and spontaneous from when a
yarn is being sold to him by a contrived audience.
And he was impressed enough by Kalu's "Abia miracle" that he
minced no word in crowning the state governor the "Action
Governor" of the Fourth Republic. So far, Obasanjo has not conferred
190
such accolade on any other governor, although he had since visited
over a dozen other states and their governors. Coming from a man of
Obasanjo's ascerbic tongue and temperament speaks volumes about
how the president felt about Kalu and his achievements within a very
short while, despite the various crises that racked the state.
But what would have been Kalu's joy was short-lived by the sabre
rattling over the introduction of Sharia in the northern states. Since
Governor Sani Ahmed of Zamfra State introduced the Sharia legal
system in his state, paving the way for other northern states to follow,
the nation had been racked by religious crisis. In Kaduna, attempts to
smuggle the sharia through the State House of Assembly sparked off
the sharia crisis broke into major religious clashes between Muslims
and Christians. But even though the crisis was mainly a religious conflict,
once again, the Igbos bore the brunt of the mayhem. Hundreds of Igbo
lives were lost and over a billion naira in asset were consumed in the
looting and arson that followed.
Since the 1966 pogrom which eventually led to the three-year
Nigerian Civil War, the spilling of Igbo blood, especially in the North—
provoked or unprovoked—has become a recurring ritual. Any little
argument between two persons was enough to provoke anti-Igbo
sentiment often reminiscent of the Nazist anti-Jewish xenophobia. Such
a rabid anti-Igbo xenophobia was so pronounced at a point that for an
alleged anti-Islamic comment adjudged by the adherents to be
derogatory of Islam, an Igbo trader, Godwin Akaluka, was abducted
from police cell and beheaded. As if that was not enough, his severed
head, still dripping with fresh blood, was hoisted on a stick and paraded
round the streets of Kano in victory dance all the way to the emir's
palace where the macabre trophy was declared! And while this macabre
parade was going on, the law enforcement agents simply stayed out of
the way. The horror made good copies in the media, all right. But
despite the hue and cry, no action was taken against the perpetrators
of this heinous crime by the state.
Reason? The Islamic faithfuls were simply defending their faith
against an Igbo infidel!
It was becoming obvious to millions of Igbos that the killings,
22J
KALU AND THE SHARIA ALBATROSS
maiming, burning, looting and dislocation of the Igbos in various ethnic
or religious clashes in all parts of Nigeria, especially in the North, was
becoming a kind of macabre national sport which any fanatic could
indulge in at will without entertaining any fear of legal consequences.
Or even reprisal from the Igbos. Like the Jews in the Roman Empire
under Nero, the highly adventurous, enterprising and prosperous Igbos
were blamed if the weather turned foul. Why should the natives not
make ends meet while the visiting Igbos are prospering? Why should
the Igbos be dominating the natives as evidenced by their numerous
trading stalls, houses, transportation businesses, importation and other
businesses? Why are the Igbos building so many houses in foreign
lands, especially when many of the natives are hardly able to do so?
Why is the Igboman who came only few years ago as a petty trader,
artisan, a labourer, clerk, professional staff and so on, now be driving
a fine car? Or dating and even marrying the prime native girl?
Why? Why? Why?
Each time the natives raised such posers, it was a sign of a coming
mayhem. And the Igbos were in trouble again.
The leadership vacuum
Unlike the other ethnic groups with organised leadership bodies
that speak for their people, the Igbos until very recently, lacked a united
body. That meant that the Igbo nation lacked a voice. Igbo leaders
who had the national visibility that could have been converted into a
leadership voice for the Igbos, were too busy pursuing other goals.
Some had too much at stake in terms of business expectations, political
loyalty to the other geopolitical establishments to risk carrying the Igbo
agenda on their shoulders. Others were simply too fearful of losing
some political or economic advantages. Therefore, the supposed Igbo
leaders speak in staccato of weak voices that hardly carry as much
authority as that of an organised body representing the Igbo nation. Of
course, the fact that Igbos thrive on the spirit of republicanism meant
that a leadership vacuum existed since the demise of the Owelle of
Onitsha whose leadership was both national and local.
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Being predominantly Christian, it became a matter of course, that
the Igbos more than any other ethnic group had to pay the price for the
national resistance of Sharia in the North. In Kaduna State, for instance,
outside the natives, the Igbos constituted over 60 per cent of the
Christian population. So when the Kaduna religious riots erupted, they
claimed hundreds of Igbo lives, provoking once again, an Igbo exodus
almost reminiscent of the 1966 Igbo massacre. Trailer loads of burnt
bodies. Deluge of dislocated and dispossessed relatives with unprintable
tales of woes. The maimed, the raped, the wounded, the brutalised, all
trooping home to seek succour. Once again since the end of the Civil
War, a refugee crisis loomed and seemed imminent, if nothing was
done to check the northern rampage.
And, once again, Nigeria was on the brink with the Igbo as the
sacrificial lamb. After 30 years of pacifism, Igbo leaders had become
too docile for many people's comfort. Years of playing political second
fiddle had muted the voice of many Igbo leaders, except for the
irrepressible voice of the former Biafran leader, Chief Emeka Ojukwu
who insists that the Igbos need not break their backs in their quest for
pacifism. Without mincing words, Ojukwu usually urged the Igbos to
fight back wherever and whenever attacked. With the human and
material losses in the Kaduna riot, something snapped in the battered
Igbo psyche.
The Igbo monster was aroused.
Kalu's dilemma
Kalu's challenge was how to calm his people down and get the
federal government to do something concrete to guarantee the security
of the Igbos in all parts of the country. But from all the indications, the
federal government was simply pussyfooting, playing caution.
It was obvious that in walking the Islamic tightrope, there would be
no Odi* treatment and not even a state of emergency threat, by the
federal government, as was done in Lagos State when OPC went on
193
ethnic rampage. For the first time, Obasanjo's government became
extremely dovish, doing all it could, no doubt, to appease the religious
monster looming from the North. As THE GUARDIAN columnist,
Levi Obijiofor noted, Obasanjo merely "threw in apathy as the official
line of response, in the hope that the festering problem would fade
from public consciousness."i
But such official pacifism only fed the zealotry of the Sharia
advocates. "Indeed," added Obijiofor, "the problem grew because
the latter day religious zealots took it as axiomatic that the lack of
vigorous objection from the Federal Government implied tacit support
for Sharia laws. From then on, mayhem set in."2
But while Obasanjo was doing all he could, employing all the tact
he could muster, to save the nation from disintegration through a potential
religious war, it was also obvious that much of the blood that would be
sacrificed to appease the dragon of war—if that was what it would
take—would be Igbo blood, not to speak of billions in lost assets. But
if blood was the only offering that would keep Nigeria united, Kalu
like most Igbos, felt the national altar was already saturated with Igbo
blood. To ask for more Igbo blood was simply to bleed the Igbo race
to death. Enough was enough.
When Obasanjo came visiting, Kalu felt duty-bound to tell the
president about the clamour of his people for security of their lives and
property. He had minced no words in telling the president what the
Igbo felt about the mayhem in the North, about the Sharia monster,
about the national ritual of Igbo blood
•Following the kidnapping and killing of some policemen by hoodlums in Odi,
Bayelsa State, the federal government unleashed the military which leveled the entire
Odi town, killing, maiming and raping in the process. Apparently, the government
needed a scapegoat as a deterrent to the rash of violent ethnic militias that sprouted from
all parts of the country in the first year of restoration of democracy.
-letting that usually ended each time with no deterrent measure and
no compensation to the Igbos.
For the Igbos, enough therefore, was enough. Obasanjo counseled
restraint, expressing his own outrage at the Kaduna mayhem. But in
194
the interest of the nation, the matter should be handled carefully, he
said. The Shar'ia crisis would top the agenda of issues to be discussed
at the Council of State's meeting coming up the following week.
Everybody should prepare for a frank discussion—a diplomatese,
usually meaning a no-hold barred discussion. All the 36-state governors
would be there.
To Kalu, the Council of State meeting coming up at Abuja offered
him a good opportunity to convey the burden of his people. But while
he was planning on the best way to reassure his people, the highly
incensed Igbo youths were in no mood for platitudes. In fact, they had
another plan up their sleeves which neither Kalu nor the security agencies
knew about. The people's anger channeled through the militia group,
Bakassi Boys, would have exploded earlier but for the proposed visit
of the president. It was in deference to the governor that the Bakassi
Boys shifted their plan to after the president's visit.
The Igbo monster exploded
When Kalu traveled to Abuja for a Council of State meeting on
Sunday night of February, it was with a mixture of excitement and
heaviness of mind. Like a student who had just been complimented by
the headmaster, Kalu was still reveling in his new crown as the Action
Governor by the president.
But on the other hand, Kalu was a troubled man. The unusually
high number of Igbo casualties in the Kaduna mayhem and the number
of Igbos trooping back to their states were of a great concern to him.
He was equally convinced that the introduction of Shar'ia by Governor
Ahmed Sani of Zamfara State was a grave threat to the nation's unity.
The Council of State meeting would be an opportunity to express his
concern on the state of the nation and warn about the attacks on the
Igbos. But as the saying goes, man proposes and God disposes.
Kalu was in Abuja when his state exploded. Igbo youths had
embarked on anti-North mayhem. The Igbo youths took to the streets
and major highways, killing northerners, burning their bodies and
property. The pitiable police presence in the state was no match to the
195
fury and tactics of the Bakassi Boys who led the attack. On the streets
of Aba littered hundreds of bodies of northerners—a replay of the
northern carnage. As the crisis spurn out of hand, thousands of
northerners in the eastern states took refuge in government facilities in
Umuahia where security was arranged for them. There was no military
barracks in Aba—the centre of the mayhem—where the escaping
northerners could take refuge. The nearest military presence was at
Afor Ugiri, over 60 kilometers away from the centre of trouble. But it
was a 60 kilometers of unmotorable federal roads! As the Igbos usually
contend, part of the marginalisation of the Igbos was the denial of
essential government facilities including, in this case, military presence!
But on this day of rage and madness where nobody but the mob was
in control, it was the besieged northerners that unfortunately paid the
supreme price for this aspect of our national neglect of the Igboland.
Trouble-shooting
Kanu had his first real test in crisis management in the public
sector. His first challenge was to douse the crisis. But apart from
dousing the crisis, Kalu had to confront a bigger challenge: how to
avoid a northern reprisal which would in turn would provoke a
potentially endless cycles of reprisals on both sides. Such looming
danger would portend a grave threat to national security and most
likely be a prelude to full-scale war. In his media response to the
crisis, an exasperated Kalu had taken a hard-line stance, warning
that the Igbos would fight back if they were attacked in the North.
While the Igbos backed Kalu's riot act, the North was incensed.
Kalu's brinkmanship was in synch with the popular mood of many
Igbos who had severally been victims of mayhem in the North
characterised as always by high Igbo death tolls, arson, looting,
dislocation and other traumatic ordeals. The Igbo reprisal had come
as a big shock in the North and for the first time decisively registered
the point that no tribe had the monopoly of violence. Kalu's
philosophy was a case of if you wish for peace, first prepare for
war. In the northern political hotbeds like Kano, Kaduna and
196
Sokoto, the Igbo reprisal served as a form of deterrent, since they
knew that if Igbos in the North were attacked, their people in Igbo
territory would be endangered.
For many days, an uneasy calm reigned in the northern cities
and with that, an ominous air of uncertainty. Some section of the
media deplored Kalu's hard-line stance as potentially
"inflammatory". Without backing down from his hard-line stance,
Kalu sought for a way out. In the end, he toured the North, visiting
the key northern leaders from the Sultan of Sokoto to all the key
governors including the lightening rod of Sha'ria, Governor Sani
Ahmed. "He had been my personal friend," Kalu said. His dialogue
with the northern leaders cemented peace on both sides. But to the
North, the political import of Kalu's action was not lost. At the
time of grave national crisis, it had taken an Orji Kalu to foster
peace and understanding, at least from the point of view of Ndigbo.
In that process, Kalu sold himself to the North as a leader to
watch—a veritable spokesman of the East. It was one occasion
where action spoke louder than a thousand voices.
Former President Shehu Shagari probably spoke the mind of
the northern political establishment when he lauded Kalu's visit at
that critical moment as an act of courage and a timely initiative. "I am
optimistic that Kalu would go places once the opportunity is there,"
Shagari said.
Such an open endorsement, coming from Shagari who is regarded
as the voice of the core North, speaks volumes. And this was not lost
on Kalu's opponents.
17
The
Voice
Of The East
"Thirty years after the Civil War, the East is still
broken and in a state of immense disrepair. Most
worrisome is that the eastern personality has carried a
psychological baggage of timidity. "
—Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu's comment on the New Year's
Eve of 2000/1.
How did the governor of one of Nigeria's smallest states, Abia
State, located at the remote flank of Southeastern Nigeria,
successfully transform himself into a national personality whose
name and activities now ring bells across the country and beyond?
What is the magic behind Kalu's transformation from a political
greenhorn to a man who is now in the centre of controversy as to
the propriety or otherwise of his being tagged the spokesman, the
voice, the conscience—and some even boldly declare, the leader-—
1%
of the Igbos? And, this is for an Igbo nation that boasts of ftiany great
names and national figures, some of whom are old enough to be Kalu' s
father. How come that in less than two years, Kalu is now a major
issue in the politics of Igbo leadership, a man now supported and
opposed, as a potential Igbo leader?
The v$ry idea of "a small boy" like Kalu as the leader of the Igbos
is almost heretical in context. For a start, it discounts the factor of age
which is an almost sacrosanct yardstick for leadership consideration in
Igboland. Kalu is only barely 40, the age at which a man starts being
taken seriously in Igboland. It also discounts the factor of experience
which comes from years in national service. Using these twin factors,
then, there are by far many bigger names that should be in contention
for the leadership crown of the Igbos or at least, the title of the
spokesman of the Igbos, since as yet, there is still no consensus on
modality for defining leadership in the context of the highly republican
Ndigbo.
As Dr. NdukaezeNwabueze, head of sociology department of the
University of Lagos told THE GUARDIAN: "The whole question of
reverence for monarchy is not in the anthropological character of the
Igbo. A man is recognised through personal charisma, there is no bornleader."
We might add, achievements and wisdom of age, to the Igbo criteria
for recognition.
Since the death of the Owelle of Onitsha, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and
the highly respected Dr. Akanu Ibiam, to many Igbos, those who
probably qualify for such exalted positions, based on the above criteria,
include the likes of Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Alex
Ekwueme, Ebitu Ukiwe, Ndubisi Kanu, Sam Mbakwe, Evan
Enwerem, Chuba Okadigbo, Chukwuemeka Ezeife, BenNwabueze,
Chief M.C.K. Ajuluchukwu, Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu and so on.
Yet at crucial points in the nation's traumatic political ody ssey since
the beginning of the Fourth Republic, when the interests of the Igbos
were at stake, KMu' s voice had been the most prominent in the national
focus. And at times, his actions spoke far louder than his voice, giving
rise to speculations that even if Kalu is not the Igbo leader, he is acting
199
THE VOICE OF THE EAST
like one.
His decision to support Obasanjo instead of Ekwueme for the
presidency; his hard-line response to the killing of the Igbos in the
North in the wake of the Shar'ia crisis, threatening a reprisal any time
the Igbo was attacked and at the same time touring the north to make
sure the Igbos were not attacked again; his championing of the call for
confederation or strong federalism; his insistence on either a state police
or the control of the police by the state governors; his harping on the
imperative of restructuring the revenue allocation formulae; his successful
championing of the case for the inclusion of Abia State among the oilproducing states under the umbrella of Niger Delta Development
Commission, (NDDC) among other things, speak volumes about Kalu's
growing leadership profile.
But what ultimately thrust him into the thick of national controversy
was Kalu's open criticism of the president for poor performance and
anti-Igbo policies. In no-hold-barred an interview with Louis Odion
published in THISDA Yf December 17,2000, Kalu declared:
"Yes, it is indeed true that I do not like the way things are going on.
He (the President) thinks he is the only intelligent man in the world and
I have been observing him closely and he is foil of himself. That is not
how any president who wants to move a nation forward should behave.
Democracy is a collective effort; democracy is teamwork. That is what
I mean. He has to be a team player if he wants to survive.
"Moreover, I also (think) that the president hates the Igbo people.
I have looked at all the parastatal appointments. What we got is very
marginal indeed. Nothing has been done to our roads. So why should
I be happy? I marketed him here. I supported him during the election.
When it was time to praise him I praised him even on the CNN. I
addressed the international press where I praised him. If I travel
overseas today and have to address the international press I would
also say that the man is not performing.
"Obasanjo has not done much for the Igbo. Nothing is coming to
the South-south and South-east. You can watch the Enugu—
Umuahia—Port-Harcourt expressway, people die there every day.
If you go from Aba, Ikot Ekpene to Calabar you will find that it is
200
a death trap. People die there daily because of the bad state of the
roads. If you realise that Christmas is here and our people would be
returning home for the Yuletide season, then you would realise the
danger our people are being exposed to. These are the things that we
can no longer take. Again, you have been here for sometime now. We
have been on generator since morning here in the Government House.
Most times, we run the State House in Abia on generator 24 hours a
day. This is a Government House. If it is like this at the Government
House you can then imagine the situation of ordinary Nigerians.
"This is a country that produces oil, yet scarcity is the order of the
day. We are incapable of giving the people fuel. It means something is
lacking somewhere. I do not hate President Obasanjo as a person but
I hope he has the ability to deliver to the Nigerian people so that we
can defend our party (PDP) very well. If he refused to perform he
should resign and give way to people who can. Sincerely speaking, I
think the president is joking around with his ministers. They have not
started doing anything for the Nigerian nation. It is not as if I'm
challenging the president. I am only telling him that with this style, it will
be difficult to re-elect him. If somebody is deceiving him that he will be
re-elected I want to assure him that the south-eastern states will not
vote for him unless he changes."
Kalu recalled the hostility he suffered from the Igbo elite who were
angry that he supported Obasanjo instead of Ekwueme. "During the
campaign to make Obasanjo president," Kalu recalled, "the elites here
in Abia gave money to the boys in Aba to go and burn down my
houses for not supporting an Igbo man in the person of Dr. Alex
Ekwueme. You see, I had called people individually and collectively
and told them that Obasanjo was going to be the next president. I said,
' So what is the need wasting our time, this is where the wind is blowing,
why don't we follow the wind?' For that the elites said the boys should
burn my houses. They gave them N2 million."
However, rather than burn Kalu's houses, the boys tipped him off.
Unknown to the elites, Kalu who grew up at Aba was deeply
connected with people from the lowest to the highest levels. As the
quintessential grassroots man, Kalu was not a man to be taken for
201
granted.
Then, Obasanjo was very close to Kalu who was his eastern battleaxe. Kalu said: "I remember that then Obasanjo would call my mother
almost every day when he was looking for the presidency. But he has
stopped all that now. He didn't come around here to campaign. I told
him not to waste his time, that we would deliver, that we would talk to
our people. So it is disheartening to see the natural hatred this man has
for the Igbo and for the people of eastern Nigeria and I cannot believe
it. Me, I do not pretend because I have been voted by the people to
defend their cause and it is a covenant between me, God and Abia
people and nobody can break that covenant. I must always defend the
interest of my people. I am not here to make money but to serve my
people.
"... Obasanjo is not doing well and if he is thinking about a second
term he should forget it. It is not possible in this country."
Kalu's anti-Obasanjo broadsides provoked a groundswell of
national controversy that pitched Kalu's supporters with Obasanjo's.
To the millions of Igbos, Kalu had hit at the heart of the matter. He had
captured the mood of the people and given vent to their frustrations
and anger at the feeling of neglect and marginalisation by the federal
government. Once again, at a time it mattered most, Kalu had spoken
for the Igbo nation, even at the expense of his personal relationship
with the president.
Who is afraid of Kalu?
The very prospect of a Kalu as an Igbo leader is one that generates
very extreme reactions from various sides of the political divide. To
Kalu, the office of Abia State governor is a sufficient platform for him
to crusade for the Igbo cause. "First, I don't need the title of Igbo
leadership or spokesman to speak the truth about our people," he
said. "Secondly, to call me Igbo leader or spokesman is a political
blackmail by some people who may want to set me up against Igbo
leaders. How can I be Igbo leader when people like Ekwueme, Ukiwe,
Ojukwu and Mbakwe are there?"
202
Kalu's denial of interest in the Igbo leadership platform or at best
ambivalence to it, however, did not douse the controversy surrounding
his rising profile as the voice of the east. Some call him the "conscience"
of the Southeast. To others like Ralph Okoro who bared his mind in
THISDA Y, January 7,2001, Kalu is "like the biblical Moses" anointed
to liberate the Igbos from the bondage of Federal oppression and
marginalisation.
But others like veteran journalist, Gbolabo Ogunsanwo whom Kalu's
supporters dismiss as ethnic irredentists, poured venom on Kalu's
supposed assumptions as "Eze-Ndigbo", dismissing the Kalu
phenomenon as one of the "aberrations of the Fourth Republic".
After unleashing diatribes on Kalu, coming on the heels of similar
blitzkriegs from presidential spokesman, Dr. Doyin Okupe and
Commodore Olabode George (retd.), the Vice Chairman of PDP in
South West, Ogunsanwo declared, "Consequent upon his (Kalu's)
own miss-reading (sic.) of his position in the scheme of things, Orji
Kalu is now projecting himself as a spokesman of Ndigbo. If only for
the sake of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Prof. Kenneth Dike, Prof. Eni Njoku,
Dr. M. I. Okpara, Dr. Pius Okigbo, Prof. Chinua Achebe, Prof. Ben
Nwabueze, Sir Louis Mbanefo, Pa Chukwudi Oputa, Dr. Alex
Ekwueme, Mazi Mbonu Ojike, Olauda Eqiano, Ikemba Ojukwu, Prof.
B. O. W. Osisiogwu, Major-General IkeNwachukwu, the Igbo nation
should not surrender to this indignity." —The Comet, January 7,2001.
But in contrast, Ralph Okoro thinks that Kalu's pro-Igbo activism
was the best thing that had happened to the Igbos in recent times. He
wrote: "But for every Igboman, the most significant thing about
Governor Kalu is not merely his Abia miracle. It is his initiative to
carve out a new and more forceful response to the dilemma of the
Igbo in Nigeria. For decades, Igbos had watched their leaders in
confused silence thinking that (such silence) in the face of official
marginalisation of their people was borne out of a superior wisdom not
available to the Igboman on the street. They thought that this 'wisdom'
would pay off in the long run. Much later, in fact too late, the Igbos
realised that what they had were leaders who were merely concerned
with their stomach and who indeed were partners and co-conspirators
203
with others in the plot to continue to ravage Igboland and lay it waste
like a vegetable farm visited by a swarm of locust.
"But by his recent bold and frank criticism of the Federal Government
on its avowed policy of neglect and marginalisation of Igboland, Kalu
has belled the proverbial cat and like the Biblical Moses, has told the
Federal Government, 'let my people off the hook of suffering the
consequences of a war which ended over 33 years ago'.
"The Igbos are happy that for the first time since after the war, they
now have somebody like Kalu leading them in a way not shackled by
that post-war fear or was it defeat-mentality, where other Igbo men in
power behave as if it was ordained for them to scamper under the bed
and apologise for their presence in governance if men of'superior'
ethnic groups merely twist their faces in royal frowns... The Governor
has demonstrated a new approach for the Igbo in government to follow.
In his new approach to the dilemma of the Igboman in Nigeria, Kalu is
saying that gone were the days when the federal government would
marginalise the Igbos, discriminate against them, humiliate and punish
them and expect them to swallow the insult in silence."
There are some critics—admittedly non-Igbo critics—like Eniola
Bello, editor of THISDAY on Sunday, who contend that Kalu's
outspokenness is a ploy to curry cheap heroism among his people.
According to such critics, in picking on sensitive issues to speak on,
Kalu was only playing to the gallery of public opinion. In a veiled
reference to Kalu, Bello rehearsed all the negative allegations usually
thrown at Kalu by his bitterest opponents, usually in the spirit of politics
as a dirty do-or-die affair, and wrote:
"As an aspiring politician, there is no quicker road to popularity
and success than taking on an issue that touches the heart of the ordinary
people and making a lot of noise about it. It does not matter whether
you believe in the issue at all. What is important is to identify with the
masses and impose on yourself the self-assigned role of the people's
spokesman. It is even better if the issue in question is religious or ethnic.
You may have made your money by fraudulent means or could be
carrying a fake certificate or you could well be known for everything
negative, but all this will be tantamount to nothing the moment you
204
adopt the people's cause as your cause. Shout on the rooftop that
your people are marginalised because of where they come from. If
you are already in government, hammer the wall of authority from
within.. .Attack the man at the top and threaten to pull down the roof
should your people not be treated with greater respect. Pronto you'll
be a folk hero even if your administration lacks direction and focus. At
every public forum the ordinary people will hail and mob you in
admiration, and you will completely overshadow your colleagues. You'll
be an idol of popular imagination."—THISDA Y, January, 10,2001.
Eniola and Ogunsanwo's attacks were responses to Kalu's public
criticism of President Obasanjo for poor performance in office and
marginalisation of Igbos. While the allegation about making money by
"fraudulent means" and carrying fake certificate remain so far
unsubstantiated generalisations, that of identifying what touches the
heart of the masses and speaking on them appear dead on target. But
Kalu has no apology to make here. As his Special Adviser on Security
and Special Duties, Prince Hanson Madukwe puts it, Kalu would be
no politician if he did not speak on such issues. In fact, the ability to
discover the heartbeat of your people and acting on it is the dividing
line between a good politician and a bad one. "Any politician who
knows what is at the heart of his people," Prince Igwe says, "and
refuses to speak on it because it might turn him into a folk hero among
his people is a fool."
Well, Kalu certainly is no fool. Or apolitical monk! In fact, it could
be said that one of Kalu's most vital assets is his uncanny capacity to
read the popular mood of his people and respond accordingly. As
Kalu's former Chief Press Secretary, Chuwudi Nwabuko, an Ngwa
indigene, who lost his job in the heat of the political tussle between
Kalu and his deputy, explained, Kalu was in position to criticise
Obasanjo.
Reason: "Since the inception of this present administration, it is not
a hidden fact that the South-east (the Igbo) has received the worst
treatment. The Obasanjo government treats the Igbo with disdain, both
in terms of appointments and spread of government projects, especially
roads. While other governors and opinion moulders have resigned into
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passivity, Orji Kalu at most critical moments, has assumed the position
of the "conscience" of the Igbo as well as their voice. Therefore, it
should be known that whenever he speaks, it is on behalf of the people
whose mandate he has, and the important thing is that he has tried to
say the right things at the right time.
"He is in position to point out wrongs and injustice at the Federal
level against the state and he can accuse President Obasanjo of weak
leadership because in his state, he has set the record of performance in
almost all facets of life.
"Without any fear of contradiction, anyone who goes to Abia
State will feel the presence of its government. The same cannot be said
in most parts of the country because the government at the centre
seem to have lost focus and without bearing, frittering away the people's
expectation."—THISDAY, Jan. 11,2001.
"If you want to know why Kalu is so popular," said an Enugubased pharmacist, Anselim Epuchi, interviewed in TEMPO of February
1,20001, "go to Abia and see what he has done. There are people in
other eastern states who would wish to exchange their governors for
Orji."
Strategic dexterity
Like most Igbos, Kalu had been distressed by the alleged timidity
of Igbo leaders and was simply charting a different course. This was
strongly encapsulated in remarks he made on New Year's Eve, 2001:
"Thirty years after the Civil War, the East is still broken and in a state
of immense disrepair. Most worrisome is that the eastern personality
has carried a psychological baggage of timidity."
It is no doubt, a tribute to Kalu's tactical and strategic dexterity that
since the end of the civil war, apart from the return from exile of the
former Biafran leader, Ikemba Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu,
in 1978, nobody and nothing had succeeded in drawing attention to
the Igbo question as much as Kalu had done in a matter of few months.
And this is not the footprint of a political novice at play. If anything,
friends and foes alike see—or are forced to see—the hands of a master
strategist at work. But tragically for Kalu's foes and fortunately for
206
him, what people see as his deft political manoeuvres are not so much
orchestrated as the man's instinctive readings of the fingers of the times
and gut responses to them. And Kalu himself concedes that there are
no exact sets of principles by which his political decisions are made. "I
think I go more by instinct. I trust my instinct."
And he also admits that his instincts are not infallible. "At times I am
right and at times I am wrong. But I have been more right than wrong."
And this perhaps, makes Kalu a very dangerous foe to fight. For
while his opponents fight against the assumption of a scripted set of
battle plans, Kalu spins his surprises based on a highly fluid internal
dynamics that are hardly predictable. In fact, there is a sense in which
Kalu, unlike many political leaders, is his own political advisers, media
consultants and at times, even public opinion barometer and analyst.
There are few men in Nigeria, if any, that have Kalu's breadth and
depth of political, business, media, diplomatic tod even intellectual
network of contacts in high and low places. Kalu is as much at home in
presidential palaces, security and diplomatic circuits, local and
international boardrooms, political Mafia either in Sokoto, Abuja, Lagos
or Owerri as much as he is at home with the Onitsha market trader or
the truck pusher at Aba park. It is generally believed that Kalu's
publicists have an uphill task since they are working for a man who is
an acquaintance of every other publisher, director, editor and reporter
both in the print and electronic media. Most times, he reaches his media
contacts faster than even his publicists do. In fact, at the height of the
presidential campaign which ushered in the Fourth Republic, Kalu was
on the Cable Network News, (CNN), campaigning for candidate
Obasanjo! It is an irony of ironies that Kalu and Obasanjo are now at
daggers drawn.
It was perhaps in recognition of Kalu's strategic and tactical ingenuity
that his friend, Peter Okocha, now Chairman of African Petroleum
and Sadiq Petroleum, described him as a maverick, and singer, Onyeka
Onwenu described him as "an unusual young man—very unusual,"
while Neimeth's CEO, Sam Ohuabunwa calls him a "consummate
politician" who knew how to "disarm" his opponent, using his high
level of "interpersonal relationship with people."
207
Peter Okocha who described himself as a student of the
Machiavellian leadership school, elaborated on Kalu as a strategist:
"Orji is my friend. I like his maverick style. Unfortunately sometimes in
Nigeria, you need that kind of attitude to succeed.. .Those of us who
believe in the Machiavellian management like Orji is doing know that
the strategy is of different dimension. One of it is that the end justifies
the means. One is by any means possible. It depends on what you are
pursuing. If the objective is to catch you and I have to jump down
three stories to do it, it doesn't matter how I jumped down. The
important tiling is to catch you. And that is why maybe modern managers
don't like his approach. But you can see that he is more result-oriented
than all the governors that have observed the rules but achieved no
results. Orji to that extent is a classic Machiavellian and I find nothing
wrong with that."
Perhaps, those who wish to unravel the Orji Kalu phenomenon
may need a more than cursory consideration of Okocha's hypothesis
to stand a chance against the Kalu momentum. Others who liked to
underrate him, hoping to intimidate him by rehearsing over and over
and over again the same stale allegations of controversial Borno State
donation or certificate problems, are either bereft of effective weapons
or simply making a great mistake. Not only has Kalu outlived these
issues—for whatever they are worth, unproven as the accusations are—
Kalu is so convinced of the veracity of his position that he hardly pays
attention anymore each time these allegations surface now and again in
the newspapers, always at the behest of his opponents.
The footprints of a master strategist
It is perhaps premature to draw definitive conclusions about the
leadership merits or otherwise of a serving public officer who as at the
time of writing this profile, is barely halfway through his tenure. Yet, by
even the most casual observation of Kalu's political footprints, some
patterns are clearly discernible to any students of leadership. And for a
highly dynamic personality like Kalu, it would be futile attempting to
capture the totality of Kalu's deft political footwork. Indeed, such effort
208
might be likened to a man attempting to overtake his shadows. We can
only attempt here to trace some of the salient actions and views of
Kalu that have given rise in the first place to his being factored in the
debates about Igbo leadership.
Even before the formation of the People's Democratic Party, Kalu
had a formidable political force in Abia State under the umbrella of
Reality Organisation. In the earlier chapters, a lot had been said about
the genesis of Reality' 99 which later became the campaign organisation
that won him the governorship of Abia State. One man who had a
first-hand encounter with the extent of Kalu's grassroots network was
Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa while he was taking his younger brother, Mao
Ohuabunwa, then a candidate for House of Representatives, round to
opinion leaders in the constituency. Ohuabunwa and Kalu came from
the same federal Senatorial District. Ohuabunwa said that they were
generally well received wherever they went but there was one question
that recurred wherever they went: "Sam, you have refused to come
out but we are glad that your brother is out for politics. That's very
good, but have you spoken to Orji?""
The Ohuabunwas needed no other oracle to tell them that if they
wished to realise their dream, they needed Kalu's blessings. To
Ohuabunwa, that was enough evidence to confirm that Kalu "is a
grassroots politician." Today, Mao Ohuabunwa is the deputy leader of
the House of Representatives.
Because he was already on the ground, Kalu was one of the
beautiful brides wooed by the various presidential candidates that
emerged in the Fourth Republic. The biggest suitors were the two
presidential hopefuls, Dr. Alex Ekwueme and General Olusegun
Obasanjo. Backed by the political machinery of the old National Party
of Nigeria, NPN, Ekwueme was the veritable Igbo candidate, if ever
there was one. Others like Chief Jim Nwobodo were believed to be
playing a spoiler's game. But Nwobodo certainly didn't think so. He
was calculating that with the support of the progressives—the very
forces that helped Chief M.K.O. Abiola win the presidential election
under the platform of the SDP, thereby trouncing the conservative
NRC—he stood a good chance of springing the ultimate surprise.
209
With his antecedents as a former vice president and leader of G-34
that ultimately tipped the scale against Abacha's self-succession bid
coupled with the backing of the conservative rump of the northern
political oligarchy, Ekwueme was potentially, the candidate to beat.
But that was until Obasanjo accepted to run under the same political
platform. Obasanjo was not only riding on the back of the famous
Yar'Adua political machinery, he had the deep pocket of many generals
including the former ruler, General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, to
rely on. Babangida was determined in his own crafty way to atone for
his sin of presiding over the annulment of the June 12 presidential
election known to have been won by Abiola, having concluded that
Abiola coming out of prison to assume his June 12 mandate was
impracticable. As events later indicated, Abiola's mysterious death put
a final nail on the June 12 palaver.
At first, Kalu played along with the Ekwueme camp but it was
obvious that his heart was not there. The facts at his disposal and his
reading of the scenario based on data from his wide network of
contacts, convinced him that good as Ekwueme was as a candidate,
he had no chance against the formidable forces backing Obasanjo.
But the Igbos were emotional about Ekwueme's candidacy, so much
so that it was politically risky not supporting him for the presidency.
But Kalu felt that although Ekwueme was a good candidate, his time
had not come. Obasanjo was the man of the moment. The tactical
ineptitude of Ekwueme's strategists who stacked the vital offices in the
campaign organisation with people from Ekwueme's state—for a man
seeking a national office from 36 states! —provided Kalu with a good
excuse to openly break ranks with the Ekwueme campaign and pitch
his forces with Obasanjo. Of course, it has been said with some merit
that Kalu's backing for Obasanjo was also influenced by the prompting
of IBB, his family friend.
In breaking ranks with the Ekwueme campaign, Kalu did it so openly
that he was at the receiving end of very emotional attacks by many of
Ekwueme's Igbo supporters. They abused him as apolitical sellout, a
northern stooge, an errand boy of the northern political oligarchy, etc.
Once he declared his support for Obasanjo, Kalu mobilised for him
210
not just in Abia State but in the entire Igboland. Kalu's support was
crucial in mobilising the Igbo votes for Obasanjo at the PDP' s highly
contested convention in Jos. It has been stated in this book that Kalu
contributed heavily to Obasanj o' s campaign. About N100 million is
mentioned.
The point in this review is that once Kalu was convinced that
Ekwueme had no chance, he did not hesitate to declare his stand. And
his main argument was that the Igbos could not afford to play the
opposition game in the politics of the Fourth Republic. "Our people
have suffered so much neglect," he said, "that we cannot afford to
waste our votes. I was convinced that we must be on the winning
side."
If there is one thing Kalu is adept at, it is his ability to discern the
winning side ahead of time and position his interest accordingly. For
instance, during the PDP national convention to select new officers,
Kalu did not hide the fact that he supported Chief Barnabas Gemade
against Chief Sunday Awoniyi backed by the northern oligarchy. In the
end, Gemade emerged the new chairman, even though in highly
controversial circumstances. It would seem that in his political
calculations, Kalu brings the businessman's intuition to bear on whom
to support. A good businessman is that who puts his money where he
knows that at the end of the day, his investment would not be lost. And
as an entrepreneur, Kalu had struck more gold than losses.
If some call this opportunism, it is simply because they are ignorant
of the fact that Kalu's motivation for politics was not the glamour or
the prospect of empty grandstanding on public issues, even though
that may count at times, but a determination to grab power and use it
to affect lives in pragmatic terms. "I am not in politics to speak grammar
for nothing but to serve my people," he said. "Without power in your
hand, you can only play politics of empty grammar and nothing will
change."
It was in the light of the above background that Kalu's decision to
attack Obasanjo in the second year of his administration, accusing him
of poor performance, neglect and marginalisation of the Igbos, became
instructive and a source of concern even to Obasanjo. President
21J
Obasanjo knew quite well that the criticisms were not coming from a
political adversary merely playing to the gallery, it was more like a
crystallization of the tide of political forces gathering against his quest
for a second term. The president's reluctance to respond personally to
Kalu's criticisms even when he was interviewed on a national network
television ofNTA might be more out of tactical expedience than anything
else. And the peace overtures initiated by the vice president Atiku
Abubakar to settle the rift between Kalu and the president certainly
spoke volumes about Kalu's clout as a politician.
Before Kalu went public with his criticism, the relationship between
him and the president was already growing cold. Kalu was becoming
disenchanted with the president's truculent politics that was not backed
with performance. Apart from the ousting of Dr. Chuba Okadigbo as
the senate president allegedly stage-managed by the executive, Kalu
felt let down by the president on various issues.
Ironically, what appeared to be Kalu's first disagreement with the
President was not about the marginalisation of the Igbos, but about
Obasanjo's antipathy to Abiola, the martyred winner of the June 12,
1993 presidential election. It was of course not in dispute that Abiola's
martyrdom paved the way for Obasanjo's second coming. It was
therefore natural and widely expected that Obasanjo would not only
officially acknowledge Abiola's supreme sacrifice in the quest for
democracy but should do something to immortalise him on a national
scale. But when Obasanjo came to power and did none of the above,
many people, especially the pro-June 12 adherents, were miffed and
totally scandalised.
Many pelted the President with criticisms on his disregard for Abiola,
but the President known for his obduracy, a legacy of bis Owu ancestry,
simply ignored the critics. While some believed that a primordial
rivalry—or even animosity—between Abiola and Obasanjo was a
factor in the president's attitude to Abiola, presidency sources said
that it would have been impolitic for Obasanjo to be officially canonising
Abiola while Abacha who represented the North was being vilified.
Whether the logic of such comparison stands is not the issue, but the
political reality on the ground.
212
Politics or no politics, Kalu felt that the president was wrong in not
acknowledging Abiola. During a private audience with the president,
Kalu bared his mind to the president. "You should have acknowledged
Abiola and done something to immortalise him," Kalu told the president,
pointing out that Abiola's death made his election'possible. The
president ignored him but unknown to Kalu, he had touched a raw
nerve. The meeting ended almost dramatically. On his way out of Aso
Rock, one of the president's top advisers—name withheld
deliberately—warned Kalu that he had entered the president's bad
book. "I didn't know I have collected trouble," Kalu said, confirming
the encounter.
But rather than turning apologetic on the matter, Kalu simply
maintained his stand, promising to mark June 12 in a special way each
year in Abia State. For the two former allies, a crack had set in.
During the president's visit to Abia State, Kalu presented a shopping
list of demands to the President. Topping the list was a demand for the
rehabilitation of Federal roads in the East, especially the Enugu-Port
Harcourt express road that had degenerated into a death trap claiming
scores of lives monthly. In a media briefing on November 11,2000,
Kalu said that over 500 lives had been lost in Enugu-Port Harcourt
express road. "It's an open secret that the actual casualty figure might
be more," he said.
The Aba-Umuahia-Port-Harcourt end of the express road had
gone so bad that most of the time, motorists use only one side of the
road. During his visit, Obasanjo had promised to rehabilitate the AbaUmuahia portion of the road. A year after, nothing was done to improve
the roads. And this is in spite of federal toll collection on the road. The
poor state of the road was blamed for many of the tragic accidents on
the road with heavy casualties. In one of such tragic acpidents which
Kalu went to inspect, about 60 lives were lost. If governance is
essentially about preserving lives and property, Kalu felt the Federal
government was doing the opposite by neglecting the repair of the
roads. Repeatedly, Kalu had called on the federal government to allow
the state government to take over the tollgate collection and use the
proceeds to rehabilitate the road, but he got no response. When appeals
213
were not making any impact, Kalu resorted to threats—threatening to
dismantle the tollgates or take over the toll collection in order to repair
the roads. He argued that in a true federalism, the state government
was in better position to handle such roads. "You can't stay in Abuja
and talk of maintaining roads in the states when you are not on the
ground there," he had argued.
For those who felt that dismantling the tollgates or driving away the
federal toll collectors would be illegal and affront, Kalu insisted that
such legal niceties should not stand in the way of development and
saving people's lives. "It is illegal," he countered, "to collect toll on a
bad road." A government that would not repair its roads, he stressed,
has no right to collect money from the victims of its negligence. "That
would amount to double jeopardy," he said, sounding legalistic. "If
you want to collect money from people, you must work for them."
Apart from the issue of roads, other presidential promises during
the visit were only kept in breach. One of such broken promises was a
presidential promise to grant N200 million for erosion control in
Isiukwuator campus of Abia State University. Nearly a year later, the
money was not forthcoming, whereas the victims of erosion disaster
were getting desperate for help, at times believing the state government
had appropriated the money for something else. It would seem that
apart from the public relations benefits for the governor who was
dubbed the Action Governor by Obasanjo, the presidential visit yielded
no concrete dividends to the state.
Kalu stressed that Obasanjo's neglect of the Igbos was undermining
his own credibility since he not only invested financially in Obasanjo's
campaign but also vigorously campaigned for him. Obasanjo did not
campaign in the East, Kalu said, because he told him not to bother.
The only campaign he did in the East was a meeting with Igbo leaders
during which he made a lot of specific promises to the Ndigbos.
"We campaigned for Obasanjo in the east and he got about 70 per
cent of the Igbo votes that put him into power. How many votes did he
get in the West, his zone?" Kalu asked. In effect, if Obasanjo was
going to sink in the estimation of the Igbos, Kalu wanted to protect
himself from the collateral damage. To that extent, he was also being
214
politically shrewd, for as Kalu acknowledged, his disagreement with
Obasanjo was not personal.
"People think that because of the way I criticise the president," he
said, "when he sees me, he will be so mad as to plunge a dagger into
me. But that is not the case. On a personal level, the president is still
my best friend. Because, I worked for him to become the president.
But I want to protect the reputation of the party in the East. The only
way to do that is to get the president to do something for the Igbos.
Already, people are asking me: what is the man you brought to us
doing for the people of Igboland? Look at the state of the Federal
roads in the East. What is your friend doing about it?"
The greatest vindication of Kalu's strategy was that the furore raised
by Ms trenchant criticism of the president forced the President to order
immediate rehabilitation of the Enugu-Port Harcourt express road. The
Igbo ministers in Obasanjo's cabinet informed Igbo leaders that among
other goodies in the budget for the Igbos, the construction giant, Julius
Berger, was being mobilised to handle the job. The Igbo leaders were
simply ecstatic because it would be the first time such a major
contraction company was coming to the Southeast for a federal project.
Remarked an elder statesman, Chief M. C. K. Ajuluchukwu: "You
know it (Julius Berger) was reserved for Lagos, the North and the
West. For the first time, they are (coming) in the East."
Well, he was right! And also wrong! For when the contract was
actually awarded a month later, it was to an obscure Lebanese company,
leaving the Igbo leaders furious. Whatever happened to Julius Berger
and all the other construction giants? The question only drew a blank
response from the Federal authorities.
Other probable dividends of Kalu's crusades include the upgrading
of Enugu Airport to an international airport status—a standing Igbo
requests that had been ignored for decades—and the upgrading of
Owerri Airport. Also, the Federal government promised to upgrade
Onitsha River port and Oguta Lake into a seaport, according to (the
then) Minister of Transport, Dr. Kema Chikwe, who briefed Igbo
leaders in the heat of Kalu versus Obasanjo controversy. And of the
215
three kidney centres approved by the Federal government, one went
to the Southeast—to be located at Nnamdi Azikiwe University Teaching
Hospital, Enugu. As Chief Victor Nwankwo, secretary of the organising
committee of the Igbo summit of January 19,2001, summed up the
irony in a newspaper: "It took a campaign by the Igbos for Obasanjo
to come to power and another campaign by Kalu for him to do
something for the Igbos."
18
Kalu's Defining Moment
On January 18, 2001, an advert appeared in some newspapers
signed by four Igbo names, Sylvester Ngene Eze, IfeomaNwatu,
Ifeanyi Ugwu and Ogbonnaya Mba Kamalu. The full-page ad was
a blistering and patently libelous attack on Governor Orji Kalu,
ostensibly in response to his open criticism of President Obasanjo
for the marginalisation of Igbos.
"First and foremost we confirm and it is common knowledge
too that Ndigbo is marginalized," they wrote. "We do not need an
Orji Kalu to make a sing-song of it."i
The advertisers dredged up every imaginable allegation against
Kalu, poured venom on him, dismissing his criticism of Obasanjo
as "psychopathic" and "senseless vitriolic of a desperado" and
promised him a severe reprisal.
What was even more astonishing was that the diatribe was
coming from Igbos who had earlier agreed that the marginalisation
of Igbos was a "common knowledge." If so, why the rage? In fact,
it was the inherent contradiction in their argument, their libelous
rage and the fact that the people who signed the adverts were totally
217
KALITS DEFINING MOMENT
unknown figures—and by implication, possibly fictitious characters—
that betrayed their true motive.
The anti-Kalu offensive was, at last, an open manifestation of a
subterranean battle for the hearts of the Igbos on the one hand and a
survival battle by political appointees of President Obasanjo who
desperately needed to retain their positions in the face of an impending
cabinet reshuffle. For various personal reasons, Kalu's anti-Obasanjo
posturing was either promoting or undermining the vital interests of
various individuals and political alliances.
It alll started with the creeping disenchantment by many who felt
that Obasanjo's administration had not lived up to its billing. Despite a
promising start, the government soon got bogged down with egoistic
battles with the leadership of the National Assembly at the expense of
focusing on projects that would alleviate the problems of the people.
There was also the popular complaint that Obasanjo's cabinet was not
only very bloated, too many of the president's appointees as ministers
and special advisers were recycled leaders already on the wrong side
of age, with the result that they lacked fresh perspectives in tackling
the nation's problems. The result was stagnation in all fronts—power
and energy sector, telecommunication, road construction and
rehabilitation, healthcare delivery, education and other basic
infrastructure. The economy was still comatose with the value of the
naira nose-diving by over 40 per cent and capacity utilisation still below
30 per cent. And fuel queues which temporarily abated returned in full
swing.
The people's disenchantment manifested in the various agitations
by all the component units and the emergence of various ethnic militias.
Ethnic agitation for self-determination at best or some other obscure
motives led to bloody clashes in different parts of the country. The
introduction of Sha'ria in the northern states with Obasanjo offering
nothing more than platitudes did not help matters in the non-Sha'ria
areas of the country. Meanwhile, armed robbery, assassinations, and
kidnapping of various descriptions mostly for ritual purposes, resumed
in full swing, heightening the state of insecurity all over the land. Some
felt that the nation was drifting into anarchy. These are hardly the sort
218
of democratic dividends Nigerians voted for.
While the North raged that the government's reforms were targeted
at victimising the North, the East felt betrayed by the perceived
marginalisation of the Igbo nation in political appointments and
development of infrastructure, especially roads. In fact, as no less a
person than the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Peoples
Democratic Party, (PDP), Dr. Alex Ekwueme later observed, the East
was in fact worse off under Obasanjo in terms of political appointments
than under Abacha. Those familiar with Abacha's crude methods and
ethnic cronyism would consider any comparison with Abacha a worse
kind of indictment.
When Kalu therefore chastised Obasanjo's marginalisation of
Ndigbo and branded him anti-Igbo, he was more or less articulating
the pent-up anger of his people. It was perhaps because he hit at the
heart of the matter that Kalu's voice enj oyed tremendous public attention
both in the media and in all the eastern cities. For daring to speak the
truth about the state of his people and to channel their anger and
frustrations at the zone's apparent neglect by the federal government,
Kalu became a folk hero in all Igboland. But it is not just that he had
the courage to speak the truth that elevated him in people's eyes, his
achievements in Abia State had canonized him as a man of the people.
He knows the people, mixes with them, and speaks their language.
Unlike other leaders who are removed and alienated from the people
because of their exalted office, Kalu is still close to his roots. He still
comes down to the level of the Aba traders: he visits them in their
shops and shares food with them, outside the prying eyes of security
men or the newsmen. "He is the only governor I know who drives
himself whenever he likes without security back up," says one of his
police escorts. "But in such instances, we tail him from afar with a car
but no siren."
As Kalu's influence and popularity ballooned, the Kalu question
became a major factor in the eastern political equation. His open
disagreement with Obasanjo opened the door to different political
configurations in the nation. From the campaign days to the early part
of the administration, Kalu was one of the pillars that Obasanjo was
219
KALU'S DEFINING MOMENT
depending on to swing the Igbo votes in his second-term dream for
2003. When Kalu's disenchantment with Obasanjo culminated into
open attack and media war, it gravely endangered Obasanj o' s support
from the East and opened a fertile ground for anti-Obasanjo forces to
scramble for support.
As the Secretary-General of Ohaneze Ndigbo, Professor Ben
Nwabueze, rightly lamented: "Igboland serves as some kind of
marketplace where presidential aspirants from other areas come to
shop for political agents to work for them on seductive offers of money,
appointments and contracts as if the Igboman is only after such things
and cares or understands nothing about political power."
The conservative core North that had been griping about Obasanj o's
unfairness to the North saw an opportunity to forge an alliance with the
Igbo nation against a potential dream of a second term by Obasanjo.
Ostensibly to commission projects, former President Shehu Shagari
and his powerful transport minister, Dr. Umaru Dikko, visited Kalu at
Umuahia from January 17 to 20,2000. Shagari indicated that Ndigbo
had suffered a lot of neglect and deserved a shot at the presidency: "A
leadership entrusted in the hands of Ndigbo will not be regretted. The
southeast geographical zone has been lagging behind. Successive
regimes have neglected the area. "2
Of course, Shagari's view might be sweet music to the Igbos but it
went against the grain of Obasanjo's 2003 plans. It was also understood
that Shagari made it obvious that Kalu would enjoy the support of the
North in the event of the Igbos going for the presidency or the vice
presidential slot. Again Kalu remained in close contact with former
president, General Ibrahim Babangida, his one-time mentor who was
also being strongly canvassed by All People's Party (APP) and his
supporters, to confront Obasanjo in 2003. Those pushing for a
Babangida presidency had always touted Kalu as a popular choice for
vice presidency. And this idea had been mooted from the time Obasanjo
was dragged into politics. Obasanjo was supposed to run for a one
term, leaving the field for an IBB-Kalu team. Since he retired to his
Minna home, Kalu had remained so close to IBB that he had written a
yet-to-be published book on him titled, IBB: THE GENERAL AND
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HIS ALBATROSS. The book is an insider's apologetics for IBB's
regime, his transition and the annulment of the June 12,1993 elections
culminating in the detention and death of Abiola.
Obasanjo' deputy, Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Kalu had
always been friends since Kalu's days at Maiduguri in the mid-eighties.
On more than three occasions since Kalu became governor, Abubakar
had visited him at Umuahia and in fact, rode in the same car with Kalu
to Enugu-Ukwu in Anambra State where Kalu was given a chieftancy
title. Kalu had also frequently played host to Atiku in his Lagos home.
That these frequent visits were not merely about friendly chats but
in furtherance of greater objective is now a moot point. It was said that
Atiku was working hard to secure the Igbo support, in the event it
became necessary to run in 2003. Abubakar was simply not taking
chances! Again in that scenario, Kalu is Atiku's eastern plank and was
touted by frightened anti-Kalu elements as Atiku's running mate.
When Kalu was conferred with a chieftancy title by the Igwe of
Enugu Ukwu, what often passed as routine ceremony became an
intimidating political carnival with over dozen governors in attendance,
among them seven APP governors from the North. As stated earlier,
Kalu rode to the venue in the same car with the Vice President
Abubakar from Umuahia, leaving the host governor, Dr. Chinwoke
Mbadinuju sulking about a breach of protocol.
And when at the venue, Mbadinuju canvassed support for a second
term for Obasanjo, Kalu rose to debunk that, to a thunderous ovation.
"There are no more free Igbo votes," he said.
Mbadinuju did not take kindly to that. He is one of the eastern
governors who seemed overtly very uncomfortable with Kalu's rising
profile. If politics is a game of numbers, Mbadinuju did not appear to
like losing a popularity contest against Kalu in his own domain. "I spoke
as the governor of Enugu State at Enugu-Ukwu," he complained to the
media afterwards. "If the governor of Abia State, who was my guest,
had anything against me and what I had said, he should have waited.
After he got home, he could call a press conference in his own territory
and challenge what I said. But to stand in my own territory to challenge
what I said is against protocol. But not only did he do that, he rode in
22J
the same car with Vice President Atiku Abubakar from Umualiia. When
he got to my border with Enugu, protocol demands that he should
come down from the vehicle and I will ride with the vice president to
my territory. But he refused. He rode with the vice president throughout
the time he was in Anambra State."3
To the uninitiated in the power game, what Mbadinuju is griping
about amounted to nothing more than sour-graping over piffle. But to
the veterans of power dynamics, what was at stake was not the coziness
of the presidential limousine but the very substance of power perception.
In his classic book, The Power Game, Hedrick Smith stated that
being seen to be in the power loop defined as proximity and access to
the powerful leader is the essence of the power game for which
politicians were ready to do anything to enjoy.
He wrote, "Little tokens of status and power become enormously
important to people who live in this hothouse power environment. Some
officials squabble over choice seat near the president's cabin. Equally
important to some high officials is being seen at the president's side as
he gets off the plane.. .After all, what's the point of being on Air Force
One if people 'don't see you get off the front ofAir Force One with the
president?"4
Kalu's aides dismissed Mbadinuju's complaint as trivial and
misplaced. "There was no question of breach of protocol," an aide
said. "Atiku came as Governor Kalu's guest and he had a duty to take
care of his guest. He did not come at the instance of Mbadinuju, so
what protocol is he talking about?"
Yet, Mbadinuju's complaint was far from trivial. It was symptomatic
of a sense of panic that gripped some eastern governors and top
politicians who felt that Kalu's popularity would undermine their interests
in the ensuing realignment of political forces. There was no gainsaying
the fact that just like Kalu was crusading against the marginalisation of
Igbos, so were other eastern governors with the possible exception of
his Imo and Ebonyi State counterparts, crusading against their
marginalisation by Kalu's growing influence. For a start, he was the
youngest of all the eastern governors—a strong point in Igbo psyche
when leadership is at stake. And more importantly, the governors of
222
Anambra and Enugu States had accepted to push Obasanjo's reelection campaign in the East, but the task was now made extremely
difficult by Kalu's demonisation of Obasanj o in the zone. The fact that
the people agreed with Kalu up to a point of hero-worshiping him was
further whittling away whatever chances of building a support base for
their candidate. If Obasanjo stood any chance of acceptability at all, it
was only on the basis of a dramatic good performance in the Southeast.
But even at that, Kalu was not making it easy for him. No sooner had
Obasanjo awarded contracts for some projects in the Southeast than
Kalu declared that it was not enough to earn him redemption. The only
way Obasanjo would be seen to be fair to S6utfieast, Kalu declared,
would be when he picked up 70 per cent of the regions economic
development bills. "If President Obasanjo starts doing well tomorrow,
I will praise him. We gave him 70 per cent of our votes, so we would
want 70 per cent development in return."
This is Kalu the politician simply enj oying himself at the president's
expense! A Kalu using the power of his popularity as a bargaining
stick and carrot. A Kalu taunting his panic-stricken opponents!
Another category of anti-Kalu elements were the big tycoons with
contractual stakes in Obasanjo's government. To them, Kalu was
pouring sand into their garri by antagonising Obasanjo. There were
also the older Ndigbo politicians who agreed with Kalu about the neglect
of the Igbos, but were uncomfortable with his growing popularity in
the zone, to the extent that some people now looked at him as the Igbo
leader, spokesman, voice, or conscience. Their ambivalence meant
that the Igbo elders who hailed Kalu's crusades also wondered at his
motive. Perhaps, former Senate president, Dr. Chuba Okadigbo,
ordinarily a friend of Kalu, alluded to this understated concern when
he said, "I suggest that he who wants to be Igbo leader must not be at
the instance of political struggles." But Okadigbo also conceded that
"Orji has spoken well." —THENEWS, Feb-. 5,2001.
But one might just as well legitimately wonder if Okadigbo, a
respected political philosopher, was propounding a new theory of
leadership that must apply to the Igbos exclusively. For in the general
sense, political struggles were the very anvil that birthed almost all our
223
past leaders—from the great Zik of Africa to the great Awo and the
Sarduana of Sokoto, to mention only a few. If the Okadigbo thesis
were to stand, the Mandelas and Desmond Tutus of this world would
not be relevant to anybody.
Instead of leadership forged by political struggles, Okadigbo,
however, broadened the scope: "In the meantime, we have to develop
a college of leaders (collegiate leadership). There are three kinds of
leaders—the administrative leader, who knows how to open and close
the shop; the charismatic leader whose presence gives relief to people
like Nnamdi Azikiwe and the transformative leader, a leader who
transforms. The best example is Awolowo and to a large extent, the
Sarduana of Sokoto. He transformed the North while Awolowo
transformed the East. The leaders should synchronize their activities in
order to develop their people and race."
But by far, the most threatened by Kalu's anti-Obasanjo broadsides
were the Federal political appointees. Kalu's onslaught came at the
worst of time for them. The anti-Obasanjo syndrome peaked at a time
the president was planning a cabinet reshuffle to beef up his performance
and guarantee his second term. Kalu's crusades were perceived to be
undermining the chances of these political appointees. They were
desperate to shore up support for the president in their constituency.
The advert signed on January 15, by the shadowy characters was one
of the manifestations of that desperation. The advert was sponsored
by the political appointees and Kalu responded with his own version
of a sponsored advert by a group that called itself "Oriental Links"
basedinAbuja.
A post-summit report in THE GUARDIANo£Monday 29,2001,
summed up the contending agendas:
"Clearly, there were those who came to affirm their loyalty to
President Olusegun Obasanjo and the ruling Peoples Democratic Party
(PDP), Some delegates came to front (for) certain northern interests.
Still, there were others who came to pursue their micro interests, such
as positioning themselves for the senate presidency, governorship,
ministerial, National Assembly, council and state assembly contests.
However, they were m^ny who came because of the summit's objective:
224
A common front for making the Igbo case to the national agenda.
(Sic)"
It was probably because of so many vested interests that led the
Ikemba of Nnewi, Chief Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu to dismiss the
summit as "a gathering of job-seekers, hirelings, loudmouths and empty
jingoists, who were charting personal agenda and not the Igbo."
Finding solution to the Kalu question became a major concern of
the various interest groups. All these contending interests found a
common cause in the convening of a first ever Igbo summit.
Igbo Summit
The groundswell of public furore generated by the Kalu-Obasanjo
controversy contributed in no small measure in originating the idea of
the first Igbo Summit since the Civil War. It is acknowledged fact that
since the end of the Civil War, nobody had brought the Igbo question
at the forefront as much as Kalu had succeeded in doing in a matter of
months. Two things contributed to Kalu's success. The first was his
stunning record of achievements in Abia State. He had provided roads
where there was none, cleared the arrears of unpaid salaries of civil
servants in the state; provided free medical services; effected rural
water schemes in all the local governments and so on.
At a media dinner with editors on January 28,2001, Kalu told the
editors that when he came to office in 1999, "what worriedme most
was the psychology of our people and the high level of bitterness
towards the government, especially the centre."
He observed: "The average person nursed a grudge against the
government which he felt had short-changed him. My immediate priority
therefore was to restore hope to a people who saw no reason to believe
in tomorrow. I resolved to make our people smile and laugh again. To
do that, I needed to impact on their lives by improving their condition
ofliving."
But today, Kalu boasts that things have changed: "We now have
some of the best road network—that is state owned—in the country.
We have free a healthcare programme, a free early education
225
programme and improved urban water supply scheme. Our public
servants, including teachers, are paid regularly, our judiciary work in
comfortable condition. Unlike before, you cannot see our judges riding
around in Okada We have introduced a motorcycle and taxi-revolving
scheme, which has proved to be a resounding success for hundreds of
our people. Abia is now one of the cleanest states in the country.. .Most
importantly, our people are happy again. When you walk through our
major streets, you can hear the laughter ringing in their voices. (Voices)
of men and women, even children, foil of life and vigour with renewed
hope.
".. .Businesses are booming again. In Umuahia, there has been at
least about 35% increase in business activities. We have applications
from over a dozen banks to open branches. In Aba, the situation is
even more exciting. As you all know, Abia is the safest state in the
country and you all know why. May God continue to bless our
BAKASSI."
Kalu ended by challenging any media organisation to conduct an
independent investigation to contradict him. The executive editor of
TELL, Mr. Kolawole Ilori whose magazine had done the most critical
stories on Kalu in the past publicly endorsed Kalu's performance.
"When somebody is performing, there is little to add. You know that
fronrthe comments of people and I have been to Port Harcourt, and
Umuahia and heard people's comments about the governor"
According to Ilori, after visits to TELL, Kalu challenged the
magazine to conduct an independent investigation in Abia State, to
determine the veracity or otherwise of his achievements. Kalu had also
added that the magazine doesn't have to speak to him or his officials;
they don't even have to let the government know that they were
conducting such investigation. TELL took up the challenge without
letting Kalu know until the final stage when TELL interviewed the
governor and his officials. At the end of such independent investigation,
Kalu came out in flying colours. "Apart from possibly Lagos State, no
report from any state has surpassed that of Abia State," Ilori said.
In the report published in TELL edition of November 13,2000,
even the formeir state chairman ofthe rival APP, Chief Doris Onwughara,
226
now the Eze of Nkwo-Egwu Community, declared that if Kalu
continued at the pace he was going and he asked for a second term,
"people will vote for him again because of what he is doing."
TELL added: "Kalu needs no further endorsement."
Bayo Onanuga, editor-in-chief of THE NEWS, also spoke in glowing
terms about Kalu's performance in office. He noted that Kalu's
leadership style was rooted in populism. "I have heard reports of how
the governor would go to the market and chat with the traders, sit
down with them and eat with them. He understands the meaning of
leadership which is connecting with the people and responding to what
they want. He has connected very well with his people to such an
extent that I believe that if he wants to run for any office, he is assured
of his people's votes."
But Onanuga believes that Kalu is moving too fast and needed to
slow down because we are still in a very conservative society where
people feel that a young man should wait for his turn. It was significant,
Onanuga said, that in his quarrel with Obasanjo for instance, the
president referred to Kalu as a small boy abusing an old man. His age
became the issue, not the substance of their disagreement.
The above represents the first reason Kalu was taken seriously by
the people.
The second peg of Kalu's credibility in his quarrel with Obasanjo
was the irrefutable facts on the ground. People didn't need to be
convinced about Kalu's allegation of marginalisation of the eastern area
because they live with the problems daily and knew where the shoes
pinched. They could, for instance, compare Kalu's performance in the
same period with that of the federal government; they could compare
the state roads under Kalu with the Federal roads and draw their
conclusions. It was therefore no surprise that even Kalu's critics
conceded that marginalisation of the Igbos was a common reality.
In theory, the Igbo summit was therefore, a platform to articulate
the Igbo position on the burning issues starting from the question of
marginalisation to that of 2003 presidential election. To Ohaneze
227
Ndigbo, the umbrella Igbo organisation that was formed to protect the
Igbo interest, it was an opportunity to adopt the Igbo agenda. But
what constitutes the Igbo agenda varied according to the interest of
the different contending forces. To Igbo leaders like Ekwueme, it was
an opportunity to articulate an Igbo voice, perhaps, as bargaining chips
either to extract more commitment from the federal government for the
Igbos or for future elections. To some in this broad spectrum, it might
be the opportunity to put some order in the question of Igbo leadership.
To the political appointees and also the Senate President who had
enjoyed spiritual rapport with Obasanjo, it was an opportunity to drum
up support for Obasanjo by advertising his goodies to the Igbos in the
new budget. The ministers in particular needed desperately to retain
their appointments in Obasanjo's cabinet; to them therefore, the summit
was a golden opportunity to woo Igbos back to Obasanjo.
Pursuant to these objectives, speeches to be delivered at the summit
were to be vetted by the planning committee. Some like Kalu
vehemently kicked against this. With his ace up his sleeve, Kalu
determined to keep his own speech secret. He had seen the summit as
a golden opportunity to push for an Igbo candidate in 2003 presidential
election as well as deliver knocks at his diverse critics. Submitting an
advance copy of his speech would have blown his strategy.
Midway into the proceedings, Kalu stormed the venue. His entrance
provoked a rousing ovation and commotion by youths who began to
chant his name and praises. They called him different names: Mill Nyili
Enyi (The River That Defied the Elephant); Agunaechemba (The Lion
That Guards the City); Ahaejiejemba (The Name That Opens Doors
in Foreign Land), etc. These are some of Kalu's chieftancy titles. Kalu
came in savouring the rousing ovation and adulation by the youths. His
timing was right and his deliberate lateness to the occasion saved him
from possible pressures from any of the interest groups which might
want to compromise his stand. All thanks to a good advance briefing
by his aides who were on the ground to keep him abreast of the
developments and advise him when to come.
228
When Kalu delivered his speech, there was fire in his voice which
shook the audience. It was a well-crafted speech titled, WAKE UP
CALL FOR NDIGBO. "I stand before you here as the face of the
new Igbo," he started. "I represent a new generation of the Igbo—
purged of the psychology and burden of defeat, conscious of the peculiar
socio-political circumstances of the Igbo in our country and determined
to forge a new identity and vision for our people in whichever part of
Nigeria they may reside."
Fire on! Fire on!... screamed the audience.
He recalled the heroism of Igbo race and the "heroic efforts, selfsacrifice and vision of that great Igbo son, Right Honourable Dr. Nnamdi
Aziki we'' without which Nigeria's independence might not have been
possible. He lamented that despite the noble pedigree of the Igbo race
and the immense contribution of her leaders to the Nigerian project,
the Igbos have remained the "crying babies of Nigeria. Cries of
marginalisation is now our national anthem."
Kalu told his rapt audience that the situation was so because of
disunity among Igbo leaders. "We have been marginalised by successive
governments at the centre because we have been unable to stand
together, act together and speak together. The fault, William
Shakespeare wrote, is not in our stars but in us. In a country where
every group looks out for her best interests, our people have struck
out each man unto himself.. .Our strategy has failed us. So, it is time for
new tactics."
Then Kalu descended heavily on the crass opportunism of some
Igbo leaders. He lashed out: "Often, we shy away from making the
right choices, obviously because they are painful and difficult. So we
tend to walk on the easy highway. Of course, it is expedient but it
rarely leads to the Promised Land. Some of our leaders would rather
reign in hell than serve in heaven. So they line up to be counted each
time any new government appears. They do not believe in core set of
values and principles, which would earn them the respect of other groups
in Nigeria. The situation is such that today, some of our leaders are
nothing more than glorified errand boys, hired guns who function at the
beck and call of the new power brokers. They did it for Babangida,
229
Shonekan, Abacha and Abubakar. Is it any surprise that they are still
at it under Obasanjo? Our people, we should pray to the God Almighty
to grant some of our leaders the strength of character and wisdom to
be real men!"
The audience was now ecstatic with screams of fire on, fire on
everywhere. Kalu, it would seem, was having a ball!
Attempts were made to stop him by some of the organisers who
feared that Kalu's speech was too hard on the top government
functionaries present, but Kalu shrugged off the attempt while the crowd
screamed, fire on, fire on continuously. Once again, Kalu was hitting at
the heart of the matter, articulating the minds of many who couldn't
speak out either for lack of courage or the platform. His voice was
passionate, brimming with youthful dynamism and radicalism of the
new Igbo spirit.
He harped on the need for the Igbos to join other groups in the
crusade to reform the Nigerian federation. He said: "Resource control,
true federalism, a new revenue sharing formula and so on are all crucial
necessities for the continued peace and progress in Nigeria."
Since Kalu became a governor, he had continuously agitated for
the above issues. It was no surprise that when the southern governors
met in Enugu, they also adopted these issues in their communique,
even though it must be admitted that other governors and political
leaders have been advocating similar structural changes under different
fora. In fact, the South-South governors were the first to agitate for
resource control as a response to lack of sufficient development in
their areas and the insistence of the northern states on the introduction
of the Islamic legal system.
Then, Kalu turned on the hottest issue on everybody's mind: whom
the Igbos should back for the year 2003 election. For those who think
that Kalu had been won over by any of the contending political interests,
Kalu offered a surprise. His stand: "The principle of rotational presidency
which produced the current executive is a noble idea that must be
supported. In that regards, I plead with our people to remain steadfast
in ensuring that the Presidency will shift to us in 2003. All those who
are hustling to be campaign managers and running mates of Hausa-
230
Fulani and Yoruba presidential candidates should forget the idea."
Once again, Kalu's voice was drowned in a standing ovation, but
he was not done yet. He added: "Do not make any mistakes about it,
if the Igbo fail to produce the President in 2003, we shall be sentenced
to the political wilderness for at least 20 years more. It is therefore,
obvious that 2003 is our date with destiny. Our children and
grandchildren will not forgive us if we fail to claim that opportunity. So,
I declare this afternoon that never again will our people cry to or beg
anyone for anything. Never again will we crawl before anyone to ask
for rights. It is a new day and new era."
To ensure this golden era of self-determinism and resurgence for
Ndigbo, Kalu warned the people to guard against unprincipled Igbo
politicians who trade their people's votes for self-aggrandisement. "We
shall never allow anyone, no matter who, to take Igbo votes for granted."
By now, Kalu was shouting like a fiery prophet amidst a din of
general ovation, urging him to fire on. "Anyone who wants our votes
should let us know his plans and programmes. We shall never again
empower people who will turn round to treat us as second-class
citizens."
To avoid that means that Ndigbo must resist those greedy Igbo
politicians who can sell even their birthrights for money. "For how long
will our people continue to endure this band of carpetbaggers who
grow rich on the sweat and blood of our people? Never again! Do you
hear me well? My generation says enough is enough!"
After the speech, Kalu left the venue amidst a thunderous hail of
standing ovation, drawing half of the audience with him on his way out.
Why did he walk out after the speech? Kalu said the hall was too
stuffy for him. "I needed some fresh air," he said, adding, "You know I
am asthmatic."
Perhaps, the above explanation was both factual and metaphoric.
Kalu is an asthmatic patient all right, but he was most likely also poking
fun at the vested political interests he had just lambasted in his speech.
The speech and Kalu's dramatic exit had left many of them dazed and
fuming. But it was a kind of impotent rage they could do nothing about,
seeing the captive audience support for Kalu.
231
Kalu's speech was designed to captivate the audience, devastate
the opponents and set the new Igbo agenda. It did more than that. It
redefined Kalu himself as the stormy petrel of Igbo politics. The new
Igbo voice to watch whether you like him or hate him.
Thanks to the generous sound bites and the evocative power of the
speech, Kalu once again dominated the news. If some had hoped to
use the summit to cut Kalu down to size, they ended up elevating him
to a new status as the idol of Igbo masses. With his speech, Kalu in
effect took over the summit and used the pedestal to stamp his views
and audacity in a way beyond even his imagination.
For Kalu, it was both a political epiphany and an apotheosis of a
kind. For it was obvious to everyone that after that speech, things
would never be the same either for Kalu or Igbo politics. And things
would never be the same, in effect, for Nigerian politics—at least,
from the Igbo angle.
"Orji had spoken well," conceded the former Senate President,
Dr. Chuba Okadigbo who himself also spat fire at the summit. The
wound of his own "marginalisation" as the Senate president who was
hounded out of office in conspiracy hatched by the executive was still
too fresh in his mind.
While some of the top government functionaries, especially the Igbo
ministers and advisers in Obasanjo's cabinet were devastated by Kalu's
speech, the former Minister of Information, Comrade Uche
Chukwumereije enthusiastically endorsed Kalu's flaks against some
Igbo leaders who turn themselves into errand boys: "Very, very true
description. Very very true; very apt. Very very correct description of
some of the Igbo leaders."5
As for those Igbo leaders who either refrain to speak out like Kalu
on Igbo problems or hide under some timid self-censorship for
whatever ulterior motive, Chukwumereije charged: "I find it difficult to
understand why any Igbo leader will go for this kind of self-castration.
You can't stand up and say boldly and as fearlessly as you can and
move aliead to correct that tiling that is wrong. That is the beginning of
self-marginalisation."
232
And on Kalu's pro-Igbo activism, Chukwumereije declared:
"Another point I want to emphasise is about the Igbo (leaders)
boy-boy, houseboy thing. When you are talking about Igbo leaders
today, whatever his fault, the rank and file of Igbo persons regard
Orji Uzor Kalu as a budding pan-Igbo leader, precisely because of his
fearless stand on Igbo issues. Because he articulates Igbo fears and
hopes more clearly, more courageously than most other leaders. And
tomorrow, if there is any election, all of us are going to vote for Orji
Uzor Kalu.' — THE GUARDIAN, January 22,2001.
As for M.C.K. Ajuluchukwu, Kalu's militancy was quite in order
and indeed, necessary. "In any society like ours, even in a family, there
must be diplomats, trouble-makers, there are militants. So why should
it be different with (the Igbos) today? There must be militants. Governor
Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia State is completely militant. He called some of
these leaders errand boys. And things like that and nobody has criticised
him except Governor Mbadinuju of Anambra State. And that has shown
that in our ranks we have militants, we have diplomats like Dr. Alex
Ekwueme, we have troublemakers."6
Once again, Kalu had carried the day, leaving his opponents dazed
while he rides on the crest of public adulation. That is the vintage Kalu,
the master strategist, vintage Kalu, the tactician, vintage Kalu, the
survivalist and above all, vintage Kalu, the new Igbo voice waiting for
his day of ultimate harvest.
19
Kalumaniacs Versus
Kaluphobiacs
You only had to open the papers to see them spitting fire from
both sides. Those for and against Kalu. There is no gainsaying
the fact that for about a year now, Kalu has been the most popular
media subject. In January and February of 2001, for instance,
Kalu hit the cover of the three major newsmagazines in the country
twice. For those who understand the news business, this is a no
mean feat especially when no scandal was involved. Outside the
Monica Lewinsky scandal, not even President Bill Clinton managed
that feat in TIME and Newsweek, the American version of our
Newswatch, TELL and The News.
Whether in the print or electronic media, Kalu is the issue both
in the news and in talk shows. Kalu and the Igbo question. Kalu
and the Igbo presidency. Kalu and the marginalisation o/Ndigbo.
Going by the extent of public attention his activism has
234
generated so far\ those who think that Kalu is now a strong force
in the politics of the current dispensation are dead on target. But
there are those who accuse him of grandstanding, opportunism
and worse. Either of these sides makes up the army of those we
call Kalumaniacs and Kaluphobiacs, whose voices we capture
below:
We'll vote for Kalu if...
—Comrade Uche Chukwumereije:
When you are talking about Igbo leaders today, whatever his
fault, the rank and file of Igbo persons regard Kalu as a budding
pan-Igbo leader, precisely because of his fearless stand on Igbo
issues. Because he articulates Igbo fears and hopes more clearly,
more courageously than most other leaders. And tomorrow, if there
is any election, all of us are going, to vote for Orji Uzor Kalu.
We want him as a president
—Chief M. C. K. Ajuluchukwu, Thisday, May 7,2001:
We are determined to see that in God's own time, Orji Uzor
Kalu will be an executive president. He is selfless, loves his people
and speaks our language. He doesn't seek favours except the favour
of God and his people. The elders have blessed his movement to
higher heights.
...Let nobody make any mistake about it. Orji Uzor Kalu is
acceptable to all Igbo. In Nnewi, Anambra State, where I come
from, he is the talk of the town and anybody trying to run him
down is making a mistake.
.... Abia has always produced leaders of Ndigbo. While we had
Zik of Africa, other regions were producing their own leaders like
Awolowo of the Yoriibaland and Sarduana of the North but we
had Zik of Africa. Not until Dr. (Michael) Okpara came on thescene did we have a leader of the Ndigbo.
235
KALUMANIACS VERSUS KALUPHOBIACS
Kalu has a mission
— I B B , Sunday Champion, Feb. 28, 2001:
His people love him. He is doing very well for them, he's
providing a lot of good roads, water and lots of other good things
for the people of the state. I see him as the example of the younger
generation of new Igbo politicians. I think he is very very
brave... Orji is a potential good politician. Yes, (potential) because
he is a young man, he's on the right track and he's building interests,
support and the rest of them. I like young people who are
ideologues. He has a mission and if given the chance, I am sure he
will fulfill that mission. I mean, he's not even very popular among
his colleagues, I thought you should know that. He's independentminded and resolute. He's also running the only state that has its
name in the Bible, Abia State, God's own state.
Kalu's opportunism
—Eniola Bello, editor, THISDAY, January, 10,2001:
"As an aspiring politician, there is no quicker road to popularity
and success than taking on an issue that touches the heart of the
ordinary people and making a lot of noise about it. It does not
matter whether you believe in the issue at all. What is important is
to identify with the masses and impose on yourself the self-assigned
role of the people's spokesman. It is even better if the issue in
question is religious or ethnic. You may have made your money by
fraudulent means or could be carrying a fake certificate or you
could well be known for everything negative, but all this will be
tantamount to nothing the moment you adopt the people's cause
as your cause. Shout on the rooftop that your people are
marginalised because of where they come from. If you are already
in government, hammer the wall of authority from within.. .Attack
the man at the top and threaten to pull down the roof should your
people not be treated with greater respect. Pronto you'll be a folk
236
hero even if your administration lacks direction and focus. At every
public forum the ordinary people will hail and mob you in
admiration, and you will completely overshadow your colleagues.
You'll be an idol of popular imagination.
He has a clear vision
—Ike Emeagwaii, lecturer, Lagos Business
School:
From the start, I as an individual didn't give Orji Kalu too
much chance of achieving anything. One night as I tuned in to the
NT A, Kalu was being interviewed. From his responses I said to
myself, 'This guy makes a lot of sense.' He has common sense. He
has a man-on-the-street intelligence. He connects well with people
on the street. And I think for me<that is what I see him providing.
Because, if you look at the politics of the East, the whole place has
been replaced by contractors.
Initially, I thought it was all noise, but the more I talked with
peo$te in his part of the world, the more I hear that this guy is
really doing something. And he has started demonstrating himself
as being the only one who has a clear vision of where he wants to
go. I may not be a fan of his style of politics but by attacking the
President on the state of the roads in the East and threatening to
dismantle all those tollgates, there were some reactions. The Federal
government responded by doing something. I cannot say whether
the reaction was based on his complaining or his threat or
government had planned that. But whatever it is, it is the case of
the witch cried in the night and baby died in the day. I think Orji
has guts. He says some of the things that a whole lot of us want to
say but may not say, maybe because we are not in position to say
them or whatever. And because he was putting himself out in the
leadership position because of what he has done in his immediate
constituency. There may be lots of fellows who are better educated
237
and more knowledgeable than him out there but there is a role and he
is walking into that role.
Ignore him to your own peril
—Arthur Nzeribe, a famous political maverick:
The questions I ask are: Who is the Igbo candidate? Where is
he?.. .Will the five Southeast Governors of PDP pull their resources
together behind the most populist of them, Orji Uzor Kalu, for the
contest on behalf of the Igbo?...
This is, however, the problem of the elite because as has been
seen of recent, the masses of the people of the Igbo race have
demonstrated a voracious appetite to be led out of political slumber.
The Igbo "Enweghi Eze" mentality seems to give way to that of
"we are ready to die for and with you." This explains the Kalu
phenomenon and that is why I believe that he is gaining ground
and is a factor. Good, Igbo have had presidential aspirants and
even candidates in the Ekwuemes, the Iwuanyanwus, the Nzeribes,
the Nwobodos etc., etc, but—perhaps due to circumstances then—
none of them became a phenomenon or was seen by their people
as rallying points for rapid transformations of the region,
psychologically and materially. That was in the past.
But time has changed. The political elite which thought before
that the masses are not conscious had better had a rethink. With
the promise that things will become better once the military are
chased away not being fulfilled, the people naturally have no
stomach for the conventional approach to national politics. This is
a point which members of the other two blocs—the OBJ and IBB—
must note. When people like Kalu declare that the Igbo will no
longer "pour their votes into the ocean," I guess it is a statement
any power seeker in the forthcoming dispensation will ignore only
at his or her peril. I admonish OBJ and IBB to please not ignore
Kalu's populist utterances. It is not just the rantings of youth. There
is substance to it.
ORJI KALU; Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
238
He's a demagogue
— Chief Ojo Maduekwe, Transport Minister,
THISDAY, SUNDAY,FEB. 18,2001:
Four years of Orji Kalu is enough punishment for Abia
State...The demagogue in Abia State who is turning God's own
state to the devil's own state, says he wants war, he will have it.
Because we are the original Bakassi Boys.
The quintessential Igbo leader
—Chief Chekwas Okorie, National Leader, Igboezue
Cultural Association:
When the Executive Governor of Abia State, Dr. Orji Uzor
Kalu, in whom are mixed all the characteristics that make up a
quintessential Igbo leader, challenged President Olusegun Obasanjo
for denying the Southeast geopolitical zone what is due to them
and for promoting and perpetuating the marginalisation of Ndigbo,
he spoke the mind of over 99.9 percent of our people.
When Governor Orji Uzor Kalu, advised President Obasanjo
to honourably resign if he found the job of governing Nigeria
overwhelming and impossible, he gave him a far more honest advice
than the garbage most appointed advisers feed the President on
daily basis.
Again, when the Action Governor of Abia State raised the quality
of the discourse at the January 19th Igbo summit, by urging Ndigbo
in Nigeria to gun for the presidency of Nigeria come the year 2003,
he did not only receive a prolonged standing ovation, he also spoke
the mind of Ndigbo in Nigeria and in the Diaspora. While those
who had the privileged opportunity to address the highly successful
Igbo summit, pre-occupied themselves with highlighting the already
well known and long documented marginalisation of Ndigbo, it
was only Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu who proffered the Igbo presidency
option, as one of the most realistic options towards the liberation
239
of Ndigbo and indeed the entire Eastern Region from economic,
political and social emasculation. When the summit adopted
Governor Kalu's position and incorporated it in the communique
that arose from the summit, by affirming the determination of
Ndigbo to vie for the presidency of Nigeria come 2003, the issue
moved away from being Governor Kalu's proposition to becoming
part of the Igbo Agenda that must be pursued with vigour, singlemindedness and patriotism. In the light of the above, we are amazed
and in fact provoked that some renegade Igbo, including their
sponsors and courts, would embark on campaigns of calumny
against His Excellency, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu for his pro-Igbo stance.
...Whereas, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu is undoubtedly a chip off the
old block that produced the likes of late Dr. M. I. Okpara, those
attacking the Igbo crusader smack of the genre that betrayed our
effort at self determination, over 30 years ago. Every Igbo knows
that Nigeria's political leaders are scared stiff of doing political
business with Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. For reasons
unknown to us, Dr. Ifeanyichkwu Alex Ekwueme is passionately
hated by the same people he served diligently and loyally. Chief
Sam Mbakwe, another quintessential Igbo leader is no longer
physically strong to re-enter the political field of play. Senator
Arthur Nzeribe is that held suspect by non-Igbo politicians.
In Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, we find a political bridge builder who is
criss-crossing the length and breadth of Nigeria's political
landscape.. .Governor Kalu is changing rapidly and positively the
way Igbo leaders are perceived by other Nigerians. Abia State has
suddenly become a political Mecca of some sorts playing host to
practically all state governors.. .and at different times three of the
four surviving Nigerian presidents and heads of state.
On Friday, February 9,2001, Dim Chukwuemeka OdumegwuOjukwu, Chief Sam Mbakwe and Senator Arthur Nzeribe, three
highly revered Igbo leaders who for various reasons did not attend
the Igbo summit, assembled at the Aba township stadium, in
solidarity with Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, where the entire Ngwa people
with their traditional rulers conferred on the Governor the title of
240
"OluNdigbo" (the Voice of Ndigbo). The symbolism of the presence
of the three Igbo leaders though coincidental, was not lost on the
leadership of Igboezue Cultural Association who also witnessed
the momentous occasion. Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu is fast emerging as a
factor around whom conflicts in Igbo land could be resolved.
—a statement by Igboeze Cultural Association, THISDAY, Feb.
19,2001..
My governor of the year
—Alhaji Sani Abubakar, THISDAY, Feb. 6,2001:
I have followed with keen interest the activities and utterances
of our political office holders, especially the elected governors,
and I want to state here that I have been very much impressed with
the Abia State Governor, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu. In fact, he is my
governor of the year. The man is really an action man. No wonder,
the President, General Olusegun Obasanjo nicknamed him the
"Action" Governor of Nigeria.
I admire his courage a lot. Come to think of it, only a man of his
courageous disposition could have told the president the bitter truth
that Nigerians are now worse off than they were before he came
into power on May 29,1999, if the relationship between him and
President Obasanjo is anything to go by.
Orji Kalu is a man after my heart. In fact, he is a beacon of hope
for the teaming, Nigerian youths who are looking up to our present
political leaders for purposeful leadership. He has shown from his
leadership style, quality and actions that he is a leader you can
trust, one who has come to serve and improve the quality of lives
of his people. Go to Abia State and see for yourself the wonders
he has done for his people in so short a time...As far as I am
concerned, the president's open confession that his administration
has not done enough to ensure that there is food on the table of the
average Nigerian family is a vindication of Governor Orji Uzor
Kalu.
241
The most populist governor
—THE NEWS cover story:
Orji, the populist governor of Abia State, is arguably the most
popular politician, east of the Niger.
He has spurred Igbos for presidency
—Bolaji Abdullahi, deputy editor, THISDAY on
Sunday:
The governor (Orji Kalu) has successfully elevated the idea (of
Igbo presidency 2003) to a crucial factor for the 2003 election. And
by his sheer alacrity, several of his kinsmen who had been rather laid
back on the "dream" are now emboldened to proclaim their support.
Hardly does a day pass without a reference to the Igbo presidency in
2003 in the newspapers. Even the Ohaneze has moved from the limp
desire to express a more affirmative support for the cause.
Kalu's ego trip
—Sebastine Hon:
Governor Kalu gained prominence among his colleagues due largely
to his immediate reaction to the killing of Igbos in the North particularly
during the February 2000 Sharia-induced riots. He also championed
the meeting of the southeastern governors. The meeting is presently, at
least in public glare, a thing of the past. Also the strong position of
Governor Kalu to the effect that there will be retaliation if one Igbo is
killed in the core North is rapidly and rabidly giving way to
rapprochement. I am not against this new understanding but it smacks,
I firmly submit, of egocentric leadership and lack of fixated principle
on the part of Governor Kalu. Governor Kalu has not again opened
his mouth to condemn the fundamental rights infringement of the Ibos
in the ShariaNorth after the initial hullabaloo.
242
Kalu is impatient with rhetoric
—Dr. Amanze Obi, Editorial Page Editor, TfflSDAY:
...Ojo is an intellectual whose forte is rational analysis.
Intellectualism, we know, makes for circumspection. It is one armour
which guards against suicidal moves. It leads to paralysis of will. This
more often than not congeals into inaction. Intellectualism could, in
fact, be a clumsy way of arriving at one's Damascus.
Kalu, I believe, may not repudiate the intellectual approach to matters
of politics. But I do not think he has the patience for it. He belongs to
the group of angry young men who are out to challenge Igbo degradation.
His views may not be urbane or cosmopolitan. But he has a lot of
following. We have to grant him that.
Kalu hag; a mandate
—Ikemba of Nnewi, Odumegwu Ojukwu:
I don't think Orji Kalu is antagonising Obasanjo as some people
have erroneously said. Orji Uzor has a mandate of the people of Abia
State to be their governor. And he is doing everything, I hope, will
benefit Abia people, to the best of his ability. I thiijk we still have a lot
of military reflexes in our society. At every thing, we see in the context
of a military head of state and his subordinate governors. It is not
necessary. A governor has his mandate and a president has his own
mandate too. The essence of democracy is work with everybody, even
when you think he is a lunatic, work with him.
Kalu's contribution to judiciary
—Clement Akpamgbo, SAN, Former AttorneyGeneral and Minister of Justice:
The Federal Government had approval of a maximum of 53 Federal
High Court Judges, but the problem is the distribution, and I think if the
Federal High Court is spread out evenly in all the states of the
243
I
'
~ ~ ~
"•—•
. Federation, this number of Judges can be enough to take care of the
cases of the Fundamental Rights Enforcement. For instance, there are
about only three of them in the east, at Enugu, Port Harcourt and
Calabar, although recently, and by the grace of Orji Uzor Kalu, there
is going to be one at Umuahia. This is one of the things he has done and
someone (Ojo Maduekwe) says he will not win again.
...Nobody will stop Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu if he wants to be the
governor of Abia State, if he wants to contest again. For now, he is the
idol of the Igbos. In any case, Ojo who is my personal friend knows he
cannot stop Kalu, not even the PDP caucus can stop him. I say it
f again, Orji Uzor Kalu is the idol of the Igbo people for today and
! continues to be.
Kalu's strong points
—Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa:
Well, there are certain things that I think are uniquely positive in
Orji's character. First is what I call persistence. He looks to me to be
a guy who has focus. He determines what he wants and he goes about
doing it. He looks to me as somebody who is undeterred by obstacles
when he has set his mind on something. I have an experience in this
regard in the display of that kind of quality.
Two, I also think that- Oij i is a very consummate politician. I believe
that if you are in a trade, you need to understand the basics of that
trade. There is no point being in a trade and acting as if you belong to
a different trade. He chose to go into politics and he seems to understand
some of the rudiments of politics very well. One is that he is so
grassroots-oriented. I got to know about Orji's influence at the
grassroots when one of my younger brothers who is now a deputy
leader of the House wanted to go into politics. We come from the
same senatorial district with Orji. And when I was taking him around
to introduce to people during the Abacha transition, most of the places
that I went, people were happy with me. They said,4 Sam, you have
refused to come out but we are glad that your brother is out for politics.
244
That's very good, but have you spoken to Orji?' That gave me an
impression that he is a grassroots politician.
Thirdly, I think that he has this disarming humility. You know you
hear about Orji and you have a larger-than-life image of him. But when
you get close to him, you see that he is as ordinary as anybody can be.
I don't know whether it is an instrument he uses to disarm people but
I think that he displays humility. When you meet with him he shows a
lot of respect to people.
The other point is that he is also a result-oriented person. Even if he
adopts some unconventional ways to go about it, but I think he is
result-oriented, he wants to achieve results. He may not go by the text
book rules but I see that as a man who is result-oriented.
He knows how to relate to people. He has a very good interpersonal
relationship with people.
I like his maverick style
—Peter Okoeha, Chairman, African Petroleum:
Orji is my friend. I like his maverick style. Unfortunately
sometimes in Nigeria, you need that kind of attitude to succeed.
Because, what he does is to go on on-the-spot assessment. He does
not want to remain an arm chair chief executive. And I think that is
commendable because leadership role—the way an individual follows
or patterns his achievements—may not be based on the precepts of
the Harvard business school. It must be based on your assessment of
the moment and I think that is what he is doing. He knows his people,
he grew up from there and he is a Nigerian. And he knows that the
only thing that works in this setting is that hard ball tactics—and he is
succeeding because it is working for him. And I wish him well.
Those of us that believe in Machiavellian management like Orji is
doing know that the strategy is of different dimension. One of it is that
the end justifies the means. One is by any means possible. It depends
on what you are pursuing. If the objective is to catch you and I have to
jump down three stories to do it, it doesn't matter how I jumped down.
245
The important thing is to catch you. And that is why maybe modern
managers don't like his approach. But you can see that he is more
result-oriented than all the governors that have observed all the rules
but achieved no results. Orji to that extent is Machiavellian and I find
nothing wrong with that.
Don't Surrender To Kalu's Indignity
—Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, a columnist—The Comet,
January 7,2001:
Consequent upon his (Kalu's) own miss-reading (sic) of his position
in the scheme of things, Orji Kalu is now projecting himself as a
spokesman of Ndigbo. If only for the sake of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe,
Prof. Kenneth Dike, Prof. Eni Njoku, Dr. M. I. Okpara, Dr. Pius
Okigbo, Prof. Chinua Achebe, Prof. Ben Nwabueze, Sir Louis
Mbanefo, Pa Chukwudi Oputa, Dr. Alex Ekwueme, Mazi Mbonu
Ojike, Olauda Eqiano, Ikemba Ojukwu, Prof. B. O. W. Osisiogwu,
Major-General IkeNwachukwu, the Igbo nation should not surrender
to this indignity.
We are proud of Kalu
—PDP Chairman, Barnabas Geinade:
The testimony of the performance of our young governor in Abia
here is a public knowledge to every single individual here. Within the
first one-month of assuming office, we started getting reports in Abuja
about improved roads in Aba which has been one of the biggest
headaches of the Nigerian business society and indeed the general
populace of this state. Today we have come and we have also seen
much more than we were getting in Abuja. Several projects have been
accomplished here. The president could not commission all the projects
that were accomplished here. You recall the issue of the university
where gigantic hostel project had been done, where time did not even
permit to commission. This is a testimony of a young man with a vision
246
who has come out there to work. I think his title of Action Governor,
being the first action governor to be publicly declared by Mr. President,
is absolutely in place. As a party, we are absolutely delighted because
the performance of elected governors and other officials is what
guarantees our longevity as a party that is a leading political institution
in Nigeria. And we want to have many more like him in the various
states of the federation. Then, we can be rest assured that we are
taking the tally from 21 governors to 30 in the next election.
.. .Why would you want me to pay tribute to somebody who has
given his own testimony by his hands—actions—to everybody that is
associated with him? If it is someone they did not know, I will be telling
you what kind of person he is. But he is here giving his own testimony.
The number of people that came out to the street when Mr. President
visited Abia State—even attempting to carry his car up—shows you
clearly that this is a man that is by his people by spirit and by soul and
by blood. And it is very encouraging indeed that Kalu is not only a man
who is working for our party but he is someone who is loved by his
own people. That is what counts really.
He's a big pride to the party
—Senator Jack Tilly Gyado, the political adviser
to the PDP Chairman:
His Excellency (Orji Kalu) is a very very serious-minded
governor and from what I have seen in the state, I think the sky is his
limit if he continues in this way. He is a big pride to the party, a big
pride to his people and obviously an up-and-coming star for this country.
We are quite happy to see the extent of development he has brought to
the state. We have had opportunity to drive across the state from Akwa
Ibom onto this place and I think he has moved very fast. I will say at an
alarming speed and I am very, very impressed. Obviously the national
chairman is very very impressed with his achievements which are quite
monumental.
247
KALUMAN1ACS VERSUS KALUPHOBIACS
He's a servant of the people
—Engr. G. O. Ero, a prince of the Benin kingdom:
As a leader, Kalu does not have a truncated approach to solving
problems. To him, nothing is sacrosanct. His approach depends on
the situation on the ground. It is the end that justifies the means.
He is a man who has an irrepressible flair to help the needy, to
help the oppressed. And if you have such flair, you can use the
most appropriate method to achieve your objective—orthodox or
unorthodox.
...His background in business had prepared him for the role
that the government should play in providing infrastructures,
especially communication and security. He has been on both sides
of the divide and knows where the shoe pinches most. As a
businessman, he knew that the most crucial drivers of development
are security and of infrastructure.
In an under-developed economy like ours, good road network is a
crucial element in effective communication, since people depend more
on transportation of goods and people to different location.
Telecommunication is still grossly inadequate and unaffordable.
That informs Kalu's concentration on the provision of infrastructure
in his state, especially roads, and secondly, security.
Personally, I am very committed to him. He has such a broad
mind. He is a very simple person. He does not carry any air of
pomp or arrogance. He has been able to worm his way to the heart
of many people that cuts across the whole country. I know him to
be friends of a lot of personalities, a lot of little people—because
he doesn't segregate. With him, there is no social stratification.
Both the mighty and the low; Governor Orji Kalu is friendly with
them. Whether from the North or from the South, from the East,
from the West or from the centre. And that is good for Nigeria,
especially for the togetherness of this country. Even in spite of the
things that happened to Igbos in Kaduna during the Shar'ia riots,
he went there to speak to the people from both sides. And such a
248
visit normally cushions feelings. He mixes a lot. I love that quality in
him
During the election, his house was like a beehive. I saw all kinds
of people—both the high and mighty and the lowliest of the lowly
were all there mixing together.
A jolly good fellow
—Onyeka Onwenu, a pop star:
He is an unusual young man—very unusual. But I find him to
be easy-going and very easy for me to relate with because he is
down-to-earth. He was very down-to-earth. I recall at an occasion
I was performing and he had made a statement, "I am here for you.
Whatever you need, if they are not giving you what you want, just
call on me and I will come and serve you myself."
After a while, I wrote a note to him in Igbo, "Onye na egbu opi
na emacha onu—an Igbo proverb meaning literally that he who
blows the flute also needs to clean the mouth. And I asked for a
bottle of Champaign and he sent down somebody promptly with
it. It was as good as coming down himself. He is that kind of a
down-to-earth person. A jolly good fellow. Good company.
Somebody you could hold a discussion with and have a marvelous
time, you can sit down on the floor with him and talk. That's how
I know him.
I was not surprised that he went into politics. No—of course
not. I kind of expected that he would end up there. I don't know
about his first year. But I think he would do a terrific job for Abia
State if he keeps his mind focused. Thank God he has now sorted
out his problems with his deputy. He should get away with the
problems with the legislature. He is young, he is able, he is capable,
he can do it. I am from Abia State, which is my mother state,
because I am Aro. Our homeland is Arochukwu which is in Abia
even though like the Israelis, we are all over the place. You could
talk of Aros in Diaspora. Arondizuogu which is my town is a satellite
249
town from Arochukwu. We are all Aros and our homeland where the
source is from is in Abia. He has my prayers.
He is bringing a youthful dimension to leadership. Very vibrant
dimension because I see my people from Imo and Abia—maybe they
should take this in a good light and even if not, at least it is a forthright
comment—as being very conservative and so tight and tied down with:
"This—with a deep emphasis—is the way it must be done because
that is the way it has always been done!" But he is coming with a fresh
outlook as Donald Duke is doing in Cross River. And it is wonderful to
see these young people coming up to do things differently. Let's the
old people step aside and give the young ones a chance to maybe take
us into greater heights.
Kalu's sour grape
—Olawale Donald, THISDAY, January 5, 2001:
Expectedly however, as a party member, if anything goes wrong,
the likes of Kalu, even when others claim not to have access to the
President, can't. So, what stops him from approaching Obasanjo and
robbing minds if not that there is something extraneous beyond what
his people see of the scenario. But because a lot of people know tilings
are not really working out well due to what ordinarily we all understand,
hence he secured their sympathy. But definitely, the issue is beyond
what they think and see. If Kalu is angry because the abolition or
indiscriminate lifting of oil affected him, he should take heart and put
that behind him because (sic) no going back as far as this matter is
concerned.. .Kalu should stop being pushed around unnecessarily.
He's envied
—George Nwokolo, a schoolmate:
Governor Kalu would be judged, not by the melange of
unsubstantiated allegations against him, but by how effectively he tackles
the hydra-headed problems of Abia State. As the boy next door who
250
made good, he will naturally be envied by many, and Ms every move xrayed.
He's no demagogue
— I k e Okonta, Oxford University, London:
It would be a mistake to dismiss Orji Uzor Kalu as an
opportunistic demagogue. Kalu has a constituency—the millions
of young Igbo men and women who were toddlers in the refugee
camps of Biafra and who have now come of age. The bulk of them*
like their compatriots in all other parts of the country, are trapped
at the bottom of the social and economic life after Babangida's harebrained Structural Adjustment Programme and the mind-boggling
corruption and incompetence that attended governance in the country
since late 1979 sent Nigeria sprawling in the gutter.. .For the Igbo
poor, Biafra and its humiliating aftermath is the template on which any
analysis of their present plight proceeds. Therefore, Orji Kalu strikes
an instant chord when he accuses President Obasanjo who, as a colonel
on the Nigerian side, presided over the formal surrender of Biafra in
January 1970, of marginalising the Igbo. They see Kalu, for bad or
good, in exactly the same light as the ordinary Igbo saw Emeka Ojukwu
during the civil war—a saviour.
I have heard arguments that Kalu is an' Abacha politician,' that he
is morally bankrupt, and that in fact he may well be riding on the
marginalisation horse to greener pastures whose sole beneficiary would
be Orji Uzor Kalu. But this argument misses the point in exactly the
same way as those who dismissed Ken Saro-Wiwa as a political upstart
in 1990.. .Orji Kalu has seized the national imagination because, like
Ken Saro-Wiwa, he is speaking the language of politics in the vernacular,
going to the core of what moves otherwise ordinary people to political
action borne out of moral outrage.
He's the people's conscience
—ChukwudiNwabuko, former Chief Press Secretary
251
to Kalu:
While other governors and opinion moulders have resigned into
passivity, Orji Kalu at most critical moments, has assumed the
position of the "conscience" of the Igbo as well as their voice.
Therefore, it should be known that whenever he speaks, it is on
behalf of the people whose mandate he has, and the important
thing is that he has tried to say the right things at the right time.
He is in position to point out wrongs and injustice at the Federal
level against the state and he can accuse President Obasanjo of
weak leadership because in his state, he has set the record of
performance in almost all facets of life.
Without any fear of contradiction, anyone who goes to Abia
State will feel the presence of its government. The same cannot be
said in most parts of the country because the government at the
centre seems to have lost focus and without bearing, frittering away
the people's expectation.
He's a viable alternative
—Chief Samfo Nwankwo, National President, National
Union of True Igbo Movement:
It is a well-known fact that since the end of the civil war, Ndigbo
had suffered a psychological trauma that engendered a negative
complex on them such that they were content to accept any handout in
the Nigerian project. The amnesia saw them descending into a
dangerous precipice that blotted their memories and robbed them
of their manliness.
The state of stupor suited the slave masters and their collaborators
who gloated over their imagined conquest of Ndigbo. With the advent
of democracy, Igbos had high hopes of a bigger stake in the Nigerian
federation. But after almost 20 months, they have practically nothing
to show for it.
That was what propelled Orji Uzor Kalu to lead the vanguard
252
to protest the criminal marginalisation of the East. That was what led
him and his brother governors from the Southeast to demand
confederation when Igbos were being slaughtered in the streets of the
North; and that was what propelled him and Southern governors to
demand resource control as a mark of entlironing true federation in the
country.
In a democratic setting where divergent opinions are canvassed by
contending political gladiators, such issues as raised by Governor Kalu
are democratically debated to establish or rubbish the genuineness to
pave way for a cohesive federation.
Sadly, however, inconsequential and ignorant critics of Governor
Kalu have interpreted his principled stance on these issues to mean a
quest for Igbo leadership. Some have even descended to the gutter to
impute that Gov..Kalu is seeking relevance in Nigeria and is nursing the
ambition to become an emperor! What nonsense.
...Orji Uzor Kalu did not elect himself the spokesman of the
Southeast. The traditional rulers across Igboland have thrust the role
on him. Students of Igbo origin all over the federation have found in
Gov. Kalu, a rare role model and a leader of unparalleled astuteness.
They want him to lead Ndigbo in (this) auspicious moment. Market
men and women and even the so-called intellectuals yearn for Kalu's
leadership. If his language is uncouth; if he is not civilised; if he threatens
violence and mayhem, Gov. Kalu remains a viable alternative to the
spineless and fraudulent imposters who grovel before the power-thatbe in Abuja for mere crumbs at the expense of TRUE NDIGBO.
We need Kalu's leadership now
—Ebere Onyeaka:
It is very sad that the Igbo race have been made a laughing stock
by our very sons and daughters whom Governor Orji Uzor Kalu of
Abia State has rightly described as "glorified errand boys".. .One is
saddened that while the common position of Ndigbo as enunciated by
Gov. Kalu is being pursued with increased vigour, some serving Igbo
253
ministers and governors are singing a different tune.. .How can one
explain then the unrestrained vigour with which Governors Chinwoke
Mbadinuju of Anambra State and Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu State
are painting an enormous and misleading picture that President
Obasanjo has done a lot for Ndigbo...The last Igbo summit in Enugu
has succeeded in separating the wheat from the chaff, saboteurs from
genuine Igbo. Governor Orji Kalu's openness and fighting spirit are
what we need now to redirect the consciousness of Ndigbo. Certainly,
the Igbo cannot be fooled again.
He is on a High Moral Ground
—Okechukwu Nwanguma:
The deliberate policy of neglect and subjugation ofNdigbo since
the end of the civil war has been a reality under successive governments,
but it worsened under Obasanjo's government. Dr. Alex Ekwueme
made this point at the summit but for fear of being seen by the powers
that be as rocking the boat, he fell short of hitting the nail at the head.
He failed to identify appropriate measures to redress the injustices
against Ndigbo. Only Governor Orji Uzor Kalu and Okadigbo were
forthright enough to call the spade by it name.
Going by what emerged from the Igbo summit, it was clear that
Obasanjo's spies and agents among the Igbo were used to convene
that summit in order to drum up support for their paymaster's second
term. The summit was also pre-conceived to counter the unfavourable
impact of Kalu's crusade for socio-economic and political justice for
Ndigbo which Obasanjo's beneficiaries and turncoats however
consider as 'anti-Obasanjo' campaign.
... Yet the outcome of Kalu's courageous and patriotic campaign is
visible in Igboland. As a direct fallout of his crusade, the federal
government has directed construction companies to commence and
hasten reconstruction and rehabilitation work on those same roads
that Kalu had complained about. What makes Kalu's campaign
unimpeachable is that he stands on a high moral ground. He has shown
254
responsible and exemplary leadership by first doing in his state those
same things he is asking the federal government to do for Ndigbo, as a
matter of obligation. If Kalu were a failed leader, like most of his elected
counterparts, his critics and detractors would be making a point.
We never had it so good
—O. Ukiwe, Ohafia:
We in Ohafia comprising 27 villages have never had it so good.
The legendary Chief Sam Mbakwe comes a distant second in our
estimation to our revered Kalu in terms of economic, social and
economic upliftment of our people from the throes of poverty,
hunger, marginalisation and strangulation.
Kalu converted me
—Okey Chikwere
Quite frankly, I am one of those who never gave Governor Orji
Uzor Kalu of Abia State any chances of succeeding. My position
was borne out of personal conviction enamoured by the rumour
mill.
The general thinking at the time Orji Kalu was to contest the
gubernatorial election in 1999 was that he did not have the moral
strength to pilot the affairs of Abia State. In fact, I was one of the
proponents of the movement to stop Orji Kalu from becoming a
governor. We engaged in all kinds of negative media activities and
clandestine politicking to ensure he did not emerge the governor
of God's own state. The rest is now history.
Governor Orji Uzor Kalu has within 22 months in office
surpassed what the previous administrations in the state put together
could not achieve in eight years. I was baffled when I visited Ohanku
Street in Aba some time in February 2000 and: found the whole
stretch of the once impassable road tarred to the Iheorji end. I was
brought up in Ohanku, and for 25 years this road had remained
255
unmotorable.. .1 was flabbergasted when I read in the newspapers
published statement of account that the state government has a
reserve of overNl .5 billion.. .Orji Kalu has demonstrated that there
is still hope for Nigeria and that there are still honest and committed
individuals who could come together to salvage our drifting nation.
I admire his courage
—Amarachi, Lagos:
I admire the unmatchable courage demonstrated by Governor
Orji Uzor Kalu. Those opposing him in his quest for a better life
for Igbo are enemies of Igbo. There are no two ways about it.
We're stunned
— U c h e Ezechukwu, Post Express, February 23,2001:
Igbo people have been stunned, but emboldened by the fervour
with which Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, easily the youngest among his other
fellow Igbo governors, has always confronted their avowed haters
and tormentors. The loftiness of Uzor-Kalu's commitment to his
people' s woes and pains becomes even more poignant when it is recalled
that the Abia governor had campaigned for and supported Obasanjo's
presidential bid at a time his other kinsmen had been lined up behind
Ekwueme, their kinsman and an obviously better candidate. Today, he
has refused to join the despicable band of sycophants and hosanna
choristers who daily kowtow to President Obasanjo for a mess of
porridge, at the expense of their people.
.. .Orji has shown that leadership is about service and devotion
to a long suffering people, through the proven and verifiable
amenities and services he has provided in order to raise the quality of
the life of his people. He has prQven that governance is not about
rhetoric and circumlocution, but it is about the payback of the people's
confidence and trust by giving them service, love and leadership.
20
Kalu in the eyes of
TELL magazine readers
On February 17, 2001, Kalu was on the cover of both TELL
and NEWSWATCH magazines. In the March 26 edition, TELL
published the responses of a cross-section of the magazine's readers.
Once again, it was a mixed grill of Kalumaniacs versus Kaluphobiacs
but there was also no doubt where majority of the readers who
wrote in pitched their support. Below, thanks to TELL, is probably
a most independent barometer of what the readers think of Kalu,
based on the readers' letters:
I read, Why Igbo Leaders Are Errand Boys, TELL, February
19, 2001, with great interest. As someone who used to be a strong
critic of Governor Orji Kalu, I am deeply enthusiastic about his
metamorphosis into the much admired 'action governor' ofAbia
State, and also into the emergent, self-assured voice for the
oppressed Igbo of eastern Nigeria of whom, incidentally, I am
257
KALU IN THE EYES OF TELL MAGAZINE READERS
among. In the interview, he truly comes into his own as a man of
vision and purpose. Of course, he can rely on my support as long
as he works to transform that positive vision—of securing a better
deal for the Igbo in the Nigerian nation—to reality. Kalu may yet
transform into the Martin Luther King Jr. or Nelson Mandela of
the Igbo nation. (And I hope he comes to possess the tremendous
moral spiritual and intellectual resources of such timeless crusaders
for justice and the emancipation of their peoples!) But a reformist
and leader without a mass following that shares his aspirations is
bound to become demoralised. The great question to me, is how
the teeming masses of uneducated Igbo heads, of young men
mainly, who swarm our market places and those of other lands
can be made to understand that there is more to being Igbo, indeed,
to being human, than the pursuit of wealth and the basest forms
of the Epicurean lifestyle. In a word, how do we also direct the
feet of our younger generation to the path of idealism and visionary
pursuits? And until an answer is found as to how to redeem this
sprawling wasteland of human and intellectual resources, the
rallying calls of the likes of Kalu, I am afraid, will always peter
out as rhetoric.
-Ikeogu Oke, Aba, Abia State.
This is the second governor after my heart, next to Ahmed
Makarfi, governor of Kaduna State because they share almost
the same ideology. Both men have made life meaningful to their
people by executing programmes that appear strange and
unachievable. Kalu is the first governor to visit the North after
the last year's mayhem, thus portraying himself as a governor
that has his people at heart.
-Yohanna Galadima, Kaduna.
Amidst the hypocrisy and impotence of supposed Igbo leaders,
Kalu has been impelled to become the proverbial little boy, who,
having washed his hands clean, dines with elders and kings. He
has become the spokesman ofNdigbo and does it excellently well
258
In 1983, as President Shehu Shagari's political adviser, an
otherwise brilliant political scholar, Chuba Okadigbo, referred to
the civilised condemnation of the electoral fraud of that year by
the legendary, Nnamdi Azikiwe as "the rantings of an ant". The
same Okadigbo in 2000 as Senate president referred to as
"irresponsible ", the cry oflgbos against marginalisation and the
palpable need for political restructuring. Ojo Maduekwe's
description of the quest ofNdigbo to produce the next president
as "idiotic " is not only irresponsible but blasphemous. However,
if the errand boy politicians of Igbo stock can avoid obscene
language in the delivery of their message, and if one considers the
fate of several Igbo political office holders who refused to play
errand boy at one time or the other—Ebitu Ukiwe, Erne Awa and
Humphrey Nwosu, Alison Madueke and lately, Tim Menakaya—
one may sympathise with those ones who behave as if they have
lost their manhood.
-Herbert Onuoha, Onitsha. Anambra State.
The story ofAbia governor is not only that of a man who cannot
be found guilty of political grandstanding and political
brinkmanship, but that of a person and leader who is at the
forefront of the vanguard to redress the protracted and systematic
injustices meted out on his people and who never winks at breaking
ranks with the powers antithetical to this goal
-Uchechukwu Agoha, Aba, Abia State.
The problem of Igbo leaders can certainly not be drought of
ideas or ideologies but convalescence from the defeatist memories
buried deep in their psyche. However, the Igbo man should be
adequately re-empowered in the polity where equity, fairness and
collective co-operation are the recipe for moving the Igbo nation
forward,
-Nwankwo Rufus, Yenagoa.
My big brother, Kalu 's recent reactions to national issues as
they affect his people is clear manifestation that he is another
259
Moses whom God chose to deliver his people out of the land of
bondage. But he must be careful so that what happened to Moses
should not happen to him.
-Kingsley Otubo, Calabar.
Kalu is the type of leader we the youth of today want All these
oldies should go and rest, so that they will, under conducive
atmosphere and relaxed mind, think of the best advices to give us
the youth of today for this country to move forward. They are all
spent forces as far as active politics is concerned.
-Adilieje Uche, Aguata, Anambra State.
The Igbo man has become the most vilified, resented, hated
and ridiculed personality in the Nigerian polity, while their leaders
book their places permanently on the debit side of history. This is
really a nightmare for the sons ofBiafra.
-Chidi Anaenye, Onitsha, Anambra State.
I admire the courage-of Kalu but I noticed an element of pride
in Mm. Or should one refer to his approach to some of the issues
raised in the interview with your editors as too youthful? I agree
that the Igbo have the potential to produce a president of this
country. They are entitled, as well as any other tribe, but does that
not mean it should be a matter of life and death, as the governor
now goes about it. His reference to the old politicians in the region
as c<errand boys " (probably for not being confrontational as Kalu
expected of them) ytas quite insulting.
-Sunny Agbechoma, Abuja.
The old generation ofNdigbo with the defeatist mentality are
slowly leaving the scene for the new generation that cannot accept
a death zone in place of a road, seeing their fathers' property as
an abandoned property and being a slave forever in their own
country.
-Godwin Odo, Nsukka, Enugu State.
260
Obviously, Kalu cannot take up this task alone. Thus Igbo elites
should join hands with him to be able to succeed in his vigorous
campaign to lift the Igbo in this present disadvantagedpolitical
position in the county.
-Olukayode Ajayi, Lagos.
Kalu said: "When I was supporting President Olusegun
Obasanjo, I supported him 100 per cent even against Ekwueme. "
He exposed himself because he feels that the President has
disappointed him. How could somebody who claims to be fighting
for the interest of Igbo vote against his brother?
-Ezema Apeh, Onitsha, Anambra State.
Kalu has been representing the collective aspirations and
speaking the mind of the hospitable, peace-loving Igbo man. I
commend him for his relentless effort infighting the cause of the
neglected Igbo man.
-Austin Ijere, Port Harcourt.
Instead of bemoaning their fate and belabouring the poverty
of their leadership an the attendant predicaments since the end of
the civil war about three decades ago, Kalu, with the new leadership
of the Igbo people of his 'generation' should translate his much
vaunted acumen into reality. Let there be a more tangible, visible
and pragmatic redirection andrefocus in the Igbo leadership.
-Emma Okwaraocha, Isunjaba, Imo State.
Kalu talks and acts tough like a revolutionary who possesses
the potentiality of forging a new, vibrant, focussed and credible
Igbo leadership different from the current inept, directionless,
divided, self seeking and contract-seeking leadership. If Kalu is
not pursuing his personal interests rather than those ofNdigbo,
he will have the full support of the young Igbo generation, and
perhaps, might be the potential liberator of the Igbo who have
been suffering in abject neglect by the federal authorities because
261
of a just war fought 31 years ago.
-Chitoo Okenwa, Lagos.
IfKalu actually means business and is sincere about fighting
Igbo alleged marginalisation, fine. But time will tell whether he is
an opportunist or a flash in the pan or genuine. But I do not envy
his past which has been well documented by your esteemed
magazine. If he is now trying to tell us that he is like Saul changed
to Pauly we shall see later. The alleged marginalisation of the Igbo
did not start 18 months ago. It is cumulative, over the years since
1970. And President Obasanjo cannot perform miracles in 18
months, even in four years. The criticism by Kalu may just be a
catalyst which can be helpful, especially now that the budget has
been passed. But one advice to Kalu: modesty and humility pay.
-Eyitayo Bogunjoko, Lagos
7/ is too appalling that 31 years after the civil war, the old crop
ofpoliticians of eastern extraction are still perambulating around
the corridors of power with no clear ideology that is aimed at
emancipating the Igbo from the shackles of neglect and
subjugation. I immensely cherish the views and aspirations of
Kalu. There is no doubt that the Igbo nation needs his like in the
quest for relevance in Nigerian polity.
-Nnamdi Nwokolo, Abagana, Anambra State.
While the truly browbeaten Nigerians welcome the gestation,
philosophy, strategy and the profanation of the turn-around Kalu,
premised on the fact that there is no reason whatsoever why
something cannot come out of nothing, they can only pray that
the hitherto unknown knowers and the untaught teachers were
not after all the reincarnation of the winged insects, honey gatherers
andpseudo democrats.
-Abiodun Komolafe, Ijebu-Ijesha, Osun State.
If Shedrack, Meshack and Abednego could righteously
262
challenge Babylon; ifKingJosiah could turn around the plight of
his people at the age of 8; if Clinton could rewrite the history of
America at the age of 47; if our independence could be won by
the likes ofZik and Enahoro at their youthful ages; and ifKalu
could tower above his contemporaries while still under 40,1 believe
that given every opportunity, our own generation oflgbo youths
can achieve similar feats. The future belongs to us, the elders should
give us a chance.
-Ejeckam Chukwuebuka, Onitsha, Anambra State.
The governor should continue to speak the truth, be fearless,
courageous and firm in ensuring that the Igbo are reabsorbed into
this contraption called Nigeria. Not even millions of cacophonous
voices of Bode Georges, Anthony Anenihs and Jerry Ganas should
stop him from repositioning Ndigbo for better in this country they
toiled to build.
-Uche Anele, Oyigbo, Rivers State.
In Kalu, one can see vividly a man calm in crisis, vigorous in
administration, fearless in danger, courageous in decision, shrewd
in business, thorough in organisation, vigilant against intrigue,
inspired and charismatic in leadership—an altogether remarkable
man. His genuine concern for the welfare of his people coupled
with his noble and sterling qualities is channeled towards the
projection of the Igbo image from obscurity and morass to honour,
respect and recognition.
-Onoriode Edjeba, Warri, Delta State.
When the masked events soon begin to unfold, it will be very
clear that Kalu is also an errand boy of a cabal which, in wellscripted plot, plans to unseat Obasanjo, and if that fails, would
try to dismember Nigeria. The voice then is that of Kalu but the
hands are those of the desperate cabal. Kalu would do well to
jettison this time-dishonoured and inglorious past characterised
by ethnic jingoism and bigotry and use his brain and brawn to
champion the nationalistic crusade for a new Nigeria where no
263
one will be an oppressor or an oppressed.
-Adedayo Adedeji, Ilorin.
Igbos are the sole determinants of their collective fate and no
one from either the North or South can fight their wars for them
but themselves. Kalu made interesting statements in the interview
and the one that struck a chord in me is his professed love for his
Igbo nation. Action speaks louder than voice. The test will come
for Kalu when he refuse to pander to the northern oligarchy in
future, who may want to make him their lameduck lsee no evil \
'hear no evil', lame duck vice president. We are on the lookout to
see whether he will maintain his current principles then.
-Kayode Agbeniyi, Lagos.
If the gameplan of Kalu is to make undiscerning observers see
him as an Igbo patriot and a courageous man of action, then he
may succeed as long as his admirers and sycophants remain
undiscerning. Behold, Kalu should make a distinction between
mature discussion, even statesmanly commitment to a particular
group and a proclivity to mischief-making rather than heading
for market places, bearing in mind that in Nigerian politics, he is
a mere infant.
-Ochi James, Lafia, Nassarawa State.
Kalu is a very good Igbo man who is outspoken and competent.
I pray that more people like him will come up with for the
betterment of the Igbo nation and Nigeria as a whole.
-Nnorodim Michael, Kaduna.
Kalu is one of the few Igbos who stands for the truth. The issue
ofmarginalisation and the Igbo has been a focus of your magazine
in recent times. The governor has hit the nail on the head by saying
what most people would not want to hear as some of the people's
leaders represents their pockets in Abuja and not the people.
-Okon Mfon, Calabar.
264
Igbo leaders, in all ramifications, chose to be errand boys and
second-class citizen because of money, self aggrandisement and
their erroneous belief that since the civil war, the Ndigbo have
been defeated and subdued to the extent that their right to aspire
to the post of presidency has been extinguished. These traits have
been the bane and problem against the development of the Igbo
race politically and economically in the entity called Nigeria. The
present generation and the generation yet unborn will continue to
face the same consequence except our Igbo leaders learn to develop
the spirit of Igbo nationalistic instinct. Kalu is basically right but
how far he will be able to stand this crusade is yet to be seen.
-Vincent Nwana, Lagos.
Old men may be devils, certainly, young ones are no saints! In
order to strategically place the Igbo at vintage ground of Nigerian
polity, the search for the " errand boys" must go beyond Ohaneze.
Searchlight must be beamed on mischievous young Igbos like
0aniel Kanu of the Abacha era, who through their actions have
made other Nigerians to assume that the Igbo value money more
than they care for power.
-Gbenro Olajuyigbe, Lagos.
But what Kalu should include is the Nigerian interest. He should
know that the way the Igbo leaders hijacked the Igbo interest is
also how the Hausa and Yoruba leaders also hijacked theirs. He
should also be campaigning against the marginalisation of the
masses—the paupers, the handicapped and the crayfish sellers. A
patriotic leader does not fight for a section of the country but for
the whole country.
-Ezechi Emeka, Benin City.
Kalu was on target when he described Igbo leaders as errand
boys. Igbo leaders are politically naive and when they speak on
matters concerning the Igbo nation, their voices are at best
cacophonous. Their penchants for personal pecuniary benefits
265
have always subsumed the collective interests of the Igbo nation
and, in the process, they (Igbo leaders) remain vote contractors.
Kaluhas spoken the mind of millions of Igbos but my fear is that
he (Kalu) may turn out to be another errand boy for the
conservative North
-Edwin M adubuofu, Lagos.
In the campaign days, Kalu promised open, transparent and
effective administration. Today, one does not need to be an Abian
or a babafawo to know that he has done well and is still doing
well for his state. His describing most Igbo leaders as errand boys
is indeed speaking the mind of the masses. Many other Nigerian
leaders, too, deserve the title.
-Uwadi Kenneth, Port Harcourt.
All too often, people have had to follow leaders with the gift of
the gab, who spoke ever so strongly and eloquently but, who when
the chips were down and push turned to shove, abandoned the
people in pursuit of personal selfish motives. Kalu is building
himself up as a leader. Is he a genuine leader who will not jumpship and abandon the people when the boat is sinking? 2003 is
around the corner, then we will know.
-Babs Uduigwome, Asaba.
We have read and heard about many bad things Kalu did in the
past, but if he is the messiah the Igbos have been waiting for, let it
be. The Igbo stand to benefit more from the present southern
governors' meeting than any future political alignment with the
Hausa-Fulani.
-Adimabua Ofili, Lagos.
The elders turned errand boys are the people who are tired but
refuse to retire. They continue to recycle their old ideas despite
their tiredness. They are not only found in Igboland but across the
whole geographical zones of the nation. Sooner than later, the
Nigerian politics will become a borrowed trousers for them: if not
266
too tight, it will be too loose.
-Kolawole Niyi, Lagos.
The admirable thing about this political'whizkid'Kalu,mmili
mili enyi Ndigbo, is the rare confidence and bravado with which
he projects the cause ofNdigbo, as someone imbued with that
true spirit oflgboism. Most of us share his sentiments and admire
his courage. If he ultimately lives by his homily (most Abians say
he does) and proves not to be another vote contractor, then we
shall file behind him as the true catalyst ofneo-Igboism and (who
knows) the elusive pan-Igbo leader!
-Chijioke Ogham, Lagos.
21
Testimonial
of a former classmate,
Chika Mbonu
(MD Citizens International Bank)
Mr. Chika Mbonu is a man with a razor sharp mind. With a
first class degree in engineering, Mbonu justifies his rating as an
almunus of the famous Government College, Umuahia. What the
Barewa College is to the North and Kings College is to the West is
what Government College, Umuahia was to the East then. You
had to be exceptionally bright to gain admission into Government
College, Umuahia.
Mbonu who is now the managing director and chief executive
of Citizens International Bank, was a classmate ofKalu from class
three to five. They wrote the school certificate examination together
in 1979. As a classmate, Mbonu knew Kalu closely enough to give
^ cutting-edge testimonial that pulls no punches. He was talking,
2 ;8
after all, about a former classmate, not a Governor Kalu. Belo\'
are Mbonu 's reminiscences about Kalu:
Talking about Orji Uzor Kalu and the height he has attained in life
may be a surprise to many people who indulge in idle speculations
about him. But to those of us who knew him from his school days, of
course, we are not surprised. With Orji Uzor, you learn not to be
surprised about anything.
Orji Uzor started very early in life to demonstrate personal
enterprise. He joined the Government College, Umuahia, maybe in
1976/7. As at that time, Government College, Umuahia, was still the
elite school in the east because of the quality of the teachers, quality of
education and quality of the environment. It was like where the who's
who in the East came to for quality education. It is no surprise that
today, if you look at the quality of people that attended the school, you
are talking of the cream of the elite from the East. Great names like
Chinua Achebe, Chukwuemeka Ike, Ken Saro-Wiwa, and many other
distinguished personalities, are from the school.
I entered Government College in 1974. Orji Uzor joined us in 1976/
7 session in Class Three. The college rarely liked to take new students
midway, unless they started from inception. This is to maintain the
school's quality standard. But occasionally, the school would leave
some windows open for exceptional circumstances. Kalu profited from
such exception.
Our uniform at Umuahia was pink and khaki. It used to be said that
it was (Government College) Umuahia and other schools. Every other
school wore white shirts, but (Government College) Umuahia wore
pink. Orji Uzor was like a white shirt when he joined us, so we never
really saw him as a pure Umuahian because he didn't start from Class
One in Umuahia.
But when he j oined us, of course, we knew that he was no pushover,
even though he joined us in Class Three. We knew that there was
something different in him.
We used to have a principal called Mr. Otisi who came and changed
a couple^f things. He decided to start making school prefects from
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TESTIMONIAL OF A FORMER CLASSMATE
* Class Five. He combined Class Five and Upper Six—before then, it
used to be from the Upper Six that prefects were selected. It used to
be rare that white shirts were made prefects because they were not
pure blood. But Orji Uzor was made a prefect. He was the labour
prefect. The labour prefect was like one of the most intensive posts
that you could ever have. He was the labour prefect of 78/79 session.
If you go to the school today, you'll see his name there on a plaque.
Labour prefect used to be like a major position. He was like the
"school's disciplinarian." I guess that from that early period, the school
authorities saw the enterprising spirit in him and the leadership ability in
him to have given him that kind of position. And this was especially
significant because we had a lot of senior students then, plus the fact
that he was a white shirt. So, Orji Uzor knew how to get what he
wanted and he knew how to make friends with the high and the mighty.
And he was very bold and well focused. Anything he wanted to do, he
went for it. He was very popular then. While some of us were very
timid at that early age, Orji Uzor was different. So it is no surprise to
me that he ended up a politician and a governor.
From that early age, it was easy to identify who would be what in
future. We knew those who would end up as politicians, we knew
those who would end up as civil servants and what have you.
In terms of academics, you will not say that Orji Uzor was like the
A-class. Don't forget that Government College Umuahia was a first
class school that attracted the best brains. It was very rigorous to get
admission there. I will not say that Orji Uzor was a first class brain, but
he pulled his weight. He backed up his academic intelligence with native
intelligence. He had early maturity in life which some of us at that time
didn't have. He was a scholar in his own right like most other students.
You can't be in Government College, Umuahia, and be a laggard. The
academics there was very stressful. In fact, we had no time there for
never-do-wells. The academic process was very tough. You can't just
come there and get away with anything.
I have heard the nonsense about whether he actually wrote his school
certificate examinations there. Of course, why would he not write his
school certificate examination? I mean, it is so easy to find out the
270
truth. But you know, in Nigeria, we are always looking for hot stories
to tell. Journalism inNigeria, unfortunately, is driven by what sells fastest,
not necessarily the facts. I think what we have is commercial journalism.
And people find it difficult to say "sorry" when they even know they
have made mistakes.
There is no way Orji Uzor couldn't have written his school certificate
examinations. It's so easy and so simple to find out. We all did Class
Five together and every Class Five student later wrote the final
examination. There is no way Orji Uzor could have hired somebody to
come and write the examination for him at that period.
I don't have his school results here, so I cannot say whether he
made a credit or distinction. But I am quite sure that he wrote his
school certificate examination with us. Stories are told, but the facts
are different.
When a lot of people came into power, especially, the younger
generation, we had a lot of hope because we identify with some of
them. Because they are people like us. People who have children,
who face the same common problems, challenges and so on. They are
not like the people of the 50s and 60s who had gone through many
cycles. But in the end, some of them had been a big disappointment.
I had thought that a lot of them would want to leave their marks on
the sands of time. But Orji Uzor had been different. You must know
that Orji Uzor is not called the action governor for nothing.
I am not surprised that he is called the action governor now because
he was called the action prefect at Government College, Umuahia.
The school had a roster for all the prefects to take charge. And the
week that Orji Uzor was on duty was the action week. You must
come to the dinning hall early otherwise you miss your food. You must
be at the assembly hall at the actual time. You must go for your siesta
exactly when you are supposed to go. You must go for prep when you
are supposed to go because the action prefect was on duty.
Orji Uzor was a stickler for time. When I became the managing
director of the Citizens International Bank, I had a meeting with him.
The meeting was for eleven o'clock. His officials warned me to please
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TESTIMONIAL OF A FORMER CLASSMATE
make sure I was there for the meeting exactly at eleven o'clock. I told
them, 'You people just know Orji Uzor when he became a governor,
I have known him since his student days.'
At the Government College, Umuahia, if the time for lunch was
one o'clock and you came late, your food was poured away. You
won't eat it.
Orji Uzor has translated that early discipline into governance.
To me, I believe governance is very simple. Just focus on what is
important to the people. Identify the key things people want—the
roads, the schools, health, water, employment, etc. Orji Uzor has
focused on these things. Before Kalu came to power, Aba used to
be impassable, but go and look at the city today.
He is a very focused guy. He is not given to all these
bureaucracies and so on. He runs the place like the businessman
that he is—that's why the results are so evident. Those of us that
were his schoolmates are quite proud of him. We have been very
impressed with his performance.
But Kalu is no angel. His major weakness is that he is too brash.
At times, he talks before he thinks about it. I think in dealing with
the complexity of his office, he certainly could be more diplomatic
in the way he speaks. However, I commend him on his Igbo agenda,
especially in bringing it to the forefront of national attention. Kalu
has helped to expose the masquerades who hide under the Igbo
agenda to access the corridors of power only to end up farming
out their personal agendas.
22
Vintage Kalu
Kalu 's critics often accuse him of lack ofsophisticatedlanguage
but what nobody can deny is the passionate conviction and depth
of wisdom in his words. His language is more pragmatic than
rhetorical. He has no patience for long speeches and theoretical
profundities that some elite are often enamoured of. If anything,
Kalu's style is to call a spade a spade, warts and all. It is Kalu's
way of simply speaking out his mind, but some mistake that for
lack of finesse or felicity of expression.
This is no doubt, a matter of individual opinion. But from his
words that could easily be etched on a marble, Kalu emerged as
someone who cuts through the forest of intellectual verbiage to
hit at the heart of the matter. That probably more than anything
else, make him the darling oflgbo masses who are hungry for
change in their circumstances. Below, is vintage Kalu etched on
the nation fs socio-political marble:
On why he is insistent on Igbo presidency:
Well, this is a stand we as Igbo have taken. Any Igboman that is not
speaking the same language with me now is not an Igboman. In fact,
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VINTAGE KALU
when I speak, I speak for the new generation which I represent. I
speak for the traditional rulers who have sent me to speak. I speak for
the market women and men who have asked me to talk. I speak for
the generality of our people who are in private and public sector. When
you see me speak, I speak the opinion of every Igbo man. In case they
don't know, we are out for the presidency in 2003. Nothing will stop
us from getting it.
On the determination of Igbos to protect their
interest with their voting power in future elections:
All I know is that nobody in Nigeria should take Igbo people's vote
for granted again. We are ready to be minorities in any battle or in any
system. But let us cast our votes rightly. The AD states are surviving.
And the Igbo can survive that way, instead of us to pour our votes into
Atlantic Ocean for people who do not appreciate our votes, for people
who would not treat us as first class citizens. That time is gone. I will
take the campaign to anywhere. I am not talking politics now.
On President Obasanjo's claim that Kalu's criticisms
are insulting to him as an older person to Kalu:
Mr. President had said worse things to Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(who was much older than him) than what I said. I have only said we
are marginalised, and I stand by that.
On the duplicity of some Igbo leaders:
You will see those Igbo leaders who go to Abuja with their own
agenda in the right hand and the Igbo agenda in the left. It is when their
own agenda fails that they will remember the Igbo agenda.
On lack of transparency in revenue sharing:
We have been accusing the federal government of not being sincere
in what they declare as revenue to the federation account. We have,
time without number, asked the federal government to be transparent
274
in this direction... So, the federal government has been breaching the
constitution. If tomorrow I go to the Supreme Court, they will say the
governor of Abia is against the federal government.
On his being taunted as a vice presidential candidate
to a northern aspirant:
I can never in 2003, fail the Igboman. Igbo people said nobody
should be vice president even on a platter of gold. We are talking of
presidency; we are not talking of vice-president. I can never betray
the Igbo interest by accepting to run for vice-presidency in the year
2003. It means I have betrayed the Igbo cause.
On alleged plot by the federal government to use
federal security forces against him and other
recalcitrant governors in 2003:
Some people think this is a military regime and it will be tested in
2003.. .1 am not afraid of anybody. If you challenge me I challenge
you back. We are all equal stakeholders of Nigeria. If you have your
Nigerian army and police, I have my people's army. The Abia people,
the democratic people that elected me are armed themselves. I will
never do anythipg that will be against the law. If you challenge me
through the intervention of the law, I will challenge you back. That is
what I am saying. I am not the kind of person that you will do anything
to and I laugh. I have international and local supporters... What I am
saying is simple. Where peaceful atmosphere is not allowed by the
federal government, they want trouble, violence would be the answer.
We are not afraid.. .But I wish the federal government will be as wise
as my grandmother, not to try anything funny in this country, including
in Lagos State, because the American people are saying that the federal
government wants to rig election in Lagos State, to rig out Governor
Bola Tinubu. That is what they are saying. American journalists and
diplomats call me and tell me that they want to put Funsho Williams. I
say, I don't know, what I know is Abia. If anybody wins me
democratically, I will shake hands with him and hand over power
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VINTAGE KALU
to him. But if anybody thinks because he controls police or army, he
can do anything, violence will take place. We are not afraid of making
trouble. But we want peace.
Kalu's sixth sense
It is the work of God and my God has never disappointed me. It is
true that I have the hunch of knowing who will win and pitching my tent
on the winning side. I have my ears to the ground and open my eyes
too to see things. Even when I was contesting for governorship, God
told me that I would win ahead of time but that the battle will be tough.
Just like God had told me: 'You are a governor, you work for the
people. The only time I will punish you is when you refuse to work for
the people.'
Yes, I always have insight into who will win in any battle. When I
tell you that this man will win in any contest, I have also made my
calculations and equations, contacted my friends all over the country,
in all works of life to be able to make a decision. These are all the
work of God.
His only bad decision—choice of a deputy?
It wasn't a bad decision, even with the benefit of hindsight. I won't
call it a bad decision. If you are looking at it strictly from the principles
of the game, it wasn't a bad decision. The crisis that later followed
between us is not because I made a wrong decision in choosing him
but simply some of the consequences of politics which is a game of
survival between contending forces. If anybody made a bad decision,
maybe it is the gentleman in question who allowed himself to be used
by my opponents. You know them—the Abia political Mafia.
But I believe in what Chief Awolowo said that whatever happens
to a man is for his own good in the end. The crisis has made me more
popular with the people. Besides, I don't believe in crying over spilt
milk. Whenever I make any choice, whether it is good or bad, I stick
by it. So far, I have no regrets.
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Obasanjo's encomiums
Well, Mr. President was very happy to come to our state. In fact, at
a reception in Aba, Mr. President publicly said he had changed my
name from Executive Governor to Active Governor. That I set my
priority right in line with what the people want. And that my priority
was in line with the policies of the federal government and in line with
the PDP policies. That he wants Aba people to support me to see
genuinely what we are doing. Mr. President commissioned three
roads—Ukwu Mango Road, the Ohanku Road and the Umule Road,
all in Aba. And our people are happy because this is the third ranking
top government functionary coining to commission roads in Abia State
and that tells you how dear the state is to the nation. The Senate
President had been here to commission roads—Obo Ohia/Asa Triangle;
the Vice President had been here to commission roads—Ama
Ogbonnaya, Osusu and Omuma Roads.
You can understand why these top government functionaries were
exceptionally happy with me because, before we came to power, the
whole of Aba was full of potholes. Today, we have rehabilitated all the
major roads in Aba and we are still going to do more to sustain it.
The people were so excited during Obasanjo's visit and they
demonstrated it. They told the president that I would rule them for life.
How he sustained governance despite crisis
The crisis did not make us to lose focus. The fact of the matter is
that that crisis was more of a media affair. Mr. President had seen it
himself that the crisis was only in the pages of the newspapers. It's not
in our state. Many people in our state don't even know that there is a
crisis because we are working normally as the government should work.
There is no crisis here. One man's rebellion against millions of people
in the state can never work. This is not a total war because what we
are fighting against is a war of conscience. I have said it over and over
before that I have nothing personal against my deputy. It is simply a
matter of implementing public policy against corruption. And we must
at any given time fight corruption in this state; there are no two ways
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VINTAGE KALU
about it.
My experience was that things were not as they were supposed to
be. And we are trying to put things right. And that is why God has put
me there. My expectation when I was coming was that I would see a
well-organised government which I can take over from but when I
came in here, there was nothing like an organised system of governance.
Not even a penny was left for me. So, my first assignment was to do a
financial re-engineering of the state and to create a system from which
we could operate. As you well know, my first action was to secure a
bank facility on my personal guarantee to start work on the roads. In
trying to do financial re-engineering of the state, the first monster I
confronted was corruption of the highest order. Everything and
everybody was in it. Nothing was being done; in fact, no system was in
place. You could do anything—and I mean anything—and get away
with it. The situation was simply shocking for lack of a better word.
Actually, why I am having the problems I am having is because my
first target was to fight institutionalised corruption. The kingpins involved
in these scams are now asking: Why do you want to build roads? Why
do you want to provide water? Let us share the money! They wanted
to share the state's monthly allocation and whatever income was
internally generated. It is that bad. Businessmen who used to profit
from this looting of the state's treasury are now using their money to
sponsor media campaigns against me in the media. It is a war of a
kind, in fact, a total war. That is the core of the whole crisis in the state.
Everything is merely cosmetic. The root of it all is, why are you blocking
us from looting the state? We have done it for so many years. We did
it under military and before them, so who the hell are you? That is the
issue. Any other story is window dressing.
And from what I have seen, they even want me dead. They are
prepared to kill. Believe it or not, even my cook was recruited to
poison my food in the government lodge. But it was only God that
saved me and exposed the evil. What have I done to deserve such
fate? Just standing against corruption. But the more they fight me, the
more determined I become. I am not deterred by anything—even the
threat or fear of death. I am prepared to give the last drop of my blood
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in this battle. One thing is that God is on my side. Remember that God
has warned me about this. He said to me: 'Work for the people. The
only time I will punish you is when you refuse to work for the people.'
That is what I am doing—trying to obey God rather than man.
Revocation of land allocation
Abuse of land allocation in the state was one of the manifestations
of the type of corruption that I am talking about. One of the first
decisions I took was to revoke the allocation of government lands to
powerful individuals in the state. It was the prime government land in
Umuahia which people bought at a giveaway price. People sold parcels
of land valued atN25 million atN50,000 to themselves. Some civil
servants simply bought over their official quarters at the price of peanuts.
Can you imagine government workers buying over their official quarters,
even when the government had no reason to sell property given that
the state was still suffering from acute lack of official quarters. That is
the kind of corruption we are talking about. You cannot be a civil
servant and you were given this quarter to live in and you then divide
the official quarter into two, sell half to yourself and then leave the
other half for the government. Have you ever heard of a thing like that
happening elsewhere? It happened here in Abia State. And people
say, leave the sleeping dog to lie. If the dog must sleep on government
property, it is the duty of whom ever God has placed over the state to
wake the bloody dog up! If the dog must sleep, it should go and build
its own house on a neutral place.
If I divide this government house into two and sell to myself, where
will the next governor live? So, they have no conscience. I look at
them as people whom I should all put in jail. But because this is a
democracy, I cannot behave like a military man. Otherwise, these
people ought to be behind bars—all of them. Instead of hiding their
faces in shame, they are hiding behind crisis to sponsor media attacks
against me. This is brazen stealing. How can you divide a government
quarter into two and sell half to yourself? It tells you how bad things
have gone in the state.
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VINTAGE KALU
And moreover, where did they get money to build those mansions
since these people are ordinary civil servants theoretically depending
on government salaries?
My request to the president
Over 20 years ago, the government built a metallurgical complex
that has all the facilities to fabricate crankshaft, engine blocks, spare
parts and foundries for all kinds of metal parts that can be produced
locally. If Ajaokuta Steel Complex is on tract and the metallurgical
complex is on tract, Nigeria would save so much on foreign exchange
spent on importing these items locally. We need about N4 billion to get
it functional but with pressures from so many spots, the state
government cannot raise the fund. What I am asking the federal
government to do is to take it over on the basis of partnership with the
state government in the overall interest of Nigeria.
The president himself laid the foundation over 20 years ago. It was
his idea. It went into inaction because of lack of money compounded
by institutionalised corruption by people who have no focus about good
governance. They have refused to see how good governance should
be. Right now, I am working by priorities. In my list of first priorities
are roads, water, health and school. When we stabilise in these areas,
then I will tackle the metallurgical complex.
My first stage is road and water because these are the most crucial
to the people. As we are doing that, we are also looking into education
and health, because they are very important. My target is to give our
people 250 roads. When the president came, he couldn't commission
all the roads we built because of security. The people went so wild
with excitement that the security could not control them. I told the
security not bother but the president's security detail said no, for fear
that the president and I could be trapped or even be trampled on by
the over excited crowd of Abians shouting* "Oji is our man-oo,
Orji!!...." You know, there is nothing better than good governance.
Even if I commit crime in the state now, I will get away with it because
the people are so charged that anybody that attempts any anti-Orji
280
activities would be lynched by the people. Was it stage-managed? I
will simply challenge anybody who thinks you can stage-manage the
support of over one million people into the street, to stage-manage
your own. Maybe after that, I can come and hire the person to go and
stage-manage that support for my political opponents or the past
governors who plundered the state.
Even members of the State House of Assembly who used to be
troublesome were simply intimidated by the massive support I am
receiving from the people. If I call a press conference and say that the
assemblymen are disturbing me, the people would march over the
assembly.
Our Operation 250 roads are on track. By all means, road is the
biggest priority of our people. It is the only operation that would bring
back sanity. We are talking of standard roads of not less than five
kilometers and above and some of them are over 40 kilometers. It
involves both rehabilitation and building new roads. In Aba we have
gone through so many—Azikiwe, Park, Market Rd, East Street,
Georges, Mosque, Ehi, and other roads.
It is our way of bringing back infrastructure to the state. And from
next budget, I am going to put across the board between 10 and 20
per cent of the budget for maintenance.
Problem of revenue generation
Our people don't like to pay taxes—that is the biggest problem.
Because of past neglects by past administration, people have developed
apathy and cynicism to government generally. They distrust government
and believe that any money given to the government is a waste. They
believe that whatever tax you pay would simply be shared out by
government officials, so why pay tax at all? If they come at all, you cut
a deal with them and get away with it. But this time around, I am going
to use the law to make them to pay taxes since we are providing the
needed infrastructure to justify their taxation. It is the rightful thing to
do. The law has to be firm on people who do not pay taxes. I have
shown them that we can use their money very well; I have shown them
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VINTAGE KALU
that we can perform; I have shown them everything that should make
them pay taxes. The ball is in their court now. They have no reason not
to be able to pay taxes to enable us to sustain the tempo of development.
I am going to invoke the sections of the law that punish people that
evade tax.
The problem of taxation is that much of the revenue never gets
to the government. We recognised that problem and are doing
everything to tackle that. Some have pestered me to employ private
tax consultants. But I won't. It is unconstitutional. The use of
private consultants to collect taxes is part of the institutionalised
corruption that we are set to combat. For instance, even before I was
sworn into office shortly after I had been declared winner, the agent of
one of the private tax consultants came to me with aproposal to employ
them to do the job. They offered to pay monthly returns of N5 million
into my account every month, outside whatever returns they deliver to
the government. That is the private consultant for you. I drove the
people out of my house.
Using the same government officials but with better controls
and monitoring, the tax revenue of the state has increased. When
we came in, the entire tax returns of the state was about N6 million
monthly, now it is over N30 million. My goal is take it to N2c50 million
in my second year in office. The secret is simply good governance.
Like you see Ukwu Mango road that had not been passed for 20
years, now it is a tarred road.
New policy
I am going to start town meetings very soon. I will be meeting people
sector by sector to explain government policies to them and why they
should support us by performing their civic duties. We are going to
print a lot of pamphlets and leaflets to let people know that it is their
rights to pay tax. We are going to use our entire mass media to enlighten
the people that it is only in paying that we will be able to deliver the
goods to them.
ORJ1 KALU: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist
282
Distribution of appointments
I don't care where you come from when it comes to appointments.
My first consideration is competence before political consideration.
The moral thing to do is to work with anybody that comes from
anywhere in Abia. I am here to serve Abia State, not to serve any
section or interest group, I am governor of Abia State and I remain
governor of Abia State.
Impact of governance on his business
I know definitely that this job is affecting me and affecting my
company. Right now, I have no time for my family, no time for my
business and no time for anybody really outside official business. I only
have time for this job.
Peculiar headache of governing Abia
The peculiar problem of governing this state is the obvious one.
Everyone knows more than the governor. Then second problem is that
the rumour industry here is very strong. And rumour distorts everything.
And I know is a deliberate political weapon employed by vested interest
groups to serve some selfish ends. I pity people who had been in
governance. Rumour can bring down any government if not effectively
checked;
How he has been sourcing fund for various projects
That is the question many people are asking. Where are you getting
the money from? Because what you are doing cannot be matched by
the normal revenue of the state. Well, that remains the personal magic
of the governor. It is my personal secret which I won't leak to anybody.
What is important is that you are seeing results. It is the official secret
of the state executive council. It is part of my contract with Abia State.
Remember I have a contract with Abia people. We are the contractors,
and they are the clients. We are doing exactly what our clients expect
us to do by providing them amenities. They need education, roads,
health, water and agriculture—these are our four cardinal objectives.
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VINTAGE KALU
We have given every civil servant ten birds of cockerel to raise in
their garden. That is our poverty alleviation programme. We want to
stimulate them into private famine as a way to supplement their income.
It is also a way to keep them busy after office hours.
Our ambition is that in the next few months, Abia would be the
largest chicken producer in Nigeria individually, not by mechanised
process.
Management in private and public sector
The difference is that in the private sector, you can make quick
decisions. But in the public sector, you have so many forces to contend
with—corruption, bureaucracy, political considerations, intrigues by
various interest groups. So many forces are at play that making a simple
decision can become so cumbersome. These drag things down and
slow everything. The civil servants are not in a hurry to do anything at
all. What I have tried to do is to short-circuit the processes. I want
Abia to be private sector principle driven. I personally can't cope with
all the bureaucracy. We are trying to cut short the backlog of processes.
Like all the long memos that go with every simple process. Like awarding
a simple contract which can take over five months of processing the
papers. Those things, I am side-tracking them. I am removing them
from the system. It is not true that those long processes are check and
balances to guard against abuses and corruption. If anything, those
things actually encourage corruption. After all, all these cumbersome
processes were in place when past regimes simply shared government
money among themselves and their cronies and got away with it. If I
used the system of the old bureaucracy, all these roads we are building,
would not be build because we would still be processing the contract
papers up till now.
The system I use is that all the tenders would come and we would
see the capable people who quoted fairly and we make a decision for
them to go to site and we give them payment immediately to start
work. After mobilising them, then they go ahead and process their
contract papers and satisfy the gods of bureaucracy. This is why I give
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my contracts to those I have the confidence that they can deliver. I give
you my money against a bank guarantee and you go and do the job.
You can then go and do the paperwork later. It is not the other way
round because all these paper works is what is killing Nigeria. Nigeria
should get rid of excessive paperwork and get themselves into practical
works like India did, Indonesia did and Malaysia did. We need to
practicalise our life with honesty and then move forward.
Some say, what if the contractor run away with the money without
performance? But how can he get away when I have his bank
guarantee? If I have given him N20 million, the banks have guaranteed
that if he did not do a job worth N20 million, I will take the money. So,
why should I be afraid? This is what I do in private sector.
I have had to revoke some contracts either for non-performance or
because they were inflated. Terribly inflated, like the BCA radio, the
automatic voltage regulator. How can somebody on earth put what I
have done withN7 million at N47 million, thereby saving N40 million
for the state? Yet, people ask me where I am getting money to do so
many things! If we were awarding that kind of contracts, then the
development programme we have now would not be possible. We
would have gone back to the old story. No money to do this, no money
tothat...
Governor as a cashier
I was the first governor that went physically to inspect the payment
of workers' salary and to watch each worker collect their salary or
paycheck. I did that to be able to know that I am not carrying a lot of
ghost workers. The issue for me was simple: if any of my companies
was paying more money to workers as salary than what I consider the
actual workforce, what would I have done? I would crosscheck
physically. That was just what I did and I saved millions of naira that
would have been paid to ghost workers. I will do it again in Abia if the
situation warrants. I am committed to doing anything to serve the state.
I don't see myself as an armchair governor elected to sit in the office
and be fed with false paperwork, People in the state know that if what
285
VINTAGE KALU
you put in the paper is not satisfactory to me, I will go physically there
to check and see things for myself. As a businessman, I have the policy
that we can do business and make profit both sides. Birt you can't
cheat me, because I am too streetwise for that. That is just the principle
I am using in governance* I will never be a slave to paperwork and
bureaucracy. I will do it by my own rules which are practical and open
process for everybody to see.
I am not elected for office works. My aides and commissioners
should do the office works. I am the chief executive in the corporate
sense of it. In Slok Group which I own, I don't get involved in office
work. I leave that to my managers. I concentrate on strategic issues
and practical issues. Here in Abia, I don't want get into office work.
That is why I am everywhere to see that things are working by myself.
A governor should make policies and the executive aides and other
people down the line implement these policies. My job is not to sit
down every day and be carried away by bureaucracy.
Bureaucracy and bureaucrats are the major problem of this country.
They are experts at misguiding and misleading; using bureaucratic
doublespeak which is only best interpreted by them to suit any direction
they wish.
How I select people to work with
No exact principle. I think I go more by instinct. My mind tells me
I can work with this person, then I go on with it. At times, I am wrong
and at times, I am right. But I trust my instinct. I have more right than
wrong. In any business, you also make mistakes, so I always take
responsibility for my decisions—right or wrong.
My greatest j oy and regret
My greatest joy is that the people who elected us are happy.
My greatest disappointment is the orchestrated fight between me
and the deputy governor because there was no such battle. It was just
an issue of truth and principle. This is the rule and you have breached
the rule, so submit to the consequence of your action. That's all.
286
My wife in a fight?
That was a lie and even impossible. How can she be involved in
a fight with all the security paraphernalia around here? Their job is
to intervene if there was any physical threat to her person. How
can she get into a fight amidst so much heavy policing?
Mum's role
My mum is a party woman and she remains a party woman. She
does not work in the government.
Harvard's response
They are very happy. Four of our professors have written me
and they are excited that at least I am doing well. My Harvard
programme has been very useful to me in governance. In fact, it gave
me a wide scope of understanding which I have carried into governance.
Harvard helped me in the area of problem solving in government setting
because that was the area I was interested in while I was there. When
I get back to them, I am going to spend seven-working days in Harvard
with one of our professors of governance. I want to show them my
problems. I am compiling my problems. I have already sent part of
those problems to be tabled as a case study, so they are studying it.
And they are also going to teach me for this seven days that I would be
inside Harvard campus. It is going to be a tedious seven days of 7 a.m.
to 11 p.m. every day. Just to be able to know the wider scope of the
problems that I am confronting in governance. In fact, the Harvard
Business School is sending somebody here very soon to tour for three
weeks. In fact a team of people, to study the cases I have presented,
to see the cases themselves and analyse the situation first hand. We are
using Abia as a management case study and it is an on-going thing.
In fact, even before I became the governor, Harvard was involved.
They made a lot of input into my campaign strategy. How I should start
the government, how government should be focused on specific policy
objectives, how to run a people-oriented government, what and what
287
VINTAGE KALU
I should do.
When I went to Harvard, the aim was just to widen my
intellectual horizon. But once we introduced ourselves and they
got to know that I was interested in becoming a governor of my
state, they paid special attention to me and worked on making me
achieve my goal. In the event, I now found out that the Harvard ideas
would be useful for governance.
My global role models
World leaders that have influenced my perception of governance
are people like Bill Clinton and F.W. De Klerk of South Africahe was a courageous man to have handed over power to the blacks
at the time he did.
TDt Otji I4zor %alu in his populist mood
Appendix:
Text of a classic speech delivered by Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, the
executive governor ofAbia State, at the first Igbo Summit, Enugu, on
January 19, 2001. It was one speech that not only stole the heart of
the whole summit but that of the entire Igbo race, transforming Kalu
into a hero among his people. Below is an excerpt:
I stand before you today as the face of the new Igbo. I represent a new
generation of the Igbo—purged of the psychology and burden of defeat,
conscious of the peculiar and socio-political circumstances of the Igbo in
our country and determined to forge a new identity and vision for our
people in whatever part of Nigeria they may reside. In the wee hours of
Nigeria's independence in 1960, when my generation came into being,
the Igbo race had already achieved global acclaim as noble and dynamic
people—courageous, enterprising, industrious, and progressive. They
were in the forefront of the Nigerian project, and indeed led the way in
many fields of human endeavour.
Perhaps, Nigeria, our great and beautiful country, may not have existed
at all, but for the heroic efforts, self-sacrifice and vision of that great
Igbo son, Right Honourable Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the first president (and)
commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the Federal Republic of
Nigeria. It was Zik, a worthy son of a worthy race, who led the battle for
the independence of the giant of Africa. Yet, when independence was
won, this pathfinder subordinated his personal ambition to the general
good of the country. It is obvious that if Dr. Azikiwe had succumbed to
the pressure of his contemporaries on the eve of independence, the Nigerian
dream would have had a rude awakening. Indeed, Zik was not the only
Igbo who played a leading role in the making of modern Nigeria. The
history of Nigeria has a rich list of patriotic Igbo men and women who
stood up to be counted when it mattered most. So, let us now pay tribute
to these great men and women, our noble fathers who begot us.
290
General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi, the Right
Honourable Michael Iheonukara Okpara, Dr. Akanu Ibiam, the Ikemba
of the people, General Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Commodore
Ebitu Ukiwe, Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, Chief Alex Ekwueme and so on.
Their struggles and sacrifices shall not be in vain.
One of the great ironies of the Nigerian history is the fate of the Igbo
in the Nigeria of today. At the risk of sounding like a broken record, the
Igbo are outside of Nigeria's socio-political life. I know and I believe
that everyone here, including Dr. Ekwueme, Chief Iwuanyanwu,
Professor Nwabueze, Pius Anyim, and so on, knows that. The question
which arises therefore is, if we all know, what are we doing about it?
Every year, in different fora in different parts of the world: Houston,
Dallas, London, Enugu, and so on, Igbo congregate to do what has become
a new trademark—complain and bemoan their plight. We have become
the crying babies of Nigeria. Cries of marginalisation is now an Igbo
anthem. Year in year out! Yet, what do we have to show for it? The
question I ask you this afternoon, my brothers and sisters is, why are
Igbos marginalised? I will tell you. We have been marginalised by the
successive governments at the centre because we have been unable to
stand together, act and speak together. The fault, William Shakespeare
wrote, is not in our stars but in us. In a country where every group looks
out for her best interests, our people have struck out each man unto
himself. Then we expect, foolishly I must say with due respect, that
Nigeria would be for us all. Well, that has not been the case. Our strategy
has failed. So it is time for new tactics. As the Igbo say, if the music
change changes, a wise dancer changes step.
Often, we shy away from making the right choices, obviously because
they are painful and difficult. So we tend to walk on the easy highway.
Of course, it is expedient, but it rarely leads to the Promised Land. Some
of our leaders would rather reign in hell than serve in heaven. So, they
line up to be counted each time any new government appears. They do
not believe in core set of values and principles, which would earn them
the respect of other groups in Nigeria. The situation is such that today,
some of our leaders are nothing more than glorified errand boys, hired
guns who function at the beck and call of the new power brokers. They
did it for Babangida, Shonekan, Abacha and Abubakar. Is it any surprise
that they are still at under Obasanjo? Our people, we should pray to God
Almighty to grant some of our leaders the strength of character and
291
APPENDIX
wisdom to be real men!
We must join hands with our brothers and sisters in the South-South
and South-West, and in the North in the crusade to reform the Nigerian
federation. We must take stand for the forces of change and progress.
We must re-invent Nigeria in order to ensure that it survives. Resource
control, true federalism, a new revenue sharing formula and so on are all
crucial necessities for continued peace and progress of Nigeria. The
principle of rotational presidency, which produced the current executive,
is a noble idea that must be supported. In that regards, I plead with our
people to remain steadfast in ensuring that the presidency will shift to us
in 2003. All those who are hustling to be campaign managers and running
mates of the Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba presidential candidates should
forget the idea. Do not make any mistake about it, if the Igbo fail to
produce the President in 2003, we will be sentenced to the political
wilderness for at least 20 years more. It is, therefore, obvious that 2003
is our date with destiny. Our children and grandchildren will not forgive
us if we fail to claim that opportunity.
So, I declare this afternoon that never again will our people cry to or
beg anyone for anything. Never again will we crawl before anyone to
ask for our rights. It is a new day and a new era.
We should not complain anymore. We are members of a proud race.
Our people are the most populous ethnic group in Nigeria. There are
over 40 million of us. Our people are like the salt of the earth. We are
everywhere in Nigeria, Africa, Europe and the Americas. We are
hardworking and enterprising, and naturally successful. We are intelligent,
creative and educated. We are the proud inheritors of a credible cultural
identity.
The ancient Greek who founded the democratic form of government
put in place a mechanism to check marginalisation. This is the power of
the vote. We have our votes and Nigeria is a democracy. The task
confronting us, therefore, is to make full use of the vote. It is a fact that
many of our people neither register nor vote in elections. Yet, it is in
participating fully in the electoral process, that we can effect the desired
changes. Let us resolve that henceforth, we will take our faith in our
hands. There is nowhere in the whole wide world where a group of
people as gifted, enterprising and as many as Igbos can be marginalised
or even ignored. There are only about one million Jews in the US. Yet,
by sticking together, they exert an influence far larger than their number.
292
Even here in Nigeria, the Yorubas have shown the advantages of following
a common interest and agenda.
We should never allow anyone, no matter who, to take Igbo votes for
granted again. Anyone who wants our votes should let us know his plans
and programmes. We shall never again empower people who will turn
round to treat us as second-class citizens.
Our main problem is that our leaders, yes, those men and women in
whom we repose confidence, have failed us. Mrs. Sarah Jubril, a former
presidential candidate, put it well in a recent newspaper interview when
she accused Igbo leaders of trading with the votes of their people.' It is
sad, but true, that most of our leaders lack original conviction, principles
and commitment to global Igbo interests while pretending to represent
our people. So, the tragic picture of the greedy Igbo politician who can
sell even his birthright for money has emerged. For how long will our
people continue to endure this band of'carpetbaggers' who grow rich on
the sweat and blood of our people? Never again! Do you hear me very
well? My generation says, enough is enough!
293
REFERENCE
References to Introduction
1. Bennis, Warren and Townsend, Robert, Reinventing
Leadership (July Piakus (Publishers) Ltd., 1995, 27.
2. Depree, Max. Leadership Is An Art. New York: Doubleday,
1992.
3. Barna, George, Leaders on Leadership, Regal Books, 1997, 21.
4. ibid. 21
5. ibid. 21
6. Joyner, Nick, Leadership Management and The Five
Essentials For Success, Morning Star Publications, 1990,29-38.
7. ibid. 33
8. Onanuga's remarks at Kalu's Dinner for Media Executives,
January 8,2001.
9. Joyner, Nick, Leadership Management and The Five Essentials
For Success, Morning Star Publications, 1990, 34.
10. Bennis, Warren and Townsend, Robert, Reinventing Leadership,
Piakus Books, 1996,27.
11. ibid. 4

Orji Kalu: Leadership Lessons From A Master Strategist

Transcription

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