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Print this article - Canadian Journal of Public Health
CANADIAN JOURNAL of PUBLIC HEALTH REVUE CANADIENNE de SANTÉ PUBLIQUE November/December 2012 Volume 103(Supplement 3) novembre/décembre 2012 Canadian Evidence on Built Environment and Health ESTABLISHED IN 1910 cjph.cpha.ca ÉTABLI EN 1910 Acknowledgements Production of this special Supplement has been made possible through financial or in-kind contributions from Health Canada, through the Canadian Partnership Against Cancer’s CLASP initiative, the Canadian Institute for Health Information, the Canadian Institute of Planners, and the Heart and Stroke Foundation. We also would like to thank the organizing partners of the workshop titled, Sharing Knowledge – Building Links – Advancing Research, Policy and Practice on the Built Environment, held in Ottawa, March 7-9, 2011. Event partners include: the Heart and Stroke Foundation, the Canadian Partnership Against Cancer, the Canadian Institute for Health Information, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, and the Public Health Agency of Canada. The March 2011 Sharing Knowledge workshop is where the idea of a journal supplement on Canadian built environment and health research first emerged. Further support by the Canadian Institute for Health Information, the Canadian Institute of Planners, the Heart and Stroke Foundation, and the Healthy Canada by Design CLASP initiative through Canadian Partnership Against Cancer’s funding helped to turn this idea into action. For access to various resources complementary to this Supplement, such as a series of fact sheets summarizing the latest Canadian built environment and health research in lay language, visit the Canadian Institute of Planners Healthy Communities website: www.cip-icu.ca/health The views expressed in this Supplement and related materials represent the views of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the project funders. CANADIAN JOURNAL of PUBLIC HEALTH REVUE CANADIENNE de SANTÉ PUBLIQUE Canadian Evidence on Built Environment and Health TABLE OF CONTENTS S3 Built Environment Health Research: The Time Is Now for a Canadian Network of Excellence N. Muhajarine S5 Coming to Consensus on Policy to Create Supportive Built Environments and Community Design K.D. Raine, N. Muhajarine, J.C. Spence, N.E. Neary, C.I.J. Nykiforuk S9 Physical Activity Patterns of Children in Toronto: The Relative Role of Neighbourhood Type and Socio-economic Status M.R. Stone, G.E. Faulkner, R. Mitra, R.N. Buliung S15 Linking Childhood Obesity to the Built Environment: A Multi-level Analysis of Home and School Neighbourhood Factors Associated With Body Mass Index J.A. Gilliland, C.Y. Rangel, M.A. Healy, P. Tucker, J.E. Loebach, P.M. Hess, M. He, J.D. Irwin, P. Wilk S22 Smart Cities, Healthy Kids: The Association Between Neighbourhood Design and Children’s Physical Activity and Time Spent Sedentary D.W. Esliger, L.B. Sherar, N. Muhajarine S29 Walkable for Whom? Examining the Role of the Built Environment on the Neighbourhood-based Physical Activity of Children K. Loptson, N. Muhajarine, T. Ridalls and the Smart Cities, Healthy Kids Research Team S35 There’s No Such Thing as Bad Weather, Just the Wrong Clothing: Climate, Weather and Active School Transportation in Toronto, Canada R. Mitra, G. Faulkner S42 Safe Cycling: How Do Risk Perceptions Compare With Observed Risk? M. Winters, S. Babul, H.J.E.H. Becker, J.R. Brubacher, M. Chipman, P. Cripton, M.D. Cusimano, S.M. Friedman, M.A. Harris, G. Hunte, M. Monro, C.C.O. Reynolds, H. Shen, K. Teschke S48 Associations Between Children’s Diets and Features of Their Residential and School Neighbourhood Food Environments A. Van Hulst, T.A. Barnett, L. Gauvin, M. Daniel, Y. Kestens, M. Bird, K. Gray-Donald, M. Lambert S55 Physical Activity and Nutrition Among Youth in Rural, Suburban and Urban Neighbourhood Types C. Shearer, C. Blanchard, S. Kirk, R. Lyons, T. Dummer, R. Pitter, D. Rainham, L. Rehman, C. Shields, M. Sim S61 Creating Neighbourhood Groupings Based on Built Environment Features to Facilitate Health Promotion Activities D. Schopflocher, E. VanSpronsen, J.C. Spence, H. Vallianatos, K.D. Raine, R.C. Plotnikoff, C.I.J. Nykiforuk S67 Examining Aspects of the Built Environment: An Evaluation of a Community Walking Map Project C.I.J. Nykiforuk, L.M. Nieuwendyk, S. Mitha, I. Hosler © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S1 CANADIAN JOURNAL of PUBLIC HEALTH REVUE CANADIENNE de SANTÉ PUBLIQUE EDITORIAL OFFICES • BUREAUX DE LA RÉDACTION SCIENTIFIC EDITOR/RÉDACTEUR SCIENTIFIQUE Gilles Paradis (McGill University; Institut national de santé publique du Québec) ASSOCIATE EDITORS/RÉDACTEURS SCIENTIFIQUES ADJOINTS Environmental Health/Santé environnementale Pierre Ayotte (Université Laval) Qualitative Research/Recherche qualitative Joan Eakin (University of Toronto) Book Reviews/Recensions Jacqueline C. Gahagan (Dalhousie University) Intervention Research/Recherche d’intervention Penny Hawe (University of Calgary) History of Public Health/Histoire de la santé publique Maureen Malowany (McGill University) Quantitative Research/Recherche quantitative Gilles Paradis (McGill University) Public Health Practice/Pratique en santé publique Stéphane Perron (Agence de la santé et des services sociaux de Montréal) Aboriginal Health/Santé autochtone Jeffrey L. Reading (University of Victoria) Communicable Diseases/Maladies transmissibles Robert S. Remis (University of Toronto) Public Health Ethics/Éthique en santé publique Jason Scott Robert (Arizona State University) Supplements/Suppléments Reg Warren (University of Toronto) Global Health/Santé mondiale Christina Zarowsky (University of the Western Cape) EDITORIAL BOARD/COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION Jane Buxton (University of British Columbia) Tim Caulfield (University of Alberta) Joanna Cohen (Ontario Tobacco Research Unit) Paul A. Demers (Cancer Care Ontario) Debbie Feldman (Université de Montréal) Lise Gauvin (Université de Montréal) Diana Gustafson (Memorial University of Newfoundland) Duncan Hunter (Queen's University) Igor Karp (Centre de recherche du Centre hospitalier de l’Université de Montréal) Nancy Kreiger (University of Toronto) Benoît Lévesque (Institut national de santé publique du Québec) Amee Manges (McGill University) Doug Manuel (Ottawa Hospital Research Institute) Yang Mao (Public Health Agency of Canada) Peggy McDonough (University of Toronto) Nazeem Muhajarine (University of Saskatchewan) Cameron Mustard (Institute for Work and Health) Eric Mykhalovskiy (York University) Jennifer O'Loughlin (Centre de recherche du Centre hospitalier de l’Université de Montréal) David Patrick (British Columbia Centre for Disease Control) Louise Potvin (Université de Montréal) Amélie Quesnel-Vallée (McGill University) Bruce Reeder (University of Saskatchewan) Duncan Saunders (University of Alberta) Jeannie Shoveller (University of British Columbia) Colin Soskolne (University of Alberta) Kay Teschke (University of British Columbia) BUSINESS OFFICE/SIÈGE SOCIAL Canadian Journal of Public Health / Revue canadienne de santé publique 404-1525 avenue Carling Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K1Z 8R9 Tel./Tél. : 613-725-3769 Fax/Téléc. : 613-725-9826 E-mail/Courriel : [email protected] www.cjph.cpha.ca STAFF/PERSONNEL Karen Craven (Assistant Editor/Rédactrice adjointe) Debbie Buchanan (Editorial Assistant/Adjointe à la rédaction) CIRCULATION & SUBSCRIPTIONS/DIFFUSION et ABONNEMENTS Tel./Tél. : 613-725-3769, ext./poste 126 E-mail/Courriel : [email protected] www.cjph.cpha.ca TRANSLATION/TRADUCTION Marie Cousineau COVER/COUVERTURE Photo credit: John Jutras, Smart Cities, Healthy Kids research team. Humans have always made their home beside large bodies of water, and so it is on the banks of the South Saskatchewan River. Saskatoon’s “River Landing”, built recently but likely conceived a long time ago, provides a perfect public space for children and adults alike. The Canadian Journal of Public Health is published every two months by the Canadian Public Health Association. A subscription to the CJPH is included in the Association’s membership fee. La Revue canadienne de santé publique est publiée tous les deux mois par l’Association canadienne de santé publique. La cotisation de membre de l’Association donne droit à l’abonnement à la RCSP. All articles published in this journal, including editorials, represent the opinions of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy of the Canadian Public Health Association or the institution with which the author is affiliated, unless this is clearly specified. Tous les articles publiés dans cette revue, y compris les éditoriaux, représentent les opinions des auteurs et ne reflètent pas nécessairement la politique officielle de l’Association canadienne de santé publique ou de l’établissement auquel l’auteur est affilié, sauf indication contraire. CJPH is available in microform from University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Michigan and is abstracted by ProQuest and EBSCO. La RCSP est disponible sur microfilm auprès de University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Michigan et est abrégée par ProQuest et EBSCO. Indexed in the Canadian Periodical Index, Index Medicus, Social Science Citation Index and Repère. Répertorié dans Canadian Periodical Index, Index Medicus, Social Science Citation Index et Repère. Reprints of articles, minimum 50, are available from the business office of the Journal (price on request). Contents may be reproduced only with the prior permission of the Editorial Board. A maximum of 30 photocopies of articles are permitted with acknowledgement of CJPH. On peut se procurer des tirés-à-part d’article, minimum de 50 exemplaires, auprès des bureaux de la Revue (prix disponible sur demande). On ne peut reproduire le contenu de la Revue qu’avec la permission préalable de la rédaction. Il est permis de copier un maximum de 30 articles à condition de bien indiquer la source. PUBLISHER/ÉDITEUR Canadian Public Health Association/ Association canadienne de santé publique Debra Lynkowski, LlB, Chief Executive Officer/Chef de la direction © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. © Association canadienne de santé publique, 2012. Tous droits réservés. ISSN 0008-4263 S2 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Publications Mail Agreement #40062779. Return undeliverable Canadian addresses to: Circulation Department, Canadian Public Health Association, 300-1565 Carling Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario, K1Z 8R1, E-mail: [email protected]. Numéro de convention de la Postes-publications 40062779. Retourner toute correspondance ne pouvant être livrée au Canada au : Service des publications, Association canadienne de santé publique, 1565 avenue Carling, bureau 300, Ottawa (Ontario) K1Z 8R1, courriel : [email protected]. FOREWORD Built Environment Health Research: The Time Is Now for a Canadian Network of Excellence Nazeem Muhajarine, PhD E very generation since World War II has faced its own great public health challenges. In the post-war period, the challenge was the integration back into society of young men and women who had fought a war that took a terrible toll on life and spirit; in the 1960-70s, efforts to control or eradicate smallpox, polio and malaria dominated; in the 1980-90s, tobacco control, heart disease, stroke and HIV/AIDS commanded attention; and in contemporary times, SARS, the H1N1 flu epidemic, mental health and a host of natural and human-made catastrophes have been added to the mix. But of all the great public health challenges, the global epidemic of obesity has emerged as the nemesis of our generation. The numbers paint a grim picture. Obesity is a disorder in its own right, but more pervasively it is also the gateway to many other chronic conditions. The public health and medical care costs attributable to obesity are staggeringly large, and the personal and social costs are not far behind. It is against this backdrop that we offer this special supplement on the built environment and health from a Canadian perspective. Why this supplement, and why now? While it is clear there is an urgent need to take action to address obesity, particularly in children, it is also very apparent that the empirical body of evidence regarding the determinants of obesity – especially those most upstream, such as the built environment, time use and technology change – is only now taking shape. The sense of urgency to halt the childhood obesity epidemic has helped catalyze political processes in some local jurisdictions aimed at making environmental changes by altering public policy. We need new research, especially as it relates to Canadian cities, to indicate which policydriven built environmental factors are the most important contributors to obesity, and to understand the mechanisms through which they work. Such evidence is critically needed to deepen the policy debate, leading to action with greater promise of decreasing childhood and adult overweight and obesity in Canada. The articles in this supplement present current Canadian evidence supporting the impact of the built environment on health,1-11 particularly with regard to child health and obesity. Collectively, these works represent the contributions of multidisciplinary teams of researchers from all five regions of Canada and offer evidence linking various aspects of built and food environments (defined around neighbourhoods and schools) and community design, and their impact on active transportation, physical activity, diet and obesity. Reports from studies in three Canadian cities – Toronto, Kingston and Saskatoon – investigate types of urban form (for example, as one study identified: grid-pattern, mixed grid- and curvilinearpattern, or curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods) in order to understand their impact on physical activity or BMI.1-3 These papers push the threshold of current built environment research by going back to the basics – looking at the design of our urban centres and neighbourhoods, and how that constrains or facilitates people’s choices, activities and even residential selection. It is necessary to start with the basic form (structure) of urban and rural neighbourhoods as that is the blueprint that directs what gets built, as we delve into the specifics of built characteristics. Seven of the ten papers in this supplement report on children between the ages of 8 and 14 years.1-7 Are there any theoretical or developmental reasons that make children of this age group particularly advantageous to study? Where in neighbourhoods, or when and how do they accumulate their physical activity? In practical terms, 10-14 year-olds may be an ideal group to study given that they are old enough to make choices regarding travel and mobility but not so old as to be completely travel independent (i.e., driving a vehicle). There may be neurodevelopmental reasons as well. Between the ages of 11-15, youth undergo a second phase of brain development specifically related to spatial configuration and analysis.12 According to environmental psychologists, important cognitive development occurs through the processes of memorizing landmarks and the sequence of routes and through navigating the integration of routes. Environments that stimulate this development are ones in which navigation and spatial orientation are challenged and in which opportunities for independent travel are facilitated. As a society, we should, according to Weston,12 develop cities that allow this to occur in young people. Many of the studies in this special issue and elsewhere report physical activity levels, or access to food retailers, in relation to neighbourhoods, with or without the specification of a surrounding area or buffer zone.1-7 The underlying assumption is that this activity or access is occurring in and around participants’ home or school neighbourhoods. These assumptions now need to be tested, by measuring where, when and what types of activities and food access occur and under what circumstances (e.g., structured/registered type of activity; free play). It is likely that the location and types of activity are distributed differentially across socio-economic status and, therefore, neighbourhood types as well. We know that frequently children get driven to a structured activity, and when this © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 Author’s Affiliation Community Health and Epidemiology, College of Medicine, University of Saskatchewan, 107 Wiggins Road, Saskatoon, SK S7N 5E5, E-mail: [email protected] S3 FOREWORD occurs the locations are often outside of their residential or school neighbourhoods. The apparent inconsistencies seen in some of the research – for example, greater physical activity in children from high SES neighbourhoods as well as inner-city neighbourhoods – could be explained by a careful delineation not only of the intensity of physical activity level but also of where these activities occur and of what type. We must resist the generalization that what is good for adults in terms of built environment and health is also necessarily good for young children. Much of the behaviour observed in young children is strongly influenced by their adult caregivers (and their peers); this simple fact has not as yet been adequately accounted for with regard to much of the built environment and children’s physical activity and diet research. Several of the studies in this supplement have defined built and/or food environments in relation to the neighbourhoods where participating children reside and the schools they attend.1-7 This differentiation of environments makes sense given the amount of time children spend at school compared to at home during weekdays. However, an important finding reported in this issue is the difference in physical activity levels, for both boys and girls, during school days compared to on weekends.1,3 The level of physical activity and active living in general for children is not only spatially but also temporally patterned – within a day, as well as across the week. The weekday–weekend physical activity levels are different enough, and consistently so, that future studies are well advised not to treat all days of the week as equal when physical activity measures are taken or analyzed. It is increasingly clear that we need to understand what the contextual (including the built environment) and individual determinants of physical activity for children are on the weekends, as they may be distinct from the determinants shaping activity on the school days. It follows then that we need to be more precise when we consider defining built environments in relation to schools and residences. Obviously school-based definitions of built environments may not be relevant when considering weekend physical activity levels. On the other hand, when considering active transportation to school, not only is the distance between home and school important, but further gains in insight are likely to be made if we are able to link the residential neighbourhood and school neighbourhood built environments in a seamless manner. In other words, what children are likely to see outside their homes and surrounding their schools is as important in influencing their and their parents’ decisions as what they encounter throughout the travel path from home to school and back again. S4 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Like the youth who form the subject of many of the papers here, built environment health research is still a young field, at times awkward, but with much energy and potential. As the supplement demonstrates, Canadian researchers are making important contributions to this quickly evolving field. There is however much work yet to do. The next key steps involve creating more clarity in definitions and operationalization of concepts, measurement and integration of multiple methods, and deeper engagement and commitment for creating a community of researchers in this field. The time is now for a coordinated national effort in built environment and health research – a network of centres on built environment. It is through an escalation of current efforts, integration of local research into a national network, and engaging of partners across sectors, locally and nationally, that we will curb childhood obesity in Canada. REFERENCES 1. Stone MR, Faulkner GE, Mitra R, Buliung RN. Physical activity patterns of children in Toronto: The relative role of neighbourhood types and socioeconomic status. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S9-S14. 2. Gilliland JA, Rangel CY, Healy MA, Tucker P, Loebach JE, Hess PM, et al. Linking childhood obesity to the built environment: A multi-level analysis of home and school neighbourhood factors associated with body mass index. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S15-S21. 3. Esliger D, Sherar L, Muhajarine N. Smart Cities, Healthy Kids: The association between neighbourhood design and children’s physical activity and time spent sedentary. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S22-S28. 4. Loptson K, Muhajarine N, Ridalls T and the Smart Cities, Healthy Kids Research Team. Walkable for whom? Examining the role of the built environment on the neighbourhood-based physical activity of children. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S29-S34. 5. Mitra R, Faulkner G. There’s no such thing as bad weather, just the wrong clothing: Climate, weather and active school transportation in Toronto, Canada. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S35-S41. 6. Van Hulst A, Barnett TA, Gauvin L, Daniel M, Kestens Y, Bird M, et al. Associations between children’s diets and features of their residential and school neighbourhood food environments. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S48-S54. 7. Shearer C, Blanchard C, Kirk S, Lyons R, Dummer T, Pitter R, et al. Physical activity and nutrition among youth in rural, suburban and urban neighbourhood types. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S55-S60. 8. Winters M, Babul S, Becker HJEH, Brubacher JR, Chipman M, Cripton P, et al. Safe cycling: How do risk perceptions compare with observed risk? Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S42-S47. 9. Schopflocher D, VanSpronsen E, Spence JC, Vallianatos H, Raine KD, Plotnikoff RC, Nykiforuk CIJ. Creating neighbourhood groupings based on built environment features to facilitate health promotion activities. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S61-S66. 10. Nykiforuk C, Nieuwendyk L, Mitha S, Hosler I. Examining aspects of the built environment: An evaluation of a community walking map project. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S67-S72. 11. Raine KD, Muhajarine N, Spence JC, Neary NE, Nykiforuk CIJ. Coming to consensus on policy to create supportive built environments and community design. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S5-S8. 12. Weston L. Building cities for young people: Why we should design cities with preteens and young teens in mind. J Urban Design 2010;15(3):325-34. © Association canadienne de santé publique, 2012. Tous droits réservés. COMMENTARY Coming to Consensus on Policy to Create Supportive Built Environments and Community Design Kim D. Raine, PhD, RD,1 Nazeem Muhajarine, PhD,2 John C. Spence, PhD,3 Neil E. Neary, MPH-HP,1 Candace I.J. Nykiforuk, PhD1 ABSTRACT In April 2011, a conference with invited experts from research, policy and practice was held to build consensus around policy levers to address environmental determinants of obesity. The gap between existing policy tools and what can promote health through community design is a major policy opportunity. This commentary represents a consensus of next actions towards creating built environments that support healthy active living. The policy environment and Canadian evidence are reviewed. Issues and challenges to policy change are discussed. Recommendations to create supportive built environments that encourage healthy active living in communities include the following: 1) empower planning authorities to change bylaws that impede healthy active living, protect and increase access to green space, introduce zoning to increase high density, mixed land use, and influence the location and distribution of food stores; 2) establish stable funding for infrastructure promoting active transportation and opportunities for recreation; 3) evaluate the effectiveness of programs to improve the built environment so that successful interventions can be identified and disseminated; 4) mandate health impact assessment of planning, development and transportation policies to ensure that legislative changes promote health and safety; 5) frame issues to dispel myths and to promote protection from obesity risk factors. Key words: Child; adolescent; health status; obesity; health policy; environment design La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. I n April 2011, a consensus conference was held with invited experts from research, policy and practice fields. The conference aimed to build consensus around policy levers to address environmental determinants of obesity, including next logical steps toward further policy action. We identified a range of opportunities for action, based upon a synthesis of international recommendations, best evidence from the literature and previous prioritysetting within the Canadian policy milieu;1-3 creating supportive built environments for healthy active living was one opportunity discussed. We invited conference participants to share with the group high-level insights from their experience (available political opportunities/appetite for change) and research (evidence of what works/does not work). Consensus was reached through facilitated discussion following presentation of evidence and the environmental context. A consensus paper was drafted and circulated for revision. This commentary represents a consensus of next actions towards creating supportive built environments for healthy active living. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S5-S8. nutrient density foods, limiting access to healthy foods, and exposing people to stressors that may moderate how energy intake and expenditure relate to weight status. For example, design elements that include road network patterns leading to increased connectivity and safety, pedestrian accessibility, mixed land use, parks and playgrounds contribute to the walkability of a neighbourhood and have a tremendous impact on levels of physical activity, especially with respect to active transportation and play.5 Residential density and zoning bylaws contribute to community design and access to opportunities for both physical activity and healthy eating. Many Canadian jurisdictions are acknowledging a need for changes to built environments, including zoning and bylaws, to promote healthy weights.6 According to the 2011 Active Healthy Author Affiliations “The built environment is part of our physical surroundings and includes the buildings, parks, schools, road systems, and other infrastructure that we encounter in our daily lives”.4 The built environment may influence the behaviour or weight status of populations by decreasing opportunities for physical activity, increasing opportunities to be sedentary, increasing exposure to high-energy, low- 1. Centre for Health Promotion Studies, School of Public Health, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB 2. Community Health and Epidemiology, College of Medicine, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, SK 3. Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB Correspondence: Kim D. Raine, Edmonton Clinic Health Academy #3-291, 1140587th Ave. NW, Edmonton, AB T6G 1C9, Tel: 780-492-9415, Fax: 780-492-0364, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: This research was funded by a Meeting, Planning and Dissemination grant from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR). K. Raine acknowledges an Applied Public Health Chair Award from the Heart and Stroke Foundation and CIHR. The authors thank Manuel Arango, Susan Buhler, Timothy Caulfield, Diane Finegood, Samantha Hartley-Folz, Bill Jeffery, Jane Landon, Craig Larsen, Tim Lobstein, Lyne Mongeau, Suzie Pellerin, Lisa Petermann, Monique Potvin Kent, Shandy Reed and Michele Simon for their participation in the consensus conference. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 Policy environment S5 CONSENSUS ON BUILT ENVIRONMENT POLICY Kids Canada (AHKC) Report Card,5 “In the past year, there has been a rise in the number of communities and governments taking this multi-sectoral/level approach in their strategies to promote child and youth physical activity and reduce sedentary pursuits by targeting the built environment” (p. 46). Yet, the same 2011 AHKC report card disclosed that only 16% of municipalities had a formal transportation master plan and less than 20% of communities required mandatory safe walking and biking routes in the development of new areas, reconstruction of roads or retrofitting of existing communities. In 2008, the AHKC reported that 96% of Canadian municipalities had at least one bylaw discouraging physical activity or free play, such as restrictions on skateboarding, street hockey or bicycling.7 The inherent contradiction is that municipal bylaws emphasizing safety from injury (safe play) function to counter promotion of an active lifestyle as part of well-being. The yawning gap between existing policy tools at the municipal level and what we acknowledge as increasingly necessary to promote active lifestyle through community design is a major policy opportunity that needs to be addressed. Recent surveys of decision-makers from all levels of government, schools and workplaces in Alberta show support for policy initiatives that address land-use design and zoning to promote active living, but to a lesser degree to promote healthy eating. Respondents supported implementing transportation policies designed to promote physical activity through safe routes, cycle facilities, adequate lighting, etc. (89%); enhancing the quantity and quality of green spaces in all neighbourhoods (93%); changing the design of our neighbourhoods and communities to encourage informal physical activity in daily life (85%); and changing building and community design standards to discourage sedentary activities (63%). The same survey found little support for using land-use decisions and zoning to promote healthy eating. In fact, a large albeit minority proportion of respondents (46%) supported zoning to increase the number of small grocery stores at walking distance from residences in every neighbourhood, and only 28% supported zoning to limit fast food restaurants per square kilometre.8 Public opinion, however, is generally much more positive about such measures, 56% of Albertans surveyed indicating their support for zoning to limit fast food restaurants per square kilometre, and 74% reporting support for zoning to restrict the supply of junk food near schools.9 Similarly, 72% of respondents in Quebec claimed they were supportive, in principle, of restrictions on fast food outlets near schools. The support increases to 83%-87% when the possibility of actually adopting regulatory measures is proposed.10 Evidence A systematic review has reported evidence for associations between built environment and diet, physical activity and sedentary behaviour.6 However, while systematic reviews of epidemiologic studies of the built environment and obesity have found statistically significant associations in approximately half of the studies reviewed, heterogeneity across studies limits the strength of evidence.11 Looking specifically at Canadian studies, including those in this supplement, different aspects of the built environment appear to be related to obesity and its proximal determinants in varied urban contexts. Specifically, in Toronto, residential density has been associated with decreased population obesity, and in Vancouver, residential density, land-use mix, street connectivity and a composite S6 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 walkability index are all associated with decreased population obesity among adults.12 In Ottawa, neighbourhoods with fewer recreation opportunities were associated with higher body mass index (BMI) among adults.13 The results emerging from built environment studies specifically focusing on children point to a more complex picture. In Saskatoon, children 10-14 years of age living in fractured-grid neighbourhoods accumulated less physical activity and more sedentary time per day than those in grid-pattern or curvilinearpattern neighbourhoods.14 Studies from Halifax and Toronto in this issue further elucidate the potential mitigating effects of neighbourhood level socio-economic status. A study of children 12-14 years of age in Halifax reported that rates of physical activity in children from schools in lower socio-economic areas were higher in urban than in suburban or rural settings.15 In Toronto, children who attended schools in more affluent neighbourhoods had more positive physical activity profiles across the week.16 The findings on the effect of the built environment on children’s physical activity and obesity reported in this issue extend the results from several earlier studies conducted in Canadian cities. Studies from Edmonton have reported that a walkable neighbourhood design, specifically intersection density, was associated with decreased childhood obesity among girls.17 Among pre-adolescent children in Alberta, neighbourhood safety, sidewalks and parks are negatively correlated with body weight.18 Further, an Ontario study revealed that children with a park playground within 1 km from home were five times more likely to be at healthy weight than children without such access.19 Studies have shown that children who live in neighbourhoods with fewer amenities or lacking neighbourhood access to sidewalks, walking paths, parks or playgrounds, or recreation or community centres had 20%-45% higher odds of being obese/overweight.20 These findings are supported by a study in this issue from London, ON, which reports that public recreation opportunities within a 500-metre network distance from home were associated with lower BMI in children.21 Perceptions of built environment are also important. In Edmonton, children aged 6 to 12 described more active transportation in their neighbourhoods when they lived in highly walkable areas.22 Among adults in Edmonton, neighbourhood choice (for ease of walking) was associated with a lower BMI, whereas objectively measured walkability was not a significant influence on BMI.23 Perceptions of traffic as a barrier to walking also predicted higher BMI.24 Community design, zoning and neighbourhood social factors are also associated with physical access to foods. For example, Canadian research has found that fast food outlets are more prevalent in neighbourhoods of lower socio-economic status,25 while supermarkets – sources of wider food choices, including healthy foods – are less prevalent in these neighbourhoods.26 A Montréal study reported in this issue found that children attending a school in neighbourhoods with a higher number of unhealthy relative to healthy food establishments scored most poorly on dietary outcomes.27 Additionally, a study in Halifax found that dietary quality was higher among youth in higher than in lower socio-economic urban settings.15 Further, there was evidence from an Edmonton study that the shorter the distance to healthier food sources from one’s residence, the less the likelihood of obesity.28 With regard to the influence of neighbourhood food environment on healthy eat- CONSENSUS ON BUILT ENVIRONMENT POLICY ing among grade 7 and 8 students in London, ON, the proximity of convenience stores to students’ homes and proximity of schools to convenience stores and fast food outlets were all significantly associated with decreased healthy eating index scores.29 Evidence of the impact of the built environment on behaviours and weight status is growing. There are small but meaningful associations observed between aspects of the built environment and behavioural determinants/risk of obesity, although the findings are inconsistent. Perceptions of the environment may be as important as objectively measured aspects of environments. Over the past four years, the Heart and Stroke Foundation and Canadian Institutes of Health Research have made research on obesity and built environment a strategic focus, and several Canadian research projects have been funded that contribute to the evidence base; several of those studies are reported in this supplement. Yet, evidence on the effectiveness of built environment interventions is sparse. Very little intervention research has linked the effectiveness of changing environments to behavioural or weight and health outcomes, especially in a policy context,6 suggesting a serious evidence gap. Issues and challenges Changing the built environment significantly is a massive undertaking with potentially huge financial investment needs Building transportation infrastructure is a significant investment that spans jurisdictions’ decision-making structures and involves sectors not traditionally involved with health. For example, building a road may be primarily a provincial responsibility, yet incorporating bike lanes or increasing public transit may be a municipal one. Urban planners with municipal mandates may face challenges as to what they can accomplish, as provincial laws and policies may be outdated or too restrictive. Physical activity, food access and health may not yet be a high priority for transportation and planning sectors or even for departments of finance. Indeed, given the multiple demands on limited municipal tax bases, finding sufficient resources to maintain, change or build infrastructure supportive of health-promoting community design may be a challenge. Smaller, localized changes in built environments may provide the opportunity for incremental changes Focusing on school environments or municipal bylaws is not only more manageable politically and practically, but can also provide preliminary evidence of local effectiveness as exemplars for others. Public support for change in built environments may need to take into account parental concerns about child safety Enhancing safety (i.e., fewer traffic incidents involving pedestrians and cyclists) through improved built environmental design may have more immediate resonance with parents than changes in health status or obesity. Social perceptions, such as parental fears about child safety (i.e., child abduction by strangers, which is extremely rare), are significant factors that need to be taken into account when promoting built environment changes. Connecting issues of violence prevention with safety challenges, dispelling myths and fears, and engaging public support for change should not further exacerbate public fears but, rather, help to dispel them. Recommendations To create supportive built environments that encourage physical activity, active living and access to healthy foods in local communities, we recommend the following: • Empower local planning authorities to – change bylaws that have an effect of restricting physical activity – initiate programs to help protect and increase access to green space, including parks and playgrounds – introduce zoning bylaws that increase high density and mixed land use – through a combination of incentives (tax shelters) and constraints (zoning bylaws) influence the location and distribution of food stores, including fast food stores and suppliers of fruit and vegetables. • Establish stable, long-term funding for municipal infrastructure that promotes active transportation and provides opportunities and facilities for recreation. • Evaluate the effectiveness of local programs in improving aspects of the built environment so that successful intervention strategies can be identified and scaled up. – Evidence of what interventions work under which conditions is likely to come from natural experiments assumed by committed communities based on the growing evidence associating built environment with obesity and health. – It is essential for researchers to work with planners and policymakers to capture the impact of local changes. • Make health impact assessment of planning, development and transportation policies mandatory to ensure that legislative changes increase walking, cycling and safety for children and citizens. – As the impact of the built environment, including land use and community design, on the health of the population becomes increasingly evident, promoting the development and implementation of public policies conducive to health suggests consideration of the health impacts of new and standing policies in major project planning. – Development of tools to assist municipalities and provincial jurisdictions in doing such assessments is required. • Advocate the framing of issues so as to dispel myths and fears about child safety (from abduction or injury) and to promote child safety from obesity risk factors (e.g., physical inactivity, sedentary behaviours). CONCLUSION Consensus around policy levers to address environmental determinants of obesity, including next logical steps toward further policy action, led to concrete recommendations for researchers, practitioners and policy-makers to create supportive built environments that encourage physical activity, active living and access to healthy foods in local communities. REFERENCES 1. 2. Alberta Policy Coalition for Cancer Prevention. Our Focus [online]. 2011. Available at: http://abpolicycoalitionforprevention.ca/our-focus.html (Accessed July 30, 2011). The Canadian Partnership Against Cancer. Canadian Priorities for Addressing Obesity as a Cancer and Chronic Disease Risk Factor. Toronto, ON: Nutrition and Physical Activity Policy Alignment in Action Initiative, 2010. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S7 CONSENSUS ON BUILT ENVIRONMENT POLICY 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. S8 Heart and Stroke Foundation. Community Design, Physical Activity, Heart Disease and Stroke. 2012. Available at: http://www.heartandstroke.com/site/ c.ikIQLcMWJtE/b.3820627/k.662E/Position_Statements__Community_ Design_physical_activiy_heart_disease_and_stroke.htm (Accessed June 12, 2012). Health Canada. Natural and Built Environments. Ottawa, ON: Division of Childhood and Adolescence, 2002. Active Healthy Kids Canada. Don’t Let This Be the Most Physical Activity Our Kids Get After School: The Active Healthy Kids Canada 2011 Report Card on Physical Activity for Children and Youth. Toronto, ON: Active Healthy Kids Canada, 2011. Raine K, Spence JC, Church J, Boulé N, Slater L, Marko J, et al. State of the Evidence Review on Urban Health and Healthy Weights. Ottawa, ON: Canadian Institute for Health Information, 2008. Active Healthy Kids Canada. Canada’s Report Card on Physical Activity for Children and Youth. Toronto, ON: Active Healthy Kids Canada, 2008. Alberta Policy Coalition for Cancer Prevention. APCCP Survey Results for Healthy Eating, Active Living, Alcohol Misuse and Tobacco Reduction Issues: Decision-Maker Survey of Knowledge, Attitudes and Beliefs. Edmonton, AB: Alberta Policy Coalition for Cancer Prevention, 2009. Alberta Policy Coalition for Cancer Prevention. Alberta Survey of Knowledge, Attitudes, and Beliefs. Edmonton, AB: Alberta Policy Coalition for Cancer Prevention, 2010. Association pour la santé publique du Québec. The School Zone and Nutrition: Courses of Action for the Municipal Sector. Montreal, QC: Association pour la santé publique du Québec, 2011. Feng J, Glass TA, Curriero FC, Stewart FC, Stewart WF, Schwartz BS. The built environment and obesity: A systematic review of the epidemiologic evidence. Prev Med 2009;16(2):175-90. Pouliou T, Elliott SJ. Individual and socio-environmental determinants of overweight and obesity in urban Canada. Health & Place 2010;16(2):389-98. Prince SA, Tremblay MS, Prud’homme D, Colley R, Sawada M, Kristjansson E. Neighbourhood differences in objectively measured physical activity, sedentary time and body mass index. Open J Prev Med 2011;1(3):182-89. Esliger D, Sherar L, Muhajarine N. Smart cities, healthy kids: The association between neighbourhood design and children’s physical activity and time spent sedentary. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S22-S28. Shearer C, Blanchard C, Kirk S, Lyons R, Dummer T, Pitter R, et al. Physical activity and nutrition among youth in rural, suburban and urban neighbourhood types. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S55-S60. Stone MR, Faulkner GE, Mitra R, Buliung RN. Physical activity patterns of children in Toronto: The relative role of neighbourhood type and socioeconomic status. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S9-S14. Spence JC, Cutumisu N, Edwards J, Evans J. Influence of neighbourhood design and access to facilities on overweight among preschool children. Int J Pediatr Obes 2008;3:109-16. Davidson Z, Simen-Kapeu A, Veugelers P. Neighborhood determinants of selfefficacy, physical activity, and body weights among Canadian children. Health & Place 2010;16(3):567-72. Potwarka LR, Kaczynski AT, Flack AL. Places to play: Association of park space and facilities with healthy weight status among children. J Community Health 2008;33(5):344-50. Singh GK, Siahpush M, Kogan MD. Neighborhood socioeconomic conditions, built environments, and childhood obesity. Health Aff (Millwood) 2010;29(3):503-12. Gilliland JA, Rangel CY, Healy MA, Tucker P, Loebach JE, Hess PM, et al. Linking childhood obesity to the built environment: A multi-level analysis of home and school neighbourhood factors associated with body mass index. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S15-S21. Holt NL, Cunningham CT, Sehn ZL, Spence JC, Newton AS, Ball GD. Neighborhood physical activity opportunities for inner-city children and youth. Health & Place 2009;15:1022-28. REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 23. Berry TR, Spence JC, Blanchard CM, Cutumisu N, Edwards J, Selfridge G. A longitudinal and cross-sectional examination of the relationship between reasons for choosing a neighbourhood, physical activity and body mass index. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2010;7(1):57. 24. Berry T, Spence J, Blanchard C, Cutumisu N, Edwards J, Nykiforuk C. Changes in BMI over 6 years: The role of demographic and neighborhood characteristics. Int J Obes 2010;34(8):1275-83. 25. Hemphill E, Raine K, Spence JC, Smoyer-Tomic KE. Exploring obesogenic food environments in Edmonton, Canada: The association between socioeconomic factors and fast-food outlet access. Am J Health Promot 2008;22(6):426-32. 26. Smoyer-Tomic KE, Spence JC, Raine KD, Amrhein C, Cameron N, Yasenovskiy V, et al. The association between neighborhood socioeconomic status and exposure to supermarkets and fast food outlets. Health & Place 2008;14(4):740-54. 27. Van Hulst A, Barnett TA, Gauvin L, Daniel M, Kestens Y, Bird M, et al. Associations between children’s diets and features of their residential and school neighbourhood food environments. Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S48-S54. 28. Spence JC, Cutumisu N, Edwards J, Raine KD, Smoyer-Tomic K. Relation between local food environments and obesity among adults. BMC Public Health 2009;9(1):192. 29. He M, Tucker P, Gilliland J, Irwin JD, Larsen K, Hess P. The influence of local food environments on adolescents’ food purchasing behaviors. Int J Environ Res Public Health 2012;9:1458-71. RÉSUMÉ En avril 2011, une conférence d’experts invités du monde de la recherche, des politiques et de la pratique a cherché à construire des consensus autour de leviers politiques pour aborder les déterminants environnementaux de l’obésité. Le fossé entre les outils stratégiques existants et ceux qui pourraient favoriser la santé par le design communautaire présente une importante occasion stratégique à saisir. Ce commentaire expose le consensus des experts sur les prochaines étapes en vue de la création de milieux bâtis favorisant une vie active saine. Nous passons en revue l’environnement politique et les données probantes canadiennes. Les enjeux et les difficultés des changements d’orientation sont abordés. Les recommandations en vue de créer des milieux bâtis qui encouragent une vie active saine dans les communautés sont les suivantes : 1) habiliter les responsables de la planification à changer les règlements qui nuisent à une vie active saine, à protéger et élargir l’accès aux espaces verts, et à introduire un zonage qui accroît la densité et l’utilisation mixte des sols et qui influence l’emplacement et la répartition des magasins d’alimentation; 2) établir des budgets de financement stables pour les infrastructures qui favorisent le transport actif et les possibilités de loisir; 3) évaluer l’efficacité des programmes d’amélioration du milieu bâti pour que les interventions fructueuses puissent être identifiées et disséminées; 4) ordonner l’évaluation des incidences sur la santé pour toutes les initiatives de planification et les politiques de développement et de transport, afin que les modifications législatives favorisent la santé et la sécurité; 5) présenter les enjeux de manière à déboulonner les mythes et à promouvoir la protection contre les facteurs de risque de l’obésité. Mots clés : enfant; adolescent; état sanitaire; obésité; politique sanitaire; conception de l’environnement QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH Physical Activity Patterns of Children in Toronto: The Relative Role of Neighbourhood Type and Socio-economic Status Michelle R. Stone, PhD,1 Guy E. Faulkner, PhD,2 Raktim Mitra, PhD,3 Ron N. Buliung, PhD4 ABSTRACT Objective: A child’s opportunity for physical activity and the safety of engaging in activity are influenced by built environment (BE) elements. This study examined the relationship of neighbourhood type and socio-economic status (SES) with activity using a sampling frame that purposely located schools in varying neighbourhoods to ensure that there was variability in BE characteristics and SES. Methods: Participants (1,027 Grade 5 & 6 students, Toronto, ON) were drawn from 16 schools that varied by neighbourhood type (pre-1946 “old/urban BE” with grid-based street layout versus post-1946 “new/inner-suburban BE” with looping street layout) and socio-economic status (low and high SES). Physical activity was recorded by accelerometry for seven days. Only children living within 1.6 km of school were included in the analyses (n=713; boys=339, girls=374). Generalized linear mixed models examined sex-specific differences in physical activity across four geographic stratifications: old BE, low-SES (OL); old BE, high-SES (OH); new BE, low-SES (NL); and new BE, high-SES (NH). Results: Children who attended schools in more affluent neighbourhoods (urban and inner-suburban) had more positive physical activity profiles. Across school days, boys were more active in inner-suburban neighbourhoods whereas urban and inner-suburban girls’ activity levels were similar. On the weekend, the influence of the neighbourhood environment was stronger, especially for girls and also for boys with respect to total activity and the accumulation of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity. Conclusion: These findings focus attention on the need to consider the broader social and temporal contexts of specific geographic locations when planning and implementing built environment interventions to increase physical activity among children. Key words: Accelerometer; child; built environment; physical activity La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. T Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S9-S14. he built environment consists of the buildings, roads and planned open spaces in which people live, work and perform other daily activities (e.g., study, eat, socialize and play). The physical layout of communities can promote or limit opportunities for physical activity. Using accelerometers to capture objective levels of physical activity, Frank and colleagues observed that features of community design (increased land-use mix, street connectivity and residential density) were positively associated with the accumulation of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA) and the achievement of physical activity guidelines.1 However, the associations in that study were explored in adults living in the US. While there is some evidence to support a link between the built environment and children’s physical activity,2,3 most studies have used self-reported measures of activity that show mixed results4 and are known to have limited validity in children.5 Two studies6,7 used objective measures of physical activity (accelerometry), yet these focused on differences between urban and rural environments. Where studied, suburban children tend to be most active,4 although the findings are based on self-reported physical activity, and the involvement of households with higher socio-economic status (SES) could be confounding the results. Children from low SES households tend to have lower physical activity levels and to engage in more sedentary activities.8-10 Given this SES–activity relationship, there is a need for studies that separate SES from geographic features in investigations of children’s physical activity. Also, physical activity differs between the sexes, girls being generally less active and less likely to achieve physical activity recommendations than boys.11 Consequently, any investigation into the relation of neighbourhood type and SES with characteristics of physical activity should consider the possibility that findings may be sex specific. To the authors’ knowledge, no Canadian published study aiming to investigate the effect of neighbourhood on multiple aspects of young boys’ and girls’ physical activity (total physical activity, activity intensity, time spent sedentary and minutes of light and MVPA; age 10 to 12 years) has employed a sampling strategy that established sufficiently varied built environment characteristics and SES; this gap provided the incentive for Project BEAT (Built Environment and Active Transport). The City of Toronto was the study site for Project BEAT. Marked differences in the built environment can be found across Toronto. The inner-city is dominated by “older” traditional neighbourhoods (pre World War II),12 but improved mobility options and demands for © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 Author Affiliations 1. School of Health and Human Performance, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS 2. Faculty of Kinesiology and Physical Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON 3. School of Urban and Regional Planning, Ryerson University, Toronto, ON 4. Department of Geography, University of Toronto Mississauga, Mississauga, ON Correspondence: Michelle R. Stone, School of Health and Human Performance, Dalhousie University, 6230 South Street, PO Box 15000, Halifax, NS B3H 4R2, Tel: 902-494-1167, Fax: 902-494-1084, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: This research was funded by the Built Environment, Obesity and Health Strategic Initiative of the Heart and Stroke Foundation and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. S9 EXPLORING ACTIVITY BY NEIGHBOURHOOD TYPE AND SES Figure 1. Map identifying the 16 schools in the City of Toronto participating in Project BEAT, classified into four different neighbourhood types Kilometres “Old” Neighbourhood: Mostly developed before 1946; primarily grid-based street layout. “New” Neighbourhood: Mostly developed after 1946; primarily looped street layout. affordable housing spurred a post-war suburban housing revolution. As a result, conventional suburban neighbourhoods dominate the inner-suburban Toronto. This part of the city also captures some of Canada’s earliest experiments with planned urban form, such as the Don Mills community and tower neighbourhoods.12,13 Over the last two decades, however, pockets within some inner-city neighbourhoods have been re-developed, a trend that has been supported by favourable policy and market conditions. With the exception of these re-urbanized residential blocks in the inner-city and the tower neighbourhoods in the inner-suburbs, the era of development can reasonably be used as a proxy for neighbourhood types in Toronto. Within the older central city, street networks are more commonly connected (gridded), have a higher density of intersections and shorter straight blocks, and include higher building densities and mixed use. In the newer inner-suburbs, the neighbourhood streets are largely curvilinear with clear hierarchy, land uses are segregated, housing density is lower, and there is more open space than in the older neighbourhoods.12,14 SES varies widely across these urban (older) and innersuburban (newer) settings. This is an important factor, as a household’s choices regarding opportunities for physical activity and the safety of engaging in physical activity are also affected by level of SES. This unique landscape supports our objective to classify neighbourhoods according to neighbourhood type and SES in an investigation of how neighbourhoods influence the physical activity patterns of children in Toronto. This is a novel design that addresses the inherent gaps in the built environment and physical activity literature. S10 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 METHODS Experimental design Children’s physical activity levels in the City of Toronto were examined. From January 2010 to June 2011, all elementary/intermediate schools in the Toronto District School Board with Grade 5 and 6 students (n=469) received an invitation to participate. A pool of interested schools was generated, and 16 schools were selected that varied with respect to neighbourhood type and level of SES. Two neighbourhood classifications were created on the basis of the period of neighbourhood development: urban (old BE) – older built environment with primarily grid-based street layout – versus innersuburban (new BE) incorporating newer built environment with primarily looped street layout (Figure 1). Neighbourhood era of development was computed at the scale of the census dissemination area (DA). DAs are the smallest geographic units (0.18±0.39 km2) for which detailed public census data (by Statistics Canada) are available. All DAs in which >50% of the residential building stock was developed before 1946 were identified as urban/old neighbourhoods. The year 1946 was selected to represent a proxy for pre and post World War II neighbourhoods. Development patterns in Toronto changed noticeably in the post-war era as a result of a widespread implementation of the “planned neighbourhood” design concept.12,13 For the purpose of this study, we assumed that the general physical qualities of a neighbourhood (i.e., neighbourhood type) would be similar within a 1.6 km radius of a school location. Children living >1.6 km from school were deemed eligible for EXPLORING ACTIVITY BY NEIGHBOURHOOD TYPE AND SES Table 1. Descriptive Characteristics of Sample, by Sex (n=713) Characteristic OL (n=158) Boys Girls Sample size 79 79 Mean age, years (SD) 10.9 (0.7)§ 11.0 (0.7)§ Mean height, cm (SD) 147.1 (8.6) 146.3 (8.3) Mean weight, kg (SD) 43.3 (12.5) 40.3 (9.8) 18.7 (3.4) Mean body mass index, kg/m2 (SD) 19.7 (4.3) BMI category|| Normal weight, % 65.8 75.9 Overweight or obese, % 34.2 24.1 Neighbourhood Classification OH (n=194) NL (n=214) NH (n=147) Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls 86 108 103 111 71 76 11.1 (0.6) 11.2 (0.6) 11.0 (0.6) 11.0 (0.6)§ 11.2 (0.6)* 11.3 (0.6)*‡ 147.2 (6.8) 149.0 (8.0)‡ 147.2 (7.1) 145.0 (12.2)†§ 147.4 (7.5) 150.0 (8.0)‡ 40.0 (9.0) 39.7 (7.6) 42.9 (11.3) 40.9 (10.1) 43.6 (10.8) 42.1 (9.2) 18.3 (3.1)§ 17.8 (2.5)‡ 19.6 (4.1) 19.1 (3.7)† 19.9 (3.9)† 18.6 (3.2) 75.6 24.4 86.1‡ 13.9‡ 61.2 38.8 62.2† 37.8† 62.0 38.0 73.7 26.3 * Significantly different from OL, p<0.05 † Significantly different from OH, p<0.05 ‡ Significantly different from NL, p<0.05 § Significantly different from NH, p<0.05 || International Obesity Task Force classification15 OL=Old built environment (urban), low socio-economic status (SES); OH=Old built environment (urban), high SES; NL=New built environment (inner-suburban), low SES; NH=New built environment (inner-suburban), high SES school bus transportation as they were considered to reside outside the school catchment area (www.tdsb.on.ca). Two classifications of SES for neighbourhoods around the school locations were also created (Low SES and High SES) according to the median household income reported in the 2006 Population Census of Canada. For each school (n=469), the median household income within an 800 m (i.e., 0.8 km/0.5 mile) straight line buffer distance was estimated by taking a median of the DA-level household incomes. Schools with the lower 50th percentile values were identified as the Low SES schools. The SES was measured at a larger geographic scale (than neighbourhood type) in order to capture the general socio-economic characteristics of a school’s student population, who may live in various neighbourhoods (i.e., in different DAs) near the school. Half of the surveyed schools (i.e., eight schools) were Low SES schools, and the other half were High SES schools. Consent was obtained from participating school boards, individual schools, parents and students. Student participation was voluntary. A total of 1,027 parents/guardians gave consent for their children to participate (boys, n=478; girls, n=549). Height and weight measurements were taken and accelerometer-measured physical activity data collected on a total of 1,001 children. Of those, 85.5% had at least three weekdays and one weekend day of valid data (n=856; boys=389, girls=467). Analyses were conducted only on children living within 1.6 km of school (n=713; boys=339, girls=374; mean age 11.1±0.6 years). With the use of age- and sexspecific body mass index (BMI) cut-points provided by the International Obesity Task Force,15 participants were classified as of normal weight, overweight or obese. Measurement of physical activity Children’s physical activity was objectively measured for seven days using accelerometry (ActiGraph GT1M; ActiGraph LLC, Pensacola, FL, US). A 5 s epoch (interval) was used to capture the rapid transitions in activity typical in children.16 For inclusion in data analysis, each child required a minimum of 10 hours of wearing time for at least 3 weekdays and 1 weekend day.17 Time spent at various levels of movement intensity was classified according to published thresholds in children18 and used to determine levels of physical activity during school days (weekdays; WD) and weekends (WE). Physical activity variables of interest included total physical activity (TPA; counts.day–1), mean counts (MC; counts.min–1), time spent sedentary (% of day) and minutes of light-intensity activity (LPA) and moderate-to-vigorous activity (MVPA). Data collection took place during the spring/summer (April to June) and fall (September to December) school periods to limit any seasonal effect. Statistical analyses Generalized linear mixed models were used to examine sex-specific differences in accelerometry summary measures (TPA, MC, sedentary behaviour, LPA and MVPA) for WD and WE across four neighbourhood classifications based on neighbourhood type and SES: old BE, low-SES (OL); old BE, high-SES (OH); new BE, low-SES (NL); new BE, high-SES (NH). Random effects at classroom levels were included to account for possible variability (i.e., clustering of accelerometry data among different classrooms) and adjust for any clustering effects. Sex-specific differences in descriptive characteristics (age, height, weight, BMI and proportion of normal weight and overweight/obese participants) were also explored across neighbourhood classifications. Estimated means were compared and significant differences tested using the Sequential Bonferroni method. The alpha level was set at 0.05. SPSS version 19.0 was used for all analyses. RESULTS General characteristics Data for 713 participants are presented (mean age 11.1±0.6 years; boys, n=339, girls, n=374, Table 1). For boys, only age and BMI differed among neighbourhoods (boys in urban neighbourhoods were slightly younger [OL] and had lower BMIs [OH] than boys in NH neighbourhoods, p<0.05). For girls, there were significant differences in age, height, BMI and weight classification. Girls in low SES neighbourhoods were younger and shorter (particularly those in NL neighbourhoods) than girls in high SES neighbourhoods. Furthermore, compared with girls in OH neighbourhoods, those in NL neighbourhoods had greater BMIs, and a significantly greater proportion were classified as being overweight or obese (p<0.05, Table 1). Weekday physical activity The type of neighbourhood most conducive to high levels of PA across school days differed between boys and girls. Boys in innersuburban, high SES neighbourhoods had the highest activity levels; CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S11 358,785 (134,686)† 407,089 (146,110)* 487,736 (129,896) 533,073 (147,799) 172.7 (5.2) 166.5 (4.8) 169.5 (5.8) 342.0 (23.5)†§ 192.9 (3.5) 592.6 (22.8)*†‡ 470.3 (26.7)*‡ 195.1 (3.1) 452.8 (20.1)§ 515.5 (20.4)§ 483.1 (23.9)*‡ 181.2 (3.7) WE 155.8 (5.5) WD LPA (min) 357.6 (25.6)†§ 194.0 (3.9) 474.7 (21.9)§ MC (counts·min–1) WD WE WD 42.5 (2.1) 38.0 (1.8) 38.0 (1.8) 36.8 (2.0) WE 28.7 (2.1) 23.9 (1.8)† 31.1 (1.9)*‡ 22.0 (2.0)† MVPA (min) 73.9 (0.7)*†‡ 78.6 (0.7)§ 76.9 (0.7)§ 77.3 (0.7)§ 379.9 (18.2)†§ 306.8 (23.6)† MC (counts·min–1) WD WE S12 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 447.2 (18.6)*‡ 353.8 (24.1) 400,625 (109,118)‡ 303,979 (180,593)† 147.5 (4.4) 133.6 (5.2)† 168.6 (3.3) 166.5 (3.9) WD 26.6 (1.5) 22.6 (1.3)† 29.3 (1.3)‡ 24.6 (1.5) WE 17.8 (1.9)† 16.3 (1.6)† 25.2 (1.6)*‡§ 15.9 (1.8)† MVPA (min) 78.7 (0.7)‡ 81.9 (0.6)†§ 78.8 (0.6)‡ 80.4 (0.7) 82.2 (0.8)† 83.3 (0.7)† 79.4 (0.7)*‡§ 82.7 (0.8)† SB (% of day) WD WE || Presented as mean (SE). * Significantly different from OL, p<0.05 † Significantly different from OH, p<0.05 ‡ Significantly different from NL, p<0.05 § Significantly different from NH, p<0.05 TPA=total physical activity; MC=mean counts; LPA=light physical activity; MVPA=moderate-to-vigorous physical activity; SB=% of day spent sedentary; WD=weekdays; WE=weekend 341.7 (16.3)†§ 295.3 (21.0)† 359,446 (90,999)†§ 286,712 (92,038)† 154.8 (4.4)§ WE 149.7 (5.0) WD LPA (min) 177.6 (3.8) 406,311 (110,694)‡ 375,598 (181,743)*‡§ 444.2 (15.8)*‡ 428.0 (20.5)*‡ 166.7 (3.3) WE 288,726 (133,021)† WD 392,254 (114,890) TPA (counts·day–1) Influence of Neighbourhood Type and SES on Characteristics|| of Accelerometer-measured Physical Activity in Girls OL: Old built environment, low SES (n=79) OH: Old built environment, high SES (n=108) NL: New built environment, low SES (n=111) NH: New built environment, high SES (n=76) Girls (n=374) Table 3. 77.2 (0.9)*‡ 81.8 (0.8)†,§ 77.0 (0.8)*‡ 81.3 (0.9)†§ SB (% of day) WD WE || Presented as mean (SE). * Significantly different from OL, p<0.05 † Significantly different from OH, p<0.05 ‡ Significantly different from NL, p<0.05 § Significantly different from NH, p<0.05 TPA=total physical activity; MC=mean counts; LPA=light physical activity; MVPA=moderate-to-vigorous physical activity; SB=% of day spent sedentary; WD=weekdays; WE=weekend 429,351 (196,481)*‡ 483,650 (127,870) WE 335,549 (169,399)†§ WD 478,770 (135,869) TPA (counts·day–1) Influence of Neighbourhood Type and SES on Characteristics|| of Accelerometer-measured Physical Activity in Boys OL: Old built environment, low SES (n=79) OH: Old built environment, high SES (n=86) NL: New built environment, low SES (n=103) NH: New built environment, high SES (n=71) Boys (n=339) Table 2. EXPLORING ACTIVITY BY NEIGHBOURHOOD TYPE AND SES the overall intensity of activity they accumulated (mean counts) was significantly greater and they spent a significantly lower proportion of their day sedentary compared with boys in all other neighbourhoods (p<0.05, Table 2). However, the accumulation of LPA and MVPA across school days was no different from that in other neighbourhoods. There was also a trend for WD total activity to be higher in NH neighbourhoods than OL neighbourhoods (p=0.07). For girls, an inner-suburban, low SES neighbourhood was least enhancing with regard to physical activity. Compared with those going to schools in high SES neighbourhoods, these girls spent a significantly greater proportion of their day sedentary, and the activity that they accumulated across the day was less intense; they also accumulated less total activity and, in particular, less MVPA (p<0.05, Table 3). The overall WD activity profile of girls in urban, low SES neighbourhoods was also less intense. Similar to boys, the accumulation of LPA on weekdays was similar across neighbourhoods. Weekend physical activity For boys, WE activity profiles were strongest among children in high SES neighbourhoods (urban and inner-suburban, p<0.05); however, the accumulation of LPA was similar across neighbourhoods (Table 2). Boys in high SES, urban neighbourhoods also had greater total activity and accumulated more MVPA than those living in more economically disadvantaged communities. For girls, WE activity levels were highest among those situated in urban, economically advantaged neighbourhoods: these girls accumulated significantly more total activity and MVPA, and spent a lower proportion of their day sedentary than did girls in all other neighbourhoods (p<0.05, Table 3). Compared with girls in low SES neighbourhoods, the overall intensity of their activity profile was also higher, and they accumulated significantly more LPA over the weekend than girls in inner-suburban, high SES neighbourhoods. DISCUSSION This study aimed to investigate the relationship between school neighbourhood type (based primarily on the period of neighbourhood development) and SES and physical activity in children using a sampling frame that purposely located schools in varying neighbourhoods to ensure that there was variability in built environment characteristics and SES. Our work generated three key lessons. EXPLORING ACTIVITY BY NEIGHBOURHOOD TYPE AND SES Lesson 1: Area level SES factors matter Children who attend schools in more affluent neighbourhoods, irrespective of neighbourhood type (urban and inner-suburban), have more positive physical activity profiles across the week. The observation of high physical activity levels among children in inner-suburban high SES neighbourhoods corresponds with previous accounts from self-reported PA data.4 Families in newer neighbourhoods with economic means may encourage structured, localized, higher-intensity activities that compensate for potential reductions in habitual physical activity associated with design features that inhibit walking or unstructured play. Less affluent school neighbourhoods have been shown to have social and physical environments less conducive to maintaining healthy weights and levels of physical activity.19,20 They may lack recreational facilities or have facilities that require a fee.21 Less affluent neighbourhoods are also more likely to be perceived as unsafe.19 Perceived threats to safety are one of the biggest barriers to children’s independent play and mobility.22 Overall, this finding highlights the need for interventions addressing inequalities at the individual and neighbourhood levels. These may include built environment modifications, but it is likely that a broader intervention approach is required in alleviating safety concerns, increasing social capital and cohesion, and subsidizing opportunities for physical activity. Lesson 2: The influence of the neighbourhood environment may vary over time On the weekend, the combination of affluence and an urban environment becomes particularly important in raising children’s physical activity profiles, especially for girls and also for boys with respect to total activity and the accumulation of MVPA. When compared with children from lower SES neighbourhoods, the results take on a more practical significance. For example, the approximately 3%-4% difference in time spent being sedentary on the weekend among groups amounts to an extra hour of sedentary time for children in lower SES neighbourhoods; these children also accumulate seven to nine fewer minutes of MVPA than their urban, high SES neighbourhood counterparts on the weekend. Toronto’s urban neighbourhoods are older and have greater street connectivity, and in more affluent areas where safety concerns are low might provide a favourable environment for accessing opportunities and engaging in outdoor activities and play. Since children potentially have more discretionary input into decisions over time use during the weekend, the effect of this type of environment on physical activity might be stronger during that time period. Notably, this finding highlights that the relationship between neighbourhood type (and likely more broadly the “built environment”) and physical activity is temporally heterogeneous. That is, the strength of association between features of the built environment and physical activity varies at different times of the day or week – for example, as the spatial, temporal and institutional constraints (e.g., family structure, access to daycare, location of work, employment status, access to cars) facing households also changes over time.23 This has important implications for what and when built environment interventions might work in increasing the physical activity of children. Lesson 3: Gender and the type of physical activity measured matters The impact of neighbourhood classification on aspects of physical activity is different for boys and girls. For example, girls in urban and inner-suburban high SES neighbourhoods had similar weekday activity levels that were significantly higher than the levels of girls in low SES neighbourhoods. This was not the case for boys: those in high SES, inner-suburban neighbourhoods had significantly greater activity profiles than their urban counterparts. Girls may be granted less independent mobility than boys,24 and this might be further amplified in less affluent neighbourhoods because of heightened parental concerns regarding personal safety. Additionally, the impact of neighbourhood appeared weaker for some characteristics of activity: for boys, the accumulation of MVPA across the school week and the accumulation of LPA over the weekend were similar across neighbourhoods. Older neighbourhoods, with traditionally greater street connectivity, may encourage walking for various activities, therefore one might expect to see a greater accumulation of LPA among children living in these neighbourhoods. Yet our data demonstrate that for the most part, the accumulation of LPA is similar among neighbourhoods; only over the weekend did differences arise, in girls only, when those in urban, high SES neighbourhoods accumulated more LPA than those in inner-suburban, high SES neighbourhoods. Overall, these findings emphasize that built environment interventions may have variable impact on different types of physical activity and groups of children (e.g., boys and girls). Strengths and limitations The strengths of this study include the large sample, the sampling frame and the use of an objective measure of physical activity to examine multiple aspects of physical activity across both school days and over the weekend. Our collection of high-frequency physical activity data was particularly appropriate for quantifying children’s activity.16,25,26 The limitations of the study include the narrow age range of children sampled and the investigation of Toronto neighbourhoods, which do limit the generalizability of the findings to other age groups and geographic locations. The present study did not examine the influence of micro-level community design and land-use characteristics (e.g., connectivity, access/proximity to recreational facilities, residential density). Moreover, since Toronto’s public schools maintain small catchment areas, this research assumed that the socio-economic and built environment near school and home locations would generally be similar (1.6 km between school and home). However, we recognize that different definitions of neighbourhood may have yielded different results (although such differences might be small14) and that the built environment near the home location may be different than around the school within our sample. For example, Mitra and colleagues compared the relative influences of the home and school neighbourhoods on active school transportation and found that the built environment near home was more important in enabling walking among children.27 An exploration of the relationship between the objective qualities of the neighbourhood of both the home and the school, and measures of physical activity, remains a focus of future investigation. CONCLUSION In conclusion, our findings highlight the value of geographic stratification based on neighbourhood type and SES in cross-sectional analyses of accelerometry data. Our work offers three key lessons: one, that physical activity varies more by level of school neighCANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S13 EXPLORING ACTIVITY BY NEIGHBOURHOOD TYPE AND SES bourhood affluence than neighbourhood type; two, that broader relationships between the built environment and physical activity may vary temporally; and three, that the influence of the built environment is different for boys and girls, and varies according to the type of physical activity. In planning and implementing built environment interventions to increase physical activity among children, these lessons focus attention on the need to consider the broader social and temporal contexts of specific geographic locations. REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. Frank LD, Schmidt TL, Sallis JF, Chapman J. Linking objectively measured physical activity with objectively measured urban form: Findings from SMARTRAQ. Am J Prev Med 2005;28:117-25. Davison K, Lawson CT. Do attributes in the physical environment influence children’s physical activity? A review of the literature. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2006;3:19 (doi:10.1186/1479-5868-3-19). Rahman T, Cushing R, Jackson RJ. Contributions of built environment to childhood obesity. Mt Sinai J Med 2011;78:49-57. Sandercock G, Angus C, Barton J. Physical activity levels of children living in different built environments. Prev Med 2010;50:193-98. Pate RR, Freedson PS, Sallis JF, Taylor WC, Sirard J, Trost SG, Dowda M. Compliance with physical activity guidelines: Prevalence in a population of children and youth. Ann Epidemiol 2002;12:303-8. Loucaides CA, Chedzoy SM, Bennett N. Differences in physical activity levels between urban and rural school children in Cyprus. Health Educ Res 2004;19:138-47. Tremblay MS, Barnes JD, Copeland JL, Esliger DW. Conquering childhood inactivity: Is the answer in the past? Med Sci Sports Exerc 2005;37:1187-94. Drenowatz C, Eisenmann J, Pfeiffer K, Welk G, Heelan K, Gentile D, Walsh D. Influence of socio-economic status on habitual physical activity and sedentary behavior in 8- to 11-year old children. BMC Public Health 2010;10:214. Available at: http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2458/10/214 (Accessed October 5, 2011). Ferreira I, Horst K van der, Wendel-Vos W, Kremers S, van Lenthe FJ, Brug J. Environmental correlates of physical activity in youth – a review and update. Obes Rev 2007;8:129-54. Maher CA, Olds CS. Minutes, MET-minutes, and METs: Unpacking socioeconomic gradients in physical activity in adolescents. J Epidemiol Community Health 2011;65:160-65. Colley R, Garriguet D, Janssen I, Craig CL, Clarke J, Tremblay MS. Physical activity of Canadian children and youth: Accelerometer results from the 2007 to 2009 Canadian Health Measures Survey. Health Reports (Statistics Canada, 82-003) 2011;22:1-10. Hess PM. Avenues or arterials: The struggle to change street building practices in Toronto, Canada. J Urban Design 2009;14:1-28. Sewell J. Don Mills: Canada’s first corporate suburb. In: Sewell J, The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 1993; chapter 3. Mitra R, Buliung RN. Built environment correlates of active school transportation: Neighbourhood and the modifiable areal unit problem. J Transport Geography 2012;20:51-61. Cole TJ, Bellizzi MC, Flegal KM, Dietz WH. Establishing a standard definition for child overweight and obesity worldwide: International survey. BMJ 2000;320:1240. Stone MR, Rowlands AV, Middlebrooke AR, Jawis MN, Eston RG. The pattern of physical activity in relation to health outcomes in boys. Int J Pediatr Obes 2009;4:306-15. Stone MR, Rowlands AV, Eston RG. Characteristics of the activity pattern in normal weight and overweight boys. Prev Med 2009;49:205-8. Stone MR, Rowlands AV, Eston RG. Relationships between accelerometerassessed physical activity and health in children: Impact of the activityintensity classification method. J Sports Sci Med 2009;8:136-43. Oliver LN, Hayes MV. Neighbourhood socio-economic status and the prevalence of overweight Canadian children and youth. Can J Public Health 2005;96:415-20. S14 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 20. Veugelers P, Sithole F, Zhang S, Muhajarine N. Neighborhood characteristics in relation to diet, physical activity and overweight of Canadian children. Int J Pediatr Obes 2008;3:152-59. 21. Moore LV, Diez Roux AV, Evenson KR, McGinn AP, Brines SJ. Availability of recreational resources in minority and low socioeconomic status areas. Am J Prev Med 2008;34:16-22. 22. Veitch J, Bagley S, Ball K, Salmon J. Where do children usually play? A qualitative study of parents’ perceptions of influences on children’s active freeplay. Health & Place 2006;12:383-93. 23. Mitra R, Buliung RN, Faulkner G. Spatial clustering and temporal mobility of walking school trips in the Greater Toronto Area, Canada. Health & Place 2010;6:646-55. 24. Page AS, Cooper AR, Griew P, Davis L, Hillsdon M. Independent mobility in relation to weekday and weekend physical activity in children aged 10-11 years: The PEACH Project. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2009 Jan 7;6:2. 25. Bailey RC, Olson J, Pepper SL, Porszasz J, Barstow TJ, Cooper DM. The level and tempo of children’s physical activities: An observational study. Med Sci Sports Exerc 1995;27:1033-41. 26. Stone MR, Rowlands AV, Eston RG. The use of high-frequency accelerometry monitoring to assess and interpret children’s activity patterns. In: Jürimaë T, Armstrong N, Jürimaë J (Eds.), Children and Exercise XXIV. London: Routledge, 2008;150-53. 27. Mitra R, Buliung RN, Roorda MJ. The built environment and school travel mode choice in Toronto, Canada. Transportation Research Record 2010;2156:2150-59. RÉSUMÉ Objectif : Les occasions pour un enfant de faire de l’activité physique et la possibilité de le faire en toute sécurité sont influencées par les éléments du milieu bâti (MB). Notre étude porte sur la relation entre le type de quartier, le statut socioéconomique (SSE) et l’activité; la base d’échantillonnage utilisée contenait volontairement des écoles de divers quartiers pour assurer la variabilité des caractéristiques du MB et du SSE. Méthode : Les participants (1 027 élèves de 5e et de 6e année à Toronto, en Ontario) ont été choisis dans 16 écoles qui variaient selon le type de quartier (« MB ancien/urbain » d’avant 1946 avec rues quadrillées ou « MB nouveau/de la proche banlieue » d’après 1946 avec rues en boucles) et le statut socioéconomique (SSE faible ou élevé). L’activité physique a été enregistrée par accélérométrie pendant sept jours. Seuls les enfants vivant à moins de 1,6 km de l’école ont été inclus dans l’analyse (n=713; garçons=339, filles=374). Au moyen de modèles linéaires mixtes généralisés, nous avons examiné les différences par sexe dans l’activité physique entre quatre stratifications géographiques : MB ancien, faible SSE; MB ancien, SSE élevé; MB nouveau, faible SSE; et MB nouveau, SSE élevé. Résultats : Les enfants qui fréquentaient les écoles des quartiers aisés (urbains et de la proche banlieue) avaient des profils d’activité physique plus positifs. Les jours d’école, les garçons des quartiers de la proche banlieue étaient plus actifs, tandis que les niveaux d’activité des filles étaient semblables en milieu urbain et dans la proche banlieue. Les fins de semaine, l’influence de l’environnement du quartier était plus forte, surtout chez les filles, mais aussi chez les garçons en ce qui a trait à l’activité totale et à l’accumulation d’activité physique modérée à vigoureuse. Conclusion : Ces résultats montrent qu’il faut examiner le contexte social et temporel des lieux géographiques lorsqu’on planifie et que l’on met en œuvre des interventions sur le milieu bâti pour accroître l’activité physique chez les enfants. Mots clés : accéléromètre; enfant; milieu bâti; activité physique QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH Linking Childhood Obesity to the Built Environment: A Multi-level Analysis of Home and School Neighbourhood Factors Associated With Body Mass Index Jason A. Gilliland, PhD,1-3 Claudia Y. Rangel, MA,1 Martin A. Healy, MSc,1 Patricia Tucker, PhD,4 Janet E. Loebach, MEDes,1 Paul M. Hess, PhD,5 Meizi He, PhD,6 Jennifer D. Irwin, PhD,7 Piotr Wilk, PhD3,8 ABSTRACT Objectives: This study examines environmental factors associated with BMI (body mass index) levels among adolescents with the aim of identifying potential interventions for reducing childhood obesity. Methods: Students (n=1,048) aged 10-14 years at 28 schools in London, ON, completed a survey providing information on age, sex, height, weight, home address, etc., which was used to construct age-sex adjusted BMI z-scores. The presence of recreation opportunities, fast-food outlets and convenience stores was assessed using four areal units around each participant’s home and school neighbourhood: “circular buffers” encompassing territory within a straight-line distance of 500 m and 1000 m; and “network buffers” of 500 m and 1000 m measured along the street network. School neighbourhoods were also assessed using school-specific “walksheds”. Multilevel structural equation modeling techniques were employed to simultaneously test the effects of school-environment (Level 2) and home-environment (Level 1) predictors on BMI z-scores. Results: Most participants (71%) had a normal BMI, 16.9% were overweight, 7.6% were obese, and 4.6% were considered underweight. Multilevel analyses indicated that built environment characteristics around children’s homes and schools had a modest but significant effect on their BMI. The presence of public recreation opportunities within a 500 m network distance of home was associated with lower BMI z-scores (p<0.05), and fast-food outlets within the school walkshed was associated with higher BMI z-scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Interventions and policies that improve children’s access to publicly provided recreation opportunities near home and that mitigate the concentration of fast-food outlets close to schools may be key to promoting healthy lifestyles and reducing childhood obesity. Key words: Obesity; child; adolescent; environment; diet; recreation La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. C Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S15-S21. hildhood obesity has become a critical public health issue in Canada, as rates have tripled over the past three decades.1 Over one in four Canadian children are either overweight or obese (17% and 9% respectively).2 The increased prevalence of childhood obesity has been linked to the concurrent rise of physical health problems normally associated with adults, including Type 2 diabetes, hypertension, heart disease and pulmonary diseases, as well as socio-psychological afflictions such as discrimination, behavioural problems, negative self-esteem, anxiety and depression.3-6 A rapidly expanding avenue of research suggests that rising rates of obesity are due not only to individual-level factors (i.e., genetics), but also to characteristics of our local built environments that may be encouraging or discouraging the healthy diets or active lifestyles associated with healthy body weights.7-10 Previous research has confirmed that obesity is linked to the consumption of energy-rich, fast foods.11 Large-scale US studies have found that adult obesity rates are positively associated with the density of neighbourhood fast-food outlets12 and convenience stores.13 Much of the emphasis on the link between food and children’s health focuses on advertising14 or food policies within schools;15-17 however, some policy-makers and public health professionals are shifting their focus to the food environments surrounding schools, as new research indicates that many children visit food retailers on their way to and from school, mostly filling up on high-sugar or high-fat, energy-dense foods.18 Several studies have shown that fast-food outlets are more prevalent near schools19,20 and in low-income neighbourhoods,21,22 suggesting that these vulnerable populations may be at heightened risk of developing poor eating habits as a result of increased exposure to unhealthy foods. Furthermore, it has been shown in London, ON, © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S15 Author Affiliations 1. Human Environments Analysis Laboratory, Department of Geography, University of Western Ontario, London, ON 2. School of Health Studies and Department of Paediatrics, University of Western Ontario, London, ON 3. Scientist, Children’s Health Research Institute & Lawson Health Research Institute, London, ON 4. School of Occupational Therapy, University of Western Ontario, London, ON 5. Department of Geography & Program in Planning, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON 6. Department of Health & Kinesiology, The University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX 7. School of Health Studies, University of Western Ontario, London, ON 8. Department of Paediatrics and Department of Epidemiology & Biostatistics, University of Western Ontario, London, ON Correspondence: Jason A. Gilliland, Dept. of Geography, University of Western Ontario, 1151 Richmond St, London, ON N6A 5C2, Tel: 519-661-2111, ext. 81239, Fax: 519-661-3750; E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: This study was supported by research grants from the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada, the Green Shield Canada Foundation and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institutes of Human Development, Child and Youth Health, and Nutrition, Metabolism and Diabetes. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. CHILD OBESITY AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT Figure 1. Illustration of different areal units used for characterizing neighbourhood environments that the presence of fast-food outlets and convenience stores within 1 km of school is linked to increased junk food purchasing23 and poorer diets.24 However, a national study of Canadian students in grades 6-10 found that increased number of food retailers within 1 km of the school did not increase the likelihood of the students being overweight.25 More research is needed to confirm the links between the local food environment and childhood obesity. Increased physical activity is associated with reduced obesity and other health benefits for children and youth.26 Unfortunately, S16 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Canadian children devote 62% of their free time (after school and weekends) to sedentary pursuits, and activity levels decline with age.27 A growing body of research suggests that the layout and design of children’s neighbourhood environments may be a key facilitator or barrier to physical activity.28 Access to opportunities for physical activity, such as public parks and recreation facilities, has been repeatedly associated with higher rates of physical activity among children and adolescents.8,28-30 Opportunities located within walking distance of home may be doubly important for CHILD OBESITY AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT stimulating active behaviours, as both the route and the destination contribute to overall activity levels.31 It has been argued that children from low-income households tend to have fewer opportunities for health-promoting activity because of a reduced ability to afford fee-based recreation programs as well as systemic sociospatial inequities with respect to public resources.32 However, previous research in London has shown that publicly provided recreation opportunities are equitably distributed with no obvious socio-spatial disparities.33 The purpose of this study is to identify built environment factors associated with high BMI levels among adolescents in London, ON, to help identify potential environmental interventions for reducing childhood obesity. METHODS Survey and outcome measure Students in grades 6, 7 and 8 at 28 elementary schools within the city of London, ON, were invited to complete a questionnaire that asked for their home postal code, sex, age, height, weight and various health-related questions. The sampled schools were selected from neighbourhoods of varying built environments across the city (see Figure 1) to represent the full diversity of environmental factors that children experience around their homes and schools. Prior to school recruitment, ethics approval was obtained from University of Western Ontario’s Research Ethics Board and the ethics boards at both the Thames Valley District School Board and the London District Catholic School Board. Informed written consent was obtained from 1,048 adolescents and their parents before data collection. A total of 966 out of 1,048 children aged 10-14 years who participated in the study provided the complete information on age, sex, height and weight - information needed to construct their age- and sex-adjusted BMI z-score - and 891 of those provided accurate address information for deriving measures of their home built environment. Self-reported height and weight were used to estimate the body mass index (BMI) of participants by dividing weight in kilograms by height in metres squared; BMI z-scores were calculated to control for differences by age and sex. Following procedures established in previous studies,34 we calculated age- and sex-specific BMI z-scores based on the World Health Organization growth curves, which in turn are based on large samples of children selected to represent optimal growth.35 ured along the street network. To assess the built environment around the school, we used the same four circular and network buffers at 500 m and 1000 m from the school address, as well as an additional areal unit: the school “walkshed”. The walkshed is the territory within a school’s observed catchment area that encompasses only those students living within walking distance, as defined by the respective school boards (see Figure 1). School walksheds were generated for each school by: mapping the home postal code of every registered student not eligible for bussing according to school board data; selecting postal code centroids within the school board-mandated 1600 m walking distance of the specific school; and then merging all neighbouring city blocks that contained a selected postal code into a single walkshed polygon. We argue that this definition of unique walksheds based on the residential locations of students within walking distance of each school is a better representation of the local school neighbourhood than the standard buffers commonly used by researchers. Previously validated databases of every fast-food outlet and convenience store in the city and surrounding county were provided by the Middlesex-London Health Unit, which is mandated to keep a current inventory of all food retailers for the purpose of licensing and annual health inspections. Using a master address database provided by the City of London, every food retailer was geocoded to its correct building. To “ground truth” the database, trained research assistants performed on-site environmental audits within a 1000 m buffer around six of the sample schools during the same period as the surveys and confirmed 100% accuracy of the database: all food premises listed in the health unit inventory for those test neighbourhoods were still in business and no new food retailers were found. Fast-food outlets were defined as restaurants with food ordered at a counter and paid for in advance. Convenience stores were classified as small food retailers with a floor area of less than 1000 m. Data on school locations and public recreation opportunities (including parks, playgrounds, arenas and recreation centres, and sports fields/facilities) were obtained from the City of London Planning & Development Division and had been previously validated using orthoimagery with a 30 cm ground pixel resolution.33,37 These data were used to calculate accessibility measures for each participant using GIS (geographic information systems), including the number of public recreation opportunities, fast-food outlets and convenience stores within all defined home and school neighbourhoods. Statistical analyses GIS analysis of environmental variables Using ArcGIS 10.0 (Environmental Systems Research Institute Inc, Redlands, CA), survey data for participants were geocoded to the geographic centre of their home postal code. University of Western Ontario’s Research Ethics Board did not allow us to collect the full address of students. Nevertheless, previous research indicates that Canadian postal codes are suitable proxies of home neighbourhoods in urban and suburban environments.36,37 Since there is no agreed measure of “neighbourhood”, we tested four different areal definitions around each participant’s home postal code, including: circular “buffers” encompassing the territory within a distance of 1) 500 m and 2) 1000 m from the postal code centroid; and “network buffers”, which encompass the territory reachable within distances of 1) 500 m and 2) 1000 m from home, as meas- Attribute tables containing the built environment variables by school and by home postal code for each participant were linked to questionnaire data on each student within ArcGIS 10.0 and exported for statistical analysis. The model was tested using multilevel structural equation techniques for complex survey data. This technique allows for simultaneous testing of the effects of schoolenvironment (Level 2) and home-environment (Level 1) predictors on a child’s BMI z-scores. The constructs representing built environment – presence of public recreation opportunities, presence of fast-food outlets, and presence of convenience stores – were operationalized at both levels. The two sets of measurement instruments are independent, as they refer to different geographic environments and different units of analysis. The model was estimated using Mplus 6.0 program (Muthén and Muthén).38 CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S17 CHILD OBESITY AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Study Participants All All Sex Boys Girls Age, years 10 11 12 13 14 Table 2. Underweight n % 44 4.6 n 686 % 71.0 Overweight n % 163 16.9 n 73 % 7.6 47.4 52.6 16 28 3.5 5.5 285 401 62.2 78.9 112 51 24.4 10.0 45 28 9.8 5.5 6.8 10.9 33.0 43.3 6.0 3 9 14 17 1 4.6 8.6 4.4 4.1 1.7 44 72 224 305 41 66.7 68.6 70.2 73.0 70.7 10 10 54 78 11 15.2 9.5 16.9 18.7 19.0 9 14 27 18 5 13.6 13.3 8.5 4.3 8.6 n 966 % 100.0 458 508 66 105 319 418 58 Normal Obese Built Environment Characteristics of Study Participants Circular Buffer 500 m 1000 m n % n % Home Neighbourhood Environment Number of public recreation opportunities 0 1 2 or more Number of fast-food outlets 0 1 2 or more Number of convenience stores 0 1 2 or more School Neighbourhood Environment Number of public recreation opportunities 0 1 2 or more Number of fast-food outlets 0 1 2 or more Number of convenience stores 0 1 2 or more Network Buffer 500 m 1000 m n % n % School Walkshed n % 291 147 505 30.9 15.6 53.6 89 57 797 9.4 6.0 84.5 634 175 134 67.2 18.6 14.2 252 164 527 26.7 17.4 55.9 505 104 334 53.6 11.0 35.4 181 66 696 19.2 7.0 73.8 694 92 157 73.6 9.8 16.7 378 117 448 40.1 12.4 47.5 435 134 374 46.1 14.2 39.7 177 55 711 18.8 5.8 75.4 652 122 169 69.1 12.9 18.0 344 108 491 36.5 11.5 52.1 125 103 738 12.9 10.7 76.4 77 20 869 8.0 2.1 90.0 277 307 382 28.7 31.8 39.6 185 71 710 19.2 7.4 73.5 38 47 881 3.9 4.9 91.2 471 49 446 48.8 5.1 46.2 84 58 824 8.7 6.0 85.3 682 15 269 70.6 1.6 27.9 271 20 675 28.1 2.1 69.9 54 118 794 5.6 12.2 82.2 304 254 408 31.5 26.3 42.2 20 162 784 2.1 16.8 81.2 473 281 212 49.0 29.1 22.0 187 104 675 19.4 10.8 69.9 108 27 831 11.2 2.8 86.0 RESULTS Nearly three quarters (71.0%) of participants were categorized as having a normal BMI, 16.9% were overweight, 7.6% were obese, and 4.6% were considered underweight (Table 1). Boys were much more likely to be overweight or obese than girls; however, BMI did not vary greatly according to age. Table 2 provides descriptive statistics for the environmental variables used in this study. It presents the number and percentage of participants who have 0, 1, or 2 or more of the selected environmental features nearby, depending on which method is used to define home and school neighbourhoods. Two key findings are clear from the results presented: 1) a large percentage of children have at least one public recreation opportunity, convenience store and fast-food restaurant within a short walk of their home and school; and 2) the way in which neighbourhoods are delineated, in terms of distance from home or school and how distance is measured, has a major influence on whether the selected environmental factors appear to be accessible or not. We employed univariate regression to determine which of the built environment variables to include in the models on the basis of statistically significant associations with BMI z-scores (Table 3). The final multi-level models included the following variables for the home environment: presence of recreation opportunities, presence of fast-food restaurants, and presence of convenience stores, all within the 500 m network distance of home. For the school S18 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 environment, the final models included: presence of recreation opportunities, presence of fast-food restaurants, and presence of convenience stores, all within the school-specific walkshed. Table 4 displays the results of the multi-level analysis of the influence of the school and home built environment on children’s BMI z-score. Prior to testing the hypothesized model, we examined the betweenschool variability in BMI z-scores. The interclass correlation coefficient of 0.039 (p<0.05) indicated that there were statistically significant differences in BMI z-scores across school neighbourhoods. As predicted, the results from the multi-level models show that the home-environment predictor “presence of public recreation opportunities within 500 m network distance” had a significant negative (i.e., reducing) effect on BMI z-scores (-0.203; p<0.05). The indicators for “presence of fast-food outlets” and “presence of convenience stores” in the home environment, however, had no significant effect on the outcome variable (0.012 and 0.190, respectively; p>0.05). The effect of only one of the school-environment (Level 2) predictors, presence of fast-food outlets within the school walkshed, was statistically significant (0.073; p<0.05), after controlling for home-environment variables. DISCUSSION This study of children aged 10-14 years in London, ON, found that nearly three out of four participants (71.0%) were categorized as having a normal BMI, 16.9% were overweight, 7.6% were obese, CHILD OBESITY AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT Table 3. Results of the Univariate Multi-level Regression Analyses Examining the Relationship Between School and Home Built Environment and Children’s BMI Z-Scores Home Neighbourhood Environment Number of public recreation opportunities Number of fast-food outlets Number of convenience stores School Neighbourhood Environment Number of public recreation opportunities Number of fast-food outlets Number of convenience stores Circular Buffer 500 m 1000 m Estimate (SE) Estimate (SE) Network Buffer 500 m 1000 m Estimate (SE) Estimate (SE) -0.109 (0.10) 0.204* (0.09) 0.076 (0.10) 0.043 (0.03) 0.032 (0.02) 0.044* (0.02) -0.182* (0.09) 0.139 (0.10) 0.219* (0.10) 0.017 (0.03) 0.026 (0.02) 0.026 (0.02) -0.136 (0.26) 0.028 (0.13) 0.138 (0.14) -0.097* (0.04) 0.044 (0.02) 0.048* (0.02) 0.305 (0.25) 0.166 (0.26) 0.18 (0.13) 0.389 (0.24) -0.005 (0.02) 0.021 (0.02) School Walkshed Estimate (SE) -0.017 (0.05) 0.095* (0.03) 0.057* (0.02) * Significant at p=0.05 Table 4. Results of the Multivariate Multi-level Regression Analysis Assessing the Influence of the School and Home Built Environment on Children’s BMI Z-Scores Fixed Effect Home environment (500 m network buffer) Recreation opportunities Fast-food outlets Convenience stores School environment (walkshed) Recreation opportunities Fast-food outlets Convenience stores Random effects Child-level residual variance School-level residual variance Estimate SE Est./SE p-value -0.203 0.012 0.190 0.093 0.121 0.122 -2.183 0.099 1.559 0.03 0.92 0.12 -0.019 0.073 0.020 0.041 0.034 0.021 -0.471 2.160 0.947 0.64 0.03 0.34 Estimate SE Est./SE p-value 1.673 0.021 0.080 0.019 20.821 1.074 0.00 0.28 Intraclass correlation coefficient for BMI z-score=0.039 (p=0.041). Number of children=891; number of clusters=28. and 4.6% were considered underweight. These findings are very similar to reported rates of overweight (17%) and obesity (9%) among children aged 6-14 years across Canada.2 Also consistent with previous Canadian studies2,39 is the finding that boys were more likely to be overweight than girls; but, unlike previous studies,39 we did not see any discernible trend in BMI by age within the limited age range of our sample. This study makes an important empirical contribution to knowledge about the determinants of childhood obesity in Canada, as the results of multi-level statistical analyses indicate that characteristics of the built environment around children’s homes and schools have a modest but significant effect on their BMI. As expected from previous studies, the presence of recreation opportunities in the home neighbourhood had a significant effect on BMI z-scores: children who had at least one public recreation opportunity within a 500 m walk of their home were likely to have lower BMI z-scores than their counterparts without a recreation opportunity nearby. Presumably, children and youth are more likely to use parks and recreation facilities if they are located within close walking distance of their home, and lower observed BMIs may therefore be due to increased physical activity levels associated with greater accessibility. Indeed, this finding follows previous research on children 11-13 year olds in London, which revealed that those who have two or more public recreation facilities within 500 m of their home engaged in 16.5 more minutes of physical activity per day than children with fewer facilities in their home neighbourhood.28 On the other hand, the presence of public recreation opportunities in the school neighbourhood did not have a significant effect on children’s BMI z-scores. This finding fits with qualitative studies based on interviews and/or focus groups with children that suggest they are likely to spend more of their free time, especially on weekends, playing in the neighbourhood around the home rather than around the school;40,41 moreover, during school hours, children are likely to play on the school grounds rather than leave the campus to play. Easy access to retailers of “junk food”, such as fast-food restaurants and convenience stores around children’s homes and schools, appeared to contribute to higher obesity levels; however, the presence of fast-food restaurants within the school walkshed was the only food environment variable that had a statistically significant association with higher BMI z-scores among our sample children. This finding follows recent research on grade 7-8 students in London, which revealed that the presence of fast-food outlets within 1 km of school is linked to increased purchasing of junk food by students23 and poorer-quality diets (i.e., lower “healthy eating index” scores).24 The findings are also supported by qualitative research indicating that children who purchase junk food are likely to do it near the school, during the lunch break and the journey to and from school, whether or not a parent may be present to evaluate their purchase.40,41 On the other hand, a study of grade 6-10 students in 178 schools across Canada did not find any statistically significant relation between the characteristics of the local food environment around each school and the likelihood of children being overweight; however, the study did not account for the presence/absence of recreation facilities or other opportunities for physical activity in the local environment.25 This paper has a number of methodological strengths and weaknesses that are worth noting. It makes a methodological contribution by applying multiple areal units of different shapes and sizes (i.e., circular buffers, network buffers and school-specific walksheds) to categorize the home and school environments of children. This approach recognizes and attempts to account for the modifiable CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S19 CHILD OBESITY AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT areal unit problem that is inherent in most environment and health studies.42 The school-specific walkshed is a particular innovation of this study that also proved to be the most significant method for delineating school neighbourhoods. Another methodological improvement is that the geodatabases of environmental variables used were locally generated by municipal organizations and validated through rigorous processes to achieve ground-truth. Most previous studies of this kind have relied on commercial databases, which are often incomplete and spatially inaccurate,43,44 to identify the locations of food retailers and recreation opportunities.39,45,46 Although BMI is a widely accepted measure for comparing body weight status at the population level, there are limitations to using BMI for identifying overweight/obesity among children. We used age- and sex-adjusted BMI z-scores to determine differences by age and sex, but accuracy can be affected by factors such as ethnicity, frame size, level of physical fitness and biologic maturation.47 Ideally, any assessment of body weight status should be calculated using direct measurements, as self-reported heights and weights for youth tend to underestimate the prevalence of overweight and obesity.48 Nevertheless, as reported above, rates of overweight and obesity in our sample population were not dramatically different from rates reported for children in a recent nationwide study based on directly measured BMI.2 Self-report measures are much less intrusive and more feasible to collect for large samples, but as an absolute value, the BMI should be interpreted with caution. Another potential criticism of this research might be directed at the fact that, because of University of Western Ontario’s Research Ethics Board directives, we used children’s home postal codes as the centre of their neighbourhoods rather than their actual dwelling. Although previous research has shown that this is a common strategy in epidemiological studies and that postal codes are adequate proxies for addresses in Canadian cities,36,37 the potential limitations of this approach must be acknowledged: if the positional discrepancy between exact location and proxy location is large for a given case, it may lead to the misclassification of the presence or absence of certain environmental features.36,37 Positional discrepancy is not a significant problem in this study, however, as it has been estimated that the majority of residential dwellings in urban and suburban London are located within 100 m of their respective postal code centroid.37,49 It could be argued that another limitation of the study is that it does not examine the full range of environmental variables that have appeared in previous literature. We limited our model to the selected variables for two reasons: 1) previous research in the same city with children of the same age group indicated that these were the most significant predictors of physical activity levels, junk food purchasing and dietary quality; and 2) the statistical test for schoollevel effects revealed that the school-level built environment accounted for only a small percentage of the variance, and therefore adding more variables would not be efficient. This is one of the first Canadian studies to empirically establish a relation between neighbourhood environmental factors and children’s BMI. It is also one of the only studies of its kind to focus on a typical mid-sized North American city, as the small but growing literature on the environment-obesity link is still dominated by studies set in larger cities. While causal relations cannot be inferred from these cross-sectional data and the results are not necessarily S20 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 generalizable, the study has potentially important implications for planners, school board officials and other decision-makers involved in the construction and management of children’s environments. Interventions, policies and programs that increase children’s access to high-quality, publicly provided recreation opportunities within a short walk of home may be a key to promoting active lifestyles and reducing obesity levels among children and youth. In addition, the study highlights the need for municipalities to consider bylaws and policies aimed at regulating the concentration of fastfood outlets close to schools, where children are heavily exposed, and to create incentives that encourage more healthy food options on local menus. 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A multi-level examination of the association between older social models in the school environment and overweight and obesity among younger students. J Youth Adolesc 2011;40:361-72. Binkley JK, Eales J, Jekanowski M. The relation between dietary change and rising US obesity. Int J Obes Relat Metab Disord 2000;24:1032-39. Maddock J. The relationship between obesity and the prevalence of fast food restaurants: State-level analysis. Am J Health Promot 2004;19:137-43. Morland K, Diez Roux AV, Wing S. Supermarkets, other food stores, and obesity: The Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study. Am J Prev Med 2006;30:333-39. Harris JL, Pomeranz JL, Lobstein T, Brownell KD. A crisis in the marketplace: How food marketing contributes to childhood obesity and what can be done. Annu Rev Public Health 2009;30:211-25. Datar A, Nicosia N. Junk Food in Schools and Childhood Obesity: Much Ado About Nothing? Working Paper. RAND Labor and Population, March 2009. Fox MK, Hedley Dodd A, Wilson A, Gleason PM. Association between school food environment and practices and body mass index of US public school children. J Am Diet Assoc 2009;109(2):S108-S117. Utter J, Scragg R, Percival T, Beaglehole R. School is back in New Zealand—and so is the junk food. N Z Med J 2009;122(1290):5-8. Cannuscio CC, Weiss EE, Asch DA. The contribution of urban foodways to health disparities. J Urban Health 2010;87(3):381-93. Zenk SN, Powell LM. US secondary schools and food outlets. Health & Place 2008;14:336-46. Gilliland J. The built environment and obesity: Trimming waistlines through neighbourhood design. In: Bunting T, Filion P (Eds.), Canadian Cities in Transition, 4th Ed. Toronto, ON: Oxford University Press, 2010. Reidpath DD, Burns C, Garrard J, Mahoney M, Townsend M. An ecological study of the relationship between social and environmental determinants of obesity. Health & Place 2002;8:141-45. Smoyer-Tomic KE, Spence JC, Raine KD, Amrhein C, Cameron N, Yasenovskiy V, et al. The association between neighbourhood socioeconomic status and exposure to supermarkets and fast food outlets. Health & Place 2008;14:740-54. CHILD OBESITY AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT 23. He M, Tucker P, Gilliland J, Irwin JD, Larsen K, Hess P. The influence of local food environments on adolescents’ food purchasing behaviors. Int J Environ Public Health 2011;8:doi:10.3390/ijperh812####. 24. He M, Tucker P, Irwin JD, Gilliland J, Larsen K, Hess P. Obesogenic neighbourhoods: The impact of neighbourhood restaurants and convenience stores on adolescents’ food consumption behaviours. Public Health Nutr 2012; doi:10.1017/S1368980012000584. 25. Seliske LM, Pickett W, Boyce WF, Janssen I. Association between the food retail environment surrounding schools and overweight in Canadian youth. Public Health Nutr 2009;12:1384-91. 26. Janssen I, LeBlanc AG. Systematic review of the health benefits of physical activity and fitness in school-aged children and youth. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2010;7:40. 27. Colley RC, Garriguet D, Janssen I, Craig CL, Clarke J, Tremblay MS. Physical activity of Canadian children and youth: Accelerometer results from the 2007 to 2009 Canadian Health Measures Survey. Health Rep 2011;22:1-10. 28. Tucker P, Irwin J, Gilliland J, Larsen K, He M, Hess P. Environmental influences on physical activity levels in youth. Health & Place 2009;15:357-63. 29. Huston SL, Evenson KR, Bors P, Gizlice Z. Neighborhood environment, access to places for activity, and leisure-time physical activity in a diverse North Carolina population. Am J Health Promot 2003;18:58-69. 30. Hume C, Salmon J, Ball K. Children’s perceptions of their home and neighborhood environments, and their association with objectively measured physical activity: A qualitative and quantitative study. Health Educ Res 2005;20:1-13. 31. Frank L, Kerr J, Chapman J, Sallis JF. Urban form relationships with walk trip frequency and distance among youth. Am J Health Promot 2007;21:305-11. 32. Wolch J, Wilson JP, Fehrenbach J. Parks and park funding in Los Angeles: An equity-mapping analysis. Urban Geogr 2005;26:4-35. 33. Gilliland J, Holmes M, Irwin JD, Tucker P. Environmental equity is child’s play: Mapping public provision of recreation opportunities in urban neighbourhoods. Vulnerable Children & Youth Studies 2006;1:256-68. 34. Tremblay MS, Katzmarzyk PT, Willms JD. Temporal trends in overweight and obesity in Canada, 1981-1996. Int J Obes 2002;26(4):538-43. 35. World Health Organization. Growth Reference Data for 5-19 years, 2007. Available at: http://www.who.int/growthref/en/ (Accessed December 10, 2011). 36. Bow CJD, Waters NM, Faris PD, Seidel JE, Galbraith PD, Knudtson ML, et al. Accuracy of city postal code coordinates as a proxy for location of residence. Int J Health Geogr 2004;3:5. 37. Healy M, Gilliland J. Quantifying the magnitude of environmental exposure misclassification when using imprecise address proxies in public health research. Spatial and Spatio-temporal Epidemiology 2012; doi:10.1016/j.sste.2012.02.006. 38. Muthén LK, Muthén BO. Mplus User’s Guide, Sixth Edition. Los Angeles, CA: Muthén & Muthén, 2010. 39. Leatherdale ST, Pouliou T, Church D, Hobin E. The association between overweight and opportunity structures in the built environment: A multi-level analysis among elementary school youth in the PLAY-ON study. Int J Public Health 2011;56:237-46. 40. Loebach J, Gilliland J. Child guides: Exploring the use of child-led tours to uncover perceptions and use of neighbourhood environments. Children, Youth and Environments 2010;20(1):52-90. 41. Tucker P, Irwin JD, Gilliland, J, He M. Adolescents’ perspective of home, school and neighborhood environmental influences on physical activity and dietary behaviors. Children, Youth and Environments 2008;18(2):12-35. 42. Mitra R, Buliung R. Built environment correlates of active school transportation: Neighborhood and the modifiable areal unit problem. J Transport Geogr 2012;20:57-58. 43. Duvalla CS, Howard PH, Goldsberry K. Apples and oranges? Classifying food retailers in a midwestern US city based on the availability of fresh produce. J Hunger & Environ Nutr 2010;5(4):526-41. 44. Liese AD, Colabianchi N, Lamichhane AP, Barnes TL, Hibbert JD, Porter DE, et al. Validation of 3 food outlet databases: Completeness and geospatial accuracy in rural and urban food environments. Am J Epidemiol 2010;172:1324-33. 45. Jeffery RW, Baxter J, McGuire M, Linde J. Are fast food restaurants an environmental risk factor for obesity? Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2006;3:2. 46. Alter DA, Eny K. The relationship between the supply of fast-food chains and cardiovascular outcomes. Can J Public Health 2005;96(3):173-77. 47. Reilly JJ, Dorosty AR, Emmett PM. Identification of the obese child: Adequacy of the body mass index for clinical practice and epidemiology. Int J Obes 2000;24(12):1623-27. 48. Scholtens S, Brunekreef B, Visscher T, Smit HA, Kerkhof M, de Jongste JC, et al. Reported versus measured body weight and height of 4-year-old children and the prevalence of overweight. Eur J Public Health 2007;17(4):369-74. 49. Larsen K, Gilliland J, Hess P, Tucker P, Irwin J, He M. The influence of the physical environment and sociodemographic characteristics on children’s mode of travel to and from school. Am J Public Health 2009;99(3):520-26. RÉSUMÉ Objectifs : Notre étude porte sur les facteurs environnementaux associés à l’IMC (indice de masse corporelle) d’adolescents en vue de cerner des interventions possibles pour réduire l’obésité infantile. Méthode : Des élèves (n=1 048) de 10 à 14 ans fréquentant 28 écoles de London, en Ontario, ont rempli un questionnaire sur leur âge, leur sexe, leur taille, leur poids, leur adresse personnelle, etc., lequel a servi à construire des écarts Z ajustés selon l’âge et le sexe pour l’IMC. La présence de possibilités de loisir, d’établissements de restauration rapide et de dépanneurs a été évaluée à l’aide de quatre unités de surface autour du domicile et du quartier scolaire de chaque participant : des « zones tampons circulaires » englobant le territoire sur une distance entre 500 et 1000 m en ligne droite; et des « zones tampon de réseau » de 500 à 1000 m mesurées le long du réseau des rues. Les quartiers scolaires ont aussi été évalués à l’aide des « bassins de marche » propres à l’école. Une modélisation multiniveaux par équations structurelles a servi à évaluer simultanément les effets de prédicteurs des écarts Z de l’IMC liés à l’environnement scolaire (niveau 2) et au milieu de vie (niveau 1). Résultats : La plupart des participants (71 %) avaient un IMC normal, 16,9 % étaient en surpoids, 7,6 % étaient obèses, et 4,6 % étaient considérés comme étant de poids insuffisant. Des analyses multiniveaux ont montré que les caractéristiques du milieu bâti autour du domicile et de l’école des enfants avaient un effet mineur mais significatif sur leur IMC. La présence d’installations de loisir publiques dans un réseau de 500 m du domicile était associée à des écarts Z d’IMC inférieurs (p<0,05), et la présence d’établissements de restauration rapide dans le bassin de marche de l’école était associée à des écarts Z d’IMC supérieurs (p<0,05). Conclusion : Les interventions et les politiques qui améliorent l’accès des enfants à des installations de loisir publiques près de chez eux et qui atténuent la concentration des établissements de restauration rapide près des écoles pourraient être la clé du succès pour promouvoir les modes de vie sains et réduire l’obésité infantile. Mots clés : obésité; enfant; adolescent; environnement; régime alimentaire; loisir CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S21 QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH Smart Cities, Healthy Kids: The Association Between Neighbourhood Design and Children’s Physical Activity and Time Spent Sedentary Dale W. Esliger, PhD,1 Lauren B. Sherar, PhD,1 Nazeem Muhajarine, PhD2 ABSTRACT Objectives: To determine whether, and to what extent, a relation exists between neighbourhood design and children’s physical activity and sedentary behaviours in Saskatoon. Methods: Three neighbourhood designs were assessed: 1) core neighbourhoods developed before 1930 that follow a grid pattern, 2) fractured-grid pattern neighbourhoods that were developed between the 1930s and mid-1960s, and 3) curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods that were developed between the mid-1960s through to 1998. Children aged 10-14 years (N=455; mean age 11.7 years), grouped by the neighbourhoods they resided in, had their physical activity and sedentary behaviour objectively measured by accelerometry for 7 days. ANCOVA and MANCOVA (multivariate analysis of covariance) models were used to assess group differences (p<0.05). Results: Group differences were apparent on weekdays but not on weekend days. When age, sex and family income had been controlled for, children living in fractured-grid neighbourhoods had, on average, 83 and 55 fewer accelerometer counts per minute on weekdays than the children in the core and curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods, respectively. Further analyses showed that the children in the fractured-grid neighbourhoods accumulated 15 and 9 fewer minutes of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity per day and had a greater time spent in sedentary behaviour (23 and 17 minutes) than those in core and curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods, respectively. Conclusion: These data suggest that in Saskatoon there is a relation between neighbourhood design and children’s physical activity and sedentary behaviours. Further work is needed to tease out which features of the built environments have the greatest impact on these important lifestyle behaviours. This information, offered in the context of ongoing development of neighbourhoods, as we see in Saskatoon, is critical to an evidenceinformed approach to urban development and planning. Key words: Urban; built environment; accelerometer; lifestyle; city planning La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. T he increased concern over escalating levels of chronic disease and the emergence of the smart growth movement has yielded a series of studies investigating how aspects of the built environment influence the physical activity and sedentary behaviours of children.1-6 Studies show that improving the built environment to “make the healthy choice the easy choice” is essential to increasing children’s physical activity levels.7-10 In a recent systematic review by Durand et al.,11 five smart growth factors (diverse housing types, mixed land use, housing density, compact development patterns and levels of open space) were linked with increased levels of physical activity in children. The burgeoning field of research related to physical activity and the built environment is starting to influence the work of city planners. For example, the City of Saskatoon, City Centre Plan Phase 1 (2011),12 provides a policy framework that defines, directs and evaluates development of the city centre to ensure that it balances the environmental, social and economic needs of the community. Interestingly, since Saskatoon was incorporated as a city in 1906, its neighbourhoods have gradually developed into what today are three distinct design types: core neighbourhoods, fractured-grid pattern neighbourhoods and curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods. The core neighbourhoods, developed before 1930, represent the oldest of the neighbourhood designs in Saskatoon, wherein the S22 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S22-S28. road networks follow a grid pattern. These are typified by higher density (11.75 people/acre), mixed-use neighbourhoods connected by straight, intersecting streets. Surrounding the core neighbourhoods are the fractured-grid pattern neighbourhoods, or semi-suburban districts, which were developed between the 1930s and mid-1960s. The fractured-grid pattern neighbourhoods tend to be of lower density (9.25 people/acre), predominantly residential and increasingly car-oriented as they are located further away from the core. On the periphery are newer, curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods that were developed from the mid-1960s through Author Affiliations 1. Physical Activity and Public Health, School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences, Loughborough University, UK 2. Community Health and Epidemiology, College of Medicine, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, SK Correspondence: Nazeem Muhajarine, PhD, Community Health and Epidemiology, College of Medicine, University of Saskatchewan, 107 Wiggins Rd., Saskatoon, SK S7N 5E5, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: The study was funded by the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (Institute of Nutrition, Metabolism and Diabetes) and the Rx&D Health Research Foundation. We thank the Saskatoon school boards (Saskatoon Public and Greater Saskatoon Catholic Schools) for their cooperation and the study participants for generously contributing their time. We appreciate the work of research staff, including Tracy Ridalls. The Smart Cities, Healthy Kids research team: Nazeem Muhajarine (Principal Investigator), Adam Baxter-Jones, Scott Bell, Karen Chad, Charlie Clark, Dale Esliger, Paul Hanley, Bill Holden, Sara Kirk, Cory Neudorf, Lauren Sherar and Lan Vu. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NEIGHBOURHOOD DESIGN Table 1. Accelerometry Data Collection and Analytical Procedures: Smart Cities, Healthy Kids Study, Saskatoon, Canada Information Accelerometer Model* Piezo sensor orientation Mode setup Epoch Deployment method Location worn Requested days of wear Initialization Wear instructions Details Actical (Philips Respironics, Bend, OR) Omnidirectional Counts only 15 seconds Delivered and attached by researcher (on day 0) Right hip at mid clavicular line (via adjustable neoprene waist belt) 7 d (40,320 epochs) not including day 0 Delayed until next day (i.e., day 1 at midnight 00:00 hrs) Wear during waking hours, remove for sleeping† Analytical Non-wear appropriation Valid day criteria Valid file Missing data Cut-point reference(s) Sedentary MVPA 60 min (240 epochs) of consecutive 0s allowing for 2 min (8 epochs) of interruptions 10 h of wear At least 1 valid file No data modeling or imputation was performed From Colley and Tremblay16 and Colley et al.17 <100 counts per minute ≥1500 counts per minute * The Actical model has been validated in children.16 † We also asked that the accelerometer be removed for water-based activities where there was a chance of the device being fully submerged at a depth of ≥1 metre for ≥30 minutes (IEC Standard 60529 IPX7). MVPA=moderate-to-vigorous physical activity. to1998 and are characterized by their moderate density (10.64 people/ acre), and almost exclusively residential and highly car-oriented configurations. Although auto-centric, the curving streets, cul-de-sacs and intersections also contribute to lower throughtraffic. These three distinct Saskatoon neighbourhood designs, which reflect the urban development approaches prevailing at the time of their construction and are commonly found in other large cities throughout Canada, can be used to assess whether particular urban designs create built environments that are conducive to children being more active and/or less sedentary. At the same time that great strides are being made in our understanding of the built environment, our ability to measure physical activity is also evolving. Perhaps the most significant advance has been the increased use of objective measurements of physical activity (e.g., with accelerometers) in the place of self-report measures, which has greatly enhanced our ability to accurately capture short bouts of lifestyle-embedded physical activity that are difficult to recall.13 Advanced data-reduction software now enables more detailed information on physical activity and time spent in sedentary behaviour to be derived from accelerometer data and, thus, allows movement frequency, intensity, duration and temporality to be investigated more comprehensively.14,15 Built environment policies are unfolding and evolving continually across the country, and are largely planned and funded by private, community, non-profit and/or public organizations both within and outside the health sector. However, these “natural experiments” often lack the embedded mechanisms needed for rigorous examination of how the multiple social, cultural, economic and/or environmental factors affect the outcomes. These natural experiments represent a rich but untapped data source that could benefit from researcher involvement and expertise. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to provide a detailed accelerometry-based profile of physical activity and sedentary time in children living in the three differing neighbourhood design types: 1) core, 2) fracturedgrid and 3) curvilinear pattern. The overall objective was to determine whether, and to what extent, a relation exists between neighbourhood design, as classified here, and children’s physical activity and sedentary time in Saskatoon. While we recognize that the three neighbourhood design types represent a detailed and rich mix of various specific built environment characteristics, not all of Figure 1. Saskatoon neighbourhood planning eras, Smart Cities, Healthy Kids study which show a linear pattern with neighbourhood type, we hypothesize that, in the main, children’s physical activity level will fall and their sedentary behaviour will increase as we move from the core to the fractured-grid to the curvilinear neighbourhoods. A secondary hypothesis was that the pattern and timing of physical activity (i.e., weekdays vs. weekend days and time of day) of the children would differ depending on the design of the neighbourhood in which they live. METHODS The study uses data from Smart Cities, Healthy Kids, an ongoing mixed-method, multi-phase population health intervention study. Smart Cities recruited 1,610 children from grades 5 to 8 (10-14 years) from 40 elementary schools, and these children represented all the 60 residential neighbourhoods of Saskatoon as of 2010. Saskatoon is the largest city in the prairie province of Saskatchewan and has a metropolitan area population of 233,893 according to the 2006 census. The participants selected included a subsample of 455 children (52% female) from the larger study, who were requested to wear accelerometers for 7 days. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S23 PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NEIGHBOURHOOD DESIGN Table 2. Descriptive Characteristics of the Study Sample by Neighbourhood Design Type Variable Sampled schools, n Family income, % in group 1-2* Weekday compliance (n=432) Weekend compliance (n=349) Mean (SD) age, decimal years Sex, % girls Mean (SD) body mass index Min; Max OW & OB, % Mean (SD) weekday wear, minutes Min; Max Mean (SD) weekend day wear, minutes Min; Max Mean (SD) counts per minute Min; Max ICC weekday counts ICC weekend day counts Mean (SD) MVPA, min/day Min; Max Mean (SD) sedentary time, min/day Min; Max Core 6 70.2 121 97 11.6 (1.2) 54 20.1 (4.7) 14.1; 42.4 11.6 797 (59) 612; 961 758 (87) 609; 1002 460 (202) 94;1330 0.656 0.540 77.5 (37.5) 8.1; 232.5 528 (73) 317; 683 Fractured-Grid 10 71.5 137 107 11.6 (1.2) 51 20.4 (4.3) 13.4; 34.3 14.0 801 (63) 622; 947 754 (90) 601;1054 403 (164)† 118;1225 0.766 0.605 67.7 (31.3)† 13.3; 234.6 543 (72) 344; 760 Curvilinear-Pattern 14 81.9 174 145 11.8 (1.2) 52 20.0 (3.8) 13.2; 34.0 16.8 808 (55) 667; 933 761 (90) 605;1124 441 (169) 127;1086 0.760 0.509 73.3 (29.2) 16.6; 182.0 537 (63) 331; 798 * Family income groups: 1 – Wealthy, 2 – Average, 3 – Difficult, 4 – Poor. † Indicates significant group difference (p<0.05) compared with both core and curvilinear-pattern neighbourhood design types. OW & OB=overweight and obesity combined, calculated using age-specific cut-offs;21 ICC=intra-class correlation; MVPA=moderate-to-vigorous physical activity. Analytically, the children were grouped according to the design of the neighbourhood in which they lived (Figure 1): Era 1 – core (N=127), Era 2 – fractured-grid (N=146) and Era 3 – curvilinearpattern (N=182). Each child gave written assent, and parental written informed consent was also obtained. All procedures were approved by the institutional research ethics board. A portable stadiometer and weigh scale were used to measure height and weight. Body mass index (BMI) was calculated from height and weight (weight [kg]/height [m]2). Physical activity and sedentary time were objectively measured for seven consecutive days by means of an Actical accelerometer (Mini Mitter Co., Inc., Bend, OR, US). All pertinent data collection and analytical procedures related to the accelerometry portion of the study are described in Table 1. The raw data were analyzed using custom software KineSoft, version 3.3.63 (KineSoft, SK) to produce a series of standardized outcome variables following procedures similar to those described by Esliger et al.14,15 The main variables of interest were average counts per minute, minutes of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA) and minutes spent sedentary. In an effort to understand the temporality of the physical activity and time spent sedentary, these variables were analyzed over the following time periods: weekday, weekend day and hourly. Statistical analyses Studies have shown a positive association between socio-economic status (SES) and MVPA18,19 and an inverse association between SES and time spent in sedentary behaviour among children.20 It is therefore important to control for differences in SES at the individual level. Thus in all multivariate analyses, family income was controlled for in addition to age, sex and accelerometer wear time. Children were asked “Would you describe your family money situation as…” indicating one response in a 4-point Likert scale (1 – Wealthy, 2 – Average, 3 – Difficult, 4 – Poor). The responses to this question corresponded with the answers to the questions regarding the mother’s/father’s highest level of schooling, as was expected. One-way ANOVA models were used to test for group differences in chronological age and accelerometer wear time. Subsequent analyses used multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) S24 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 models with chronological age, income and wear time as the covariates to determine group differences in physical activity and sedentary variables. Owing to the skewed distribution of the MVPA variables, these data were log transformed. All statistical tests were performed on the transformed data; however, the non-transformed means and standard deviations are presented. The influence of time of day on physical activity and sedentary time was described visually in 24 h x 7 d area plots for each group. Where appropriate, models used Fisher’s least significant difference for post-hoc comparisons, and alpha was set at p<0.05. All analyses were performed using SPSS for Windows version 20.0 (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL). RESULTS The characteristics of the study sample (N=455) are displayed by neighbourhood design in Table 2. No significant group differences were found for age, sex, BMI, prevalence of overweight and obesity combined, weekday or weekend day wear time. The sample size retained after removing those found to be noncompliant (i.e., not wearing the accelerometer for at least 10 hours/day on 1 or more days), as well as those with missing covariates, was 432 for the weekday analyses and 349 for the weekend day analyses (95% and 77%, respectively). In addition to the excellent compliance rates, the three groups greatly exceeded the minimum 10 hours/day wear-time requirement with an overall average of 13 hours, 11 minutes per day. When age, sex and family income had been controlled for, ANCOVA models revealed that children living in fractured-grid neighbourhoods had fewer average accelerometer counts per minute on weekdays than the core and curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods (83 and 55 minutes less, respectively) (Figure 2, top). Further analyses using MANCOVA models revealed that, after age, sex, family income and accelerometer wear time had been controlled for, children in the fractured-grid neighbourhoods accumulated significantly less MVPA (15 and 9 minutes) per weekday and spent a significantly greater time in sedentary behaviour (23 and 17 minutes) than those in core and curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods, respectively (Figure 2, top). No significant group differences were evident for counts per minute, MVPA or sedentary time on the weekend days (Figure 2, bottom). PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NEIGHBOURHOOD DESIGN Figure 2. Average weekday physical activity and time spent sedentary (top) and weekend day physical activity and time spent sedentary (bottom) by neighbourhood eras Figure 3. Sedentary Light MVPA 60 100 700 Group differences (Top=Core, Middle=Fracturedgrid, Bottom=Curvilinear-pattern) in intensity-specific physical activity profiles (7 d × 24 h) 90 50 * 80 * 70 * 60 400 50 300 40 Minutes Per Weekday Counts Per Minute Minutes Per Weekday 500 30 200 Minutes Spen nt at a Given Intensity Per Hour 600 40 30 20 10 Core 20 100 10 M 0 0 Sedentary T 18 0 6 12 W 18 0 6 12 T 18 0 6 12 F 18 0 6 12 18 S 0 6 12 18 S 0 6 12 0 6 12 0 6 12 18 Hour of the Day CP FG Core CP FG Core CP FG Counts Per Minute Sedentary Light MVPA 60 MVPA 700 100 600 80 500 60 400 50 300 40 30 200 Minutes Per W Weekend Day 70 Minutes Spen nt at a Given Intensity Per Hour 50 90 Counts P Per Minute Minutes Per Weekend Da ay 12 0 Core 0 6 40 30 20 10 Fracture Grid M 0 20 0 6 12 T 18 0 6 12 W 18 0 6 12 18 T 0 6 12 F 18 0 6 12 S 18 0 6 12 18 S 18 Hour of the Day 100 10 Sedentary Light MVPA 60 CP C FG F Co ore CP C FG F Sedentary MVPA Means adjusted for sex, age, family income and wear-time covariates; FG=fractured-grid; CP=curvilinear-pattern; MVPA=moderate-to-vigorous physical activity; MVPA is scaled according to the secondary y axis. Analyses were performed on log-transformed physical activity variables; however, nontransformed data are presented. Error bars represent standard error. *Fractured-grid group significantly different from both the core and curvilinear-pattern groups (p<0.05). In terms of temporality, Figure 3 shows the hourly physical activity behaviours by intensity and neighbourhood design. Focusing on school days (i.e., Monday to Friday from 0800 to 1500 h), it appears that the children living in different neighbourhoods had similar patterns of physical activity and sedentary time (i.e., they have the same physical activity intensity “hotspots”). Overall, on weekends, children spent 70% of their days being sedentary (528 minutes), whereas on weekdays sedentary time accounted for 67% of their day (540 minutes). Overall, on weekends, children spent 7% of their day (52 minutes) accumulating MVPA compared with 10% of the day (80 minutes) on weekdays. In terms of temporality, all three groups had a quadra-modal distribution (i.e., four pronounced peaks) of MVPA: during the morning commute (hour 8), morning recess (hour 10), lunch (hour 12) and afternoon commute (hour 15) (Figure 4, top). Comparison of the three peak sedentary hours of the school day (i.e., hour 9, hour 11 and hour 13) 50 Minutes Spen nt at a Given Intensity Per Hour Counts Per Minute Co ore CP C FG F 0 Co ore 0 40 30 20 Curvilinear-Pattern 10 M 0 0 6 12 T 18 0 6 12 W 18 0 6 12 18 T 0 6 12 F 18 0 6 12 18 S 0 6 12 18 S 18 Hour of the Day Note: White areas of the figure (i.e., from approximately midnight to approximately 6 am) represent non-wear (sleep) time. showed that children from the core, fractured-grid and curvilinearpattern neighbourhoods were sedentary, on average, 44, 46 and 45 of every 60 minutes, respectively, during these three 1-hour blocks (Figure 4, bottom). Compared with the in-school time, the children’s out-of-school sedentary time (i.e., Monday to Friday from 1500 to 2100 h) increased by 1 minute per hour, and their time spent in MVPA decreased by 1 minute per hour (Figure 4). Although children in the fractured-grid neighbourhoods were significantly less active than children living in the core and the CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S25 PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NEIGHBOURHOOD DESIGN Figure 4. Average minutes spent in MVPA (top) and sedentary behaviour (bottom) hour by hour on a weekday, by neighbourhood era 10 Average e Minutes of MVPA Per Hour 8 6 4 2 Era 1 - Core Era 2 - Fractured Grid Era 3 - Curvilinear-Pattern 0 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 21 22 23 Weekday Hour Average Minutes Spent Sedentary Per Hour 50 45 40 35 Era 1 - Core Era 2 - Fractured Grid Era 3 - Curvilinear-Pattern 30 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Weekday Hour curvilinear neighbourhoods, visually the patterns of weekday physical activity are similar across the groups. The magnitude of this difference, per hour, may appear to be small (e.g., ~1 minute less MVPA per hour), but when accumulated over the entire day it results in a meaningful difference (Figure 4, top). DISCUSSION The purpose of this study was to determine whether, and to what extent, a relation exists between neighbourhood design (i.e., core, fractured-grid or curvilinear-pattern) and children’s physical activity and time spent being sedentary, in Saskatoon. This observational study supports the hypothesis that children 10-14 years of age living in a fractured-grid neighbourhood are likely to be less active (fewer minutes in MVPA) and more sedentary than children in core or curvilinear neighbourhoods. The physical activity levels of the overall sample (i.e., 73 minutes of MVPA per day) is higher than in other, similarly analyzed population samples (e.g., Canadian Health Measures Survey (CHMS); 58 minutes MVPA per day in children 6 to 14 years17). The higher MVPA in the present sample may be due, among other things, to the fact that the data were collected during the fair weather months of April-June and did not include the typically less active winter months, as the CHMS did. When minutes spent in sedentary, light and MVPA are presented for the full week (Figure 3), it is apparent that despite the lower MVPA and higher sedentary time in the fractured-grid neighbourS26 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 hoods, the patterns of behaviours are markedly similar among all three neighbourhood designs. For example, children from each neighbourhood group were more active on weekdays compared with weekend days, a finding that is supported in the literature.22,23 Furthermore, on average, children from each neighbourhood type showed the same weekday activity “hotspots” before and after school, and during recess and lunch (Figure 4). These observations suggests that although the neighbourhood design has an appreciable impact on children’s overall time spent in MVPA, the general physical activity pattern, hourly, on a typical weekday is not dramatically different across neighbourhood types. This shows the important contribution that schools make to patterning children’s physical activity, whether it is related to school travel or activity levels during time in school. Our research showed that children in the fractured-grid pattern neighbourhoods accumulated 15 and 9 minutes less MVPA per day than children in the core and curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods, respectively. Emerging research has shown that modest differences in accelerometer-assessed MVPA, similar to the differences shown in this study, are associated with health benefits in youth. For example, data from a larger sample (N=5,500) of 12-year-olds showed that an increase of 15 minutes of daily MVPA was associated with lower odds of obesity – over 50% in boys and nearly 40% in girls.24 Children living in the core neighbourhoods accumulated the greatest minutes of MVPA (although not significantly greater than the curvilinear-pattern neighbourhood). Core neighbourhoods are less car-oriented and have greater land-use mix (combining commercial, residential, institutional land uses). A recent systematic review6 revealed land-use mix to be a strong correlate of physical activity among children and adolescents. In addition, the gridpatterned road networks found in the core neighbourhoods with multiple intersections and interconnected streets increased the number of access and exit routes into a neighbourhood. This provides greater route choice and accessibility to destinations. Past research has shown that children from neighborhoods with greater street connectivity are more active outside their back/front yard when compared with children who live in curvilinear (cul-de-sac) neighbourhood designs.25 However, it should be noted that increased connectivity of streets may also be coupled with increased traffic on local roads (because of vehicle use of short cuts).26 Traffic speed/volume in neighbourhood streets is an important correlate of reduced physical activity in children (due to safety issues),6 thus street connectivity could also be a barrier to physical activity in the core neighbourhoods. This highlights the complexity of the association between neighbourhood design – as illustrated by street connectivity here, for example – and children’s physical activity. Children in the fractured-grid neighbourhood designs had significantly less MVPA and significantly greater sedentary time than children from the core and curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods. Fractured-grid neighbourhoods are more reliant on car transport (i.e., auto-centric) and have lower density of destinations than the core neighbourhoods, which may contribute to the lower activity of the children residing in those neighbourhoods.27 However, fracturedgrid neighbourhoods include more residential land use than found in the core neighbourhoods, and residential density has been shown to be positively associated with self-reported physical activity in children.6 The fractured-grid neighbourhoods in Saskatoon PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NEIGHBOURHOOD DESIGN are usually bordered by busy, high-traffic arterial roads with little pedestrian access; this too could reduce the walkability of these neighbourhoods and likely the roaming distance of children. Increasingly, Canadian cities, including Saskatoon, are adopting a newer neighbourhood design pattern called the Fused-Grid Model, which incorporates features from the core and the curvilinearpattern neighbourhoods.28 The Fused-Grid Model, similar to the core neighbourhoods, provides commercial destinations that can be easily accessed by foot but incorporates the traffic calming measures of curving streets, cul-de-sacs and intersections seen in the curvilinear-pattern neighbourhoods. The overall aim of the fusedgrid design is to promote active transportation, increase the opportunities for social interaction within the neighbourhood and improve traffic safety.28 A strength of this study was the use of objective measurements of physical activity.13 Another strength was the detailed analysis of the accelerometry data in terms of intensity and temporal patterns. However, there are limitations to accelerometry, most notably, its inability to assess lifting, carrying, cycling and water-based activities, and the general lack of contextual information relating to activity mode and/or location/domain.29 For example, the fact that waist-mounted accelerometers do not measure cycling could have limited the true quantification of MVPA in neighbourhoods that are more “bike friendly”. Although data across all neighbourhoods were collected during one season (April 28-June 11), data on extreme weather were not considered in these analyses. However, the likelihood that acute weather would have systematically affected the results is minimal. Another limitation was that selection bias could not be ruled out because of the non-random nature of the sample. The selfidentifying process of school selection could have resulted in schools participating that were more supportive of physical activity. Last, the cross-sectional design of the study and the inability to control for self-selection or sorting into a residential area prevents comment on causation. A broad classification of neighbourhood design (i.e., core, fractured-grid, curvilinear-pattern) was chosen because these are the district neighbourhood designs present in Saskatoon and resonate with policy-makers, developers and city planners. Also, these design types typically reflect the era or the vintage of neighbourhoods and are commonly found in other cities across Canada. Our research suggests that the neighbourhood design is associated with differences in MVPA and time spent being sedentary. However, we do not have information on the location of the activity, and therefore it is not known whether the activity took place in the neighbourhood in which the child resided or away from it. For example, a child residing in the core neighbourhoods may be driven to a fractured-grid neighbourhood for organized sports (e.g., soccer), as indicated by some participants in a qualitative substudy derived from this same sample (data not shown). Global positioning systems (GPS) provide time-stamped location information and would tell us in which neighbourhood the MVPA occurred.30 Research has started to emerge that examines the associations between aspects of the built environment and physical activity in youth using both accelerometry and GPS;2-5 however, the accelerometer data are limited to day-level aggregate variables (such as daily minutes in MVPA) without any investigation as to where and how the activity and sedentary behaviour occur.14,15 Future research is warranted that employs a detailed profiling of MVPA and sedentary behaviour by accelerometry, and research that couples it with GPS data collection. In conclusion, the data presented in this paper show that in Saskatoon there is a relation between neighbourhood design and children’s physical activity and sedentary behaviours. Further work will need to be done to tease out which aspects of the built environments specifically have the greatest impact on these behaviours. This information, offered in the context of ongoing development of neighbourhoods, as we see in Saskatoon, is critical to an evidence-informed approach to modern urban development and planning. REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. Cooper AR, Page AS, Wheeler BW, Hillsdon M, Griew P, Jago R. Patterns of GPS measured time outdoors after school and objective physical activity in English children: The PEACH project. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2010;7:31. Sundquist K, Eriksson U, Kawakami N, Skog L, Ohlsson H, Arvidsson D. 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CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S27 PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NEIGHBOURHOOD DESIGN 24. Ness AR, Leary SD, Mattocks C, Blair SN, Reilly JJ, Wells J, et al. Objectively measured physical activity and fat mass in a large cohort of children. PLoS Med 2007;4(3):e97. 25. Holt NL, Spence JC, Sehn ZL, Cutumisu N. Neighborhood and developmental differences in children’s perceptions of opportunities for play and physical activity. Health Place 2008;14(1):2-14. 26. Handy S, Paterson RG, Butler K. Planning for Street Connectivity: Getting from Here to There. Chicago, IL: American Planning Association, 2003. 27. Mackett R, Brown B, Gong Y, Paskins J. Children’s independent movement in the local environment. Built Environment 2007;33:454-68. 28. Grammenos F. The fused grid: A contemporary urban pattern. Available at: http://www fusedgrid ca/contactus php 2008 (Accessed February 2, 2012). 29. Montoye HJ, Kemper HCG, Saris WHM, Washburn RA. Measuring Physical Activity and Energy Expenditure. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 1996. 30. Jones AP, Coombes EG, Griffin SJ, van Sluijs EM. Environmental supportiveness for physical activity in English schoolchildren: A study using global positioning systems. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2009;6:42. RÉSUMÉ Objectifs : Déterminer s’il existe une relation, et si oui de quelle ampleur, entre, d’une part, la conception du quartier et, d’autre part, l’activité physique et les comportements sédentaires des enfants à Saskatoon. Méthode : Trois types de quartiers ont été évalués : 1) les quartiers du centre-ville datant d’avant 1930, à l’agencement quadrillé, 2) les quartiers scindés à agencement quadrillé datant des années 1930 au milieu des années 1960 et 3) les quartiers à agencement curviligne datant du milieu des années 1960 à 1998. Nous avons mesuré objectivement par accélérométrie, pendant 7 jours, l’activité physique et les comportements sédentaires d’enfants de 10 à 14 ans (N=455; âge moyen 11,7 ans), regroupés selon leur quartier domiciliaire. Des modèles ANCOVA et MANCOVA (analyse multivariée de la covariance) ont servi à l’évaluation des différences entre les groupes (p<0,05). Résultats : Nous avons constaté des différences entre les groupes les jours de semaine, mais non les samedis et dimanches. Après ajustement selon l’âge, le sexe et le revenu familial, les enfants habitant des quartiers scindés à agencement quadrillé enregistraient en moyenne 83 et 55 points d’accéléromètre de moins par minute les jours de semaine que les enfants des quartiers du centre-ville et des quartiers à agencement curviligne, respectivement. Une analyse plus poussée a montré que les enfants des quartiers scindés à agencement quadrillé accumulaient 15 et 9 minutes de moins d’activité physique modérée à vigoureuse par jour et consacraient plus de temps à des comportements sédentaires (23 et 17 minutes) que ceux des quartiers du centre-ville et des quartiers à agencement curviligne, respectivement. Conclusion : Ces données montrent qu’à Saskatoon, il y a une relation entre la conception des quartiers et l’activité physique et les comportements sédentaires des enfants. Il faudrait pousser la recherche pour « démêler » quelles caractéristiques des milieux bâtis ont le plus d’impact sur ces importants comportements liés au mode de vie. Cette information, présentée dans le contexte du développement en cours des quartiers, comme on le voit à Saskatoon, est essentielle à une démarche de planification et de développement urbain fondée sur des preuves. Mots clés : urbain; milieu bâti; accéléromètre; mode de vie; urbanisme S28 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Walkable for Whom? Examining the Role of the Built Environment on the Neighbourhood-based Physical Activity of Children Kristjana Loptson, MA,1 Nazeem Muhajarine, PhD,1,2 Tracy Ridalls, MA1 and the Smart Cities, Healthy Kids Research Team* ABSTRACT Objectives: To date, only a few studies have attempted to study the processes by which community design and the built and social environments affect individual physical activity, especially in children. Qualitative enquiry is useful for exploring perceptions and decision-making, and to understand the processes involved in how people interact with their environments. This study used qualitative methods to gain insight into the pathways linking the neighbourhood environment with children’s activity patterns. Methods: Data were collected in semi-structured interviews with 24 child-parent dyads (children aged 10-14 years). Families lived in neighbourhoods ranging from lowest to highest median income and representing the three main design types found in Saskatoon – urban, semi-suburban and suburban. Results: Parents and children underscored the importance of safe environments for children’s physical activity: streets or paths they can cycle on without feeling threatened, parks and green spaces free of criminal activity, and neighbourhoods where people know each other and children have friends to play with. Although grid-pattern urban neighbourhoods with a high density of destinations may in principle promote active transportation, the higher levels of crime and traffic danger that tend to exist in these areas may hinder physical activity in children. Conclusion: Understanding what facilitates activity in children is a complex endeavour. It requires understanding the barriers to physical activity present at the neighbourhood level as well as social and perceptual factors that act in interdependent ways to either promote or hinder children’s physical activity. Key words: Neighbourhood built environment; children; qualitative method; safety; physical activity La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. W Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S29-S34. alkability – the extent to which an area is supportive of walking – is a concept that emerged from the transportation literature and has been widely adopted in health research examining the impact of the built environment on physical activity and health outcomes.1 Factors that make neighbourhoods more walkable include pedestrian amenities such as sidewalks, crosswalks, curb cuts and traffic lights; street connectivity; mixed-land use; and the presence of a variety of destinations within walking distance, features typically found in urban more than suburban neighbourhoods.2-4 From a public health perspective, creating more walkable neighbourhoods might be expected to lead to a healthier environment by encouraging reduced car usage and therefore lower car emissions and air pollution, and also by increasing opportunities for active transportation (physically active modes of transportation, such as walking, biking, rollerblading, skateboarding), which could increase overall levels of physical activity and decrease obesity.5-7 Although a significant amount of research has shown that adults living in urban neighbourhoods walk more and have a lower bodymass index (BMI) than their suburban counterparts, other studies have found that this association is not consistent in all urban neighbourhoods or with all demographic groups.4,8,9 Very little research has examined the impact of neighbourhood design on activity levels in children and youth, and the few studies that have looked specifically at youth activity have also produced mixed findings.10-13 A study of Belgian adolescents found that they were more likely to walk and bike in less walkable neighbourhoods than more walkable neighbourhoods.14 Other studies have found that while boys are more active in neighbourhoods that are close to commercial areas and have connected streets, girls are more active in neighbourhoods with unconnected, curvilinear, low-traffic streets.15,16 No consistent association has been established between children’s BMI and neighbourhood design, but some research suggests that certain neighbourhood characteristics may be influential. For example, neighbourhood safety and access to parks, playgrounds, recreation centres and sidewalks were significantly associated with lower BMI in girls aged 10-11 years in a US study based on a survey conducted by the National Centre for Health Statistics.17 Higher rates of overweight and obesity were found in both boys and girls © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S29 Author Affiliations 1. Saskatchewan Population Health and Evaluation Research Unit, SK 2. Department of Community Health and Epidemiology, College of Medicine, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, SK * Smart Cities, Healthy Kids research team: Nazeem Muhajarine (Principal Investigator), Karen Chad, Cory Neudorf, Adam Baxter-Jones, Bill Holden, Scott Bell, Charlie Clark, Lauren Sherar, Dale Esliger, Sara Kirk, Paul Hanley and Lan Vu. Correspondence: Nazeem Muhajarine, PhD, Community Health and Epidemiology, College of Medicine, University of Saskatchewan, 107 Wiggins Rd., Saskatoon, SK S7N 5E5, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: The study was funded by the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (Institute of Nutrition, Metabolism and Diabetes) and the Rx&D Health Research Foundation. We thank the Saskatoon school boards (Saskatoon Public and Greater Saskatoon Catholic Schools) for their cooperation and the study participants for generously contributing their time. We appreciate the work of the research staff. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. NEIGHBOURHOODS AND CHILDREN’S PHYSICAL ACTIVITY living in neighbourhoods perceived to be unsafe or where garbage and other signs of neighbourhood disorder were evident.17 Despite the wide adoption of walkability measurements in the study of neighbourhoods, numerous questions remain to be answered about this concept, especially its relevance to children. The amount of neighbourhood-based physical activity is likely to be influenced not only by the walkability of an area as it is typically measured but also by the neighbourhood’s socio-economic status (SES) and the characteristics of the individual.18,19 Studies from both Canada and the United States have found that BMI tends to be higher in low-income neighbourhoods, despite their typically high “walkability”, suggesting that social factors may modify the relation between the built environment and behaviour.4,20,21 Given the complications in capturing complex neighbourhood influences on individual behaviour, understandably few attempts to date have been made to investigate the processes by which the physical and social environments affect individual adaptations, especially in children. The study reported here used qualitative methods to gain insight into the processes linking the neighbourhood environment with children’s activity patterns. METHODS This study comes from the third and final phase of the Smart Cities, Healthy Kids project in Saskatoon, SK, a city of 240,000 people. In 2010, 24 children in Grades 5-8, representing a range of residential neighbourhood types in Saskatoon, and the mothers of the children were interviewed to find out what influence they felt their neighbourhood had on the children’s activity levels. The 455 families whose children had worn accelerometers in an earlier phase of our study were invited to take part in this qualitative component. We used purposive sampling to achieve representativeness of neighbourhood types, and of those families that volunteered we selected 24 living in 18 neighbourhoods, with the goal of having the full range of neighbourhood designs represented. Before the interviews, each child was loaned a camera to take pictures of aspects of the built environment that they felt either encouraged or discouraged their physical activity. Semi-structured, in-person interviews were conducted separately with the child and with one of the child’s parents. In all cases, this ended up being the mother (or in one instance, the step-mother); in two interviews, fathers were also present. The photos the child had taken were used as a starting point for talking with him or her about the impact of the neighbourhood on activity (but not in the parental interview). The interviewers, two of the authors of this paper, have social science backgrounds and extensive experience in qualitative research. The interviews covered a range of questions, including perceptions of safety, general feelings about the neighbourhood, barriers to physical activity, time management and exercise habits. Each interview was audio-recorded and transcribed. Using NVIVO 9 (QSR Int.), the two interviewers created independent coding lists and then collaborated to create a master coding list based on themes they had identified in the interviews.22,23 A long list of themes emerged that related to a range of topics, including perceptions about the neighbourhood, school and work environments, screen time, family values and rules, financial considerations, transportation habits, social and recreation preferences, concerns about safety, the role of gender, the presence of siblings and pets, and technology. Although many of the themes S30 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 appeared in both interview types, the interviews were coded according to whether they were child or parent interviews. The child and parent interviews within each dyad were then cross-compared to examine the points of similarity and divergence between child and parent perceptions of neighbourhood features and barriers or aids to physical activity. This study included a diverse group of neighbourhoods, ranging from lowest to highest median income and representing the three main neighbourhood design types found in Saskatoon. Neighbourhood boundaries are designated by the City, and neighbourhood SES was determined by neighbourhood demographic information from the 2006 census, made available by the City of Saskatoon.24 The median household income in the city, based on the 2006 census, was $66,507. For the purposes of the study, low-income neighbourhoods were those with median household incomes below $50,000, and high-income neighbourhoods were those with median household incomes above $85,000. Urban neighbourhoods, built prior to the 1930s, have a traditional grid design, consisting of straight, intersecting streets and back alleys; they typically have higher population density and are of mixed use. Semi-suburban neighbourhoods surround the urban core and were built between 1931 and 1966; they have a mix of grid-based and curvilinear streets, are of lower density, predominantly residential, and are increasingly car-oriented as they are located further away from the urban centre. Suburban neighbourhoods, built after 1966, are on the periphery of the city, follow curvilinear street patterns, are low-density, almost exclusively residential and highly car-oriented. Ten of the participating families resided in urban neighbourhoods, eight in semisuburban neighbourhoods and six in suburban neighbourhoods. Although the trend is not consistent across all neighbourhoods, generally speaking there is the least amount of park space in Saskatoon’s low-income urban neighbourhoods and the greatest in the highincome suburban neighbourhoods. Suburban parks tend to be located in low-traffic, low-crime areas, whereas urban park space is closer to busy traffic intersections and areas often perceived to be unsafe, either because of the presence of strangers or a total absence of people (i.e., no surveillance). Semi-suburban parks tend to resemble suburban parks in that they are often relatively well equipped and maintained spaces and are perceived to be safer from both traffic and crime than most urban parks. RESULTS Participants talked about the factors influencing children’s use of active transportation as well as other types of physical activity, both within and outside their neighbourhood. While they sometimes mentioned aspects of the built environment, social factors were more likely to be cited, and the influences on children’s activity were reported to be different from the factors that affect adults. Active transportation and schools A key reason that neighbourhood walkability is considered important is that it facilitates active transportation. For children, the most frequent opportunity to use active transportation is travelling to and from school. In this study, children’s use of active transportation to school was related to the type of neighbourhood in which they lived, mostly because of the location of schools. Of the children living in urban neighbourhoods, only one walked to school consistently, primarily because most of these chil- NEIGHBOURHOODS AND CHILDREN’S PHYSICAL ACTIVITY dren attended schools outside their neighbourhoods. Children living in suburban or semi-suburban neighbourhoods were much more likely to attend local schools and walked or biked to school some or all of the time. This was seen positively by some parents, for interpersonal as well as health reasons: [My daughter] walks back and forth [to school] and she’s coming home at lunch, too…At the end of the day if time permits and schedules are such that I can walk and go and meet her, I still do, and though she’s in Grade Six... it’s a good end of the day chat time. –Mother, semi-suburban middle SES neighbourhood Even when the distance between home and school makes walking feasible, parents’ attitudes play a role in determining how often children actually do walk. [In winter] I just say, “Put on more clothes.” She still has to walk to school. I’m not a parent that drives to school all the time. She’s a big girl and I’m a mean mother. –Mother, suburban high SES neighbourhood Numerous factors may be taken into account when deciding whether a child will walk to school or be driven on a given day, as this mother explains: [Whether or not my children walk or bike to school] does depend on the season. It also depends on whether it’s a band day or not, because biking with a big saxophone doesn’t really work well. We also consider their afterschool activity; if they have two-and-a-half hours of sport in the evening, I don’t push them to bike. –Mother, urban middle SES neighbourhood While children’s use of active transportation is most likely to be limited to their neighbourhood, other types of physical activity can and do occur outside the neighbourhood they reside in. However, this usually requires transportation by parents. A number of participants reported leaving their neighbourhood by car to walk or bike in a more desirable area. It’s difficult biking safely with children around our neighbourhood. I have been almost pushed off my bike by people...I would not put my girls on this road… When their dad has time we’ll put the bikes into the truck and leave our neighbourhood and go down to the Meewasin Trail [dedicated walking/biking trail along the riverbank]. –Mother, urban low SES neighbourhood Thus, low levels of neighbourhood-based physical activity do not necessarily correspond to low levels of physical activity overall. The ease of travel to other areas where opportunities for recreation are found influences how likely families are to be active outside their neighbourhood: Saskatoon still isn’t such a big city that it’s difficult, I mean, you have to plan your routes and think about where you’re going… to get there in an efficient amount of time, but it’s still very achievable to get around. –Mother, urban middle SES neighbourhood Neighbourhood social characteristics, amenities and role modeling Participants cited two key neighbourhood characteristics – safety and recreational facilities – as influences on children’s activity, as well as two social factors: the presence of other children in the neighbourhood and parents’ own activity patterns. The perceived safety of the neighbourhood, in terms of traffic, crime or both, played a substantial role in whether parents allowed their children to engage in outdoor activity. Children generally shared their parents’ perceptions of whether or not their neighbourhood was safe, and their behavioural choices reflected this. [Biking in my neighbourhood is dangerous because] there’s a lot of cars there. There’s a lot of pawnshops around that area too. There’s not really a lot of safe places for bikers to ride. –Girl, aged 13 years, urban low SES neighbourhood The kids around here are very active because there’re so many parks around here and it’s a really nice neighbourhood…It’s one of the most safe neighbourhoods, so I could walk outside, like really late at night. –Girl, aged 11 years, urban middle SES neighbourhood In some low SES neighbourhoods, parks and green spaces are perceived as sites of criminal activity and other misuse. This creates a vicious cycle, in which parks become less used by families and children for active play and recreation, as they were intended, which in turn increases the level of illicit activities. Along with safety, the presence of recreational facilities in a neighbourhood supports children’s activity. Neighbourhood amenities facilitate children’s activity because their proximity reduces the time required to get to them, which is often in short supply for families. The availability of having that soccer centre right here was awesome… Let’s say if I was working, and my husband works till 5:30, if he had to worry about getting home and getting [my son] to a football game on the other side of town, [it] might not have happened. You’d have to do more arranging with other parents and that kind of thing. –Mother, suburban high SES neighbourhood Social influences, in terms of the presence of other children and parents, were cited by many participants as important to children’s activity. The presence of other children in the neighbourhood facilitates activity, both because parents consider it safer and because children enjoy being active with others. Parents reported that they were more willing to allow their children to play or travel outside in groups than on their own. This could include siblings as well as other children. Even children who were heavily restricted in their independent travel were often allowed to travel or play with friends or siblings. One mother commented of her 11-year-old daughter: Do you know, there isn’t really anywhere I send her by herself. She’s allowed to go with her brother to the neighbourhood park. She’s allowed to go with her brother to friends’ houses on the street. On a busy bright day, I’d let them take the underpass together if there was a yard sale that they wanted to get to or something. But for the most part, I don’t let her do a lot by herself. –Mother, urban high SES neighbourhood Thus, parental perceptions of safety and resulting restrictions, regardless of actual risk, play a significant role in children’s opportunities to be active outdoors in their neighbourhood, and the presence of other children can mitigate these restrictions. The children who attend local schools tend to have friends nearby, which facilitates afterschool and weekend activity. Most children are allowed to travel to friends’ houses, corner stores or parks with one or more other children. Other than school, these are the main destinations that children use active transportation to get to, and children living in semi-suburban and suburban neighbourhoods generally have better access to them, in terms of both perceived safety and proximity. Familiarity with neighbours increased parents’ perceptions of neighbourhood safety. In neighbourhoods where parents knew many of their neighbours and trusted them, children were more CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S31 NEIGHBOURHOODS AND CHILDREN’S PHYSICAL ACTIVITY likely to be encouraged to play outside the home. Having other children nearby who they know and with whom they are allowed to play makes it easier and more enjoyable for children to be active: One of the nice things we liked about this neighbourhood is that in this area, in this crescent, [my son] can just go out and go…You feel like kids need to have a play date these days and it’s nice to just say, “Go out and go find a friend.” –Mother, semi-suburban middle SES neighbourhood One 14-year-old girl underscored the importance of having friends around to do things with outdoors: When you’re outside you just want to go for a walk, if you go alone it’s not really fun, you get bored easily and you’re just walking around and then if you’re with friends you can just talk to them and walk around or go and play a game that you can’t really, like, play football by yourself or go play basketball by yourself, so it’s not as fun as with a bunch of people. –Girl, semi-suburban middle SES neighbourhood In fact, parents often commented that their children are unlikely to initiate physical activity on their own. Parents also felt that being active themselves contributed to their children’s likelihood of activity by providing a positive role model. Physical activity was encouraged in both parents and children when family time is spent engaging in physical activity together. In neighbourhoods perceived to be unsafe, companionship was an especially important facilitator in increasing neighbourhood-based physical activity. A positive cycle of influence can operate within families, with parents striving to be active so that their children will be, too. One of my motivators is just to be . . . the role model for my kids. Like when I go out running, I always ask them if they want to come. –Mother, semi-suburban medium SES neighbourhood Thus, neighbourhood-based activity is most likely to occur when 1) parents are active themselves and encourage their children to be active, 2) other children are present, 3) places for recreation are nearby and 4) the neighbourhood is perceived to be safe. We’re just active people… we’re active with our kids so that I think that’s the biggest thing but… I mean it’s a decent neighbourhood; you can go out and play in the park or do whatever. –Mother, suburban high SES neighbourhood DISCUSSION Parents and children in this study underscored the importance of safe environments for children’s physical activity: streets or paths they can cycle on without feeling threatened, parks and green spaces free of criminal activity, and neighbourhoods where people know each other and children have friends to play with. Although urban, grid-pattern neighbourhoods with a high density of destinations may in principle promote active transportation or walkability, the higher levels of crime and traffic danger that tend to exist in these areas may hinder both leisure and utilitarian walking, as well as cycling,25 especially for children. In our study, while adult participants acknowledged that their own behaviour is influenced by environmental factors consistent with the concept of walkability (e.g., proximity to commercial destinations, walking trails and beautiful scenery), children’s patterns were different. Those living in neighbourhoods with more commercial destinations were actually less likely to walk there, mostly because of the heavy vehicle traffic in these areas and, in some cases, reduced personal safety. S32 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Thus, what makes a neighbourhood “walkable” appears to be different for children than for adults, and children’s physical activity may be more influenced by social factors, including their parents’ behaviour, and particularly safety, than the built environment. US research has demonstrated that crime levels in neighbourhoods are negatively related to physical activity levels.26 Consistent with our findings, other research has demonstrated that inner-city neighbourhoods have higher obesity rates and lower levels of neighbourhood-based physical activity than do suburban neighbourhoods.21 Regardless of actual crime levels, perceptions of safety have an impact on physical activity levels. US and Canadian studies have demonstrated that parents’ perceptions of neighbourhood safety influence the type and level of their children’s activities, with the result that children residing in neighbourhoods perceived to be unsafe are more likely to be overweight or obese.2729 Canadian studies have found that, among children, BMI increases in low SES neighbourhoods29 and that among adults the perception of traffic danger in many low SES neighbourhoods is a barrier to neighbourhood walking.9 Our study corroborates this finding by showing that low SES neighbourhoods are perceived to be unsafe and consequently deter neighbourhood-based physical activity. Active transportation for children mostly relates to their travel between home and school, as well as to friends’ houses and parks. In Saskatoon, while most neighbourhoods are home to at least one elementary school, children may attend any elementary school in the city. Many children in this sample living in urban neighbourhoods attended schools some distance away, preventing them from walking or cycling to school. Further research examining the degree to which proximity figures into parents’ choices regarding schools for their children would be worthwhile. Parents who place a lower value on their children being able to walk to school may be less likely to encourage physical activity in any case. As we found, even when it is feasible for children to walk or bike to school, other variables, such as a parent’s own transportation habits, enter into parents’ decision whether to drive them or require them to make their own way. Children’s activity is not, and should not be, limited to active transportation. Not surprisingly, having places for children to play and engage in sports and recreation that are easy and safe to get to was seen as facilitating their activity. This includes both neighbourhood facilities, such as parks and biking paths that children can go to on their own or with friends (if their parents allow them to), and amenities that are outside the neighbourhood but can still be reached quickly and easily by driving. Where neighbourhood facilities are lacking, children are more dependent on their parents’ support to be active; for example, if neighbourhood streets are considered unsafe for cycling, parents may choose to drive their children to safer areas to go for a bike ride. While this works for some families, not all children have parents who are willing and able to take them to recreational facilities outside their neighbourhood. Our findings regarding the importance of safety and easy access to recreational opportunities have important implications for health equity. Studies have shown that outside of school hours, parks are the primary location in which play and physical activity occur for low-SES children, who tend to have limited access to other open spaces or recreational venues30 and are least likely to access registered sports because of cost constraints.29 Children in low- NEIGHBOURHOODS AND CHILDREN’S PHYSICAL ACTIVITY income families could thus benefit greatly from having free, easily accessible recreational opportunities in the form of parks and associated programming within their neighbourhoods. However, in our study, suburban and semi-suburban neighbourhoods were viewed by participants as quieter and safer from traffic and crime for children than urban neighbourhoods, which are where low-income families are more likely to find affordable housing. Active transportation and reduced car use have numerous positive environmental and social benefits, and for this reason designing neighbourhoods to facilitate walking holds much merit. On the surface, the findings of this study might be seen as endorsing suburban neighbourhood design as a way to promote activity in children, because such neighbourhoods provide safer places for children to play and travel. In fact, facilitating activity in children is more complex; it requires understanding the barriers to physical activity in all neighbourhoods and finding ways to expand the opportunities experienced by suburban children into urban neighbourhood settings. These could include measures to improve actual and perceived safety, such as providing more supervised recreational activities through increased neighbourhood surveillance and organized group activities, and ensuring that parks in urban neighbourhoods are up to date, well maintained and adequately lit. Even more fundamentally, broader initiatives need to be envisioned to increase community cohesion, reduce social inequities and promote neighbourhood safety by reducing the root causes of crime and social disorder. 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Gauvin L, Riva M, Barnett T, Richard L, Craig CL, Spivock M, et al. Association between neighborhood active living potential and walking. Am J Epidemiol 2008;167(8):944-53. Gordon-Larsen P, McMurray R, Popkin M. Determinants of adolescent physical activity and inactivity patterns. Pediatrics 2000;105(6):1-8. Timperio A, Salmon J, Ball K. Evidence-based strategies to promote physical activity among children, adolescents and young adults: Review and update. J Sci Med Sport 2004;7(1):20-29. Weir LA, Etelson D, Brand DA. Parents’ perceptions of neighbourhood safety and children’s physical activity. Prev Med 2006;43(3):212-17. Oliver LN, Hayes MV. Neighbourhood socio-economic status and the prevalence of overweight Canadian children and youth. Can J Public Health 2005;96(6):415-20. Loukaitou-Sideris A, Sideris A. What brings children to the park? Analysis and measurement of the variables affecting children’s use of parks. J Am Planning Assoc 2010;76(1):89-107. RÉSUMÉ Objectifs : Jusqu’à maintenant, très peu d’études se sont penchées sur le processus par lequel le design communautaire, le milieu bâti et l’environnement social influent sur l’activité physique des gens, en particulier les enfants. Les enquêtes qualitatives sont utiles pour explorer les perceptions et la prise de décisions, et pour comprendre les processus en jeu dans les interactions des gens avec leur environnement. Notre étude fait appel à des méthodes qualitatives pour approfondir la compréhension des liens entre l’environnement du quartier et le profil d’activité des enfants. Méthode : Des données ont été recueillies à la faveur d’entretiens semidirigés auprès de 24 dyades parents-enfants (les enfants ayant de 10 à 14 ans). Les familles habitaient des quartiers au revenu médian variable (du plus faible au plus élevé) et qui représentaient les trois grands types de design observés à Saskatoon : urbain, semi-suburbain et suburbain. Résultats : Parents et enfants ont souligné l’importance que l’environnement soit sûr pour l’activité physique des enfants : des rues ou CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S33 NEIGHBOURHOODS AND CHILDREN’S PHYSICAL ACTIVITY des sentiers où l’on peut faire de la bicyclette sans se sentir menacé, des parcs et des espaces verts sans activités criminelles, et des quartiers où les gens se connaissent et où les enfants ont des camarades avec qui jouer. Bien que les quartiers urbains aux rues quadrillées, denses en points d’intérêt, favorisent en principe le transport actif, les taux de criminalité plus élevés et les dangers de la circulation qui ont tendance à exister dans ces quartiers peuvent entraver l’activité physique des enfants. Conclusion : Tenter de comprendre ce qui facilite l’activité chez les enfants est une tâche complexe. Elle exige de connaître les obstacles à l’activité physique présents à l’échelle des quartiers ainsi que les facteurs sociaux et perceptuels qui agissent de façon interdépendante pour favoriser ou entraver l’activité physique des enfants. Mots clés : milieu bâti du quartier; enfants; méthode qualitative; sécurité; activité physique S34 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH There’s No Such Thing as Bad Weather, Just the Wrong Clothing: Climate, Weather and Active School Transportation in Toronto, Canada Raktim Mitra, PhD,1 Guy Faulkner, PhD2 ABSTRACT Objective: Climatic conditions may enable or deter active school transportation in many North American cities, but the topic remains largely overlooked in the existing literature. This study explores the effect of seasonal climate (i.e., fall versus winter) and weekly weather conditions (i.e., temperature, precipitation) on active travelling to school across different built and policy environments. Methods: Home-to-school trips by 11-12-year-old children in the City of Toronto were examined using data from the 2006 Transportation Tomorrow Survey. Binomial logistic regressions were estimated to explore the correlates of the choice of active (i.e., walking) versus non-active (i.e., private automobile, transit and school bus) mode for school trips. Results: Climate and weather-related variables were not associated with choice of school travel mode. Children living within the sidewalk snow-plough zone (i.e., in the inner-suburban neighbourhoods) were less likely to walk to school than children living outside of the zone (i.e., in the inner-city neighbourhoods). Conclusion: Given that seasonality and short-term weather conditions appear not to limit active school transportation in general, built environment interventions designed to facilitate active travel could have benefits that spill over across the entire year rather than being limited to a particular season. Educational campaigns with strategies for making the trip fun and ensuring that the appropriate clothing choices are made are also warranted in complementing built environment modifications. Key words: Climate; weather; school travel; walking; built environment La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. C Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S35-S41. hildren who walk or cycle for school transportation tend to be more physically active overall than those who use other travel modes.1 Policy and program initiatives in North America have focused on active school transportation (AST), i.e., walking and cycling, as a means to increase physical activity levels among children and youth, and in the longer term, to reverse the current trend of increasing obesity rates. This policy concern is matched by an emerging literature that has explored the barriers and correlates of active school transportation.2 Much of the recent literature considers the potential influence of travel distance and the neighbourhood environment on AST uptake.3-6 For many North American cities that have marked seasonal variation in climate, weather conditions are popularly identified as enablers or barriers to participation in outdoor physical activity, including AST. For example, a study that analyzed data from a consumer styles survey in the US revealed that 18.6% of parents identified bad weather as a barrier to their children (5-18 years) walking to or from school at least once per week.7 In Canada, parents who continued to drive their children to school after a School Travel Planning intervention most often cited weather (21.0%) as the reason for doing so.8 However, it is not clear from such North American evidence whether the seasonal climate (e.g., summer, fall and winter) and short-term weather conditions related to climatic variations (e.g., temperature, rain, snow) do influence decision-making behaviour about school travel or whether perhaps these natural conditions are used to externalize the reason for driving. The actual effects of seasonal climate and objectively measured weather conditions associated with these seasonal climates remain largely overlooked in the school transportation literature. Existing evidence on the association between climatic conditions and active travel is limited and inconclusive. For example, Sirard et al.9 studied rates of active travel among students going to eight elementary schools in Columbia, South Carolina, US, and found no association between weather conditions, temperature and the number of students actively travelling (walking and cycling) to school. Robertson-Wilson et al.10 studied students from 76 high schools in Ontario; season of the year (summer, fall and winter), average weekly temperature and weekly precipitation were not associated with AST. In Norway, where there are extreme differences in weather conditions between the summer and winter months, the number of children walking to and from school actually increases in winter (24% in the fall to 65% in the winter) as a result of a decline in cycling during that season.11 © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S35 Author Affiliations 1. Department of Geography and Program in Planning, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON 2. Faculty of Kinesiology and Physical Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON Correspondence: Raktim Mitra, School of Urban and Regional Planning, Ryerson University, 105 Bond St., Toronto, ON M5B 1Y3, E-mail: [email protected]. Acknowledgements: This research was funded by the Built Environment, Obesity and Health Strategic Initiative of the Heart and Stroke Foundation and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research. The first author wishes to acknowledge support from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council, Canada. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. CLIMATE AND ACTIVE SCHOOL TRAVEL Figure 1. Study area – City of Toronto Kilometres Data: Environment Canada,14 City of Toronto.15 Seasonal climate and weather conditions may have received less attention in the current literature because these natural conditions are non-modifiable. However, there are two important reasons why their effects on school travel outcome should be explored. First, if climate and weather conditions have an important influence on school travel behaviour, then expensive public investments leading to improvements in the built environment can only produce limited benefits, perhaps only by improving walking rates in months when weather conditions are generally good. This should be an important consideration before making such investments. Second, if climate and weather conditions do not have an important influence, then there is a need for more focused interventions that target households situated within a walkable distance from school throughout the school year and that are tailored appropriately for each season. Within this context, this study explored the effects of seasonal climate and objectively measured weather conditions on children’s AST uptake in the City of Toronto. The potential role of snow-clearing policy was also taken into account. To our knowledge, this is the first study to rigorously examine climate-related effects on children’s school travel mode in a large North American city with marked seasonal variation in climatic conditions. Study design The school transportation behaviour of children 11-12 years old in the City of Toronto was examined. The primary hypothesis of the paper was that once the variations in household socio-economic characteristics and the travel distance are taken into account, the effect of seasonal climate and related weather conditions on active school travel, particularly walking, would be minimal. ture in Toronto was -2.4oC (minimum temperature recorded in 2006 was -13.1oC). In contrast, the mean temperatures in July and October were 23.4oC and 9.7oC respectively.14 Total precipitation in 2006 was 957.1 mm, which occurred mostly in the summer and winter months. The city also has different snow management policies for its inner-city and inner-suburban neighbourhoods, thanks to the legacy of a political and geographic amalgamation in 1998 (Figure 1). The 2000 Snow Plan requires owners of inner-city properties to clear sidewalks of snow and ice within 12 hours after a snowfall. In contrast, inner-suburban residents of Toronto continue to enjoy publicly funded, mechanical sidewalk clearing services, as they did before the amalgamation.15 Travel data This study uses school travel data from the 2006 Transportation Tomorrow Survey (TTS). The TTS is a repeated cross-sectional survey of travel behaviour in southern Ontario and covers a 5% sample of all households in the study area.16 The 2006 TTS data were collected for a randomly selected weekday in fall or winter; an adult household member proxy reported travel data (e.g., origin/destination of trips, trip start time, purpose, primary travel mode) for all trips by household members aged 11 years and older, associated with the day before the interview. For this study, all home-to-school trips between the 6h00-9h30 time interval (n=2,520) were extracted. Only the students who travelled to public and Catholic schools were included; these students are expected to attend schools that are closest to their residential locations. The school trips were made between September 2006 and January 2007. School travel mode was determined on the basis of the proxy reported data on primary mode of travel. Study area Toronto is the largest city in Canada, with a population of over 2.5 million.12 The city is situated in a continental climate zone (Köppen climate classification: Dfa).13 In 2006, the mean February temperaS36 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Socio-economic and travel distance data Household socio-demographic information and the distance between home and school locations were used as control variables CLIMATE AND ACTIVE SCHOOL TRAVEL Table 1. Description of Variables and Summary Statistics % (n=1992) Control Variables Age: The child was 12 years old (reference: 11 years). Sex: The child was a male (reference: female). Number of Children: Number of school-age children below driving age (4-15 years) in the household. Single-adult Household: There was only one adult household member (>17 yrs) in the household (reference: >1 adults in a household). Vehicles per Licensed Driver: Number of vehicles in the household per licensed driver. Distance: Minimum travel distance (i.e., shortest path using a street network) between home and school (km). Low-income Neighbourhood:* The child’s residential neighbourhood was a low-income neighbourhood, i.e., median household income was <CAD $39,400. Median household income was estimated by taking a median of the census dissemination area median household incomes (reference: not a low-income neighbourhood). Climate and Weather Variables Seasonal Climate:† (reference: Fall AND outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone). Winter AND outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone. Fall AND inside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone. Winter AND inside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone. Temperature (6-9:30 am):‡ Weekly average of hourly temperatures (°C) between the 06h00-09h30 time interval. Max Temperature: Weekly average of daily maximum temperatures (°C).‡ Min Temperature: Weekly average of daily minimum temperatures (°C).‡ Mean Temperature: Weekly average of daily mean temperatures (°C).‡ Precipitation Days:‡ Number of days in a week with precipitation. Average Precipitation:‡ Average precipitation in a week (mm).‡ Snow Days:‡ (reference: residence located outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone AND no snow during the week). Residence located outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone AND ≥1 days of snow during the week. Residence located within the sidewalk snow-plough zone AND no snow during the week. Residence located within the sidewalk snow-plough zone AND ≥1 days of snow during the week. Mean (SD) 52.2 52.8 1.92 (0.84) 12.4 0.72 (0.42) 1.05 (0.69) 16.3 8.9 54.8 12.9 5.08 (5.64) 9.70 (5.91) 2.52 (5.66) 6.13 (5.73) 2.16 (1.20) 2.30 (3.11) 9.1 58.7 8.9 Note: Variables in italics were excluded from the multivariate logistic regression specifications. * Individual household income data were not available. Median household income was calculated using 2006 population census data from Statistics Canada. Average household size for the sample was 4.3 (SD=1.28). In a large metropolitan area such as Toronto (i.e., population >500,000), the low income cut-off, defined by Statistics Canada, was CAD $39,399 for a four-member household.17 † Fall: Travel data were collected between September 10 and December 17, 2006; Winter: Travel data were collected in January 2007. ‡ Weather data were averaged/aggregated for weekdays only; holidays and weekends were excluded.14 (Table 1). The socio-demographic data were taken from the 2006 TTS. However, the TTS did not provide information on household income. As a result, the median household income data from the population census of Canada were aggregated to identify the lowincome neighbourhoods. Shortest path network distance (i.e., minimum travel distance) between home and school locations of a child was computed using Toronto’s street network file (DMTI CanMap© RouteLogistics file, version 2007.3). Climate and weather data School trip data were collected between September 2006 and January 2007. These data were categorized into fall (78.2% of total trips; data collected between September 10 and December 17, 2006) and winter (21.8% of total trips; data collected in January 2007) trips, in order to capture potentially climatically moderated differences in travel behaviour. In addition, seven objectively measured weatherrelated variables were computed for three weather stations located inside and near the City of Toronto (Toronto City, Toronto Lester B. Pearson Airport and Toronto Buttonville Airport), using data from Environment Canada customized climate search (Figure 1).14 Weekly average for each weather variable was used, computed from an average of all school days in the week of data collection (Table 1). The 2006 TTS did not provide information on the date of travel. For each household, the nearest weather station (straight line distance) was identified to determine the weekly weather condition for that household. In order to account for Toronto’s snow management policy, households located inside and outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone were identified. Statistical analysis Binomial logistic regressions were estimated to explore the correlates of active (i.e., walking) versus non-active (i.e., private auto- mobile, public transit or school bus) mode choice for school trips. The effect of weather on walking and cycling are potentially different; these two modes also have different costs of access (i.e., equipment, safety) and infrastructure requirements. In our sample, only 16 children cycled to school and, because of this, cycling trips were excluded from further statistical analysis. In addition, we assumed that beyond a distance of 3.2 km (2 miles) the transportation choices become primarily limited to motorized modes.18 As a result, this study only explored the travel behaviour of children living within 3.2 km from their schools. Adjusting for missing data and outliers, the final dataset included 1,992 home-to-school trips. The results are presented in terms of odds ratios (OR = exp(βˆi)), which demonstrates the relation between a variable i and the odds of active travel. Statistical analyses were performed with R© version 2.9.0. The bivariate association between active travel and each of the climate and weather-related variables was first examined; effect plots were generated for the variables that demonstrated statistically significant associations. The degree of multi-collinearity across the climate and weather variables was also explored before the multivariate analysis. Not surprisingly, weather conditions (e.g., temperature, precipitation) were highly correlated with seasonal climate (i.e., fall and winter). To overcome this collinearity problem, separate models were estimated to explore the effects of seasonal climate and weekly weather conditions. Some of the weather variables were also highly correlated (r>0.9). Those correlated variables (e.g., Temperature 6-9:30 am, Max temperature, Min temperature, Mean temperature; and Precipitation days, Average precipitation) were entered into the multivariate (i.e., adjusted) model one at a time, and only the ones with strongest association (e.g., Temperature 6-9:30 am; Precipitation days) were included in the final model specification. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S37 CLIMATE AND ACTIVE SCHOOL TRAVEL Figure 2. Rates of walking and car (i.e., private automobile) trips by distance Table 2. RESULTS Logistic regression models of mode choice were estimated using travel data for 1,992 students aged 11-12 years. The majority (62.7%) walked to school; the other 37.3% travelled by private automobile, school bus or transit (Table 2). Most students (79.8%) lived within 1.6 km (1 mile) of their schools. Of these students, 72.7% walked to school, 17.6% were driven, and 9.7% used school bus or transit as their travel mode. Table 2 also demonstrates that school transportation mode shares (percentage of total school trips) were not different between fall and winter seasons, suggesting that seasonal climate does not have an influence on mode choice. The rates of walking and car (i.e., private automobile) trips at different travel distances were also compared (Figure 2). Figure 2 indicates that in both fall and winter, more children (with or without caregivers) walked than were driven to school when the household locations were within 1.4 km of school. Not surprisingly, walking rates declined with increased distance, but no systematic variation across seasons was evident. This result suggests that the perception of a “walkable distance” was not different between fall and winter seasons. The model results further confirmed these observations (Table 3). Children in general were less likely to walk within the sidewalk snow-plough zone (i.e., in the inner-suburban neighbourhoods) compared with the areas outside of the zone (i.e., in the inner-city neighbourhoods); seasonal climate (i.e., fall versus winter conditions) was not associated with the likelihood of walking within any of these urban locations. With regard to weekly weather conditions, the probability of walking was inversely correlated (bivariate) with the number of weekdays with precipitation and the average weekly precipitation (mm) (Figure 3). There was also an association between walking and snow days across the two snow-plough zones. However, most of these correlations disappeared in the multivariate (i.e., adjusted) model. Table 3 suggests that objective measures of weather were not associated with mode choice when household socio-economic characteristics and school travel distance were taken into account. S38 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 School Travel Mode Share (Percentage of Total School Trips) All Seasons Fall (n=1992) (n=1558) Walk Private automobile School bus Transit 62.7 20.5 9.6 7.2 62.6 20.7 9.5 7.2 Winter (n=434) 62.9 19.8 9.9 7.4 Chi-square* 0.06 (p=0.807) * Difference in mode choice distribution between fall and winter seasons; calculated on the basis of the total number of trips. The only statistically significant variable was “Snow Days”. However, the observed effect relates entirely to the geographic location of the households, similar to our earlier observation related to seasonal climate. The amount of snowfall was not associated with the likelihood of walking. In addition to children living outside of the sidewalk snowplough zone (i.e., in the inner-city neighbourhoods), older students and males were more likely to walk to school than the younger students and females (Table 3). The propensity of walking decreased with an increased distance between home and school locations, and with an increased number of vehicles in the households per licensed driver. DISCUSSION Our findings indicate that seasonal climate and weekly weather conditions do not appear to be major influencing factors on choice of school travel mode in Toronto. Distance between home and school remained the strongest correlate of travel mode, supporting what has been reported elsewhere.19,20 Students living in innersuburban neighbourhoods walked to school less. Even with the removal of a potential barrier to walking in the winter in the innersuburban neighbourhoods (i.e., sidewalk snow removal by the City of Toronto), students were still less likely to walk, suggesting consistency in travel mode regardless of season. While the city-run, sidewalk snow plough service remains a political legacy in Toronto’s inner-suburban neighbourhoods, this policy does not facilitate children’s AST uptake. CLIMATE AND ACTIVE SCHOOL TRAVEL Table 3. Correlates of Walking to School Base Model OR (95% CI) Age 11 years 12 years Sex Female Male Number of children Single-adult household Vehicles per licensed driver Distance Low-income neighbourhood No Yes Seasonal climate Fall AND outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone Winter AND outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone Fall AND inside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone Winter AND inside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone Precipitation days Temperature (6-9:30 am) Precipitation days × Temperature (6-9:30 am) Snow days Outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone AND no snow during the week Outside of the sidewalk snow-plough zone AND ≥1 days of snow during the week Within the sidewalk snow-plough zone AND no snow during the week Within the sidewalk snow-plough zone AND ≥1 days of snow during the week Intercept –2 [L(0) – L(B)] McFadden’s ρ2 (adjusted) AIC† p Seasonal Climate Model OR (95% CI) p Weather Conditions Model OR (95% CI) p 1.00 1.60 (1.28-1.99) 0.000 1.00 1.58 (1.26-1.97) 0.000 1.00 1.58 (1.26-1.97) 0.000 1.00 1.34 (1.08-1.67) 1.08 (0.95-1.24) 1.07 (0.77-1.50) 0.62 (0.48-0.81) 0.13 (0.11-0.16) 0.008 0.241 0.681 0.000 0.000 1.00 1.38 (1.11-1.72) 1.09 (0.95-1.25) 1.03 (0.74-1.44) 0.64 (0.49-0.83) 0.13 (0.10-0.15) 0.004 0.208 0.865 0.000 0.000 1.00 1.37 (1.10-1.70) 1.09 (0.95-1.25) 1.03 (0.73-1.43) 0.65 (0.50-0.85) 0.13 (0.11-0.16) 0.005 0.209 0.879 0.001 0.000 1.00 1.24 (0.91-1.68) 0.166 1.00 1.23 (0.91-1.67) 0.159 1.00 1.21 (0.89-1.65) 0.213 1.00 0.73 (0.46-1.16) 0.57 (0.43-0.75) 0.56 (0.38-0.82) 0.183 0.000 0.003 0.94 (0.84-1.07) 1.03 (0.97-1.09) 0.99 (0.97-.01) 0.362 0.342 0.441 1.00 1.06 (0.62-1.82) 0.828 0.64 (0.48-0.86) 0.003 0.71 (0.42-1.20) 0.203 12.18 (7.93-18.72) 0.000 17.82 (10.99-28.88) 0.000 16.94 (9.64-29.75) 0.000 646.6 964.0 665.9 0.24 (0.24) 0.25 (0.25) 0.25 (0.25) 2002.0 1990.6 1994.7 Note: Variables in bold are significant at α=0.01. OR= odds ratios, CI=confidence interval. † Akaike information criterion. Figure 3. Effect of weekly weather on walk to school (bivariate logistic regression results) Note: The dotted lines represent the 95% percentile brackets around the fitted lines. * Snow Days: A = Outside the sidewalk snow-plough zone and no snow; B = Outside the sidewalk snow-plough zone and ≥1 days of snow during the week; C = Inside the sidewalk snow-plough zone and no snow; D = Inside the sidewalk snow-plough zone and ≥1 days of snow during the week. In this study, weather variables were based on weekly averages rather than the weather on the day of the school trip. In other words, the variables explored in this study capture the prevalent weekly weather conditions and their potential contribution to the formation of individual travel patterns. We could not examine responses to extreme weather conditions on any given day. Extreme weather may produce short-term changes in mode choice anywhere on the planet for that matter, and for any activity. However, given the utilitarian necessity of the school trip, it may be that choice of transportation modes for travelling to elementary schools is largely habitual in nature and less influenced by external factors such as the climate and weather unless in those extreme conditions where walking becomes dangerous or extremely difficult. Developed from a qualitative study of parent/child interviews focused on AST in Toronto, a two-stage AST decision-making process was described by Faulkner et al.,21 one decision being whether or not the CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S39 CLIMATE AND ACTIVE SCHOOL TRAVEL child needs escorting to/from school and a second decision about mode choice, which is largely influenced by perceptions as to the easiest and most convenient way to travel. Importantly, these initial decisions had developed into routinized behaviour that no longer required a conscious decision-making process. For example, for the parents of children who walked to school, walking remained the most convenient option even in the winter months.21 Additionally, others have reported that adults who enjoy exercise22 or who walk for any reasons in and around their neighbourhoods23 are less likely to mention weather as a barrier. Overall, this again points to the potential stability of choice of school travel mode based on preferences and perceptions of convenience rather than weather per se. With more extensive sampling during winter and a more rigorous exploration of climate and weather conditions at different travel distances and across different built and policy environments, this study significantly extends existing research on the relation of climate and weather conditions with school travel. However, further research is required to confirm the absence of an association given some limitations of this study. First, there may be some variability between weather conditions at the weather stations and those conditions in close vicinity to the household, although the majority of households were within 10 km of a weather station (mean 8.96±4.03 km). Second, our findings also require replication in other geographic locations in Canada where there is more extreme seasonal variation. Yet local policy should be based upon local evidence, and our results have important implications for promoting active school travel within the Greater Toronto Area, Canada’s largest and most culturally diverse metropolitan region. In terms of policy, our results suggest that climate and weather conditions do not have any significant effect on AST in this study location. The results are encouraging for policies directed toward improvements in the built environment to increase rates of walking and physical activity among children. Given that seasonality and short-term weather conditions appear not to limit AST uptake in general, the potentially enormous capital cost of built environment interventions designed to facilitate AST could have benefits that spill over across the entire year rather than being limited to a particular season. In terms of practice, there is growing interest in initiatives targeting drivers of children from households located within a walkable distance from school.8,24 Our findings suggest that seasonal climate and weather should not be actual barriers to AST in Toronto and, moreover, that parents are likely driving their children to school even when the climate is most conducive to supporting AST (e.g., in the spring and fall). For example, in the fall of 2006 (between September and December), 17.6% of all students who lived within 1.6 km of their schools were driven to school, and in the winter of 2007, 17.5% were driven. Educational campaigns to promote winter walking with strategies for overcoming barriers and parental safety concerns, making the trip fun, and ensuring that clothing choices are appropriate, are also warranted in complementing built environment modifications that facilitate active school travel. REFERENCES 1. Faulkner GEJ, Buliung RN, Flora PK, Fusco C. Active school transport, physical activity levels and body weight of children and youth: A systematic review. Prev Med 2009;48(1):3-8. S40 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. Stewart O. Findings from research on active transportation to school and implications for Safe Routes to School programs. J Planning Literature 2011;26(2):127-50. McDonald NC. Children’s mode choice for the school trip: The role of distance and school location in walking to school. Transportation 2008;35(1):2335. McMillan TE. The relative influence of urban form on a child’s travel mode to school. Transportation Research Part A 2007;41(1):69-79. Mitra R, Buliung RN, Roorda MJ. Built environment and school travel mode choice in Toronto, Canada. Transportation Research Record 2010;2156:150-59. Panter JR, Jones AP, van Sluijs EMF, Griffin SJ. Neighborhood, route, and school environments and children’s active commuting. Am J Prev Med 2010;38(3):268-78. Martin S, Carlson S. Barriers to children walking to or from school: United States, 2004. MMWR 2005;54(38):949-52. Buliung R, Faulkner GEJ, Beesley T, Kennedy J. School travel planning: Mobilizing school and community resources to encourage active school transportation. J School Health 2011;81:704-12. Sirard JR, Ainsworth BE, McIver KL, Pate RR. Prevalence of active commuting at urban and suburban elementary schools in Columbia, SC. Am J Public Health 2005;95(2):236-37. Robertson-Wilson JE, Leatherdale ST, Wong SL. Social-ecological correlates of active commuting to school among high school students. J Adolesc Health 2008;42(5):486-95. Borrestad LAB, Andersen LB, Bere E. Seasonal and socio-demographic determinants of school commuting. Prev Med 2011;52:133-35. Statistics Canada. Population and Dwelling Counts, for Canada, Provinces and Territories, and Census Divisions, 2006 and 2001 Censuses – 100% Data, 2008. Available at: http://www12.statcan.ca/english/census06/data/popdwell/ Table.cfm?T=702&PR=35&S=0&O=A&RPP=25 (Accessed July 5, 2012). McKnight TL, Hess D. Physical Geography: A Landscape Appreciation, 7th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2002;198-239. Environment Canada. National Climate Data and Information Archive, 2011. Available at: http://climate.weatheroffice.gc.ca (Accessed November 25, 2011). City of Toronto. Snow – City’s First Snow Plan 2000. 2011. Available at: http://www.toronto.ca/transportation/snow/plan.htm (Accessed November 25, 2011). Data Management Group. Transportation Tomorrow Survey, 2008. University of Toronto. Available at: http://www.dmg.utoronto.ca/transportationtomorrowsurvey/index.html (Accessed July 2, 2010). Statistics Canada. Low income cut-offs for 2006 and low income measures for 2005. 2010. Available at: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/bsolc/olc-cel/olccel?lang=eng&catno=75F0002M2007004 (Accessed August 26, 2012). Nelson NM, Foley E, O’Gorman DJ, Moyna NM, Woods CB. Active commuting to school: How far is too far? Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2008;5:1. Mitra R, Buliung RN. Built environment correlates of active school transportation: Neighborhood and the modifiable areal unit problem. J Transport Geography 2012;20(Special Issue on Child and Youth Mobility):51-61. Wong B, Faulkner GEJ, Buliung RN. GIS measured environmental correlates of active school transport: A systematic review of 14 studies. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2011;8:39. Faulkner GEJ, Richichi V, Buliung R, Fusco C, Moola F. What’s “Quickest and Easiest?”: Parental decision making about school trip mode. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2010;7:62. Salmon J, Owen N, Crawford D, Bauman A, Sallis JF. Physical activity and sedentary behaviour: A population-based study of barriers, enjoyment, and preference. Health Psychol 2003;22(2):178-88. Humpel N, Owen N, Iverson D, Leslie E, Bauman A. Perceived environment attributes, residential location, and walking for particular purposes. Am J Prev Med 2004;26(2):119-25. McDonald NC, Aalborg AE. Why parents drive children to school: Implications for safe routes to school programs. J Am Planning Assoc 2009;75(3):33142. RÉSUMÉ Objectif : Les conditions climatiques pourraient favoriser ou entraver le transport scolaire actif dans de nombreuses villes d’Amérique du Nord, mais ce sujet est en grande partie inexploré dans la recherche existante. Notre étude porte sur l’effet du climat saisonnier (p. ex., automnal ou hivernal) et des conditions atmosphériques hebdomadaires (température, précipitations) sur le transport scolaire actif dans différents milieux bâtis et environnements politiques. Méthode : Nous avons examiné les trajets de la maison à l’école d’enfants de 11 et 12 ans vivant à Toronto à l’aide des données du Sondage pour le système de transports de demain de 2006. Des régressions logistiques binomiales ont été estimées pour explorer les CLIMATE AND ACTIVE SCHOOL TRAVEL corrélats du choix d’un mode de transport actif (comme la marche) ou non actif (voiture privée, transports en commun, autobus scolaire) pour se rendre à l’école. Résultats : Les variables liées au climat et à la météo n’étaient pas associées au choix du mode de transport scolaire. Les enfants vivant à l’intérieur de la zone de déneigement des trottoirs (c.-à-d. dans les quartiers de la proche banlieue) étaient moins susceptibles de se rendre à l’école en marchant que les enfants vivant hors de cette zone (c.-à-d. dans les quartiers du centre-ville). Conclusion : Étant donné que les cycles saisonniers et les conditions atmosphériques de courte durée ne semblent pas limiter le transport scolaire actif en général, les interventions sur le milieu bâti conçues pour faciliter les déplacements actifs pourraient avoir des répercussions positives toute l’année plutôt que de se limiter à une saison particulière. On devrait aussi envisager, pour compléter des modifications au milieu bâti, des campagnes de sensibilisation comportant des stratégies pour rendre le trajet amusant et pour aider les enfants à choisir des vêtements appropriés. Mots clés : climat; temps; transport scolaire; marche; milieu bâti CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S41 QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH Safe Cycling: How Do Risk Perceptions Compare With Observed Risk? Meghan Winters, PhD,1 Shelina Babul, PhD,2 H.J.E.H. (Jack) Becker, MBA,3 Jeffrey R. Brubacher, MD, MSc,4 Mary Chipman, PhD,5 Peter Cripton, PhD,6 Michael D. Cusimano, MD, PhD,7 Steven M. Friedman, MD,8 M. Anne Harris, PhD,9 Garth Hunte, MD,4 Melody Monro, MPA,10 Conor C.O. Reynolds, PhD,11 Hui Shen, MSc,10 Kay Teschke, PhD10 ABSTRACT Objective: Safety concerns deter cycling. The Bicyclists’ Injuries and the Cycling Environment (BICE) study quantified the injury risk associated with 14 route types, from off-road paths to major streets. However, when it comes to injury risk, there may be discordance between empirical evidence and perceptions. If so, even if protective infrastructure is built people may not feel safe enough to cycle. This paper reports on the relationship between perceived and observed injury risk. Methods: The BICE study is a case-crossover study that recruited 690 injured adult cyclists who visited emergency departments in Toronto and Vancouver. Observed risk was calculated by comparing route types at the injury sites with those at randomly selected control sites along the same route. The perceived risk was the mean response of study participants to the question “How safe do you think this site was for cyclists on that trip?”, with responses scored from +1 (very safe) to -1 (very dangerous). Perceived risk scores were only calculated for non-injury control sites, to reduce bias by the injury event. Results: The route type with the greatest perceived risk was major streets with shared lanes and no parked cars (mean score = -0.21, 95% confidence interval [CI]: -0.54-0.11), followed by major streets without bicycle infrastructure (-0.07, CI -0.14-0.00). The safest perceived routes were paved multiuse paths (0.66, CI 0.43-0.89), residential streets (0.44, CI 0.37-0.51), bike paths (0.42, CI 0.25-0.60) and residential streets marked as bike routes with traffic calming (0.41, CI 0.32-0.51). Most route types that were perceived as higher risk were found to be so in our injury study; similarly, most route types perceived as safer were also found to be so. Discrepancies were observed for cycle tracks (perceived as less safe than observed) and for multiuse paths (perceived as safer than observed). Conclusions: Route choices and decisions to cycle are affected by perceptions of safety, and we found that perceptions usually corresponded with observed safety. However, perceptions about certain separated route types did not align well. Education programs and social media may be ways to ensure that public perceptions of route safety reflect the evidence. Key terms: Safety; transportation; injury; environmental design La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. L ack of safety is a major deterrent to cycling. Cyclists and potential cyclists report safety concerns related to motor vehicle traffic and poor weather.1,2 These concerns are valid: on a per-trip basis, cycling is more dangerous than car travel, with US data showing that the fatality rate per bike trip was about 2.3 times higher than that for automobile trips and that the police-reported injury rate per bike trip was about 1.8 times higher than that for automobile trips.3 Similarly, the 73 cyclists killed in Canada in 2006 represented 2.5% of all traffic-related deaths,4 although cycling represents only 1.3% of commuter travel.5 Of course, motor vehicles are not the only cause of bicycle crashes. Observational studies indicate that a large proportion of injuries and conflicts result from falls and from collisions with route infrastructure (streetcar tracks, curbs, potholes, etc.) and sometimes with pedestrians, other cyclists and animals.6-8 These incidents are less likely to be reported to police or captured in insurance records.7,9,10 While the bulk of cycling safety research focuses on individualbased protection (e.g., helmet usage), population-level strategies related to the built environment and the provision of cycling infrastructure hold promise to both prevent crashes and encourage cycling.11 Worldwide, purpose-built bicycle-only facilities (e.g., bike S42 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S42-S47. Author Affiliations 1. 2. 3. 4. Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, BC Department of Pediatrics, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC Third Wave Cycling Group Inc., BC Department of Emergency Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of British Columbia, BC 5. Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON 6. Department of Mechanical Engineering, University of British Columbia, BC 7. Neurosurgery, St. Michael’s Hospital, University of Toronto, ON 8. Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto, University Health Network, Toronto, ON 9. Occupational Cancer Research Centre, Cancer Care Ontario 10. School of Population and Public Health, University of British Columbia, BC 11. Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia Correspondence: Meghan Winters, Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University, Blusson Hall Rm 11522, 8888 University Dr., Burnaby, BC V5A 1S6, Tel: 778-782-9325, Fax: 778-782-5927, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: The study was funded by the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (Institute of Musculoskeletal Health and Arthritis, and Institute of Nutrition, Metabolism and Diabetes). Jeffrey R. Brubacher is a Michael Smith Foundation for Health Research Scholar. Michael D. Cusimano is funded by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research and the Ontario Neurotrauma Foundation. We thank all the study participants for generously contributing their time. We appreciate the work of study staff (Evan Beaupré, Niki Blakely, Jill Dalton, Vartouhi Jazmaji, Martin Kang, Kevin McCurley, Andrew Thomas), hospital personnel (Barb Boychuk, Jan Buchanan, Doug Chisholm, Nada Elfeki, Kishore Mulpuri) and our collaborators from the city (Peter Stary, David Tomlinson, Barbara Wentworth) and community (Bonnie Fenton, David Hay, Nancy Smith Lea, Fred Sztabinski). Conflict of Interest: None to declare. © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. RISK PERCEPTIONS FOR CYCLING Figure 1. Perceived risk by route type for 1,380 control sites in the Bicyclists’ Injuries and the Cycling Environment study Perceived risk N Mean* 95% CI Major street with shared lane & no parked cars 19 -0.21 (-0.54 - 0.11) Major street street, with ith parked cars 265 -0.07 0 07 ( 0 14 - 0.00) (-0.14 0 00) Major street, with no parked cars 232 0 (-0.08 - 0.08) Major street with shared lane & parked cars 11 0.09 (-0.24 – 0.42) Sidewalk 82 0.1 (-0.04 – 0.25) Route type Response frequency: How safe is this site? Cycle y track 19 0.18 (-0.15 – 0.52) Major street with bike lane & parked cars 54 0.23 (0.06 – 0.41) Residenal street designated bike route 100 0.25 (0.14 – 0.36) Major street with bike lane & no parked cars 89 0.26 (0.13 – 0.39) Mul-use paths, paved 109 0.36 (0.23 – 0.48) Residenal street designated bike route, with traffic calming 110 0.41 (0.32 – 0.51) Bike-only path 46 0.42 (0.25 – 0.60) Residenal street 222 0.44 (0.37 – 0.51) Mul-use paths, unpaved 22 0.66 (0.43 – 0.89) 0% Very dangerous 20% Somewhat dangerous 40% 60% Neither safe nor dangerous 80% 100% Somewhat safe Very safe * Response categories scaled from 1: very safe to -1: very dangerous for mean and CI calculaons routes, bike lanes, bike paths, cycle tracks at roundabouts) have been shown to reduce the risk of crashes and injuries compared with cycling on road with traffic or off road with pedestrians.12 Most studies have used broad, route-type categories (e.g., on road, off road, bike lane), although urban centres have many variations on these themes. The Bicyclists’ Injuries and the Cycling Environment (BICE) study was the first to examine a detailed list of route types that exist in North America.12 This evidence can suggest the types of route that should be built to reduce risk. However, decisions to cycle may be guided more by perceptions than empirical data.13 Perceptions of risk or the likelihood that an individual will experience a danger are influenced by both the probability of an adverse event (e.g., the risk of a crash) and the magnitude of the consequences (e.g., the severity of the injury).14,15 Risk perceptions vary by individual characteristics (sex, age, attitude) but are also heavily influenced by social and cultural conditions and interactions, and by the specific hazard.16 Perceived reductions in risk may have greater than proportional effects on encouraging or discouraging cycling, so it is especially important that perceptions be taken into account.17 If there is discordance between what is safe according to the empirical evidence and what is perceived as safe, then even if protective infrastructure were to be built, people might choose not to cycle. The objective of this paper is to compare the perceived and observed injury risk of specific route types, using data from the BICE study. METHODS Recruitment The BICE study is a case-crossover study that recruited 690 adults who visited emergency departments within 24 hours of incurring an injury while cycling in Toronto or Vancouver. The study proto- col and details have been published elsewhere.12,18 In brief, the study population included injured cyclists aged 19 and over who attended the emergency department of one of the study hospitals in Vancouver (St. Paul’s, Vancouver General) or Toronto (St. Michael’s, Toronto General, Toronto Western) between May 18, 2008, and November 30, 2009. Research staff at each hospital identified injured cyclists and provided contact information to the study coordinators in their respective city (Vancouver or Toronto). Introductory letters were sent to all potential participants, followed by a telephone call from the study coordinator to invite participation and screen for eligibility. Up to 10 contact attempts were made over a period of three months after their injuries. Cyclists were excluded if they were injured outside of Toronto or Vancouver; did not reside within the study cities; were unable to participate in an interview (fatally injured, injured too seriously to communicate, could not speak English or unable to remember the injury trip); were injured while trick riding, racing, mountain biking, participating in a Critical Mass ride or on private property at the time of the crash; were injured while riding a motorized bike (e.g., electric or pedal-assisted bicycle), unicycle or tandem bike; or were already enrolled in the study as a result of a previous injury. The study was approved by research ethics boards at the universities of British Columbia and Toronto, and at each of the five participating hospitals. Interviews and site observations Eligible participants were interviewed in person to identify personal and trip characteristics. During the interview the injury location and the injury trip route were recorded on a paper map. The injury trip route distance was calculated using a digital map wheel. For each injury site, two control sites (where no injury occurred) were selected by multiplying a randomly generated proportion by the CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S43 RISK PERCEPTIONS FOR CYCLING Figure 2. Observed relative risk (unadjusted odds ratio) versus perceived risk (mean score) by route type for 1,380 control sites in the Bicyclists’ Injuries and the Cycling Environment study High Major street with parked cars (RR = 1.0) Major street with shared lane & parked cars Observed relaave risk Mul-use paths, paved Sidewalk Residenal street designated bike route, with traffic calming Mul-use paths, unpaved Bike- only path Residenal street designated bike route Major street with bike lane & parked cars Major street with bike lane & no parked cars Residenal street Low Major street & no parked cars Major street with shared lane & no parked cars Cycle track (RR = 0.1) Low (Mean score = 0.7) High Perceived risk (Mean score = - 0.2) Legend = high observed and perceived risks = low observed and perceived risks = higher observed than perceived risk = lower observed than perceived risk trip distance, then tracing the resulting distance along the route using the map wheel. One site was selected to match the injury site on the basis of location type, adjusted forward or backward, respectively, to match intersection or non-intersection location for control site, and the other was selected purely at random (i.e., not deliberately matched to intersection status). Trained observers blinded to the site status (injury or control) visited each site in the field to collect data on site characteristics related to infrastructure (the route type, intersecting streets, the presence of cycling infrastructure, intersection geometry), the physical environment (topography, visibility, street lighting, construction or other obstacles) and usage (user volumes). Measures and analysis According to the street characteristics from site observations, we classified route types into 14 categories, defined with input from city bicycle transportation engineers and bicycling advocates. Observed relative risk for this study was calculated using conditional logistic regression to estimate odds ratios (ORs) as a measure of the relative risk of injury associated with different route types, S44 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 and these results have been reported elsewhere.12 In the present paper, we used the unadjusted ORs based on a bivariate model of the route type classification and site (1= injury site, 0=control site), thereby not introducing other physical environment and usage characteristics to the model. Perceived risk scores were based only on the non-injury control sites, reducing bias by the injury event. Perceived risk was calculated as the mean response of study participants to the question “How safe do you think this site was for cyclists on that trip?” with a 5-point response scale: very safe, somewhat safe, neither safe nor dangerous, somewhat dangerous, very dangerous. Responses were scaled from +1 (very safe) to 0 (neutral) to -1 (very dangerous) for calculating and comparing mean scores and 95% confidence intervals (CIs). We compared perceived risk with observed ORs estimates using Pearson’s weighted correlation. RESULTS Study population This study recruited 690 injured cyclists (414 in Vancouver, 276 in Toronto), with a response rate of 93.1% of those confirmed to be RISK PERCEPTIONS FOR CYCLING eligible or 66.5 % of those estimated as eligible. Details of the recruitment process are reported in other manuscripts from the study.12,18 Participants were predominately male (59.4%), young (mean age=28), educated (75% with a post-secondary diploma or degree) and employed full time (69.4%). Three quarters of the participants considered themselves experienced cyclists (530/690, 76.8%), 36.5% reporting that they cycled at least once a week in the winter and 89.4% that they did so in the summer. ceived and observed relative risk, as highlighted by the outliers in Figure 2. The safest route type, cycle tracks, was perceived as higher risk than other bicycle-specific route types. Conversely, unpaved multi-use paths were perceived as the safest route type, when in fact they were observed to have a relative risk nearly as high as major streets with no bike infrastructure or with shared lanes. Paved multi-use paths were also more dangerous than perceived. Study sites We compared empirical data on observed relative risk with the perceptions of safety of different types of road infrastructure based on the opinions, injury locations and travel patterns of injured cyclists recruited from hospital emergency departments in Toronto and Vancouver. It is known that route choices and decisions to cycle are affected by perceptions of safety,1,13,19 and we found that perceptions largely aligned with observed evidence, with some exceptions. The injured cyclists in this study were weighted towards experienced cyclists, and this may have allowed them to gauge the risk of cycling infrastructure relatively well. Perceptions of safety were aligned with published work on cyclists’ route preferences. Previous work has indicated that people have a preference for separated routes.20 The risk perceptions of this population reflected these preferences. Separated route types were perceived as safe, with unpaved multi-use paths, bike paths and paved multi-use paths all rated very safe, and cycle tracks and sidewalks rated more neutrally. Again, corroborating published preferences, residential streets were perceived as safer than major streets. Among major street types, those with bike lanes were perceived as safer, as were streets with no car parking. The absence of parked cars removes the risk of a cyclist colliding with an opening car door and the need to deal with cars moving in and out of parking spaces. The evidence on observed relative risk of certain separated route types was not as closely aligned with risk perceptions as preferences were. We found that cycle tracks, which separate cyclists and motor vehicles on major city streets, carry about one-tenth the risk of typical major streets, yet these were perceived to have moderate risk. It should be noted that there were only 19 sites of this type in the control site sample, so the small sample leads to more uncertainty in the OR estimate. At the time of this study, there were very few cycle tracks in Vancouver and none in Toronto. Cycle tracks are commonplace in European countries such as Denmark and the Netherlands, where cycling is common and safety risks are low.21 In Canada, cyclists are less familiar with this infrastructure so may have had more trouble gauging its risk. Multi-use paths, while preferred20 and perceived as some of the safest types of route (as found in this paper), offered only about a 25%-40% risk reduction compared with major streets. Given that reported safety concerns are primarily around motor vehicles,1 a possibility may be that people do not recognize the risk of injury from crashes with infrastructure, cyclists, pedestrians or animals, or from falls due to slippery or uneven surfaces along unpaved routes.6,7 As suggested in the risk literature, perceptions may be tied to the severity of the consequences,14,16 that is, there may be a perceived difference between a “risk of any injury” and a “risk of severe injury”. Our injury study did not differentiate severity of injuries, although all required attendance at an emergency department. However, others have shown that most severe injuries and fatalities do arise from collisions with motor vehicles.22,23 This potential for Data from 1,380 control sites (two for each of the 690 injured cyclists) were used in this analysis. Figure 1 lists the 14 route categories and their frequencies. Ubiquitous route types were common in the dataset (major streets with no bike infrastructure and residential streets), whereas certain specialized bicycle infrastructure was relatively rare (major streets with shared lanes and cycle tracks, i.e., bike lanes alongside major streets but separated by a physical barrier). Perceived risk Figure 1 also summarizes perceived risk responses by mean scores. The four route types with the highest perceived risks were major streets (with and without parking) and either shared lanes (with cars, buses or high occupancy vehicles) or no bicycle infrastructure. The mean score for sidewalks was 0.10 (neither safe nor dangerous), although the response frequency indicates that sites were split between being perceived as safe and being perceived as dangerous. The following route types were considered safe at more than 50% of sites of that type: off-street multi-use paths; residential streets; off-street bike paths; major streets with bike lanes; and cycle tracks. Observed risk The results of observed relative risk are reported in detail in another manuscript from this study.13 To briefly summarize those results, the reference category was major street with parked cars and no cycling infrastructure (OR=1). All other route types had lower risk of injury. Cycle tracks had the lowest relative risk, at almost one tenth of the risk (OR=0.12). Route types with about half the relative risk (ORs from 0.44 to 0.59) were residential streets (designated as bike routes or not, with or without traffic calming), major streets with bike lanes (with or without parking) and off-street paths for bikes only. Multi-use paths, sidewalks and other major street configurations (with shared lanes or with no bike infrastructure) all had higher relative risk (ORs from 0.63 to 0.78). Comparing perceived and observed relative risk A comparison of perceived risk and observed relative risk is presented in Figure 2. Four of the more dangerous route types were also perceived as unsafe: major streets with shared lanes or without any bicycle infrastructure. Many safer route types were also perceived as safer: residential streets (designated as bike routes or not, with or without traffic calming), major streets with bike lanes (with or without parking) and off-street paths for bikes only. The rank ordering of risk was not the same for perceived and observed relative risk (Pearson’s weighted correlation=-0.68, p=0.007, negative because high perceived risk had negative safety scores, and high observed relative risk had the highest ORs). This moderate correlation was influenced by some major discrepancies between per- DISCUSSION CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S45 RISK PERCEPTIONS FOR CYCLING more severe injuries may have been considered in cyclists’ higher risk perception for cycle tracks alongside major streets and lower risk perceptions for multi-use paths away from traffic. The importance of being away from traffic to reduce perceptions of risk has been shown by others,24 and this tendency to favour quiet routes may explain the discrepancies between observed and perceived risk ratings for both cycle tracks and multi-use paths. However, risk perceptions in this study were not unrefined, as sidewalks were appropriately perceived as intermediate risk. This parallels the empirical risks from our injury study and other literature demonstrating that riding on sidewalks is more dangerous than on bicycle-specific infrastructure and many road types.25 Strengths and limitations The BICE study was a case-crossover study, a robust methodology that compares an injury site with control site(s) for the same individual and trip. Use of this methodology enabled an inquiry into the independent effects of route infrastructure while accounting for challenges facing injury research around exposure to risk and the confounding effects of unmeasured individual and trip characteristics.18 This provided rigorous estimates for observed relative risk for 14 different route types. While this study included the most diversity of infrastructure in any cycling study we are aware of, it was limited to the existing types of infrastructure in Vancouver and Toronto. We used only data on the BICE control sites for the analysis of perceived risk to reduce bias introduced by the injury event. When we analyzed the reports of perceived safety at injury sites, we found that the mean reported risk at injury sites was typically 0.3-0.4 units greater than reported for control sites of the same type. This could be bias resulting from the fact that the participants had experienced an injury there, or indeed it could be that conditions at these sites in particular were more dangerous than was the average site of that type. Given this unknown, these were not included in analyses. It may also be that injured individuals have heightened perceptions of risk at any site (injury or control) following an injury event, as compared with the response they may have made in the absence of an injury. Our analysis focused on the order of perceived risk, more so than on absolute scores. Additionally, this study considered risk of injury from crashes, not safety risks associated with personal crime or bicycle theft, or health risks from exposure to air pollution. Whether study participants restricted the interpretation of our safety question to injury risk is not known, although it seems likely that a cyclist who was recently injured, as in this study, would have that aspect of safety at the forefront of their thoughts. As the interview question referred to “this site”, participants may have reflected on other factors (traffic speed and volume, vehicle type, weather) beyond simply the road infrastructure, though some of these features are also strongly related to route type (e.g., traffic volume on major streets was about 20 times higher than on residential streets). This study included injuries severe enough to require an emergency department visit. Minor injuries were not captured, nor were fatal injuries or people with severe head injuries who could not recall the study trip (although these represented only 1.6% of those known to be eligible, including two fatalities during the study). A future analysis of the BICE study data will examine risk factors for more severe injury, in which we will query the role of route infrastructure and the involvement of motor vehicles. S46 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Contributions Our results have a number of implications for practice. The data on perceived and observed relative risk can guide municipalities on the types of infrastructure that are safe according to both criteria and are therefore likely to both attract cyclists and keep them safe. The findings on discrepancies between perceived safety and observed relative risk carry different implications for practice and advocacy. This highlights the need to inform public opinion on route safety, perhaps through education programs and social media, in order to encourage cycling and use of the safest possible infrastructure. Improving cyclists’ knowledge about the comparative risk of infrastructure types may reduce injury incidence by influencing their route choices or their risk-taking behaviour while using more dangerous types of cycling infrastructure. 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Injury November 18, 2011; Epub ahead of print. Pucher J, Dill J, Handy S. Infrastructure, programs, and policies to increase bicycling: An international review. Prev Med 2010;50:S106-S125. Teschke K, Harris M, Reynolds C, Winters M, Babul S, Chipman M, et al. Route infrastructure and the risk of injuries to bicyclists – a case-crossover study. Am J Public Health (in press). Dill J, Voros K. Factors affecting bicycling demand: Initial survey findings from the Portland, Oregon, region. Transp Res Record 2007;2031:9-17. Leiss W, Chociolko C. Risk and Responsibility. Montreal & Kingston: McGillQueen’s University Press, 1994. Slovic P. Perception of risk. Science 1987;236(4799):280-85. Sjöberg L, Moen B, Rundmo T. Explaining Risk Perception. An Evaluation of the Psychometric Paradigm in Risk Perception Research. Trondheim, Norway: Rotunde publikasjoner, 2004. Noland R. Perceived risk and modal choice: Risk compensation in transportation systems. Accid Anal Prev 1995;27(4):503-21. Harris MA, Reynolds CC, Winters M, Chipman M, Cripton PA, Cusimano MD, et al. The Bicyclists’ Injuries and the Cycling Environment study: A protocol to tackle methodological issues facing studies of bicycling safety. Inj Prev 2011;17(5):e6. Dill J. Bicycling for transportation and health: The role of infrastructure. J Public Health Policy 2009;30:S95-S110. Winters M, Teschke K. Route preferences among adults in the near market for bicycling: Findings of the Cycling in Cities Study. Am J Health Promot 2010;25(1):40-47. Pucher J, Buehler R. Making cycling irresistible: Lessons from the Netherlands, Denmark and Germany. Transport Rev 2008;28(4):495-528. Rivara FP, Thompson DC, Thompson RS. Epidemiology of bicycle injuries and risk factors for serious injury. Inj Prev 1997;3(2):110-14. RISK PERCEPTIONS FOR CYCLING 23. Morgan AS, Dale HB, Lee WE, Edwards PJ. Deaths of cyclists in London: Trends from 1992 to 2006. BMC Public Health 2010;10:699. 24. Parkin J, Wardman M, Page M. Models of perceived cycling risk and route acceptability. Accid Anal Prev 2007;39(2):364-71. 25. Reynolds CCO, Harris MA, Teschke K, Cripton PA, Winters M. The impact of transportation infrastructure on bicycling injuries and crashes: A review of the literature. Environ Health Perspect 2009;8:47. RÉSUMÉ Objectif : Les préoccupations quant à la sécurité ont un effet dissuasif sur le cyclisme. L’étude BICE (Bicyclists’ Injuries and the Cycling Environment) a quantifié le risque de blessure associé à 14 types de routes – des sentiers hors route aux grandes artères. Lorsqu’il s’agit du risque de blessure, il peut y avoir discordance entre les preuves empiriques et les perceptions. Quand c’est le cas, même si l’on construit des infrastructures de protection, les gens peuvent ne pas se sentir suffisamment en sécurité pour faire du vélo. Notre article porte sur la relation entre le risque de blessure subjectif et observé. Méthode : L’étude BICE est une étude de type « case-crossover » pour laquelle nous avons recruté 690 cyclistes adultes s’étant rendus aux services d’urgence de Toronto et de Vancouver après un accident de vélo. Nous avons calculé le risque observé en comparant le type de route sur le lieu de l’accident avec les types de routes sur des lieux sélectionnés au hasard le long du même parcours. Le risque subjectif était la réponse moyenne des participants de l’étude à la question : « Quel était le niveau de sécurité de cet endroit pour les cyclistes durant ce trajet? »; les réponses ont été classées de +1 (très sûr) à -1 (très dangereux). Les scores de risque subjectif n’ont été calculés que pour les lieux témoins (sans accident) afin de réduire le biais induit par l’accident. Résultats : Les types de routes présentant le plus grand risque subjectif étaient les grandes artères avec voie partagée, sans voitures garées (score moyen = -0,21, intervalle de confiance [IC] de 95 % : -0,54-0,11), suivies des grandes artères sans infrastructures cyclables (-0,07, IC -0,14-0,00). Les routes perçues comme étant les plus sûres étaient les sentiers multiusages asphaltés (0,66, IC 0,43-0,89), les rues résidentielles (0,44, IC 0,37-0,51), les pistes cyclables (0,42, IC 0,25-0,60) et les rues résidentielles marquées pour les bicyclettes et comportant des mesures de modération de la circulation (0,41, IC 0,32-0,51). La plupart des types de routes perçues comme étant plus dangereuses étaient de fait plus dangereuses dans notre étude; de même, la plupart des types de routes perçues comme étant moins dangereuses l’étaient effectivement. Des divergences ont été notées pour les pistes cyclables (le risque subjectif étant plus élevé que le risque observé) et pour les sentiers multi-usages (le risque observé étant plus élevé que le risque subjectif). Conclusions : Le choix d’une route et la décision de faire du vélo sont influencés par les perceptions de la sécurité, et nous avons constaté que ces perceptions correspondent généralement à la sécurité objective. Toutefois, les perceptions de certains types de voies séparées concordent moins avec la réalité. Des programmes de sensibilisation du public et dans les médias sociaux pourraient faire en sorte que les perceptions de la sécurité des routes par le public reflètent les données probantes. Mots clés : sécurité; transports; traumatismes; conception de l’environnement CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S47 QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH Associations Between Children’s Diets and Features of Their Residential and School Neighbourhood Food Environments Andraea Van Hulst, RN, MSc,1,2 Tracie A. Barnett, PhD,1,2 Lise Gauvin, PhD,1,3,4 Mark Daniel, PhD,1,5,6 Yan Kestens, PhD,1,3 Madeleine Bird, BA,1,2 Katherine Gray-Donald, PhD,7 Marie Lambert, MD2,8 ABSTRACT Objectives: Among studies of the built environment, few examine neighbourhood food environments in relation to children’s diets. We examined the associations of residential and school neighbourhood access to different types of food establishments with children’s diets. Methods: Data from QUALITY (Quebec Adipose and Lifestyle Investigation in Youth), an ongoing study on the natural history of obesity in 630 Quebec youth aged 8-10 years with a parental history of obesity, were analyzed (n=512). Three 24-hour diet recalls were used to assess dietary intake of vegetables and fruit, and sugar-sweetened beverages. Questionnaires were used to determine the frequency of eating/snacking out and consumption of delivered/take-out foods. We characterized residential and school neighbourhood food environments by means of a Geographic Information System. Variables included distance to the nearest supermarket, fast-food restaurant and convenience store, and densities of each food establishment type computed for 1 km network buffers around each child’s residence and school. Retail Food Environment indices were also computed. Multivariable logistic regressions (residential access) and generalized estimating equations (school access) were used for analysis. Results: Residential and school neighbourhood access to supermarkets was not associated with children’s diets. Residing in neighbourhoods with lower access to fast-food restaurants and convenience stores was associated with a lower likelihood of eating and snacking out. Children attending schools in neighbourhoods with a higher number of unhealthful relative to healthful food establishments scored most poorly on dietary outcomes. Conclusions: Further investigations are needed to inform policies aimed at shaping neighbourhood-level food purchasing opportunities, particularly for access to fast-food restaurants and convenience stores. Key words: Built environment; children; diet; food environment; residential neighbourhood; school neighbourhood; QUALITY cohort La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. I n recent years, the role of neighbourhoods has been increasingly investigated with respect to obesity in children.1-3 Neighbourhood built environments may promote childhood obesity by favouring antecedent behaviours, including physical inactivity and unhealthful diets. Compared with physical activity, fewer studies have addressed children’s diets.1 Most studies examining associations between local neighbourhood availability of food establishments and residents’ diets have focused on adults.4 Overall, findings from studies involving children are less consistent, notably for associations between access to supermarkets and vegetable and fruit (V&F) intake.5-7 Greater access to convenience stores, which typically offer limited fresh produce, has been found to be associated with lower V&F intake5,7 and higher intake of sweet/salty snacks6 and sugar-sweetened beverages8 in youth. Although some studies have reported associations between the availability of fast-food restaurants near children’s residence and their diets,7,8 others do not support such findings.6,9,10 Given the conflicting results in the literature, there is a need to clarify the relation between neighbourhood food environments and children’s diets. In addition to residential neighbourhoods, school neighbourhood environments are relevant activity spaces and should be investigated in relation to obesity-related behaviours in children.11,12 During the academic year, travel to and from school exposes children to school neighbourhood food environments. Recently, policies have targeted in-school food environments, but S48 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S48-S54. initiatives aimed at regulating food opportunities in school neighbourhoods have yet to be widely implemented. Fast-food restaurants and convenience stores are known to cluster within short distances from schools.13,14 However, it is not clear to what extent the availability of the latter is associated with children’s diet.2,9 Author Affiliations 1. 2. 3. 4. Département de médecine sociale et préventive, Université de Montréal, Montréal, QC Centre de recherche du Centre Hospitalier Universitaire Sainte-Justine, Montréal, QC Centre de Recherche du Centre Hospitalier de l’Université de Montréal, Montréal, QC Centre de Recherche Léa-Roback sur les Inégalités Sociales de Santé de Montréal, Université de Montréal, Montréal, QC 5. School of Health Sciences, University of South Australia, Adelaide, Australia 6. Department of Medicine, St Vincent’s Hospital, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia 7. School of Dietetics and Human Nutrition, McGill University, Montréal, QC 8. Département de pédiatrie, Université de Montréal, Montréal, QC Correspondence: Andraea Van Hulst, Centre de recherche du CHU Sainte-Justine, 5757 Ave. Decelles, suite 100, Montréal, QC H3S 2C3, Tel: 514-345-4931 (ext. 3271), Fax: 514-345-4801, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: The QUALITY study is funded by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR), the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada (HSFC) and the Fonds de la recherche en santé du Québec. The QUALITY Residential and School Built Environment complementary studies were funded by the HFSC and the CIHR, respectively. A.Van Hulst received support from a CIHR/HSFC Training Grant in Population Intervention for Chronic Disease Prevention, and a doctoral scholarship from the Fonds de la recherche en santé du Québec; T. Barnett and Y. Kestens are research scholars with Fonds de la recherche en santé du Québec; L. Gauvin holds a CIHR/Centre de Recherche en Prévention de l’Obésité Chair in Applied Public Health on Neighbourhoods, Lifestyle, and Healthy Body Weight; and M. Bird received a Masters’ scholarship from the Fondation du CHU Sainte-Justine. Dr. Marie Lambert passed away on February 20, 2012. Her leadership and devotion to the QUALITY cohort will always be remembered and appreciated. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. NEIGHBOURHOOD FOOD ENVIRONMENTS AND DIET The aim of this study was to determine whether features of residential and school neighbourhood food environments were associated with children’s dietary intake (V&F and sugar-sweetened beverages) and selected dietary behaviours (eating/snacking out and consuming delivered/take-out food). METHODS Participants were drawn from the QUALITY (Quebec Adipose and Lifestyle Investigation in Youth) study, an ongoing longitudinal investigation of the natural history of obesity and cardiovascular risk in youth with a history of parental obesity. Recruitment flyers were distributed to parents of children in Grades 2 to 5 in 1,040 primary schools (89% of schools approached) located within 75 km of each of Montreal, Quebec City and Sherbrooke, QC. Of 3,350 interested families who contacted the research coordinator, 1,320 met the study inclusion criteria. Eligibility criteria required participating children to be Caucasian, aged 8-10 years at recruitment and to have at least one obese biological parent (i.e., body mass index [BMI] ≥30 kg/m2 and/or waist circumference >102 cm in men and >88 cm in women, based on self-reported measurements of height, weight and waist circumference) and both biological parents available to participate at baseline. Of eligible families, a total of 630 (48% of eligible families composed of the participating child and two biological parents) completed the baseline visit between September 2005 and December 2008. Baseline data collection involved a clinic visit during which questionnaires were completed and biological and physiological measurements obtained, as well as follow-up telephone interviews. Written informed consent was obtained from parents, and assent was provided by children. The ethics review boards of Centre Hospitalier Universitaire SainteJustine and Laval University approved the study. A detailed description of the study design and methods is available elsewhere.15 Characteristics of the built and social environments in children’s residential neighbourhood were obtained for the study baseline using a Geographic Information System (GIS) for 512 children residing in the Montreal Census Metropolitan Area (CMA). Of these, 506 attended some 296 schools located within the Montreal CMA, for which school neighbourhood GIS data were also obtained. Dietary assessment Children’s dietary intake was measured using mean values of three 24-hour diet recalls conducted by trained dieticians on nonconsecutive days, including one weekend day.16 Data from recalls were available for 498 participants considered in this study. Except in unusual circumstances, the recalls were collected within a 4-week period after the baseline clinic visit. Diet recall interviews were done by telephone with the child and then confirmed with the parent who prepared the meals. Foods reported on the recalls were entered into CANDAT (London, ON) and converted to nutrients using the 2007b Canadian Nutrient File.17 Daily servings of V&F were based on portion sizes from Canada’s Food Guide and include V&F juices. A dichotomous variable was developed on the basis of recommended servings of V&F for children aged 8-10 years: ≥5 servings/day vs. less.18 Intake of sugar-sweetened beverages was computed as the mean daily number of millilitres of soft drinks and other sugar-sweetened drinks, but excluding juices made from real fruits. Given a sub- stantial positive skewness in its distribution, sugar-sweetened beverage intake was dichotomized to >50 mL/day (approximately one can of soft drink per week) vs. less. Two additional measures of children’s diets were obtained from a questionnaire administered to the child during the clinic visit: having a meal or snack in a food establishment at least once in the previous week and consuming delivered or “take-out” food at least once in the previous week. Neighbourhood assessment The exact addresses of each participating child’s residence and school were geocoded. The availability of food establishments within the residential and school neighbourhood environment was measured using a GIS, which included data from an exhaustive list, acquired from Tamec Inc., of businesses and services located in the region in May 2005. The business name, address, postal code and Standard Industry Classification code were available. A validity study of food establishments from this list, verified by onsite field visits, showed good agreement (0.77), sensitivity (0.84) and positive predictive value (0.90).19 All businesses were geocoded using GeoPinPoint™, version 2007.3 (DMTI Spatial Inc.). Types of food establishment included in this study were supermarkets, fast-food restaurants,14 convenience stores and specialty food stores (e.g., bakeries, fruit and vegetables, gourmet, meat and fish markets). Neighbourhood food environments were described by proximityand density-based indicators. Proximity measures were established using ArcGIS Network Analyst (Esri, Redlands, CA) and defined as the road-network distance between the child’s residence and the nearest supermarket, fast-food restaurant and convenience store, and between the child’s school and the nearest of each food establishment type. Because of highly skewed distributions, indicators were categorized into tertiles corresponding to farthest, intermediate and shortest distances. Kernel density was used to estimate the average density of each type of food establishment within 1 km street network buffers centred on 1) the child’s residence and 2) the child’s school. Kernel density estimations are frequently used in geography to evaluate the local density of point-based data20 and have been used previously to describe neighbourhood access to food establishments.21 A quartic kernel function was used with adaptive bandwidth composed of 1% of the observations for each type of food establishment (n=1,929 for convenience stores, n=1,118 for fast-food restaurants and n=828 for supermarkets) and cell spacing of 100 m. Exposure categories for each type of food establishment were based on tertiles corresponding to lowest, intermediate and highest densities. Additionally, a Retail Food Environment Index (RFEI) was computed.22 This index is based on the ratio of the number of fast-food restaurants and convenience stores to supermarkets and specialty food stores. Higher scores are indicative of neighbourhoods characterized by a higher number of unhealthful relative to healthful options. The RFEI was computed for 1 km network buffers and for 3 km radius circular buffers centred on each of the residential and school locations. A larger buffer was examined to capture greater variation among neighbourhoods in RFE indices. The index was subsequently categorized according to the approximate 75th percentile of each variable’s distribution, corresponding to cut-offs of ≥2.0 vs. less for 1 km buffers and ≥2.5 vs. less for 3 km buffers. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S49 NEIGHBOURHOOD FOOD ENVIRONMENTS AND DIET Table 1. Characteristics of Participants Residing Within the Montreal CMA (n=512) From the Quebec Adipose and Lifestyle Investigation in Youth (QUALITY) Study Characteristic Mean (SD) age, years 9.6 (0.9) % (n) of male sex 54.5 (279) Mean (SD) annual household income, $* 43,063 (18,722) Highest level of education of either parent, % (n) 2 parents with secondary school or less 8.3 (42) 1 or 2 parents with technical/vocational/trade degree 38.5 (196) 1 or 2 parents with university degree 53.2 (271) 29.5 (6.6) Mean (SD) BMI of mothers, kg/m2 2 30.8 (5.6) Mean (SD) BMI of fathers, kg/m Mean (SD) no. of daily servings of V&F 4.3 (2.1) ≥5 servings of V&F per day, % (n) 33.7 (168) >50 mL of sugar-sweetened beverages per day, % (n) 58.0 (289) Eat/snack out at least once per week, % (n) 43.8 (224) Delivered/take-out food at least once per week, % (n) 35.0 (179) Residential neighbourhood 2 2715 (1926-3815) Median (IQR) population density per km % aged ≥15 years with no high school diploma, mean (SD) 32.6 (9.0) % aged ≥15 years who are employed, mean (SD) 67.0 (8.3) Mean (SD) total income of households, $ 85,793 (23,197) Median (IQR) walking distance from residence to school, metres 1121 (631-2535) Proximity measures (distance to nearest), metres Supermarket, median (IQR) 1375 (739-2434) Fast-food restaurant, median (IQR) 1326 (784-2256) Convenience store, median (IQR) 779 (425-1327) 2 Kernel density measures (for 1 km network buffer), no./km Supermarket, median (IQR) 0.08 (0.03-0.2) Fast-food restaurant, median (IQR) 0.2 (0.08-0.8) Convenience store, median (IQR) 0.3 (0.1-1.0) Retail Food Environment Index 1 km network buffer, median (IQR) 1.0 (0-2.0) 3 km circular buffer, median (IQR) 1.8 (1.2-2.5) School neighbourhood† 2990 (2093-4087) Median (IQR) population density per km2 % aged ≥15 years with no high school diploma, mean (SD) 32.9 (9.1) % aged ≥15 years who are employed, mean (SD) 64.0 (8.1) Mean (SD) total income of households, $ 81,478 (20,793) Proximity measures (distance to nearest), metres Supermarket, median (IQR) 1008 (540-1999) Fast-food restaurant, median (IQR) 950 (572-1889) Convenience store, median (IQR) 541 (311-931) 2 Kernel density measures (for 1 km network buffer), no./km Supermarket, median (IQR) 0.1 (0.03-0.3) Fast-food restaurant median (IQR) 0.3 (0.1-1.0) Convenience store median (IQR) 0.5 (0.2-1.6) Retail Food Environment Index 1 km network buffer, median (IQR) 0.8 (0-1.8) 3 km circular buffer, median (IQR) 1.7 (1.2-2.4) * Adjusted for the number of people living in the household. † School neighbourhood data available for 296 schools localized within the Montreal CMA attended by 506 QUALITY study children (6 attended a school outside the study area). CMA=Census Metropolitan Area; BMI=body mass index; V&F=vegetables and fruit; IQR=inter-quartile range. Other neighbourhood-level measures included a material deprivation index computed from 2006 Census data.23 The index combines the proportion of people with no high school diploma, the proportion who are employed and the average income, for people aged ≥15 years in census dissemination areas. Population-weighted proportions of dissemination areas overlapping 1 km street network buffers centred on resident’s location were computed. The index was classified into quintiles of lowest to highest deprivation. A material deprivation index for school neighbourhood was computed using the same approach. Population density for both residential and school neighbourhood environments was computed from 2006 Census data for 1 km street network buffers. A median split categorization was used for measures of population density. Individual socio-demographic measures Individual-level data used as adjustment variables included child’s age and sex, and mother’s BMI. Highest parental educational attainS50 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 ment (2 parents with secondary school or less, ≥1 parent with technical/vocational/trade degree, ≥1 parent with university degree) and total annual household income adjusted for the number of people living in the household were obtained from parent-completed questionnaires during the clinic visit. Analysis This study was not designed to allow multilevel analyses of participants nested into neighbourhoods; instead, an ego-centred approach was used whereby individual neighbourhood measures were computed for each child’s residential and school locations.24 Moreover, no evidence of spatial autocorrelation resulting from the dependency of properties within geographic spaces was found, indicating that nearby entities did not share more similarities than entities that were further apart (data not shown). Unadjusted associations among indicators of residential neighbourhood food environment and dietary outcomes were examined using logistic regression. Subsequently, multivariable associations were analyzed adjusting for child’s age and sex, as well as for potential confounders, namely parental education, household income, residential neighbourhood material deprivation and residential population density (as a measure of level of urbanicity). For analyses involving school neighbourhoods, generalized estimating equations (GEE) with a logit link function and with an independent working correlation structure were used to allow for clustering of dietary outcomes among children attending the same schools. Multivariable GEE models were adjusted for child’s age, sex, parental education, household income, school neighbourhood material deprivation and school neighbourhood population density. Given the high correlations between proximity-based indicators and between density-based indicators of each type of food establishment (r=0.7 to 0.9), each variable was examined in separate models for residential and school neighbourhoods using the “best access” (i.e., closest or densest tertile) as the reference category. For RFE indices, values below the cut-offs were used as the reference category. Odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) are presented. All analyses were conducted using SAS, version 9.2 (Cary, NC). In secondary analyses, we restricted the sample to children who lived >1.5 km from their school, i.e., those who were more likely to have distinct residential and school neighbourhood food environments, since there would be minimal overlap between respective 1 km network buffers centred on each location. Associations between the density of food establishments and dietary outcomes were examined in this subgroup in an attempt explore which of the residential or school neighbourhood food environment features were most strongly associated with dietary outcomes. RESULTS Overall, 34% of the 512 children consumed the recommended daily intake of ≥5 servings of V&F per day (average of 4.3 servings), 58% drank >50 mL of sugar-sweetened beverages daily, 44% had a meal/snack in a food establishment, and 35% consumed delivered/take-out foods at least once per week (Table 1). Overall, supermarkets, fast-food restaurants and convenience stores were more accessible around schools than around residences, as shown by shorter distances to and higher densities of each type of food establishment in school neighbourhoods. Thirty-eight percent (n=193) lived >1.5 km from their school. NEIGHBOURHOOD FOOD ENVIRONMENTS AND DIET Table 2. Covariate-adjusted Associations (OR and 95% CI) Between Measures of the Residential Neighbourhood Food Environment and Dietary Outcomes in the QUALITY Study* ≥5 Servings of V&F/Day >50 mL Sugarsweetened Beverages/Day (n=493) Eating/Snacking Out ≥Once/Week (n=506) Delivered/Takeout Food ≥Once/Week (n=506) 1.09 (0.62-1.91) 1.07 (0.65-1.74) 1 0.82 (0.48-1.39) 0.84 (0.52-1.35) 1 1.04 (0.62-1.73) 1.12 (0.71-1.77) 1 0.96 (0.56-1.65) 1.47 (0.92-2.36) 1 1.39 (0.81-2.40) 1.27 (0.77-2.10) 1 0.82 (0.49-1.37) 0.98 (0.61-1.58) 1 1.03 (0.63-1.68) 1.08 (0.69-1.71) 1 1.03 (0.61-1.73) 1.40 (0.87-2.24) 1 0.99 (0.57-1.72) 0.98 (0.59-1.63) 1 0.85 (0.50-1.44) 0.87 (0.54-1.40) 1 1.15 (0.70-1.90) 1.23 (0.78-1.96) 1 0.93 (0.55-1.56) 1.02 (0.63-1.64) 1 1.11 (0.63-1.93) 0.87 (0.52-1.48) 1 1.20 (0.70-2.05) 1.38 (0.84-2.29) 1 0.63 (0.37-1.05)‡ 0.78 (0.48-1.26) 1 0.91 (0.53-1.58) 1.40 (0.85-2.29) 1 1.22 (0.68-2.22) 1.01 (0.59-1.74) 1 1.19 (0.67-2.11) 1.24 (0.74-2.08) 1 0.52 (0.30-0.91) † 0.60 (0.36-0.99)† 1 1.11 (0.63-1.98) 1.10 (0.66-1.84) 1 1.02 (0.55-1.91) 1.17 (0.68-2.04) 1 1.25 (0.69-2.27) 1.19 (0.70-2.03) 1 0.44 (0.25-0.80)† 0.60 (0.36-1.02) ‡ 1 0.93 (0.51-1.70) 1.15 (0.68-1.95) 1 0.90 (0.58-1.42) 1 0.93 (0.61-1.43) 1 1.01 (0.67-1.52) 1 1.35 (0.89-2.05) 1 0.77 (0.49-1.21) 1 0.94 (0.62-1.44) 1 0.88 (0.59-1.33) 1 1.22 (0.80-1.87) 1 (n=493)§ Proximity measures Model 1 – distance to nearest supermarket Farthest (>2000 m) Intermediate (965 to 2000 m) Shortest (<965 m) Model 2 – distance to nearest fast-food restaurant Farthest (>1835 m) Intermediate (940 to 1835 m) Shortest (<940 m) Model 3 – distance to nearest convenience store Farthest (>1090 m) Intermediate (545 to 1090 m) Shortest (<545 m) Density measures Model 4 – density of supermarkets Lowest Intermediate Highest Model 5 – density of fast-food restaurants Lowest Intermediate Highest Model 6 – density of convenience stores Lowest Intermediate Highest Retail food environment measures Model 7 – 1 km buffer RFE Index ≥2 (27.3%) <2 (72.7%) Model 8 – 3 km buffer RFE Index ≥2.5 (26.2%) <2.5 (73.8%) * Separate logistic regression models for each main exposure and each outcome, adjusted for child’s age, sex, parental education, household income, residential neighbourhood material deprivation and residential population density. § When treated as a continuous outcome, farthest (vs. shortest) distance to the nearest fast-food restaurant was associated with V&F intake (Beta=0.50, 95% CI: 0, 1.00); and 3 km RFE index ≥2.5 (vs. less) was associated with V&F intake (Beta=-0.40, 95% CI: -0.81, 0.005). † p≤0.05; ‡p≤0.10. OR=odds ratio; CI=confidence interval; V&F=vegetables and fruit; RFE=retail food environment. Tables 2 and 3 show covariate-adjusted associations of proximity, density and retail food environment measures with children’s dietary outcomes for both residential and school neighbourhood environments respectively. Living in a residential neighbourhood with a lower density of fast-food restaurants was associated with a 48% (OR=0.52, 95% CI: 0.30-0.91) and 40% (OR=0.60, 95% CI: 0.36-0.99) lower likelihood of eating/snacking out, for lowest and intermediate densities respectively. Similar associations were found for convenience stores, the lowest density compared with the highest density indicating a 56% (OR=0.44, 95% CI: 0.25-0.80) lower likelihood of eating/snacking out. Residential neighbourhood proximity-based indicators were not associated with children’s diets, nor were residential RFE indices. Access to food establishments in the school environment was only marginally associated with dietary outcomes (Table 3). For example, intermediate (vs. shortest) distance between attended school and the nearest fast-food restaurant was associated with an increased likelihood of consuming recommended servings of V&F (p=0.08). Similarly, attending schools in neighbourhoods with the lowest density of supermarkets (vs. highest density) was associated with a decreased likelihood of eating/snacking out (p=0.08); an intermediate density of supermarkets (vs. highest density) was associated with an increased likelihood of consuming sugar-sweetened beverages (p=0.07); and intermediate density of fast-food restaurants (vs. highest density) was associated with an increased likelihood of consuming delivered/take-out foods (p=0.09). The residential neighbourhood RFE indices were not associated with dietary outcomes (Table 2). Attending a school in a neighbourhood with a 3 km buffer RFE Index ≥2.5 (i.e., 2.5 fast-food restaurants/convenience stores for 1 supermarket/specialty store) was associated with a 61% (OR=1.61, 95% CI: 1.01-2.56) greater likelihood of consuming sugar-sweetened beverages, after adjustment for individual and neighbourhood covariates (Table 3). Similarly, an elevated RFEI within 1 and 3 km buffers around schools was marginally associated with a lower likelihood of consuming recommended servings of V&F. Among children living >1.5 km from their school, lowest (vs. highest) school neighbourhood density of fast-food restaurants was associated with a higher likelihood of consuming recommended servings of V&F, and intermediate (vs. highest) school neighbourhood density of fast-food restaurants was associated with a higher likelihood of consuming delivered/take-out food (Table 4). The residential density of convenience stores remained positively associated with eating/snacking out. Last, when V&F intake was treated as a continuous variable using linear regression models, children living farthest from fast-food restaurants had a 0.5 additional serving of V&F daily (β=0.50, 95% CI: 0, 1.00) compared with those living at the shortest distance. Moreover, living in or attending a school in a neighbourhood with 3 km RFE indices ≥2.5 was associated with up to a half serving less of V&F (β=-0.40, 95% CI: -0.81, 0.005 for residential neighbourhood and β=-0.50, 95% CI: -0.91, -0.09 for school neighbourhood). CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S51 NEIGHBOURHOOD FOOD ENVIRONMENTS AND DIET Table 3. Covariate-adjusted Associations (OR and 95% CI) Between Measures of the School Neighbourhood Food Environment and Dietary Outcomes in the QUALITY Study* ≥5 Servings of V&F/Day >50 mL Sugarsweetened Beverages/Day (n=489) Eating/Snacking Out ≥Once/Week (n=502) Delivered/Takeout Food ≥Once/Week (n=502) 1.03 (0.63-1.68) 1.26 (0.77-2.06) 1 0.93 (0.56-1.55) 1.00 (0.62-1.62) 1 1.05 (0.67-1.65) 1.20 (0.79-1.81) 1 1.14 (0.70-1.86) 1.14 (0.73-1.78) 1 1.18 (0.66-2.10) 1.59 (0.95-2.64)‡ 1 0.87 (0.51-1.48) 0.77 (0.48-1.23) 1 1.23 (0.79-1.94) 1.39 (0.89-2.17) 1 1.34 (0.84-2.14) 1.22 (0.77-1.93) 1 1.13 (0.66-1.91) 1.10 (0.68-1.81) 1 0.99 (0.58-1.68) 1.48 (0.91-2.39) 1 1.10 (0.69-1.77) 0.94 (0.61-1.47) 1 1.08 (0.68-1.71) 0.69 (0.43-1.10) 1 0.99 (0.55-1.78) 0.82 (0.49-1.35) 1 1.37 (0.74-2.51) 1.64 (0.96-2.79)‡ 1 0.63 (0.37-1.06)‡ 0.78 (0.48-1.28) 1 0.97 (0.56-1.67) 1.55 (0.91-2.64) 1 1.59 (0.85-2.94) 1.25 (0.69-2.25) 1 0.97 (0.54-1.75) 1.06 (0.64-1.76) 1 0.85 (0.50-1.47) 0.96 (0.58-1.57) 1 1.25 (0.71-2.20) 1.53 (0.93-2.50)‡ 1 1.34 (0.69-2.60) 1.39 (0.80-2.41) 1 1.04 (0.56-1.93) 0.98 (0.59-1.61) 1 0.71 (0.38-1.35) 0.81 (0.47-1.41) 1 0.75 (0.41-1.35) 1.03 (0.61-1.73) 1 0.63 (0.39-1.04)‡ 1 0.96 (0.60-1.51) 1 0.74 (0.47-1.15) 1 0.93 (0.61-1.41) 1 0.67 (0.41-1.08)‡ 1 1.61 (1.01-2.56)† 1 0.83 (0.53-1.30) 1 1.25 (0.81-1.91) 1 (n=489)§ Proximity measures Model 1 – Distance to nearest supermarket Farthest (>1565 m) Intermediate (670 to 1565 m) Shortest (<670 m) Model 2 – Distance to nearest fast-food restaurant Farthest (>1460 m) Intermediate (680 to 1460 m) Shortest (<680 m) Model 3 – Distance to nearest convenience store Farthest (>834 m) Intermediate (370 to 835 m) Shortest (<370 m) Density measures Model 4 – Density of supermarkets Lowest Intermediate Highest Model 5 – Density of fast-food restaurants Lowest Intermediate Highest Model 6 – Density of convenience stores Lowest Intermediate Highest Retail food environment measures Model 7 – 1 km buffer RFE Index ≥2 (21.9%) <2 (78.1%) Model 8 – 3 km buffer RFE Index ≥2.5 (22.9%) <2.5 (77.1%) * Separate GEE (generalized estimating equations) model with logit link function for each main exposure and each outcome, adjusted for child’s age, sex, parental education, household income, school neighbourhood material deprivation and school neighbourhood population density. †p≤0.05; ‡p≤0.10. § When treated as a continuous outcome, 3 km RFE Index ≥2.5 (vs. less) was associated with V&F intake (Beta=-0.50, 95% CI: -0.91, -0.09). OR=odds ratio; CI=confidence interval; V&F=vegetables and fruit; RFE=retail food environment. DISCUSSION We examined associations between indicators of neighbourhood food environments and dietary outcomes among children with a family history of obesity. The findings suggest that the availability of fast-food restaurants and convenience stores in children’s neighbourhood environments may be associated with their intake of V&F, and the likelihood of eating/snacking out and consuming delivered/take-out foods. This extends recent research on built environments and children’s diets. Although associations tended to be weak in magnitude, observed associations are overall consistent with current research on obesogenic environments and health. As previously reported,5-7 we found no consistent associations between a greater availability of supermarkets and more favourable dietary outcomes. Supermarkets typically offer a large variety of healthful foods, including vegetables and fruits, at lower costs.25 However, there appear to be very few “food deserts” in Montreal, i.e., neighbourhoods where residents are considered to have poor access to supermarkets.26 Associations between the availability of supermarkets and diets may be more likely to emerge in areas with less equitable distributions of supermarkets and may be more relevant to adult populations. In contrast to supermarket availability, we found more evidence that the availability of fast-food restaurants and convenience stores was associated with children’s diets, particularly with the likelihood of eating or having a snack in a food establishment. These findings suggest that easy access to unhealthful foods may be more of a concern than poor access to more healthful foods.27 S52 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Geographic clustering of fast-food restaurants and convenience stores around schools has been described previously,14 although our findings suggest that associations between access to these food establishments and children’s diets were more consistent for residential than for school neighbourhood exposures. This may be related to the relatively young age of participants; school neighbourhoods may become more important during adolescence, when students attending secondary school are typically authorized to leave school grounds.28 Use of the RFE indices revealed that children residing in or attending a school in neighbourhoods with a preponderance of unhealthful food establishments scored most poorly on dietary outcomes.29 An indicator of relative access to types of food establishments is a useful complement to proximity- and density-based indicators, as commercial destinations tend to be geographically clustered such that higher numbers of fast-food restaurants are often associated with more supermarkets and fruit and vegetable stores as well. Restricting analyses to the subgroup of children living >1.5 km from their school allowed us to partially distinguish associations with residential neighbourhood environments from associations with school neighbourhood environments. However, the results of these subanalyses are likely not generalizable to the entire sample. In this subgroup, children who lived farther away from their school were more likely to be driven to or from their school than to travel by bus. A higher likelihood of car travel may lead to more oppor- NEIGHBOURHOOD FOOD ENVIRONMENTS AND DIET Table 4. Covariate-adjusted Associations (OR and 95% CI) of Residential and School Neighbourhood Densities of Food Establishments with Dietary Outcomes in Children Living More Than 1.5 km From Their School, QUALITY Study ≥5 Servings of V&F/Day >50 mL Sugarsweetened Beverages/Day (n=189) Eating/Snacking Out ≥Once/Week (n=191) 1.01 (0.38-2.69) 0.79 (0.33-1.88) 1 1.00 (0.38-2.63) 1.32 (0.56-3.12) 1 0.66 (0.25-1.72) 0.70 (0.30-1.63) 1 1.27 (0.44-3.66) 2.13 (0.86-5.31)‡ 1 0.91 (0.32-2.53) 0.67 (0.27-1.65) 1 1.69 (0.62-4.64) 1.22 (0.51-2.95) 1 0.67 (0.25-1.79) 0.79 (0.34-1.87) 1 3.45 (1.10-10.84)† 1.81 (0.70-4.73) 1 0.71 (0.24-2.08) 0.56 (0.21-1.45) 1 1.53 (0.53-4.40) 1.45 (0.57-3.69) 1 0.32 (0.11-0.93)† 0.41 (0.16-1.05)‡ 1 1.78 (0.57-5.60) 1.67 (0.62-4.51) 1 1.70 (0.63-4.60) 1.06 (0.49-2.30 1 0.72 (0.28-1.88) 1.01 (0.45-2.26) 1 0.76 (0.31-1.90) 1.17 (0.54-2.53) 1 0.80 (0.26-2.48) 1.49 (0.60-3.71) 1 2.87 (1.16-7.10)† 0.87 (0.34-2.21) 1 1.04 (0.46-2.37) 1.31 (0.54-3.19) 1 1.63 (0.70-3.82) 1.76 (0.83-3.72) 1 1.51 (0.58-3.93) 2.84 (1.16-6.97)† 1 2.21 (0.76-6.47) 0.93 (0.37-2.37) 1 0.58 (0.20-1.68) 0.70 (0.25-1.92) 1 1.26 (0.47-3.35) 1.19 (0.53-2.69) 1 0.53 (0.16-1.81) 0.98 (0.32-3.04) 1 (n=189) Residential environment* Model 1 – Density of supermarkets Lowest Intermediate Highest Model 2 – Density of fast-food restaurants Lowest Intermediate Highest Model 3 – Density of convenience stores Lowest Intermediate Highest School environment** Model 4 – Density of supermarkets Lowest Intermediate Highest Model 5 – Density of fast-food restaurants Lowest Intermediate Highest Model 6 – Density of convenience stores Lowest Intermediate Highest Delivered/Takeout Food ≥Once/Week (n=191) * Separate logistic regression models for each exposure and each outcome, adjusted for child’s age, sex, parental education, household income, residential neighbourhood material deprivation and residential population density. ** Separate GEE (generalized estimating equations) models with logit link function for each exposure and each outcome, adjusted for child’s age, sex, parental education, household income, school neighbourhood material deprivation and school neighbourhood population density. †p≤0.05, ‡p≤0.10. OR=odds ratio; CI=confidence interval; V&F=vegetables and fruit. tunistic purchases by parents, including those at drive-through restaurants, given the extended potential path area.9,30 This may, in part, explain the higher fast-food intake among children living farther away from fast-food restaurants. Initiatives to create zones around schools with limited access to fast-food restaurants and convenience stores have been proposed.31 Such initiatives may have a positive impact on children’s diet, particularly in the context of ecological interventions in which multiple levels of obesogenic environments are targeted. Although school neighbourhoods might be more compelling targets, policies to limit access to unhealthful food establishments in residential neighbourhoods should be further investigated. The strengths of this study include the use of a valid and reliable method to measure children’s diet and the use of objective measures to characterize neighbourhood food environments. Overall, the findings should be interpreted with caution, given the number of associations tested and the increased risk of type-1 error. The results should thus be seen as exploratory and in need of confirmation in future studies. Other limitations include the possibility that children with certain dietary patterns were self-selected through their parents to reside in neighbourhoods with particular food establishment profiles. Moreover, because the majority of children lived within a short walking distance of their school, it was not possible to distinguish entirely between the associations of residential vs. school neighbourhood environments with children’s diets. While we used a GIS to quantify the availability of various types of food establishment,32 others have used measures of perceived access.33 Parents and children may incorporate aspects other than local availability to formulate perceptions of access, such as car ownership, parental permissiveness and available pocket money; this should be examined in future research that includes both GIS and perceived measures. Last, since the children in this study were relatively young (8-10 years), associations of interest may be mediated and/or confounded by parental diet; however, there were no measures of parent diet in the QUALITY study. Maternal BMI was considered as a proxy for mother’s diet, but was not retained because its inclusion in the models did not change main exposure coefficients substantively and because the study design required at least one parent to be obese. In conclusion, our findings suggest that among children aged 8-10 years, residential neighbourhood food environments are more strongly associated with dietary outcomes than are school neighbourhood food environments. Although the magnitude of associations is relatively small, the potential to affect population dietary behaviours and related health outcomes may be substantial. Frequent and widespread food purchasing opportunities within children’s environments may be one factor amenable to interventions to improve diets. REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Galvez MP, Pearl M, Yen IH. Childhood obesity and the built environment: A review of the literature from 2008-2009. Curr Opin Pediatr 2010;22(2):2027. Rahman T, Cushing RA, Jackson RJ. Contributions of built environment to childhood obesity. Mt Sinai J Med 2011;78(1):49-57. Dunton GF, Kaplan J, Wolch J, Jerrett M, Reynolds KD. Physical environmental correlates of childhood obesity: A systematic review. Obes Rev 2009;10(4):393-402. 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Neighborhood characteristics in relation to diet, physical activity and overweight of Canadian children. Int J Pediatr Obes 2008;3(3):152-59. RÉSUMÉ Objectifs : Rares sont les études du milieu bâti qui s’intéressent aux environnements alimentaires des quartiers par rapport aux régimes alimentaires des enfants. Nous avons examiné les associations entre l’accès des quartiers résidentiels et scolaires à différents types d’établissements alimentaires et les régimes des enfants. Méthode : Nous avons analysé les données de l’étude QUALITY (QUebec Adipose and Lifestyle InvesTigation in Youth), une étude en cours sur l’histoire naturelle de l’obésité chez 630 jeunes Québécois de 8 à 10 ans ayant une histoire parentale d’obésité (n=512). Trois rappels alimentaires de 24 heures ont servi à évaluer l’apport en fruits et légumes et en boissons édulcorées au sucre. À l’aide de questionnaires, nous avons déterminé la fréquence des repas et des collations pris à l’extérieur et la consommation d’aliments livrés à domicile ou à emporter. Nous avons caractérisé l’environnement alimentaire des quartiers résidentiels et scolaires au moyen d’un système d’information géographique. Les variables étaient la distance jusqu’au supermarché, au restaurant rapide et au dépanneur le plus proche, et les densités de chacun de ces types d’établissements, calculées sur un réseau tampon d’1 km autour du domicile et de l’école de chaque enfant. Des indices d’environnement alimentaire de détail ont aussi été calculés. La régression logistique multivariée (accès à partir du domicile) et des équations d’estimation généralisées (accès à partir de l’école) ont servi à l’analyse. Résultats : L’accès des quartiers résidentiels et scolaires aux supermarchés n’était pas associé aux régimes des enfants. Le fait d’habiter un quartier où les restaurants rapides et les dépanneurs sont moins accessibles était associé à une plus faible probabilité de prendre des repas et des collations à l’extérieur. Les enfants qui fréquentaient des écoles de quartiers comptant davantage d’établissements alimentaires malsains que d’établissements sains ont obtenu les pires scores pour ce qui est de leur régime. Conclusions : Des enquêtes plus poussées sont nécessaires pour formuler des politiques qui influencent les occasions d’achat d’aliments à l’échelle des quartiers, particulièrement l’accès aux restaurants rapides et aux dépanneurs. Mots clés : milieu bâti; enfant; régime alimentaire; environnement alimentaire; quartier résidentiel; quartier scolaire; cohorte QUALITY QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH Physical Activity and Nutrition Among Youth in Rural, Suburban and Urban Neighbourhood Types Cindy Shearer, PhD,1 Chris Blanchard, PhD,2 Sara Kirk, PhD,3 Renee Lyons, PhD,4 Trevor Dummer, PhD,5 Robert Pitter, PhD,6 Daniel Rainham, PhD,7 Laurene Rehman, PhD,3 Chris Shields, PhD,6 Meaghan Sim, MSc3 ABSTRACT Objectives: Physical activity and nutrition are essential to healthy living and particularly important during youth, when growth and development are key. This study examined rates of physical activity (PA) and diet quality (DQ) among youth in grades 7 to 9 in Halifax, Nova Scotia, during the 2008/09 school year and tested differences among students in rural, urban and suburban neighbourhood types of high and low socio-economic status (SES). Methods: Youth in grades 7 through 9 (aged 12-16; 53% male) from six schools (N=380), stratified by neighbourhood type (urban, suburban, rural) and SES, wore accelerometers for up to 7 days (mean=4.14, standard deviation=1.49) and completed a nutritional survey. Results: The findings suggest important differences in PA and DQ across SES and neighbourhood type. Specifically, rates of moderate to vigorous physical activity among youth from schools in lower socio-economic areas were higher in urban than in suburban or rural settings. Furthermore, DQ was better among youth in higher than in lower socio-economic urban settings. Conclusions: Understanding these differences in PA and DQ across rural, urban and suburban environments of high and low SES may highlight subgroups and targeted geographic areas for the design of interventions to improve rates of PA and health nutrition. Key words: Physical activity; nutrition; youth; built environment; socioeconomic status La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. P Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S55-S60. romoting physical activity (PA) and diet quality (DQ) during the adolescent years is particularly important, as research suggests that behaviours formed in adolescence extend into adulthood1,2 and carry consequences for long-term health. Past research has revealed that less than 30% of 7th grade students in Nova Scotia met the recommended level of PA (60 minutes per day, 5 days per week) to achieve health benefits,3 and their diets did not meet Canada’s Food Guide (e.g., more than 70% did not fulfill the daily requirement of 6-8 servings [depending on age and sex] of fruits and vegetables),4 making these two behaviours an important focus for health promotion and intervention efforts. Extant research has highlighted important socio-economic and neighbourhood differences in PA and DQ. For instance, youth from higher socio-economic backgrounds have been found to engage in more PA5 and to have better DQ (diets that have variety, adequacy, moderation and balance)6 than youth from lower socio-economic backgrounds. However, the findings with regard to differences in neighbourhood type (urban/suburban/rural) in PA and DQ are somewhat mixed. Some studies of youth obesity have demonstrated higher rates of overweight and obesity in rural than urban and suburban areas.7 Other studies have revealed lower rates of PA among youth from urban neighbourhoods than those from rural and/or suburban environments,8 whereas others have reported no differences across neighbourhood types,9,10 and some have demonstrated higher rates of PA among urban than rural youth.11 Suburban contexts are often neglected in extant research. Suburban neighbourhoods have characteristics of both rural and urban environments in that they are better connected to urban centres than rural environments, yet they may sit at a distance from points of interest that are not walkable. With regard to DQ, Veugelers et al.12 reported a linkage between rural environments and higher dietary fat and calorie consumption among Canadian children. Yet, convenience and “fast-food” © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S55 Author Affiliations 1. Atlantic Health Promotion Research Centre, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS 2. Department of Medicine, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS 3. School of Health and Human Performance, Faculty of Health Professions, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS 4. Bridgepoint Collaboratory for Research and Innovation, Bridgepoint Health, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON 5. Population Cancer Research Program, Department of Pediatrics, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS 6. School of Recreation Management & Kinesiology, Acadia University, Wolfville, NS 7. Environmental Science Program, Faculty of Science, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS Correspondence: Dr. Cindy Shearer, Atlantic Health Promotion Research Centre, Dalhousie University, 1535 Dresden Row, Halifax, NS B3J 3T1, Tel: 902-494-2604, Fax: 902-494-3594, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: This research was supported by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research’s Institute of Human Development, Child and Youth Health and Institute of Nutrition, Metabolism and Diabetes; and the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada, through the Built Environment, Obesity and Health Initiative. The authors thank the ENACT team, including its principal investigators Renee Lyons and Jill Grant; co-investigators (not listed as co-authors) Michael Arthur, Andrea Chircop, Patricia Manuel and Louise Parker; community and policy partners Janet Barlow, Diana Dibblee, Amy MacDonald, Roxane MacInnis, Michelle Murton, Clare O’Connor, Paul Shakotko and Jacqueline Spiers; and staff and students Meredith Flannery, Andrew Harding, Nicole Landry, Kathryn MacKay, Gillian McGinnis, Julie Rouette and Stephanie Wood. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NUTRITION AMONG YOUTH outlets – key features of obesogenic environments13,14 – are more prevalent in urban areas. Thus, the urban environment may expose youth to more unhealthy options and contribute to poor diet quality.15 The nutrition environment in the suburban context is also unique in that the density of fast-food outlets may be much less than in urban environments, but because of location outside the urban core more frequent commuting may be required through areas where unhealthy foods are readily available. Better DQ has been shown in previous research to be associated with improved health outcomes in adults,16 but there is a paucity of data on DQ and health in children.17 A recent publication has demonstrated an independent association between overall DQ and academic performance in children,18 suggesting that improving DQ may have impacts beyond health outcomes alone. Given that few studies have considered the potential influence of socio-economic status (SES) and neighbourhood type on PA and diet in youth,19 further research is needed to clarify their potential importance for this population. Understanding differences in DQ and PA for subgroups of this population is important for the development of interventions aimed at improving the health behaviours of youth.12,20 The purpose of the present study was to compare PA and DQ among youth from schools of higher and lower SES in rural, suburban and urban neighbourhood types. It was hypothesized that PA and DQ would be more favourable in higher versus lower SES environments. It was also hypothesized that SES and neighbourhood type would interact when influencing PA.21 METHODS institutional and recreational uses and a pattern of established neighbourhoods with low- to medium-density residential uses. Eligible schools in each neighbourhood type were organized by SES and divided into tertiles. One high and one low SES school was randomly selected from the higher and lower tertiles. Only one school that was approached declined to participate. Participating urban schools were located in areas that had high residential density and street connectivity, high sidewalk availability, more mixed land uses and greater population density. Suburban schools were located in areas with lower residential density and street connectivity, and land uses that were spatially segregated. Finally, rural schools were in areas that were automobile reliant, with low residential density and street connectivity, no sidewalks, and schools placed far from residential land uses. Recruitment took place in one school at a time during the 2008 and 2009 school years. Students were recruited through presentations in each 7th to 9th grade classroom. Information packages, including consent forms, were distributed to obtain parental consent; 27% of these forms were returned for participation in the study. In addition to completing surveys of dietary intake and health behaviours, students were asked to wear an accelerometer and GPS (Global Positioning System) device (to measure their geospatial footprint, which is not a focus of the current report) for a period of one week. All participants were entered in a prize draw for a gift card for participating. Furthermore, cash incentives were provided to encourage participants to wear the equipment ($20 for 6 or fewer days of wear, $30 for 7 days). All surveys (diet and health behaviours) and measurements (height/weight) were collected prior to distributing the accelerometers to students. Recruitment This research protocol was approved by the principal investigators’ institutional review board as well as the review panel in place at the school board from which schools were recruited. Schools in the Halifax Regional Municipality, NS, were eligible for inclusion if they 1) enrolled students in Grades 7 through 9, and 2) did not offer a French immersion program (as these schools draw a greater proportion of students from areas outside the school’s eligible neighbourhood). Within the Halifax Regional School Board, 38 schools fit these criteria; 5 were located in rural areas, 24 in suburban areas and 9 in urban areas. Six public schools were stratified by schoollevel SES and neighbourhood type. School-level SES was determined by the median household income of the school’s census dissemination area (a term used by Statistics Canada to refer to a small area composed of one or more neighbouring blocks, with a population of 400 to 700 persons), based on 2006 census data. Urban, suburban and rural categories were designated through a two-step process. The first step distinguished rural from urban using the Statistics Canada population-based definition of an urban area.* The Halifax Regional Municipality municipal planning guidelines† were then used to subdivide urban areas into urban and suburban categories according to urban development patterns, including housing density and a mix of commercial, institutional and recreational uses. Urban areas had a mix of high-density residential, commercial, institutional and recreational uses, whereas suburban areas had a mix of low- and medium-density commercial, * >1,000 persons per km2; see http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/92f0138m/ 92f0138m2008001-eng.pdf † See http://www.halifax.ca/districts/dist17/documents/RegionalPlan.pdf S56 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Measures Demographic Features Students reported their ethnicity (identified from a list of options, including “other” and space to describe) and sex within the survey of health behaviours and dietary intake. Body Mass Index (BMI) Students had their weight and height measured by trained research assistants in a private area of the school. These measurements were used to calculate BMI. Physical Activity PA was assessed objectively using the Actigraph GT1M (Actigraph: Pensacola, FL) accelerometer (placed on the right hip) for seven consecutive days. This accelerometer has documented evidence of concurrent validity and inter-instrument reliability in several studies of children and adolescents.22 Students were asked to wear the device for all waking hours of the day and to remove it for waterbased activities and contact sports. At least one valid day (i.e., ≥8 hours of valid data) was required to be included in analyses; 92.7% of those who wore an accelerometer met this requirement. Students averaged 4.14 (SD=1.49) days of valid data. Raw accelerometer counts were converted to minutes per day of moderate (i.e., activities that cause youth to sweat a bit and breathe harder) to vigorous (i.e., activities that cause youth to sweat and be out of breath) physical activity (MVPA) using age-specific count thresholds developed by Freedson and colleagues.23 PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NUTRITION AMONG YOUTH Table 1. Sample Characteristics by School-level Socio-economic Status and Urban, Suburban and Rural Built Environments (N=380) Demographic Characteristics Median income of census dissemination area, $ Season of data collection Age, % <12 13 14 15 16 Male, % Grade, % 7 8 9 White, % Mean (SD) BMI High SES (School-level) Urban Suburban Rural n=45 n=25 n=4 54,827 62,834 50,325 Oct/Nov May/Jun May/Jun Low SES (School-level) Urban Suburban Rural n=63 n=97 n=86 26,641 47,821 30,527 Nov/Dec Mar/Apr May/Jun 53.3 40.0 6.7 0.0 0.0 60.0 12.0 56.0 16.0 16.0 0.0 52.0 20.3 35.9 32.8 9.4 1.6 45.3 31.7 36.5 25.4 6.3 0.0 52.4 14.4 36.1 37.1 11.3 1.0 55.7 11.6 33.7 38.4 15.1 1.2 52.3 55.6 40.0 4.4 88.9 19.0 (2.9) 64.0 24.0 12.0 80.0 20.8 (3.6) 34.4 34.4 31.3 95.3 22.5 (4.5) 39.7 39.7 20.6 60.3 21.9 (4.5) 33.0 35.1 32.0 85.6 22.8 (5.4) 33.7 39.5 26.7 93.0 22.5 (4.8) SES=socio-economic status (school-level). Table 2. Moderate-to-Vigorous Physical Activity (MVPA) Per Day and Diet Quality by School-level Socioeconomic Status and Urban, Suburban and Rural Built Environments Minutes of MVPA/Day Mean (SD)* Median High SES Urban Suburban Rural Low SES Urban Suburban Rural Diet Quality Mean (SD)* Median 71.52 (23.00) 69.62 (41.90) 48.39 (32.41) 69.83 60.08 41.23 67.29 (8.12)† 65.12 (8.27) 63.98 (8.02) 69.76 63.96 64.84 82.50 (39.13)† 55.00 (31.03)‡ 58.81 (30.63)‡ 73.13 48.00 49.83 59.75 (7.06)‡ 63.02 (7.60) 64.20 (7.67) 59.28 63.55 64.34 * Means with different superscripts were significantly different, p<0.05. SES=socio-economic status (school-level). RESULTS Demographic data are presented in Table 1. Of the 380 students recruited, 53% were male and 84% were white. Participant age ranged from 12 or less to 16 years, with somewhat greater participation among younger students. This was reflected in the distribution by grade, which revealed lower participation by grade 9 students at most schools. Preliminary analyses showed that MVPA per day was significantly related to sex (F[1,344]=23.64, p=0.00), grade (F[1,344]=5.34, p=0.01) and BMI (r=-0.16, p=0.00), whereas DQ differed by ethnicity (F[1,330]=6.02, p=0.02). Therefore, these were controlled for in subsequent analyses. Physical activity Diet Quality Nutritional intake was assessed by means of the Harvard Youth/Adolescent Questionnaire (YAQ),24 a validated food frequency instrument suitable for adolescents in this age group. As DQ is best represented in a composite measure, data from the YAQ were used to calculate a Diet Quality Index (DQI)24 for each student. DQI values encompass dietary variety (i.e., overall variety and variety within protein sources, to assess whether intake comes from diverse sources both across and within food groups), adequacy (i.e., the intake of dietary elements that must be supplied sufficiently to guarantee a healthy diet), moderation (i.e., intake of food and nutrients that are related to chronic diseases and that may need restriction) and balance (i.e., the overall balance of diet in terms of proportionality in energy sources and fatty acid composition). Scores ranged from 0 to 100, the higher scores reflecting better DQ. The DQI has been useful in cross-national comparisons of diet quality25 and has demonstrated important associations with other measures of healthy eating.18 Analytical plan Demographic and descriptive statistics were generated, and a series of zero-order correlations and between-subject ANOVAs were conducted to identify potential covariates (sex, grade, ethnicity and BMI) for the main analyses. Once identified, a series of 2 (SES: high vs. low) × 3 (neighbourhood type: urban, suburban, rural) analyses of covariance (ANCOVA) were conducted on the MVPA per day and DQ variables. With regard to MVPA per day, the ANCOVA showed a significant school-level SES × neighbourhood type interaction (F[2,343]=4.56, p=0.01) (see Table 2). Follow-up between-subject ANCOVAs were conducted for high and low SES groups separately and showed that the effect of neighbourhood type was only present for low SES schools (F[2,225]=14.49, p=0.00). Least significant difference posthoc analyses showed that low SES urban students engaged in significantly more MVPA per day than low SES suburban (p=0.00) and rural (p=0.00) students; however, MVPA per day was similar for low SES suburban and rural students (p=0.71). Diet quality With respect to DQ, the ANCOVA showed a significant school level SES × neighbourhood type interaction (F[2,330]=4.21, p=0.02) (see Table 2). Follow-up between-subject ANCOVAs were conducted for urban, suburban and rural groups separately and showed that high SES urban students had significantly better DQ scores than their low SES counterparts (F[1,85]=14.41, p=0.00); however, there were no school-level SES differences for suburban or rural students. DISCUSSION Physical activity The health benefits of PA are well known, yet PA rates tend to decline during the adolescent period.26 Understanding how PA rates vary for subgroups during this phase of the lifespan can highlight possible avenues for targeted interventions to improve youth CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S57 PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NUTRITION AMONG YOUTH health. Consistent with our hypotheses, analyses revealed an interaction between SES and neighbourhood type. Higher rates of PA were found among youth who attended school in a low SES urban setting than among those who attended school in low SES rural or suburban settings. The rural schools in our study had larger catchment areas and required bussing of most or all students, whereas bussing was less common in urban schools. Therefore, active transportation to school may account for some of the difference in MVPA in the urban and rural settings. Otherwise, there were few differences noted among the low SES schools in their physical education programming or the availability of facilities for use outside of school time (e.g., all low-SES schools had a gymnasium with change rooms on site as well as outdoor paved areas for PA, fields and running tracks available to them either on or off school grounds; all reported that students would have the option to participate in intramural programs that involved physical activity five days per week). This finding is consistent with previous research of adult PA, which has typically found higher rates of PA in urban than rural areas.27 However, it is inconsistent with some research on children and youth. In a review of studies examining the PA levels of children living in different built environments, Sandercock et al.8 found that most studies either reported no difference among urban, rural and (when examined) suburban environments or that children in rural and/or suburban environments had higher PA levels than those in urban environments. Most of the studies reviewed by Sandercock et al.8 employed either self- or parent-reports of child/youth PA, which are vulnerable to overreporting, social desirability influences and difficulty in recall.28 Our study improves on the literature by using objectively measured PA across three distinct neighbourhood types. Furthermore, greater PA among rural children is often attributed to outdoor play, which is more likely to occur in younger age groups than the one studied here.29 Typically, explanations for rural-urban differences in adult PA highlight the limited availability and accessibility of venues for leisure-time PA and poor walkability of rural areas.30,31 This disparity is likely exacerbated when financial resources are lower. Indeed, Parks et al.21 found that rural, lower-income adults were less than half as likely as suburban, higher-income adults to meet PA recommendations. Canadian data indicate that parents from smaller communities are less likely to report the availability of public and private opportunities for PA and less likely to report that that those opportunities meet their children’s needs;32 the data also indicate that youth perceive a lack of opportunities close to home as a barrier to physical activity.33 Lower socio-economic regions are even less likely to have venues for leisure-time PA than higher socioeconomic regions, and where they do exist the limited financial resources of residents may preclude their use.34 In a qualitative examination, low SES Canadian youth were more likely than their high SES counterparts to report the proximity and cost of facilities as factors that determined their participation in PA.35 The inclusion of a suburban comparison category represents a further novel aspect of the current study, as few studies have gone beyond the examination of simple urban/rural differences.8 A pattern of higher PA levels in children in suburban environments has emerged when this category is considered.36 In our study, however, rates of youth PA were similar in suburban and rural settings regardless of neighbourhood SES. This discrepancy may be rooted S58 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 in differences in measurement (our study measured PA objectively by accelerometers, whereas Springer et al.36 employed self-report measures). Developmental differences may also play a role, in that Springer et al. studied high school students. These older adolescents may have the autonomy to drive to nearby centres for PA, whereas younger adolescents may not. Suburban environments, by definition, are located outside of the urban core. Therefore, opportunities for physical activities of interest to this age group (at facilities such as rinks, skate parks and recreation centres) may not be within walkable distance in either rural or suburban neighbourhoods. Diet quality Consistent with our hypothesis, DQ was found to be poorer among youth who attended school in the low SES setting than among their counterparts who attended school in the high SES setting. However, this pattern was found only for urban schools. Differences in the nutrition environment and programming at these urban schools were few: the high SES school had a vending machine for drinks whereas the low SES school did not, and the low SES school offered a breakfast program whereas the high SES school did not. Yet, neither of these offers a clear explanation for the pattern of findings that emerged. Socio-economic differences in DQ have been highlighted quite consistently in the literature: 80% of articles reviewed by Hanson and Chen5 revealed an association between higher SES and greater DQ. Explanations for the association between low SES and poor nutrition often highlight unsafe or impoverished living environments with limited access to healthy foods and/or limited knowledge of healthy eating practices.5 Further exploration of this phenomenon in this sample is ongoing, with preliminary qualitative analysis suggesting that accessibility of healthy foods plays an important role in food choice (data not shown). Much less research has focused on neighbourhood-type differences in DQ. There is some indication that dietary fat and calorie consumption is higher among rural youth and families.12,37 Yet, research examining the impact of the built environment features on youth health has suggested that the accessibility of fast-food restaurants, which is greater in urban than rural environments, is an important predictor of obesity.15 Although the current study did not find differences across neighbourhood type, the low SES urban environment emerged as a setting with particularly poor DQ. Perhaps by combining the economic and geographic accessibility of unhealthy foods (especially fast food), urban environments in lower socio-economic areas may be particularly obesogenic.38 CONCLUSION Several limitations need to be considered in interpreting the findings of the current study. As in all correlational research, it is important to acknowledge that the relations between neighbourhood type, SES, PA and DQ presented here are not causal. Thus, we cannot conclude that living in a low SES urban environment causes youth to engage in greater PA or to eat foods that result in a lower DQ. Self-selection of individuals and families into particular neighbourhoods may play an important, albeit immeasurable, role in our findings. If neighbourhood self-selection could be taken into account, differences found between the six settings might be attenuated. Further self-selection into the study is another limitation. PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NUTRITION AMONG YOUTH Although the schools were randomly selected from identified strata, only one school was chosen to represent each stratum, limiting the generalizability of our findings. Furthermore, the recruitment rate was somewhat low, likely because of the greater extent of participant involvement (e.g., wearing and charging study equipment) than in other studies, and grade 9 students may be somewhat under-represented in comparison to students in grades 7 and 8. Also, because schools were recruited one at a time, seasonal changes may have affected different rates of PA across the six schools. With regard to measurement, because accelerometers were required to be removed during water and contact sports, the measure of MVPA did not include these activities. Finally, because household income was not self-reported, variations among students within the same school area are not taken into account in these analyses.* Despite these limitations, the current study contributes to an improved understanding of the variation in PA and diet in adolescents from more or less urbanized neighbourhoods in several ways. First, by employing accelerometers to measure PA, this paper improves upon earlier descriptive work that has used primarily selfreport indices. Second, investigations rarely consider both PA and dietary intake – i.e., both sides of the energy balance equation – within the same study,19 which is critical to a greater understanding of the role of the built environment in obesity and other chronic diseases. This work provides detailed descriptive information on youth PA levels and dietary intake for concurrent consideration and reveals important differences in the patterning of these healthrelated behaviours across school-level income levels and neighbourhood types. Finally, studies that consider neighbourhood types often include only rural and urban categories. By considering the suburban environment, this study advances the current understanding of health behaviours among youth in these geographic areas. It suggests that neighbourhood type and SES interact and should both, therefore, be carefully considered in identifying both areas of risk (e.g., rural vs. urban areas) and target behaviours (e.g., diet quality vs. physical activity) in the development of initiatives aimed to promote PA and DQ among youth. REFERENCES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Kelder SH, Perry CL, Klepp KI, Lytle LL. Longitudinal tracking of adolescent smoking, physical activity, and food choice behaviors. Am J Public Health 1994;84:1121-26. Larson NI, Neumark-Sztainer D, Hannan PJ, Story M. Family meals during adolescence are associated with higher diet quality and healthful meal patterns during young adulthood. J Am Diet Assoc 2007;107:1502-10. Thompson AM, McHugh TL, Blanchard C, Campagna PD, Durant MA, Rehman LA, et al. Physical activity of children and youth in Nova Scotia from 2001/02 and 2005/06. Prev Med 2009;49(5):407-9. Campagna P, Amero M, Arthur M, Durant M, Murphy R, Porter J, et al. 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Yousefian A, Ziller E, Swarz J, Hartley D. Active living for rural youth: Addressing physical inactivity in rural communities. J Public Health Manag Pract 2009;15:223-31. Frost SS, Goins RT, Hunter RH, Hooker SP, Bryant LL, Kruger J, Pluto D. Effects of the built environment on activity of adults living in rural settings. Am J Health Promot 2010;24:267-83. Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle Research Institute. Local opportunities to be active. Physical Activity Monitor 2005;Bulletin 5:64-78. Walia S, Leipert B. Perceived facilitators and barriers to physical activity for rural youth: An exploratory study using photovoice. Rural Remote Health 2012;12;1842. Epub. Moore LV, DiezRoux AV, Evenson KR, McGinn AP, Brines SJ. Availability of recreational resources in minority and low socioeconomic status areas. Am J Prev Med 2008;34:16-22. Humbert ML, Chad KE, Spink KS, Muhajarine N, Anderson KD, Bruner MW, et al. Qual Health Res 2006;16:467-83. Springer A, Hoelscher DM, Kelder SH. Prevalence of physical activity and sedentary behaviors in US high school students by metropolitan status and geographic region. J Phys Act Health 2006;3:365-80. Lutz SM, Blaylock JR, Smallwood DM. Household characteristics affect food choices. Food Rev 1993;16(2):12-17. Burdette HL, Whitaker RC. Neighborhood playgrounds, fast food restaurants, and crime: Relationships to overweight in low-income preschool children. Prev Med 2004;38:57-63. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S59 PHYSICAL ACTIVITY AND NUTRITION AMONG YOUTH RÉSUMÉ Objectifs : L’activité physique et la nutrition sont essentiels à un mode de vie sain et particulièrement importantes durant la jeunesse, en pleine période de croissance et de développement. Nous avons examiné les taux d’activité physique (AP) et la qualité du régime (QR) d’élèves de la 7e à la 9e année à Halifax (Nouvelle-Écosse) durant l’année scolaire 20082009 et évalué les écarts entre les élèves des quartiers ruraux, urbains et suburbains, de statut socioéconomique (SSE) faible et élevé. Méthode : Des jeunes de la 7e à la 9e année (de 12 à 16 ans; 53 % de garçons) fréquentant six écoles (N=380) stratifiées selon le type de quartier (urbain, suburbain, rural) et le SSE ont porté des accéléromètres pendant 7 jours ou moins (4,14 jours en moyenne, écart type de 1,49) et rempli un questionnaire sur la nutrition. Résultats : Les constatations de l’étude laissent entrevoir d’importants écarts dans l’AP et la QR selon le SSE et le type de quartier. En particulier, les taux d’activité physique modérée à vigoureuse chez les jeunes des écoles de zones socioéconomiquement faibles étaient plus élevés en milieu urbain qu’en milieu rural ou suburbain. De plus, la QR était meilleure chez les jeunes des quartiers urbains de SSE élevé plutôt que faible. Conclusion : La connaissance de ces écarts dans l’AP et la QR entre les environnements ruraux, urbains et suburbains, de SSE élevé ou faible, peut faire ressortir des sous-groupes et des zones géographiques à cibler pour concevoir des interventions qui améliorent les taux d’AP et de saine alimentation. Mots clés : activité physique; nutrition; jeunesse; milieu bâti; statut socioéconomique S60 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH Creating Neighbourhood Groupings Based on Built Environment Features to Facilitate Health Promotion Activities Donald Schopflocher, PhD,1 Eric VanSpronsen, MPH,1 John C. Spence, PhD,2 Helen Vallianatos, PhD,3 Kim D. Raine, PhD,1 Ronald C. Plotnikoff, PhD,4 Candace I.J. Nykiforuk, PhD1 ABSTRACT Objectives: Detailed assessments of the built environment often resist data reduction and summarization. This project sought to develop a method of reducing built environment data to an extent that they can be effectively communicated to researchers and community stakeholders. We aim to help in an understanding of how these data can be used to create neighbourhood groupings based on built environment characteristics and how the process of discussing these neighbourhoods with community stakeholders can result in the development of community-informed health promotion interventions. Methods: We used the Irvine Minnesota Inventory (IMI) to assess 296 segments of a semi-rural community in Alberta. Expert raters “created” neighbourhoods by examining the data. Then, a consensus grouping was developed using cluster analysis, and the number of IMI variables to characterize the neighbourhoods was reduced by multiple discriminant function analysis. Results: The 296 segments were reduced to a consensus set of 10 neighbourhoods, which could be separated from each other by 9 functions constructed from 24 IMI variables. Biplots of these functions were an effective means of summarizing and presenting the results of the community assessment, and stimulated community action. Conclusions: It is possible to use principled quantitative methods to reduce large amounts of information about the built environment into meaningful summaries. These summaries, or built environment neighbourhoods, were useful in catalyzing action with community stakeholders and led to the development of health-promoting built environment interventions. Key words: Built environment; quantitative methods; health promotion; knowledge exchange; obesity reduction La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. I Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S61-S66. n Canada, chronic diseases as leading causes of death are linked by common preventable risk factors related to lifestyle: tobacco use, unhealthy diet and physical inactivity.1 Recent research suggests that prevention efforts should target these risk factors and environmental, economic, social and behavioural determinants of health.1-3 Specifically, the built environment (BE) is implicated as an important consideration for interventions focused on risk factors as well as health determinants. The relevance of the BE to prevention and reduction of adverse health outcomes associated with chronic disease is clear in research on obesogenic environments4-9 and on physical activity.10-13 Research on obesogenic environments is predicated on the idea that obesity is a normal response to an abnormal environment and that understanding, measuring and altering that environment is central to intervention success.5 This is consistent with the settingsbased strategy of the Ottawa Charter, calling for environments that make the healthy choice the easy choice.14 Within every community there is interaction between individuals, micro- and macroenvironments6 and types of environment (physical, economic, social and political). These interactions shape what (healthy) choices are available. It follows that examination of the environment should facilitate identification of factors amenable to intervention. Yet there is no consensus on how to measure environments or on specific factors that might be changed to improve health. This quandary is exacerbated in small or rural municipalities that do not have administratively defined neighbourhoods, which typically form the basis for measurement in larger urban areas. Recent “state of the science” articles provide critical analyses of existing measures for documenting the impact of BE on physical activity and healthy eating.15,16 These reviews indicate that the field has not progressed beyond simple description of variables and their associations. Few analysis techniques have been identified to aggregate or to summarize these measures and thereby stimulate theory construction. The Irvine-Minnesota Inventory (IMI) provides an example; it is a comprehensive measure of macro- and micro-level BE characteristics that may be linked to physical activity.17 The IMI seeks ratings of 164 characteristics for each road segment (two facing sides of one street block) in a given setting. At the time of data analysis for the current paper, there were no published methods for summarizing the very large amount of data that result from use of the IMI. © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S61 Author Affiliations 1. Centre for Health Promotion Studies, School of Public Health, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB 2. Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB 3. Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Arts, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB 4. School of Education, University of Newcastle, NSW, Australia Correspondence: Dr. Candace Nykiforuk, 3-300 ECHA, 11405-87 Ave., Edmonton, AB T6G 1C9, Tel: 780-492-4109, Fax: 780-492-0364, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: Funding for this project was provided to C. Nykiforuk by grants from the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada in partnership with the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR). K. Raine and R. Plotnikoff are supported by the CIHR Applied Research Public Health Chair Program. Raine’s Chair is funded by the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada. We thank Laura Nieuwendyk for conducting the community assessment and our community partners for their participation and support. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. NEIGHBOURHOOD GROUPINGS FOR HEALTH PROMOTION This paper aims to 1) present a quantitative method for summarizing the information from comprehensive environmental inventories such as the IMI, and 2) demonstrate how these summaries can contribute to dialogues with communities for the development of health promotion interventions. Figure 1. Latitude and longitude plot of sidewalk presence on the 296 segments observed in the town of Bonnyville METHODS Background This paper reports on a subproject of the Community Health and the Built Environment (CHBE) project, which worked in partnership with communities to promote physical activity and healthy eating by identifying and overcoming barriers in the built environment.18 The CHBE project included expert assessment of the BE, followed participatory research principles,19 and employed active and passive knowledge exchange20 to ensure that findings and interventions were meaningful for public health practice and policy at community and regional levels. BE groupings were undertaken for this community because it did not have administratively defined neighbourhoods to support characterization of the BE analyses. The data presented here were collected in the town of Bonnyville, a semi-rural community located in Alberta; the town’s population was 5,832, within a municipal district population of 10,194.21 Ethical clearance for the project was received from the Health Research Ethics Board (Panel B), University of Alberta. Rating procedure In the summer and fall of 2008, three community observers were trained to use an adapted version of the IMI (which included an additional 30 variables) to document 3,786 segments in four Alberta communities (a full description of tool adaptations is available elsewhere18). In Bonnyville, all segments (n=296) were rated by one observer. Ratings were registered on a Motorola MC35 handheld computer running CyberTrack (v3.129) software. A Global Positioning System (GPS) reading was taken at the midpoint of each segment. different symbol, and a legend was provided for each plot. The set of 197 plots (representing all original IMI and additional variables) was presented to the six raters. Figure 1 shows an example plot. Here, the four symbols differentiate the 296 segments on the basis of having “No Sidewalks”, a sidewalk on one side of the street, or having sidewalks on “Both Sides” of the street. Adapting a sorting method used in multivariate research22 to the current task, we asked each rater to use the information from the complete set of plots to form a number of mutually exclusive and jointly exhaustive groupings of segments in Bonnyville so that each grouping represented a relatively homogenous region. No particular number of groupings was requested. Each rater was provided with a number of plots marked only by the GPS coordinates on which to draw their provisional and final groupings. The raters consisted of the observer of the Bonnyville segments and five other members of the multidisciplinary research team. Phase two: Consensus groupings Analysis A method of analysis was developed to reduce the information from the IMI ratings to manageable proportions and allow it to be effectively communicated. In the first phase, six expert raters were presented with representations of IMI data and then requested to use this information to create a set of groupings of geographically contiguous segments by assigning each segment to a single group (or “neighbourhood” based on BE characteristics). In the second phase, these experts’ groupings were themselves analyzed by cluster analysis to form a single consensus grouping. In the third phase, a discriminant function analysis was performed on the consensus groupings using the items of the IMI to form meaningful scales of items that separated the groupings (BE neighbourhoods). Phase one: Rater groupings Since a GPS reading had been taken at each segment, it was possible to plot data from all 296 segments for each IMI variable on a separate two-dimensional longitude and latitude plot. Thus the spatial relations between segments were maintained. For variables with multiple response categories, each category was represented by a S62 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Each group for each rater was translated into a binary variable indicating which segments were present in the grouping. Each rater provided either eight or nine groupings, and this resulted in a total of 51 separate grouping vectors. These 51 vectors were the variables used to form a consensus grouping. A hierarchical cluster analysis using Ward’s method on squared Euclidean distances23 was conducted with SPSSv15. Several solutions were examined, and ultimately the solution with 10 groups was chosen for further analysis. This procedure reduced the number of rated areas to be considered from 296 to 10. Phase three: Discriminant function analysis The IMI variables were then examined to determine whether they were suitable for inclusion in a discriminant function analysis.24 Continuous variables and binary variables remained untransformed, but categorical variables were transformed into sets of binary variables prior to inclusion. This resulted in 796 variables for analysis. A stepwise discriminant function analysis was conducted using SPSSv15 to determine the variables that maximally separated the 10 groups in the consensus grouping. For purposes of interpretation, the result- NEIGHBOURHOOD GROUPINGS FOR HEALTH PROMOTION Figure 2. Consensus groupings of segments on a latitude-longitude plot and transposed onto a road network map Table 1. Correlations of IMI Items With Discriminant Functions Variable Name Mobile/manufactured home Residences for seniors Single-family detached houses Single-family duplex High school Med/heavy industry Lake White painted lines Blank walls On-street parking Speed bump/hump/dip* Interesting architecture Easy for walking Road markers No curb cuts Pedestrian-activated signal Safe to cross Convenient to cross Decorative sidewalk Sidewalk in good condition Narrow sidewalk Shade from trees Landscaping Highway Figure 4 Label MobileHome SeniorRes SingleFam Duplex HighSchool Industry Lake PaintedLines BlankWalls OnStrPk TrafficCalm Arch EasyWalk Markers NoCurbCuts PedActSignal SafetoCross ConvenCross SWDec SWGood SWDNarrow TreeShade Landscaping Highway 1 0.05 0.10 0.80 0.12 0.07 -0.84 0.18 0.10 -0.23 0.92 -0.12 0.65 0.64 0.01 -0.27 0.02 0.36 0.38 -0.06 0.33 0.46 0.47 0.60 -0.24 2 -0.05 0.09 0.29 -0.06 0.02 0.17 0.14 0.01 -0.03 -0.07 0.03 0.33 -0.19 -0.09 0.42 -0.65 0.55 -0.09 -0.72 -0.29 0.17 0.16 0.56 0.05 3 0.73 -0.08 -0.09 0.30 -0.15 0.03 -0.20 0.27 -0.03 -0.02 0.00 -0.25 -0.22 -0.13 0.46 -0.16 -0.03 -0.35 -0.10 -0.08 -0.11 -0.23 -0.19 0.02 Discriminant Function 4 5 6 0.17 -0.01 -0.05 0.21 0.11 -0.64 0.03 -0.09 0.10 0.14 0.06 -0.09 0.29 0.22 0.32 -0.05 -0.01 -0.04 0.02 0.54 0.08 -0.08 -0.05 0.05 0.34 0.10 0.30 0.04 -0.04 0.01 -0.02 -0.01 -0.02 -0.28 0.39 -0.01 -0.05 -0.26 -0.07 0.41 0.26 0.33 -0.32 0.27 -0.11 -0.01 0.02 -0.15 -0.10 -0.21 0.01 0.16 -0.27 0.07 -0.13 0.11 -0.13 -0.48 -0.16 0.35 0.04 -0.54 0.10 0.37 -0.31 -0.01 -0.13 0.19 0.00 -0.01 0.02 0.00 7 0.28 -0.42 -0.08 -0.02 0.09 0.06 0.57 -0.04 -0.21 0.04 0.04 0.08 -0.01 -0.14 0.03 0.02 0.29 0.17 0.03 -0.31 -0.24 -0.17 -0.13 -0.02 8 0.12 0.19 -0.13 0.20 0.36 0.06 -0.12 0.09 -0.31 0.08 0.06 0.02 0.15 -0.02 -0.17 0.02 -0.01 0.40 0.05 0.38 0.07 0.14 0.22 -0.02 9 -0.24 -0.18 0.02 0.05 0.02 -0.02 0.04 0.07 -0.18 0.11 0.01 -0.13 -0.21 -0.16 0.51 0.02 -0.14 -0.23 0.07 -0.14 0.07 0.17 0.09 -0.01 * This variable does not appear in the figures. ing discriminant functions were calculated, and correlations between them and IMI variables as well as the vectors specifying each of the 10 groupings were calculated. As an aid to interpretation, biplots (two-dimensional graphs) of these correlations containing markers for both groups and variables were examined.25 Phase four: Community Working Group (CWG) workshops We believe the methods detailed above provided a meaningful reduction of the information from the IMI assessment of Bonnyville into a form that could be effectively communicated to community partners, especially in this community, which did not have administratively defined neighbourhoods. We now wished to: 1) determine whether the partners would find these results compelling and valid; 2) discover how our partners would characterize the groupings and whether this would provide additional information about the groupings not captured by the IMI (i.e., based on the expert knowledge of people local to the community); and 3) elucidate whether the information would prove useful in planning health promotion interventions with the community. At a regular meeting of the Bonnyville CWG (CHBE’s community partners) in spring of 2009, a workshop was held to discuss the results of the IMI assessment. We began by requesting that the CWG members each conduct their own grouping task using just their own local knowledge and then describe the groupings that emerged. A preliminary facilitated discussion with CWG members identified some types of information that might be considered when dividing the community into groupings. The CWG was then divided into two separate groups of four members each to independently create their groupings on an area map provided by the research team. RESULTS Analytic groupings Figure 2 presents the 10 consensus groups from the cluster analysis of the individual ratings and, to convey perspective, also portrays the groupings on a road map. The stepwise discriminant function analysis provided 24 statistically significant variables to separate the 10 groupings. All of the CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S63 NEIGHBOURHOOD GROUPINGS FOR HEALTH PROMOTION Table 2. Correlations of Group Membership Vectors With Discriminant Function Group 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 -0.87 -0.03 -0.25 0.17 0.16 0.23 0.27 0.17 0.20 0.14 2 0.16 -0.85 0.00 -0.02 0.04 0.19 0.12 0.13 0.07 -0.08 3 0.00 -0.09 0.10 -0.21 -0.22 -0.11 0.13 -0.09 -0.04 0.71 4 -0.09 -0.10 0.16 0.26 0.39 -0.21 -0.27 0.21 -0.42 0.16 Discriminant Function 5 -0.05 0.09 0.20 -0.53 0.26 0.36 -0.10 0.10 -0.08 0.00 9 possible discriminant functions were statistically significant, and the canonical correlations ranged from 0.96 to 0.44. These discriminant functions correctly classified 80.7% of segments to the consensus groupings. Table 1 presents the correlations between the discriminant functions and the 24 variables included in the stepwise analysis. Table 2 presents the correlations between the group vectors and discriminant functions for the 10 groups in the consensus groupings. To demonstrate the interpretation of these tables, we note from Table 1 that the variables “Single family residences”, “On-street parking”, “Interesting architecture”, “Easy for walking” and “Landscaping” are highly positively correlated and that the presence of “Medium/heavy industry” is highly negatively correlated with Function 1. Table 2 shows a strong negative correlation between Function 1 and Group 1. This suggests a higher proportion of industrial land uses in Group 1 and a relative absence of singlefamily homes, on-street parking, interesting architecture, easy walking and attractive landscaping. Making interpretations of this type can be greatly simplified by examining pairwise graphs such as Figure 3, which plots the variable and group correlations from Tables 1 and 2 for Functions 1 and 2 on the same graph. Where variables and groupings are located close to each other on a dimension, this can be interpreted as showing that the variable is characteristic of the grouping. Alternatively, variables located at a greater distance from a group demonstrate that the grouping is not associated with having high values on the given variable. We briefly summarize interpretations of the remaining functions below. Function 2 differentiates Group 2 from the other groups by the presence of fair sidewalks and pedestrian-activated signals. Function 3 differentiates Group 10 from the other groups by having mobile homes. Function 4 differentiates Groups 6, 7 and 9 from Groups 4, 5 and 8 by having attractive architecture, good sidewalks and not having curb cuts, and by the absence of tree shade, convenient intersection crossings, seniors’ residences, high schools and blank walls. Function 5 differentiates Group 4 from Groups 3, 6 and 8 on the basis of convenient intersection crossings, tree shade, easy walking and narrow sidewalks, and the absence of curb cuts, nice architecture and lake proximity. Function 6 differentiates between Group 8 and Groups 3 and 5 according to the presence of seniors’ residences and the absence of good sidewalks, blank walls and neighbourhood markers. Function 7 contrasts lake proximity with proximity to seniors’ residences and thereby separates Groups 4 and 6 from Group 8. Function 8 distinguishes Group 5 from the other groups by the presence of high school(s), good sidewalks and convenient crossings (most completely from Groups 3, 4 and 6, in which these features are absent). Finally, Function 9 distinguishes between Groups 7 and 9 primarily on the basis of the presence of curb cuts. S64 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 6 -0.08 -0.08 0.19 0.00 0.34 -0.14 0.08 -0.51 0.16 -0.03 7 0.11 0.01 -0.30 0.13 0.07 0.32 -0.19 -0.24 -0.12 0.14 8 0.14 0.02 -0.36 -0.20 0.26 -0.23 0.06 0.10 0.11 0.05 9 0.01 0.02 -0.05 -0.03 0.01 0.01 0.34 -0.07 -0.31 -0.08 CWG groupings Overall, there was considerable agreement between the groupings and descriptions generated by the CWG and those generated by our analytic methods. Elements that were common included: gridstyle development (e.g., well-connected sidewalks, shorter routes); spaghetti roadways (e.g., cul-de-sacs, longer routes); beautification (e.g., street flowers, bricked sidewalks, sidewalk lighting); pedestrianfriendly design (e.g., marked crosswalks, curb cuts); and sidewalk presence. Descriptors that were not directly captured through the IMI assessment but that the CWG considered important included characteristics of: traffic (e.g., volume and speed); wheelchair friendliness; locally owned establishments; historic references (e.g., development eras); population characteristics (e.g., age, socioeconomic features, friendliness); housing styles (e.g., unique heritage houses, bland subdivision houses); and future community developments. We then presented the results of our analytic methods to the CWG for its feedback. The similarity between the results of the CWG analysis and of the analytic methods was noted immediately. However, specific characteristics of our analytic methods were also praised. For example, the CWG was quick to validate the distinctions between Group 10 and Group 7, which neither CWG subgroup had noted in its own groupings. DISCUSSION Knowledge exchange between the analytic team and CWG was important for dissemination of research results, but it also provided opportunity for the validation of those results. On one hand, the groupings, initially created according to their composition of BE features by the research team (an “outsider” view), were demonstrated to have community relevance. On the other hand, contextual information provided by partners (an “insider” view) considerably enhanced the interpretation of the groupings for the research team. The insider view provided details about the BE that could not be readily, if at all, observed from the street level, suggesting an inherent flaw in observational studies of this kind. We argue that modification of tools like the IMI should explicitly include a process by which communities can add their own descriptors or a process that at least explores other insider sources of information. This would increase utility of the results for the communities, and for those interested in participatory research would help to solidify relationships with partners. The process of information sharing and discussion was critical to identifying the priority for community intervention. Near the end of the workshop, a CWG member noted that one community grouping contained a cluster of residences in which seniors lived. It was also noted that this and the adjacent groupings had a lowquality sidewalk network (e.g., poor condition; low sidewalk pres- NEIGHBOURHOOD GROUPINGS FOR HEALTH PROMOTION Figure 3. Biplot of discriminant Functions 1 and 2* * Variables with small factor loadings are not shown. ence; poorly connected sidewalks), and, as a result, seniors living in that “neighbourhood” would experience difficulty accessing various community destinations necessary for their daily lives. From this discussion, CWG members formed the concept of “you can’t get there from here” to encapsulate the idea that if the area where you live is not connected to destinations via a sidewalk network of high(er) quality, the likelihood that you would choose to walk to those destinations would be decreased. The CWG decided to have a map created to show high-quality walking routes and to install benches at key locations on these routes to allow seniors to rest while in active transit. Members of the CHBE team have since developed that map and undertaken installation of benches in partnership with the CWG. Overall, we believe the analytic methods used to summarize the BE assessment were sufficiently accurate and compelling to provide a useful context for a dialogue between the research team and the CWG. This dialogue allowed a bidirectional flow of information that enhanced understanding on both sides and also directly facilitated action by contributing to the creation of an intervention with the potential to enhance the health and well-being of the community.18,19 Creating neighbourhood groupings based on BE features is particularly useful for smaller or semi-rural communities that do not employ traditional administrative neighbourhood boundaries and for larger communities that want to define neighbourhoods in a geographically meaningful way when developing and implementing health promotion activities. To our knowledge, we are the first research group to explore a method for reducing data related to micro-features of the BE for the purposes of health promotion intervention and creating dialogue with community stakeholders. The approach extends traditional geographic analyses of BE data26-29 that explore relations between health and place. This paper contributes analytic and participatory techniques that can be paired or used independently to communicate how non-administratively defined areas vary. These BE neighbourhoods can be compared to determine the potential each area has for interventions to support health. From this, the type and location of interventions can be prioritized and stakeholder engagement fostered.30 Much remains to be done. It is unclear whether the discriminant functions derived by our analytic methods reflect general BE char- acteristics or whether they are specific to semi-rural communities in Alberta or even to the town of Bonnyville. Thus, future work will extend these methods to other Alberta communities. Systematic observation exercises can be costly and time-intensive, especially if a community does not have the resources for extensive training or the analytic capacity to deal with the resultant dataset. Thus, exploring the relative importance of individual variables across communities will inform the development of observation tools that collect a reduced number of variables. A condensed tool would greatly increase the ability of a community to collect these data outside of a research partnership. We also intend to formalize the community workshop process to obtain useful quantitative data to further examine the validity of groupings. In the current research we did not have access to individual health information from residents in order to determine whether living within a particular area has implications for health or healthy activity. We intend to examine this question in future research as well. CONCLUSIONS This project has demonstrated that it is possible to use principled quantitative methods to reduce large amounts of BE information, collected using inventories such as the IMI, into meaningful summaries. These summaries, or BE neighbourhoods, are inherently valuable for initiatives bridging municipal planning and community health. Ideally, they can be enhanced and contextualized by local knowledge provided by community stakeholders through methods of participatory research. We have also demonstrated that the overall research process can catalyze discussion among community stakeholders for the purposes of developing interventions into the built environment to promote health at the community level. REFERENCES 1. World Health Organization. Global Status Report on Noncommunicable Diseases 2010. Description of the Global Burden of NCDs, Their Risk Factors and Determinants, 2011. Available at: http://www.who.int/nmh/publications/ ncd_report2010/en/index.html (Accessed December 21, 2011). 2. Waters E, de Silva-Sanigorski A, Hall BJ, Brown T, Campbell KJ, Gao Y, et al. Interventions for preventing obesity in children. Cochrane Database Syst Rev 2011;12. 3. 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Linking objectively measured physical activity with objectively measured urban form: Findings from SMARTRAQ. Am J Prev Med 2005;28(2 Suppl 2):117-25. 13. Hoehner CM, Brennan Ramirez LK, Elliott MB, Handy SL, Brownson RC. Perceived and objective environmental measures and physical activity among urban adults. Am J Prev Med 2005;8(2 Suppl 2):105-16. 14. The Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion. Ottawa: Health and Welfare Canada, 1986. Available at: http://www.who.int/healthpromotion/conferences/ previous/ottawa/en/print.html (Accessed December 21, 2011). 15. Brownson RC, Hoehner CM, Day K, Forsyth A, Sallis JF. Measuring the built environment for physical activity: State of the science. Am J Prev Med 2009;36(Suppl 4):S99-123. 16. Lytle LA. Measuring the food environment: State of the science. Am J Prev Med 2009;36(Suppl 4):S134-44. 17. Day K, Boarnet M, Alfonzo M, Forsyth A. The Irvine-Minnesota Inventory to measure built environments: Development. Am J Prev Med 2006;30(2):14452. 18. Nykiforuk CIJ, Schopflocher D, Vallianatos H, Spence JC, Raine KD, Plotnikoff RC, et al. Community Health and the Built Environment: Examining place in a Canadian chronic disease prevention project. Health Promot Int 2012; first published online January 6, 2012 doi:10.1093/heapro/dar093. 19. Israel BA, Schulz AJ, Parker EA, Becker AB. Review of community-based research: Assessing partnership approaches to improve public health. Annu Rev Public Health 1998;19:173-202. 20. Moffatt L. Chronic Disease Prevention Alliance of Canada. Knowledge Exchange in Health Promotion: Theoretical Models and Examples. Ottawa, ON: Chronic Disease Prevention Alliance of Canada, 2007. Available at: http://www.cdpac.ca/media.php?mid=274 (Accessed December 21, 2011). 21. Town of Bonnyville. Bonnyville in Profile. Available at: http://www.town.bonnyville.ab.ca/index.php/living-in-bonnyville/about-bonnyville/bonnyvillein-profile (Accessed December 21, 2011). 22. Rosenberg S, Kim MK. The method of sorting as a data-gathering procedure in multivariate research. Multivariate Behav Res 1975;10(4):489-502. 23. Ward JH. Hierarchical grouping to optimize an objective function. J Am Stat Assoc 1963;580:236-44. 24. Izenman AJ. Modern Multivariate Statistical Techniques: Regression, Classification, and Manifold Learning. New York: Springer, 2008. 25. ter Braak CJF. Interpreting canonical correlation analysis through biplots of structure correlations and weights. Psychometrika 1990;55(3):519-31. 26. Boone-Heinonen J, Popkin BM, Song Y, Gordon-Larsen P. What neighborhood area captures built environment features related to adolescent physical activity? Health Place 2010;16(6):1280-86. 27. Oliver L, Schuurman N, Hall A, Hayes M. Assessing the influence of the built environment on physical activity for utility and recreation in suburban Metro Vancouver. BMC Public Health 2011;11(1):959. 28. Hoehner CM, Handy SL, Yan Y, Blair SN, Berrigan D. Association between neighborhood walkability, cardiorespiratory fitness and body-mass index. Soc Sci Med 2011;73(12):1707-16. S66 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 29. Keegan TH, Hurley S, Goldberg D, Nelson DO, Reynolds P, Bernstein L, et al. The association between neighborhood characteristics and body size and physical activity in the California Teachers Study cohort. Am J Public Health [published online ahead of print August 18, 2011]. 30. McCreedy M, Leslie JG. Get Active Orlando: Changing the built environment to increase physical activity. Am J Prev Med 2009;37(6 Suppl 2):S395-402. RÉSUMÉ Objectifs : Les évaluations approfondies du milieu bâti résistent souvent aux tentatives de réduction et de synthèse des données. Nous avons cherché à élaborer une méthode de réduction des données sur le milieu bâti qui permette de communiquer efficacement ces données aux chercheurs et aux acteurs locaux. Notre objectif est de faire comprendre comment on peut utiliser ces données pour créer des regroupements de quartiers fondés sur les caractéristiques du milieu bâti, et que le processus de discussion des quartiers avec les acteurs locaux peut entraîner la mise au point d’interventions de promotion de la santé renforcées par un apport communautaire. Méthode : À l’aide de la liste de critères Irvine-Minnesota Inventory (IMI), nous avons évalué 296 segments d’une communauté semi-rurale de l’Alberta. Des évaluateurs experts ont « créé » des quartiers en examinant les données. Ensuite, nous avons élaboré un regroupement consensuel au moyen d’une analyse en grappes, et réduit le nombre de variables IMI caractérisant les quartiers au moyen d’une analyse discriminante multiple. Résultats : Les 296 segments ont été réduits par consensus à un ensemble de 10 quartiers, lesquels se distinguent les uns des autres selon 9 fonctions construites à partir de 24 variables IMI. Des biplots de ces fonctions ont été un moyen efficace de résumer et de présenter les résultats de l’évaluation communautaire, et ont stimulé l’action communautaire. Conclusions : Il est possible d’utiliser des méthodes quantitatives raisonnées pour réduire de grandes quantités d’information sur le milieu bâti en résumés signifiants. Ces résumés, ou « quartiers selon le milieu bâti », ont été utiles pour catalyser des actions avec les acteurs locaux et ont mené à l’élaboration d’interventions sur le milieu bâti favorisant la santé. Mots clés : milieu bâti; méthodes quantitatives; promotion de la santé; échange des connaissances; réduction de l’obésité QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH Examining Aspects of the Built Environment: An Evaluation of a Community Walking Map Project Candace I.J. Nykiforuk, PhD,1 Laura M. Nieuwendyk, MSc,1 Shaesta Mitha, MPH,2 Ian Hosler3 ABSTRACT Objective: Interventions that address the built environment present an opportunity to affect behaviours such as physical activity. The purpose of this study was to evaluate a community walking map developed for eight neighbourhoods in the City of Edmonton (COE). Method: A walking map developed in partnership with the COE’s Walkable Initiative was distributed to 11,994 households across eight neighbourhoods in July 2010. In total, 149 respondents completed an online follow-up survey that assessed the effectiveness of the walking maps in influencing physical activity. Results: Of the 149 respondents, 89 (59.7%) reported that they had received a copy of the map, and 60 (40.2%) reported that they had not. Of those who had a copy, 76.4% (n=68) indicated that the routes and destinations on the map encouraged them to walk more in the community, 64.0% (n=57) stated they would walk more often to get to destinations, and 55.1% (n=49) indicated they would walk more often for physical activity or exercise as a result of having a copy of the map. Finally, 91.0% (n=81) stated that they found the map to be useful, as it provided walking routes (60/81, 74.1%,) and places to go in the community (57/81, 70.4%). Of those who did not receive a copy, 95.0% (n=57) indicated that they would use a community walking map. Conclusion: This evaluation demonstrated that a community walking map was a valuable tool for not only encouraging walking for physical activity but also motivating individuals to explore their communities and visit local community destinations. Key words: Built environment; walking; physical activity; health promotion; urban health La traduction du résumé se trouve à la fin de l’article. C Can J Public Health 2012;103(Suppl. 3):S67-S72. oncern about obesity rates in Canada has resulted in various community-based health promotion interventions to increase physical activity.1-3 Despite growing evidence of the benefits of physical activity in preventing and controlling chronic diseases,3 most Canadian adults are not sufficiently active to reap the health benefits of a physically active lifestyle.4,5 Walking is the most frequent and preferred form of physical activity across both sexes and different ages and income levels.6,7 Walking is accessible, as it requires no special skills or equipment, is affordable and can be made easily routine, particularly if done for active transportation.8 Thus, the quality of walking routes and the presence, type and convenience of destinations in a community affect how much people walk.6 Clearly, identification of safe and convenient walking routes that enable residents to reach destinations is crucial to promote walking for physical activity. Community-based interventions that target walking for recreation or active transportation support increased physical activity.9 They engage stakeholders and are tailored to consider community characteristics and needs with the goal of reducing the population’s risk of disease.10 Walking trails are useful community-based physical activity interventions, but despite the apparent beneficial effects, may be under-used once implemented.11 In the current project, community consultation revealed that development of a map of local walking routes was more viable and economically feasible than developing walking trails. This paper will discuss the evaluation of a walking map developed for one geo- graphic community in the City of Edmonton (COE), Alberta. The evaluation sought to identify whether the map encouraged walking among residents and to assess its value as a tool for informing them about community assets and destinations. © Canadian Public Health Association, 2012. All rights reserved. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S67 METHODS Background Researchers collaborated with the COE’s Walkable Edmonton initiative for the evaluation. Community walking maps provide routes throughout the designated area while guiding residents to specific destinations or points of interest. The maps produced as part of the “Communities on Foot” Walking Map Series (http://www.edmonton.ca/community-walking-maps.aspx) aim to: 1) encourage citizens of all ages to partake in active transportation, particularly walking; 2) encourage community members to walk and explore their neighAuthor Affiliations 1. Centre for Health Promotion Studies, School of Public Health, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB 2. Health Facility Planning, Regional Municipality of Peel, Mississauga, ON 3. Walkable Edmonton, City of Edmonton Community Services, Edmonton, AB Correspondence: Candace I.J. Nykiforuk, Asst. Professor, Centre for Health Promotion Studies, School of Public Health, University of Alberta, 3-258 ECHA, 1140587 Ave., Edmonton, AB T6G 1C9, Tel: 780-492-4109, Fax: 780-492-0364, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: Funding for this project was provided by the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada in partnership with the Canadian Institutes of Health Research. I. Hosler is a community partner who was employed by the walking map initiative. Conflict of Interest: None to declare. COMMUNITY WALKING MAP EVALUATION Table 1. Categorized Questions Focus Area for Evaluation Awareness • Did respondents have a copy of the walking map? • Were respondents aware that a map had been developed for their neighbourhood? Purpose To determine the number of individuals who had a copy of the map and whether they were aware that the map had been produced. Map distribution • How did people get their copy of the map? • How would they like to get a copy of the map in the future? To determine what tactics were effective in the dissemination of the map and how residents would like to receive it. Short-term change • Did the map influence behaviour in the short term? • Did respondents walk more to local destinations or for recreation? • Did the map actually get respondents walking (distinction between exercise and purposeful walking)? To compare the amount of time the respondents had the map with the number of routes they tried and to determine whether people actually walked the routes. Long-term change • Did the map influence behaviour change in the long term? To determine the long-term behaviour change produced by the map. Personal impact • Did respondents find this product a useful resource? To determine whether respondents found the map to be a useful tool in identifying safe walking routes in their community. Community impact • Is this a worthwhile project or resource for the community? • What other benefits for the community were associated with doing this project? • Have respondents visited local destinations highlighted in the map? To determine the value respondents placed on the map and whether they had visited local destinations shown on the map. Map perception • What aspects of the map did the respondents like or dislike? To determine what aspects of the map were viewed as valuable by the respondents and what they did not like. Map improvement • How could this be a more useful tool/resource? A list of potential map improvements was provided to respondents to check all that apply in terms of the types of change that would make the map a more useful tool. Demographic information • Demographic information Table 2. General demographic data were necessary to obtain information on the types of individual who responded. Profile of Survey Respondents Respondent Characteristics Age Household income (N=149) Neighbourhood (N=149) Male Female Prefer not to answer Total 18-34 35-54 55+ Prefer not to answer Total Less than $23,000 $24,000-$60,000 More than $60,000 Don’t know Prefer not to answer Missing Total From walk map area Outside walk map area Don’t know Missing Total Total n (%) 43 (28.9) 103 (69.1) 3 (2.0) 149 (100.0) 34 (22.8) 75 (50.3) 36 (24.2) 4 (2.7) 149 (100.0) 14 (9.4) 51 (34.2) 51 (34.2) 1 (0.7) 31 (20.8) 1 (0.7) 149 (100.0) 99 (66.4) 37 (24.8) 4 (2.7) 9 (6.0) 149 (100.0) bourhoods, parks, trails and business districts; and 3) foster community engagement in building a walkable city.12 The walking maps are created by residents for residents: residents are recruited to participate in map production and are given the task of identifying key walking routes and destinations within their community. Setting The evaluation focused on a walking map recently prepared for a community comprising eight contiguous neighbourhoods in innercity Edmonton. This community is proximal to the downtown core and contains some of the city’s oldest neighbourhoods. The area includes a range of housing styles, from small bungalows to larger two-storey homes, and a variety of business districts. This commuS68 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Walking Map (YES) n (%) 31 (34.8) 57 (64.0) 1 (1.1) 89 (100.0) 22 (24.7) 48 (53.9) 18 (20.2) 1 (1.1) 89 (100.0) 7 (7.9) 34 (38.2) 28 (31.5) 1 (1.1) 18 (20.2) 1 (1.1) 89 (100.0) 68 (76.3) 18 (20.2) 1 (1.1) 2 (2.2) 89 (100.0) Walking Map (NO) n (%) 12 (20.0) 46 (76.7) 2 (3.3) 60 (100.0) 12 (20.0) 27 (45.0) 18 (30.0) 3 (5.0) 60 (100.0) 7 (11.7) 17 (28.3) 23 (38.3) – 13 (21.7) – 60 (100.0) 31 (51.6) 19 (31.6) 3 (5.0) 7 (11.7) 60 (100.0) nity has a diverse population with average incomes significantly lower (by about 35%) than the total average income of the municipality.13 The community walking map depicts 10 sample walking routes ranging in length from 1.4 to 5.0 km with at least one route through each neighbourhood. Historical information about each neighbourhood is provided, and key community locations and amenities are indicated, including community centres, schools, health centres, libraries, bus and light rail transit stations and stops, grocery stores, bakeries, hotels and recreational facilities. All information is superimposed onto an aerial photograph of the area, which also shows building footprints and road layouts (map can be viewed at http://www.edmonton.ca/transportation/AvenueCommunitiesWalkingMap.pdf). COMMUNITY WALKING MAP EVALUATION Table 3. Summary of Survey Responses From Those Respondents Who Had a Map Question Total n (%) How did you get your copy of your community walking map? In the mail 54 (60.7) From a friend or family member 5 (5.6) From a place in my community (e.g., library) 16 (18.0) Other (e.g., internet) 10 (11.2) Missing 4 (4.5) Total 89 (100.0) Have you tried any of the walking routes identified? Yes 43 (48.3) No 46 (51.7) Total 89 (100.0) How many of the routes have you used in the maps? 1 15 (34.9) 2 10 (23.3) 3 12 (27.9) 4 1 (2.3) 5 3 (7.0) Don’t know 2 (4.7) Total 43 (100.0) Have you used the maps to discover new places to visit in your community (e.g., the library, parks or coffee shops)? Yes 39 (43.8) No 50 (56.2) Total 89 (100.0) How many of the community destinations have you visited since getting the map? 1 to 2 locations 22 (56.4) 3 to 4 locations 10 (25.6) 5 to 6 locations 3 (7.7) 6 to 10 locations 2 (5.1) Don’t know 2 (5.1) Total 39 (100.0) Have the routes and destinations on the map encouraged you to walk more in your community? Yes 68 (76.4) No 21 (23.6) Total 89 (100.0) How have the maps encouraged you to walk more? (check all that apply) To visit places in my community (e.g., library or coffee shop) 34 (50.0) To get more exercise 45 (66.2) To get out and enjoy my community 40 (58.8) To learn about the history of my community 22 (32.4) To become familiarized with my community 45 (66.2) To get to know other members in my community 9 (13.2) Other 5 (7.4) Do you think that you will walk more often to get to destinations because you have the map? Yes 57 (64.0) No 31 (34.8) Missing 1 (1.1) Total 89 (100) Do you think you will walk more often for physical activity or exercise because you have the map? Yes 49 (55.1) No 39 (43.8) Missing 1 (1.1) Total 89 (100) Do you find this map useful? Yes 81 (91.0) No 8 (9.0) Total 89 (100) Yes Provides places to go in the community 57 (70.4) Provides walking routes 60 (74.1) Other (e.g., length of route is provided, useful for visitors/new community members, good for exploring community, used for cycling routes, and crosswalk locations provided) 15 (18.5) No Does not provide places I want to go in the community 1 (12.5) Does not provide me with appropriate walking routes 2 (25.0) Other (e.g., unsafe areas to walk, lived in the area for a while – don’t need a map to walk) 6 (75.0) Design In July 2010, the Canada Post Unaddressed Admail System, which delivers mail through generic postal codes, was used to distribute 11,994 walking maps to all households (houses and apartments) in the mapped area. After this mail-out, a cross-sectional, post-test- only survey was used to collect information on the effectiveness of the maps in encouraging walking in the community. The 10-minute survey was available online through a link from the COE website. A variety of methods were used to recruit the area’s adult population while retaining opportunities for minority or harderto-reach populations to participate. Recruitment methods included a hot-link button on the COE website, manned poster displays at key locations and distribution of two separate reminder postcards (including information about the map, survey and locations with free internet access) to all households. To gather feedback from residents who did not receive a copy of the map, student volunteers were present at key locations in the community (e.g., library, grocery store, ethnic centre) during the month of October 2010 to hand out maps and postcards to encourage survey participation. Given the low-income status of the neighbourhood, internet access to complete the survey was of significant concern. A toll-free number was established so that those without internet access could complete the survey over the telephone with a member of the research team. Discussion with community partners revealed that incentives should be provided to encourage residents to complete the survey. To meet this need, an early bird draw prize ($100 gift certificate to a local grocery store) and grand prize (mountain bike and helmet valued at $500) were provided. Ethical clearance for the project was received from the Health Research Ethics Board (Panel B), University of Alberta. Sample Respondents were recruited from the eight contiguous neighbourhoods represented on the map and from surrounding neighbourhoods. A total of 155 people, aged 18 years or older, participated (i.e., 1% of households in the map area). Measures Survey questions were developed in collaboration with Walkable Edmonton and other community partners involved in the map production to ensure that the findings would be relevant for program providers. New questions were developed to meet community needs, as a literature review revealed no previous indicators reported from similar evaluations. Survey questions were simply stated and attempted to measure awareness of the map, participation in map development, short-term behaviour change, community impact and suggestions for map improvements. A separate set of questions was developed for respondents who did not receive a copy of the map. Table 1 summarizes the survey questions. Respondents were asked to identify which neighbourhood they resided in and whether they had a copy of the map. While the maps were delivered to every household in the community, respondents might not have received one or might have discarded it. Respondents who did not have a copy of the map were directed to a shorter version of the survey that asked whether they would find the map useful, had ideas on the best way to share it with the community, and would like to receive a copy of it; those who did were directed to Walkable Edmonton. Respondent demographic information (age, household income and number of individuals residing in the household) was collected in both versions to facilitate characterization of respondents and groups not reached through the evaluation design. CANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S69 COMMUNITY WALKING MAP EVALUATION Table 4. Summary of Survey Responses From Those Respondents Who Did Not Have a Map Question Were you aware that a community walking map was created for your community with routes and key destinations? Yes No Total Would you like to have a map of your community with walking routes and interesting destinations (e.g., coffee shops and parks) identified? Yes What would be the best way for us to get the community walking maps to people in the community? (check all that apply) Through the mail Have it available at community locations (e.g., coffee shop, library or grocery store) E-mail Online Other Would you use a community map? Yes No Total Please tell us why you would not use a community map with walking routes and destinations? Not interested in my community Other Missing Total Analysis Survey data were analyzed using SPSS v.18.0. Descriptive statistics and frequencies were calculated. RESULTS Of the 155 respondents, 57.4% had a copy of the walking map, 38.7% did not, and 3.9% opted not to complete the survey past the first question and were excluded from further analysis. Of the resulting 149 respondents, there were more females (69.1%) than males (28.9%), and a range of income brackets was represented. The majority of respondents (66.4%) lived in the map area, and 24.8% were from surrounding neighbourhoods. Only four respondents had participated in the development of the map. Table 2 provides the demographic profile of respondents. Table 3 summarizes survey responses for the 89 respondents who had a walking map. Most of those respondents (60.7%) received their maps through the mail, and 18.0% obtained a copy from community destinations. In total, 48.3% had tried a walking route identified on the map, with variation in the number of routes tried. Of the 43.8% of respondents who used the maps to discover new places in the community, 56.4% visited one to two locations, and 38.4% visited multiple locations. The majority of respondents (76.4%) agreed that the routes and destinations on the map encouraged them to walk more in the community, their rationales including the desire to: get more exercise (66.0%); become familiarized with the community (66.2%); get out and enjoy the community (58.8%); visit places in the community (e.g., library or coffee shop) (50.0%); and learn about the community’s history (32.4%) (Table 3). Overall, respondents stated that, as a result of having the map, they would walk more often to get to destinations (64.0%) and for physical activity or exercise (55.1%). Finally, 91.0% stated that they found the map useful as it identified walking routes (74.1%) and places to go in the community (70.4%). Table 4 summarizes survey data for respondents who did not have a map, of whom 56.7% were not aware that a walking map had been created for their community. All of these respondents expressed interest in obtaining the map. Respondents suggested sharing the map through community locations (e.g., coffee shop, library or grocery store) (73.5%); postal mail (70.6%); online (52.9%); and E-mail (32.4%). Overall, 95% of these respondents stated that they would use a community walking map. S70 REVUE CANADIENNE DE SANTÉ PUBLIQUE • VOL. 103, SUPPLÉMENT 3 Total n (%) 26 (43.3) 34 (56.7) 60 (100.0) 34 (56.7) 24 (70.6) 25 (73.5) 11 (32.4) 18 (52.9) 7 (20.6) 57 (95.0) 3 (5.0) 60 (100.0) 1 (33.3) 1 (33.3) 1 (33.3) 3 (100.0) DISCUSSION This community-research partnership was an ideal opportunity to better understand residents’ perceptions of a community walking map. The evaluation assessed whether the map’s routes and destinations adequately met residents’ needs and whether the map was being utilized as intended. Further, the survey provided insight on the reach of the map: the results describe perceptions from respondents in eligible households who did and did not receive the map. While findings were specific to this community, a general understanding of perceptions about walking maps can help researchers and community stakeholders develop future walking map initiatives. Evaluation findings indicated that the postal mail-out was the most preferred means to distribute the maps, despite initial partner concerns that maps would be discarded (and despite the low response rates we experienced with this approach). This finding is congruent with similar programs, in which direct communication was respondents’ preferred method of contact.14 Yet, as a significant proportion of respondents did not have the map, concerted efforts are needed to ensure that the map is prominent among the plethora of advertisements received in the mail. The map also reached people from outside the map area, likely because of its availability at various community destinations and online. Thus, a walking map highlighting routes, destinations and interesting community information may be a useful way to attract visitors to the community. Approximately half of respondents who had the map attempted one or more walking routes. Thus, short-term behaviour change was fostered, especially among those who reported that the map’s routes and destinations encouraged them to walk more. While the evaluation did not assess previous walking behaviours, respondents expressed an inclination to walk more because they now had the map. This is consistent with previous studies’ findings that individuals given maps of walking routes were twice as likely as controls to walk to work during a six-month follow-up.15 One study has even indicated that short-term behaviour change related to increased walking was consistent with results at 10-year follow-up.16 Given this potential, future research should explore the impact of walking interventions on long-term behaviour change.17 The participatory nature of this evaluation helped foster resident engagement and promote community development through stake- COMMUNITY WALKING MAP EVALUATION holder involvement in the process. The exploration of residents’ perceptions of the map revealed that community activity was enhanced in these neighbourhoods. This walking map demonstrated the potential to encourage residents to come out into the community, thereby creating opportunities for increased interaction. Respondents became more aware of walking for physical activity and of safe walking routes. Thus, the map was a powerful tool that helped respondents recognize existing opportunities by familiarizing them with their community and facilitating interaction with other community members.18 The majority of respondents indicated that the map was useful because of the walking routes, but only half had attempted walking a route. Respondents had received the map a few weeks before the survey, so may not yet have had time to try the routes. Although a small percentage found the map not useful, their responses to open-ended survey questions indicated that this was because of their perceptions of the community rather than of the map itself (e.g., respondents noted that it was unsafe to walk in the community, did not want to visit places in the community). Some of the walking routes did intersect with undesirable areas of this inner-city community, however, mobilizing residents to walk through these areas could increase street presence and informal monitoring. Pedestrian design enhancements (e.g., pedestrianactivated crossing signals) could also make walking the routes a more pleasant and a safer form of recreation or transportation.19 Respondents with a map provided feedback on whether the map was of interest/use to community members. Yet, about one third of respondents did not receive the map, and more than half of these respondents were not aware the map existed. Examination of map dissemination strategies offered insight into how to address this situation. Respondents indicated that postal mail was the best way to distribute the maps, followed by having them available at community locations and online. Thus, a combination of dissemination methods should be considered as viable means to provide access to the walking map, including use of alternative methods (e.g., posters or signs, community board postings) to increase the visibility of and community resonance with the initiative.14 Respondents’ high level of interest in obtaining and using the walking map suggests that they are open to walking. Survey findings demonstrate that residents perceive the walking map to be a valuable information tool about options available in the community, and the depiction of various walking routes to be appealing. Communities should be enabled to develop walking maps as a means to foster community engagement, increase physical activity and encourage active transportation. Strengths and limitations Use of a community-university partnership approach strengthened this evaluation. Collaboration with key stakeholders was crucial to obtain project acceptance and facilitate evidence-gathering that would be meaningful for community action.14,20 Here, evaluation findings were used by community partners in planning future initiatives. The examination of perceptions of respondents with and without a copy of the map was advantageous as it allowed the team to gain a broader understanding of the overall value placed on the map by residents. Both groups valued the map as a tool to increase their knowledge of walking routes and local community destina- tions. Ultimately, this information is useful for public health practitioners, community leaders and government officials when forming physical activity, active transportation or community development initiatives. While designed to reach as many potential respondents as possible with limited resources, this evaluation was limited by its crosssectional, post-test-only survey design. The resultant data provided only a small snapshot of information. The survey relied on selfreported data and, to fit within the grant funding period, was available online for only a limited time (3.5 months), which began immediately after the map had been distributed. This may not have been an adequate amount of time to assess the impacts of the map on residents. Limited time and passive recruitment through postal mail along with the low socio-economic status of the area were likely the primary contributors to the very low response rate to the survey. It may be that those who responded did so because of a special interest in walking, walking maps or their neighbourhood. Survey participation was limited to adults aged 18 and older, but the walking map was available to people of all ages. Consequently, a small sample and large proportion of female respondents limited the representativeness and generalizability of the findings. Given the short funding period for this program, a more extensive evaluation was not possible to discover resident perceptions and detect long-term behaviour change. Despite the shortcomings of the survey design, the approach was necessary to generate feedback on resident perceptions of the map in order to inform other COE map developments planned for the immediate future. Future implications for research, practice and policy Locally, future evaluation should consider the entire series of COE walking maps available to better understand the impacts of walking maps in different communities within the municipality over time. The ability to undertake such a wide-scale evaluation would require additional resources and support from government officials. More broadly, walking map evaluations should follow a pre-post survey design with multiple follow-ups to assess utilization as well as short- and long-term behaviour change. Gathering data on measured physical activity levels could enhance the proposed links between walking maps and behaviour. Future research would benefit from multiple recruitment strategies as well as integration of qualitative methods (e.g., focus groups) to explore utilization issues in greater detail. There is little research examining walking maps as an intervention tool to promote physical activity and increase community awareness. Findings from this evaluation suggest that, when developing interventions to promote walking, practitioners should design a tool that: provides residents with a tangible item outlining safe walking routes; identifies pedestrian supports (e.g., crosswalk availability); demarcates key community destinations; and considers specific community needs and characteristics (e.g., multicultural destinations). This evaluation provides preliminary evidence that walking maps are valued by residents and are perceived as an effective means to increase local walking. Community-based initiatives like walking maps must be supported by healthy public policy. For example, future health promotion interventions should consider urban planning or transportation policies as a means to support the development of walking-friendly environments. Finally, collaboration with profesCANADIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH • NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2012 S71 COMMUNITY WALKING MAP EVALUATION sionals from various disciplines and involvement of key community partners (including residents) are also essential to map development and successful walking initiatives. CONCLUSION Walking is a form of physical activity accessible to individuals of all ages and in all types of built environments. Community walking maps are a valuable intervention to foster change in walking behaviours by informing individuals about walking route options and motivating them to explore their communities. 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Méthode : Une carte de marche, élaborée en partenariat avec le projet Walkable Initiative d’Edmonton, a été envoyée à 11 994 ménages de huit quartiers en juillet 2010. En tout, 149 répondants ont rempli un questionnaire de suivi en ligne évaluant l’influence de ces cartes sur leur niveau d’activité physique. Résultats : Sur les 149 répondants, 89 (59,7 %) ont dit avoir reçu un exemplaire de la carte, et 60 (40,2 %) ont dit ne pas en avoir reçu. De ceux qui en avaient un exemplaire, 76,4 % (n=68) ont indiqué que les trajets et les points d’intérêt sur la carte les incitaient à marcher davantage dans la communauté, 64 % (n=57) ont dit qu’ils se rendaient plus souvent à leurs destinations à pied, et 55,1 % (n=49) ont indiqué qu’ils marchaient plus souvent pour faire de l’activité physique ou de l’exercice depuis qu’ils avaient la carte. Enfin, 91 % (n=81) ont dit avoir trouvé la carte utile, car elle propose des trajets (60/81, 74,1 %) et des endroits à visiter dans la communauté (57/81, 70,4 %). De ceux qui n’avaient pas reçu la carte, 95 % (n=57) ont indiqué qu’ils se serviraient d’une carte de marche dans la communauté. Conclusion : Cette évaluation montre qu’une carte de marche dans la communauté est un outil précieux non seulement pour encourager la marche en tant qu’activité physique mais pour inciter les gens à explorer leur communauté et à visiter des points d’intérêt locaux. Mots clés : milieu bâti; marche; activité physique; promotion de la santé; santé en zone urbaine