museum - National University of Singapore

Contributors
David Henke l
Pur issima Benitez-Johannot
Dr. Julius Bau t ista
Lou Janssen Oangzalan
asian
civilisations
IZIJ museum
""
SIN GAPORE
RE· THINKING FILIPINO ROMAN CATHOLICISM
Dr. Juli us Ba utista
Jhe most immediate portrait of religion in the Philippines is perhaps of a church-going Roman
Catholic who has been born into the faith and observes it piously. A statistical portrait would
certainly encourage this perception; approximately 81% of Filipinos are Roman Catholics. In
virtually every Filipino town, processions and fiestas commemorating the local patron saint mark
the most important agenda items on the civic calendar. Catholic rites , such as All Souls and All
Saints Day, Holy Week and Christmas, are designated as official public holidays. And although
affairs of religion and state are formally separated in the nation's constitution, the high regard for
Catholic values lends much credence to the notion that Roman Catholicism is the de facto official
religion of the Philippine nation.
The Philippines is a unique nation in its practice of religion, in particular its practice of Catholicism.
The Philippines does not have a simple monolithic replication of a European model of Catholicism.
While there are many aspects about the Filipino 'brand' of Catholicism, in its practice, in its belief,
in its expression, that show respect to the authority of Rome, there is something unique about the
experience of the faith in a country far-flung from the grand Basilicas of the Vatican.
Many of the materials in this exhibit show the localised contours of Catholicism in the country. While
the nature of the faith owes much to its Spanish heritage, several of the items, paintings and objects
in this exhibition demonstrate the specificities of the Filipino experience of Christ. In contrast to the
statistical data which gives us a superficial portrait of Catholicism in the Philippines, the tangible
objects of Catholicism we see here help us re-think our commonsense expectations. This exhibition
helps us to explore the historical circumstances which contributed to the nature of the faith today.
In what ways is Filipino Catholicism unique from its European lineage? In what ways does religion
contribute towards an overall sense of Filipino identity?
THE HISTORICAL LEGACY OF ROMAN CATHOLICISM
The historical background of Filipino Catholicism provides a good context for some of the objects and
pieces of art that we see in this exhibit. The roots of Roman Catholicism in the Philippines go back to
1521 when the Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan arrived in the archipelago. Magellan had set
out to expand the religious and economic interests of Imperial Spain by journeying westwards towards
the Spice Islands in the Moluccas. Although the Philippines was not Magellan's principal destination,
having landed there after many trials and misfortunes, the sheer difficulty of the expedition's pioneering
trans-Pacific voyage invested their landing with the perception of divine provenance.
.....
Today, Magellan's arrival in the Philippines is thought of as a religious event as much as a
navigational feat. Magellan himself, along with the expedition's Friar Andres de Urdaneta, are
recorded as having presided over the first mass in Limasawa island, where they found a hospitable
reception from locals eager to trade. Magellan involved himself with matters of the faith and almost
immediately set about the task of declaring their arrival in the archipelago as nothing short of a
miracle. Eventually, the expedition made its way to nearby Cebu island where Magellan would
continue to propagate a strong sense of spiritual mandate. After a short, and often turbulent, period
Detail of small folk retab/o (p. 82),
Collection of Paulino and Hetty Que
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of establishing relations with the inhabitants of Cebu the first baptism of hundreds of natives was
performed . In the cerem ony, the chieftain Raja Humabon and other members of Cebuano nobility
were ceremoniously welcomed into the faith . Their baptism signalled not just a cleansing away of
their state of heathenness, but was also an event which sought to rename and re-designate them
into mirror images of the European Christian. Raja Humabon was re-named "Carlos", while his wife
was re-named "Juana" , the christian names of the king and queen of Spain.
The painting that we see in this exhibit, by the Philippines' first Nati onal Artist Fernando Amorsolo,
entitled "First Baptism" (p. 76} depicts this event of spiritual ascension and re-ascription. The visual
impact of this work is in its depiction of an initial contact situation that was marked not by hostility
and mistrust, but by magnanimity, acquiescence and divine inspiration. In effect, it glosses over
the prag matic and commercial interests and agendas of both sides. For in their interaction with
Cebuanos, or so we glean from the painting, the replenishment of supplies was secondary to the
conversion of natives, and the issues of trade and port duties were peripheral to the missionary zeal
which had come to characterise what was initially geo-economic exped ition . lt is this impression
of Magellan's arrival that has withstood the test of time in the hearts and minds of most, if not all,
Filipinos today.
In the momentous events of the early Spanish colonial period, the iconography of Catholicism
had taken centre stage . The memoirs of the expedition's chroni cler, Antonio Pigafetta, record
that the icon of the Christ as Child , the Santo Nino, was presented to the queen of Cebu upon
her baptism. This acceptance of the new faith, and indeed of the Santo Nino icon that came to
symbolise it, was not supposed to be a simple addition or overlay to the pre-existing pantheon
of local deities. Conversion required not only th e compliance of th e convert, but the physical
denouncement of any objects that even suggested the presence of other gods, nature spirits
or supernatural beings. The introduction section of thi s exhibit present s anoth er painting
by Amo rsolo which depict s thi s conversion of both mentality and physicality. Like the " First
Bapti sm", "Burning of th e Idols" (p. 53} capture s the magnitude of the Fili pino rem embrance
of their religious lineage during th e early contact period. Th e concepts of monotheism and
iconoclasm were strong features of Amorsolo's work. Idols were not just to be discarded ; they
were to be burned into non-existence. Indeed, the painting implies that the protagonists in the
early written history of the Philippines were motivat ed less by trade and commerce, than by the .
mutual intersection of their spiritual interests.
Among the many icons of Filipino Catholicism , the Santo Nino icon stands out as th e most powerful
symbol, and we are privileged to have some Santo Nino icons in this exhibit. The Santo Nino
story takes place when , a few months after his arrival, Magellan was killed in a battle with the
Chieftain Lapu Lapu in nearby Mactan island. That battle is known today as a clash between local
politics on the one hand, and Magellan 's belief in the religious and military supremacy of European
civilisation on the other. Although Magellan 's death resulted in the expedition's retreat from the
archipelago, the religious significance of his 'discovery' of the Philippines was not diminished. In
fact, Magellan's had effectively planted the seed of Catholicism in the Philippines in the form of th e
Santo Nino icon itself, which was left behind in the survivors' hasty retreat. There, the Santo Nino
remained in the hands of Cebuanos who had sequestered their initial loyalty to Magellan, almost
as quickly as they had given it in their baptism.
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The Santo Nino's continued presence in the islands would , however, prove significant as the
second Spanish expedition led by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi landed in the Philippines in 1565. Like
Magellan, Legazpi was instructed to establish a colonial presence in the region and further the
Christian faith . In spite of the hostile reception he received from locals in Cebu , Legazpi took great
inspiration from the discovery of what crew believed to the very same Santo Nino icon left behind
by Magellan, safely intact in one of the native dwellings. Spanish accounts report that the Santo
Nino had in the interim been worshipped as a local deity by Cebuanos. Convinced of the divine
mandate symbolised by this finding , Legazpi persevered and literally built the foundations for the
Spanish colonial regime in the Philippines that was to last for well over three centuries.
By as early as 1570, a majority of those who came in contact with the Spanish had converted to
Catholicism. For centuries , the cross and the sword came to symbolise the nature of Spanish
dominion in the islands. Indeed, conversion into Roman Catholicism meant receiving the temporal
protection of Spanish colonial forces, as well as the right to engage in trade and economic
activity. lt became advantageous therefore to adopt the new faith, at least outwardly. By the
end of the 19th century, the vast majority of Filipinos lived their lives according to the Faith and
the temporal authority of the Spanish court. Although the Spanish regime was able to convert
many locals to Catholicism , they did not have the manpower to invest in widespread language
instruction. As such, it was more feasib le for the relatively few Spanish friars who went to the Far
East to learn the native language, and talk about the Faith in local languages such as Tagalog and
Bisaya. Slippages in translation into native vernaculars, as well associations made with pre-existing
indigenous notions of spirits and deities contributed to the idiosyncratic nature of Catholicism in
the Philippines. The use of amulets, the persistent belief in pre-Hispanic deities, and the practice
of faith-healing and spirit-mediums signified that Catholicism was often accepted and interpreted
in ways that Spanish friars did not intend.
Filipino 'folk Catholicism ' is a term used to described the way in which the faithful in the Philippines,
then as now, have integrated the beliefs and practices of pre-Hispanic belief into Catholic rites and
rituals. While 'folk Catholicism' may be seen as a pejorative term, it remains a fact that many
Filipinos do not see their faith as diminished or corrupted. Rather, theirs is a faith that is integrated
into the very fabric of life - such as in praying to both animist spirits and patron saints in harvest
time, for example - without a sense of duality or theological friction .
Some materials in this exhibit are manifestations of Filipino folk Catholicism. The vulnerability and
playfulness of the baby Jesus figures contrast sharply with the depiction the pictures and images
of the crucified Christ. One will also notice that several pieces depict Catholicism in kinship terms
in icons of a pregnant Mary and the Holy family , paintings of the Madonna, both with Jesus as child
and after his crucifixion. There are also localised depictions of the Virgin Mary in Filipina dress,
depictions of the passion of Christ, as well as home Altars and Retab/os (pp. 82 and 88-89) . Such
pieces give us insights into how the specific circumstances of colonial encounter in the Philippines
resulted in Catholicism with a local, familial flavour .
Filipino 'folk Catholicism', however, also had a more subversive aspect. In his book Pasyon and
Revolution , the historian Reynaldo lleto argues that religion often provided the vocabulary and
sentimental context for anti-Spanish ideas to percolate and , eventually, erupt. The ritual chanting of
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Katipunan amulet (p. 165),
Collection of Richard and
Sandra Lopez
the passion (Pasyon) plays were on the surface expressions of piety and religiosity. But the pasyon
was also a venue in which alternative and localised ideas about brotherhood , lightness, and debtof-gratitude fermented, and was able to be imbued with subversive potential. lt is the revolutionary
capacity of Filipino Catholicism that underlies the irony of the colonial experience - relig ion, once
used by the Spanish to force native compliance and passivity, was now being re-appropriated as a
clandestine source of insurrection. Catholicism in its localised rendition threatened , ironically, the
very longevity of the Spanish agents who first introduced it.
The Katipunero amulets that we find in the exhibition are physical examples of the subversive
capacity of Filipino religious sensibility. Faced with the might of the Spanish Guardia Civil , Filipino
revolutionaries often had to contend with insurmountable odds in their struggle for freedom from
the colonial regime. Katipuneros were hardly well equipped and trained. Amulets or agimat were
typically a part of the revolutionary arsenal which the bearer could marshal for his own protection
and survival. They typically featured corrupted Spanish and Latin words painting an arcane
religious power which, while unintelligible to its owner, imbued the bearer with supernatural power
and prowess. Anting-anting (talismans) could either be worn as clothing (p. 103), placed in one's
pocket, or even in one's mouth during battles. Several such examples can be observed in th is
exhibit, particularly those which feature a sun motif symbolising the nascent Filipino nation and
God the Father (p. 46 and 165). There are many tales of revolutionary heroes who were adept
at marshalling the power of agimat and anting-anting. Leon Kilat in Cebu is one of the more
prominent examples of people who, through these objects, possessed powers of invulnerability t o
bullets, invisibility, teleportation and lightning speed.
Amulets in a very literal sense enabled an arena of confrontation with Spanish authority. lt was
because Filipino revolutionaries saw an arcane power in such amulets - a power t hat had not
been sanctioned or even recognised by official channels - that they became emboldened to
resist hegemonic authority. And although anti -colonial revolutions were not always successful,
the vehemence with which they were fought testified to the limits of that authority . Ironically, the
foundations for resistance were within th e instruments of domination. Indeed, the Spanish Friars
and colonial administrators, just as the Parish Priest and Bishops tod ay, did not have a monopoly
over the inner sensibilities and outwards demonstrations of Filipino Roman Catholicism.
Th e authority of Spanish Catholicism however did not go unchallenged. The arrival of the
American colonial regim e was characterised by blatant efforts at re-Christianising Fil ipinos through
concerted acts of Protestant missionisation. Spanish Catholicism was seen as an invalid kind of
Christianisation , defined by clerical abuse, flamboyant worship and idolatry. Various Protestant
missions were successful in converting parts of the Filipino participation. However by the first
half of the 20'h century, only a small fraction of Filipinos has turned away from their Catholicism.
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Nirio Dormido (p. 95),
Collection of the Bangko
Sentral ng Pilipinas
Filipino loyalty to Spanish Catholicism, manifested so strongly in the various feast days and rituals
on Catholic statues and icons, held through a vehement American missionisation and through a
Filipino propaganda movement that decried Rom an Catholic friar abuse.
lt is ironic that the relative failure of American Protestant missionisation can be attributed, at least in part,
to the very idolatrousness of Filipino Catholicism. The continued reverence for icons like the Santa
Nirio, in spite of American Protestant condescension and outright vitriol against Catholic practices of
'idol worship;, is testament to this. The Santa Nirio figure that is currently enshrined in the Basilica
Minore in Cebu, for example, is said to be the very same icon that Magellan brought to Cebu in 1521 .
The significance of this figure is not merely a function of its age, but also of its amenability to variation .
In this exhibit, there are several Santa Nirios in various poses, vestments and incarnations (p. 77, 81,
and 95). These 'alter ego' Santa Nirio's are significant because they capture the capacity of Roman
Catholicism to adapt to local life worlds, effectively relating itself to the vicissitudes of the common man.
This is one of the reasons why Roman Catholicism was able to withstand the onslaught of Protestant
Missionisation. Because Roman Catholic icons were so well integrated into the cultural fabric of Filipino
life, Protestant missionaries were increasingly frustrated in their attempts to turn Filipinos towards their
Protestant denominations. By the 1930s, even the American colonial administration was collaborating
with the Roman Catholic Church in building the infrastructures of the Commonwealth. At the end of the
colonial period, the longevity of Roman Catholicism can be attributed to the extent to which a foreign,
introduced religion had localised by the faithful themselves.
FILIPINO CATHOLICISM IN THE 21 sr CENTURY
The media today highlights certain events and images of Filipino Catholicism. During Holy Week, the
international media consistently converge on the town of Pampanga to feature devotees nailed to the
cross or engaged in acts of self flagellation. Outside the Philippines this event is typically featured
as a compelling and confronting source of 'shock-tertainment', rather than as news. Viewers the
world over cringe as they watch the penitent hoisted up on the cross in a gruesome re-enactm ent
of Christ's ultimate act of personal sacrifice. Over the years, some foreigners have even submitted
themselves to the ritual. Most, however, are content to identify vicariously with the penitent's pain,
bearing witness to what has been described as a 'fundamentalism' and 'literalism' of faith that can be
observed from a distance, viewed as grotesque theatre, akin to a kind of religious freak show.
Although the official Roman Catholic Church in the Ph ilippines has discouraged participation in
such acts, these rituals have become testament to the lengths that many Filipinos go to as an
expression of their piety and devotion. For better or for worse, these crucifixions are the most
frequently cited example not only of the extreme devoutness of Filipino Catholicism, but as
signifiers of an illicit 'folk Catholicism' in the country. 'Folk Catholicism' therefore denotes aspects
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Detail of Station of the Cross (p. 93),
Collection of Paulino and Hetty Que
of the Filipino Christianity that are too literalist in their interpretation of scripture, thereby revealing
a faith based not on a mature, nuanced understanding of the spirit of scripture, but a blind mimicry
of Christian doctrine.
While live crucifixions show how Filipinos interpret the 'script' of Catholicism too literally, there
are also instances in which the script is not followed at all. Today, all sorts of amulets and charms
are sold freely on the streets of many Philippine cities. Often sold outside of Catholic Churches
around the country, the amulets are purchased by a burgeoning clientele who appeal to an arcane
power that resides in the very physicality of the object, if not in its capacity to act as a conduit to
the divine. Most of t he buyers would consider t heir purchases as continuous with thei r devoti on
to God, in spite of being at least peripherally aware t hat these are not sanctioned by their parish
priest. How are we to understand this situation in the context of Filipino religiosity? Amulets such
as these reveal not so much a misguided, dysfunctional religiosity, but, like the live crucifixions of
Pampanga, th e purchase and use of amulets are indicative of how religion can be used in ways
that far outstrip the intentions of the official purveyors of the faith. In another sense however, they
reveal that religiosity in the Philippines is far from a static system of bl ind faith , memorisation and
rote recitati on. In re-imagining and rethinking Filipino Catholicism, we need to understand that
Filipinos are active, pragmatic and conscientious crafters of their own faith and rel igiosity.
There will be those who judge Filipino Catholicism according to the standards of religious purity,
arguing that t he faith as it is manifested in their material culture and history cannot really be
considered Catholic because of its unorthodox practice, and flamboyant and literalist interpretations
which deviate too much from official Roman Catholic norms. This, however would be a short-sighted
conclusion. The second Vatican Council in 1963-1965 was significant because it acknowledged
and celebrated not only diversity within the Catholicism but also the importance of celebrating the
vernacularisation and enculturation of the faith in varied settings. lt would be misguided to think
of Filipino religion, and the objects of this exhibit that pertain to them, as simply quirky, deviant
or illicit appeals to 'ultimate' concerns. Rather, religious worship in th e Philippines must be seen
according to a set of practical, everyday vicissitudes and desires. Like people everywhere, Filipinos
are motivated and inspired by pragmatic concerns and the challenges they face in the pursuit of
better living condition, and a better future for themselves and t heir families. In showing us the
minutiae of Philippine life, this exhibit helps us understand how these everyday concerns of Filipinos
impact upon their larger worldviews.
lt would also be useful to consider how faith respo nds to the economic, social and even political
challenges brought about by the modern condition in the Philippines. The concern for everyday,
practical realities is reflected in the function and role of the Church as an institution. The Roman
Catholic Church, represented most prominently through the Catholic Bishops Conference of
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Detail of Mary and the Twelve Apostles
(p. 95), Co llection of Paulino and
Hetty Que
the Philippines, is an institution that is involved in matters beyond that of faith alone. Often, the
involvement extends into matters of governance, political authority and lawmaking. Indeed, religion
and politics in the Philippines have had a long history of engagement in spite of a constitution that
stipulates their separation . The Church's role in political upheaval and revolution the Philippines
is well known . Presidencies are made and unmade with the influence of the Church's capacity to
galvanise its flock into action, even by extra-constitutional means. The Church's ability to influence
the outcome of elections is recognised not only by voters but by political aspirants themselves, most
of whom are not insensitive to the benefits of the Church's endorsement of their candidacy. The
Church also exerts a significant influence on the legislative process of Congress itself, particularly
in bills and laws that intersect with their pastoral jurisdiction. Bills on the death penalty, abortion,
reproductive health , population control and ot her life issues have been arenas in which the Church
has taken on an activist, rather than merely pastoral role.
What does this kind of perspective of Filipino religiosity contribute to t he understanding of Filipino
identity? People typically know about the Phili ppines through a world media that, more often than
not, portrays it as a re ligiously quirky, politically dysfunctional, crisis-ridden and calamity-prone
country. Yet this perception is easily refuted by one's encounter with its citizens, whether in t he
country itself, or in the world's workforce . Whet her it is in the services and care-giving sector,
the business process outsourcing industry, or in the ent ertain ment industry, Singaporeans are
especially well positioned to fathom this. Many in this city state may not realise the extent to
which things Filipino have impacted upon their own personal sensibil ities. There is often a Filipino
presence in the personal spaces of many Singaporeans, particularly in their households, wit h whom
Singaporeans forge genuinely st rong and lasting relationshi ps. Often times, these bonds extend
long after domestic relationships have ended and f requently, t hese bonds leave indeli ble traces
which form the foundations for a strong academic interest in the Philippines among Singaporeans
everywhere . This exhibition, therefore, is a crucial step toward s matching t he as yet latent potenti al
of Singapore as a place to think about the Philippines in new and unique ways beyond what can
be gleaned from statisti cs or popular news items. One may start, perhaps, by taking seriously the
goal of re-thinking and expanding our conception of Filipino Catholicism, which forms a critical
part of Filipino identity. If the exhibit is able to encourage a more sensitive, ho listic and nuanced
vi ew of Filipino society, we will have gone far towards the fu lfi lment of t his goal.
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