W , DC - NAIMUN - Georgetown International Relations Association
Transcription
W , DC - NAIMUN - Georgetown International Relations Association
GEORGETOWN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ASSOCIATION THE FIFTY-SECOND NORTH AMERICAN INVITATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS . C . ,D N 5 O 1 . T 15 G N -2. I H .15 S A .12 W 2 RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR JCC – COUNCIL OF THE PEOPLE’S COMMISSARS CHAIR: ADITYA SALGAME CO-CRISIS MANAGERS: BRET PERRY & HARRISON BAKER TABLE OF CONTENTS LETTER FROM THE CHAIR ................................................................................................................. 2 LETTER FROM THE CRISIS MANAGER ............................................................................................ 4 STRUCTURE OF THE COMMITTEE ................................................................................................... 5 CRISIS ELEMENTS ................................................................................................................................................... 5 CHARACTERS AND PORTFOLIOS ............................................................................................................................ 5 THE NATURE OF A JOINT CRISIS COMMITTEE ..................................................................................................... 6 HISTORY OF RUSSIA: FROM ALEXANDER III TO THE TREATY OF BREST-LITOVSK ....... 6 ALEXANDER III: THE REEMERGENCE OF AUTOCRACY ....................................................................................... 6 NICHOLAS II: THE LAST GASP OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE ................................................................................... 7 FORMATION OF THE RSFSR ............................................................................................................. 12 THE ROLE OF 1905 ............................................................................................................................................ 12 THE FEBRUARY REVOLUTION ............................................................................................................................ 13 DUAL POWER ....................................................................................................................................................... 14 THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION .............................................................................................................................. 15 POLITICAL GROUPS OF NOTE: ............................................................................................................................ 16 MEMBERS COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’S COMMISSARS OF THE RUSSIAN SOVIET FEDERATIVE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC .............................................................................................. 17 KEY ISSUES ............................................................................................................................................. 27 WORKS CITED ....................................................................................................................................... 29 1 LETTER FROM THE CHAIR Comrades, Welcome! Recent months have seen us achieve an unprecedented victory for the proletariat. We have risen, and torn down the autocratic bourgeois oppressors that preceded the rise of our great Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR). But now is not the day to rest on our laurels. There is much work to be done, and you shall be the ones to carry it out. We are lucky to have momentum on our side, but dissidents and tellers of falsehoods remain - the so-called White Unified Command simply cannot be allowed to ruin the fruits of our revolution. They are weak, and in more way than one. They have no concrete ideology, no great cause to unite them the way we do, beyond their greed and their desire for our downfall. We must be their end, and thereby spread the rule of the Soviet everywhere. Now that our egregious wartime commitments are over, and our debts annulled, we must destroy this last vestige of imperial oppression. But the White Command is not alone; numerous international allies of theirs are there to contend with, including the capitalist scum of the West - Britain, the United States, Japan, and others continue to seek to corrupt Russia with their philosophies and take us once more down the road to ruin. We cannot allow this. We must look to answer a multitude of questions as we quell the Whites - what is the best way to continue our progress in consolidating Bolshevik rule in the outer reaches of the RSFSR? How should we best deal with the foreign powers threatening our doorstep? How can we further galvanize the true ruling class of this country - the proletariat - in taking down the White Unified Command? Now is not yet the age of comfort. We will struggle as we have struggled already to defeat the Whites - and we cannot yield. Resources will be thin, but we will prevail. Once we do, I promise to every one of you - and do not forget the words - Peace, Bread, and Land! All Power to the Soviets! 2 Aditya Salgame ([email protected]) Chair, Red White and Blood: The Russian Civil War-Council of People’s Commissars of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic 3 LETTER FROM THE CRISIS MANAGER Dear Delegates, Welcome to Red, White, and Blood: The Russian Civil War Joint Crisis Committee. My name is Harrison Baker, and it is an honor to serve as your Crisis Manager in what is sure to be one of your most memorable Model UN experiences. I have served as a Crisis Manager for both NAIMUN and our sister conference, the National Collegiate Security Conference (NCSC) throughout my years at Georgetown. After serving as Director-General for NAIMUN LI this past year, I am looking forward to returning to the committee room. On campus, I currently help to lead our Model UN team, working to prepare and compete for the team. I am also the founder and an active member of the Georgetown Club Golf Team and the Delta Phi Epsilon Professional Foreign Service Fraternity. Model UN is, without a doubt, one of the mainstays of my life here on the Hilltop. This committee will begin on March 11th, 1917, just one week after the signing of the BrestLitovsk Treaty. Soviet Russia has officially withdrawn from the Great War, with Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin looking inward and preparing to consolidate his rule. Anti-Bolshevik leaders have decided to take the bold step to form the White Unified Command, a means of synchronizing their efforts in order to fight Lenin’s Bolsheviks. It is clear that Lenin’s rule will not go unchallenged. Each side will be pressed to arm themselves in order to eradicate the other group; the existence of these diametrically opposed groups all but guarantees conflict. Each committee will of course focus on battle strategy, but also must find ways to secure support among the Russian population and seek to build credible, functioning institutions in the territories they control. The goal, of course, is to control all of Russia. How this brewing conflict is prosecuted and ultimately resolved is up to you, the delegates. Our staff will do its absolute best to make this committee the pinnacle of the NCSC XLII, and we all look forward to meeting you and seeing what you can do with this challenging committee. This background guide is by no means exhaustive, but will serve as an excellent start to your preparation. In the interim, please do not hesitate to contact me with any questions or concerns about the committee. I look forward to meeting you in February. Hoya Saxa, Harrison Baker ([email protected]) Crisis Manager, Red White and Blood: The Russian Civil War 4 especially those new to this form of committee, should feel free to contact the Chair or the Crisis Manager anytime before or during the conference. STRUCTURE OF THE COMMITTEE CRISIS ELEMENTS For a crisis simulation like this committee, while you and your fellow delegates discuss and deliberate in committee, the crisis staff is scheming and plotting in the crisis suite, creating scenarios and updates meant to challenge you to think harder about the issues at hand. Our committee has a Crisis Manager, who coordinates the work of three Crisis Analysts. Before the conference, the focus of their work is building the general framework of crises that they will “throw” at you, During the conference, they respond to the actions that you take individually and collectively in committee, and also plans and presents new crisis elements to either guide you or complicate matters for you. These crisis elements include news updates, war updates, or even actions taken by people or organizations not simulated by delegates. For example, if a delegate requests a meeting with an external group, a crisis staffer would take on that role. CHARACTERS AND PORTFOLIOS In this committee, each of you will play a character with a specific portfolio. You should always remember that you have two roles to which you need to cater. Firstly, you are an independent political entity, with political ambition who needs to make friends (and take out enemies) to advance or protect your career and influence. Secondly, you are a state official, which means you do have responsibilities to discharge and powers to utilize. You are encouraged to fulfill these roles in a creative manner. However, only do so in a plausible way. Conduct extensive research on what your portfolio might entail, or who your character was. Delegates with questions about their characters and portfolios should contact the Chair or Crisis Manager anytime before or during the conference. It is important to note that the crisis staff responds to delegates’ actions at the Crisis Manager’s discretion. The decision of the crisis staff is absolute and final. Delegates with questions about crisis, 5 THE NATURE OF A JOINT CRISIS COMMITTEE ALEXANDER III: THE REEMERGENCE OF AUTOCRACY Finally, each of you should note that this committee is a joint crisis committee (JCC)—meaning that not only do the directives and communiqués your committee pass effect an external world as determined by the crisis staff, they will also directly effect your JCC-paired committee. Similarly, the actions taken by our JCC-paired committee will often affect your committee. Please take care to recognize how such a committee structure may affect the dynamics and progression of your committee over the course of the weekend. Tsar Alexander III was born in St. Petersburg on March 10, 1845, the son of Alexander II, “The Emancipator of the Serfs,” and Maria of Hesse-Darmstadt, one of many German brides to marry into Russian royalty throughout the course of the 19th century. In fact, during this time, German nobility married into the Russian throne “to the point that German blood usurped that of the Romanoff [dynasty].”1 In manner and policy, Alexander III shared little in common with his father; he was rugged, physically imposing, highly conservative, and generally viewed as lacking culture and refinement. In 1865, Alexander’s older brother Nicholas suddenly died, making Alexander III the heir-apparent, and on March 1, 1881 his father, Tsar Alexander II, was assassinated by the terrorist organization Narodnaya Volya, or The People’s Will. It is important to note the role of illness and assassination in royal families as a crucial factor impacting the trajectory of Russian politics; Alexander III, like many historic Russian leaders, would never have come to power were it not for the unforeseen death of a sibling. Having assumed the HISTORY OF RUSSIA: FROM ALEXANDER III TO THE TREATY OF BREST-LITOVSK In order to have a more solid understanding of the dynamics at play in this conflict, it is important to understand recent Russian history. What follows is a detailed but non-exhaustive review of Russian history from roughly 1860 to 1917, a pivotal half-century in Russia that saw attempts at Tsarist reform, only to fail in the face of World War One and revolution. Lowe, Charles. Alexander III of Russia. London: William Heinemann, 1895. 1 6 throne, he immediately sought to undo the liberal policies initiated and ingrained by his father and replace them with more religiously conservative, ethnically nationalistic, and politically autocratic ones. For example, Alexander III immediately dissolved the council of advisors to the monarch and weakened the zemstvo, or system of local government established in 1864 and, in doing so, strengthened and consolidated his power. Accordingly, Alexander’s response to the budding fear of revolution meant the reestablishment of the “absolute autocracy” that once characterized the Russian state. For his relative pacifism in the realm of foreign policy, Alexander III was labeled mirotvorets, or the peacemaker. That is to say, Alexander was cautious insofar as he did not pursue expansion, did not engage in any major conflicts, and continued to strengthen the military for the purpose of remaining in power. He did this because he believed foreign conflict would exacerbate domestic, class-based issues. In doing so, Russia began to turn isolationist, the Anglo-Russian Entente notwithstanding. Tsar Nicholas II, born in St. Petersburg in May of 1868 as a member of the Romanov Dynasty, ascended to the throne of the Russian Empire in 1894. Unlike Alexander III, Nicholas II viewed a non-expansionist foreign policy as a threat to Russia’s relevance in the global political sphere and, accordingly, sought expansion into Manchuria. Also unlike Alexander III, Nicholas failed to understand that his eastward expansion—ill advised and ultimately disastrous—would provoke class unrest. In 1890, already tenuous relations with Germany worsened when Kaiser Wilhelm came to power, discharging Prussian statesman and diplomat Otto von Bismarck. This hampering of positive RussoGerman relations, coupled with Alexander III’s brazen desire for an ethnically and religiously homogenous Russia, led to the solidification of Russia’s political nonalignment, prestige, and autocracy. And yet, despite this distinction in foreign policy between Nicholas and his predecessor, both Tsars made foreign trade a priority. Nicholas did so by creating the Trans-Siberian railroad with the hopes of opening trade to the Far East. In further accord with his predecessor’s rule, Nicholas II embraced absolute autocracy, shunning any notion of democracy in In 1894, Tsar Alexander III fell ill with nephritis and died shortly thereafter, thus passing the throne to his eldest son Nicholas II. NICHOLAS II: THE LAST GASP OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE 7 Imperial Russia and referring to widespread political participation through the zemstvo system as a “senseless dream.”2 reconciling major European powers. In the Far East, however, Nicholas II engaged Japan in naval conflict for Manchuria without the strategy or resources to ensure victory, thus leading to the onset of the Russo-Japanese War in 1904. 4 Japan struck first by attacking Russia’s Far East naval fleet at Port Arthur, rendering it powerless. As Russia’s only other major naval force was stationed in the Baltic Sea, Nicholas II, unwilling to withdraw from the Far East, sent his Baltic fleet on a nine-month journey halfway around the world, only to be immediately and emphatically beaten in the Battle of Tsushima Straight. For similar reasons related to Russia’s inability to transport troops and arms to the Far East, a true land attack against Japan never materialized. In the Russo-Japanese war, Nicholas II blatantly ignored the logistical impossibility of engaging in a war over five thousand miles away, for which he paid the cost. In March of 1905, he was ultimately forced to recognize the futility of the conflict and sought peace with the Japanese. A military engagement originally aimed at restoring Russia’s status as an imposing world power, the RussoJapanese War ended in humiliating failure, yielding the opposite result. With Nicholas II dismissing the importance of the masses and stifling their political voice, little wonder that his reign is often characterized by clashes with and general estrangement of the masses. Upon his official coronation in 1896, Tsar Nicholas II arranged for a celebration of large proportions to be held in Khodynka field, a military training ground just outside of Moscow. The celebration was to include free food and beverage, but rumors of a food shortage inspired the crowd to frantically rush for the food, brutally trampling one another in the process. This event claimed more then 1300 lives and was only the first of many needless, gruesome, and chaotic manifestations of civil unrest during the reign of Nicholas II.3 In the foreign policy arena, Nicholas II sought peace with his European neighbors, though collective discussions at the Hague Conventions—in which he was actively engaged between 1899 and 1907—proved widely unsuccessful at Radziwill, Catherine. Nicholas II, The Last of the Tsars. London: Cassell And Company, 1931. 2 Warth, Robert. Nicholas II, The Life and Reign of Russia's Last Monarch. Praeger, 1997. 3 Radzinsky, Edward. The Life and Death of Nicholas II. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2011. 4 8 On January 22, 1905, the reign of Nicholas II produced a second major incidence of civil unrest, appropriately labeled “Bloody Sunday.” With Tsar Nicholas out of the city and security forces on high alert, Father Georgy Gapon, a Russian Orthodox priest and social-political leader of the working class, led thousands of followers in peaceful protest towards St. Petersburg’s Winter Palace to hand the Tsar a workers’ petition. Before they could reach the palace, however, soldiers opened fire on the crowd, killing ninety-two and wounding hundreds more. Naturally, this violent backlash to civil unrest only exacerbated already strained relations between the state and society and, in doing so, set the stage for larger, more widespread incidences of civil unrest, including naval mutinies, worker strikes, and sporadic eruptions of violence across the country in what came to be known as the Revolution of 1905. Spanning almost two and a half years, the Revolution of 1905 was characterized by disorder, violence, and mass discontentment, which stemmed largely from the intensification of ethnocentrism, Russia’s poorlyexecuted transition away from serfdom, and general macroeconomic dysfunction. during which over 3000 Jewish people were killed.5 From an agrarian standpoint, Alexander II’s “emancipation of the serfs” turned out to be less liberating and more constraining than anticipated. That is to say, with the emergence of brand new social classes, the Russian state had little idea of how to incorporate them into the nation’s economy, supplanting serfdom with a contrived land-allotment system in which peasants would individually own (insufficiently) small tracts of a communal whole. This system failed miserably, however, as the allotted land was too small to live off of, taxes on the peasants soared, and the international price for grain plummeted, making the agricultural sector even less profitable and famine inevitable. In response to these and other concerns related to Russia’s wounded economy, Minister of Finance Sergei Witte proposed a series of reforms aimed at revitalization. For example, Witte was a major proponent of the development of industry, including wide-scale government investment in private industry, construction of railroads, and solicitation of foreign investment in the industry. While Witte’s emphasis on industrial development did From an ethnic standpoint, Russia had developed rampant anti-Semitism along with rigid ethnic and religious hierarchies, including anti-Jewish pogroms, Taylor, Brian. Politics and the Russian Army: Civilmilitary Relations. Cambridge University Press, 2003. 5 9 kick-start growth, spur productivity, and increase exports, it did little to improve working conditions for the poor and other welfare-related issues, thus deepening social-class-based wounds. France and Britain, Russia made positive and contributions to the war without serious concessions. However, in 1915, Nicholas II decided to take direct command of Russian forces, issuing in a series of brutal and humiliating defeats. As if financing the war were not trying enough, Russia was ill equipped to compete military with an industrialized Germany. What began as small-scale military mutinies in the Revolution of 1905 became widespread military rejection of Nicholas II’s authority in 1917; Nicholas had no choice but to abdicate in February of that year. Though the Revolution of 1905 resulted from mounting ethno-religious tensions, deep holes in the newfound agrarian system, and fundamental economic failures of the state, it was answered only by limited and largely nominal political reform, namely the establishment of a Limited Constitutional Monarchy, a State Duma, a multi-party system, and the Russian Constitution of 1906. At first, Tsar Nicholas II created the State Duma purely as an advisory organ, lacking any democratic character, but civilian backlash prompted him to sign Sergei Witte’s October Manifesto, which specifically addressed issues related to popular political representation and would make the Duma a central legislative body. And yet, despite this major blow to Nicholas II’s dearly-held conception of autocratic Russia, he made sure to preserve key elements of his autocracy through provisions in the 1906 Constitution. Not to mention, Nicholas called upon the secret police to quell radical uprisings. Throughout this time, new ideologies and ideological clashes began to emerge in the revolutionary left of Russian society. Founded by Vladimir Lenin and Alexander Bogdanov, the Bolshevik party was the faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDPR) that won the title of majority faction over Julius Martov’s Mensheviks in a decisive vote at the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Party, held in Brussels and London in 1903. Key ideological causes for the fission center around differing conceptions of party membership between Lenin and Martov. Lenin advocated for more restricted party membership with a fully committed cadre, as outlined in his essay “What to Do?” published in Germany in 1902. To Lenin, a formal In August of 1914, Nicholas II authorized the mobilization of troops in World War I. At first the decision to enter the conflict was not strictly negative. Allied with 10 revolution necessitated a rigid party structure. To Martov, by contrast, the party required a looser definition of membership. Having first split from the Mensheviks at the convening of the Second Congress in 1903, the Bolsheviks continued to grow and separate from the Mensheviks with the publication of Lenin’s ideals. During this time, Lenin clashed not only with Martov, however, but also with the Economists, a group interested primarily in economic reform but crucially, and fatally, lacking attention to class struggle, Georgi Plekhanov, who opposed Lenin’s notion of land nationalization, and eventually Leon Trotsky and Alexander Bogdanov, to whom Lenin, deeply loyal to his concept of socialist utopia, was unwilling to concede even the smallest tenets of the Bolshevik ideology. In fact, between 1903 and 1912, the two major factions tried—and failed—to unify on several accounts, leading to the official creation of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (informally still the Bolsheviks) in 1912, and the creation of their own Duma faction in 1913.6 direction that its predecessor had lacked. At this point, civil instability had been mounting for almost two decades: two botched wars had left the economy in pieces, military and civilian morale at an all-time low, and growing economic concerns contributed to the idea that dysfunction in Imperial Russia was insurmountable under the current political system. On March 8, 1917, crowds of protestors, along with almost 100,000 men and women on strike, took to the streets of St. Petersburg.7 Tsar Nicholas II responded by quelling most outbreaks of rebellion with force, occasionally opening fire on crowds of protestors. On March 11, he dissolved the Duma and shortly thereafter the Russian army stationed at Petrograd threw their support behind the protestors, critically tipping the conflict and forcing Nicholas to abdicate the throne just three days later. A provisional government was established in the interim to be managed by socialists and liberals, but still consisting largely of nobility. It was not, however, until October of 1917 that the Bolsheviks formally came to power in the October Revolution. In late October of 1917, the Bolshevik Central Committee agreed that an armed The Revolution of 1917, beginning in February and coming to fruition in October, was imminent; it just needed the Rabinowitch, Alexander. The Bolsheviks Come to Power: The Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd. Pluto Press, 2004. Neuberger, Joan. Hooliganism: Crime, Culture, and Power in St. Petersburg, 1900-1914. University of California Press, 1993. 6 7 11 uprising was imminent and, on November 7, set into motion the insurrection, using the newly-assembled Red Guard (later the Red Army) to seize Petrograd and cede control to the existing soviets, or local councils of urban workers that had assembled to critique the provisional government and provide reform.8 1917 and 1922. It came into being at the end of 1917, following successive revolutions, the overthrow of Tsar Nicholas II, and the rise of Vladimir Lenin and his Bolsheviks. These revolutions, and the complex political dynamics at play, paved the way for the Communist state of the RSFSR. The first, the February Revolution, was the one to force the abdication of Nicholas II and completely end the monarchic Romanov political regime that had presided over Russia (until that moment the Russian Empire) for over three hundred years. The second, the October Revolution, ended the hopes of moderate democratic factions and gave the Congress of Soviets governing authority over the country. The RSFSR also represented the immediate culmination of years of political sea change and unrest, with roots going back even further to the first decade of the 20th century. As the Bolsheviks had always held strong opposition to Russia’s involvement in the First World War, in March of 1918 they signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria to end their involvement in the conflict, thus conceding defeat to the German and Austro-Hungarian forces and defaulting on financial debts to the Triple Entente. The signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk marked the true conclusion of Nicholas II’s political legacy and the onset of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RFSR), which supplanted the provisional government following the October Revolution. THE ROLE OF 1905 Russia’s revolutionary struggles began over a decade earlier, in fact, with the Revolution of 1905. The causes are manifold, as described above, but they covered wide swathes of society and were catalyzed by the Bloody Sunday massacre in January. This included peasants, who suffered from a stark scarcity in land (and the land they did have they were forced to pay for) and long struggles in search of work; intelligentsia, whose views espe- FORMATION OF THE RSFSR The Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, or RSFSR for short, was the name given to the Russian State between Haimson, Leopold. The Problem of Social Stability in Urban Russia: 1905-1917. Vol. 23. Slavic Review, 1964. 8 12 cially at universities were being repressed; factory workers who suffered poor working conditions and a lack of representation; and minorities like Jews and Poles who had long endured harsh treatment9. These came together to create strong anti-Tsarist sentiment, and forced the Tsar to succumb to significant changes in his autocracy. Duma and its members who eventually forced Nicholas’ abdication, and eventually led to Alexander Kerensky’s short-lived stint as Prime Minister. THE FEBRUARY REVOLUTION By early 1917 the Tsarist regime was nearing collapse. Economic instability had been growing since the dawn of the century following Russia’s expansive growth in the 1890s, and social divisions were deepening towards a point of no return. To add to this, Russia’s war effort could fairly be labeled a disaster. Though intensely popular at its outset in 1914, over the course of the next 2 years public opinion began to slide swiftly toward the opinion that Lenin and the Bolsheviks had expressed, that the war was unwinnable and could only hurt Russia. What is important to understand, however, is that those changes only created the potential for further polarization in society and actually set the stage for the country’s descent into the next stage of revolutions in 1917. Part of the outcome of the 1905 Revolution, through the Constitution of 1906, was the establishment of the State Duma to share legislative and supervisory power with Nicholas II. However, this Duma was comprised almost entirely of the landed gentry and upper class. At the same time, concessions to the rest of the country, particularly agrarian and industrial labor sectors of society rang hollow. Citizens began to view the effort as futile, and it had very little public support beyond the crown. At this point, there had been over six million casualties by 1917.10 Mutinies grew common, resources were drained for the war, workers and peasants were impoverished and angry. Additionally, while the Duma was initially sold as fully democratic, the Tsar’s fear of liberal as well as leftist sentiment in the Duma induced him to restrict Duma eligibility further in favor of landowners and the upper class. Even so, it was the Furthermore, a number of recent actions by the Tsar, and scandals surrounding his office such as that of Rasputin, made it Service, Robert (2005). A history of modern Russia from Nicholas II to Vladimir Putin. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-01801-3. 10 Harcave, Sidney (1970). The Russian Revolution. London: Collier Books. 9 13 ever easier to direct anger directly at the autocratic regime.11 As a result, protests began rather spontaneously, from both peasants and workers in Petrograd (now St. Petersburg). On International Women’s Day, political gatherings began to build upon one another until every factory in Petrograd was shut down. To quell this the Tsar sought to deploy troops from the Imperial Army, of whom 180,000 were available in the city. 12 However, upon reaching the scenes of the protests most soldiers began to mutiny and join with them, in effect leaving the Tsar with no recourse but abdication. fight over influence in the Soviet would be one of the most important determining factors for what would happen later in the year. DUAL POWER After the February Revolution, the political landscape of Russia was one of what came to be known as dvoyevlastiye, or ‘Dual Power’ - the split of executive and administrative responsibility between the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet (as well as other soviets). Lenin would proceed to exploit this inherently volatile structure, first by indirectly influencing the Soviet and then by force. With the Duma legally paralyzed and utter chaos in Petrograd, its members decided to create two new bodies. First, a Temporary Committee was formed, which eventually became the Provisional Government announced a few days later. The core of the Provisional Government was made up of Kadets, or members of the Constitutional Democratic Party, who were relatively liberal and the rightmost party at the time, as they were the only party that was not socialist. Second, they reformed the Petrograd Soviet, a council representing workers and soldiers. The The political position of the Petrograd Soviet, and its transformation, is crucial. Initially the Soviet did not even have the support of many workers, as it was headed primarily by intellectuals, members of political parties, and professionals. Some even protested Soviet meetings. In as far late as the beginning of April there was no Bolshevik representation in the Soviet, with representation mostly in the hands of Mensheviks and other more moderate socialists like SocialistRevolutionaries. However, three events utterly changed the composition of the Petrograd Soviet and thus precipitated the fall of the Provisional Government. Firstly, the July Days protests, by dissatis- Alexander Rabinowitch (2008). The Bolsheviks in Power: The First Year of Soviet Rule in Petrograd. Indiana UP. p. 1. ISBN 0253220424. 12 Beckett, Ian F.W. (2007). The Great war (2 ed.). Longman. ISBN 978-1-4058-1252-8. 11 14 fied workers and soldiers against the Provisional Government. This increased popular support for the Bolsheviks, who developed slogans and attempted to spearhead the protests. This was also partially responsible for the next event: Georgy Lvov decided to step down from Prime Minister of the Provisional Government, lacking support, and Alexander Kerensky rose from Minister of War to the Prime Ministership. As a Trudovik, moderates who had broken away from the Socialist-Revolutionaries (the large political party among whom were both pro-Bolshevik and anti-Bolshevik factions), Kerensky drew the ire of Lenin and the far-leftists, increasing the polarization of the country. the hand of the Bolsheviks. Additionally, he actually distributed weapons to city workers, many of who ended up with the Bolsheviks. Slowly, more moderate socialists, apart from the small number that consolidated around Kerensky, began to leave the Soviets. Simultaneously, the Bolsheviks began to dominate the councils, shifting the Soviets ever leftward and away from the Provisional Government. Beyond other existing disagreements, this was further compounded by the Provisional Government’s pro-war policy. THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION By the end of August and beginning of September, partly as a result of the Kornilov Affair, the vast majority of soviets had turned toward the Bolsheviks - including the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets. This culminated in the October Days, where Lenin and the Bolsheviks took advantage of German forces nearing Petrograd, vetoed a proposal to evacuate the government to Moscow, and dismantled the Provisional Government hold on any remaining institutions in the city. In what was essentially a bloodless coup, Bolshevik forces took over every government office in the city, finishing with the taking of the Winter Palace, where they proceeded to arrest the remaining members of Kerensky’s government. This forms a contrast with the February Revolution, which was far less orchestrat- The second event is the Kornilov affair. General Lavr Kornilov was commanderin-chief of the Russian Army, as well as a right-wing conservative and strongly opposed to socialism of any kind. He felt this to be manifested in the Petrograd Soviet, and so attempted a coup to overthrow the Provisional Government, install himself as leader, and destroy the Soviet. Kerensky, at first glance, was too weak to defend the city with only the powers of the Provisional Government. He thus sought assistance from the Bolsheviks’ forces. While their unity in opposition to Kornilov may make it seem as though they were aligned, this only strengthened 15 ed and not quite bloodless. The Bolsheviks then formed the Council of People’s Commissars, or Sovnarkom, which proceeded to consolidate Bolshevik power and arrest opposition politicians as well as issue decrees for nationalization of banking and a repudiation of international debts. Thus the Bolsheviks quite painlessly transferred all power to the Soviet and led directly to the establishment of the RSFSR, the world’s first officially socialist state. Russian Social Democratic Labour Party: This party formed at the end of the 19th century, and split up into the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks in 1903. The former, headed by Julian Martov, believed that Russia was not in a position to pass over the required bourgeois regime before full socialism could be implemented, with Lenin’s Bolsheviks obviously in disagreement. The Bolsheviks were actually the smaller of the two in terms of headcount until Lenin’s consolidation of power during and after the October Revolution. POLITICAL GROUPS OF NOTE: Socialist-Revolutionaries: The SocialistRevolutionaries were the main Socialist party in early 20th century Russia, though they were not officially Marxist. They differed on ideological issues with the Social Democrats, especially in their preference for land-socialization (distribution among the peasantry) over landnationalization. It is important to remember that while they were the largest socialist party by far, and actually won a small majority in the first post-revolution elections in the RSFSR, its size played to its disadvantage and resulted in several irrevocable schisms by 1917. These included Alexander Kerensky’s Trudoviks, the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries (more moderate and the core of the party) and Victor Chernov, and the Left SocialistRevolutionaries led by Maria Spiridonova. Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets): The Kadets were a group of liberals, consisting mainly of intellectual elite and middle-class professionals, were known for their advocacy to democracy and fair treatment of minorities, including Jews. They were the majority of the Provisional Government after the February Revolution, and due to the Socialist domination of politics in that period were the most liberal and rightward leaning party in the system. Georgy Lvov was a Kadet. Trudoviks (Popular Socialists): The Trudoviks were an offshoot of the Socialist-Revolutionaries, and were moderate. Alexander Kerensky counted himself among their membership. The point of separation occurred just after the Revolution of 1905, when the Trudoviks decided 16 to forgo the socialist boycott of the First Duma and stood for election. ies who educated, guided and lead the proletariat. His idea of the “vanguard” split many of his fellow revolutionaries, resulting in the creation of two factions, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, within the new Russian Social-Democratic Workers Party (RSDWP). During the 1905 Revolution, Lenin joined up with his fellow revolutionaries, but upon his defeat he was exiled once again. In exile once again, Lenin became shocked at the wave of nationalism that swept socialist and Marxist parties with the start of the Great War in 1914. Lenin argued that the war was a result of imperialist governments, the offspring of capitalism. With the overthrow of the Tsar and the creation of the Petrograd Soviet in March, Lenin returned to Petrograd in April, eventually rallying the Bolsheviks of the Soviet around him by criticizing the Provisional Government and calling for the power to be held by the workercontrolled Soviets. The Bolsheviks, initially a minority in the Soviets, increasingly grew in power as support for Alexander Kerensky’s Provisional Government declined due to the continuation of the war and the exhaustion of the economy. In September, the Bolsheviks were elected to the majority in the Petrograd Soviet. MEMBERS COUNCIL OF PEOPLE’S COMMISSARS OF THE RUSSIAN SOVIET FEDERATIVE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC Vladimir Lenin: Chairman Born to a highly cultured and welleducated family in 1870, Vladimir Ilych Lenin came of age under the increasingly autocratic, reactionary and politically oppressive rule of the Romanovs. While there was no clear event in his life that caused him to turn to the left, the brutal regime of the tsar impacted his life in many ways that undoubtedly influenced his turn to Marxism in 1889. As a young lawyer, he joined the Marxist “Union for the Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class,” but was arrested in 1895 and eventually exiled in Siberia. In 1900, Lenin left Russia and met up with Russian exiles in Europe to continue his anti-government activities. Through his newspaper, Iskra, Lenin managed to recruit many of the Russian intelligentsia, who were initially skeptical of Marxism. During his time in exile, he came to the conclusion that a socialist state required a “vanguard,” a group of elite revolutionar- Hiding in Finland due to persecution by the Provisional Government, Lenin returned in late October and held a secret 17 meeting of the Bolshevik Central Committee, in which he declared his intention to seize control and create a “dictatorship of the proletariat.” Under his order, Leon Trotsky, now chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, began training the Red Guard. From November 6-8, under orders from Lenin, the Red Guard arrested members of the Provisional Government and deposed Kerensky. The Soviets overwhelmingly accepted the new Bolshevik government and elected Lenin chairman of the new Soviet government. While Lenin initially agreed to allow the Mensheviks to join the government, their rejection of the Soviet ideology in the newly elected Assembly resulted in its dissolution by Lenin, allowing him to consolidate power in the new government. He organized the Treaty of BrestLitovsk on March 3, without the other Allied powers, who refused to recognize his government. Peace on the Eastern Front has allowed Lenin, who has already consolidated his power within the Soviet, to turn to the anti-Soviet forces.13 Lenin himself will chair this special meeting of the People’s Commissars, along with his secretary Nikolai Gorbunov. Vladimir Milyutin: Agriculture Commissar for Vladimir Milyutin joined the RSDWP in 1903 and sided with the Bolsheviks during their split with the Mensheviks. He was one of the “leading Bolshevik economist[s],” and his fellow Bolsheviks considered Milyutin an expert on the “peasant question,” the issue of the peasant class in the proletariat regime.14 Milyutin became People’s Commissar for Agriculture upon Lenin’s appointment and was an instrumental figure in the 1917 Decree on Land, one of Lenin’s major early Marxist land reform policies that abolished private property and redistributed the land of the nobility to the peasants.15 As Commissar of Agriculture, Milyutin oversees land collectivization and redistribution and agricultural production, two key points of reform for the new Soviet government. Milyutin currently oversees the reorganization of private land into kolkhoz, the collective farm. His policies, at the request of Lenin, are aimed at breaking the power of the kulaks, the Boris Souvarine, “D.B. Riazanov,” La Critique sociale, no.2, July 1931, 54-5. http://www.marxists.org/archive/riazanov/bio/ bio01.htm. 15 Robert Service, Lenin: A Biography (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 316. 14 Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s. v. "Vladimir Ilyich Lenin", accessed December 30, 2014, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/335881 /Vladimir-Ilich-Lenin. 13 18 affluent farmers throughout the country that oppose the collectivization reforms. He also oversees Lenin’s new agricultural policies, aimed at boosting food production that was destroyed during the Great War. the Soviet ground forces, which are weak and in disarray. Lenin has charged Krylenko with the defense of the land from external threats. Pavel Dybenko: Commissar for Navy Affairs Nikolai Krylenko: Commissar for War Affairs A Ukrainian by birth, Dybenko became active in the revolutionary movement after the failed 1905 Revolution. As a sailor in the Baltic Fleet, he took part in anti-government protests and helped organized sailor demonstrations against the Russian government. After leaving the front in 1917, he became commander of the Baltic Fleet and participated in the naval defense of Petrograd during Lenin’s takeover. He also commanded naval units at Narva during the German approach on Petrograd in February 1918.17 A participant in the 1905 Revolution, Nikolai Krylenko was active in the party in the pre-1917 Revolution years, writing for several Marxist papers. He participated in Lenin’s Congresses in Switzerland before returning to Russia, where he was promptly arrested and sent to the front. He returned to Petrograd during the Revolution and was a deputy of the first Congress of Soviets, and was a key figure in the military wing of the Party and the Petrograd Revolutionary Military Committee. When Lenin seized control, Lenin appointed Krylenko as Commissar for War Affairs and Supreme Commander-inChief.16 As Commissar for Navy Affairs, Dybenko oversees the fleet of the Soviets. The naval forces, like the ground forces, are weak and in disarray, having suffered heavy defeats at the hands of the Germans. The main concentration of armed ships is located in the Baltic; however, this fleet has suffered heavy losses at the hands of the Germans. With the peace of Brest- Krylenko’s role as Commissar for War Affairs gives him broad powers over the control of troops on the foreign front. Krylenko is the Supreme Commander of The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition. S.v. "Nikolai Krylenko." Retrieved December 30 2014 from http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Nikolai+Kr ylenko. The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition . S.v. "Pavel Dybenko." Retrieved December 30 2014 from http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Pavel+Dyb enko. 16 17 19 Litovsk, both the ground forces and the naval forces can turn their attention towards the anti-Bolshevik forces that threaten Lenin’s government. Anatoly Lunacharsky: Commissar for Education Anatoly Lunacharsky is an author, journalist and art critic, as well as an influential Bolshevik. Initially opposed to Lenin during his revolutionary activity pre-1917, Lunacharsky took an active stance against Lenin within the Bolshevik organization. Their political differences were eventually put aside when Lenin appointed Lunacharsky as Commissar for Education upon Lunacharsky’s return to Russia in 1917. He has a strong commitment to the preservation of important works of art and architecture, and attempted to resign as a sign of protest during the bombing of the Kremlin in November 1917. Viktor Nogin: Commissar for Trade and Industry Viktor Nogin is an important Marxist of the Moscow community. A party member from the late 1800s, Nogin met with Lenin in Europe. He eventually joined the Bolsheviks and was active in Moscow politics after 1905. Nogin became the chairman of the Moscow Soviet in 1917, and was eventually appointed as Commissar for Trade and Industry. Nogin attempted to mediate between the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks, but was unsuccessful.18 As Commissar for Education, Lunacharsky is tasked with the reform of the education system and the overseeing of culture within Russia. Lunacharsky’s work ensures that art, culture and education in Russia align appropriately with the country’s new ideologies. He has the power to oversee the education system in Russia, which is now entirely controlled by the government. He can set new education policies and oversees the publication of works of art and writing, As Commissar for Trade and Industry, Nogin’s primary objectives involve industrialization of Russia. He oversees the means of production to ensure that they under the control of the proletariat. His responsibilities also involved boosting industrial production to support the workers’ soviets. The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition . S.v. "Nogin, Viktor." Retrieved December 30 2014 from http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Nogin%2c +Viktor. 18 20 ensuring that they follow Marxist ideology.19 Leon Trotsky: Commissar for Foreign Affairs Ivan Teodorovich: Commissar for Food Leon Trotsky is a highly influential Bolshevik and close compatriot of Lenin. After his arrest and exile to Siberia, Trotsky fled Russia and met up with other exiled Marxists, including Lenin. Trotsky worked closely with Lenin on Iskra, the Marxist paper aimed at convincing the Russian intelligentsia of the benefits of Marxist revolution. Trotsky sided with the Mensheviks after the split in the RSDWP, believing that the democratic path was the best course of action, and returned to Russia in 1905, only to be jailed again. After escaping jail, Trotsky spent time abroad, returning to Russia in 1917 upon the outbreak of the Revolution. He initially led the Mensheviks but eventually joined the Bolshevik faction and took command of the defense of Petrograd. Trotsky defeated Kerensky’s attempts to retake Petrograd after Lenin’s seizure of power. Lenin appointed Trotsky as Commissar for Foreign Affairs. Trotsky called for a cease-fire across the front and the Central Powers went to the table with Russia. A fierce opponent of Russian surrender, Trotsky suspended the BrestLitovsk talks and attempted to gain support in Petrograd against the treaty. Trotsky had hoped that a proletarian revolution would materialize, making a peace treaty irrelevant. However, with Ivan Teodorovich came from a family of revolutionaries. Teodorovich himself was active in the RSDWP and was arrested repeatedly before being exiled from Russia. He returned to Russia, joining the Petrograd Soviet and becoming a member of the Central Committee.20 As Commissar for Food, Teodorovich is charged with the responsibility of the allocation of food supplies and industrial goods. With Russia facing heavy shortages of food and other goods, Teodorovich’s duties involve the distribution and allocation of these resources that now fall under the control of the government. He is also responsible for supplying the Soviet forces with food and other basic supplies. RT Russiapedia, “Anatoly Lunacharsky,” http://russiapedia.rt.com/prominent-russians/politicsand-society/anatoly-lunacharsky/ (December 30, 2014). 19 The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition . S.v. "Ivan Teodorovich." Retrieved December 30 2014 from http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Ivan+Teod orovich. 20 21 escalation by the Germans in February, the Russians agreed to the Treaty and brought peace on the front, despite Trotsky’s opposition.21 Rykov became Commissar for Interior Affairs. Trotsky has very limited powers as Commissar for Foreign Affairs, as the RSFSR is currently unrecognized by other countries. He has the authority to negotiate with other countries on behalf of the RSFSR, but the government must authorize any agreement. There are rumors circulating, however, that Trotsky could be appointed to a military position in the near future. With the dissolution of the czar’s police force and the creation of the People’s militsiya, the Commissariat of Interior Affairs role involves the oversight and training of the new police force, as well as the supervision of local governments and firefighting. As Commissar for Interior Affairs, Rykov is responsible for the internal security of Russia. He has control of the militsiya and oversees local security. However, the militsiya is both poorly equipped and poorly trained.22 Alexei Rykov: Commissar for Interior Affairs Georgy Justice Alexey Rykov joined the RSDWP at the age of 18 and sided with Lenin’s Bolsheviks after the ideological split. After the failure of 1905, he attempted to reconcile with the Mensheviks, but was arrested and exiled to Siberia. With the February Revolution of 1917, Rykov returned to Western Russia, advocating for a coalition between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. He joined up with Lenin in Petrograd in November and supported the Bolshevik rule. Upon Lenin’s seizure of power, Georgy Oppokov is a Left Communist and member of the Bolsheviks. He was announced as Commissar for Justice after Lenin took control of the Petrograd Soviet. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s. v. "Leon Trotsky", accessed December 30, 2014, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/606722 /Leon-Trotsky. 22 Oppokov: Commissar for As Commissar for Justice, Oppokov is responsible for the justice and legal system of Russia. His primary responsibility is the implementation of socialist law and the implementation of proletariat justice. His role is to ensure that individu- Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s. v. "Aleksey Ivanovich Rykov", accessed December 30, 2014, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/514559 /Aleksey-Ivanovich-Rykov. 21 22 als follow the laws of the proletariat and to prosecute those who violate those laws at revolutionary tribunals. workers. He oversees the transfer of authority of industry to the workers and also assists in the nationalization of Russian industry. Alexander Shlyapnikov: Commissar for Labour Joseph Stalin: Commissar of Nationalities Alexander Shlyapnikov joined the Bolsheviks soon after their formation and participated in the 1905 Revolution. Shlyapnikov was jailed repeatedly and eventually went into exile, where he met Lenin. A mechanic by trade, Shlyapnikov returned to Russia in 1916 and became a union leader. He was instrumental in the organization and creation of the Petrograd Soviet and organized key antigovernment activity that severely weakened the Provisional Government. He joined the Central Committee and Lenin appointed him as Commissar for Labour upon his return to politics in November. Many revolutionaries consider him to be one of the most important figures in the rise of the new Soviet state, as he was instrumental in the creation and rise of the Petrograd Soviet.23 A Georgian by birth, Joseph Stalin became a Marxist at a young age. Heavily influenced by international Communism, he joined revolutionary movements in the Caucasus before becoming a Bolshevik and disciple of Lenin. Stalin rose up the ranks of the Party, serving on the first Central Committee in 1912 as Lenin’s representative. He was in exile in Siberia from 1913, but returned to Petrograd in 1917 and advocated Lenin’s proposal of a violent overthrow of the Provisional Government. He developed a rivalry with Trotsky while in Petrograd, and, upon Lenin’s coup, became Commissar of Nationalities.24 As Commissar of Nationalities, Stalin must deal with the national question of Russia. With the country’s diverse ethnic makeup, the Commissariat deals with issues of non-Russian nationalities. As Commissar for Labour, Shlyapnikov is tasked with overseeing labor unions and protecting the rights and interests of Barbara C. Allen, “Alexander Shliapnikov,” MIA Library, http://www.marxists.org/glossary/people/s/h.htm#sh liapnikov-alexander (30 December 30, 2014). Encyclopædia Britannica Online, s. v. "Joseph Stalin", accessed December 30, 2014, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/562617 /Joseph-Stalin. 23 24 23 Nikolai Glebov-Avilov: Commissar for Posts & Telegraphs and after the November Revolution, he served on the Moscow Revolutionary Military Committee. Lenin appointed him to serve as Commissar for Finance in 1917.26 Nikolai Glebov-Avilov was an active party member before 1917 and was subject to multiple arrests and imprisonments. After the February Revolution, Glebov-Avilov joined the Petrograd Soviet, working with trade and labor unions before joining the Central Committee. After Lenin’s coup, Glebov-Avilov became Commissar for Posts & Telegraphs.25 As Commissar for Finance, SkvorstovStepanov is responsible for maintaining the finances of Russia. With the country strapped for cash, his responsibility is to find and create finances within the proletariat structure to fund the spending of the Soviets, primarily with regards to defense. There is no Central Bank, and while the Commissariat takes some responsibility for tax collection, the Commissariat for Agriculture handles most of the issues on the kolkhoz. The Commissariat is working with the Commissariat for Agriculture to determine lands suitable for seizure to fund spending. As Commissar for Posts & Telegraphs, Glebov-Avilov oversees and has authority over the postal and telegraphs system across the country. Ivan Skvorstov-Stepanov: Commissar for Finance A teacher by trade, Ivan SkvorstovStepanov became involved in revolutionary activity in the 1890s. His antigovernment activity resulted in multiple arrests. He joined the RSDWP in its early formation and was active in Moscow during and after the 1905 revolution. He joined the Bolsheviks and became a member of the Moscow Soviet. During Alexandra Kollontai: Commissar for Social Welfare Of Cossack descent, Alexandra Kollontai is an important Marxist revolutionary. The ideas of the proletariat and the commune drew Kollontai to Marxism early on. She The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition . S.v. "Glebov-Avilov, Nikolai." Retrieved December 30 2014 from http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/GlebovAvilov%2c+Nikolai. The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition . S.v. "Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov." Retrieved December 30 2014 from http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Ivan+Skvo rtsov-Stepanov. 25 26 24 participated in various revolutionary activities as a young woman and studied abroad. She met Vladimir Lenin when he was still in Russia, and witnessed Bloody Sunday in 1905. Exiled to Germany, she returned to Russia because she, like many of the Russian Marxist exiles, was disillusioned with Marxist party support of the war. She officially joined the Bolsheviks in 1915 and returned to Russia in 1917. After marrying fellow revolutionary Pavel Dybenko, she became Commissar for Social Welfare. violent removal of the Provisional Government. A committed Bolshevik, Aminev was arrested multiple times for his antigovernment activity. After going into exile, Aminev returned to Moscow in 1917, working with the rail workers’ unions and eventually becoming a member of the Moscow Soviet. Lenin appointed him as Commissar for Railways after the October Revolution. As Commissar for Railways, Aminev oversees the construction and maintenance of the Russian railway system. Lenin has charged Aminev with the rehabilitation and expansion of the internal railway system to further develop industrialization, food production and military capabilities. As Commissar for Social Welfare, Kollontai is responsible for shaping policy for women and children in Russia. Her primary concern is with the role and status of women in Russian society, and the reshaping of women’s roles in the new proletariat society.27 Felix Dzerzhinsky: Director of the Cheka Dmitry Aminev: Commissar for Railways As a young student, Felix Dzerzhinsky was involved in revolutionary activities, resulting in multiple arrests. A Pole by birth, Dzerzhinsky joined the Lithuanian wing of the SDWP before spending time in exile in Siberia and abroad. After the 1905 Revolution was suppressed, he was jailed once again. After his release, he joined the RSDWP but spent much of the next ten years in and out of prison for his revolutionary activity. Released after the February Revolution, Dzerzhinsky intended to return to Poland to work with Dmitry Aminev took part in Marxist activity beginning in the early 1900s. A railway worker by trade, Aminev helped organize workers’ strikes and demonstrations in Moscow. He joined the RSDWP in 1908 and supported Lenin’s idea of Barbara Evans, Bolshevik Feminist: The Life of Alexandra Kollontai (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1979). 27 25 the Marxists there, but decided to stay and Moscow and joined the Bolsheviks. Dzerzhinsky became a close follower of Lenin and served on the Petrograd RMC in November, and took charge of security for the Bolsheviks. With the dissolution of the tsar’s police and the okhrana (secret police), the militsiya, under the control of the Commissar for Interior Affairs, was to take the role of internal security. However, Lenin recognized that the militsiya was not fit for the task, and the Council established the Cheka, the first state security organ of the Soviet. Dzerzhinsky’s close ideological relationship with Lenin resulted in his appointment as director of the Cheka. sees fit. It must report all counterrevolutionary activity to the Council.28 Mikhail Nikolayevich Tukhachevsky: Commander of the 5th Army An officer of the Imperial Army, Mikhail Nikolayevich Tukhachevsky served on the front against the Germans. He was captured as a prisoner of war multiple times, before escaping on his fifth attempt in 1917. He would return to find Russia in upheaval, and after the October Revolution, joined the Bolsheviks. He was given command of the Fifth Army. As Commander of the Fifth Army, Tukhachevsky’s primary charge is with the defense of Moscow. The Fifth Army is a ragtag group of revolutionaries that come from all walks of life. It is poorly trained and not well equipped but it will fight to the end for the defense of Soviet Russia. As Director of the Cheka, Dzerzhinsky is tasked with rooting out enemies of the proletariat and the revolution. The Cheka has broad powers to collect information on enemies of the revolution, and sabotage and undermine counterrevolutionary movements. As the secret police of the Soviet, the Cheka has been given large resources to weed out and destroy counterrevolutionary movements. The Cheka has the authority to monitor and arrest anyone who may be a threat to the revolution and deliver those individuals to revolutionary tribunals, as well as execute enemies of the revolution as the Director Jukums Vācietis: Commander of the Red Latvian Riflemen A Latvian, Jukums Vācietis joined the Imperial Russian Army and served as a commander of the Latvian Riflemen unit, and helped defend Riga from the Germans in 1917 at great cost to his units. After the RT Russiapedia, “Felix Dzerzhinsky,” http://russiapedia.rt.com/prominent-russians/politicsand-society/felix-dzerzhinsky/ (December 30, 2014). 28 26 February Revolution, Vācietis professed support of an independent Latvia, but sided with the Bolsheviks after the October Revolution and became commander of the Red Latvian Riflemen. Mikhail Vasilyevich Frunze: Commander of the Southern Army Group Born in 1885, Mikhail Frunze was involved in revolutionary activity as early as 1903, siding with Vladimir Lenin during the Bolshevik/Menshevik split.31 Frunze spent a decade in Siberian prisons for his activity, but after escaping became president of the Byelorussian Soviet after the February Revolution. During the October Revolution, he led nearly two thousand men in the Bolshevik takeover of Moscow. As the Whites mobilized and Lenin’s Bolsheviks began to charter the Red Army, Frunze was appointed commander of the Southern Army Group. As commander of the Red Latvian Riflemen, Vācietis has been tasked with the suppression of Polish troops in Belarus. His small but hardy forces help hold the eastern front against counterrevolutionary forces.29 Sergey Sergeyevich Kamenev: Commander of the Eastern Front Sergey Sergeyevich Kamenev was an officer and a member of the General Staff of the Imperial Army during the Great War. After the October Revolution, Kamenev rose up to command posts in the forces of the Soviet, eventually becoming commander of the eastern front. KEY ISSUES The Russian Civil War will test both sides and require the Bolsheviks to carefully track their resources. This challenge has led to the emergence of war communism, a special economic policy that is being considered for implementation for the duration of the conflict. War communism features multiple socialist economic policies, some of which include the As Commander of the Eastern Front, Kamenev defends the Soviet against the counterrevolutionary troops massing in the east.30 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, s.v. Jukums Vācietis”, accessed December 30, 2014, http://encyclopedia.1914-1918online.net/article/vacietis_jukums/2014-10-08. 29 http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Sergei+Ka menev. http://spartacuseducational.com/RUSfrunze.htm 31 The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition . S.v. "Sergei Kamenev." Retrieved December 30 2014 from 30 27 nationalization of all businesses in all industries, outlawing private enterprise, food rationing, and prodrazvyorstka (the confiscation of excess grain produces).32 Russia arms and military assistance with Kerensky at the helm of the government.33 A significant amount of the Russian population did not support Russia’s involvement in the war—providing the Red’s popular support.34 Due to its intensity, the Reds are debating how war communism should be implemented. Some Bolsheviks, such as Lenin, believe that the wartime conditions and requirements mandate these harsh economic policies. Other Bolsheviks, such as Yuri Larin and Leonid Krasin, argue that war communism is a method to eliminate private property and achieve total socialism. War communism could inflict considerable pain on the peasantry, though it may prove key to supplying Red troops. As WWI continues, some foreign forces had been deployed to Russia supporting the anti-Bolshevik forces, including from the UK, US, Greece, France, Estonia, Canada, and other nations. A buildup of these forces could pose a considerable threat to the existence of the RSFSR. Lastly, the Reds must decide how to govern the population. Harsh economic policies, such as war communism and prodrazvyorstka, could antagonize the population; the peasantry—especially in rural areas—may not survive the war while obeying these strict policies. While the growth of an expansive black market could alleviate some concerns, many farmers could revolt against the Red control. How we respond to potential The involvement of foreign states in the Russian Civil War will also challenge the Bolshevik leadership. Much of this involvement can be understood by understanding the greater geostrategic issues at play. During this period, World War I has reached its peak; the US, UK, France, and dozens of other states are trying to determine how to defeat Germany. Russia—due to its position on the Eastern Front—was considered a key ally (despite its political turmoil); even after Nicholas II had been removed, the US is sending Moore, Joel R.; Mead, Harry H.; Jahns, Lewis E. (2003). The History of the American Expedition Fighting the Bolsheviki. Nashville, Tenn.: The Battery Press. pp. 47– 50. ISBN 089839323X. 33 Beyer, Rick (2003). The Greatest Stories Never Told. A&E Television Networks / The History Channel. ISBN 0-06-001401-6. 34 Szamuely, Laszlo (1974), First models of the socialist economic system, Budapest, pp. 45–61 32 28 insurrection has yet to be discussed and decided. WORKS CITED 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, s.v. Jukums Vācietis”, accessed December 30, 2014, http://encyclopedia.1914-1918online.net/article/vacietis_jukums/2014-10-08. 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