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PROOF COVER SHEET
Author(s):
Virpal Kataure
Article Title:
The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians living in
ethnic enclaves
Article No:
RSAD722385
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RSAD722385
Techset Composition Ltd, Salisbury, U.K.
9/3/2012
South Asian Diaspora
Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2012, 1– 20
5
The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation
South Asians living in ethnic enclaves
Virpal Kataure∗ and Margaret Walton-Roberts
10
Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo,
Canada
Canada has experienced the development of suburban ethnic enclaves by
established immigrant diaspora groups surrounding major metropolitan centres.
However, less is known regarding the housing and location preferences of their
maturing offspring population, known as the second-generation. This paper seeks
to explain the housing preferences and location choices of second-generation
South Asians residing in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves, a suburban city on the
periphery of Toronto. This research draws on the home leaving process and
integrates the theoretical perspectives of ethnic enclaves and the life cycle. A
telephone survey conducted in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves suggests a dominant
preference of low-density, detached-style dwellings in suburban areas. The
life cycle perspective has proven to be a powerful explanatory tool during the
household-formation phase, but does not appear to be valuable during
the independent-living stage, since ethnic enclave residency seems to persist. The
importance of familial ties in the South-Asian culture, the growth of ethnic
enclaves, traditional ideas of socioeconomic success and life cycle values during
family-formation shape preferences for second-generation South-Asian-Canadians.
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Keywords: Brampton; second generation; South Asians; ethnic enclaves; housing;
suburbs; settlement; life cycle
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CE: KRR
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Introduction
Immigrant diaspora groups have had an immense impact on the Canadian landscape by
shaping physical and social environments through the development of culturally distinct ethnic enclaves. As these ethnic enclaves continue to grow (Qadeer and
Agrawal 2010), the settlement choices of immigrant offspring, known as the second
generation, have become of great interest (Alba et al. 1999, Reitz 2002, Mendez
2009a, 2009b).1 It is important to understand the future housing and residential location
choices of immigrant offspring to determine whether they will reproduce the settlement
patterns of their parents. With extensive research conducted on immigrant ethnic clusters and segregation in Canada’s major metropolitan centres (Fong 1996, Ray 1999,
Driedger 2003, Myles and Hou 2003, Agrawal 2006, Walks and Bourne 2006, Haan
2007), implications of specific second generation visible minority residential patterns
outside of urban centres have yet to be fully explored in the Canadian context
(Walks and Bourne 2006, Teixeira 2007). This paper seeks to address the following
questions: What factors determine a desirable place to live for second-generation
∗
Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]
ISSN 1943-8192 print/ISSN 1943-8184 online
# 2012 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19438192.2013.722385
http://www.tandfonline.com
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South Asians in Canada? What are the group’s main priorities when deciding where to
settle? Is the group likely to continue residing in suburban cities (and possibly ethnic
enclaves), or is there a trend towards core urban settlement?
South Asians are among the most concentrated visible minority groups in Canada
(Walks and Bourne 2006, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010), and the largest share of this
population is found in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA).2 The outer suburb of Brampton
has the largest number of South Asians comprising its’ total population (31.7% in
Brampton versus 12.1% in the City of Toronto) resulting in prominent ethnic enclaves.
This paper reports findings from a telephone survey to understand the future housing
preferences and residential location choices of South-Asian second-generation immigrants living in Brampton’s ethnic enclaves. It is important to begin to understand
the nature of intergenerational change in ethnic enclaves, and how settlement choices
might be affected by life cycle and socio-economic transitions. Ultimately, understanding some of the dynamics that shape the residential preferences of second generations
will enhance our ability to assess the current status and future development of diaspora
communities in ethnic enclaves, suburban and urban cities.
Defining concepts and theoretical framework
Settlement theories
There is a sizeable body of research concerned with immigrant residential settlement patterns. Most of these early theories hypothesize that immigrants are underprivileged and thus
reside close together in ethnic enclaves until their socioeconomic status improves, allowing
them to settle in the higher status suburbs (Burgess 1925, Duncan and Duncan 1957,
Massey and Denton 1987, Gans 1992, Peck 2005). Many have criticized these theories
in that they assume immigrants are socioeconomically disadvantaged, which is often not
the case of ‘new’ immigration cohorts from Asia, Africa and the Middle East (Balakrishnan
and Hou 1999, p. 201, Hiebert 2000, Boyd 2002). Others also criticize these theories as they
assume involuntary segregation and the formation of ghettos. But in Canada this may not be AQ2
¶
the case, since even the most segregated neighbourhoods are on the whole multi-ethnic
(Fong 1996, Bauder and Sharpe 2002, Logan 2002, Balakrishnan et al. 2005).3
Recent theories suggest that settlement in city centres is also a sign of success and
integration. The gentrification of neighbourhoods and their unique characteristics
makes them highly attractive to urban dwellers (Hiebert 2000, Bauder and Sharpe
2002), although existing less economically successful residents might experience gentrification displacement (Thomas and Darnton 2006, Lewis and Donald 2009, Murdie
and Skop 2012).4 The experiences of Italians in Toronto have shown successful dispersal to the suburbs while still maintaining a presence in longstanding inner city communities (Murdie and Teixeira 2003, Zucchi 2007). The arrival of recent skilled
immigrants may also lead to settlement in major urban centres, since according to
Florida (2002) highly educated and ‘creative professionals’ are attracted to these chic
urban places rather than to traditional communities such as the suburbs (Florida
2002, 2004, Thomas and Darnton 2006, p. 155, Delisle and Shearmur 2010, p. 308).
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Ethnic enclaves
Before beginning to analyse suburban ethnic enclaves, it is important to understand the
meaning and history behind this unique urban form. Ethnic enclaves are said to have
South Asian Diaspora
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progressed from areas of involuntary segregation and discrimination to being starting
points for immigrants and a desirable destination for others who have diverse socioeconomic backgrounds (Logan et al. 2002, p. 302, Marcuse 2005, Peach 2005,
Qadeer and Agrawal 2010, p. 318). Ethnic clusters began to form with the help of
chain migration, connections with families back home, changing labour market
locations from urban to suburban cities, and the development of ethnic businesses
and community organizations (Li 1998, Teixeira 2007, Murdie and Skop 2012).
Qadeer and Agrawal (2010) identify ethnic enclaves as the formation of ‘an axis or
band of high-ethnic-density territories . . . surrounded by zones of lower ethnic concentrations’ (p. 315). The degree to which an ethnic enclave is concentrated is defined differently in various studies (Bauder and Sharpe 2002, Walks and Bourne 2006).
Contrary to the assumptions of the human ecology model (Burgess 1925), Doucet’s
(1999) ‘dispersed city’ hypothesis shows that the socioeconomic status of immigrants
has changed, where the previously homogenous suburbs have become reception zones
for immigrants creating more heterogeneous communities on the periphery (Kalbach
1990, Ray et al. 1997, Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, Hiebert 2000, Balakrishnan
et al. 2005, Teixeira 2007, p. 499). In Canada, ethnic enclaves can attract long-term
immigrant residents, the second generation, and other members of society (Logan
et al. 2002, pp. 300–2). There are some drawbacks that scholars have noted from continued segregation (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, Djajic 2003, Ghosh 2007, Agrawal
2010, Frost 2010, Murdie and Skop 2012), but the Canadian experience of voluntarily
clustering is, on the whole, viewed positively (Zhou 1992, Logan et al. 2002, Balakrishnan et al. 2005, Peach 2005, Borjas 2006).5
South Asians
South Asians are persons other than Aboriginal peoples, and are non-Caucasian in race or
non-white in colour and whose ethnic background is identified as Bangladeshi, Bengali,
East Indian, Goan, Gujarati, Kashmiri, Pakistani, Punjabi, Nepali, Sinhalese, Sri Lankan,
Tamil or South Asian (Statistics Canada 2006). This characterization is used as the standard definition in this study, although it should be noted that there is tremendous intragroup diversity within immigrant populations due to differences in socioeconomic backgrounds, places of origin and settlement patterns (Zhou and Lin 2005). Myles and Hou
(2003) caution that ‘skin colour alone does not produce shared identities’ and that ‘the
“average” experience of Chinese, South-Asian and Black families potentially conceals
important differences among immigrant populations’ (p. 28).6 Nonetheless, the term is AQ3
relevant as a category of assessment insofar as it represents a form of official categorization for data collection, is representative of broadly similar cultural traits (White 1994,
Zhou 1997), and describes comparable racial and labour market deskilling experiences
(Portes and Zhou 1993, Bauder 2003), shared housing trajectories (Balakrishnan and
Hou 1999, Bauder and Sharpe 2002) and educational attainment outcomes (Coleman
1990, Zhou 1992, Picot and Hou 2011).
Understanding second generations
Settlement in ethnic enclaves
The ‘segmented assimilation theory’ proposed by Portes and Zhou (1993) incorporates
some analysis of second generation settlement patterns by arguing that different ethnic
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groups exhibit various types of residential patterns, and they discuss three possible
relationships: traditional upward mobility and assimilation to the host society, opposite
downward mobility and ethnic segregation or upward mobility while sustaining ethnically homogenous immigrant communities (most often associated with ethnic enclaves
where second generations are present) (Gans 1992, Portes and Zhou 1993, Perlmann
and Waldinger 1997, Boyd 2002). Logan et al. (2002) called their similar model the
‘new assimilation’ theory, where the maintenance of ethnic enclaves actually form
more durable communities giving rise to positive enclave effects (Coleman 1990,
Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997, Borjas 2002). As mentioned earlier the
Canadian experience does not show any significant evidence of visible minorities
contributing to segmented or underclass assimilation, since most settlement in enclaves
is considered voluntary (Boyd 2002, Murdie and Skop 2012).
Recent findings suggest that immigrants and their offspring favour living in suburban enclaves surrounding major urban areas (such as Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver) in order to access jobs within commuting zones (Reitz and Sommerville 2004,
Qadeer and Agrawal 2010). Scholars conclude that such residential segregation
among European and visible minority groups is unlikely to decrease in the future,
and confirms an increase in ethnic concentrations for the Jewish, Chinese and SouthAsian populations in Toronto (Fong and Wilkes 2003, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010).
In general, studies show a hierarchy of residential segregation among groups in
Canada where whites are the least clustered, and minorities the most concentrated,
even when controlling for socioeconomic status (Richmond 1967, Balakrishnan
1982, Kalbach 1987, Balakrishnan et al. 2005).
Educational attainment and settlement
A large and growing body of literature has shown second-generation immigrants
exhibit superior socioeconomic prospects since their educational attainment exceeds
that of their parents, and is even above that of their Canadian-born counterparts
(Boyd and Grieco 1998, Boyd 2002, Farley and Alba 2002, Fong and Wilkes 2003,
Aydemir and Sweetman 2006, Yan et al. 2008, Picot and Hou 2011, p. 9).7 Secondgeneration residential segregation however has shown to persist when social class is
controlled for, and even as their education level increases (Balakrishnan and Selvanathan 1990, Coleman 1990, Kalbach 1990, Hiebert 2000, Boyd 2002, Logan et al.
2004, Walks and Bourne 2006). In particular, Kalbach (1990) found the same level
of segregation for many second-generation groups in Toronto. Studies also show that
second-generation educational achievement may even be improved through continued
settlement in enclaves (Coleman 1990, Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997).8
On the other hand, some scholars argue that residential segregation may decrease
once education increases (Fong 1996, Boyd and Grieco 1998, Farley and Alba
2002), but do not indicate where they choose to settle instead.
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Homeownership
Among immigrant groups, there is a great deal of cultural importance placed upon
homeownership (Ozuekren and van Kempen 2002, Kim and Boyd 2009, p. 12,).
There is still some debate as to whether immigrants are better off than the nonvisible minority population in terms of socioeconomic achievement (Hiebert 2000,
Reitz et al. 2011), but many have demonstrated the ability of visible minority
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immigrants to attain owner-occupied housing at a rate faster than the Canadian-born
population (Kim and Boyd 2009). Mendez (2009a, 2009b) reported that homeownership decreases with generational distance from immigration, although others found
that homeownership is consistent in Canada’s three metropolitan regions, where it continues to rise and stabilizes up until the third-plus generation, when it begins to fall
(Kim and Boyd 2009, p. 15). After examining the existing literature, it seems that
the higher socioeconomic achievements of second-generation South Asians increases
their homeownership prospects, freedom of choice and ability to obtain their desired
housing options more so than their parents and other groups.
Life cycle
One theory which plays a critical role in answering housing preferences is the life cycle
theory. The life cycle perspective can be understood as ‘the changing demographic
characteristics of a household as it progresses from initial formation to dissolution’
(Clark and Onaka 1983, p. 47, White 1994). Rossi’s (1955) conceptualization hypothesizes that housing need or unsuitability comes from changes that occur in the household life cycle, and these changes then alter the preferences and needs of the individual
or family. The typical process is the following: a new married couple demands a small
dwelling in a high-density neighbourhood close to the city core; increase in age and
family size lead to increased demand for space and suburban living arises; lastly, as
family size decreases, a trend back to smaller units and higher densities in the city
centre is desired (Lansing et al. 1964).9 The transition into adulthood is seen as part
of the life cycle theory and is indicated by events in one’s life: ending schooling,
getting married, having children, becoming a fulltime member of the labour force or
establishing independent-living arrangements (White 1994, Mulder and Hooimeijer
1999, Dieleman 2001). Therefore, the life cycle structures the motivation to move
during these stages.
Although many have criticized the model for its failure to incorporate divorced,
never married individuals and non-traditional relationships, scholars have adapted a
more flexible model with phases and a greater number of outcomes or pathways,
with the possibility of counter transitions (White 1994, p. 83). Furthermore, the lifecycle theory has also been limited in examining specific ethnic groups who have distinctive cultural traditions and settlement patterns. In this study, I am not scrutinizing
the validity of the theory or examining how the stages of the lifecycle influence
second-generation South Asians. Rather, the aim is to determine whether the traditional
theories of the household life cycle still have an influence on residential preference from
urban to suburban settlement or vice versa, especially for those who have been raised in
suburban ethnic enclaves. In this paper I specifically examine second-generation South
Asians’ preference when considering the process of leaving home and developing independent-living arrangements.
The case study: Brampton
South Asians in Brampton
The City of Brampton has a substantial South-Asian population, approximately 31.7%
of the total population and 55.6% of the total visible minority population (Statistics
Canada 2006). The proportion of total South-Asian population residing in enclaves
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has also greatly increased in the GTA between 2001 and 2006 from 30% to 49%,
although these areas still contain a large British population (Qadeer and Agrawal
2010, pp. 328–9). Most South-Asian visible minorities in Brampton self reported
ancestral backgrounds from the Indian subcontinent (69.0%), followed by Pakistani
(9.3%), Sri Lankan (7.8%), Punjabi (4.1%), Tamil (2.7%) and Bangladeshi (1.8%)
(Statistics Canada 2006). For the purposes of this research nationality groups were
not used due to sample size. However, concerns about intra-group diversity may be
countered by the fact that the majority of respondents self-reported East Indian
origin in the census and 64.7% reported Punjabi as their mother tongue (Statistics
Canada 2006). Based on these indicators the prominence of East Indians should be
noted when interpreting this data. Using the second-generation South-Asian values
for the City of Toronto, this study approximates there to be 20,649 second-generation
South Asians residing in Brampton as of 2006.
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Brampton: the suburb
Taylor and Lang (2004) examined the obscurities associated with the term ‘suburban’
and counted 50 names given to this metropolitan form in the literature, thereby illustrating how complicated analysing and conceptualizing urban growth can be (Charney
2005). For the purpose of this study, Brampton is deemed a suburban city as development
occurs in greenfield sites, it is located on periphery of the Toronto urban region, it has
seen rapid development in homogenous housing styles and built form to meet the
needs of the baby boom population, it has higher owner occupation rates than the
region, and is largely automobile dependent (Statistics Canada 2006, Brampton 2011);
it therefore has all the characteristics of a suburb (Charney 2005, Lee and Leigh
2007). Scholars also recognize that ethnic enclaves in the GTA are present in suburban
areas with higher homeownership rates, have shown an increase in ethnic concentration,
and contain newly developed, sprawl-like housing (Bauder and Sharpe 2002, p. 216,
Balakrishnan et al. 2005, Qadeer 2005, Agrawal 2010, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010).
Brampton is the youngest community in the Toronto CMA with a median age of
33.7 in 2006, compared to Toronto and Ontario at 37.5 and 39.0 years, respectively.
A significant second-generation population is also present, and approximately 20%
of the population aged 15 or older has moved, or is moving, through secondary education (Statistics Canada 2006). Lastly, Brampton’s working-age population (20–64)
has also increased by 32.28% from 2001 to 2006 and now comprises 62.24% of the
total population (Statistics Canada 2006). These statistics suggest that the region’s
growth is linked to Brampton being seen as a desirable area for young families and
homebuyers with affordable housing, relatively speaking.10 Figure 1 shows SouthAsian ethnic concentration in Brampton by census tract (CT). The Bramalea neighbourhood contains one small CT comprised of virtually all apartment buildings.11 The
Fletchers Creek neighbourhood has slightly older dwellings with lower levels of homeownership than the other enclaves, although the housing stock is more diversified, and
consequently has a higher population density (Statistics Canada 2006). The highest
value of dwellings can be found in Castlemore, which contains very large houses on
large lots and is reflected by its higher income residents (Statistics Canada 2006).
Springdale also contains large houses but on smaller lots reflected by higher population
densities (Statistics Canada 2006). Qadeer and Agrawal’s (2010) study on the evolution
of ethnic enclaves in the Toronto area shows that the development of new housing and
continued immigration from South Asia have led to the growth of enclaves; specifically
South Asian Diaspora
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Figure 1. Ethnic concentrations by CT using percent concentrated for the City of Brampton.
Note: Above 50% South Asian of the total CT population is considered concentrated.
Springdale and Castlemore saw the greatest growth in enclaves between 2001 and
2006.12
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Methods
The methods used in this case study are telephone surveys, focus groups and semistructured key informant interviews. A triangulation approach aims to ensure reliability,
rigour and validity through the exploration of the same general questions from different
angles (Winston 1997). In this paper the primary focus will be on the telephone survey
results as they provide important and robust findings on the generally under-researched
issue of second-generation housing preference. Some data from the interviews and
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focus groups are incorporated in order to bolster the main findings of the survey. A telephone survey was used to examine the opinions, beliefs, characteristics, present behaviours and trends of the broader second-generation South-Asian population in
Brampton through the use of nonprobability random sampling (Neuman and Robson
2007, McGuirk and O’Neill 2010).13 The telephone survey consisted of 14 questions
in total, most of which were close-ended with a few semi-open ended questions to
allow for ease of analysis and coding.
Statistics Canada (2006) data were used to identify South-Asian ethnic enclaves.
The percent of South Asians residing in each CT (of the total population in the CT)
was used to determine whether the CT was an ethnic enclave. An indicator of 50%
or higher South-Asian origin population in the CT was used, and 13 CTs were idenitified. These 13 ethnic enclaves were located in 5 of the total 10 wards. One ethnic
enclave in each of the five wards with the highest concentration of South Asians was
selected to be sampled.
The following website allowed sample data to be collected using the reverse phone
application and searching for surnames common to South Asians (Owusu 1999); using
street names and postal codes within a CT, the website lists residents name and number:
http://www.whitepages.ca/reverse_phone. However, this approach does present its own
set of limitations (see Owusu 1999). A screening question was used to determine
whether a participant was eligible in the survey. The requirements were: 20 years of age
or older, currently living in the City of Brampton, born in Canada, and of South-Asian heritage. A total of 3930 households were contacted which returned a total of 103 usable
surveys with participants that met this criteria.14 The average response rate was 2.3%.
Procedure
Housing preferences
Studying housing choice is limited in that it only reveals partial explanations, especially
when dealing with the complicated nature of immigrant offspring and their future
housing preferences. Mulder (1993) defines preferences as actual transformations of
overall goals during certain times in an individual’s life. Preferences reveal a liking or
taste in mainly ideal situations and have the obvious potential to change and evolve in
the future (Molin 1999). Ozuekren and van Kempen (2002) point out that work has been
criticized for its emphasis on choice and lack of attention to constraints (p. 368). Although
analysing preferences is complicated, difficult and may not reveal actual outcomes (Buck
and Scott 1993, Dieleman 2001), the decision to study preferences was made given the difficulty of collecting adequate and assessable data from existing sources such as Statistics
Canada. In favour of this, Molin (1999) illustrates how key elements in housing preferences
often remain during selection, such as the type of house, the type of neighbourhood and the
location – all three elements that are examined in this study. Ozuekren and van Kempen
(2002) suggest that it is most ideal to examine this longitudinally, although this approach
is only feasible on a large scale with a small number of respondents, and is often very costly;
the alternative of cross-sectional methods is used by asking participants about their previous
and preferred housing arrangements (p. 367). Given the limited time and resources available, the latter approach was taken and questions of preferred housing type and location,
and opinions on current living arrangements were asked.
Similar to Buck and Scott (1993), I distinguish between participants who are
‘leaving home’ and ‘living away from home’. I use the more restrictive ‘leaving
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home’ definition for the fact that I want to understand housing preferences for independent residency where ‘living away from home’ is understood as moves into institutions
or other housing arrangements as a result of entry into college or work with some economic dependence on the parents. For the purpose of this study, I will view first-time
home leaving as the individual’s desire to move out of their parents’ home into their
own residence. This would most often be associated with marriage, cohabitation or
independent living, although the reasons for wanting to leave the parental home are
not discussed in detail. The results of the telephone survey represented a demographic
of young individuals mostly residing at home. The life cycle stage of the majority of
telephone participants’ is mainly that prior to first-time home leaving (87 participants)
with a few in the independent housing arrangement stage (16 participants). This reflects
the relatively young age of the population surveyed, which averaged 24.5 years old.
Based on current demographic factors, the parameters of this cohort are suitable for
understanding the housing desires of second-generation South Asians in Canada.
Overall findings
Characteristics of telephone survey participants
There were 55 female and 48 male participants answered the telephone survey. Approximately 82% of those surveyed currently reside with their parents.15 The last level of education completed among these participants was high school (46%), followed by an
undergrad (32%).16 A slight majority (55%) of participants were currently enrolled in
school, with 71% attending a university to complete an undergrad.17 A large portion
of participants (65%) had resided in Brampton for over 11 years, while the remaining participants resided in Brampton either 6–10 years (21%) or less than 5 years (14%).18
Future residence in Brampton
Overall, second-generation South Asians seem generally satisfied to very satisfied
living in the City of Brampton (Figure 2).
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However, when asked whether they would reside in Brampton in the future, the
response was virtually 50/50; 49.5% responded yes and 50.5% responded no. For
those who would reside in Brampton in the future, the overwhelming reason was
being close to friends and family (66.0%), while some preferred the lifestyle (14.9%)
(Figure 3). Of those individuals who do not wish to reside in Brampton in the future,
many said they would like a change in lifestyle (40.8%), they disliked features of the
city (18.4%), and other undisclosed reasons (30.6%) (Figure 4).
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Figure 2.
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Figure 3.
Reasons to continue residing in Brampton.
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Preferred housing characteristics
The majority of second-generation South Asians preferred to live in semi-detached or
detached housing types (67%) and the most important living feature noted was residing
close to family and friends (49%) (Figure 5). Other important features when deciding
where to reside include living in their desired house or neighbourhood (23%) and being
close to work (19%) (Figure 6).
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Analysis and discussion
Independent living and South Asians
The average age of survey participants was 24.5 years old, and a large number were
currently living with their parents. This suggests the group will be entering the
leaving-home stage of the life cycle over the next decade. The process of leaving
the parental home was usually associated with marriage but is now increasingly
motivated by the preference for independent living (Buck and Scott 1993, p. 864).
In the South-Asian culture, however, there is the general belief that children,
especially females, are not expected to move out until they are married. The interviews with professionals also suggest that moving out prior to marriage is uncommon
among South Asians.
480
485
490
Figure 4.
Reasons to relocate out of Brampton.
11
Colour online, B/W in print
South Asian Diaspora
495
500
Figure 5.
Type of house preferred in future.
Colour online, B/W in print
505
510
515
Figure 6. Most important living feature.
520
525
530
535
Educational level and housing attainment
Educational and career attainment inevitably alter housing consumption during the life
cycle (Dieleman 2001). As long as the individuals are in school they are less likely to
buy homes due to income and mobility limitations (Haan 2005, p. 10). Nonetheless,
when the group does complete their schooling they will have higher levels of human
capital that should translate into mortgage qualification, thereby increasing their likelihood of securing housing of their choice (Haan 2005, p. 10). Also, higher educational
attainment leads to increased future earnings potential, income stability and higher
homeownership rates, further adding to their ability to obtain desired housing preferences (Haan 2005, pp. 10–11).
Future housing preferences: residing in the ethnic enclave
Closeness to family and friends
For the half of the sample who said they would reside in Brampton in the future, the
overwhelming reason was to be close to family and friends, supporting the notion
that the second generation may continue to reside in their ethnic enclave out of
12
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545
550
555
560
565
570
575
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V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts
preference rather than constraint (Kalbach 1990, Portes and Zhou 1993). One focusgroup participant stated:
Yeah growing up here, I loved it . . . I’d want [my kids] to have a good relationship with
their grandparents and realize how important your elders are in your life and . . . that’s one
of the things I love about our culture, and I definitely want to impart that on them [U-N1].
The familial ties, closeness to others of the same background, and importance of
their culture may be indicators as to why this group still wants to reside in close proximity to their community (Coleman 1990, Portes and Schauffler 1994, Zhou 1997).
Being raised in an ethnic enclave may greatly influence the importance placed on
having that sense of community even into the second generation (Kalbach 1990).
What is unknown however is how the pursuit of a professional career for a highly educated population may impact the dispersal of the second generation.
Suburban style dwelling
The preferred type of housing is also reflective of suburban cities, with 81.6% of this
group wanting to reside in a semi-detached or detached-type dwelling. Purchasing a
house is not only the process of consuming a good; it provides a sense of achievement
and it can also be viewed as an avenue for investment, therefore making an owner-occupied dwelling more attractive than a condo or apartment (Haan 2005, p. 6). A focusgroup participant presents the multiple meanings of home ownership: ‘You just feel
that you have the house, it’s a nice thing . . . I think that the big house makes it seem
that you’ve accomplished something in life . . . [CM-R]’. The sample group that AQ5
stated their intention to continue to live in Brampton included a greater number who
have completed a post secondary education (49.0%) versus those who wish to move
out of Brampton; those wanting to move out of Brampton only have 34.6% who
have completed their education. According to Rossi (1955), these young adults
should want to reside in dense urban centres and then eventually move to the
suburbs later during the family-formation phase. However, half of the respondents
said they would want to continue residing in the suburb of Brampton. It seems the
half who wish to continue residing in Brampton are more concerned with obtaining
owner-occupied housing ahead of their family-formation phase, and do not consider
residing in an urban centre during their single or early marriage years of significant
importance. One factor in this is the expectation of families to reside together, as one
focus-group participant explained: ‘I might as well just live with my parents for free
[U-P]’.
Future housing preferences: moving out of the ethnic enclave
When examining the motives of the half who would not reside in Brampton in the
future, the response was mixed. Many said they would like a lifestyle change
(40.8%), and others said they disliked Brampton or wanted to relocate for ‘other’
reasons (30.6%). Some participants elaborated on underlying factors that led to
‘other’ responses. Three out of a total of 15 telephone participants said there was a
lack of diversity (too ethnocentric), while two participants said there was overcrowding
or too much traffic, and two said that the city did not meet their expectations compared
to where they lived before (often Mississauga was used as a comparative). Other single
South Asian Diaspora
590
595
600
605
610
615
620
625
630
13
responses included increasing property taxes, poor infrastructure and hospital, not pedestrian friendly, not an ideal place to raise children, and an unsafe city (increased
crime).
Desire for urban centre settlement among the young
Of the participants that said they would not stay in Brampton, 46.2% would rather live
in an urban centre or downtown area. This falls in agreement with those respondents
who said they would like to see a change in lifestyle. Within the group wanting to
move downtown 70.8% are still in the process of completing school, and are
younger than those who have completed school (an average age of 23.9 years old
versus an average of 27.2 years old, respectively). This further support Rossi’s
(1955) life cycle theory since this group has yet to finish their education, and it
seems that they have not started to think about living independently or with a
spouse/partner. They are also likely to be more concerned with employment opportunities where cities boast central business districts (Woldoff et al. 2011). The desire
to reside in an urban city may also indicate a possible shift in housing preferences
among younger generations. The urban residency group is also more likely to live in
an apartment or condo (28.8%) versus the group who wishes to continue residing in
Brampton (10.2%), indicating a possible shift in preference that counters previous findings on South Asians and condo living preferences.19
AQ6
As Dieleman (2001, p. 250) suggests, young adults between the ages of 20 and 25
in developed societies are the most mobile segments of the population. However,
Mulder and Hooimeijer (1999) note that people (commonly over the age of 30, families
with children, and long term couples) who initially prefer to reside in the city are often
prepared to move to a suburb in order to obtain the dwelling or residential community
of their preferred quality, size or tenure (p. 174). Furthermore, Howley et al. (2009)
suggest that urban living is a short-term residential choice and the family-formation
stage leads people to move to the suburbs (p. 5). All focus-group participants, even
those who would initially live downtown, agreed with this perspective, ‘I feel like
downtown would be like now. Ten years from now, downtown would not be me
only because I would be thinking about my family . . . I wouldn’t want to raise my
kids there [U-N2]’. Overall, the people who want to reside in the city represent a
small segment of the overall second-generation South-Asian population, and this
movement seems temporary up until the family-formation phase. In this regard
elements of the stated choice of this population confirm the life cycle theory. The
key for planning purposes though will be whether this population will actualize
their stated preferences.
Relocate to another suburban city
From the respondents who would not reside in Brampton, 36.5% said that they would
prefer to reside in another suburban city, which may account for the numbers who
‘dislike the city’. There is some possibility that the values of being raised in the
suburbs could carry onto the second generation. One focus-group participant reveals,
635
I’d want a big, big home . . . [my parents] came from back home, immigrated, worked
hard, saved for us, educated us and put us through everything, you know what I mean?
14
V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts
And they are settled in a nice home like at least 3000 or more sq ft so I would want . . . a
home [like] that . . . [CF-K].
640
Feijten et al.’s (2008) study of housing careers over the life-course also resulted in AQ7
similar findings; being born in suburban cities increases the probability of preferring
rural or suburban living in later life.
645
650
655
660
665
670
675
680
685
Conclusion
Despite the relative shortcomings of the research reported on here,20 it does nonetheless
challenge theories of declining suburban settlement preference for highly educated
second-generation South-Asian populations. South Asians are a large and rapid
growing visible minority population in Canada, especially around the GTA, and this
paper explores a largely under researched topic; the impact of suburban residency on
contemporary second-generation immigrant groups (Alba et al. 1999). Findings from
this research indicate that the life cycle theory, when applied to second-generation
South Asians, has better explanatory power for the household-formation phase rather
than for the independent-living stage. The survey results suggest that continued
ethnic enclave residency persists and most do not wish to reside in dense urban
centres. For second-generation South Asians, residing in an ethnic enclave may in
fact reinforce traditional ideas of socioeconomic success, at least among those thinking
about getting married and starting a family. The importance of homeownership held by
immigrant parents are clearly passed onto their Canadian-born children, since the
majority of second generations, even if they did not want to stay specifically in Brampton, stated a desire to reside in low-density family style dwellings that perpetuate a trend
towards suburban form.
This research suggests that settlement in suburban ethnic enclaves may continue for
the second generation throughout all phases of the life cycle, thereby modifying the life
cycle theory of urban settlement. There is some ambiguity regarding the extent of this
preference based on the research sample, and the possibility of weakening ethnic concentrations as a result of a dispersed second-generation population is still possible based
on these findings. However, the possibility of a secondary ethnic concentration could
also form as an extension of the original ethnic enclave, similar to the case of the Portuguese, Italian and Jewish populations in Toronto (Murdie and Teixeira 2003, Teixeira
2007, Zucchi 2007, Qadeer and Agrawal 2010).
Of the majority who do wish to reside in the ethnic enclave, they prefer to be close
to family and friends. Of the small numbers who do not want to live in the ethnic
enclave, the youngest and least educated prefer to reside in an urban centre or downtown area, while some simply prefer another suburban city. Although the urban residency group follows traditional life cycle theories, this group may show a shift
towards residing in the suburbs as they begin to conclude their educational careers
and transition into independent-living or family-formation phases. Furthermore, this
segment of the population represents only a small number of the survey respondents;
so the shift towards urban living in housing forms other that detached homes for
second-generation South Asians is limited. The importance of familial ties in the
South-Asian culture, the growth in ethnic enclaves, and more traditional life cycle
values during family formation, play important roles in shaping preferences for
second-generation South-Asian-Canadians.
South Asian Diaspora
690
695
700
705
710
715
720
725
730
735
15
Future studies on the actual housing outcomes would be immensely beneficial in
fully understanding the housing preferences of this group. Conducting interviews
with real estate agents and their clients may yield the best results. Also, understanding
whether similar preferences exist for other visible minority groups within ethnic
enclaves would help us to explain whether this is a South-Asian phenomenon or if it
differentiates along ethnic lines. Continuing to understand the housing preferences
among second-generation South Asians in Canada will be challenging, especially
with the shortened census form that was implemented in 2011. The topic is of increasing importance though, since Canadian city planners need to better understand why
high-density urban communities are not seen as an attractive alternative to suburbs
throughout the life course for South-Asian-Canadians. Despite these limitations, this
study indicate that a number of factors support the reproduction of suburban housing
choices for South-Asian-Canadians throughout the generations. As such, this indicates
numerous planning and environmental challenges linked with suburban growth surrounding large immigrant receiving metropolitan areas which will remain a policy
issue for some time to come in Canada.
Notes
1. Second generations are those who are born in Canada, with at least one foreign-born parent
(Statistics Canada 2006).
2. In 2006, 54.2% of Canada’s South Asian population lived in the Toronto CMA which
includes the City of Brampton (Statistics Canada 2006).
3. Other criticisms include the fact that these theories were developed based on the experiences of European settlement groups, and may not be the same for recent visible minority
groups who have distinctive cultural backgrounds and structural labour market experiences
(Fong and Wilkes 2003). Also, these theories assume that socioeconomic mobility can be
used as a measure of integration into society (Balakrishnan and Hou 1999, p. 201, Boyd
2002, Hiebert 2000).
4. Gentrification is when neighbourhoods undergo increased socioeconomic achievement of
residents and rising home prices from renovations make these neighbourhoods highly
desirable.
5. Some of the possible negative impacts from ethnic segregation are: constrained housing
and employment choices/opportunities, emergence of a ‘ghetto’, reduced social interactions with others (possibly creating a mono-culture community, impedes acculturation,
and the possibility of stereotyping or discrimination. Some of the potential benefits in continued clustering are: sustaining ethnic economies, maximizing social interactions, retaining cultural heritage and community organizations, and providing gainful employment or
access to other resources within the neighbourhood.
6. Similar arguments were made in Ghosh’s (2007) study on different sociospatial patterns
and outcomes of South Asian subgroups such as Indian Bengalis and Bangladeshis, and
in Lo and Wang’s (1997) study on subgroup variances within the broad category of
‘Chinese’ immigrants (Mendez 2009, p. 102).
7. The higher educational attainment level of second generations actually accounts for about
one year of education more than the third-and-higher generation.
8. Some argue that tight knit communities may encourage young immigrants to pursue higher
education through the sharing of similar values and obligations, social support systems, a
strong sense of family, and the monitoring of children’s activities in the community.
9. Others have borrowed from this thesis with more detailed phases; see (Foote et al. 1960,
Murdie et al. 1999).
10. The average price of a dwelling was $404,104 in Brampton versus $459,508 in Mississauga or $553,923 in Toronto year to date for 2012 as of June according to MLS prices
from the Toronto Real Estate Board (Board 2012).
11. Due to the nature of the survey methods, this CT did not return any results, and for that
reason is not included in the discussion.
16
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745
750
755
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V. Kataure and M. Walton-Roberts
12. In their study, ‘20% of the housing stock in the fastest growing South Asian enclave was
built between 2001 and 2006, much higher than the CMA average of 11.5%’ (Qadeer and
Agrawal 2010, p. 330).
13. Much of the data on education level, the type of housing, average age, etc., though possible
to access, could not be pre-determined through statistical data analysis due to cost
limitations.
14. This total also includes 10 surveys completed by focus group participants. Three focus
groups were also conducted with a total of 15 participants with an average age of 22.8. Participants were recruited using a snowball method and followed the same eligibility criteria
as the telephone survey. Three key informant interviews were also conducted using personal networks; one with a local real estate agent, one with a regional planner, and one
with a local private sector planner. All focus groups and interviews were conducted by
the researcher, audio recorded, and held in a local community centre or location of the
participants’ choice.
15. The remainder reside with their spouse/partner (9%), with spouse/partner and parents (6%),
with extended family (2%), and friends/others (1%).
16. The remainder had completed a postgraduate degree/ other (4%), masters (2%) or a PhD
(1%).
17. The other 29% were completing a college diploma (18%), postgraduate degree (5%),
masters (4%) or a PhD (2%).
18. Many of the participants had or were currently studying business (39.4%) or science
(16.7%). Also, 74.5% of participants were employed and of that group, 60.5% of them
had jobs that related to what they studied in school. Most of the cities where people
worked were local. The majority (62.3%) of participants were employed within the
Region of Peel (32.5% in Brampton and 29.9% in Mississauga) and 15.6% in Toronto.
19. Kim and Boyd’s (2008) study noted that ‘With the exception of South Asians, all other
non-White groups are more likely than Whites to own condos versus other housing in
Toronto’ (p. 11).
20. Investigating only one ethnocultural group within a geographically specific community
limits this research’s applicability to other groups and cities as it may not have an adequate
number of cases (Winston 1997). Furthermore, the cross sectional quality of this research
assumes that social phenomena are static over time but preferences typically change and
this relationship may only be ‘true’ under certain conditions (Baxter 2010). This analysis
is also hampered by small sample numbers.
765
Notes on contributors
770
775
780
Virpal Kataure is completing her Master of Arts in Geography from the department of Geography and Environmental Studies at Wilfrid Laurier University. She completed her Bachelors of
Urban and Regional Planning at Ryerson University. Her research interests are in Canada’s
second-generation and South-Asian populations, housing, ethnic enclaves and planning in suburban cities.
Margaret Walton-Roberts is an associate professor and director of the International Migration
Research Centre at Wilfrid Laurier University and the Balsillie School of International
Affairs, Canada. She is a human geographer with research interests in gender and migration,
transnational networks and immigrant settlement in Canada. Current research focuses on
gender, care and international migration in the context of India.
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