Values and Diversity in Values and Diversity in Qualitative

Transcription

Qualitative
Psychology
Nexus X
Karin Schweizer,
Taylor Christel,
Annette Ullrich and
Günter L. Huber (Eds.)
Values and Diversity in
Qualitative Research
Center for
Qualitative
Psychology
Center for
Qualitative
Psychology
Qualitative Psychology Nexus: Vol. 10
Karin Schweizer, Taylor Christel, Annette Ullrich
and Günter L. Huber (Eds.)
Center for
Qualitative
Psychology
All parts of this publication are protected by copyright. All
rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced
by any process or technique, w ithout the prior perm ission in
w riting from the publisher.
Enquiries concerning reproduction should be sent to the
publisher (see address below ).
Bibliographic information published by
Die Deutsche Bibliothek
Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the
Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic
data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.ddb.de
1. Edition 2012
©
Center for Qualitative Psychology e.V.
c/o Prof. i.R. Dr. Günter L. Huber
Viktor-Renner-Str. 39
72074 Tübingen,
Germ any
Tel. +49 7071 885147
e-m ail: [email protected]
W eb-Page: http://qualitativepsychology.com
ISBN 978-3-9812701-3-6
4
Content
Introduction
Levan Lim
7
Reflections on Values and Diversity
01
Reflecting on ethical values in research with people with
intellectual disabilities and the impact on methodology
Alex von Lautz
11
02
Common values, controversial facts: enacting dialogical ethics
Adolfo Estalella
25
03
From empathy to its Finnish equivalent, or how should
we understand experiences?
Teemu Suorsa
39
M ethodological Im pacts
04
Exploring individual differences and values in German
elementary teachers' perceptions of classroom demands
and resources
Annette Ullrich, Richard G. Lambert, Christopher McCarthy,
Andreas Zimber & Hannah Comtesse
51
05
Understanding the complexity of the pedagogy instructor's
role through teacher-training programs by learning both
the instructors' and students' point of view
Heidi Flavian & Betty Tussia-Cohen
63
06
Content analysis of elicitation study questionnaires:
A missing link in studies on extracurricular activities
within the theory of planned behavior
Karin Schweizer & Stephan Kröner
69
07
Theoretical reflections and methodological implications
based on the analysis of interrogation records
Anna Bussu & Patrizia Patrizi
81
5
95
08
Evaluation of quality in education: Complementing
evaluation scores by qualitative data
Günter L. Huber & Samuel Gento
09
The development of body awareness: Results of a
cross-sectional study among children of preschool age
Annette Schneider & Klaus-Günter Collatz
115
10
"Killer games," the educational process and the effects
on video game users
Ma Concepción Domínguez Garruda, Antonio Medina Rivilla
and C. Maria Medina Domínguez
121
11
Process of drug dependency among Iranian youth
Jila Mirlashari, Mahvash Salsali, Hassan Rafiey,
Jahanfar Jahanbani & Abdullah Apo Demirkol
143
12
Qualitative research in suicidology: values, strengths
and ethical issues
Marja Kuzmaniæ & Vita Poštuvan
163
6
7
Preface / Introduction and Overview
Levan Lim
The term "diversity" is often used to describe differences, but it also refers to the
notion of inclusiveness, - an inclusiveness of individuals who are diverse in ability
/disability, age, economic status, ethnicity, gender, language, national origin, race,
religion, and sexual orientation. This inclusivity can be a framework for managing
diversity.
Social justice and respect for all individuals are important values in workplaces,
where people seek to create a culture of inclusion that actively supports diversity in
people, who live, work, and serve together. Attaining social justice and respect
requires all members of the community to recognize that diversity in all its
dimensions contributes to workplaces and other learning environments, thereby
enriching the community, and improving opportunities for human understanding.
Work settings are also "educating communities" where children from
dysfunctional families, young people or individuals with disabilities are introduced
to values, attitudes, and skills that can either support or hinder the inclusion and
acceptance of diversity. They all have personal views and values on how to relate
and interact with diverse others, which shape society. For example, teachers have
numerous possibilities to reach people. "The promise of an inclusive society finds its seeds
in how the young are educated to relate and deal with difference." (Lim , Thaver, & Slee, 2009,
p. 104).
Opportunities to facilitate the introduction of values, attitudes, and skills
necessary to become inclusive of diverse others, are given in many professions.
Given the need for mutual relationships and a sense of community, Vanier (1998,
p. 18) wrote:
Can we reasonably have a dream, like Martin Luther King, of a world where
people, whatever their race, religion, culture, abilities, or disabilities, whatever
their education or economic situation, whatever their age or gender, can find
a place and reveal their gifts? Can we hope for a society whose metaphor is
not a pyramid but a body, and where each of us is a vital part in the harmony
and function of the whole? I believe we can, because I believe that the
aspiration for peace, communion, and universal love is greater and deeper in
people than the need to win in the competition of life.
Self-acceptance.. How can those human "aspirations" set the stage for increasing
inclusivity within ourselves and encouraging it in others? If we think about what
impacts our opinions and decisions, we have to admit that it is oftentimes through
adaptation, blindly accepting and following "the way things are." Some beliefs or
"deep-seated aspects of self" (Lim et al., 2009) are hard to access and to transform. They
are beliefs related to the way we cope with life. They may be based on previous
experiences. In order to adjust to new realities and situations we need to unlearn
and relearn (through reflection we de-construct our position, e.g., with regard to
8
Lim
disability). If we reference that to our personhood, i.e., to who we are and who we
are becoming, we are reconstructing our position. It is important to learn "to
recognize your inner thoughts and feelings and develop self-acceptance for them as they are part of
the learning journey" (p. 97). Self-acceptance requires humility and we need this
foundation to learn our way out of every pit.
Reflexivity. Our perceptions and behaviors of reality are also impacted by
historical, political, cultural, economic, institutional, and contextual factors (e.g.,
school systems). It is through reflection that our perceptions can change and that
our beliefs and assumptions can come to a conscious level. Therefore it is
important to develop our reflexivity, the "capacity to develop critical awareness of the
assumptions that underlie practices" (Edwards, Ranson, & Strain, 2001, p. 533). This
includes also not turning a blind eye to our own unexamined attitudes (Gaine, 2010,
p. 117). Reflecting one’s attitudes and practices is key to processes of professional
development and lifelong learning but putting the results into action is even more
important.
Values. It requires a stable foundation of values and convictions with regard to
dealing with difficulties to become more professional and experienced, e.g., the
ability to accept oneself and others, to communicate, and to enter into genuine
relationships and dialogue. It is through dialogue that differences can be embraced
and it is dialogue that enables people to move "beyond what they know" and beyond
prevailing practices and structures (Lim, Thaver, & Slee, 2009, p. 37). Isaac’s (1999,
p. 19) definition of dialogue is "a conversation in which people think together in
relationship."
Thinking together implies that you no longer take your own position as final.
You relax your grip on certainty and listen to the possibilities that result
simply from being in a relationship with others - possibilities that might not
otherwise have occurred.
In many ways we may take diversity for granted and forget that it can be
uncomfortable and even threatening, e.g., when it comes to prejudices, which
would hinder us from seeing and rejoicing in the common humanity we share.
Developing our own personal pedagogy of inclusivity is a struggle. We need to trust
that every struggle is also an opportunity for learning and growth and that we can
make a difference by sharing our own experience and supporting others to share
theirs as well.
Overview of the chapters
Presentations from the annual workshops in Sassary (Italy) in 2010 and in
Heidelberg (Germany) in 2011 have been combined in this volume. The book has
ten chapters. We have decided to divide it into two parts: Reflections on Values and
Diversity (Part I), Methodological Impacts (Part II). All chapters are related to a
Intro d uc tio n
9
specific aspect of diversity and have been presented at either one of the workshops
in Italy or in Germany.
Research on early childhood and elementary school teachers is important
because of the foundational nature of those early years. Teacher stress is an
international phenomenon with many international complexities.
References
Edwards, R., Ranson, S., & Strain, M. (2002). Reflexivity: Towards a theory of lifelong
learning. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 21, 525-536.
Gaine, C. (2010). Equality and diversity in social work practice. Transforming social work practice.
Exeter: Learning Matters.
Lim, L., Thaver, T., & Slee, R. (2009). Exploring disability in Singapore. A personal learning story.
Singapore: MGraw Hill.
Vanier, J. (1988). Our journey home. Rediscovering a common humanity beyond our differences. Ottawa:
Novalis.
10
11
Reflections on values and diversity
01:
Reflecting on ethical values in research with people with
intellectual disabilities and the im pact on m ethodology
Alex von Lautz
Abstract
In this article the methodology of researching with people with learning disabilities
is discussed concerning the terminology of the respondents group itself, their
uncommon position in society including the academic discourse, the terminology
used to label them, a discussion of different methods helpful to keep research
candid and equitable as well reflecting on the special relationship between
researcher and respondents.
Different approaches, tools and processes are reviewed and examined with
regard to their helpfulness towards an inclusive research process.
Introduction
This article provides an introduction into reflecting research design based on ethical
values when working with people with intellectual disability. It is based on the
assumption that people with intellectual disabilities have historically and are still
currently treated on different ethical grounds as people without (Dederich & Jantzen, 2008).
These reflections on methodological issues concerning research with people
with intellectual disabilities are an essential part in the preparation of the author's
dissertation on gendering intellectual disability. Even though medical research on
disability is still often prevalent in publications and funding, the social approach to
researching disability has led to fundamental paradigm shifts such as perceiving
intellectual disability as a social model it self.
It is unquestionable that methodology and methods in each research field have
to be reflected thoroughly. But the consequences reflections have upon the work
itself and how they were developed and by which ethical values they were
influenced might have different impacts depending on the research field.
12
vo n La utz
When researching with people with learning difficulties these reflections are
indispensable and should be openly reflected upon in each published work in this
field. Approaches in medical and social research differ a lot in their ethical values
concerning the respondents. Different ethical approaches may also lead to different
data from participants.
Especially in qualitative research the ethical way a respondent is treated might
have direct influence on the data he or she might be willing or even able to provide.
But the interest in an ethical justification should not only be motivated by the
intent to gather the richest data. Engaging in morally tenable research should be an
end in itself.
Every researcher has to find his or her own moral tools and guidelines and
make them transparent knowing it might make their own work vulnerable to
criticism due to those moral guidelines.
Research cannot rely on the guidelines provided for them by law or the
academic society but has to critically address and examine them. The legal standards
do not suffice to justify the researcher's work. It is the moral justice he or she is
bound to (Dalton & McVilly, 2004).
The particular relevance is founded on the uncommon situation of people
with learning difficulties with are often labeled as intellectually disabled or mentally
handicapped.
Their situation is uncommon because they have a special position in the disability studies and depending on the contexts sometimes are not even included in
this discipline.
People with this diagnose or label have had no chance in representing
themselves in academic work so far. No person with this label has published studies
on his or her own or works on methodology so far. But not only the access to
academic discourse is limited.
Even in general public discourse the voices of individuals with disabilities are
often scarcely represented. This the case even with respect to issues regarding
individuals with disabilities themselves, e.g., topics such as de-institutionalization or
personal assistance. Only slowly the perspective on people with disabilities changes
towards including their subjective views and emic knowledge (Schalock et al.,
2002). During the last decade they have been increasingly perceived as "reliable informants who hold valid opinions and have a right to express them" (Stalker, 1998, p.5).
When taking this excluded position in consideration the exceptional need for
reflected methodology seems obvious. Just imagining that the research field itself is
mostly influenced by the intention to manipulate its inhabitants in a pedagogical
sense and research interest is decided not by the needs of those inhabitants themselves but their estimated or anticipated needs, shows how strong the need for
reflection and participation of individuals with disabilities is.
This is true even for widespread and accepted policies and strategies such as
the concept of normalization, which emphasize the importance of people adapting
Re fle c ting o n e thic a l va lue s in re se a rc h w ith p e o p le w ith inte lle c tua l d isa b ilitie s
13
or being manipulated to fit into society instead of addressing the barriers society
holds for people with disabilities (Grant, 2005).
Not only abstract concepts define the research reality in this field. Funding
plays a major role as well. Objectivity of research is important and should therefore
not be corrupted by funding providers' agendas; however, it is naive to assume
funding is not influenced by research questions. Certain questions are more
interesting to providers of funding than others.
Research on disability has suffered remarkably from an undervalued and
under-resourced research base (Muir & Gibbs, 2006). The economic interest on
people with learning disabilities is near to non-existing, because they are not valued
as a consumer group. Most people with learning disabilities have low incomes or
depend on governmental financial help or financial support from their family
members to survive. This puts them in a economically disadvantaged position,
which does not allow them to provide funding for research to be conducted on
their living situation.
In Germany for example, funding sources for researching disability are few
and provided mostly by pedagogical institutions, parental groups and health or care
facilities. These organizations work or live with people with disabilities themselves
and thus have their own distinct perspectives and intentions. Caring for and caring
about can not always be assumed to be the same or interlinked. When it comes to
the efficiency of care-giving, care management or health reforms, the context may
influence not only the research question but also the extent of people with
disabilities' involvement and contribution to the research.
Reflections on terminology
When the research question has been established, the question of sampling
respondents arises. Individuals with disabilities constitute an extremely heterogeneous group when it comes to abilities, competencies, interests, work situation,
living situations and social networks. They vary extremely from person to person.
Only in the interaction with an excluding society the label of disability becomes
homogeneous. Their obstructed access to participate in society, to interact without
being stigmatized and to shape their own future is the common ground. Instead of
focusing on the labeled ones research has to take their common experiences into
account.
Individuals with disabilities have different cultural and economical backgrounds, define their identity through different features such as being a heavy metal
music fan, a godmother or an athlete. In appreciating our respondents in all their
different characteristics and features we guard ourselves against the danger of
othering them.
Like essentalization the danger of othering a group of individuals is most
reflected in social anthropology and ethnology.
14
vo n La utz
Learning disability
For researchers in the field of special needs, as it is often called, it is essential to
reflect upon the term learning difficulties itself, which may include people who can
or cannot express themselves verbally, married people living their life, working hard
and raising their children, institutionalized people following a strict daily routine
and a multitude of different lifestyles which may not always be in accordance with
their ability level.
The terms used to label people, who have difficulties learning quickly change
rapidly and even more so in the last three decades.
People, who have been born mentally retarded grew up to be mentally handicapped, got an intellectual disability over time and are now described have a
learning disability, but are still the same person and their abilities were not the
decisive factors in changing labels or diagnostic terms. The terms used to describe
people with learning problems and how those problems and those people are
defined, called and treated, are processional and historically developed (Bradley,
Danielson, & Hallahan, 2002).
The necessity for those categories or labels is given because the people entitled
to assistance or counseling need to be made out or named in regulations and laws.
But on the other side the name given to the group imparts false homogeneity apart
from their entitlement for assistance (Muir &Gibbs 2006).
The problem is that different needs for assistance can be summarized into one
label or diagnostic term. Sometimes political and financial dispositions lead to such
a summary. An example for such a politically influenced decision might be to
diagnose reading and writing difficulties no longer separately or under the term
dyslexia, but as a learning disability. This way people who once had problems
reading and writing now are perceived as generalized having trouble learning
(Alligton 2002).
Heteronormativity
As researchers we should challenge ourselves regarding perceptions of our own
heteronormativity and ethnocentricity. Some context will only be understandable
and plausible if we stop assuming heterosexuality and gender based behavioral
consequences. To explain different behaviors through participants' biological sex is
really not explaining them but creating a dead end to further questioning. A lot of
people with learning difficulties, who attend segregated schools or classes are
thought very rigid gender norms and those who act contrary to the norms have to
suffer through the aftermaths.
Heteronormativity plays an important role in the field of research on disability.
The sexuality of individuals with disabilitiles has often been oppressed through
mechanisms like infantilization or overly pronounced as something to be avoided
15
based on the stereotype of the impulsive sexually driven and overly excitable
retarded person (Cavalcanti de Albuquerque Williams, 2003).
By assuming same or different goals, attitudes, attractions and relations the
matrix of the researchers perspective shapes the perceived into a form understandable to the observer.
Ethnocentricity
The same applies to ethnocentricity. The definition of who is disabled and what
disabled means with regard to actual individual living situations and conditions
differs depending on cultural background. This concludes learning disabilities are
defined culturally and might include and exclude different aspects and facets
accordingly. Holding an ethnocentric view hinders us in examining the emic
perspective on learning disability which may be influenced by the individual's
cultural background (Vogel, 2001).
Relationality and relativity
Relationality and relativity as fundamental dimensions of disability are often
discussed, but their connection to the individual's cultural background is scarcely
reflected in diagnosing, service construction and assistance or when sampling
research respondents.
Fairness of research design
Before engaging in reflection on sampling methods, research question and design
need to be established. This includes choosing an appropriate research methodology. Leading this kind of reflection should be the motivation to make research non
excluding and fair for our respondents. The fairness referred to here is not a fairness based on anticipated needs but the kind of democratic fairness which allows
the people concerned by the research to be satisfied with it as well. To accomplish
those standards no other way presents itself to us, but to familiarize ourselves with
the expectations and claims people with learning difficulties formulate. Especially
the international self advocacy organization People First is very resourceful when
trying to find statements to these positions (see www.peoplefirst.com).
Some criticize the organization for working with exceptionally well spoken
and quick-witted spokespersons who cannot be a representative part of the community of people with learning difficulties, because of these personal qualities.
It does not seem plausible, why the people in the positions of spokespersons
for the group of those with learning difficulties should not have better verbal
competencies as the average person in the group they are speaking for, since this
seems to be the standard for spokespersons overall.
16
vo n La utz
This wellspokenness allows us to refer explicitly to the formulated
expectations towards us researchers because they are so clearly formulated.
"See, you need to talk to the people themselves,"says Ian Davis, member of
Central England People First (Hagleitner, 2004, p. 5). This implies that people with
learning difficulties should not only be asked to participate in tests, experiments,
interviews and questionnaire studies. The request to talk to people themselves also
speaks to studies on people with learning disabilities, which only included views
from caregivers, family members or professionals. Creating a research design can
not be a process without the influence from the people with learning disabilities
themselves. People should have their say in constructing the research question itself
and be part in the research design.
Karen Spencer, member of Central England People First, puts the expectations towards research intentions into the following words: "We should be working
in partnership in researching ways to improve our lives rather than what you think. As people
with learning difficulties we should be fully involved in the research process. My friends and I are
sick of being continually patronized (...)." (Hagleiter 2004, p. 51) In order to establish
such a partnership the appropriate methods, which prevent patronization and
hierarchy, need to be chosen.
Methods
In the quest for research without patronizing and to be inclusive one has to open
one's mind to learn from other disciplines. Many have worked with marginalized
groups and stumbled over similar problems.
Feminist methodology can be very resourceful when this issue arises. The role
of a consciously partial researcher has been well reflected and the motivation to
change the living situations of those we are researching. Even making the participants conscious of an inequitable situation concerning themselves is not seen as a
breach of researchers' objectivity but part of the dialectical view on research itself.
Of course these positions will not be shared by every researcher, but it is
important to reintroduce these positions into academic discourse. For example
Maria Mies' Postulate for methods in women studies can be a rich text to reflect upon
what the position of a person without diagnosed learning disabilities as a researcher
is and which intentions he or she has when designing the research.
Not only the reflected partiality, the wish to change circumstances which are
oppressive but the influence on participants on the research work itself by reforming the asymmetric relationship into a subject-subject relationship can be reflected using the seven theses from Maria Mies (1978).
Feminist methods and reflections on methodology have been building the
basis for emancipatory research. This attitude towards research and methods
17
connected to it are not limited to researching marginalized women in a patriarchal
world but can and are used to research other marginalized groups.
Emancipatory research's major feature is the researcher's accountability. The
participant's needs and opinion can not be ignored when following this method or
methodological approach.
People with physical disabilities have already claimed and in many cases
achieved their right to participate and be heard in research in relation to themselves
or their lives.
In the field of disability studies emancipatory research has been established as
the widespread accepted method and hopefully the research field of intellectual
disability will follow with adapted methods (Grant 2005).
It is not possible to present all the methodical possibilities to realize emancipatory research in this limited setting. Because of this Participatory Action Research
should act as an example in the following. It is especially prone to serve as an
example because it has already been used in adapted forms to realize inclusive
research for example in the United States (Flieger, 2003).
Participatory Action Research (PAR) has already been used in very different contexts as for example work place analyses or examining cooperations between
different people and organizations. It can be used in its most primary form as the
cyclical research method with the direct goal to improve conditions for all participants or to find solutions to problematic consequences. This is done by working
out an intervention, examining the intervention's consequences and constructing
another intervention benefiting from former experiences.
All participants are involved in all the processes such as construction and
implementing the intervention but evaluating and examining the consequences and
expenditures as well.
Since all input is valued and everybody concerned is as well involved in the
research process and his or her participation meet with high regards, the hierarchy
between researchers and non academic participants is reduced. Knowledge derived
from personal experience in practice and theoretical knowledge derived from
studies are both valued in the process and included for their benefits.
This feature of PAR is often perceived as its strongest trait leading the
discussion towards accepting PAR rather as a research approach or strategy than to
limit it to a method (Doe & Whyte, 1995, p. 2).
Some might even define the claim PAR poses on research as less rigid than
that, reducing it to resuming the respondent's interpretation models and patterns as
well as structures of meaning (Moser, 1995, p. 61).
Broadening the view and taking into account the experiences researchers from
different disciplines have made, the discussion about valuing the emic perspective
in social anthropology comes to mind. What makes emic accounts such a rich
source of data are the before said interpretation patterns and attributions of
meaning.
18
vo n La utz
When trying to avoid a kind of spectator's science (Mies, 1978) and commiting
to an observation and examination of mechanisms and evaluations at work with our
participants we have to listen to themselves and value their emic perspective.
This demand has been formulated in critiquing former research strategies by
Karen Spencer, member of people first UK, in the following words: "We think that
is because you study us rather than listen to us." (Hagleitner, 2004, p. 51)
At which point there seems to be a consensus with positions from the
academic discourse complaining about the lack of emic perspective in research.
This deficit has been noted already two and a half decades ago and put into the
following words: "[...] the literature is void of the experience it would presumably portray –
that of the retarded individual in his or her own voice." (Langness & Levine, 1986, p.1)
Reflecting upon the researcher's role now and in the future to come these
positions hold a potential for massive shifts.
For one the researcher can see himself or herself in a position of a research
manager, a linkman between the different participants, structuring the research
processes themselves, organizing peer interviews, interview settings, opportunities
for group discussions and always summarizing preliminary findings.
On the other hand a researcher could understand himself or herself as an
accountable service provider triangulating categories with interview partners, discussing preliminary findings with the participants and involving them to share their
observations and include their suggestions without exaggerated hesitation. A
researcher committed to this kind of academic service would give up great parts of
his or her autonomy accepting that the research itself should be owned by the
participants. This does not mean that the researcher does not gain greatly, sometimes more than anyone else from the research by for example graduating to a
higher educational level or qualifying for a profession or receiving honors for
publishing.
But if the research's intention is to provide meaningful information to the
participants the publication must be made available to them directly. Neither an
article in a scientific journal nor in an academic compendium does satisfy this
demand.
Special tools have to be used to make the results available to the public with
learning disabilities. Most of these tools will also prove to be helpful in creating an
inclusive research design.
Inclusive tools
The use of easy language might well be the most powerful tool in making one's
research inclusive.
Mostly easy language is seen as a reduced form of conventional language
which should make it possible for every person who speaks the conventional one
19
to switch easily to the easy form. However, every academic who tried it, will deny
this claim.
First of all awareness of foreign or complicated terms has to be established,
then the content we want to formulate deductively put into small sentences which
contain no more than one or two informations a piece. Depending on the participants some informations may require several repetitions or visualization aids.
There are a multitude of different symbol and visualisation aids available and
local communities of people with learning disabilities probably already use one or
more of them.
If people using talking aids are participating in the study the symbols their
talker uses can be used for everybody. If necessary new symbols can be introduced
as well and be well explained in easy language.
This will take time and slow down conversation. But thinking plans and
presuppositions through cannot be wrong. And talking others through one's
research design has been proven to be productive on more than one occasion. An
even greater challenge for researchers might be listening to the ones researched
which on occasions might say things to rattle the foundations of the work itself.
But the way the researcher presents his or her ideas to the participants should
not only be adapted in relation to language use, time frame and repetitions.
The direct relation between learning disability and gullibility even credulity as
a basic feature of learning disability has been studied (Greenspan, Loughlin, &
Black, 2001).
This is prone to influence the ability of the participants with learning
disabilities to criticize flaws in the researchers' perception of their living situation or
opinion. They might be socialized to believe a person with no diagnosed learning
disability will know even the things better they themselves are experts for, e.g. their
opinions and living situations.
This deficit in communication might be compensated through the social
strength of the research relationship. Creating an atmosphere in which everybody
can speak his or her mind freely without the fear of ridiculing oneself or meeting
aggressive resistance could help with the communication.
The research relationship
It would be naive to think that as a researcher we can establish a relationship to our
respondent with learning difficulties outside society's labeling processes. Every
contact is system immanent and works within society's script for these interactions.
The status difference, which is regular when people with learning difficulties
are concerned will reflect upon the research relationship as well. It is important to
appreciate the differences in living situations instead of only trying to find common
ground to gain trust. When the same rights to a pursuit of happiness are assumed
20
vo n La utz
the difference in living conditions might strike harder and might be a topic to talk
about.
But it would be utterly wrong to disguise professional research interest as
authentic concern. It is only natural that some respondents seem more likeable to
the researcher than others. And even with an extremely likeable interview partner
a conversation item which the researcher has already heard a subjectively endless
number of times from various respondents might not generate authentic interest.
Being able to disguise authentic feelings can be part of the process of
gathering rich data.
But the true nature of the professional relationship should never be disguised,
even if it provides the researcher with even richer data.
If a respondent is lead to believe the newly established relationship might be
or evolve into a friendship, disappointment will immediately follow when the truth
is revealed.
The frequent disappointments people with learning disabilities experience in
search of friendships with people who do not have learning difficulties to the same
extend cannot be disregarded. Negative experiences in this field may have made the
respondent more vulnerable when it comes to social-emotional conflicts. Studies
even suggest that there is a inter-relationship between social-emotional problems
and learning difficulties themselves (Donahue & Wong, 2002).
But being aware of the need to keep the nature of the research relationship
transparent should not be reduced to the learning difficulties of the respondents
but their possible loneliness in a group home and lack of other friendly contact or
just someone who listens.
The fair way to handle such a potential problem is to be open about one's
intention.
It is important to let research participants know that our intention as
researchers is to write and publish a book. The respondents are helping us in doing
so. It is fine to be grateful for this help, but the chance of establishing a relationship
that will outlive the research might not be prevalent.
Since the relationship between researcher and respondent might be one of the
few or the only relationship in which the person with intellectual disability receives
undivided attention and is encouraged to open up, inner conflicts and trauma might
surface.
The prevalence of sexualized violence against people (both men and women)
with learning disabilities in institutions as well as the early separation from loved
ones or harassment from nursing staff are all factors to contribute to the
stressfulness of some of our respondents lives (Zemp, Pircher & Schoibel, 1997).
If we encourage them to open up and attend to these or other conflicts we
cannot leave them alone with freshly surfaced conflicts after we gathered our data.
A helping and concomitant support system must be created to continue dealing
with conflicts that may have surfaced during interviews.
21
It is best to organize such a support system or to search for already existing
support structures during the design process of one's research instead of waiting
until the first respondent experiences a crisis. The possibility of online support
groups or forums should not be disregarded right away. On the one hand technologies are advancing and eliminating many barriers such as not having to read all the
text but having it read to you or using illustrations to make the information more
accessible.
On the other hand research results suggest that social contacts through the
internet can help to relieve people with disabilities from loneliness and can support
peer contacts (Margalit & Al-Yagon, 2002).
If our respondents have their own personal internet access they can get into
contact with others and support each other during inner or outer conflicts. Of
course this kind of support system does not make a counseling or therapeutic
setting obsolete by itself. It may be helpful for some individuals with disabilities to
overcome the gap a researcher leaves behind when the research is over and
loneliness seems immanent.
Conclusion
The purpose of this paper was to show how tangible consequences for research
designs can derive from reflecting the ethical values underlying the work itself.
When succeeding the presented trains of thought the following tangible consequences become clear.
When trying to construct a research both equitable and candid which values
the emic perspective of people with learning disabilities' point of view their
participation is not only valued but indispensable. In the initiation of research one
can turn to self-advocatory groups for help on the reflection of the research
question and who is concerned by the research question and should participate in
the process of studying it. In such a reflection process it is important to not be
mislead by fluently shifting terminologies categorizing the persons with learning
difficulties, but focusing on who could be concerned by the research question.
Then these persons are asked to shape the research process itself instead of just
answering questions or being observed. The research process should not be lead by
hegemonial power structures but one's own heteronormativity and ethnocentrism
taken into account to prevent it from distorting the study's findings.
Hierarchy should not taint the research relationship either. Instead the
relationship should grow in an atmosphere of reciprocity and trust where it's
professional nature is always made transparent. To prevent participants from being
left alone and struggling with conflicts surfaced during the studies the research
should organize a support system to help the participants with their needs. This
way making sure that the participant does not suffer because of participating and to
make sure he or she even benefits from the participation, be sure to make the
22
vo n La utz
findings available to the community with learning disabilities. Sharing one's methodological insights and reflecting on the underlying ethical values helps other
researchers in the field of intellectual disabilities.
References
Allington, R. L. (2002). Research on reading/learning disability interventions. In A.E.
Farstrup, & S. Samuels (Eds.), What research has to say about reading instruction (pp. 261-290).
Newark, DE: International Reading Association.
Bradley, R., Danielson, L. C., & Hallahan, D. P. (2002). Identification of learning disabilities:
Research to practice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Cavalcanti de Albuquerque Williams, L. (2003). Sobre deficiência e violência: reflexões para
uma análise de revisão de área. Revista Bras. Ed. Esp., Marília, Jul.-Dez., 9(2),149-150.
Dalton, A.J. & McVilly, K.R. (2004). Ethics guidelines for international multicenter research
involving people with intellectual disabilities. Journal of Policy and Practice in Intellectual
Disabilities, 1(2), 57–70.
Dederich, M. & Jantzen, W. (2008) Behinderung und Anerkennung. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer
Verlag.
Doe, T.& Whyte, J.(1995). Participatory action research. Paper presented at the National Institute
on Disability Research Conference "Forging Collaborative Partnerships in the Study of
Disability" in Washington, D.C.
Donahue, M.L. & Wong, B.Y.L. (2002). How to start a revolution. In Bernice Y.L. Wong, &
Mavis L. Donahue (Eds.), The social dimensions of learning disabilities: essays in honor of Tanis Bryan
(pp.1-10). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Flieger, P. (2003). Partizipative Forschungsmethoden und ihre konkrete Umsetzung. In
Gisela Hermes & Swantje Köbsell (Hg.): Disability Studies in Deutschland - Behinderung neu
Denken. Dokumentation of summer university (S. 200-204). Kassel: bifosS.
Greenspan, S., Loughlin, G., Black, R.S. (2001). Credulity and gullibility in people with
developmental disorders: a framework for future research. International Review of Research in
Mental Retardation, 24, 101-135.
Grant, G. (2005). Healthy and successful ageing. In Gordon Grant, Peter Goward, Paul
Ramcharan, Malcolm Richardson (Eds.), Learning disability: a life cycle approach to valuing people
(pp. 222-242). Maidenhead: Open University Press.
Hagleitner, D. (2004) "You need to talk to people themselves". Selbstbestimmung und Selbstvertretung
von Menschen mit Lernschwierigkeiten. Diplomarbeit, Geisteswissenschaftliche Fakultät der
Leopold-Franzens-Universität Innsbruck.
23
Langness, L. L. & Levine, Harold G. (1986). Culture and retardation: Life histories of mildly
mentally retarded persons in American society. Dordrecht, NL: D. Reidel Publishing Company.
Margalit, M. & Al-Yargon, M. (2002). The loneliness experience of children with learning
disabilities. In Bernice Y.L. Wong & Mavis L. Donahue (Eds.), The social dimensions of learning
disabilities: essays in honor of Tanis Bryan (pp. 53-74). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates.
Mies, M. (1978). Methodische Postulate zur Frauenforschung. In Sozialwissenschaftliche
Forschung und Praxis für Frauen e.V. (Hg.), beiträge zur feministischen theorie und praxis.
Frauenforschung oder feministische Forschung - dargestellt am Beispiel der Gewalt gegen Frauen. Heft 1, S.
41-63, Nachdruck: H. 11, 1984, S.7-25
Moser, H. (1995) Grundlagen der Praxisforschung. Freiburg im Breisgau: Lambertus, 1995.
Muir, W. & Gibbs, S.(2006) Research in the psychiatry of learning disability. In C. Freeman,
& P. Tyrer, (Eds.), Research methods in psychiatry. London: Gaskell.
Muir, W. & Gibbs, S. (2006). Research in the psychiatry of learning disability. In C. Freeman
& P. Tyrer (Eds.), Research methods in psychiatry (pp.253-291). London: Gaskell.
Schalock, R.L., Brown, I., Brown, R., Cummins, R.A., Felce, D., Matikka, L., Keith, K.D.
& Parmenter, T. (2002). Conceptualization, Measurement, and application of quality of life
for persons with intellectual disabilities: report of an international panel of experts. Mental
Retardation, 40 (6), 457–470.
Stalker, K. (1998). Some ethical and methodological issues in research with people with
learning difficulties. Disability and Society, 13 (1), 5-19.
Thomas, D. & Woods, H. (2003). Working with people with learning kisabilities: Theory and
practice. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.
Vogel, S. (2001) The challenge of international research in Learning Disabilities. In D.P.
Hallahan, B.K. Keogh, W.M. Cruickshank (Eds.), Research and global perspectives in learning
disabilities: Essays in honor of William M. Cruickshank (pp.329-336) Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates.
Zemp, A. & Pircher, E. & Schoibl, H. (1997): Sexualisierte Gewalt im behinderten Alltag – Jungen
und Männer mit Behinderung als Opfer und Täter. project report Salzburg.
24
25
02:
Common values, controversial facts:
enacting dialogical ethics1
Adolfo Estalella
Abstract
2
This paper proposes research ethics as a dialogical practice with research subjects.
Drawing on my fieldwork I discuss the conventional assumption of research ethics
that we now in advance which values should be preserved in a research; I elaborate
the idea that although we agree on common values, when we discuss particular
facts values become very controversial; so drawing on the concept of enactment I
then propose to think in terms of values enacted in practice. My argument is that
researchers should articulate their ethical responsibility in the field not as a search
for ways to respect a set of common values defined a priori but as an instance that
reflexively questions their research practice in a dialogue with the other, trying to
understand the values of others.
Introduction. Fieldwork among passionate bloggers3
As a young anthropologist I work on the field of digital technologies. For the last
years I have tried to understand how digital technologies are incorporated into the
daily life of people, transforming (or not) the way they take part in the cultural
production, the way they relate to other people and the way they are engaged in
political action. A consequence of incorporating the Internet to the fieldwork of
anthropologists and other social scientist is that a vast amount of personal data is
easily accessible to researchers without any need of negotiation. Familiar and
1
I want to thank Tiberio Murias, Mechthild Kiegelmann and Taylor Christl for their invitation
to take part in the 11th annual workshop of the Center for Qualitative Psychology. This is an
elaboration of the lecture I gave on it; while I have modified the tone of the lecture I still take
some licenses in my writing as it is not conceived as a paper.
2
This paper is published under a Creative Commons License Attribution-Share Alike v. 3.
You can consult the conditions of use in:
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/bysa/3.0/es/deed.en
3
Any academic writing is a collective work. A large part of the ideas that are on the base of
this paper are the product of previous writings and discussions with Elisenda Ardévol and
Anne Beaulieu. I want to give credit and thank them.
26
Esta le lla
personal photos and videos, cultural tastes expressed in terms of lists of music,
books and movies, political options materialized in articles and personal writings,
Many of these forms of expressions were previously located in private and
domestic spaces and were only accessible after negotiating with their owners and
producers; however, they are easily accessible on the Internet.
But all these accessible information has posed social scientists intense ethical
questions referring to the conditions under which these data could be used. Since
the second part of the nineties social scientists researching the Internet discuss this
issue. In my fieldwork along the last years I have faced the same dilemmas. Part of
my ethical concern is a consequence of the deep engagement that I have had with
the collectives I have been researching. So my discussion will draw on my fieldwork
experiences and the anxieties that I have experienced when deciding whether I
could use, or not, particular kinds of data registered from the Internet. The domain
in which social researchers locate these dilemmas is research ethics, a domain
predicates on the preservation of values when doing research.
Ethical dilemmas in the field
Research ethics is a domain focused on the ethical obligations that social scientists
have to assume in their research practices. It involves many different fields of
responsibilities: with society at large, with their own discipline, with students and,
of course, with the people taking part in their research. I will focus my discussion
on this last dimension: the responsibility that social scientists, and particularly
anthropologists, have with their research subjects.
In the years 2006 and 2007 I undertook an 18 months ethnography
researching the intense and passionate practice of blogging in Spain. As any other
anthropologist and social scientist, I took for granted a set of common values that
I should respect on my research: privacy, dignity, safety of the people involved in
my research. Research ethics is conventionally formulated from this perspective as
a decisional framework in which socials scientists should look for ways to
undertake their research respecting these values. However, what I found in my
fieldwork was that the values that I assumed in advance that should be protected
were not the same values that people I was researching were most concerned about.
My aim is to question the conventional assumption of research ethics that we
know in advance which values we should preserve and that we know how we
should preserve them. In order to do this, I want to bring to the fore the notion of
values in practice. Drawing in my fieldwork I discus a field encounter to argue that
while we agree on a set of common values, when we have to consider particular
facts as private, public, anonymous, etc. we, however, disagree. While we agree on
common values we disagree on how these values are, or should be, put into
practice. My last objective is to propose research ethics as a practice that is focused
on the generation of questions and not on the production of answers. That means
that researchers should articulate their ethical responsibility in the field not as a
C o m m o n va lue s, c ontro ve rsia l fa c ts: e na c ting d ia lo gic a l e thic s
27
search for ways to respect a set of common values defined a priori but to reflexively
question our research practice in a dialogue with others.
Fieldwork among passionate bloggers
One of the objectives of my ethnography was to shed light on the diversity of the
blogging practice. People use and relate to blog, and other internet technologies in
very different ways. For some of them they are only instruments while for others
they are objects of intense attachment. Some people use it occasionally why others
establish intense temporal practices to the point of performing their identity in
relation to this artefacts: "I am a blogger", is what my research subjects said of
themselves in conferences and blogger meetings. Not all technologies produced
this kind of intense relationship.
The individuals I was living with and whom I tried to understand for more
than one year, and the blogs that they created, are in no way representative of the
majority of blog users; on the contrary, their blogging practice is quite exceptional:
they are passionate bloggers. Their blogging practice is intensive in terms of their
temporal organization: they write everyday or at least a few days per week, something that only a small part of blog users do (PEW REF); they write about their
personal and professional life, the things that they are interested in, the latest news
that they have read; and they deeply believe at that moment that blogs could
transform society.
Another practice that characterizes these passionate bloggers is their reflexivity. They write very often on the social dimension of the internet and digital
technologies, and as part of these debates they reflexively write and discuss their
own blogging practice. A common theme on these discussions is formulated in
terms of the expectations that blogs (and blogging) can transform society. These
deeply reflexive bloggers pose high expectations on what is conceived as the power
of blogs for transform traditional institutions like science, education, politics and
mass media. And, convinced as they are of this, they try to enrol other people in
blogging; persuading their partners, friends and relatives to open a blog; and they
organize conferences and meetings for debating on blogs and for them.
A last characteristic of these bloggers is that they are engaged not only with
blogs but with other technologies, too. They are extensive practitioners of internet
technologies: they use Internet visual technologies for watching or uploading
videos, for publishing photos; they share their bookmarks, upload presentations to
the Internet, etc.
My fieldwork combined different forms of articulating my presence and the
relationship with my correspondents in the field. I read blogs every day, watched
the videos and images that they published on the Internet and followed the links
they published. Moreover, an important part of my fieldwork consisted of
attending to more than a dozen face to face meetings, both formal and informal.
28
Esta le lla
Sometimes I spent two or three days in a conference organized by bloggers and in
other occasions I just went out to have a drink with them.
A key methodological decision consisted of blogging during my fieldwork. I
opened a 'field blog' for my fieldwork drawing on my previous experience
researching an Internet collective gathered around a news site devoted to the
publication of free software news. The field blog allowed me to establish rapport
with my correspondents; blogging the way they did it, exposing myself the way they
did, I gained their confidence and established a close relation with some of them.
Blogging myself I experienced what it meant being a blogger, an intensive blogger;
so engaging in blogging was a way to reflexively interrogate the technology, or even,
let the technology to interrogate me. And third, the blog allow me to make bloggers
be aware of my presence in the field; I explained in my blog that I was doing
research. Therefore, to a great extent it was a strategy to articulate my ethical
concern and alleviate my anxiety in the field; I will come back to this later.
Researching the Internet: ethical challenges
The result of my fieldwork was a heterogeneous set of empirical data of very
different nature. I produced four different formats of data in three different
contexts: texts, photos, audio recording and videos that were registered in face to
face encounters, on the Internet and in interviews (both face to face and online)4.
I produced textual data attending to events and taking notes, but I also produced a
large set of textual data by registering the Internet in my daily interactions reading
what other bloggers where publishing, mainly blog articles, but emails and chats,
too. Depending on the format and the context, different questions are posed to
researchers when they try to articulate their ethical decisions in the field. I want to
briefly consider visual data to illustrate two of the main methodological issues that
represent the incorporation of the Internet in social research.
While I didn't expect to use visual data in my research, taking photos and
publishing them on the Internet came to be a significant practice among the
passionate bloggers I was researching. Bloggers published an enormous amount of
images, hundreds of them, on the events that during my fieldwork they hold for
discussing blogs. It was very common to see bloggers taking photos during talks
and workshops and even in the breaks and spare time during the meetings. I remember an after-lunch in Seville in which ten bloggers in a terrace took out their
cameras and started to take photos of the other people seated at the table, who
were also taking photos of the other people. Taking photos was, for them, a playful
practice. A large part of them published personal photos of their daily life on their
4
I distinguish face to face encounters from interviews because the last one is a different
methodological context, although most of the interviews were face to face.
29
Flickr account, a platform for publishing photos in the Internet. As a result, photos
became a relevant and large set of my empirical data that I produced in two
different contexts. The most part of it came from registering photos that bloggers
published on the Internet; but I took pictures on face to face events, too.
A decade ago, photos taken by research subjects were usually only accessible
after negotiating with them; on the Internet they are extremely easy to access.
Moreover, when researchers take pictures on face to face events, they are very
visible and usually they are forced to negotiate with the people involved. On the
Internet, on the contrary, collecting images is extremely easy and nobody knows if
you are doing that; even more, owners have not the ability to prevent you from
collecting this data. Considering visual empirical data it is possible to point out two
of the significant methodological issues the Internet poses to social scientists: the
first one is the vast amount of social data that circulate on the Internet; the second
one is the easy access of this data to anyone, including researchers; I have discussed
this issues and its methodological consequences elsewhere (Estalella & Ardévol,
2010; Estalella & Ardévol, s/d). In the nineties, some scientists thought of this as
a dream come true; because it represented the opportunity to undertake nondisturbing research, especially when using participant observation. However,
collecting all these data has posed researchers in the last decade the questions of
whether it is legitimate to collect these data or it is necessary to ask their authors for
informed consent. Usually, a basis for deciding on this is to establish whether a
piece of information or a space is public or private. I want to get into some details
on this dichotomy.
Private and public on the Internet
The distinction between public and private is a fundamental axis for taking ethical
decisions on any social research (Estalella & Ardévol, 2007); a distinction that is
especially relevant for participant observation and ethnography, in which researchers establish close relations with their informants and have access to much
information that could be compromising for them. Codes of ethics of most
disciplines establish that public data can be freely collected by researchers; however,
when data is private they have to ask for informed consent. A television broadcast,
an event on the street, a public discourse or a print newspaper are public data,
public communication or public spaces; researchers don't have to ask for consent
for collecting data in these situations. A letter, a diary, a phone conversation or a
living room, are most of the time private so researchers ought to ask for inform
consent; explaining the people involved about their research and asking them for
permission for accessing these spaces and collecting this information.
There are exceptions to this rule depending on the format of data produced.
The National Committee for Research Ethics in the Social Sciences and the
Humanities of Norway, for instance, established that when researchers are doing
participant observation in a public space using video recording or taking photos,
30
Esta le lla
then they have to at least advise of their presence (NESH, 2001). The public/
private dichotomy is then a key axis for establish whether researchers can freely
collect information or they need to ask for consent of the subjects involved. When
this dual way of thinking, in terms of public and private, is translated to the Internet
the situation gets complicated. It is not clear what is public and what is private on
the Internet.
When social scientists researching the Internet have tried to answer the
questions on the private and public drawing on the conventional codes of ethics of
their disciplines they have found many difficulties because they provide no orientation for deciding on this issue. So for the last ten years there has been an intense
debate and a growing literature in the field of Internet Research Ethics that has led
to the elaboration of specific codes and guidelines for Internet Research (Buchanan
& Hess, 2008). Many concepts, assumptions and conventions of research ethics
have been questioned to the light of the ethical dilemmas that the Internet research
has posed to social scientists. Internet research ethics has become then a field for
elaborating a broad reflection and discussion on research ethics in general.
At the end of the nineties, social scientists researching the Internet started to
develop specific ethical guidelines for Internet research (Walter, 2002). A key
advance took place in 1999 with the publication of a guideline by the American
Association for the Advancement of Science (Frankel & Siang, 1999) and the later
publication in 2002 of the ethical guidelines of the Association of Internet Researchers (AoIR) (Ess, 2002). Both of them recognize that although conventional
codes of ethics valid for the Internet and principles that researchers should respect
are the same (dignity, safety and privacy of research subjects), putting these values
into practice gets complicated on the Internet: Which kind of data can be made
without asking for inform consent? Which computer mediated interactions are
public and do not require for asking for informed consent? Is public the information that is accessible, without password? What does it mean to maintain the
anonymity of people who chats using user names in a publicly accessible chat
room?
The approach of some researchers at the end of the nineties was that "free
access" meant public data, as Storm King has criticized (1996), and so there was not
any requirement for researchers to ask for informed consent. Joseph B. Walther
considered at that time that a free accessible forum on the Internet was equivalent
to a newspaper library and that participants should be aware that their communication was accessible and public: "any person who uses publically available
communication systems on the Internet must be aware that these systems, by their
very nature and by definition, are mechanisms for the storage, transmission and
recovery of comments. While some participants have certain expectations of
privacy, they are somewhat misplaced" (Whalter, 2002:207). Other authors, drawing
on the metaphors of the Internet as a public space, assumed that collecting data
from the Internet was equivalent to collecting data from public spaces and so it
didn't require obtaining informed consent.
31
A completely different approach led to other authors to rearticulate the responsibility of deciding on what is public and what is private not on the part of the
researcher but on the part of the research subjects. Storm King provided evidence
that the conceptions that participants on computer mediated interactions have of
the nature of their interactions do not often coincide with that of external observers
(Sharf, 1999; Allen, 1996; Bromseth, 2002); that is to say, subjects interacting on the
Internet have certain "expectations of privacy" (King, 1996) that are not the same
of those not taking part in these interactions. That way, these authors have argued
that accessibility of data should not be taken as equivalent to public nature of data:
"the people trust the rules of confidentiality in the community of which they form
part" (Elgesem, 2002, p. 196).
Taking into account all these problems, some researchers have started to
explore new concepts to articulate ethical decision for Internet research. Trying to
leave aside the dichotomy between the private and the public, Maria Bakardjieva
and Andrew Feenberg (2001) have proposed two concepts as an alternative
decision framework; one is objectification and the other one is alienation. The first
refers to how people construct their identity on the Internet; they objectify their
identity in digital objects like texts, images, videos, etc. The other concept,
alienation, refers to the appropriation of these digital objects for purposes never
intended by their authors; for instance, for research purposes. Bakardjieva and
Feenberg (year?) pose as a main issue for researchers the consideration of the
intended uses of these digital objects. That is to say, researchers should ask
themselves not if something is public or private, but if people who write something
or publish a photo had in mind that it could be used by other people for different
purposes, like academic research. So, instead of thinking in terms of public and
private, they propose to think in terms of objectification and alienation. Was it in
peoples' mind that this information could be used for research purposes? So their
proposal looks for new concepts (alienation and objectification) instead of privacy,
and so they can pose new questions from these new concepts. My aim is not to
propose an alternative framework for deciding whether something is public or
private, but to illustrate that researchers can understand the value of privacy in
different terms than the people they research.
Enacting values
So for summarizing this debate: deciding what is public and what is private on the
Internet is highly controversial; deciding when the researcher should negotiate their
presence with the research subjects or nor and which data he could use without
asking for informed consent is highly controversial. So, while most researchers
agree on the idea that privacy and other values like confidentiality or anonymity
must be respected in their research practices, when they have to decide whether a
32
Esta le lla
particular space, an object or a practice are private or public, anonymous or
confidential, agreement is difficult to reach and things get controversial.
The debate on privacy illustrates a crucial controversial issue: while we agree
on a set of common values, we disagree on how we understand these values and
how we, and other people, put them into practice. So, in the movement from the
discursive domain of values to their practicality, values become quite controversial.
I want to delve into this idea of values in practice because most of the debates
on research ethics are not about values in abstract but about values in practice.
Values in practice are nothing else but facts; facts that have to be considered
private, public, confidential, etc. For dealing with values in practice I draw on the
concept of enactment proposed by the philosopher and ethnographer Annemarie
Mol. In her book The body multiple (2002), Annemarie Mol tries to understand the
way in which medicine deals with the body in two Dutch hospitals. Mol proposes
a turn in her ethnography, instead of asking the doctors and patients about the
body, she proposes to move her research from the discursive domain to the
domain of practices:
"The ethnographic study of practices does not search for knowledge in
subjects who have it in their minds and may talk about it. Instead, it locates
knowledge primarily in activities, events, buildings, instruments, procedures,
and so on" (2002, p. 32)
And it is by studying the practices of the people involved in dealing with the body
and diseases that she shifts her research from the epistemological to the ontological
domain: "the driving question is no longer 'how to find the truth?' but 'how are
objects handled in practice?'" (2002, p. 5). She proposes that reality, in that case the
body, is brought into existence by very different material practices; this thing called
'the body' is something completely different for the pathologist in the laboratory
whose responsibility is to measure the levels of cholesterol in blood, from the
doctor in her office that listen carefully to symptoms of the patient, or to the
patient himself. Each of them brings into existence the suffering body of patients
by very diverse practices; each of them enacts different versions of the body.
What I want to preserve for elaborating my discussion on values is this idea
that reality, no matter if we are speaking of bodies or values, is brought into
existence in practice. I give a couple of very simple examples related to the issue of
privacy to illustrate this idea. Imagine that you are surrounded by people in a room
and you want to maintain the privacy of what you say, then you whisper to your
listener; or imagine that you don't want to be seen when you are in your office so
you close the door. All these are instances in which you do something in order to
perform a certain value, whispering to make your conversations private and closing
the door to avoid being seen by others in your office. You do something to enact
a certain value. Having this idea in mind, that values are always enacted in practice
33
and that different practices enact different values, I return in what follow to discuss
an encounter of my fieldwork.
Blogging the field: between privacy and authorship
Many of the bloggers that I have been following have spent more than five years
blogging in a daily basis, or at least a few times per week. At the time of my
fieldwork, this was something really exceptional because most of the blog users
write occasionally, only a few times per month (Lenhart, 2006). An enormous
amount or personal of these bloggers was on the Internet and was easily accessible.
No matter if their blogs were not 'personal', like for instance all those who write on
technology; at the end, they published personal photos of their home and their
family, videos, information about what they do and what they are interested in, the
book they were reading or the music they liked. Somebody could be tempted to say
that they are not worried about privacy or that they are exhibitionists, as they are
sometimes simplistically portrayed; however, they take care of what they make
public and they care about privacy, but in particular terms. I describe the worries of
one of my correspondents in the field to illustrate this last point.
She was, at the time of my fieldwork, a young assistant professor in a
university in Madrid. She wrote, and still writes, very often in her blog about
education and technology. One day, she realized that her blog was configured to
publish the precise time in which she published her articles. The atmosphere in her
department was not precisely the friendliest at that time so anything could be used
against her by some of her colleagues. She was worried that her workmates could
reproach her that instead of working she was wasting time writing the blog in her
working hours so she decided to remove the temporal data of her blog articles.
She was not worried about all the things that you could read about her in the
blog, but about a very precise piece of data that appeared in every article. The thing
to protect was not what she wrote about herself but the time in which it was
published (and not necessarily written). It is not that she was not worried about
privacy, but she understood, and understands, privacy and practiced it in a different
way to many other people who, for instance, would never publish photos or would
never write about themselves on the Internet. She enacts privacy in a particular
material practices.
But privacy is not a topic that bloggers mention or debate very often. I have
discussed it because it is important for researchers, because privacy is a main axe
for articulating ethical decisions on research, as I have argued above. However,
among intensive bloggers there is a different and much more discussed value:
authorship. During my fieldwork, I found intense debates on authorship; for
instance when a mass media took some information from a blog and elaborated a
piece of news based on that information without properly referencing the blog
source. Properly referencing means providing the hyperlink of the blog in the piece
34
Esta le lla
of news. Bloggers give credit by hyperlinking other blogs; it is not the only meaning
of hyperlinking, but it is an important one. It is considered even an "ethical
imperative" by some bloggers to link to those whose information they have used to
elaborate their article.
Blogging as fieldwork
A part of my fieldwork consisted of blogging every day. By blogging, I established
rapport with my informants, reflexively interrogated the technology and made
bloggers be aware of my presence in the field. One of the specific practices that I
used to make bloggers become aware that I was interested ion them was linking to
their blogs instead of leaving a comment or writing them an email, for instance.
Writing on the same topic that they had written and discussing their ideas was a
way to introduce myself and to make myself visible during my fieldwork, avoiding
under cover research. And it was by blogging that I experienced by myself the value
of authorship.
However, being visible involved new and unexpected ethical problems that I
hadn't foreseen at the beginning. Hyperlinking to the bloggers I was following,
making me visible and trying to respect authorship, I involuntarily exposed my
informants, an issue that Anne Beaulieu and I have discussed in detail (Beaulieu &
Estalella, 2009). If you search for my name on Google, you will find my 'field blog'
and from it you can follow the links to the blogs I have been researching. By
participating in blogging I am traceable on the Internet, and by being traceable I
expose my informants and make it very difficult to protect their anonymity and so
their privacy, because it is possible to identify who I am writing about, even hiding
their names.
Anne Beaulieu and I have discussed at large the ethical problems pose by the
methodological election between making the researcher visible in the field and
exposing the identity of informants (Beaulieu & Estalella, 2009). Taking this
dilemma, I want to add a new level to this discussion shifting the issue at stake,
because the point is that bloggers are not really worried about privacy, but about
authorship. The discussion of privacy has more to do with how social scientists
have traditionally understood privacy and anonymity and how they have protected
it (by hiding the names of their informants, for instance), than with how bloggers
understand and enact privacy in their blogging practice.
So, bloggers understand and enact privacy in certain ways that are different
from the way other people enact it, the way anthropologists traditionally understood it; even more, privacy and anonymity are not what worry them the most, it is,
on the contrary, authorship. And this brings back the questions that I posed at the
beginning: which values should we, social researchers, protect? And how should we
enact them?
35
Conclusion: Searching for the right questions
I have posed two arguments drawing on my fieldwork that refer to common values
like privacy, anonymity and authorship. I have presented a fieldwork encounter to
argue that although we agree on values, when we discuss particular facts, these
values turn to be quite controversial. We don't agree on defining particular objects
or spaces as private, public, anonymous, etc. I have proposed that we should
consider at any time how values are brought into existence by specific practices,
how values are enacted. A second argument elaborates the idea that we cannot
assume in advance what the relevant values of our research subjects are. It is not
only that we cannot assume how they enact particular values, but that it is not
possible to take for granted which values they are most concerned about.
By actively participating in the collective I tried to solve some of the ethical
problems that I foresaw in advance: avoiding under cover research and making
bloggers be aware of my presence. I opened a 'field blog' for alleviating these
concerns and articulating my ethical responsibility in the field. Blogging myself
meant being open to others, offering them ways to question me and trying to
establish symmetrical relations. However, I unexpectedly faced new and unexpected
ethical problems. However, by engaging with technology I have tried to pose an
argument in favor of dialogical ethics whose main objective is to unveil others'
values; experiencing the technology that they are engage with was a way to
understand values like authorship or privacy. While my argument has been elaborated drawing on the empirical data produced by ethnography, the essential
elements of my arguments can be extended to other methodologies.
In conclusion, I have tried to show that the ethical challenge of social
researchers is to understand others' values and to enact them in their research
practices. Assuming this as our point of departure will be quite uncertain. To a large
extent this makes the way Institutional Review Boards works impossible, as they
decide in advance which values should be protected and how the researcher should
do it. However, this uncertainty that is full of risk is the most honest position we
could adopt with respect to our research subjects; this uncertainty is the starting
point for not making a decision for them.
Assuming this uncertainty would mean to reformulate the practice or research
ethics in the sense that the ethical responsibility should not be articulated as a
search for the right answer to the questions that we pose a priori, questions like:
How should we protect privacy? Or how should we preserve anonymity? Research
ethics should be, on the contrary, a practice in search for the right questions; a
practice in search for the questions that touch on the values of the people that we
research. And these values are not necessarily the same that we imagine, even more,
this values are not necessarily enacted in the same way. This is our responsibility
with the people who help us to understand the world.
36
Esta le lla
References
Allen, C. (1996). What's wrong with the "Golden Rule"? Conundrums of conducting ethical
research in cyberspace. Information Society, 12, 175-187.
Bakardjieva, M., & Feenberg, A. (2001). Involving the Virtual Subject: conceptual,
methodological an ethical dimmensions. Journal of Ethics and Information Technology, 2(4), 233240.
Beaulieu, A., & Estalella, A. (2009, 24-26 June). Rethinking Research Ethics for Mediated Settings.
Paper presented at the 5th International Conference on e-Social Science, Cologne
(Germany).
Bromseth, J. C. H. (2002). Public places - public activities? Methodological approaches and ethical
dilemmas in research on computermediated communication contexts. Paper presented at the SkiktResearchers' Conference.
Buchanan, A., & Ess, C. (2008). Internet Research Ethics: The Field and Its Critical Issues.
In K. Himma & H. Tavani (Eds.), The Handbook of Information and Computer Ethics. 273-292:
John Wiley & Sons.
Elgesem, D. (2002). What is special about the ethical issues in online research? Ethics and
Information Technology, 4(3), 195-203.
Ess, C. (2002). Ethical decision-making and Internet research: Recommendations from the aoir ethics
working committee: Association of Internet Researchers (AoIR).
Estalella, A., & Ardèvol, E. (2007). Ética de campo: hacia una ética situada para la
investigación etnográfica de internet. Forum Qualitative Social Research, 8(3).
Estalella, A., & Ardevol, E. (2010). Internet: instrumento de investigación y campo de datos
para los antropólogos visuales. Revista Chilena de Antropología Visual.
Estalella, A., & Ardévol, E. (s/d). 'e-Research': desafíos y oportunidades para las ciencias
sociales. Convergencia.
Frankel, M. S., & Siang, S. (1999). Ethical and Legal Aspects of Human Subjects Research on the
Internet: A Report of a Workshop. Washington: American Association for the Advancement of
Science.
King, S. (1996). Researching internet communities: proposed ethical guidelines for the
reporting of results. The Information Society, 12(2), 119-129.
Lenhart, A., & Fox, S. (2006). Bloggers. A portrait of the internet's new storytellers. Washington
D.C.: Pew Internet and American Life Project.
Mol, A. (2002). The Body Multiple: Ontology in Medical Practice. Durham and London: Duke
University Press.
37
NESH. (2001). Guidelines for research ethics in the social sciences, law and the humanities. Norway: The
National Comittee for Research Ethics in the Social Sciences and the Humanities (NESH).
Sharf, B. F. (1999). Beyond netiquette: The ethics of doing naturalistic discourse research on
the Internet. In S. Jones (Ed.), Doing Internet research: Critical issues and methods for examining the
Net (pp. 243-256). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications.
Walther, J. B. (2002). Research Ethics in Internet-Enabled Research: Human Subjects Issues
and Methodological Myopia. Ethics and Information Technology, 4(3), 205-216.
38
39
03:
From em pathy to its Finnish equivalent, or how should
w e understand experiences?
Teemu Suorsa
Introduction
Whether it is possible for psychology to create universal basic knowledge, even if its
"particular empirical evidence is always unique to the given place, its history and
current orientation to the future" (cf. Valsiner, 2006, p. 601), is a continuously
topical question. Jaan Valsiner points out in his article "Dangerous curves in knowledge
construction within psychology" that
"[t]he postmodernist ideology of localizing knowledge within social contexts
has undermined the task of generalization in social sciences. As a result,
science becomes swallowed by society, rather than providing that very society
with knowledge for further development." (Valsiner, 2006, p. 609.)
Valsiner (2006, p. 609) figures that psychology should "remain primarily a
basic science – aiming at universal knowledge through learning from many different
societies". The "pleasurable curvy road to general knowledge", as Valsiner (2006, p.
609) sees it, would run "through respectful investigation of local phenomena". To
generalize from the unique and local phenomena is, of course, far from a simple
task. It is clear that critique and contributions from the international scientific
community are required in this process. Before we are that far, a few thoughts
should be given to what it actually means to investigate local phenomena
respectfully.
When we are conceptualizing phenomena scientifically, we do not begin from
nowhere. Each discipline has its more or less well-established conventions for
conceptualizing its object of study. Quite often it is necessary to know the history
of the discipline to understand the current research problems and concepts. In
addition to the dimensions of history of science, the concepts we use have also
their everyday dimensions. This is particularly true in psychology where everyday
language is often interlaced with scientific one. For example "unconscious" has a
supposedly fully different meaning for a layperson, practising psychoanalyst, and
another expert from a different field of psychology.
The history of words and concepts does not, of course, end to the point,
where they are started being used, justified and studied systematically. In language
there are historical layers through which the words can refer to very different forms
of life and practices, in comparison to the one(s) in which we find ourselves today.
Words carry meanings which are nowadays hardly, if at all, comprehensible, or even
40
Suo rsa
recognizable. Do these meanings play a role in psychological research? In science
we have good grounds to call for strictly defined concepts that exclude the obscurities and inconsistencies of everyday language. Transparency in relation to the
concepts and methods being used belongs to science.
Psychology is not an exception to this principle of transparency. On the other
hand the particularity of the object in psychological research – a being determined
through, and determining its, circumstances – requires a special attention (also) to
the way this "object" relates to language (as a "circumstance"). If we are interested
in somebody's experiences, we cannot exclude the meanings that are obscure or
illogical. Neither is the language of the researcher, even if it is marked by his education, something fully under his control. Language which is older than the individual and more comprehensive than any psychological terminology, determines –
together with (personal)history – what is understandable in a given situation. The
following allegory should elucidate the lengthy and difficult subject:
"Let us imagine three concentric semi-circular forms of different sizes, and
call these the forest, the garden, and the house, from the biggest to the
smallest. The forest is its own, it does what it pleases, regardless of human not
to speak of natural laws. It changes slowly. Living in the forest demands
knowledge of flows, circuits, connections that span over individual lifetimes
and personal capacities. A garden can be cleared and cultivated in the midst of
the forest. It takes constant care, attention and struggle to make the garden
prosper and not to be overtaken by the forest. One needs fences, pathways
and systems of irrigation. Looking from the garden, the forest becomes the
wilderness. The garden, in turn, surrounds the house, where things have their
place, where the subject is best protected and life at its most economical.
Here the forest illustrates the area of a subjective experience that is unpredictable, unrepeatable and independent of us. The fenced garden is the site of
constant struggle between the inseparable flows of the forest and the reified and
objectified economy of the house, where weeding, planting and harvesting are
needed. In the house devoted to human purposes calculation can start. Here things
have their uses, and behavior its rationale.
These three areas form human experience, from the asubjective forest to the
economical pinnacle of the subjective and objective. It should be noted that the asubjective is not the same as the unconscious, even though it is not a part of the
self. In a similar way, language doesn't belong to the house only. [...] Language is
asubjective when it is not the manipulation of word-objects by a communicative
speaker-subject. For example words like 'mother', 'death', 'friend', 'sea' pertain to
experiences that do not support a clear subject-object division." (Vadén, 2006, p.
223-224.)
Language, and being human, can be characterized "generally" this way.
Language also has a local dimension. It's connectedness to place, to history, to "cur-
From e m p a thy to its Finnish e q uiva lent...
41
rent orientations to the future" proposes a question concerning the originality of
different languages. This question concerns also the possibility of discussing these
originalities over the language regions. Vadén writes:
"Languages as interconnected networks are not identical with each other. [...]
Language is inseparably tied with ways of life. Ways of living create systems of
meaning. Unique, untranslatable language can exist, when unique, untranslatable ways of life exist. If there are ways of life that are in a meaningful way
different from other ways of life, then there are possibly (linguistic) meanings
that can not be translated without residue. Such untranslatability is relative,
not absolute. Translation and learning are often possible, if one is willing to
take great pains and use a lot of time: if one is willing and able to experience
and live in a new way. However, choosing or adopting a way of life is not
something that one person or subject can do at will, and the process of
learning to live in a new way can easily last longer than the life-span of a
generation." (Vadén, 2006, p. 220-221.)
This would mean, as Vadén formulates it, a nominalistic position. It means we
would "have to concede that being human, for instance thinking or experiencing,
are not universally same or identifiably similar, but vary both in time and place in
possibly incommensurable ways" (Vadén, 2006, p. 222).
With this introduction in mind, I will in the following pages study the concept
of "empathy" which denotes a phenomenon, on the other hand belonging to the
object area of psychology, and which, on the other hand, can be seen as a part of a
methodical "equipment", which enables the knowledge of this very object area. I
begin (1) by describing shortly how the phenomenon of empathy has been
conceptualized at the end of 19th century first in aesthetics, and later in psychology.
Thereafter (2), I will make a historical leap to the end of 20th century, and present
two different interpretations of empathy, psychoanalytical and existential, that are
still closely related to the earlier formulation of empathy in the field of aesthetic, or
psychology of aesthetics – which nowadays also corresponds more or less with our
everyday conception of empathy. In the next chapter (3), I will return to everyday
concepts, particularly to a Finnish "equivalent" of empathy which in a closer study
seems to be articulating (also) a different kind of, and a more profound, phenomenon. Finally (4), I will present some concluding propositions to be discussed.
My aim here is not to give an encyclopaedic answer to the question of the
possibility of respectful investigation of local phenomena in psychology. Rather I
am trying to present an "example" of how a local originality can contribute to
clearing up some more wide-ranging problems on the methodological or categorical
level. This example will hopefully be followed by multifaceted discussion of the
possibilities and limitations of this approach.
42
Suo rsa
Einfühlung: Vischer and Lipps
Everyone knows what "empathy" means. Empathy is stepping in someone else's
shoes, identifying with someone else's situation. It is possible for me to know how
You feel because as a similar being I can imagine myself being in a similar situation.
Despite this simplicity there is a growing number of literature concerning
empathy. Respectively the definitions of empathy may seem quite different from
each other. For example in psychoanalytical tradition(s) empathy has been characterized inter alia as knowledge, attitude, communication, capacity, process, expression, ability, experience, form of perception and as non-rational way of understanding. (See e.g. Reed, 1984, p. 12-13. On the relation between "empathy" and
"sympathy", see e.g. Pigman, 1995; Black, 2004.)
In this variety, however, one can recognize how each writer has a feeling of
dealing with a very profound phenomenon. Freud, for example, believed that
empathy enables the relating to another mental life in general (Freud, 1921, p. 110).
Respectively, Christine Olden stated that the phenomenon of empathy is "as deep
and early as the first days and weeks of life", when there was neither "outside
world" nor "I". Olden suggests that this earliest experience
"of unity with the world and the mother may possibly be the root and pattern
of our later feeling of comfort when an empathic contact is made, and of
discomfort when we have not successfully achieved this." (Olden, 1953, p.
114.)
Empathy was coined in English as a translation of German "Einfühlung" (see
Titchener, 1909). To begin with, however, "Einfühlung" was a concept of aesthetics. Robert Vischer used it in winter of 1890 in his presentation Über ästhetische
Naturbetrachtung in Aachen and Stuttgart when describing the perception of natural
objects, as he found it articulated, e.g. in Goethe's poetry. There he finds "sich
wiegende Zweige" and "sich bückende Kippen", where, so Vischer, " [d]ieses Sich
[...] nichts anderes [ist], als das den Zweigen, den Klippen [...] unterschobene
Subjekt, das hineingedrungene Ich des Betrachters". (Vischer, 1927, p. 64.)
It might here seem as "Einfühlung" was for Vischer simply a projection of the
"I" into the landscape. It is however noteworthy that this "Einfühlung" of the
"observing I" would not be possible without these two having the same origin,
"gleichen Ursprung". (Vischer, 1927, p. 75.) For Vischer the verses of Byron (transl.
O. Gildemeister, cited in Vischer, 1927, p. 57) were something to be taken
seriously:
"Sind nicht die Himmel, Meer und Berg ein Stück
Von meiner Seele, wie von ihnen ich?
Ist sie zu lieben nicht mein reinstes Glück?"
43
This means for Vischer that his attempt to elucidate "wenigstens das Wesen
unserer Betrachtung der Natur" must remain incomplete, "weil die Natur selbst
ewig unbekannt bleibt".
"In Ihrer Fremdheit verschwindet auch unsre Selbsterkenntnis, denn im
ästhetischen Akte wirken ja Natur und Phantasie in innigster Verschmelzung
durcheinander. […] Und so sind wir wieder zu unserem Ausgangspunkt
zurückgelandet, stehen wieder vor dem Rätsel der Natur und müssen uns
gestehen: Ihr Seelenschein bleibt, wie sie selbst, ein Geheimnis." (Vischer,
1927, p. 75-76.)
In his Ästhetik – Psychologie des Schönen und der Kunst Theodor Lipps introduced
the concept of "Einfühlung" in to a psychological discussion. His conceptualization
made a deep impression, for example, on Freud (see Freud, 1986, p. 235).
As for Vischer's Byron, there was no clear difference between the experiencing I and the nature being experienced, it was also important for Lipps that in
"Einfühlung" – resulting from instinctive imitation – there was no duality being
experienced, but "volle Einheit" (Lipps, 1903, p. 122). Lipps elucidates this in his
famous example with an acrobat:
"Ich vollziehe in solcher 'inneren Nachahmung' – nicht die Bewegungen, die
der Akrobat vollzieht, noch einmal, sondern ich vollziehe unmittelbar,
nämlich innerlich, oder 'in meinen Gedanken', die Bewegungen des
Akrobaten. Ich vollziehe die Bewegungen, soweit dieser 'Vollzug der Bewegungen' nicht ein äußerliches, sondern ein inneres Tun ist, in dem Akrobaten
selbst. Ich bin nach Aussage meines unmittelbaren Bewußtseins in ihm; ich
bin also da oben. Ich bin dahin versetzt. Nicht neben den Akrobaten, sondern
genau dahin, wo er sich befindet. Dies nun ist der volle Sinn der 'Einfühlung'.
[…] Ich fühle mich in der optisch wahrgenommenen Bewegung des
Akrobaten, also im Akrobaten, so wie ich ihn wahrnehme, ich fühle mich
darin strebend und innerlich tätig." (Lipps, 1903, p. 122-123.)
The difference between the acrobat and the observing – and empathizing – I
appears only afterwards:
"Und gesetzt endlich, ich bin aus der Einfühlung völlig heraus getreten. Die
Einfühlung fand statt; und ich blicke jetzt auf den erlebten Sachverhalt
zurück, dann bleibt immer noch in der Erinnerung das erlebte ich an den
Akrobaten unmittelbar gebunden. Es ist also, wenn ich in der Erinnerung den
Akrobaten und seine Bewegungen mir vergegenwärtige, immer noch in ihm
ein Ich und ein inneres Tun, nur eben ein bloß vorgestelltes. Dies vorgestellte
Ich und sein Tun steht aber zugleich gegenüber meinem realen Ich, nämlich
demjenigen, das an den Akrobaten sich erinnert. […] Hiermit erst ist die
44
Suo rsa
Scheidung zwischen mir und dem Akrobaten vollzogen." (Lipps, 1903, p. 124125.)
Lipps (1903, p. 125) sees an "Einfühlung" where the differentiation between
the I and the observed does not appear as "eine vollkommene", that is, as "ästhetische Einfühlung" which he (p. 126) sees as more original form of "Einfühlung".
Differentiating experience can, according to Lipps, be "potentiell mitenthalten", but
can not in actuality appear simultaneously together with "vollkommenen Einfühlung". (Lipps, 1903, p. 125.) It is noteworthy that in the quotations cited above, in
addition to the differentiation between the I and the observed, there is also a differentiation between "vorgestelltes Ich", namely the remembered I (and its remembered action) and "reales Ich", namely the remembering (as the present activity) I.
I will return to this in the next chapter.
After this short "historical introduction", we can now move on to a concept
of empathy which is seen more directly in relation to understanding of the thinking,
feeling and wanting of the other human being. I will proceed to the end of 20th
century in order to point out that there are elements of "Einfühlung" – as it can be
found in Vischer and Lipps in relation to aesthetic experience – also in attempts to
conceptualize the psychotherapeutic understanding, where it isn't any more about
experiencing natural objects and landscapes, or a plain human body as an aesthetic
object.
Empathy: Psychoanalytical and existential interpretation
In Lipps' description seems to be outlined the central difference between emotional
contagion and empathy which has been important in psychoanalytical tradition.
Louis Agosta points out, however, in his article "Empathy and Intersubjectivity" (1984)
that despite the differences, there are elements of emotional contagion in empathy:
"In emotional contagion a representation of the other's feeling is aroused in
the subject. That is all that happens. In the case of empathy, in addition to this
first representation of the other's feeling, a second representation is mobilized.
The subject becomes aware that the other's feeling is the source of his own.
Thus, this second representation — which is indeed a representation of the
other — is conjoined with the first.
This, then, is the crucial and irreducible difference between empathy and
emotional contagion. Empathy involves a double representation. [...] Thus,
what differentiates empathy from contagion is the emergence, the
distinguishing of, a representation of the other as the object as well as the
cause of what is being felt." (Agosta, 1984, p. 55.)
45
Whereas for Lipps "die vollkommene Einfühlung" was still the one without
experienced duality, with Agosta we talk about empathy only after the difference
has been made. What one concludes from this conceptual differentiation, varies
also in the field of psychoanalysis from writer to writer. But whether empathy is
seen as a result of "direct intersubjective communicability of emotions" (Agosta,
1984, p. 55) or as enabled through identifications "based on the totality of verbal
and nonverbal clues of the object's inner experience" (Tähkä, 1993, p. 118), I would
argue that Black articulates the common tendency rather well in the following
passage:
"[B]y empathy we make a trial identification with the other, without losing our
secure stance in ourselves, and as a result of empathic contact we can relate
our interpretations accurately to patient's internal state." (Black, 2004, p. 580.)
Even if the "trial identification" seems to have a more voluntary character than
Lipps' immediate "Vollzug der Bewegungen", there are similarities: there seems to
be, on the one hand, an identifying, "vorgestelltes ich", and on the other, a "reales
ich" who is reflecting her inner activity, and who is able to separate herself from the
"vollkommene Einfühlung" (as well as from an involuntary contagion). Lipps
(1903, p. 191) did indeed suggest that "Einfühlung" between persons "ist der
gleichen Art, wie die Einfühlung in ein Naturobjekt", say, to a rock. This gives us
of course reasons for doubting such a conception, when it comes to understanding
other human being. It does not seem unfounded to suggest that the reasoning
should take a substantially different direction here.
In the phenomenological movement in Germany and in France, the question
concerning "Einfühlung" has also been of decisive importance since the beginning
of the 20th century (see Zahavi, 2001). Here it is quite often the Lippsian conception that is being criticized. For Heidegger, for example, empathy was indeed
something that phenomenally and in the first place characterizes understanding of
the other. He stresses, however, it should therefore not be taken as something
originally constitutive for being with the other. In "Sein und Zeit" he sees "Einfühlung" rather as a substitute for authentic understanding of the other to which one
resorts because "die verschiedenen Seinsmöglichkeiten des Daseins selbst das
Miteinandersein und dessen Sichkennen missleiten und verbauen". Further along he
suggests that
"[i]hre spezielle Hermeneutik wird zu zeigen haben, wie [...] ein echtes
'Verstehen' niedergehalten wird und das Dasein zu Surrogaten die Zuflucht
nimmt; welche positive existenziale Bedingungen rechtes Fremdverstehen für
seine Möglichkeit voraussetzt." (Heidegger, 1976, p. 164)
For Heidegger this was a question of not seeing a human being as a being
among rocks, tables and hammers, but as a special being whose speciality was to be
46
Suo rsa
studied carefully before further arguments could be made. In a Heideggerian sense
Zahavi points out that "the very attempt to thematically grasp the emotions or
experiences of others is the exception rather than the rule".
"Under normal circumstances we understand each other well enough through
our shared engagement in the common world, and it is only if this
understanding for some reason breaks down, that something like empathy
becomes relevant. But if this is so, an investigation of intersubjectivity that
takes empathy as its point of departure and constant point of reference is
bound to lead us astray." (Zahavi, 2001, p. 155)
Recently the "assignment" – to hermeneutics of empathy – given by Heidegger has been taken into account by Lawrence Hatab, although in a different manner
than Heidegger proposed. Whereas Heidegger was trying to overcome the concept
of empathy, Hatab is trying to give it a more appropriate, existential, interpretation.
To put it short, Hatab suggests we should understand prefixes both in em-pathy
and "Ein-fühlung" as referring to human way of coming into existence, instead of
seeing prefixes as referring to a projective activity of the subject (Hatab, 2002, p.
255).
This would mean that we should see empathic caring for others as a basic
structure of social life. Empathy, interpreted existentially, denotes a common
structure of coming into existence. According to this view, negligence is a flawed
realisation of this structure. In empathic experience this structure becomes realised
(and "visible").
Whereas aforementioned psychoanalytical interpretations of empathy do allow
us to see the experiences – and humans – as fundamentally separated, existential
interpretation, with Heidegger, stresses their founding belongingness. If what is
experienced in (or as) empathy has its "point of reference" in a human way of
coming into existence, in a basic structure of social life (instead of an ability or
quality attributed to a subject), it would seem that also the very attempt to
understand gains another goal: Along with the question of the experiences of the
self and those of the other appears the question concerning a basic structure of
social life which is being realised in empathy. This would mean that the experience
of the other – as well as my own – is never limited to the "private"; rather it should
be seen as an articulative step towards understanding the situation which is, after
all, common to us. To a challenge (and to a possibility) this turns in a situation
giving conflicting experiences.
On the difference between "empathy" and its Finnish equivalent
"Myötäeläminen" – a Finnish equivalent for "empathy", literally "along-living" – can
be seen as a typical word in everyday language which is being used in certain
47
contexts, although one might get in trouble, when trying to explain what, and how,
is actually meant with it. "Myötäeläminen" is being used as an approximate
synonym for empathy, sympathy, and compassion. It seems also plausible to
assume that the word has not existed independently from these. But whereas in
Greece originating "empathy" shares more or less the structure of German "Einfühlung", in a Finnish translation/ construct – even if it had its model in German
or in Greece – comes along something inharmonious.
In Finnish there are words whose applicability surpasses the sentences with
the plain subject-verb-object structure. In fact, there are words, such as
"myötäeläminen", which seem to be "reacting against" such structure. It is grammatically possible to say, for example, "I 'live along' You" or "I 'live along' your
joy". In the first case, the Finnish expression would be rather awkward, and one is
actually tempted to use the anglicism that reproduces "empathy" in a Finnish form.
In the second case, the expression gives priority to "the joy": the joy would
somehow produce the experiencing "I" in question. Here one is, however, tempted
to see this expression as a "poetical" formulation, meaning actually that I am happy
because I can understand that you are having this emotion. Indeed it feels also in
Finnish less ambiguous to say one is "empathizing".
Should we conclude then that "myötäeläminen" is a failed word that really
should be replaced with another one giving more accurate expression to what we
have in mind? Alternatively, we can think that in this word something comes to
expression that surpasses or goes below the way we nowadays "piece things
together". In any case, we can ask what we can express with this word. We may also
suggest that an old word would be utilized in describing a previously unknown
phenomenon.
The existential interpretation of empathy is interesting here because empathy
– seen as referring to the way of coming into existence – would seem to have the
same direction as literal meaning of "myötäeläminen". It should be noted, however,
that whereas the existential interpretation of empathy is deconstructing the way the
language is being used (or deconstructing a thought that seems to be included in a
word "empathy") "myötäeläminen" is already, has already been, also beyond the net
of meanings which are being reinterpreted in Hatab's interpretation.
"Empathy" is only hardly thinkable without empathizing subject. With
"myötäeläminen" it is the other way around: It is difficult to see "myötäeläminen"
as something that a subject does. Rather it is something that happens to – or as –
someone.
This line of thought can be taken further: "Empathy", both existentially and
psychoanalytically, is only hardly thinkable without an object, or dualism between
"I" and "the world". Indeed: it is a word whose purpose is to describe interaction
between subject and (other subject as) her object. "Myötäeläminen" seems to leave
also the world-side open. The question: Along what, and how, we are living, then,
might have a worthy hint from Vischer: We are standing before an enigma,
"Geheimnis der Natur". Or with Celan: "Geheimnis der Begegnung".
48
Suo rsa
Whereas the concept of empathy seems to carry an answer within – subject
empathizes with object – "myötäeläminen", living along, brings along an unending
question: Along what, and how? And, since "myötäeläminen" is a word that
primarily is not good for describing interaction between subject and her object, one
could say, adapting Vadén's allegory (cf. Introduction), that in this word is
potentially "protected" something that reminds man in his economically organized
house of the murmur of the woods, that is, of the possibility of an asubjective
experience.
From the possibilities given to thinking in originalities of a particular language
one should not conclude that etymology or grammar, for example, would somehow
prove a certain righteous usage or meaning. Appropriating the possibilities of
language should rather be seen as one of the steps in concept formation. Thereafter
the suggestions should, of course, be tested from other perspectives. The connectedness of etymology, grammar and meaning can however be seen as "useful", as
they are providing already existing nets of possible meaning, also meanings which
would not otherwise be attainable. The local challenge would be to appropriate
these possibilities when articulating the object of study and research methods.
Concluding remarks
In what kind of a relation, then, are "empathy" and "myötäeläminen", (living along),
to each other? Taken that the argumentation presented above is plausible – or that
its result is plausible – this seems to be an important question. Obviously, we
cannot simply abandon the old concept. After all, in many cases empathy is indeed
the way we "phenomenally and in the first place" understand each other – namely
in those cases where it seems that we don't.
In my master's thesis (2004) I suggested, and tried to show, that it is possible
to reinterpret the psychoanalytical conception, particularly that of Veikko Tähkä
(1993), of striving toward an empathic understanding as a relevant, although
insufficient, step toward the understanding of the "living along"; in other words, in
attempt to see the experiences, own and those of the other, as articulative steps
with reference to question "along what, and how", that is, with reference to an
enigma.
The nature of "living along" might of course be enigmatic only "phenomenally
and in the first place", and usually only in a situation "giving" conflicting experiences; perhaps analogical to the way the Finnish equivalent for empathy seemed
enigmatic in the first place. The nature of this word is, however, enigmatic and
conflicting only as long as it is seen as a translation for an experience articulated
originally in a different net of meanings. As soon as one tries to appropriate the
meanings that seem to be "included" in the word, it enters into an interesting dialogue with the other, in this case with the other word, and – the other phenomenon.
49
To understand experiences within their proper context is, in a – at least potentially – very multidimensional world, far from an easy task. To me it seems that this
would mean that understanding experiences cannot belong solely to psychology but
would stand before us as a continuous interdisciplinary challenge.
To see humanity in numerous localities as "not universally same or identifiably
similar" but varying "both in time and place in possibly incommensurable ways", as
Vadén (2006, p. 222) suggested, does not make this task a more simple one. Taking
this seriously might also not lead to identical terminology or definitions of objects
of study in different language regions. Instead it might eventually, through a "curvy
road", lead to a more comprehensive understanding of human condition in general.
References
Agosta, L. (1984). Empathy and intersubjectivity. In Lichtenberg, J. & Bornstein, M. & Silver,
D. (Eds.) Empathy I (pp. 43-62). New Jersey: The Analytic Press.
Black, D. (2004). Sympathy reconfigured: Some reflections on sympathy, empathy and the
discovery of values. International Journal of Psychoanalysis 85, 3, 579-596.
Freud, S. (1986). The complete letters of Sigmund Freud to Wilhelm Fliess 1887-1904. (Ed. & transl:
J. M. Masson.) Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Freud, S. (1921). Group psychology and the analysis of the ego. In The standard edition of the
complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud, vol. 18. 1981. (Transl.: J. Strachey.) London: The
Hogarth Press and the Institute of Psycho-Analysis.
Hatab, L. (2002). Heidegger and the question of empathy. In Raffoul, F. & Pettigrew, D.
(Eds.). Heidegger and practical philosophy (pp. 249-270). Albany: State University of New York
Press.
Heidegger, M. (1976). Gesamtausgabe 2. Sein und Zeit. Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio
Klostermann.
Lipps, Th. (1923). Ästhetik I. Leipzig: Verlag von Leopold Voss.
Olden, C. 1953. On adult empathy with children. The psychoanalytic study of the child 8, 111-126.
Pigman, G. (1995). Freud and the history of empathy. International journal of psychoanalysis 76
(1995) 2, p. 237-256.
Reed, G. (1984). The antithetical meaning of the term "empathy" in psychoanalytic discourse.
In Lichtenberg, Joseph & Bornstein, Melvin & Silver, Donald. (Eds.) Empathy I (pp. 7-24).
New Jersey: The Analytic Press.
50
Suo rsa
Suorsa, T. (2004). Keskustelu ja myötäeläminen – fenomenologinen tulkinta (Conversation
and empathy – a phenomenological interpretation). Masters thesis (in Finnish), University of
Oulu.
Titchener, E. (1909). Lectures on the experimental psychology of the thought. New York: McMillan.
Tähkä, V. (1993). Mind and Its Treatment: A Psychoanalytic Approach. Madison, Connecticut:
International Universities Press, Inc.
Vadén, T. (2006). What is "local thinking"? (Can There be Finnish Philosophy?). In BotzBornstein, T. & Hengelbrock, J. (Eds.) Re-ethnicizing the Minds? Cultural Revival in Contemporary
Thought. Amsterdam: Rodobi.
Valsiner, J. (2006). Dangerous curves in knowledge construction within psychology:
fragmentation of methodology. Theory & Psychology, 16, 5, 597-612.
Vischer, R. (1927). Drei Schriften zum ästhetischen Formproblem. Halle/ Saale: Max Niemeyer
Verlag.
Zahavi, D. (2001). Beyond empathy: Phenomenological approaches to intersubjectivity.
Journal of Consciousness Studies 8 , 5-7, 151-167.
51
Methodological Impacts
04:
Exploring individual differences and values in G erm an
elementary teachers' perceptions of classroom demands
and resources
Annette Ullrich, Richard G. Lambert, Christopher McCarthy, Andreas Zimber &
Hannah Comtesse
Abstract
Results from previous research found that for elementary school teachers in both
the United States and Germany individual teacher perceptions of resources and
demands were stronger indicators of burnout symptoms than differences between
schools in environmental demands and resources. In this study, research on the
relationship of elementary school teachers' experience, stress, and coping resources
to burnout symptoms in the United States was replicated with a sample of 469
elementary teachers in Baden-Württemberg, Germany. Levels of teachers' burnout
symptoms were examined across groups of teachers with varying levels of stress
and coping resources. The psychological assessment tools Classroom Appraisal of
Resources and Demands (CARD), the Preventive Resources Inventory (PRI), and
the Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI) were used. This qualitative study is based on
classroom observations and interviews with 11 teachers, who had indicated their
willingness to participate in a qualitative follow-up study. It was found that teachers'
guiding principles were related to values and ethics. Ethical responsibility was
defined as a set of values common to teaching but also included responsibility
towards society at large, the teaching profession, and the student. Four categories
emerged and are explained in this paper.
Exploring individual differences and values in German elementary
teachers' perceptions of classroom demands and resources
This observational study is a follow-up to a survey, which investigated the extent to
which a sample of 451 elementary teachers in the United States and a sample of 469
teachers in Germany experience burnout due to occupational stress (Ullrich,
Lambert, & McCarthy, 2009). Results from this survey showed that in both
countries individual teacher perceptions of resources and demands were stronger
indicators of burnout than differences between schools in environmental demands
and resources. This finding suggested to further pursue qualitative research to
52
Ullric h, La m b e rt, M c C a rthy , Zim b e r & C o m te sse
examine what it is that has an impact on why some teachers survive and thrive in
specific school environments, while other teachers struggle in the same setting. It
is this "individual difference" perspective that can help to understand why some
teachers cope and others don't.
In the United States, high teacher turnover and a national teacher shortage is
a fact (Weisberg & Sagie, 1999). According to Ingersoll and Smith (2004), every
second teacher quits after five years. In Germany, 74% of all teachers retired early
compared to 46% of early retirements in other professions in 2005 (Weber, 2002).
For 52% of those who retired early, a psychological or psychiatric diagnosis was
given. It is important to identify factors depleting the teaching force in order to
best support teachers. Findings may inform efforts to increase coping skills in
teachers to prevent burnout and attrition as well as to promote teacher health and
job satisfaction. This would also enhance student achievement.
Research on teacher stress in German speaking countries has largely been
based on a model by Schaarschmidt and Fischer (1996), who conceptualized stress
based on personal work-related coping strategies and found four groups: Type B reduced involvement, high risk for burnout if faced with demands (30%), Type A overcommitted, at risk for burnout (30%), Type S - under-committed, not at risk
(23%), and Type G - characterized by clear, not excessive involvement, not at risk
(17%).
The problem with this model is that it does not take preventive coping
resources into account. Transactional models take individual coping resources into
account and are therefore most suitable in investigating teacher stress and coping.
They are based on the assumption that our cognitive appraisal of demands and
resources is central to the stress response. According to transactional models stress
results from perceptions of inequality between resources and demands (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984; McCarthy & Lambert, 2006).
Predictors of stress and burnout
Three groups of variables have been associated with stress and burnout in teachers.
They are cultural and societal factors, school-specific, and teacher-specific factors.
Culture is an environmental variable that impacts individuals' perceptions and
behaviors in different ways. Cultural differences include language, geography,
political arrangement, historical development, and work values. Hofstede identified
four cultural work value dimensions: Individualism vs. collectivism, Masculinity vs.
social consciousness, High vs. low power distance (more collaboration), high (many
rules) vs. low uncertainty avoidance. Cultural differences may impact responses to
daily demands and choice of coping strategies. Culture has also an impact on
educational systems.
Exp loring ind ivid ua l d iffe renc e s a nd va lue s ...
53
Educational systems
In the United States, all students are educated in comprehensive elementary,
middle, and high schools. Germany has a stratified school system with 10 different
types of schools for children with special needs. After the 4th elementary grade,
based on performance, children are selected to attend basic, general or advanced
secondary schools. There are also differences in educational leadership training. In
Germany, principal training is not obligatory, usually it is learning by doing, only 3
out of 16 "Länder" offer a Master of Arts in school administration (Hancock &
Müller, 2008). The US has a long history of principal education programs with well
defined standards developed by the National Policy Board for Educational Administration. The literature says clearly that effective leadership is related to lower
teacher stress and burnout (Kyriacou, 2001).
School-specific factors
Findings for elementary teachers are mixed. Research has shown that in the US,
middle school and special education teachers have the highest stress levels, which
may be attributed to the onset of adolescence. Stress levels have also found to be
high for teachers of students with emotional or behavioral disabilities. In Germany,
basic secondary and advanced secondary (Hauptschule and Gymnasium) teachers
had the highest stress levels, which may be related to the stratified school system
and parents trying to prevent their children with special needs from attending a
special school because it is perceived as stigmatizing. Students from families with
low socio-economic status or immigration background are overrepresented in basic
secondary schools. School-specific factors also include interactions with students
and parents. Nowadays, parents advocate more for their children, which may come
with an increased tendency to accuse teachers or to complain.
Teacher-specific variables
Findings for gender, age, and years of experience are contradictory, but experience
has been referred to as an internal coping resource. Buschmann and Gamsjäger
(1999) found higher burnout levels in divorced teachers. Personality traits include
locus of control with inconsistent findings. But there is support in the literature that
self-esteem and the level of regard a person has for him- or herself may result in
more effective coping with stress. Plenty of research supports the positive impact
of social support on stress and health, which can be from other teachers, from
supervisors or significant others. Self-efficacy, the belief in one‘s ability to cope with
demands is also well researched as a predictor of burnout. Self-acceptance, the
degree to which one can accept and overcome personal shortcomings has been
identified as a strong predictor of teacher stress, burnout, and health. It can be
54
considered as conceptually central to the construct of preventive coping (Lambert,
O'Donnell, Kusherman, & McCarthy, 2006).
Flaws in previous research
There is still controversy around the question if contextual variables or personality
traits matter more. Most research uses self-report measures, whereas observations
of actual student-teacher interactions and qualitative interviews may help to
measure situational and other aspects that impact teacher stress levels. The role of
values such as respect and responsibility is under-researched. Respect can be
defined as "the regard due to me and to all other persons on the planet by virtue of our being
human. It's not honor or something we have to earn, but precisely that which we don't. Respect
forms the restraint side of morality. It's what I restrain myself from doing because it might harm
that which I value." (Hanson, 2002, p. 2). The purpose of this study was to examine
individual differences and values in the sample of German elementary teachers
from a survey study of US and German elementary teachers' perceptions of classroom resources and demands.
Research design
Qualitative interviews based on findings of a quantitative cross-sectional survey
were conducted. Convenience sampling was used. The questionnaire consisted of
three parts: the Classroom Appraisal of Resources and Demands (CARD; Lambert,
McCarthy, Abbott-Shim, & Ullrich, 2009), the Preventive Resources Inventory
(PRI; McCarthy, Lambert, & Ullrich, 2009), and the Maslach Burnout Inventory
(MBI; Enzmann & Kleiber, 1989). Teachers were asked to provide their contact
details if they were willing to participate in a qualitative interview.
Classroom resources and demands
The CARD assesses demands of elementary teachers such as classroom environment and material resources available to teachers to meet those demands. It
consists of 84 items including demographics and classroom characteristics, classroom demands as well as helpfulness of resources to be rated on a 5-point Likert
scale. In accordance with Lazarus and Folkman's (1984) theory, a classroom
"stress" score can be created for each survey participant by subtracting the total
score for the demands section of the CARD from the total score for the resources
section of the CARD. Transactional models of stress and coping would predict that
teachers who rated demands greater than available resources would be at risk for
experiencing occupational stress.
Lambert, McCarthy, O'Donnell, and Melendres (2007) found high samplespecific reliability for both the Demands scale score (Cronbach's alpha = .92) and
55
for the Resources scale score (á = .95). In the current sample, all of the subscales
and the total score for the Resources section yielded sample-specific information
with adequate reliability (.828 to .951).
Preventive coping - self-acceptance
Preventive coping resources allow the individual to recognize and deal with life
demands so as to avoid the experience of stress (for a further review, see Matheny
et al., 1986, and McCarthy, Lambert, Beard, & Dematatis, 2002). McCarthy et al.
(2009) used the total score from the Preventive Resources Inventory (McCarthy et
al., 2002) to measure overall preventive resources with U.S. elementary teachers.
The PRI measures the five constructs Perceived Control, Maintaining Perspective,
Social Resourcefulness, Scanning, and Self-acceptance. Results from a pilot study
with the German versions of the CARD and the PRI showed that the survey
packet was perceived to be very long. Therefore a modification was made to the
research design used by McCarthy et al. (2009) and only the Self-acceptance (SAC)
scale of the PRI was used. This decision was based on findings from previous
research, which indicated that SAC was the strongest predictor of stress and health.
Therefore, a German translation of one scale, Self-Acceptance (SAC), was used as
a proxy for overall preventive coping resources. McCarthy et al. (2002) defined
SAC as "a set of beliefs and behaviors indicating acceptance of self, others, and the world" (p.
25). The Self-acceptance scale consists of 16 items and measures how well a
respondent is able to accept personal weaknesses and strengths when faced with
challenging life situations. Cronbach's alphas of .708/.850 and in the present study
of .835. were calculated for Self-Acceptance (Lambert et al., 2006).
Translation procedures
The German translations of the CARD and the PRI were completed using
accepted translation procedures (Hambleton & Patsula, 2000), an expert panel to
resolve discrepancies, and conducting a pilot study. Initial translations of the
instruments were prepared by a native German speaker (first author) and backtranslated into English by a professional translator and a professor from the
Department of Language and Culture Studies, who was also a native speaker of
German. A panel consisting of one of the authors of the instruments, the two
native German speakers, and the professional translator met to compare and reconcile the original and the back-translated source language versions. Cultural and
systemic differences in the school systems of the U.S. and Germany as well as
language issues were discussed and various discrepancies resolved. This step
included examination of semantic and idiomatic as well as experiential and conceptual equivalence (Hambleton & Patsula, 2000). Based on the panel discussion,
modified versions of the target language instruments were finalized. The instrument
56
was then field-tested with a small sample of German teachers from two of the
participating schools.
Burnout
The MBI-ES by Maslach et al. (1996) and the German version by Enzmann and
Kleiber (MBI-D; 1989) were used to measure teacher burnout. The MBI assesses
three dimensions of burnout: (1) Emotional Exhaustion (EE), (2) Depersonalization (DP), and (3) Personal Accomplishment (PA). It consists of 22 items related
to the following three scales: EE is the central quality of the complex syndrome of
burnout referring to feelings of being exhausted and overextended emotionally by
contact with other people and work, DP refers to the development of a cynical
stance toward the individuals one is working for, and PA refers to lowered feelings
of competence and personal achievement in one's work (Maslach et al., 2001).
Maslach et al. (1997) reported Cronbach's alphas ranging from .88 to .90 for
EE, .74 to .76 for DP, and .72 to .76 for PA. The overall Cronbach's alpha for the
MBI in a study conducted by Lambert et al. (2009) was .909 with values of .903,
.684, and .750 for the EE, DP, and PA scales. Cronbach's Alpha reliability
coefficients for the German sample examined in this study were .853 for EE, .619
for DP, and .604 for PA.
Survey procedures
The German sample consisted of 469 elementary teachers (grades 1-4) from 62
Baden-Württemberg schools in four districts (Freiburg, Karlsruhe, Stuttgart,
Tübingen). The response rate was 60.56%. Approval of the overall education
ministry was secured (Ministerium für Kultus, Jugend und Sport). Principals were
then contacted by email and an attached letter, which outlined the purpose of the
study and the questionnaire including a cover letter for teachers.
Predictor variables
The independent variables in both samples were perceptions of classroom demands
and occupational stress (difference score Demands-Resources) as measured by the
CARD, Preventive Coping (US sample) and Self-acceptance (German sample)
measured by the PRI and the PRI Self-Acceptance Scale (McCarthy & Lambert,
2001; McCarthy et al., 2009), and the variable Years of experience (number of years
at current school, number of years in profession). The dependent variable was
Burnout as measured by the MBI-D (Enzmann & Kleiber, 1989; German version).
57
Survey results
Teachers at risk for stress
The first research question was about the percentage of teachers at risk for stress.
Based on the reliability coefficients of the two CARD scales as well as the
difference score, a 95% CI was formed around the difference score of 0 to be sure
that teachers who were classified as at risk were really at risk. Cut scores were set
and participants were classified in three groups. We found that approximately every
third teacher was at risk for stress in both samples (D>R).
Associations between burnout and predictor variables
The Burnout means were examined in those three groups. Hierarchical Linear
Modeling (HLM) was used to examine the variability in burnout between teachers
and between schools (Bryk & Raudenbush, 2002). Differences among teachers can
occur based on factors from different levels. Hierarchical Linear Modeling takes
these effects into account. Very little variance was found between schools, which
suggests that individual appraisal of resources and demands was a stronger
indicator of Burnout than school level variables, which confirms transactional
models of stress and coping.
HLM was also used to test for associations between the DV Burnout and the
predictor variables. In both samples, the strongest predictors were Preventive
coping and SAC. The U.S. sample scored higher on EE the longer they worked at
a school. The opposite was the case for the German sample: As time spent in a
school increased, the level of EE decreased. DP also decreased in the German
sample if the number of years at current school increased.
In the U.S. sample total burnout increased with a higher number of years
spent at the current school, while it decreased in the German sample. In addition,
being a new teacher in the German sample predicted EE to decrease. This result
may be explained by the fact that with experience, skills in coping increase and
teachers develop routines and a classroom management repertoire.
The fact that DP also decreased for years spent at the current school in the
German sample may be due to increased social support through long-term
relationships with colleagues. It can be implied that new teachers may benefit from
a good system of support or teacher induction process.
According to Shirom and Mazeh (1988), levels of burnout vary across the
career span and cycle from high to low over approximately 5-year periods. A higher
number of years spent at the same school would then not predict burnout, but a
teacher's place in that cycle. Savicki (2002) found that individuals in the low
burnout configuration group were significantly older than in the mixed and high
burnout configuration groups. The average age in the German teacher sample was
higher. This could be a selection bias issue, i. e., only teachers with good coping
58
skills continue teaching, which may explain why burnout goes down if the number
of years spent at current school increases. It may as well be related to the fact that
German teachers are well-respected academic professionals. Most of them are well
paid, tenured civil servants (Ashwill et al., 1999), which is often a motivational
factor to enter a teacher education program (Klinzing, 1990).
Stress did not predict EE in the German sample, only in the U.S. sample.
Stress also did not predict DP (evaluation of others component) in the German
sample, only in the U.S. sample. It predicted only Lack of PA in the German
sample (the evaluation of self component). According to Maslach et al. (2001), EE
and DP may emerge from external factors such as work overload and social
conflict, whereas lower PA seems to arise more from insufficient personal
resources (Maslach et al., 2001).
Qualitative findings
The purpose of the follow-up classroom observations and interviews was to
explore and describe individual differences in teacher reactions to stressful
situations in teaching. Quantitative data collected by CARD and the Self-acceptance
scale of the PRI were used to classify teachers into four groups according to the
following criteria (with Resources > Demands indicating low stress level vs.
Demands > Resources indicating high stress level):
High Self-acceptance/ Resources > Demands,
High Self-acceptance/ Demands > Resources,
Low Self-acceptance/ Resources > Demands, and
Low Self-acceptance/ Demands > Resources.
A subset of seven elementary teachers in the German sample was randomly
selected for classroom observations and qualitative interviews. Those were
conducted in June, July, and August of 2009. A questionnaire with open-ended
questions was used for the interviews. The qualitative data confirmed our
theoretically driven predictions and helped to deepen our understanding with
regard to individual differences in perceptions of stress and coping among teachers
in German elementary schools. We found that an important theme that emerged
from the qualitative data was related to values in teaching.
Interview procedures
Teachers who had provided an email address or phone number in the survey
instrument, were contacted and classroom observations by the first and second
author were scheduled. All interviews were conducted using a semi-structured
questionnaire (s. Appendix 1), they were transcribed and coded for themes using
59
AQUAD (Huber, 2006). Then codes were collapsed into four broader categories
(see graph 1).
Graph 1: Follow-up study: Stress and coping
In the interviews, teachers revealed their guiding principles, which were in
essence related to values and ethics. They define their ethical responsibility as a set
of values common to teaching. In addition, this includes a responsibility towards
society at large, the teaching profession, and the student. Ethical concerns emerged
for example, when teachers learn about issues in a child's family and feel torn
between the ethical obligation to address the issue and to support the child.
Next, those four categories will be described and illustrated with examples. We
found that teachers who scored low on Self-acceptance and perceived Demands to
be greater than Resources could be described as taking a "reactive" approach to
teaching. For example, one teacher reported that she valued care for the environment and was willing to put in extra hours to prepare and to collaborate with a
close-by University of Applied Sciences on a project related to the protection of the
environment. She also leads a drama group at the school and enjoys working on
projects. She places an emphasis not only on the education of her students but also
on the relationships she has with them. Justice is very important in her opinion to
preserve those relationships and to get along with each other. In order to get along
with others the children need to be able to manage themselves first. She feels that
she is an important role model for the children. She tries to influence the kind of
human beings his students will become. She says, "I feel responsible for them and
I also hold them responsible. They know that they can trust me and come to me if
something went wrong."
Teachers who scored low on Self-acceptance and rated Resources greater than
Demands had a more "detached" approach. One teacher reported that some
parents have lost interest in raising their children or they feel guilty and want to
60
make up for what they know they should be doing but they don't have the time to
do it. The same teacher also reported that being active in the school leadership
team and cooperating with colleagues was very important to him.
Teachers who scored high on Self-acceptance and perceived Demands to be
greater than Resources displayed a "reflective" approach to teaching both in the
classroom and in the interview process. For example, one teacher reported that as
teachers they are role models every minute and need to be thinking about ways to
influence value development and to teach coping skills like impulse control, stress
management, and getting along with others. She described how positive
reinforcement pays off and works better for students as well as for teachers, school
is not only about learning, it is also about being human. What the students understand is that they like to be respected. So if they like respect in the way other people
treat them, they will need to treat others respectfully, too.
Teachers who scored high on Self-acceptance and perceived Resources to be
greater than Demands demonstrated an "engaged" approach. An example for this
category is the emphasis one of the interviewees put on good teaching quality and
the importance of virtues like self-regulation and self-control for the children to
learn.
Summary
The findings of this study have implications for teacher education. They may
inform the development of effective interventions in terms of preparing teachers to
capably respond to the more and more complex demands of teaching, while at the
same time not compromising their initial motivation to become a teacher and the
values related therewith. Being role models, reflective practitioners, and constantly
developing good teaching quality and problem solving skills as well as the value of
cooperative relationships with both students and colleagues can be considered as
central for the development of individual coping strategies.
Stress can be viewed from the perspective of environmental or demand
models (Holmes & Rahe, 1967), resource models (Hobfoll, 1989), and transactional
models that combine the impact of both resources and demands (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984). Consistent with McCarthy et al.'s (2009) findings for a sample of
US elementary teacher sample, this study found that individual teacher perceptions
were more predictive of stress and burnout than school level characteristics. In
order deepen our understanding and interpretation of processes related to the role
of values in stress among teachers more research is needed that examines if values
make a difference in teachers' perceptions of stress. Further research is also needed
in other regions and other countries to assess the generalizability of the findings.
As Schäfers and Koch (2000) noted, further insights into the relationship
between objective and subjective stressors can only be reached by means of classroom observations. While the qualitative interview approach employed in this study
61
yielded valuable insights, an ethnographic approach and the methodological
approach of discourse analysis seem to be promising in terms of deepening our
understanding and interpretation of processes related to stress among teachers in
different cultural contexts. In addition, relating observations of specific teacher
activity in the classroom with the survey instrument used in the survey study may
allow for further important insights.
Providing teacher education candidates with the knowledge and skills to
become reflective practitioners is very important. One of those skills is the ability to
react intuitively to everyday demands (Hargreaves, 2005) and to handle them well.
In addition, students expect their teachers to provide them with a sense of
optimism, security, and meaning (Branson, 2005). While "getting the job done" may
seem to be teachers' main formal responsibility, they are more so than ever required
to model appropriate values such as respectful and responsible behaviors.
References
Ashwill, M. A., Foraker, W., Nerison-Low, R., Milotich, M., & Milotich, U. (1999). The
Educational System in Germany. Case Study findings. Retrieved from
http://www2.ed.gov/PDFDocs/GermanCaseStudy.pdf (15.12.2010).
Enzmann, D., & Kleiber, D. (1989). Helfer-Leiden: Streß und Burnout in psychosozialen Berufen
(Helper's distress: Stress and burnout in psychosocial jobs) (pp 128). Heidelberg, Germany:
Asanger.
Klinzing, H-G. (1990). Research on teacher education in West Germany. In R. Tisher and M.
Wideen (Eds.), Research in teacher education: International perspectives (pp. 89–105). London, UK:
Palmer Press.
Lambert, R. G., McCarthy, C. J., Abbott-Shim, M, & Ullrich, A. (2008). Einschätzung von
Ressourcen und Anforderungen im Klassenzimmer, Version für die Schule. (Classroom Appraisal of
Resources and Demands, German language version of the school-aged version). Charlotte,
NC: The Center for Educational Measurement and Evaluation.
McCarthy, C., Lambert, R.G., & Ullrich, A. (2008). Inventar Präventiver Ressourcen (Preventive
Resources Inventory, German language version). Charlotte, NC: The Center for Educational
Evaluation and Measurement.
Raudenbush, S. W., & Bryk, A. S. (2002). Hierarchical Linear Models: Applications and Data
Analysis Methods. Sage Publications.
Hanson, K. (2002). Teaching values in school: An interview with Steve Johnson. Issues in
Ethics, 13(1), retrieved from
http://www.scu.edu/ethics/publications/iie/v13n1/interview.html (10/10/2010).
62
Appendix 1
Questionnaire
1.
What stressors do you perceive as most demanding in your job?
2.
How strong would you rate the relationship between your personal resources,
especially your sense of self-acceptance (define), and your professional
responsibilities?
3.
Is there anything that you would really like to change about your job?
4.
What do you enjoy in your job?
5.
Which supports are most important to you?
6.
How stressful is your work with students, parents, and administrators?
After classroom observation
1.
Was this lesson a typical one?
2.
How stressful did you perceive this lesson? How do you feel now?
3.
Can you remember one situation during the lesson, which has been highly
stressful for you?
63
05:
Understanding the com plexity of the pedagogy instructor's
role through teacher-training programs by learning both the
instructors' and students' point of view
Heidi Flavian & Betty Tussia-Cohen
Summary
This study revealed different points of view of 118 students and 69 pedagogy
mentors in regard to the role of pedagogy mentoring. Although literature presents
many ways to demonstrate pedagogy and mentoring processes, practicing these
approaches discovers gaps between theories and practice. The desire to minimize
the gaps served as the motivator for this study. Integrated opinions of all
participants are presented through the paper. These opinions lighten refreshing
ways for mentors to better practice pedagogical theories. The core idea is to
integrate students' opinions and understanding with traditional theories.
The research is based on questionnaires, focus groups and interviews in order
to better understand the participants' points of view. By using a variety of ways to
collect the necessary information, participants' opinions are better interpreted and
therefore better presented. Students are asked to contribute their experiences and
knowledge in order to develop better teacher-training program. The top goal of the
study is to provide professional pedagogy-mentors practical and professional ways
to lead their students through the process of becoming teachers. The innovative
idea as presented here, is the integration of ideas of both pedagogy-mentors and
students who participate throughout the process.
Introduction
Anderson and Shanon (1988) define the pedagogy-training process as an interpersonal process that contributes to one's personal and professional development.
Pedagogical mentors serve as central figures throughout the process of teachertraining programs in teacher-colleges. They go through the training process with
their students while presenting the connections between the theories that are taught
and the practice that is needed in schools from their points of view and experiences
as teachers. The pedagogical mentors also take part in the practical field experience
and give feedback with regard to the theories that have been taught before (Cohen
& Gelleman, 1988; Gold, 1996; Zahorik, 1988). By accompanying students
throughout all the training process, students acquire the skills they need in order to
succeed with the broad variety of activities teaching demands. The pedagogical
64
Fla via n & Tussia -C o he n
mentors act from the understanding that their role is to increase the effectiveness
of teaching (Hoover, O'Shea & Caroll, 1988).
Different researchers define the role of pedagogical mentors from different
points of view such as:
1.
2.
3.
4.
The pedagogical mentors escort the learning process of the students.
They teach educational theories, bridge between theories and practice,
creating and analyzing teaching situations, give feedback and serve as a
"teaching-model" (De Jong & Al, 1996).
Pedagogical mentors promote functional skills of evaluation, feedback
and reflection of the students by developing their knowledge, judgment,
leadership and self-criticism (Emanuel, 2005).
The pedagogical mentors should teach as researchers who study their
work and cooperate in other studies as well. This way they will develop
research groups where all colleagues learn and develop together (Feldman, 1996; Zilbershtein, 2005).
Pedagogical mentors should take part in learning-communities in order
to cooperate in teaching and learning (Hunson & Huston, 1995).
The common approach all researchers share focuses on the close care
pedagogical instructor give to their students throughout the process of teachertraining. They need to promote their students' individual and professional development while they move from the stage of students to the role of teachers. As a result
of this approach, teacher-training models that were developed up to today are
based on general training without specific reference to the domain of teachertraining. From the same approach that takes a broad view of the process of teacher
training, the pedagogical instructor's role includes many activities that relate to
many other domains of development and not only to the goal of becoming a
teacher. All of the above is in addition to the path of being both a teacher and a
leader of the students. Moreover, teacher-training models are based on the
relevance of the training as the mentors understand it, from their point of view,
without any integration of the way the guided students understand their role as
student-teachers (Feiman-Nemser, 2001).
The need to understand the importance of integrating both pedagogical
mentors' and students' points of view of the teacher-training program led to this
study.
Goals of the study and research questions
The main goal of this study is to develop a better understanding of the pedagogical
mentors' role. This goal can be reached by answering the following questions:
Und e rsta nd ing the c o m p le xity of the p e d a g o g y instruc to r's role
1.
2.
3.
65
How do the students understand the pedagogical mentors' role?
How do the pedagogical mentors understand their role?
What are the practical characteristics of the pedagogical mentors' role?
In order to answer the above questions, a mixed methodology was used.
Methodology
The two researchers of this study work as pedagogical mentors. This fact enabled
them to better understand the information they collected, although, at the same
time, their professional experience challenged them from an ethical perspective.
Based on the fact that the researchers had many years of experience as pedagogicalmentors, they had to make sure not to express their own opinions during individual
or group interviews. They also had to be very careful while analyzing the data in
order to present participants' opinions and not their own ones.
Another ethical challenge that developed while students were interviewed was
the issue of confidentiality. Although researchers committed to use the data only
for this study, in some cases students spoke up about subjects that needed to be
addressed immediately.
This type of information led the researchers each time to think about the
study's goals again. On the one hand the goal was to better understand and to
better promote pedagogical instructors' roles. On the other hand, participants
brought up the information because they wanted things to be changed. Therefore,
questions such as "what to do with this type of information", or "how to deal with
it and still keep students anonymous", were types of ethical questions that
researchers had to take under consideration throughout the whole process.
Data were collected using questionnaires, individual interviews, and focus
groups. This mixed methodology was used in six stages across two years. After each
stage data were analyzed in order to better conduct the following research phase. In
the following the six stages, their contribution to the study, and the findings are
described in detail.
1.
Five open questions were given to students in order to better understand
their point of view of the pedagogy-mentors' roles. The questions were
general and focused on students' perspectives and definition of
pedagogy-mentors' role and their role as students. Based on the fact that
there was not any previous study that focused on students' perspectives,
opening the study with general open questions provided the researchers
with basic information that was used lateron in the interviews, the focus
groups, and the questionnaires. Eighty-eight students answered these
questions.
66
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Four separate focus-groups (with a total of 32 students) were conducted
with students. During these meetings, deep discussions in regard to the
role of the pedagogy mentors were conducted. The discussions were
mainly focused on blurred answers that were collected from the open
questionnaires.
Ten individual interviews were taken with students who did not
participate in the focus group. This was done in order to let them
express their opinions and points of view without hearing other points of
view.
A focus group with eight pedagogical mentors was conducted in order to
better understand their point of view of their role. During this meeting,
the data that were collected during the first three stages were presented
and the pedagogy mentors were asked to express their opinions as well.
On the base of all the data that were collected up to this stage, a
questionnaire was developed and was given to 36 pedagogical mentors.
Two focus groups with a total of 18 pedagogical mentors were
conducted in order to better understand some of the questions that were
raised after analyzing all data collected throughout the study.
At the end of the sixth stage, data were organized in order to better present all
pedagogy mentors opinions.
Results and findings
Pedagogy mentors, as it is described in a variety of studies, hold almost any role
that may relate to being a general mentor in any area. Through this study we
developed a primary approach according to which both mentors and students
experienced a mutual and practical process of becoming a professional teacher. For
the first time, students took an active role in the "triangle of training" (mentors,
students, and the field). They were not told what their part through training was but
they were asked. This approach is based on an open and an ongoing dialog between
pedagogical mentors and their students. Throughout this dialog, students are
welcome to use their previous knowledge and experience and can consult the
pedagogical mentors as experts in the discipline of pedagogy. At the same time,
pedagogical mentors develop ways to support student teachers to integrate their
experiences.
While preparing for this study and organizing previous theories and
approaches, it was clear that the pedagogical mentors' role is a very complicated one
and that it includes several sub-goals. Therefore, we defined the main goal of the
study to better understand the pedagogical mentors' role.
The first stage of the study focused on the students' points of view and
understanding. Students were asked (through questionnaires and interviews) to
Und e rsta nd ing the c o m p le xity of the p e d a g o g y instruc to r's role
67
provide their most efficient definition of the role of a pedagogical mentor and to
explain that role. To our surprise, although the participants were independent
adults who came volunteering to study at the college, they expected their mentors
to be with them at every stage of the training. Students mentioned over 50 subroles that from their point of view were mandatory for pedagogical mentors.
Students' perceptions confirm the role definition literature presents, but they did
not help to reduce the lack of clarity in regard to the pedagogical mentors' role.
Surprisingly, questioning pedagogical mentors who claim that their role is over
loaded with too many sub-roles did not make a difference either. By using all
students' answers, a questionnaire with 53 roles was developed for the pedagogical
mentors. They were asked to rate each role and to mention the roles that from their
point of view might not be part of their overall role. All 53 roles were marked as
important and significant. Not even one role was marked as one that the
pedagogical mentors would be willing to give up on.
Throughout focus groups of students and pedagogical mentors the question
of which one of the sub-roles may be part of the pedagogical mentors raised many
times. Discussions led to the conclusion that there is not only one answer that will
fit all situations of pedagogical mentoring.
While we could not minimize the definition of the pedagogical mentors' role,
an important understanding grew from this study. In order to better understand the
role of pedagogical mentoring, each situation should be examined individually and
an open dialog between all participants (mentors and students) should take place.
Trying to have a general definition for pedagogical mentors, a definition that will fit
all mentors, all students and all situations is not realistic, not practical and not
ethical while considering the humanity of it. Pedagogical mentoring is a process that
should be dynamic and should change with regard to the people who take part in it
and to the goals of the mentoring.
References
Anderson, E. M., & Shanon, A.L. (1988). Towards a conceptualization of mentoring. Journal
of Teacher Education, 13, 17-28.
Cohn, M. M.,& Gelleman, R. C. (1988). Supervision: A devedopmental apProach for
fostering inquiry preservice teacher education. Journal of Teacher Education, 39(2), 1-9.
De Jong, J., Korthagen, F., & Wubbels, T. (1998). Learning from practice in teacher education. Teachers and Teaching: Theory and Practice, 4(1), 47-64.
Emanuel( D. (2005). Understanding pedagogical mentors' role from three points of view. Israel, Mofet
Institute. (originally in Hebrew).
68
Feiman-Nemser, S. (2001) Helping novice learners to teach: Lessons from an exemplary
support teacher. Journal of Teacher Education, 52, 17-30.
Feldman, A. (1996). Enhancing the practice of physics teachers: Mechanism for the
generation and sharing of knowledge and understanding in collaborative action research.
Journal of Research in Science Teaching 33, 513-540.
Gold, Y. (1996). Beginning teacher support: Attrition, mentoring and induction. In J. Sikula,
T.J. Buttery & E. Guyton (Eds.), Handbook of research on teacher education (2n d ed., pp 548-616).
New York: Macmillan.
Hanson, G.R., & Huston, C. (1995). Academic advising and assrssment. New Directions for
Teaching and Learning, 62, 87-96.
Hoover, N.L., O'Shea, L.J., & Carroll, R.G. (1988). The Supervisor intern relationship and
effective interpersonal commmmunication skills used in conducting intern conferences.
Journal of Teacher Education, 39, 17-29.
Zahorik, J.A. (1988). The observing-conferencing role of university supervisors. Journal of
Teacher Education, 39(2), 9-16.
Zilbershtein, M. (2005). The pedagogical mentor from the point of view of the appropriate teacher. Israel,
Mofet Institute. (originally in Hebrew).
69
06:
Content analysis of elicitation study questionnaires:
A missing link in studies on extracurricular activities within
the theory of planned behavior 1
Karin Schweizer & Stephan Kröner
Abstract
Attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control have proven to be
valid predictors of intentions and behaviors, and elicitation studies are important
tools for developing questionnaires to assess these constructs (Ajzen, 2005;
Downs & Hausenblas, 2005). However, elicitation studies have received little
research attention (Sutton et al., 2003), they are sometimes dropped from the
research process for economic reasons (Romano & Netland, 2008), and the
methods used in published studies are often poorly documented. One reason for
these shortcomings may be that the existing research manuals do not provide
detailed instructions on the content analysis of elicitation study data (Ajzen, 2006;
Francis et al., 2004). Methods designed for the analysis of long texts and
interviews (e.g., Mayring, 2008) have to be adapted for application to the short,
self-contained answers generated by elicitation study questionnaires. This chapter
gives an example of the application of these methods to a prototypical elicitation
study on student participation in extracurricular musical activities. Elicitation
questionnaires with open-ended questions were administered to N = 44 high
school students aged 17 to 20 years (18 musically active, 26 musically inactive).
Qualitative content analysis was applied to their answers, following the
suggestions of Mayring (2008). The results show that musically active
respondents generated more statements related to attitudes (U = 141.5, p = .03)
and to subjective norms (U = 130.0, p = .01) than did musically inactive
respondents. Furthermore, musically active respondents produced more positive
statements than did musically inactive respondents (U = 141.5, p = .03). The two
groups did not differ significantly in terms of the number of statements related to
perceived behavioral control.
1
We are grateful to Sabrina Hee for providing us with the raw data for this
thorough reanalysis (see Hee, 2008).
70
Sc hw e ize r & Krö ne r
Taken together, the content analysis procedure applied in this chapter
provides a useful guideline for analyzing data from future elicitation studies in the
context of the theory of planned behavior. The potential benefits of video
recording interviewees and analyzing their nonverbal behaviors to further
elucidate the differences between musically active and musically inactive persons
are discussed.
Introduction:
The role of extracurricular activities in different countries
Extracurricular activities play an increasingly important role in school life and are
important tools in the process of school development (Kempfert & Rolff, 1999;
Rolff, Buhren, Lindau-Bank, & Müller, 2000). Moreover, by offering different
options for different groups of students, they provide a useful means of dealing
with increasing student heterogeneity (Arbeitsgruppe internationale Vergleichsstudien, 2007). A study comparing the educational systems of selected PISA
countries found that extracurricular activities play an important role in most
countries, especially the English-speaking countries (Scheerens & Witziers, 2004).
In Canadian schools, for example, where full-day schooling is the norm, various
extracurricular activities are offered in addition to the daily program of study.
Courses in arts and languages play an important role here, including language
courses offered in the mother tongue of immigrant children (Fuchs, 2005).
Furthermore, extracurricular activities are offered in the fields of politics and
information technology, as well as in business and administration and debating.
The same applies to the UK, France, and Sweden, where full-day schooling is
also the norm. Schools in the UK offer numerous extracurricular programs to
enrich their regular courses, with "extended schools" emphasizing activities that
foster the development of socially disadvantaged children. France places a
particular focus on fostering cultural participation in early childhood at the socalled "école maternelle," and extracurricular activities are part of national
programs in French schools. However, research evidence on extracurricular
activities in adolescence is scarce (Bachelet & Mozère, 2009; Fuchs, 2005). In
Germany, where full-day schooling is not standard, the establishment of
extracurricular activities is still in its infancy. However, extracurricular activities
are an important issue in the debate on full-day schooling. Taken together,
identifying the determinants of participation in extracurricular activities remains
an unresolved issue, not only in Germany. One domain of particular interest is
that of arts and music (see Kröner & Dickhäuser, 2009).
C o nte nt a na ly sis o f e lic ita tio n stud y q ue stio nna ire s
71
The role of music in the lives of children and adolescents
A study conducted by researchers of the German society for social science
research in medicine, GESOMED, investigated people’s relationships to music in
order to develop interventions for addiction prevention (Riemann, 1995). The
idea was that music might play an important role in addiction prevention as
music-related activities have some characteristics that are comparable to the
feelings experienced when consuming drugs (e.g., relaxing, feeling high) and
might therefore replace the consumption of psychoactive substances (Riemann,
1995). The survey investigated 803 adults, adolescents, and children. The results
showed that music serves various important psychological functions, including
that of relaxation. For young people, even passively listening to music was found
to reduce the stress of everyday life. However, there were some gender- and agerelated differences. Whereas women were more likely to emphasize the emotional
aspect of dancing, men were more likely to emphasize the loudness of music.
Extroverted types of behavior with music were more important for adolescents
than for adults. Music was also more important to adolescents than to adults or
children. In summary, the results of this study showed that music-related
activities play a key role in the lives of young people.
Despite the postulated beneficial effects of musical activities, many young
people are likely to experience barriers to musical activities such as playing a
musical instrument in their leisure time. Although there is little research on this
topic, young people from families where such activities are not common can be
expected to experience particular difficulties. This is where extracurricular
activities in schools come into play. They provide opportunities for students to
learn a musical instrument, to play in a band, or to sing in a choir, independent of
their social background.
Measuring extracurricular activities using the theory of planned
behavior
Although extracurricular activities have already been widely studied, research has
tended to focus on their consequences, rather than their predictors (Eccles,
Barber, Stone, & Hunt, 2003). Research on the determinants of participation in
extracurricular activities is therefore warranted. The constructs summarized in the
theory of planned behavior are candidates for explanatory variables (Ajzen, 1991).
In short, the theory assumes that human behavior is guided by three core
predictors that are in turn determined by three kinds of beliefs (see also Fig. 1):
(1) attitudes, determined by behavioral beliefs about likely consequences or other
attributes of the behavior (e.g., it is fun to sing in a choir),
72
(2) subjective norms, determined by normative beliefs about the expectations of
others (others approve of the behavior; e.g., my parents expect me to sing in a
choir), and
(3) perceived behavioral control, determined by control beliefs about the
presence of factors that may promote or hinder performance of the behavior
(e.g., I am able to read from the score; Ajzen, 2002).
Actual B ehavioral
C ontrol
Fig. 1: Model of the factors determining behavior according to the theory of
planned behavior (Ajzen, 2005)
As illustrated in Figure 1, the theory assumes that attitudes, subjective
norms, and perceived behavioral control mediated by behavioral intentions - are
the core predictors of overt behavior. As mentioned above, these three
components form a person’s intention. Intentions are assumed to capture the
motivational factors that influence behavior; they are indications of how hard
people are willing to try, or how much of an effort they plan to exert, in order to
perform the behavior (Ajzen, 1991, p. 181). Intention is assumed to be the
immediate antecedent of behavior (Ajzen, 2002). According to the theory of
planned behavior, a certain degree of actual behavioral control is necessary for an
intention to be carried out. Thus, especially if it is difficult to observe the
behavior in question, it may be an option to measure only intentions and
perceived behavioral control along with its predictors (e.g., control beliefs and the
other beliefs illustrated in Figure 1).
Before the predictors of behavioral intentions can be assessed by
appropriate questionnaire measures, important preparatory work needs to be
conducted in “elicitation studies.” An elicitation study is a qualitative survey in
which respondents’ behavioral, normative, and control beliefs regarding a
particular behavior are obtained. It is recommended that elicitation studies be
conducted prior to any study using the theory of planned behavior (TPB), in
73
order to establish the cognitive foundation of a population’s salient beliefs
(Francis et al., 2004).
Despite their importance for the construction of TPB questionnaires,
elicitation studies have received little attention in most of the related research to
date: Sometimes, the elicitation study phase is skipped altogether for economic
reasons. When elicitation studies are performed, the methods used are often
poorly documented. For example, it is not always reported whether the
interviewees comprised both people who showed the behavior in question and
people who did not (see Sutton et al., 2003). Likewise, the approach chosen for
the content analysis of elicitation study data is often poorly documented –
potentially because the existing TPB research manuals do not provide detailed
instructions on this issue (Ajzen, 2006; Francis et al., 2004). In addition, methods
designed for the analysis of longer texts and interviews (e.g., Mayring, 2008) have
to be adapted for application to elicitation study questionnaires and interviews.
Therefore, a key aim of the present study was to provide an example of how the
methods of content analysis described by Mayring (2008) can be applied in the
context of an elicitation study on the behavioral, normative, and control beliefs
that musically active versus inactive students hold about extracurricular activities
in the domain of music and culture.
Method
Developing a Questionnaire for an Elicitation Study
As a first step in examining reasons for and against participation in extracurricular
activities in the domain of music and culture, we conducted a pilot study with
five students, following the suggestions of Francis et al. (2004). The students
answered nine questions in open-ended format. After some rewording of
questions to address comprehension difficulties that had emerged in the pilot
study, the questionnaire presented in table 1 resulted. In addition, we added a
further question concerning reactance ("Does it ever happen that you refrain
from attending … precisely because someone expects you to attend?"). As
reactance proved not to be an issue for the participants in the main study,
however, this question is not included in the Results section.
Table 1: Overview of the questions used in the elicitation study (adapted from
Francis et al., 2004)
Behavioral
Beliefs/
Attitudes
1. What do you believe are the advantages of extracurricular
activities in the domain of culture/music?
2. What do you believe are the disadvantages of
extracurricular activities in the domain of culture/music?
74
3. Is there anything else you associate with the participation
in extracurricular activities in the domain of culture/music?
Normative
4. Who would approve of your participation in
Beliefs/
Subjective Norms 5. Who would disapprove of your participation in
6. Is there anything else you associate with other people’s
view about extracurricular activities in the domain of
culture/music?
Control Beliefs/ 7. What is your opinion about participating in extracurricular
Perceived
activities in the domain of culture/music?
Behavioral
8. What is your opinion about not participating in
Control
9. Are there any other issues that come to mind when you
think about participating in extracurricular activities in the
domain of culture/music?
The final questionnaire focused on extracurricular activities in the domain of
music. It was administered during summer 2008 to N = 44 high school students
aged 17 to 20 years participated in the elicitation study on participation in
extracurricular musical activities (n = 18 musically active, n = 26 musically
inactive).
Analyzing Responses to the Elicitation Questionnaire
The elicitation questionnaire consisted of 10 open-ended questions (see section
4.1) tapping attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control with
respect to extracurricular musical activities. We analyzed the respondents’
answers using the approach proposed by Mayring (2008). To this end, we
summarized the responses we received, using the steps of paraphrasing,
generalizing, and reduction, thus generating a total of 440 paraphrased
statements. Using the structuring approach, we then inductively classified the
paraphrases into a set of subcategories. In cases of doubt, we referred back to the
context of the specific paraphrase for any elaborating information. As a result of
this process, the set of subcategories displayed in Table 2 emerged. While
categorizing the responses, we referred to examples that served as anchors for
each subcategory.
75
Table 2: Categories derived for the classification of student responses
Subcategories of the main category "attitudes"
+/Intrinsic value/fun
pos. /neg.
Intrinsic value/community
pos. /neg.
Utility/personal growth in the domain of music
pos.
Utility/personal growth not related to music (self-esteem) pos.
Utility/personal growth not related to music (other)
pos.
Utility/economic and social distinction
pos. /neg.
Instructional quality/forms of instruction
pos.
Instructional quality/motivation
pos.
Instructional quality/general
pos. /neg.
Nothing
pos. /neg.
Subcategories of the main category "subjective norms"
Parents
pos. /neg.
Family (not parents)
pos. /neg.
Partner, friends, peers are musical
pos.
Partner, friends, peers, no explicit categorization
pos. / neg
Partner, friends, peers are not musical
neg.
Teacher
pos. / neg
Other adults
pos. / neg
All positive, none negative
pos.
Subcategories of the main category "perceived behavioral
control"
Talent
pos. /neg.
Knowledge
pos. /neg.
Discipline
pos. /neg.
Costs
pos. /neg.
Time
pos. /neg.
Accessibility
pos. /neg.
Academic stress
neg.
Personal stress
neg.
Rehearsal opportunities
pos. /neg.
Instrument
pos. /neg.
Note. Whereas only positive (pos., i.e. reasons for participation in extracurricular activities)
or negative (neg., i.e., reasons against participation in extracurricular activities) statements
could be generated for some subcategories, both types of statement could be generated for
others.
Finally, responses were independently categorized by a second rater who
was not involved in the development of the set of subcategories. Interrater
reliability was good (k = .86). According to Francis et al. (2004), the set of
subcategories that contains 75% of all paraphrases can be regarded as covering
the population’s salient beliefs. We therefore computed the percentage of
paraphrases in each subcategory in order to identify the salient subcategories.
76
Our findings are presented in Tables 3 to 5.
Table 3: Salient subcategories within the main category "attitudes"
Categories
Frequencies
Percentages
Positive intrinsic value/fun
Positive intrinsic
value/community
Positive utility/personal
growth in the domain of
music
Positive utility/personal
growth not related to
music/other
Positive utility/economic
and social distinction)
Negative intrinsic value/fun
39
31
21.9
17.4
Cumulative
Percentages
21.9
39.3
23
12.9
52.2
20
11.2
63.5
12
6.7
70.2
10
5.6
75.8
Table 4: Salient subcategories within the main category "subjective norms"
Categories
Frequencies
Percentages
All positive, none negative
Positive parents
Positive family (not parents)
Positive teacher
Positive partner, friends,
peers are not musical or no
explicit categorization
35
23
17
17
15
26.7
17.6
13.0
13.0
11.5
Cumulative
Percentages
26.7
44.3
57.3
70.2
81.7
Table 5: Salient subcategories within the main category "perceived behavioral
control"
Categories
Frequencies
Percentages
Negative time
Negative academic stress
Negative talent
Positive costs
Positive time
Negative personal stress
Negative discipline
49
16
10
10
10
9
8
33.6
11.0
6.8
6.8
6.8
6.2
5.5
Valid
Percentages
33.8
11.0
6.9
6.9
6.9
6.2
5.5
Cumulative
Percentages
33.8
44.8
51.7
58.6
65.5
71.7
77.2
77
Comparing musically active and inactive respondents
We first compared the number of statements generated by musically active versus
inactive respondents by computing a chi-square test for all statements, regardless
of category. There was no statistically significant difference between the two
groups, indicating that musically inactive respondents produced as many
statements as did musically active respondents. Subsequently, we compared the
mean number of paraphrases per respondent in each main category (i.e.,
attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control) for musically active
versus inactive respondents. As illustrated in Figure 2, we found statistically
significant differences in attitudes and subjective norms: Musically active
respondents generated more statements concerning attitudes (U = 143.0, p = .04)
and subjective norms (U = 130.0, p = .01) than did musically inactive
respondents. The two groups of respondents did not differ significantly in terms
of the number of statements related to perceived behavioral control. Finally, we
compared whether musically active respondents produced more positive
statements than did musically inactive respondents. Aggregated across the three
categories, musically active respondents expressed more positive statements than
did musically inactive respondents (U = 141.5, p = .03).
Fig. 2: Mean numbers of statements classified to the different categories (1:
attitudes, 2: subjective norms, 3: perceived behavioral control). Category 4 shows
the overall number of positive statements generated.
78
Discussion
The content analysis procedure documented in this study provides a useful
guideline for future elicitation studies based on the theory of planned behavior: It
resulted in a reliable coding of paraphrases to the set of subcategories identified.
For each TPB construct explaining intention (attitudes, subjective norms, and
perceived behavioral control), we identified six subcategories that together
contained 75% of all paraphrases. Thus, the procedure of inductive category
formation proposed by Mayring (2008) seems to be an appropriate approach in
the context of elicitation studies.
Beyond this demonstration of the method, the substance of our findings on
the domain of extracurricular musical activities is also interesting: Musically active
and musically inactive respondents did not differ in terms of the total number of
beliefs elicited. However, musically active respondents reported more beliefs
related to attitudes and subjective norms than did musically inactive respondents.
Furthermore, aggregated across the three categories, musically active respondents
generated more positive statements than did musically inactive respondents.
The set of subcategories derived in the present study can be used as a
starting point for future studies involving the quantitative analysis of
extracurricular activities in high school and their determinants. However, it may
also be interesting to replicate the present study with more refined, combined
methods of qualitative and quantitative analysis (i.e., methods triangulation).
Analysis of video recordings may provide additional insights here. For example,
video recordings of interviewees could be analyzed for nonverbal expressions of
positive or negative emotions. This approach might provide an interesting means
of analyzing differences between musically active persons and musically inactive
persons on a behavioral level. Nevertheless, in the present study, combining
methods of content analysis adapted form Mayring (2008) with the established
elicitation study approach proved to be a viable strategy for identifying salient
beliefs in the context of research on planned behavior, such as participation in
extracurricular musical activities.
References
Ajzen, I. (199I). The theory of planned behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision
Processes, 50, 179-211.
Ajzen, I. (2002). Perceived behavioral control, self-efficacy, locus of control, and the
theory of planned behavior. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 32, 665-683.
Ajzen, I. (2005). Attitudes, personality and behavior (2nd ed.) Milton Keynes, UK: Open
University Press.
79
Ajzen, I. (2006). Constructing a TpB questionnaire: Conceptual and methodological considerations.
Unpublished manuscript. Retrieved from
http://people.umass.edu/aizen/pdf/tpb.measurement.pdf
Arbeitsgruppe internationale Vergleichsstudien. (2003). Vertiefender Vergleich der Schulsysteme
ausgewählter PISA-Teilnehmerstaaten [In-depth comparison of the school systems of selected
PISA countries]. Berlin/Bonn, Germany: Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung.
Bachelet, P. & Mozère, L. (2009). Die französische école maternelle [The french école
maternelle]. In: W. Fthenakis & P. Oberhuemer (Eds.), Frühpädagogik international, (pp. 209214). Wiesbaden, Germany: VS Verlag.
Downs, D. S., & Hausenblas, H. A. (2005). Elicitation studies and the theory of planned
behavior: A systematic review of exercise beliefs. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 6, 1-31.
Eccles, J. S., Barber, B. L., Stone, M., & Hunt, J. (2003). Extracurricular activities and
adolescent development. Journal of Social Issues, 59, 865-889.
Francis, J. J., Eccles, M. P. Johnston, M., Walker, A., Grimshaw, J., Foy, R., Kaner, E. F.
S., Smith, L., Bonetti, D. (2004). Constructing questionnaires based on the theory of planned
behaviour: A manual for health services researchers. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: University of
Newcastle.
Fuchs, H.-W. (2005). Ganztagsbetreuung und extracurriculare Aktivitäten [All-day
schooling and extracurricular activities]. In H. Döbert & H.-W. Fuchs (Eds.), Leistungsmessungen und Innovationsstrategien in Schulsystemen: Ein internationaler Vergleich (pp. 58-62).
Münster, Germany: Waxmann.
Hee, S. (2008) Vorhersage musikalischer Aktivität: Entwicklung eines Fragebogens anhand der
Theorie des geplanten Verhaltens [Prediction of musical activity: Development of a
questionnaire based on the theory of planned behavior] (Unpublished master’s thesis).
University of Nuremberg, Germany.
Kempfert, G., & Rolff, H.-G. (1999). Pädagogische Qualitätsentwicklung: Ein Arbeitsbuch für
Schule und Unterricht [Educational quality development: A workbook for schools].
Weinheim, Germany: Beltz.
Kröner, S., & Dickhäuser, O. (2009). Die Rolle von Eltern, Peers und intrinsischem Wert
für die rezeptive hochkulturelle Praxis von Gymnasiasten der Sekundarstufe II [On the
significance of parents, peers and intrinsic value for receptive cultural activities in
secondary school students]. Zeitschrift für Pädagogische Psychologie, 23, 53-63.
Mayring, P. (2008). Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse: Grundlagen und Techniken [Qualitative content
analysis: Foundations and techniques] (10th ed.). Weinheim, Germnay: Beltz.
Riemann, K. (1995). Jugend und Musik. Ergebnisse einer Befragung von 803 Experten [Youth and
music. Results of a survey of 803 experts]. Freiburg, Germany: GESOMED.
80
Rolff, H.-G., Buhren, C. G., Lindau-Bank, D., & Müller, S. (2000). Manual Schulentwicklung:
Handlungskonzept zur pädagogischen Schulentwicklung [Manual of school development: An
action concept for educational school development] (3rd ed.). Weinheim, Germany: Beltz.
Romano, J. L. & Netland, J. D. (2008). The application of the theory of reasoned action
and planned behavior to prevention science in counseling psychology. The Counseling
Psychologist, 36, 777-806.
Scheerens, J., & Witziers, B. (2004). The Netherlands. In H. Döbert, E. Klieme, & W.
Sroka (Eds.), Conditions of school peformance in seven countries. A quest for
understanding the international variation of PISA results (pp. 386-429). Münster,
Germany: Waxmann.
Sutton, S., French, D. P., Hennings, S. J., Mitchell, J., Wareham, N. J., Griffin, S.,
Hardeman, W., & Kinmonth, A. L. (2003). Eliciting salient beliefs in research on the
theory of planned behaviour: The effect of question wording. Current Psychology:
Developmental, Learning, Personality, Social, 22, 234-251.
81
07:
Theoretical reflections and methodological im plications
based on the analysis of interrogation records
Anna Bussu and Patrizia Patrizi 1
Introduction
This paper is intended as a reflection on the issues and the implications of conducting an interrogation and how to study the latter based on the few available
sources.
In Italy, unlike in other European countries, audio and video recordings of
interrogations and accurate transcriptions are not compulsory. Furthermore in Italy
there are no operational protocols and guidelines that can either offer a guarantee
for the Judicial Police, the witness and the person under investigation, or indicate
how to conduct an interrogation. This has deep implications for the work of Police
Forces, since possible misinterpretation and manipulation of evidence makes the latter
questionable in court. Not only could audio and video recordings of interrogations
offer new material for the study of operational practices and interactions between
the Police and the suspect, but they could also help to understand a suspect's
behaviour.
Thus, our study would like to offer some suggestions for the elaboration of
operational protocols and interview grids highlighting the weaknesses and the
strengths of in-field training, which should be closely linked to a judicial officer's
professional experience and personal skills and competencies.
It is pivotal to briefly discuss the risks that a judicial officer could incur during
the interrogation.. One of the key factors to consider is that questions can be
formulated in such a way as to easily influence or manipulate the person who is
being interrogated. We talk about suggestion when a person is led to remember a
situation that he/she never lived or to alter one's memory. The degree of suggestibility varies in each individual. One of the main scholars on the subject is Gudjonsson (1984), who studied people's reactions to suggestive settings and
questioning. Several studies have been conducted to establish the relation between
suggestibility, compliance (the need to be liked and to avoid conflict with people
perceived as in a position of authority – a trait which is typical of individuals with
low self-esteem) and acquiescence (the need to answer a question coherently).
1
D ept. of Econom y, Institutions and Society – U niversity of Sassari. Patrizia Patrizi wrote
sections 1 e 2 e Anna Bussu wrote sections 3,4, 5 and 6.
82
Bussu a nd Pa trizi
While there is no close relation between suggestibility and complacency a
significant relation has been found between suggestibility and acquiescence. However, there is no correlation between acquiescence and complacency. Complacency
appears in fact to be linked to intellectual capacities while acquiescence decreases
with age. Young minors, for example, are more suggestible in a case of pressing
interrogation (De Leo, Scali & Caso, 2005).
Although minors are undoubtedly more vulnerable and sensitive to suggestion,
this affects adults' testimonies as well. In an interrogation conducted by the public
prosecutor or the Judicial Police as well as during a trial where Police Forces can be
called as witnesses (art.195 co.4 c.p.p.), deliberately or non deliberately misleading
questions are often asked. These contain false elements or information that may
distort a person's recollection of real life situations (Varendonck, 1911; Mazzoni,
2003). English scholars call this witness interview technique interrogative suggestibility,
a definition endorsed by Gudjonsoon (1984), who showed how easily can a person
(for example a victim or a witness) insert important elements in the story that were
not originally present, just because these were suggested or induced by the person
asking the question.
This research, which is still ongoing, proposes to examine the problems raised
by the use of interrogation records on the part of Juridical Police and intends to
analyse the effectiveness as well the most problematic aspects of the method of
textual transcriptions of Police's records. The main objective of this study is to
understand whether the analysis of textual transcriptions of interrogations could
represent a valid alternative to audio-recordings to study the "methods" employed
by Judicial Police to conduct the interrogation. Furthermore the authors are
interested in finding out whether the qualitative software ATLAS.ti could offer a
valid tool for the analysis of the interrogation records.
This paper is articulated in four main sections. The first part introduces the
phenomenon under study and discusses the pros and cons of employing audiorecordings. The following sections present the research project on interrogation
records, illustrate the methodology and the research objectives, and discuss the
main results (sections 3, 4, and 5). Finally a few considerations and implications of
the study are presented in the conclusion (section 6).
Advantages and disadvantages of audio and video recording
Audio and video recordings are a valid source for studying the conduction of an
interrogation, but, as mentioned above, in Italy interrogations carried out by the
Judicial Police are rarely audio and video recorded. This only happens in the case
of particularly heinous crimes such as sexual assault, murder or organized crime,
even though it is compulsory when the suspect is in detention (art. 141 bis c.p.p)2.
2
Codice di procedura penale (Crim inal Procedure Code)
Ana ly sis of inte rro ga tio n re c o rd s
83
On the contrary, other European countries such as Britain have had guidelines and
protocols for conducting interrogations since the 1990s, whereby interrogations that
have not been audio or video recorded cannot be used as evidence (Bussu, 2008,
2010). Furthermore, British Police is successfully trained on interview techniques
(a term preferred to "interrogation") that aim at obtaining exhaustive and reliable
information as opposed to extracting a confession (Caso & Vrij, 2009).
In Italy, when an interrogation is audio-recorded it is particularly difficult to
obtain an authorisation to examine the recordings for research purposes. Based on
such considerations, the study of verbal transcriptions in Italy can represent an
alternative and useful instrument for reconstructing reality. But what could be the
concrete advantages and the potential disadvantages of audio-recordings and their
use? First and foremost they would allow officers to faithfully transcribe a confession or a witness' statement and in general the content of an interrogation. This
would reduce cases of misinterpretation on the part of the interrogator of what the
speaker is saying. Judicial Police's records are easily questioned, not only by the
Defence when the Police are called to give evidence in court, but also by the
Prosecutor that relies on the Police for collecting evidence in order to proceed with
the investigation. Another benefit concerns the potential of video-recording as a
self-training tool. Discussing with colleagues the different ways of managing an
interrogation through re-watching oneself whilst carrying out the interrogation can
be instrumental to improving the way the Police work and could help to implement
new procedures and consolidate best practices. In fact, video-recordings can help
officers to observe their communication styles, their relationships with the persons
under interrogation, their competences on exploring the dynamics of the crime and
its framework, as well as their abilities to ask questions that follow the flow of the
interrogation and how this develops.
Scientific research could employ such records for the study of standard
procedures and the relationship between the Police and the suspect and to analyse
the behaviour displayed by the latter. However, video-recordings is likely to be met
with resistance within the police.
The only obvious disadvantage would concern the Judicial Authority's responsibility to guarantee the protection of sensitive data on the person under interrogation, a problem that also characterises judicial files in general. The absence of
operational protocols and guidelines to conduct interrogations or collect evidence
represents a serious failing that highlights the difficulty of our justice system to
protect the suspect/ witness as well as the interrogator.
It should be emphasized that one of the main reasons why Judicial Police is
not using audio and video recordings is purely logistic: no digital audio recorders are
provided to them. This reason may seem incredible given the modest cost of the
equipment, but it becomes understandable when you consider the state of the
Italian judicial system. This is extremely contradictory - on the one hand a law is
proposed to make sure that the public administration apparatus is digitalised by
84
Bussu a nd Pa trizi
2012, on the other there are few operators and some of them do not have a
computer or are forced to work with outdated machines.
Research objectives
The study of transcription and audio and video recordings entails some important
reflections on the research method. Our study allows us to analyse two ethical
issues. The first one is about managing interrogations in Italy, as explained above.
The second ethical issue, which directly stems from the first one, concerns the
employment of interrogation audio and video recordings for research purposes. In
some cases interrogations are audio and/ or video recorded, but in order to use
such files for research purposes one should require permission not only from the
Office of the Prosecutor, but also from the defendant under interrogation.
Our study is based on the analysis of transcriptions of Juridical Police's
interrogations records. In this respect we aimed at testing the "potentials" of the
Police's records through analysing the Police's transcriptions with ATLAS.ti. We
discuss whether it is ethical, beyond their undeniable utility, to use audio and video
recording and transcriptions, when one considers issues of respect towards and
protection of the person under interrogation. We also consider the value added of
employing such records for qualitative research purposes, also when considering
their use is widespread in international research.
In order to verify the usefulness of studying judicial records and to satisfy our
interest in the study of deviancy, we decided to analyse, through a qualitative
research approach, the phenomenon of sexual assault. By studying the records we
tried to examine the characteristics and profiles of sex offenders and victims as well
as identify the "common" definitions of sexual violence and the way they are
"reconstructed" both during interrogation and in the investigation stage. Finally, we
tried to identify the different types of information gathered during the testimonies
which were subsequently recorded. The analysis of interrogation transcripts is all
the more relevant when we consider that, as pointed out above, video and audio
recordings can rarely be viewed for research purposes and so it is one of the few
sources available to investigators or researchers in pursuit of their goals.
Research method
The cases of sexual assault under analysis
Specifically, for the purpose of our research, we have analysed through a special
survey sheet the transcript of the interrogation delegated by the Public Prosecutor (art. 370
par.1, co.1 e 375 c.p.p.; artt. 64-66 e 364 c.p.p..), and the transcript of the basic
information given by a person under investigation (350 c.p.p) and by a person other than the
85
suspect (art. 351 c.p.p.) (eg direct witnesses), all of which were contained in the
judicial files.
The empirical research is part of a study co-ordinated by the University of
Sassari's DEIS – Centro Studi Urbani - on criminality in Sardinia, which focuses on
psycho-criminal sex offenders' profiles, the interaction between the offender and
the victim, the dynamics of the crime and criminal careers.
Since our investigation on judicial files followed a qualitative approach, it has
been confined to the Public Prosecutor's office in Sassari. There we have viewed
samples of files contained in the registers of identified and unidentified persons
concerning cases of sexual assault (art. 609 bis and following c.p.)3 that took place
between 2002 and 2007. The gathering of data on the criminal procedures was
carried out using ReGe, a software for the uploading and storing of data used in the
judicial system. The number of defined and undefined records was specified as this
information is essential for analysing the phenomenon.
We have selected 33 judicial files on sexual assault (art. 609 bis and following
c.p.4) taking into consideration the significance and specificity of the assault and
whether the file was available at the time of data gathering in the summer of 2008.
The sample is comprised of cases that took place between 2003 and 2007. Specifically seven cases took place in 2003, 7 in 2004, 7 in 2005, 5 in 2006 and seven in
2007. Sometimes victims of the same crime by the same perpetrator (sexual assault
and ill treatment by an ex partner) had already pressed charges several years earlier.
The cases have been selected by the Public Prosecutor's office.
It is important to point out that in most cases the crime of sexual assault is
unreported, especially when it is perpetrated against minors. In comparison to the
number of "estimated" unreported cases very few charges are pressed at a national
level. This is partly due to the fact that the assault often takes place in a family
context where, unlike what happens in the case of single assaults perpetrated by
strangers, a woman feels more vulnerable and is more reluctant to report the abuses
of her partner. This is especially true if the couple has children, as reporting the
crime could have a negative impact on them.
Investigation tool and mode of analysis
We have created a survey sheet that investigates different dimensions of the phenomenon: 1.dynamics of the crime and existing relationship between perpetrator and
victim, 2. type of behaviours exhibited by the sex offender, 3. number, frequency
and duration of such behaviours, 4. type of relationship between rapist and victim,
5. place of the assault, 6. reporting and judicial investigation, 7. data concerning the
victim/s, 8. data concerning the criminal/s with a particular attention to their crime
records and exhibited behaviours, 9. motives, reasons, reactions and consequences
of the crime, 10. emotional states linked to the assault.
3
Codice Penale (Crim inal code)
86
Bussu a nd Pa trizi
Verbal transcriptions were analysed using ATLAS.ti, 5.6.2 version, a "support
software for the analysis of interpretative content" (De Gregorio & Mosiello, 2004,
p. 53), which allowed us to investigate the phenomenon by dimensional areas.
Specifically, we have set a hermeneutic unit (HU) – the file containing all the interviews or Primary documents that have subsequently been codified. The codification
consists of extracting parts of the text deemed particularly significant by the researcher (quotations or quotes). The Code families (C.F.) are "the main areas of content
(dimensions) that underline the codes" (De Gregorio & Mosiello, 2004, p. 72),
which are categories chosen by the researcher "based on pre-existing theoretical
models or following a Grounded Theory approach" (p. 55). The Code families allow
the establishment of a connection between theoretical models and codes. During
this first exploratory analysis, the codification produced 47 macro codes and 15
families (a family is a "theoretical dimension" containing information on the codes,
which, on the other hand, are empirical indicator).
Main results of the investigation
First of all we need to clarify that for the purposes of the focus of this paper we will
only analyse the results concerning the "method" (i.e. what information can emerge
from the interrogation records) (Homan, 1991; Kimmel, 1988) and not, more
specifically, those that emerged in relation to the sex offenders' and the victims'
profiles and to the dynamics of crime; we will only mention that the crimes analysed
were perpetrated either individually (the most frequent mode) or jointly and that in
some cases the victim was a minor (609 quater c.p.); furthermore the sexual assault
was generally linked to ill treatment within the family (572 c.p.) or was the
consequence of an escalating nagging harassment (660 c.p.).
One problematic aspect concerns the information on criminals and victims
requested during interrogation or testimony; a record should generally contain
personal data (date and place of birth, residence, profession), which, especially in
the case of the victim, is often missing. This constitutes a limitation as it would be
very useful to have more information on the victim and the criminal in order
prepare a truly focused prevention plan. In that sense our survey sheet, when
properly readapted, could offer an effective and practical tool to gather important
data on victims and criminals at the time the crime is reported, thus allowing the
interested parties (judicial bodies, criminologists, researchers etc) to have
information which is both useful and comparable over the years.
As far as the studying of record transcriptions is concerned it is important to
analyze the "social representation" of the crime and of the criminal profiles. A
record is nothing more than a synthesis of the "crime reconstruction" as shared by
the interrogator and the person under interrogation, but its contents are revised by
the Judicial Police, who has its own subjective focus, and pays more attention to
certain elements over others. In this respect it is convenient to focus on the use of
87
"language". For example, the language style used in a record is one that the subjects
involved in the crime (criminal and victim) would be unlikely to use and that is
particularly evident when the criminal event involves minors.
Language is not just a tool for transferring contents, it also determines the
construction of reality. As Wittgenstein (1980) stated "the language we use uses us",
the language codes we adopt to describe reality are the same that we use to
represent and elaborate our perceptions; therefore different languages lead to different
representations of reality (Milanese & Mordazzi, 2007).
It would be of great interest to compare the data emerging from the recordings
of an interrogation with a transcription of such recording.
We are likely to notice some discrepancies or a different emphasis depending
on who is the speaker and what is his/her role. As we have previously mentioned,
we were unable to do that and we could only analyse the judicial records (interrogation
records, judicial casebooks, experts' reports etc).
In order to study the way an interrogation is conducted (specifically its contents, the
dynamics between interrogator and person under interrogation, the representation
of the crime emerging from the records and consequently from the interrogator's
interpretation of the language and narration of the person under interrogation etc)
it would be necessary to compare the audio or video recording with the written
record. This way we could verify the modalities adopted by the Judicial Police for
reformulation and synthesis, exploiting the possibility of capturing the right formulation of questions, the presence of inductive, manipulative or suggestive questions,
the communicative style adopted, the relationship between interrogator and person
under interrogation and the most explored dimensions of the criminal event. All
this information cannot be extracted from the written record, which does not even
outline the questions but just the answers.
ATLAS.ti. has been extremely useful in analysing interrogation records and in
codifying the textual transcription of the interrogation and particularly to analyze
technical linguistic codes employed by Judicial Problem.
In relation to language, we have also codified the terms used in textual transcriptions
to define sex offenders and their victims. Abusers are generally defined by their legal status
(suspect – defendant), their family status (father, uncle etc) and their age status (of age
vs under age) – all terms that contain no intrinsic value judgement. Victims, on the
other hand, according to the Judicial Police's reconstruction are often referred to
by the criminals with very strong terms of abuse (dirty, slut, nymphomaniac etc).
Mental deficits are often found in both the sex offenders and the victims especially
but not exclusively in cases of sexual assaults perpetrated by strangers. Probably the
abuser presumes that a mentally retarded victim is easier to approach and manipulate. Victims, especially in the case of domestic violence, are described as fragile
and lonely women, who often come from a difficult background, such as a dysfunctional family. The most used terms to define the acts of sexual assault narrate the
sequence of the abuse: "follow", "grope", "force", "threaten" "hit", "tie up" "rape".
88
Bussu a nd Pa trizi
This information should make us reflect on the nature of language which, as we have
already stated, must not be seen as a mere tool for transferring contents, but also
as an element that determines the construction of reality. This should encourage
reflection and should stimulate research aimed at crime prevention, taking into
account the construction of deviancy through language (De Leo & Patrizi, 2002;
2006).
A striking finding was the exceptionally high number of dismissed cases, for a
number of different reasons: because "the offended party did not press charges
within the time period established by law", for "unreliable testimony" or for
"insufficient evidence to sustain a trial".
Art. 372 c.p.p. on false testimony4 provides that "Whoever, in the process of giving
evidence before the judicial authority, makes a false statement, denies the truth, or
omits, whether partially or entirely, what he/she knows on the facts he/she is
interrogated on, is punished with a prison term of two to six years." Narration and
reconstruction of the event are the central elements of the proceeding; understanding whether the testimony can be deemed "reliable", "believable" and "truthful" is particularly hard, given that different types of testimony that can be encountered: a truthful and reliable one, a deliberately false and fabricated one, and
one resulting from a false memory (De Leo, Scali & Caso, 2005). Given the focus
of our paper, we will not be able to analyse the different studies and lines of
research on false testimony by minors and adults, for which we refer to the
consolidated literature on the subject (Anolli & Ciceri, 1994; Bussey & Grimbeek,
2000; Mazzoni & Boschi 1995; Friedman & Tucker, 1990).
Among the reasons behind a false testimony, which, as we have seen, can
result in the dismissal of the case or the dropping of the charges, there are often a
deep distress on the part of the victim, the fear of retaliation or/and the manipulation of a minor. It could also happen that minors, due to their immaturity or in
order to attract attention, report facts that did not occur. Understanding if the case
really was one of sexual assault is complex and there is a high risk of coming to a
fast and unfair incrimination of the parties involved, which is why in these cases
effective interrogations and collection of evidence are even more crucial.
As an example we report the transcriptions of a case of sexual harassment of
a minor dismissed for "unreliable testimony", i.e. false testimony. Here the false
statement does not seem to stem from a false memory; instead the witness appears
to be using the minor for retaliation, following disagreements between her and the
public institution where the crime allegedly took place. What appears to emerge
clearly is the difficulty to capture the truthfulness of the testimony and the reconstruction of the event solely based on the interrogation records – see below an
excerpt from the records of one of the analysed cases.
4
See aksi gli artt. of the c.p.p.371, 371 -bis, 371- ter
Extract 1
"IN THE MORNING THE WOMAN WENT WITH HER SON TO
THE LOCAL EDUCATION AUTHORITY' S OFFICE. WHILE
SHE WAS IN AN EMPLOYEE'S ROOM SHE REALISED THAT
HER SON HAD LEFT, SO SHE WENT TO LOOK FOR HIM AND
FOUND HIM AFTER 20 MINUTES IN THE FLOOR ABOVE.
THE MINOR WAS FRIGHTENED AND REPORTED HAVING
BEEN CHASED AND TOUCHED SEVERAL TIMES IN THE
BOTTOM BY A MAN SUBSEQUENTLY IDENTIFIED AS
DEFENDANT NUMBER 1.
The criminal event as described by the victim's mother
"AFTER PICKING UP HER SON EARLIER FROM SCHOOL
THEY WENT TO THE LOCAL EDUCATION AUTHORITY' S
OFFICE. WHILE THEY WERE IN AN EMPLOYEE'S OFFICE ON
THE FIRST FLOOR SHE TURNED AROUND AND DID NOT
SEE HER SON ANYMORE. SHE WENT TO LOOK FOR HIM
AND AFTER 20 MINUTES SHE FOUND HIM ON THE UPPER
FLOOR. HE WAS VERY FRIGHTENED. ONE OF THE
EMPLOYEES TOLD HER THAT HER SON HAD COME TO
THEM. SHE STARTED TO ASK HIM WHAT HAD HAPPENED
AND HE TOLD HER THAT A MAN HAD CHASED HIM,
PUSHED HIM AND TOUCHED HIS BOTTOM SEVERAL TIMES.
HE HAD BECOME FRIGHTENED AND STARTED TO RUN
INSIDE THE BUILDING. THE DEFENDANT RAN AFTER HIM.
WHEN ASKED WHO THE PERSON DESCRIBED BY THE
CHILD WAS ALL THOSE PRESENT REFUSED TO ANSWER. A
FEW MINUTES LATER TWO POLICE OFFICERS ARRIVED."
The criminal event as described by witnesses
"FROM THE RECORDINGS OF THE LOCAL EDUCATION
AUTHORITY'S EMPLOYEES IT EMERGES THAT THE
MOTHER OF THE VICTIM, A TEACHER WHO HAS BEEN
DECLARED UNABLE TO WORK DUE TO HEALTH REASONS,
WENT TO THEIR OFFICE TO ENQUIRE ABOUT SOME
UNPAID PENSION AND GRATUITY. SHE HAD AN ARGUMENT WITH THE EMPLOYEE AND VERBALLY ATTACKED
HER. HER SCREAMS WERE HEARD IN THE WHOLE HALLWAY. WITNESSES FURTHER STATE THAT THE SON WAS
TERRIFIED AFTER SEEING THE MOTHER IN THESE CONDITIONS AND THAT SHE WAS PULLING HIM, SAYING SHE
DID NOT HAVE THE MONEY TO SUPPORT HIM.
THEREFORE THE MINOR, BEFORE THE CONSENTING
89
90
Bussu a nd Pa trizi
MOTHER, WAS ESCORTED BY TWO EMPLOYEES TO ANOTHER ROOM TO BE SPARED THE SIGHT OF HIS MOTHER'S
CRISIS. AFTER SEVERAL ATTEMPTS TO SEND AWAY THE
WOMAN, WHO ALSO ACCUSED AN EMPLOYEE OF HAVING
TOUCHED HER SON, THE OFFICERS' INTERVENTION
BECAME NECESSARY."
REASON FOR DISMISSING THE CASE:
"THE MOTHER'S STATEMENTS WERE NOT CORROBORATED
BY THE STATEMENTS OF THOSE PRESENT AT THE EVENT"
Final considerations and implications
As we had predicted before starting the research, analysing interrogations records
does not allow us to verify whether the interrogation or collection of evidence were
conducted ethically without using manipulative and suggestive techniques, since the
record is a summary of the interrogation rather than a transcription. The Judicial
Police's records can easily be questioned by the Prosecutors, who rely on them for
the investigation or by the Defence, when officers are called to give evidence. Audio
and video recordings could be a tool for the verification and self-verification of the
handling of the proceeding as well as for the protection of the person under interrogation. Moreover, the absence of operational protocols and guidelines to conduct
interrogations or collect evidence represents a serious failing that highlights the
difficulty of the Italian justice system to protect the suspect/ direct witness as well
as the interrogator.
A potentially effective approach to protect the individual under interrogation
could be a revision of the way an interrogation is conducted and the elaboration of
new "training pathways" for the Judicial Police. These should take into account the
Police's actual training needs and study new and more effective ways of handling
the Police's relationship with the citizen instead of leaving it to chance or to
officers' "common sense". Starting from individual and collective "resources", of
which they may or may not be aware, an operative methodology could be built
which is both standardised and shared. The social awareness that the Police is using
unethical operative procedures (Williamson, 1994) contributes to encouraging a
degrading perception of the judicial apparatus. A number of studies highlight the
citizens' lack of faith in the Police Forces and the judicial system as well as their
sense of "collective" and "personal insecurity" (Moser, 1999).
We believe that it is pivotal to encourage a debate within academia and the
Justice System in order to improve public perception of the Police and the Justice
System at large. To this respect we believe that it is important to develop this new
91
branch of research on the Police's operational procedures of gathering evidence
during the pre-trial stage, on the relationship between the interrogator and the
person under interrogation, and on how personal skills and professional abilities can
help researchers and the Justice operators to optimize the Justice System, through
reflecting on how to improve and perfect current procedures.
Notwithstanding the Judicial Police's high competence and professionalism,
we believe that sharing formalised procedures and guidelines could represent a
useful instrument for the Police to effectively carry out their functions, whilst
protecting both the Police and the citizens with whom they regularly interact.
Linking the knowledge and professionalism of the single justice operator exclusively
to individual responsibility, awareness, skills and aptitudes does not constitute an
advantage for the Judicial Police, but rather a limitation or a "hazard".
For these reasons, in our opinion, a new line of research on the ethical
conducting of an interrogation should be activated and wider scientific considerations on tools and method of analysis of crimes such as sexual assault should be
stimulated.
While it is not possible to monitor the whole proceeding (from the
interrogation to the recording) by simply analysing the records textual transcriptions
written by the Judicial Police, not only is this type of source legally relevant but it
also offers, through the deliberately technical language used by the Judicial
Authority, various information on the "reconstruction" of the crime, the offender
and victim's profiles and the focalisations and dimensional areas that have been
investigated. Continuing this research in order to discover the operative methods
used to write the records can also be useful in relation to the interview grid that is
generally employed.
References
Anolli, L., & Ciceri, R. (1994). La menzogna nei bambini dal gioco di finzione alla finzione giocata, XIII
Congresso nazionale della sezione di psicologia dello sviluppo. Parm a.
Bussey, K ., & G rim beek, E . J. (2000). Children's conceptions of lying and truth-telling:
Im plications for child witnesses. Legal and Criminological Psychological, 5,187-199.
Bussu, A. (2008). Funzioni e competenze della Polizia G iudiziaria nella raccolta delle dichiarazioni
probatorie. Il contributo della Psicologia giuridica e della ricerca qualitativa per la definizione delle esigenze
formative (tesis of PhD ). Sassari: Università degli Studi Sassari.
B ussu, A. (2010). Le esigenze form ative della Polizia Giudiziaria nella raccolta delle
dichiarazioni probatorie. In G . G ulotta & A. Curci (Eds), M ente, società e diritto (pp.197-205).
M ilano: Giuffrè.
Caso, L., & Vrij, A . (2009). L'interrogatorio giudiziario e l'intervista investigativa. Bologna: Il M ulino.
92
Bussu a nd Pa trizi
Cavedon, A., & Cam pagnola, N. (1999). La testim onianza infantile: una ricerca sperim entale
sull'Intervista cognitiva e sull'Intervista strutturata. M altrattamento e abuso all'infanzia, 3, 53-67.
D e G regorio, E., & M osiello, F. (2004). Tecniche di ricerca qualitativa e di analisi delle informazioni
con A TLA S.ti. Rom a: K appa.
D e Leo, G ., & Patrizi P. (2002). Psicologia giuridica. Bologna: Il M ulino.
D e Leo, G ., & Patrizi P. (2006). Lo psicologo criminologo. M ilano: G iuffrè.
D e Leo, G ., Scali, M ., & Caso, L. (2005). La testimonianza. Problemi, metodi e strumenti nella
valutazione dei testimoni. Bologna: Il M ulino.
Friedm an, H ., & Tucker, J. (1990). Language and deception. In H . G iles e P. Robinson (Eds.),
H andbook of language and Social Psychology (pp.257-270). N ew York: W iley.
Geiselm an, R. E., & Padilla, J. (1988). Interviewing child witnesses with cognitive interview,
in Journal of Police Science and A dministration, 16, 234-246.
G udjonsson, G . (1984). A new scale of interrogative suggestibility, Personality and Individual
Differences, 7, 195-199.
H om an, R. (1991). The ethics of social research. London: Longm an.
Yuille, J. C., H unter, R., Joffe, R., & Zaparniuk, J. (1993). Interviewing children in sexual abuse
cases. In G .S. G oodm an, & B.L. Bottom (Eds.), Child V ictimis, Child W itnesses (pp.95-115). N ew
York- London: The G uilford Press.
K im m el, A. (1988). Ethics and values in applied social research. N ewbury Park: Sage.
K oehnken, G ., Thurer, C., & Zorbebier, D . (1924). The cognitive interview: Are the interviews'
m em ories enhanced too? A pplied Cognitive Psychology, 8, 13-24.
Loftus, J. P., Zanni, G . (1975). Eyewitness testim ony: the influence of wording of a question.
Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society, 5, 86-88.
M azzoni, G . (2003). Si può credere a un testimone? La testimonianza e le trappole della memoria.
Bologna: Il M ulino.
M azzoni, G ., Boschi, F. (1995). Com e ingannare la m ente degli altri: bugie e teorie della m ente.
In P. B attistelli (Ed.), Io penso che tu pensi, le origini della comprensione della mente (pp.159-209).
M ilano: Franco Angeli.
M ilanese R., M ordazzi, P. (2007). Coaching strategico. Trasformare i limiti in risorse. M ilano: Ponte
alle G razie.
M oser, G . (1999). A m bienti urbani e sentim ento d'insicurezza. In P. Am erio, (Ed.), Il senso della
sicurezza (pp.135-143). M ilano: Unicopli.
93
Patrizi, P., D i Tullio - D 'Elisiis, M . S., & D el V ecchio, B. (2003). Strategie della formazione. Proposte
di metodo e applicazioni psicologico- giuridiche. Rom a: Carocci.
Varendonck, J. (1911). Les témoignages d'enfant dans un procès retentissant. In A rchives de Psychologie,
11, 129-171.
Vrij, A . (2004). Interrogation and interviewing. In C. Spielberg (Ed.), Encyclopedia of A pplied
Psychology, vol. 2 (pp. 415-426.). Am sterdam - O xford: Academ ic.
W illiam son, T. M . (1994). Reflections on current police practise. In D . M organ, & G . Stephen
(Eds), Suspicion and silence: The right to silence in criminal investigations (pp. 107-116), London:
Blackstone.
W ittgenstein, L.(1980). Rem arks on the philosophy of psychology. O xford: Basil Blackwell.
Zani, B., Selleri, P., & D avid, D . (2003). La comunicazione. M odelli teorici e contesti sociali, Roma:
Carocci.
94
95
08:
Evaluation of quality in education: Com plem enting
evaluation scores by qualitative data
Günter L. Huber and Samuel Gento
Background
For a long time children with learning disabilities experienced special education
tuned to their particular needs as a form of social exclusion, which gathered them
in special educational institutions apart from their non-disabled peers. Parents and
their children with learning disabilities experience support and help by these
specialized centers, but on the other hand they can add to the problem of social
exclusion.
Over the last years, however, there are growing efforts to change the modes
of schooling and to include all children. This development demands to adapt
teaching and learning flexibly to the diversity of children's individual preconditions.
From the 1990s on the term "inclusive education" has spread all over the world in
the educational treatment of diversity. Armstrong (1999, p. 76) defines "inclusive
education" as "a system of education that gives every child and youngster the right
to share a common educational context, where all are assessed similarly independent
of perceived differences of sex, social class, ethnicity or learning style ," while for
Scruggs and Mastropiero (1995, p. 231) "inclusion consists in politics suggesting
that pupils are at the school mainly to be together with mates of the same age and
not mainly to learn." In the conclusions and recommendations of the 2008
UNESCO conference on education the delegates affirmed that inclusive quality
education is fundamental to achieving human, social and economic development.
The idea of inclusive education is based on general human values such as
respect, tolerance, cooperation, caring as guidelines for the promotion of children's
development. Principally, teachers, parents, and children are aware of the need to
behave along these lines, however the implementation of inclusive education still
has to overcome biased attitudes. We seem to have here a typical case of a conflict
between "socially acute questions" and the individual persons< value system
(Simonneaux & Simonneaux, 2009). These authors found "that the closer the
connection between the SAQs (socially acute questions) and the territorial and
cultural identity, the more deeply the associated systems of values are affected; and
the more the evidence is denied ..." Simonneaux & Simonneaux, 2009, p. 705). They
conclude that it is most important in these cases to get people to clarify the values
underlying their reasoning.
Therefore, it is necessary, but by no means sufficient to create a suitable
organizational and physical structure for implementing inclusive education, but the
96
H ub e r & G e nto
people involved have to establish positive attitudes towards inclusive education.
Above all, the challenges of inclusive education demand well prepared teachers with
positive attitudes towards the aims of integration, with a profound knowledge about
the necessities and possibilities of integration, and able to cope with the intricacy
to realize them.
Evaluating the state of the art of inclusive education
Profound knowledge about diversity and its educational treatment as well as
positive attitudes towards inclusive education are among the main goals of an
international Master course on "Educational Treatment of Diversity" offered by the
Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia (UNED) in Madrid together with
universities in the Czech Republic, Germany, and Latvia. As a part of their training
in educational research methods the participants in this course had to administer a
questionnaire, in which teachers, parents, and students rated their opinions and
attitudes as regards the educational approach of inclusion. Afterwards each of the
master students had to interview one person ready to offer relevant information on
the issue of inclusive education, who previously had filled in the questionnaire. On
the other hand, this empirical approach should offer the participants personally
meaningful information about the state of inclusive education, particularly attitudes
of people involved, as a frame of reference for self-reflection and for critical
discussions about inclusive education.
Including all children in one environment of learning and development or
separating those with special needs from this common environment is without
doubt a "socially acute question." Since Simonneaux and Simonneaux (2009)
explained, these questions are deeply anchored in individual social representations
and value systems. Thus, when there is no congruence between individual values
and these questions, there is a tendency to analyze the facts only superfluously and
to rely on weak forms of reasoning. The results of choices between a number of
pre-determined alternatives or ratings of statements in a questionnaire may reveal
the existence of such discrepancies between the critical question and individual
representations and evaluations of the question's content. However, the very nature
of these discrepancies needs more thorough exploration. Having people talk about
their opinions as regards the acute question and analyzing their lines of description
and reasoning will give better insights - both for the interviewing researchers as for
the interviewees themselves.
In our study, the master students had to gain experience with administering
and analyzing the rating scale, because internal and external evaluations by means
of standardized rating instruments form a central part of quality management in
education. The detached and anonymous way of rating questionnaire items supports
the demand to respect the security, dignity, and self-worth of the respondents in the
process of evaluation. However, the qualitative approaches of interviewing people
Eva lua tio n o f q ua lity in e d uc a tio n
97
with experience in educational inclusion (and running additionally a case study, not
reported here) should complement the information by the interviewees' personal
points of view. This was important particularly as regards teachers', parents', and
students' positive or negative attitudes towards inclusion. Detailed guidelines for the
interview and the case analysis were provided, which underlined also ethical issues
of these approaches.
Combining the usual quantitative rating instruments and qualitative methods
should help the participants in the master course
- to better understand the meaning of the quantitative findings, particularly as
regards incongruent results,
- to learn new aspects from the interviewees' point of view, and
- to detect inter-relations between the main themes of the rating scale.
In addition, this mixed-methods approach should solve the pragmatic
problems related to the rating scale data. While this instrument yields easily comparable results in form of scores, interpreting these scores and drawing practical
conclusions appears to be problematic. Two problem areas are of particular importance. (1) The numeric scores inform about the level of positive or negative
attitudes, acceptance or realization of certain educational practices, etc. but in case
of relatively low scores we do not learn about the reasons that led to lower marks
on the rating scale. (2) In case of items assessing necessary changes in educational
practice a series of high scores does not allow to decide, which changes are most
urgent.
Empirical study
Sample, instruments and methods
The questionnaire was administered to meanwhile more than 8000 parents, students, teachers, school administrators and experts in special education in Spain. The
quantitative questionnaire results can be complemented by the results of a computer-supported qualitative analysis of 50 interviews with teachers available for
analysis at the present time. For the comparison of quantitative and qualitative data
we selected the questionnaire data of about 4000 teachers from the pool of over
8000 respondents.
Both the questionnaire and the interview were structured around the following
seven main themes:
- Attitudes towards educational inclusion
- Possibilities of inclusion
- Suitable types of inclusion
H ub e r & G e nto
98
- Advantages of educational inclusion
- Possibilities/Necessities of improvement of inclusion
- Educational treatment of students of different cultures (immigrants)
- Educational treatment of gifted students
The methodological approach reverses the usual sequence of qualitative and
quantitative components in the design of empirical social studies, that is, here a
representative quantitative study is followed by a small-scale, case-centered qualitative study. The interview data thus (1) offer differentiating information that helps
to better understand or interpret the meaning of the rating and frequency findings
from the questionnaire data. (2) The findings from the interviews supply new
aspects of educational inclusion from the interviewees' point of view. These
interesting issues were not covered initially by the questionnaire items, because they
were either not foreseen during item construction or they were not included due to
the inevitable limitations of questionnaire space and reasonable work load, i.e.
respondents' time for filling in the items. (3) In addition, in the interview situation
the respondents are free to point out clearly inter-relations between the main
themes, that is to express how their opinion as regards one particular aspect
depends on the actual state of affairs in other areas of the educational domain.
Results
The presentation of results shows the respondents' opinions about the main themes
of the interview ordered into categories and compares these findings to the results
from the questionnaire analysis. The focus is on the additional value of qualitative
data determined by the profoundization design described above. Thus we receive
information not only as regards the rating of critical issues, for instance positive or
negative attitudes of teachers towards inclusive information, but additionally
descriptions of the nature of these attitudes and reasons for them. These aspects are
of particular importance for future teacher training and interventions in inclusive
school settings.
Attitudes towards educational inclusion
Questionnaire results
In table 1 we see the questionnaire items together with the arithmetic means and
standard deviations of the teachers' answers. We describe the attitudinal tendencies
visible in these findings, but refrain from any tests of statistical significance, because
with a sample of 4000 respondents almost any difference will be statistically
significant. Instead, we concentrate on interpreting the meaning of these results.
99
Table 1: Teachers' ratings of attitudes towards educational inclusion
Attitudes of
arith. M ean SD
Parents of students
without special needs
with special needs
3.06
.937
4.18
.810
3.42
.954
4.06
.823
3.87
.851
3.78
.860
3.13
.957
2.90
.995
3.17
.977
3.66
.989
4.43
.706
4.39
.745
4.22
.800
Pupils/students
without special needs
with special needs
Teachers
of ordinary centers of Infant Education
of ordinary centers of Prim ary Education
of ordinary centers of O bligatory/Lower Secondary Ed.
of Baccalaureate/Higher Secondary Education
of Vocational Education
of Special Education (with segregated pupils with sn)
Specialists
in Therapeutic Pedagogy/Special Education
Advisors
M em bers of psycho-pedagogical team s
It is obvious that the teachers rate both the attitudes of parents of children
with special educational needs (4.18) as well as the attitudes of students with special
needs (4.06) more in favor of inclusion than both the attitudes of parents of
children without special needs (3.06) and the attitudes of these children themselves
(3.42).
The teachers in our sample attributed the most favorable attitudes with lowest
variations between the respondents to the educational specialists: The arithmetic
means range between 4.43 and 4.22, the standard deviations of the ratings range
between .706 and .800.
Most interesting is the decline of teachers' positive attitudes towards inclusion
of children with special educational needs with increasing age of their students and
correspondingly growing curricular demands (see figure 1). Whereas pre-school
teachers (3.87) are seen to be most in favor of educational inclusion, teachers on the
second level of secondary education (2.90) are on the average below "frequent" (i.e.
rating score 3) positive attitudes towards educational inclusion. The picture is diffe-
H ub e r & G e nto
100
rent for teachers of vocational schools (3.17) and teachers of centers of special
education (3.66).
Fig. 1: Attitudes of teachers towards educational inclusion
These differences remain almost stable, if we calculate the average ratings
separately for the different sub-samples of teachers. There are two exceptions: (1)
Teachers of Secondary Education II rate their attitudes (3.38) and the attitudes of
their colleagues in Secondary Education I (3.37) more positively than their attitudes
are rated by all the teachers together. (2) Teachers of Special Education generally
rate the attitudes of teachers towards inclusion on a higher level.
Interview results
According to the general level of positive attitudes towards educational inclusion,
the majority of answers to the first thematic part of the interview expresses strong
beliefs in the necessity and adequacy of integration and inclusion of students with
special needs in the classrooms of regular school centers. Typical statements are:
Inclusion corresponds to the democratic and constitutional principles.
Inclusion is the adequate answer to diversity.
In a society of equals inclusion or integration must be the trademark.
Inclusion is positive; all discriminative and segregationist concepts have to be eliminated to
make progress towards an equality of opportunities.
Inclusion rises the quality of education.
Inclusion is a good idea.
101
However, the ratings in fig. 1 all stay below the 4-point line on the 5-point
scale, and statements like the last one imply that there may be differences between
teachers' theoretical principles and practical actions in the classroom. Therefore, the
answers expressing some doubts in educational inclusion or formulating necessary
conditions for the implementation of inclusion in schools are most interesting. They
may explain the resistance of part of the teachers against inclusion of children with
special educational needs in regular schools and classrooms. Additionally these
answers may show the direction how to overcome doubts and hesitation of teachers
as regards educational inclusion. Let us first study expressions of negative attitudes,
then look for conditions that could promote inclusion in classrooms:
Negative attitudes:
Special school centers are a better solution.
In Secondary Schools is still a group of people who think that students with special
educational needs should be in special centers.
Inclusion slows down the rhythm of learning.
You need so much effort and a big staff to achieve just meager results.
Many agree with the idea of inclusion, but act against it in the hour of truth.
Many teachers feel alarmed if they experience that inclusion may be realized in their
classrooms.
Integration is based only on a feeling of sympathy.
There is a hidden attitude among teachers not to accept the inclusion of students with special
educational needs in regular classrooms.
I think there are even teachers who oppose inclusion.
The teachers understand integration as a burden imposed by their superior authorities.
The educational system favors inclusion.
The administration decided in favor of inclusion.
Teachers act detachedly and try to avoid responsibilities because of a lack of training.
Four reasons for lower ratings in the questionnaire become obvious in these
statements: (1) Many teachers are accustomed to delegate the responsibility for
children with special needs to specialized school centers; (2) the relation of
educational efforts to achievement seems to be poor; (3) there is hidden resistance
among teachers against regulations imposed without their participation by the
authorities; and (4) teachers do not feel trained and equipped to master the
demands of an integrated classroom. This last argument against inclusion is
expressed very differentiatedly in many statements that formulate conditions for a
change of teachers detached attitudes:
Conditions for an attitude change:
My attitude is in favor of inclusion, although there are most serious deficits: the lack of
resources.
My attitude is positive, but it depends on the particular needs of the students.
102
H ub e r & G e nto
I have a positive attitude, but there are children whom you cannot integrate in regular schools,
because there are no resources.
I try do care as much as I can, but often I have to chose between putting the group on the
tracks and be occupied with these students -- what I usually prefer.
The attitudes of teachers, parents, and students without special needs never is negative, but
the grade of acceptance varies.
Parents generally react quite well, if they are informed about the inclusion project.
The attitude depends on the training teachers have received.
The attitude depends on the students' age -- inclusion is easier in pre-school and primary
school.
The teachers could improve their attitudes and change their false beliefs, which they have
about the difficulties of having a child with special needs in their classroom.
Teachers' lack of training and information about students with special needs plays an
important role.
The cooperation of special teachers has improved the attitude towards inclusion.
Teachers have to be really convinced.
The interviewees made the problems of educational inclusion and its
acceptance quite clear: Schools implementing educational inclusion need more
resources than segregated schools -- both material and personal resources. Teachers
must not be let on their own with the organizational difficulties to care for the
needs of every student in their classrooms. Otherwise they feel forced to distribute
their limited resources unequally between different groups of students ("... often I
have to chose between putting the group on the tracks...") and may reject the "...good idea".
Above all, teachers (as well as parents and students) must be well informed and
prepared for the demands of inclusive classrooms. A major aspect of this
preparation should be to create opportunities for them to actively participate in the
process of implementation of educational inclusion at their schools and in their
classrooms. Administration seems too often to follow the accustomed top-down
line of "reforms" and to forget that it is best if those people, who finally have to
carry out the decisions, are included and can participate in the process of decisionmaking. In other words: Approaches to educational inclusion should not exclude
the teachers.
Resuming the findings we see in the answers of these teachers a perfect
representation of the theoretical structure of the psychological construct of
"attitudes": There are cognitive, affective, and behavioral components, which must
not necessarily appear in harmony with each other. The main task in teacher
training for inclusive education would be to detect attitudinal discrepancies and try
to resolve them.
103
Possibilities of inclusion
In the questionnaire the teachers were asked to mark their opinion about the
possibilities of inclusion for various types of special educational needs under the
item headline: "Students with special needs must be educated in an integrated and inclusion way,
when they show needs of the following types...". The types of difficulties and needs listed
then were "intellectual," "of vision," "of hearing," "of movement," "of behavior," and "sociofamiliar deficiencies." In each of these cases the teachers had to give separate answers
for "light," "medium," and "profound" difficulties, i.e. they had to mark whether
inclusion was never, scarcely, frequently, almost always or always possible (see
above). The tendency was obvious: The more severe the students' special
educational needs of any kind are, the less possible seems their inclusion in nonspecialized classrooms. Considering the lack of supporting conditions, which
teachers complain about (see above), this rating is no surprise. Figure 2 gives an
overview:
Fig. 2: Teachers' ratings of the possibilities of inclusive education
Interview results
The interview data confirm strongly the teachers' point of view that the possibility
of inclusion is declining with the seriousness of children's special needs. In 50
interviews we found 26 formulations saying that "inclusion is possible with all kinds of
special needs, always under the condition that these needs are not too profound." However, ten
interviewees expressed particularly that "inclusion of children with severe special educational
needs of the intellectual type is not advisable," and five teachers expressed their opinion
H ub e r & G e nto
104
that "hyperactive students" and those with "character problems" are "most difficult " and
their "inclusion should be discussed."
As already said, teachers miss training, resources, and support that would make
easier their work in integrated classrooms. When talking about the possibilities of
inclusion, they nevertheless underline the significance of this approach: "Inclusion
prepares all students for a true social integration," but they also elaborate on the conditions
necessary for this end. Subsequently we quote only those conditions mentioned
more than once in the interviews (frequency numbers in parenthesis). This list
appears to be most important for the implementation of inclusion in schools:
Inclusion demands teacher training. (11)
What is needed is the help of psycho-pedagogical specialists in decisions about the type of
schooling, both for school centers and for teachers involved in inclusion programs. (11)
School centers should have those personal, material, and organizational resources at their
disposal, which are necessary to realize the inclusion of students with special educational
needs. (10)
Adequate organization and planning are necessary. (5)
Curricular adaptations are necessary. (4)
The student/teacher ratio must be diminished so that teachers are able to attend to students
with special educational needs in inclusive classrooms. (4)
Suitable types of integration
In four items the teachers had to rate the appropriateness of four types of
integration:
(1) All the time in ordinary classroom assisted by ordinary teacher and by
specialists of support: full integration
(2) Most of the time in ordinary classroom and some time in a segregated
classroom (assisted by specialists of support): partial integration
(3) All the time in a segregated classroom (assisted by specialists) in the same
ordinary center
(4) Part-time in ordinary classroom of ordinary centers and part of the time in
segregated specific centers
Table 2 shows a clear preference for the types 1 and 2 of integration, i.e. full
integration of students with special educational needs or a combination of inclusive
classrooms with and at some occasions teaching/learning in separate classrooms.
105
Table 2: Teachers' rating of suitable types of integration
Type of inclusion
arith.
M ean
SD
(1) Full integration
3.63
1.165
(2) Partial integration
3.89
.967
(3) Segregated classroom s
2.24
1.031
(4) Com bination of school centers
2.36
1.051
Interview results
When talking about adequate types of inclusion, 21 of 50 interviewed teachers
confirm again that "total inclusion is the ideal situation," particularly because "inclusion
promotes social integration." They explain, for instance, that "education in special centers
should be an exception only for those students, who cannot be in ordinary centers." However,
they also mention a number of obstacles (see above), which have to be cleared
away. Above all, teacher training must be offered, teachers need time for preparation, and
they need assistance by psycho-pedagogists or other specialists. One interviewee demands
that "the regular teacher and the specialist must be together in the classroom." For eight
teachers partial inclusion is the preferred type, for instance, because it "can give
answers to a large number of problems."
As can be concluded from the answers to the preceding question, total segregation in specialized school centers is favored as most suitable type of schooling in
cases of severe special needs; five teachers express this opinion explicitly. The
answers confirm generally that the teachers assign students with special educational
needs to various types of schooling according to the severity of their needs:
Students with mild forms of deficiencies should be integrated in regular school
centers, students with medium levels of educational needs are also well placed in
regular centers under the condition that adequate resources are available. For
students with profound needs, most teachers recommend a combination of
ordinary centers and special centers.
Summarizing we find a majority of approving opinions as regards total
educational inclusion and in severe cases partial inclusion of students with special
educational needs. However, the teachers criticized indirectly also in the context of
this question the conditions of teaching in inclusive classrooms or formulated their
demands for better pedagogical-didactical conditions.
Advantages of educational inclusion
The questionnaire listed a series of potential advantages of educational inclusion
and asked the teachers to rate advantages of educational inclusion for students with
H ub e r & G e nto
106
special needs, for students without special needs, and for the functioning of the
school center.
According to the quantitative findings, the teachers see the greatest potential
of inclusive education for students with special needs in the areas of social and
emotional development and of social acceptance by their own parents and in their
community, whereas the probability of improved academic achievement and
intellectual development is seen somewhat less positive.
The picture is the same for students without special educational needs in
inclusive classrooms: Teachers see the advantages of living and learning in inclusive
classrooms for students without special needs in the areas of social and emotional
development. More differentiated opinions will be seen below in the analysis of the
interview answers.
As regards inclusion and the functioning of the school, all ratinges range
between "frequent" (3) and "almost aways" (4), i.e. teachers expect that there are
inclusion projects which do not affect positively the school center's functioning. We
will hear about their doubts in the analysis of their interviews.
Interview results
As general advantages of inclusion the teachers mentioned (frequency in par.):
- Development of attitudes like tolerance, respect, mutual help (4);
- Higher evaluation of individual differences (4);
- To make people accustomed to live together (3);
- Development and personal enrichment of life (2);
- Teaching to respect and accept individual differences (2);
Asked to think about advantages of inclusive education for students with
special needs, the teachers mentioned above all (frequencies in parenthesis):
- Promotion of social development and socialization (19);
- Improvement of self-esteem (5);
- Improvement of academic achievement (5);
- Better acceptance by society (4);
- Better interaction with peers (4);
- Promotion of affective-emotional development (4);
- Promotion of cognitive development (3);
- Promotion of intellectual development (3);
- Relations with people without deficiencies (2);
- Development in a regular environment (2);
- Better acceptance by parents of children without special needs and by teachers (2);
- Better acceptance by other students without special needs (2);
- Adaptation to the reality (2);
- Promotion of autonomy (2).
107
Among the advantages for children with special needs mentioned only once
in the interviews, the following seem to be most important:
- Improvement of motivation and positive attitude towards school;
- Availability of positive models for imitation.
As advantages of inclusive education for students without special needs, the
teachers talked above all (frequencies in parenthesis) about:
- Development of positive attitudes (solidarity, help, cooperation, etc.) (11);
- Improvement of the development of respect, understanding, and tolerance (6);
- Acceptance and positive estimation of differences (4);
- Improvement of social development (3);
- Positive evaluation of social well-being (2);
- Benefits from support for classrooms with students with special needs (2);
As advantages of educational inclusion for the functioning of the school center
the teachers mentioned (frequencies in parenthesis):
- Improvement of human and personal resources (11);
- Support and enrichment of teacher training (9);
- Better coordination among teachers (5);
- Application of new methods and teaching strategies (3);
- Rejuvenation of organizational, functional, and pedagogical components (2);
- More rewards for teachers (2);
- Improvement of social relations and cohesion within the center, which leads to better
organizational functioning (2).
Possibilities of improvement of inclusion
The questionnaire offered five groups of items to rate various aspects how to
improve the inclusive educational treatment of diversity in classrooms. The general
statements for these item groups were
- Integration and inclusion will improve with the necessary material resources
- Integration and inclusion will improve with suitable personal resources
- Integration and inclusion will improve with the use of appropriate methodology
- The integration and inclusion will improve as a consequence of more
positive attitudes of the following groups
- Integration and inclusion will improve with suitable organization and
planning
H ub e r & G e nto
108
While the number of integrated classrooms in a school center seems to be less
important, teachers rate the necessity of adequate material and architectonic
conditions extremely high. All conditions for the improvement of inclusive
education listed in the questionnaire items are rated as highly relevant by the
teachers. The average rating scores appear always in the range between "almost
always" (4) and "always" (5), which means that teachers are convinced that the
reality of inclusion will improve with high probability, if the conditions mentioned
are given.
Interview results
The situation for decision-making about steps to a better implementation of
inclusive programs is somewhat difficult, if the quantitative data show that all
conditions are rated as almost equally relevant for an improvement of inclusion. Of
course, the ideal solution would be to try to fulfill all necessary conditions at the
same time. However, in the real world of education resources are limited. Therefore, it would be helpful and interesting to find out, which conditions seem to be
most important for teachers.
In the interviews the teachers were not forced to react to a list of pre-defined
possibilities, but could express their own concerns as regards the possibilities of
improvement. The frequency of teachers' typical answers to the question how to
improve inclusion can serve as a guideline to decisions about the order of necessary
changes and improvements. Subsequently, we list the conditions mentioned by our
interviewees (table 3) and show them in the graphical representation of a Pareto
diagram (figure 3).
Table 3: Most frequently mentioned conditions for the improvement of inclusion
N o. Condition of im provem ent
Frequency
1
M aterial resources
22
2
Appropriate m ethods
18
3
Teacher training
15
4
O rganization and planning
14
5
Personal resources
13
6
Teachers' attitudes
11
7
Attitudes of parents, students, others
9
8
Political and legislative conditions
8
9
Coordination
7
10
Participation
6
11
O ptim ization of available resources
2
109
Figure 3: Pareto-Analysis of conditions of improvement
In figure 3 the 11 most frequently named possibilities and conditions how to
improve inclusive education are ordered according to their frequency. The left
ordinate axis shows the raw frequencies, for instance, teachers talked about condition no.1 (material resources; see tab. 3) 22 times. The right ordinate axis shows
the cumulative frequencies expressed in percent of altogether 125 statements. We
can conclude from this graphic representation that about 75 % or three quarters of
all necessary conditions for the improvement of inclusion would be realized, if the
first six demands of teachers listed in table 3 were fulfilled. That is, sufficent
material resources, application of appropriate methods, teacher training for teaching
in inclusive classrooms, better organization and planning in school centers, more
staff - above all specialists -, and caring for the development of positive attitudes
towards inclusive education would solve the majority of problems teachers
complain about.
Educational treatment of students of different cultures
In the questionnaire the teachers were asked to rate in which organzational form
students of different cultures, i.e. immigrants, should be integrated into the
eductional system. The results show clear preferences. Teachers favor to have all
students together in ordinary classrooms of ordinary school centers, however, with
personal resources that allow individual support of students. In line with this
preference is the high rating of schools adopting an inter-cultural curriculum for all
110
H ub e r & G e nto
of their students. Particularly in case of immigrant students' language problems
teachers recommend "transitory segregated classrooms" for preparatory learning
with the goal of later inclusion in regular classrooms. Segregated classrooms for
children with different cultural background are seen as inadequate. Teachers
expressed in their average rating of 1.59 that segregation contributes to social
integration of these children somewhere between "never" and "scarcely."
Interview results
The findings from the interviews confirm the general preference for inclusive
education for all students and show interesting details, above all they underline the
necessity of preparing teachers and to provide school centers with adequqte
resources. A positive attitude towards integration of immigrant children is not
sufficient for the success of inclusion programs.
Most frequently and in similar formulations the interviewees expressed their
concern about those aspects of inclusion, which were also rated highest in the
questionnaire, but now with including interesting details:
- Integration by means of activities of reception and acceptance. (7)
For instance:
Classrooms for reception of foreign students within the same ordinary center and part
of the day incorporation in their regular classroom.
- The curriculum should incorporate "intercultural contents" for all students at ordinary
centers and cover specific aspects of every culture. (5)
- Integration in their classroom in ordinary centers and individualized assistance. (4)
- Implementing intermediate classrooms of transition, creating "connection" classrooms in all
centers. (4)
- By means of an assisting teacher for immigrants. (2)
- Information for all parents (immigrants and non-immigrants) by means of parent schools
where the goal is to learn about the existing social reality. (2)
- Implementing the functions of student tutors and mediating families. (2)
The general opinion of teachers as regards the inclusion of students with
different cultural background was summarized appropriately in the formulation:
"Primero compensar y luego integrar" (Compensate first and integrate then). Compensation is perceived as necessary primarily for language problems, but also for the
lack of general information about cultural dimensions and customs – both for
immigrant and non-immigrant parents and students. A need to compensate for is
also seen in deficits of teacher training, curricular structures, time schedules for
teaching and learning, and personal resources. All these problems solved, the
implementation of inclusion of students with different cultural background does not
bring up any questions.
111
Many of the teachers elaborated at this point of the interview about the
linguistic aspects of inclusion of immigrant students. They formulated a series of
suggestions how to improve the process of integration from the point of view of
language problems:
- Teaching in classrooms of linguistic immersion (6)
- In the first place these children need classes of linguistic immersion to master the language.
Only then, the students should by progressively incorporated into the activities of their
classrooms. (3)
- They should be integrated in "wellcome" classrooms, where they learn Spanish as the vehicel
of teaching/learning as preparation for their incorporation in regular classrooms. (3)
- In the case of pre-school and primary school it is recommended that they are taught the
language by the "wellcome"-teacher. During the week they should learn the language in a
concrete number of lessons, the rest of their itinerary they should bein their reference
classroom. (2)
Educational treatment of gifted students
The questionnaire asked how the educational treatment of gifted students should
be realized and offered five alternatives (In ordinary classrooms and centers with
personalized support; in ordinary classroom and centers with acceleration programs;
in ordinary classrooms and centers with enrichment programs; in segregated
classrooms of ordinary centers; in totally segregated centers). The teachers' ratings
express clearly a favoritism towards inclusion also of gifted students, however, again
successful integration is seen as depending of critical conditions like individualized
support, programs of curricular enrichment or acceleration programs. Segregation
of gifted students in specialized classrooms ("scarcely" successful) or even specialized centers (between "never" and "scarcely" successful) is on the average rejected.
Interview results
Within the answers to the interview question about the educational treatment of
gifted students we found 86 different suggestions, which we grouped into 11
categories. These categories and their frequencies are shown in table 4:
H ub e r & G e nto
112
Table 4: Educational treatment of gifted students
N o.
Suggestions
Frequency
1
Adaption of curriculum
25
2
Integration in regular classroom s
17
3
Early diagnosis
11
4
Positive attitudes of teachers
7
5
Effects on the socio-em otional
dim ension
6
6
Segregation
6
7
Acceleration
5
8
Effects on the personal dim ension
5
9
Teacher training
2
10
Participation/Involvem ent of parents
1
11
Vague form ulations
1
These findings confirm the questionnaire results: Integration in regular classrooms is mentioned explicitly as the most adequate treatment 17 times, implicitly
in formulations referring to particular effects on social, emotional, and personal
development as well as necessary conditions (curricular adaption, acceleration
programs) 41 times. A graphical representation according to the approach of Pareto
is shown in figure 4:
113
Figure 4: Pareto-Analysis of forms educational treatment of gifted students
The line of cumulative percentages demonstrates that more than three quarters
of all suggestions are covered by the first five categories in table 4. In other words,
integration of gifted students in regular classrooms with necessary curricular
adaptations, early diagnosis of giftedness, promotion of positive attitudes of
teachers, and attention to the socio-emotional development of gifted students are
seen as most important for the educational treatment of gifted students by our
interviewees.
Conclusions
The level of the ratings of the questionnaire items showed clearly that there were
remarkable differences between the teachers in our sample as regards their attitudes
towards inclusive education. However, from these quantitative results we do not get
information about reasons of doubts or even rejection of inclusive eduction.
Neither do we learn about the possible conditions under which teachers may be
more in favor of inclusive education. In other words: Some of the quantitative
findings must not be interpreted as statements of low evaluation of classrooms,
where children with and withoput special needs are learning together. but maybe
of concerns that without particular resources education in integrated classrooms
may result in disadvantages for both groups of children.
The analysis of interviews with a small sample of teachers confirm this interpretation. We understand much better, why and under which conditions teachers
114
H ub e r & G e nto
are reluctant to appreciate fully the idea of integrated education. That is, relatively
low rating scores informed us about not always very positive attitudes and unconditioned acceptance of the practice of inclusive education, but without insight into
the teachers' reasoning accessible via their interview statements, we could have only
guessed, which reasons led to lower marks on the rating scale.
On the other hand, generally positive evaluations as well as generaly high need
of specific resources expressed in questionnaire ratings proofed not to be very
helpful for decisions taking into account the financial or personal limits of concrete
educational environments. The repetitions of the same demands by various interviewees, however, allowed to draw a realistic picture, which changes are most
necessary to create an environment favorable of inclusive education. Less frequently
mentioned conditions may be put aside for the moment and become realized in a
later phase of implementation.
Summarizing we may state that teachers hold generally positive attitudes
towards the idea of inclusive education, although a number of their questionnaire
ratings are not too high. Their explanations when asked to talk in their own words
about these topics help to differentiate the picture. In the interview the teachers
received a chance to clarify the values underlying their evaluations limited by
marking given alternatives on a five-point scale.
References
Arm strong, F. (1999). Inclusion, curriculum and the struggle for space in school. International
Journal of Inclusive Education, 3 (1), 7-87.
Ballard (1997). Researching disability and inclusive education: participation, construction and
interpretation. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 1, 243-256.
Frederickson, N & Cline, T. (2000). Special Education N eeds, Inclusion and Diversity. Buckingham :
O pen U niversity.
Scruggs, T.E. & M astropiero, M .A. (1995). W hat m akes special education special? Evaluating
inclusión program m es with PASS variables. Journal of Special Education, 29 (2).
Sim onneaux, L. & Sim onneaux, J. (2009). Socio-scientific reasoning influenced by
identities. Cultural Studies of Science Education, 4 (3), 705-711.
U N ESCO (2008). Inclusive Education: The way of the future. Conclusions and recomm endations
of the 48 th session of the International Conference on Education. G eneva. D ownload
(N ov. 2009):
http://ww w.ibe.unesco.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Policy_Dialogue/48th_ICE/CO N FI
N TED _48-2_English.pdf
115
09:
The developm ent of body aw areness –
Results of a cross-section study among
children of preschool age
Annette Schneider and Klaus-Günter Collatz
Abstract
Behavioural biology defines body awareness, an elementary part of child development, as how an individual perceives his or her own body, as regards to motor and
sensory skills. Body awareness evolves from the development of several skills which
affect and build upon each other. A significant period for the development of body
awareness is when children are at preschool age. As part of a large-scale study on
body awareness among children and young adults, the sensory and motor skills as
well as the body perception and body knowledge of preschool children were
examined.
A total of 488 children from 3 to 6 years old participated in the study. By using
"Karlsruher Motorik Screening (KMS 3-6)", the motor developmental level of 79
children was assessed by testing four motor abilities. A comparison with reference
data shows an average motor developmental level.
Sensory perception and body feeling was examined with a test series of 14
items among 84 preschool children and the diagnostic findings proved that 85% of
the children have a very good optical and acoustical perceptual capacity.
In order to record body perception and body knowledge 254 children were
given a picture of an empty silhouette, showing a child of their own age, and asked
to draw and name everything inside their bodies". Children at that age already have
concrete ideas about the inside of their bodies, ideas which grow in quantity and
quality according to their age. While younger children usually colour their silhouettes, children older then 4.5 years draw single organs. These are usually such organs
which can be perceived in a sensory way, such as bones, the heart, blood and blood
vessels. As far as ideal body shape was concerned, discrepancies depending on the
gender of the child appeared.
It was possible to confirm that the development of body awareness already
starts at preschool age and that it is considerably influenced by sensory and motor
experiences. Against the background of the very different environment that most
children experience today, which involves less physical activity and exercise and
limited sensory influences, we recommend providing more support of recognition
of the basic components of movement and perception.)
116
Sc hne id e r & C o lla tz
Introduction
Body awareness is an elementary and important part in child development. If a child
feels well with and at home in its own body, it will take care of it and will be more
resistant to negative influences such as unhealthy nutrition, alcohol or drugs. The
behavioural definition which says that body awareness is the mental estimation of
a person's own body, meaning its sensory and motor skills (Haug-Schnabel, 2002)
gives us an indication of the influence which motor and sensory experiences have
on body awareness. Its development starts in early childhood and evolves from
several skills which build upon each other like building bricks.
These skills can be split up into three groups. On the one hand, there is the
field of motor skills which includes body movement, movement memory (all body
movements that are stored in the brain), and body practice as the sum of all movement memories. On the other hand, there is the field of perception which encloses
the components sensory perception (including all the senses), body perception and
body feeling, meaning the sum of feelings we have when we think of our body.
Finally, there is a third group, the bodily concepts, which can be described as the
picture we have of the inside of the body, our knowledge of the body's anatomy and
functions. These components have to emerge in a certain way, step by step, and if
one component is missing, especially body movement and sensory perception, the
others cannot develop.
A significant period for the development of body awareness is when children
are at preschool age. As part of a large-scale study on body awareness amongst
children and young adults in the fields of Behavioural Biology and Sports Medicine
(Schneider, 2007), the sensory and motor skills as well as the body perception and
body knowledge of preschool children were examined in a cross-sectional study
amongst children of preschool age.
Methodology
A total of 488 children between the ages of 3 and 6 years, all living in Freiburg and
the surrounding areas, participated in the study. Because no complete test exists
which allows for an examination of all the components of body awareness, it was
necessary to use a range of different tests. Some of these are based on quantitative
methodology, some on qualitative methodology and in every test only a certain
number of participants were interviewed.
All participants were measured in height and weight and the BMI was
calculated according to this data. Using the BMI-percentiles according to KromeyerHauschild, it was possible to divide the children into five weight-groups: very
underweight, underweight, normal, overweight and obese (Kromeyer-Hauschild,
2001).
The d e ve lo p m e nt of b o d y a w a re ne ss
•
•
•
•
•
117
The motor developmental stage of 79 children was assessed by testing
four motor skills using "Karlsruher Motorik Screening (KMS 3-6)" (Bös
et al., 2004 and Imhof, 2006).
To get an impression of the children's physical activity, their estimation
of their sports abilities and their feelings when doing sport we used a
questionnaire. The children's answers were verified by their parents
(Bulat, 2007).
To examine sensory perceptual capacity and body feeling, a test series of
14 items was developed and conducted among 84 preschool children. In
order to test visual perception, the children had to recognise four
different facial attributes. Acoustic perception was tested by naming seven
different noises (e.g. clapping hands, a ringing bell, etc.) (Fick, 2005).
To get some information about how the children will perceive in
adulthood we showed them pictures of three different human figures, a
slim one, a normal one and a fat one and the children had to decide
which body shape they preferred (Fick, 2005).
Bodily concepts and body perception were investigated by giving the
children a picture showing an empty body outline. This was given to 245
children who were asked to paint and name everything inside their bodies
(Schneider, 2006).
Results
Most of the pre-school-age children in our study (exactly 83%) were of normal
weight, 6.5% were underweight, 5.6% were overweight and only 2% were obese or
very underweight respectively.
The children in this study enjoy a high level of physical activity: 90% of the
boys and 85% of the girls are physically active in their leisure time.
Nearly half of the children rate their sports abilities as high, a quarter of them
think their sports abilities are average and a quarter of the children claimed they did
not know how to rate themselves. Additionally, the subjective estimation of sports
abilities shows a gender-dependent difference: boys rate themselves as being better
at sport than girls.
Most of the participants (81%) claimed they felt really good when doing any
kind of sports activity, 15% sometimes feel good and sometimes bad, and only 4%
had a bad feeling.
The comparison with the referenced data available for the "KMS 3-6" resulted
in an average motor developmental stage: 5 % of the examined children have a
good, 75% have a satisfactory and 20% have a adequate test result. The detailed
results are as follows:
118
•
•
•
•
Coordination: 2.34 (tested by "standing on one leg")
Strength endurance: 3.84 (tested by "side steps")
Strength: 3.13 (tested by "standing long jump")
Flexibility: 3.84 (tested by "stand and reach")
Sensory perception in general is well developed at this age. 93% of the participants were able to recognise the facial attributes and 82% of them could name the
different noises.
As far as ideal body shape was concerned, the following discrepancies
depending on gender: 52% of the girls wanted to be slim and 28% wanted to be
normal in the future, whilst 53 % of the boys would prefer a normal body shape in
adulthood and only 26% wanted to be slim. A surprising result was the fact that
20% of the girls and boys interviewed claimed they wanted to be overweight in
adulthood.
Preschool children already have concrete ideas about the inside of their bodies,
ideas which grow in quantity and quality according to their age. While younger
children usually colour their silhouettes, children older then 4.5 years draw single
organs. These are usually such organs which can be perceived in a sensory way, such
as bones, the heart, blood and blood vessels. The following figures will give an
impression of the development of the bodily concepts.
The d e ve lo p m e nt of b o d y a w a re ne ss
119
Conclusion
In Germany we found that there are currently 15% overweight and 6.3% obese
children and young adults (Kurth & Schaffrath Rossario, 2007). That means being
overweight and obese has increased in recent years, even in childhood. One of the
reasons for this rise is the decrease in physical activity. The guideline activities
postulate that children at preschool age should have enough physical activity for
about 60 minutes per day so that they break sweat (Bös & Pratschko, 2009). If we
look at the results of this study we can see that preschool-age children like doing
sports and that they have plenty of physical activity in their leisure time. Even in
cases where motor development is only average, we should exploit the children's
feeling of well-being while thy are doing sports and should offer them a whole range
of exciting and varied sports activities (Schneider & Collatz, 2006). The promotion
of sports activity should become a basic part of disease prevention.
The results show that bodily concepts are strongly influenced by sensory
perception, which means the children's view of the inside of their bodies based on
those organs which they can perceive with their senses, such as bones, heart, blood
and blood vessels. Against the background of the very different environment that
most children experience today, which involves less physical activity and exercise
and limited sensory influences, we recommend providing more support of recognition of the basic components of movement and perception.
120
References
Bös, K., & Pratschko, M. (2009). Das große Kinderbewegungsbuch. Frankfurt: Campus Verlag.
Bös, K., Bappert, S., Tittlbach, S., & Woll, A. (2004): Karlsruher Motorik Screening für
Kindergartenkinder (KMS 3-6). Sportunterricht. Monatszeitschrift zur Wissenschaft und Praxis des
Sports, 53(3). Schorndorf: Hofmann.
Bulat, M. (2007). Geschlechtsspezifischer Bergleich der Alltags- und Freizeitaktivitäten sowie der biometrischen Daten von Kindergartenkindern und Schulanfängern. Unpublished diploma thesis, Institut
für Biologie, Universität Freiburg.
Fick, I. (2005). Wie Kindergartenkinder sich sehen. Eine Studie zur Entwicklung des Körperbewusstseins.
Unpublished diploma thesis, Institut für Biologie, Universität Freiburg.
Haug-Schnabel, G. (2002). Körperbewusstsein. Lexikon der Biologie, 8. Freiburg i. Br.: Spektrum
akad. Verlag.
Imhof, P. (2006). Motorische Entwicklung und Körperzusammensetzung bei Kindergartenkindern.
Unpublished diploma thesis, Institut für Biologie, Universität Freiburg.
Kromeyer-Hauschild, K., Wabitsch, M., Kunze, D. et al. (2001). Perzentile für den Bodymass-Index für das Kindes- und Jugendalter unter Heranziehung verschiedener deutscher
Stichproben. Monatsschr. Kinderheilkunde 149, 807-818.
Kurth, B.M., & Schaffrath Rossario, A. (2006): Die Verbreitung von Übergewicht und Adipositas.
KiGSS-Symposium, Berlin: Robert-Koch-Institut.
Schneider, A., Collatz, K.G., & Korsten-Reck, U. (2007). Freiburger Fragebogen zum Körperbewusstsein (FFKB) – Ein neues Messinstrument zur Ermittlung des Körperbewusstseins bei
Kindern und Jugendlichen. Aktuelle Ernährungsmedizin, 32 (5), 253.
Schneider, A. (2006). Sensorik und Motorik – vom Körper und seiner Wahrnehmung. Biologen
heute, 5-6, 24-27.
Schneider, A., & Collatz, K.G. (2006). Entwicklung des Körperbewusstseins bei Kindern –
Definition, Entwicklungsschritte und erste Studienergebnisse. Adipositas Spektrum, 2 (5), 20-23.
121
10:
Killer gam es, the educational process and the effects on
video gam e users – evolution during tw o years
Maria Concepción Domínguez Garrido, Antonio Medina Rivilla and
C. Maria Medina Domínguez
Abstract
The research conducted over more than three years is focused on discovering the
evolution of video game use in educational contexts and to assess the impact of
some killer-games in the development of aggressive behaviours of students.
We have applied quantitative and qualitative methods integrated into the
complementary use of questions, groups of discussion and analysis of video games
used by students, priority among those aged between 12 and 15.
We focused this research on a cross-sectional study and in the contrast
obtained in its implementation in a temporal distance of two years: OctoberNovember 2008 and November-December 2010, which have revealed the evolution
of the students in behaviour aspects such as the violent video games use, habits of
students, classroom environment, relationships between teachers and students and
others.
It was found that only in three schools and in some aspects of the questionnaire, the differences were significant at the points indicated, but in most of the
questionnaire's dimensions enough differences have not been detected, but there is
a trend of change during the biennium towards more intensive use of the mentioned
games in the last application.
Introduction
Nowadays, we are living in a stressful society. People are suffering from social
and political changes, economic crisis and over exposure of information. In order
to palliate this stress, technology has developed new means such as artificial
intelligence, telematics and cybernetics.
Cybernetics has created new virtual scenarios for human beings and their own
entertainment. In fact, virtual games create illusion, new realities and new ways for
leisure. These games are divided in two different purposes: to develop the user’s
skills and to enjoy. Sports, arcades, labyrinth games belong to the first group, while
action games are from the second one.
As our latest research suggests (Medina, 2008; Medina & Cacheiro, 2010), when
students grow up they develop tension in classrooms. In fact, teenagers (students
122
D om íng ue z, M e d ina & M e d ina
of first and second level of Spanish Secondary Education) have the highest scores.
Our aim is to find out whether the abuse of killer games creates a violent atmosphere at schools. Because of this atmosphere, students suffer from bullying,
teachers' distance and fights with others.
Cesarone suggests that students' favourite killer games have the highest level
of violence. Also, Ballard and Wiest (1995) affirm that there is a strong relationship
between killer games violence and development of the users' aggressive behaviour.
In fact, Anderson (2002, 2007) supports this idea, because he says that abuse of
killer games develops a culture of violence.
Taking into account Huber's contribution: Longitudinal studies are highly
relevant to understand and predict the effects of repeated exposure to violent video
games. Huesman et al. (2003) support the idea that killer games are in childhood
a causal factor of later aggression.
Theoretical frame
The current state of the issue was completed with other contributions that evidence
the complexity of the interaction between the use of violent video games and
aggression, among other authors pointed out by Griffiths (1999) and extended this
study by a comprehensive meta-analysis by Anderson et al. (2010).
Griffiths (1999, p. 203): "The one consistent finding is that the majority of the
studies on very young children – as opposed to those in their teens upwards - tend
to show that children do became more aggressive after either playing or watching
a violent video game". The author continues (Griffith, 1999, p. 204): "In direct
contradiction to this, catharsis theory would hypothesize that playing aggressive
video games would have a relaxing effect by channeling latent aggression and therefore have a positive effect on children's behaviour."
The purpose of this research is to understand, accept and justify that when
students are practicing violent video games they may also experience some positive
effects rather than only being influenced negatively.
However, it was shown that there is a correlation between the use of violent
video games and aggression, as published by Rushbook (1986), Griffiths and Hunt
(1993), Dominick (1984), who evidence "significant correlation between video-game
playing and aggressive delinquency;" also Anderson and Ford (1986) evidence
"aggression video-games increased hostility."
Griffiths (1999, p. 206): "However, they also noted that correlation results such
as theirs could indicate that more aggressive children are drawn to video games
rather than and/or addiction to their aggression being a result of this activity."
This close correlation between the use of violent video-game and the complex
behaviour, depends and is produced by another variable "low educational attainment, low socioeconomic status, and special familial aggressive behaviour, between
all members in home and labour."
Kille r ga m e s, the e d uc a tio na l p ro c e ss a nd the e ffe c ts on vid e o g a m e use rs
123
Ballard and West (1996) evidence: "Playing aggressive videogames produced increased heart rates and an increase in hostility scores."
Griffith (1999, p. 210) presents the table of categories of video games:
- Sports simulations.
- Racers.
- Adventures.
- Puzzlers.
- Weird Games.
- Platformers.
- Platform Blasterso.
- Beat em ups
- Shoot'em ups (involve shooting and killing only three of these categories
(beat, em ups, kind of aggresive element).
Anderson and his team (2010, p. 151): "Meta-analytic procedures were used to
test the effects of violent videogame on aggressive behavior, cognition, affect,
physiological arousal, empathy desensitization, and pro-social behavior".
The meta-analysis is very important to know the effects of violent video games
and violent media on the behavior of adolescents and young adults. There are special
meta-analytic reviews to present:
Cross-cultural comparisons.
New criteria studies inclusion.
Longitudinal studies.
Multiple moderator analysis.
Social-cognitive models and cultural differences.
To conclude the evidence, violent video games are "a causal risk factor to
increased aggressive behavior, cognition, affect and decreased empathy and prosocial behaviour".
Anderson et al. (2010, p. 152): "Video game violence is the new kind on the
medias violence block, having emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990. Play station,
Nintendo, iPods, mobile telephony, etc., facilitate the use and application of killer
games, and reproduced special and aggressive behavior."
The studies reviewed (Anderson et al., 2010, p. 153) in prior meta-analyses
came from U.S. samples or from similar Western individualistic cultures samples
(Australia, Germany, United Kingdom, etc), to continue in Japanese studies. There
are five reasons to expect that the smaller media violence effects are less in Japan
than in Western societies:
124
- Different title.
- Different contexts.
- Different sport games.
- Cultural differences.
- Parents can watch and monitor what their children practice in games.
In consequence, the aggressive behavior operates according to Anderson et al.
(2010, p.154) by "offering cognitive, emotion and/or arousal systems".
Depending on the expectations, attitudes, beliefs and other traits of our
personality, the effects of learned aggressiveness are more or less persistence in the
time, in the same way, we must express that if there is a constant and repetitive use
of violent games, aggressive behavior is more reinforced as compared to only an
occasional use of killer games.
Also, different cultures and families and destructured and aggressive contexts
will be reinforced the more intense and continued is the use of killer games by the
individuals. Thus, if two families or a cultural group develop violent behavior due
to the continued use of killer games, they will increase the risk of learning and
applying violent behavior more frequently and as a normal guideline for reactions.
Anderson et al. (2010, p. 162): "This shows that playing violent video games can
increase aggression over time…, fill the main gap in the empirical literature on
violent videogame effects. Furthermore, these effects appear to generalize across
culture". And: "In sum, this much larger meta-analysis, participant from multiple
countries, ages and cultures, yielded strong evidence that playing violent videogames
increases aggressive cognition in both short and long term contexts" (p. 163).
Culture (Eastern us-Western) was not a significant moderator in either the
experimental or the cross-sectional studies, because in longitudinal studies the
violent effects of video games was significantly larger in Western (USA) than in
Eastern studies (Japan).
Anderson et al. (2010, p.171): "The simple question of whether violent video
game play is a causal risk factor for aggressive behaviour; the scientific literature has
effectively and clearly shown the answer to be yes".
Video games are neither inherently good nor inherently bad. But people learn
and connect matters.
It is likely that if we design games that serve students for learning to learn,
share and create favorable ecosystems and create new and appropriate values will be
feasible to extend the learning potential of games. Gentile et al. (2009) and Greitemeyer and Oswald (2009) demonstrate that the games do not increase cooperation
and pro-social behavior. The findings of Ke (2008, p. 539) indicated that computer
games, compared with paper and pencil drills, were significantly more effective in
promoting learning motivation, but not significantly different in facilitating cognitive
math test performance and metacognitive awareness the effects of computer games
on mathematical learning outcomes.
125
"Future research should be conducted to interpret the interdependence
between a massive multiplayer game and alternative classroom goal structures" (Ke,
2007, p. 556).
"The study confirms that educational computer games significantly promote
motivation toward learning", Schrader and McCrery (2007). They analyse the
massive use of games and the most valuable results, which is “behaviours strategies
and skills exhibited with MMOG environments (Massive Multiplayer Online
Games) and they say that "the results are not necessarily conclusive, implications for
understanding gaming expertise in contemporary educational environment are
discussed".
The findings show some improvements in students' skills in using this set of
games (MMOG), such as higher level of socialization, closeness between students
and mastery of the technological medium, as a technological environment. Schrader
and McCrery (2007): Dynamic, interconnected process that scaffolds both technological skills sets and content knowledge. The environments provide substantial
support and developmental tools for focused goal oriented (code geography,
learning-story arcs, etc.).
Inquires and discussions held about violent video games use evidence of the
double axis in its use:
- Leisure and cathartic function of violent video games.
- Adaptation and didactic use of violent videogames.
We do not have definitive data to conclude that all forms of aggression among
adolescents are influenced by the (excessive) use of killer games in a very complex
stage of human evolution such as adolescence. However, the interaction between the
intensive use of the killer-games, the environment of violence in classrooms and the
scenarios of dysfunctional families and high rate of domestic violence, are the
scenarios most propitious for increasing the level of aggression in the students and
violence in their classrooms.
The second issue is the one which involves us with greater force, due to the
symbolization process, the social value of video games and the possibilities of
designing new environments to facilitate students' motivation, the search for
meaning and future potential that the use educational video games can have.
In this study, at least in the questionnaires, interviews and discussion groups,
with the teachers more involved in the "didactic use of video games," we discovered
in the line of Aguaded (2010) and Lopez et al. (2011) that an orientation with real
pedagogic sense and didactic application of video games (not the killer-games) can
lead to improved student motivation, greater use of playful situations in the
teaching-learning process and innovative use of digital media (IPhone, Play station,
general networking, Web 3.0, etc.).
In the future the major role of experts and professionals in education is to
guide and orient the digital media towards a full realization formative facilitating
126
dialogue and re-encounter with the new digital culture to all humans (family, culture,
teaching and learning, community networking and educational communities) steadily
growing.
Educational function of games
Games have always been considered as an award in childhood. They motivate
children to play, and adults remember this feeling of satisfaction. In fact, cybernetics
has created new virtual realities in these new games, where users are the main
character.
In primary and secondary schools, teachers develop students' skills by using
games and songs. However, these tools are abandoned at the different educational
levels. In fact, we see that games are very important in our society and leisure, due
to their cathartic value. The following characteristics of these games are:
-
Third dimension.
Interaction.
Implication.
Complicity with the user.
More complexity in design, which improves quality of images.
The development of digital competence signifies new literacy (Dragon Age
Origins, a dark heroic fantasy role-playing game)
Aggressive killer action games
These games represent violent realities, where their characters react with aggressiveness. Participants receive negative messages from this kind of games. Actually, these
games show cruel images that the users assimilate as natural.
127
Carmen (2007) made a list of favourite's games to teenagers. He noticed that
children from 11 to 12 years were more influenced by these games:
a. Sims.
b. Mario Bros.
c. Harry Potter.
d. Formula I.
e. Eye Toy 3.
f. Age of Emperors III.
g. Nintendo Dogs.
Hypothesis
There are no significant differences between the first and second application
in the following dimensions:
• Relationship between violent's video games and domestic violence.
• Violence is usual.
• Good relations between students.
• Conflicts resolve good and quickly.
• There is enmity between groups…
There are significant differences between the first and second application in the
following dimensions:
• Frequency of playing adventure games.
• Frequency of playing killer games
• Frequency of paying action's games.
• Frequency of playing video game Half Life.
• To insult (parents to children).
• I was afraid.
• Bullying.
• Aggression against teachers
• Frequency of playing games like Dukenukem, Resident Evil 2-3, Doom…
Aims of our investigation
• Discover the killer games participation at the aggressive students' attitudes;
particularly, teenagers from 12 to 13 years old and evolution two years last (14
to 16 years old).
• Assessment of these killer games at schools.
128
• Identification of the most appealing killer games by students and their level
of violence.
• Killer games abuse makes students to be violent in their interaction with
others.
• Contrast and complementariness between teacher's and students' visions of
killer games.
• Contribution of new educational ideas for these killer games and to design
a new model to educative-videogames.
Design and methodology
Our methodological process is based on mixed methods that imply to use surveys
such as Huber's, which are coherent and concrete in their questions and late other’s
which reached a Cronbach alpha = 0.8.
In fact, we focus in our survey on a main idea that is discussed by a group of
teachers and students. Actually, these groups value from 1 to 10 several aspects of
the killer games. This survey is nameless, and it also YES-NO questions and open
questions.
This survey exposes different uses of the killer games by students. Actually,
students' answers widen our vision on this future use in their variations. Particularly,
this survey has been taken in different places such as Madrid, Jaén (in Andalusia),
Valdepeñas, Castilla La Mancha and Segovia.
Discussion groups have been formed by experts and students who have reelaborated the questions in order to reach to several aims such as:
a. Adequacy of vocabulary to Spanish children.
b. Adjustment of the calendar extension.
c. Re-elaboration of content to Spanish context.
d. Creation of a close, comprehensive and easy way to understand students' survey.
In future, the Spanish team would widen their research in two possibilities. In
fact, these possibilities would be tested in Linares. This is the schema that would be
followed:
-
Study of the games.
Data analysis.
Didactic games possibilities.
Killer games as didactic mean in order to develop self-assertiveness and
computer skills.
This survey would consist of several focus groups formed by five experts,
twenty teachers and collaborators of four centres.
129
Data analysis
Taken Munich's survey, we aim to elaborate a synthesis of questions that unify all
concepts and students' visions. This synthesis is part of extensive research conducted in Centres of the populations listed below; we have focused on the categories
of killer video-games, horror video-games, violent video-games and action videogames, analysing the effects that their use produces in students' behaviour, in
relationships with their family, their teachers and between classmates. These
categories were assessed in three ranges: never, frequently, and very frequently.
Actually, our exhaustive survey is a descriptive study of all late surveys: scale
analysis, Shuster's analysis contrast among different descriptive principles, complementary aspects such as the area, age and nationality. Our research takes two
criteria such as:
a. - The city that has had a great impact: Madrid and its two centres, one is
private and another is public, intercultural and situated in a conflictive area.
b.- A village public school that has over 2,000 students in 200 kilometres from
Madrid, another in Andalusia and one in Castilla La Mancha.
In fact, in these last three centres our survey has been widened by discussion
groups that have complemented and analysed the most violent games and their
contents. Also, in Linares, teachers have studied the killer games that create violence
and their possible use rationally.
130
Population and sample
Cities and number of students
Age
131
Nationalities
Concerning the participation of other nationalities, Ecuador in the first
application was the most numerous and in the second one was Romania.
We consider it necessary to clarify that the first application (2008), was conducted with students from First and Second year of ESO (Obligatory Secondary
Education) and the second application (2010) with students from Third and Fourth
year of ESO; we have tried to apply the questionnaire to the same group of students,
but this was achieved only in the Centers of Bailén and Buitrago, except those who,
for various reasons, had left the centers during these two years. We can say that it
is an independent test because a complete identification of students was not
achieved.
Results and discussion
We will make explanatory commentaries of several dimensions, to understand the
processes developed around the video games during the biennium.
The dimensions of the questionnaire that we submitted to the study of
significance of contrast between the second and the first application are:
a. Adventure games
132
The Z of the differences is only at the Centers of Valdepeñas and Bailén with a
value of (.029) and (0.21), respectively.
However the overall data of the results obtained at the Centers show a decrease
in the very frequent use of these types of games, although the percentage of increase
is 3% and in the same percentage is produced an increase in students who never use
them.
b. Killer games
The tendency in this dimension coincides with the previous students who use the
killer games, having two years more of maturity, decrease in more than 3% its
frequent use and more than 6% in the case of those who never use them, also
decreased 6% which affects students who use them between 1-2 times a week.
Bailén' s students, the differences are significant on a percentage of (.021).
c. Games like Duke Nukem, Resident Evil 2-3, Doom…
The trend remains to decrease by 3% and 9% the use of this type of video game,
showing a decrease in its use, with a significant difference in the case of students
from Bailén (.001) and Segovia (.02).
133
d. Action games
Again there is a decrease between the students in the use of action's games, the
percentages in cases of more frequent use, is decreased by 15% and no use is
increased this decrease by 7%.
The differences between both periods are significant in Madrid (0.15) and
Bailén (011).
e. Video game Half-Life
There are further decreases in the use of this game, students who never use it have
increased by 15% and those who frequently use it have also decreased, although by
2%.
Differences (z) are significant between the first and second period (more use
in the first) in the case of students from Bailén, (.018).
f. Relationship between violent video games and domestic violence
For students who use video games, the incidence in domestic violence the decrease
is very small, 0.7% and for those who never use it 1%. Significant differences have
not been found between the groups involved.
134
g. Insults (Parents to children)
The decreasing tendency is broken, except for students and families to insult (parent
to children) so infrequent (1-2 times), which decreases by 4%. We emphasize that
between the students of Bailén School, the differences (z) if they are significant
(.050) (probability of hitting 95%).
h. I was afraid
Among the students is evidenced a higher percentage of "nothing" (4%) and in the
answer "much", the rise is higher than 5%, which decreases 'to be afraid'.
There are significant differences between students from Madrid (0.40), Bailén
(.000) and Segovia (.002).
135
i. Damage the property
Damage to property of students who "never" have done it is decreased by 3%, but
in the case of those who have done it most often is increased by 1.8%.
The significance of the differences is as follows: (Diff (z) Valdepeñas (0.53) and
Bailén (.005), shows that the students of Bailén tend to reach significant differences
between both periods, with more intensity of possible damage to situations and
properties in the second application of the questionnaire.
j. Afraid and terror at college
Again there is a decrease in percentage of 2 to 9% that students live less afraid and
terror situations at school.
The differences are significant (z) in the schools of Madrid (0.03) and Bailén
(0.002) It confirms the tendency that Bailén's school, has significant differences
between the second and the first period (2008), in favor the second, in several of the
dimensions above-mentioned, terror and afraid are decreased.
136
k. Relationship between teachers and students
There is not harmony in the answers, since is produced a decrease in "very good
relations" by 14.5%, which shows a trend. By contrast, in the estimated relationships
with a "good" are increased by 9% and "very bad" decreased by 1%.
It creates a situation of decrease in a substantial aspect of relational harmony
in the highest range (almost 15%), but in compensation the “very bad" do not
increase, but decrease (1%). Differences (z) are significant in the students of Bailén
(.000) in this Center relationship between teachers and students are improved.
l. Bullying
The decrease in bullying situations is incremented by 5%, but the situations in which
bullying is produced (1-2 times) decreased by 5%, however those situations where
there is bullying at some time have increased in 6.4%.
By increasing the values of "never" and 1-2 times in the direction of greater
bulling control and singularly in training activities, the evidence of the immediate
projection of aggressive games in students' behavior has to refocused and analyzed
more widely. The differences (z) between Valdepeñas (0.053) and Bailén (0.0005) are
significant.
137
m. Aggression against teachers
The responses had decreased the initial values, the frequency and the percentage
corresponding to "never" has decreased, while the situations of video games use and
their impact on the aggression against teachers has decreased 2.4% and in the case
of higher frequency of these actions has decreased a low percentage (0.5%).
Significant differences, in favor of the second period were: Madrid (.03), Bailén
(.002). It is a process in which the aggression against teachers has not decreased.
n. Violence is usual
The value "never" has increased, which shows some improvement and a decrease
of violence (normal situation due to greater maturity of students).
Although the more intense situations of violence also have decreased by 4%,
the differences in any of the groups-centers are significant.
o. To disturb seriously that classroom
This situation of conflict does not decrease in values"never", still although this
percentage is lower, the decline in daily conflict in the classroom is mild (0,5%).
138
p. Good relations between students
Relations between students have improved, "very good" (3.4%) and have not
worsened in a (0.5%), percentages limited, but they set the trend which shows that
among students in general remains a tone of harmony. Differences between groups
are not significant.
q. Conflict resolution good and quickly
The situation is consistent with previous issues analyzed, the most intense conflicts
are resolved and the answer "very good", is decreased by 1.6% while that are
resolved "good" (4%) and in this coherence are decreased by 3% the ways bad or
negatives to resolving a conflict.
139
r. There is enmity between groups
The answer to this question is complex, considering that there is a greater tension
on the second period (2010) in the relations of enmity between the groups, results
that should lead to expand processes of empathy, relationship and exchange between
them. Although in a vision "very little", the enmity has decreased by 5%, which
implies that some students observe that there is a small decrease in tension.
s. Fights
In the valuation of "never" there is a decrease of 4%; in the others, the fights have
increased by 2%, which considers that more than 5 times have been created
situations of tension.
Conclusions
The more global vision shows that with increasing age of the students, on the
average two years (11,12,13 years first application) (13,14,15 years ) in this second
application is produced a greater balance in the use of video games, the selection of
games in harmony with their interests and also they prefer videogames linked to the
personal interests of the group.
Aggression is considered a person's energy, clearly influenced by the use of
games, but the use of violent video games is tempered with the new game of
creativity and collaboration among equals.
The relationships of aggression intensified by the excessive use of violent video
games, are moderated by decreasing to ludic processes own of excessive violence
140
and it seems to be more influenced by the reasonable evolution and self-control, that
the maturity of age (two years more in adolescence) affects the responsibility and the
ownership of the projects and processes for greater harmony between students.
Paradoxically, and consistent with the dimensions and preferences of students
at that level, the rivalry and pressure are intensified between teams and youth
groups, this situation produces a prominent effect, there is less competitiveness and
tension on individual relationships between students that in the relationships
generated between the teams, micro groups and various dyads present in schools
and classrooms.
The assessment of compliance with the intended aims
1.
Discover the killer games participation at the aggressive students' attitudes.
The games most used, we agree with Carmen (2007), they are Sims, Mario
Bros, Harry Potter, followed by "Dragon Age" and in general those related
to heroic fantasy and role playing. (Doom, Dukenukem).
2.
Assessment of these killer games at schools.
In the schools studied especially in Madrid, Segovia, Linares and Valdepeñas
video game use to support learning and development of new training processes
is very limited, except in the pilot class where we work.
3.
Identification of the most appealing killer game by students and their level of
violence.
Students have not assessed in a representative way the level of violence in video
games used by them, those who use it regularly do not exceed 12%,
considering that many scenes defined as aggressive, are not considered in the
same way by students.
Between video games considered more aggressive by some students noted:
- Good of War
- Crime Life
- Killer 7
- Rogue Trooper
- Tomb Raider Legend
References
Anderson, C.A., Gentile, D.A., & Buckley, K.E. (2007): Violent video game effects on children and
adolescents. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
141
Anderson, C.A., & Bushman, B.J. (2002). Human aggression. Annual Review of Psychology, 53,
27-51.
Anderson, C.A., & Ford, C.M. (1986). Effect of the game player: short-term effects of highly
and middle aggressive videogames. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 12, 390-402.
Ballard, M.E, & West, J.R. (1996). The effects of violent video games play on males, hostility
and cardiovascular responding. Journal applied Social Psychology, 26, 717-730.
Barb, S. et a. (2009). Transformation play as a curricular scaffold: using video games to
support science education. Journal of Science of Education Technology, 18, 305-320.
Calvo, A. (2000). Videojuegos y jóvenes. Cuadernos de Pedagogía, 291, 59-62.
Calvo, A. (1997): Ocio en los Noventa: los Videojuegos. (Tesis doctoral). Universidad de Islas
Baleares.
Carrión, M. J. (2007). Análisis de los efectos de los videojuegos en los alumnos de 3º y 4º de la ESO.
(Documento de investigación. Informe DEA). Madrid: UNED.
Charsky, D., & Mims, C. (2008). Integrating commercial off-the-shelf video games into school
curriculum. Technological Trends, 52 (5), 38-44.
Craft, J. (2004). A review of what video games have to teach in Electronic Literacy.
http://www.cwrl.utexas.edu/currents/fall04/craft.html
Dominick, J.R. (1984). Video games, television violence and aggression in teenagers. Journal
of Communication, 37, 136-147.
Estallo, J.A. (1995): Videojuegos. Juicios y Prejuicios. Barcelona: Planeta.
GARCÍA, M.C. (2006). Proteger a la infancia. Los códigos de autorregulación a debate. Revista
de Comunicación y Nuevas Tecnologías, 14 (7).
Gentile, D.A., Anderson, C.A., Yukawa, S. Ihori, N., Saleem, M., Ming, & Sakamoto, A.
(2009). The effects of prosocial videogames on prosocial behaviour: International evidence
from correlational, experimental, and longitudinal studies. Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, 35, 752-763.
Greitemeyer, T., & Osswald, S. (2009). Prosocial video games reduce aggressive cognitions.
Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 896-900.
Griffith, M. (1999), Violent videogames and aggression: A review of the literature. Aggression
and Violent Behaviour, 4 (2), 203-212.
Griffith, M., & Hunt, N. (1993): The acquisition, development and maintenance of computer game playing
in adolescence. Paper presented at the British Psychological Society London Conference, City
University.
142
Gross, B. (2000). La dimensión socioeducativa de los videojuegos. Edutec, Revista Electrónica
de Tecnología Educativa, 12.
Hopf, W., Huber, G., & Weiss, R. (2008). Media violence and youth
longitudinal study”. Journal of Media Psychology, 20(3),79-96.
violence. A 2-year
Huber, G. (2008). The world according to players of killer games. A constructivist approach to player
thinking. (Paper). Conference on Qualitative Research (Oulu, Finland, February, March 29th
– April 2th).
Ke, F. (2008). Computer games application within alternative classroom goal structures:
cognitive, metacognitive, and affective evaluation. Education Teach Research Dev., 56, 539-556.
Kong, S. Ch. (2009).An empirical study of school based planning for the use of information
technology to improve the quality of education in the twenty-first century. Technology, Pedagogy
and Education, 18 (3), 343-359.
Lazar, I. (2004): Communication Convergence: The Power of Presence. Salt Lake City, UT: Burton
Group.
Leonard, A. (2008). Video games in education: why they should be used and how are being
used. Theory into Practice, 47, 229-239.
Lizarus, E., & Olivero, F. (2009): Video papers as a tool for reflection on practice in initial
teacher education. Technology, Pedagogy and Education. 18 (3), 255-267.
Macedonia, M. (2002): Games Soldiers Play. IEEE. Spectrum.
Mainer, B. (2006). El video juego como material educativo. Revista de Comunicación y Nuevas
Tecnologías, 14 (7).
Masten, A.S. (2001). Ordinary magic: resilience process in development. American Psychologist,
56, 227-238.
Rushbrook, S. (1986): Messages of videogames: social implications. Dissertation Abstracts
International. 47-6.
Schrader, P.G. , & McCrery, M. (2007): The acquisition of skill and expertise in Massively Multiplayer
Online Games. Association for Educational Communications and Technology.
143
11:
Process of drug dependency am ong Iranian youth
Jila Mirlashari, Mahvash Salsali, Hassan Rafiey Jahanfar Jahanbani and
Abdullah Apo Demirkol
Abstract
This paper reports on the findings of a study which used the grounded theory
approach to investigate the process of drug dependency among Iranian youths.
The study is qualitative in nature; the data was obtained through in-depth interviews with 15 young male and female who were drug dependent. The findings
showed that in majority of the cases the process of drug dependency was associated with childhood experiences and events which have influenced the lives of
participants. The main themes emerging from the interviews were: childhood
traumas; submissively trained (suggestible, dutiful, obedient and timid personality); restrained by the social environment and suppressed desires; humiliation;
feeling rejected by family/society; lack of affection and attention and poor relationship with family; lack of creative and fun outlets; poor life skills; negative role
models; seeking Peer approval; drug using as a social norm and drug availability.
These findings provide further evidence for designing prevention models based
on more comprehensive actions than those which just emphasize the bad consequences of drug use. Rather than simply focusing on reducing the availability of
drugs, it seems to be more important to create supportive environments for
young people to obtain pleasure as well as acquiring stronger personality. Conditions should be prepared for the young people permitting them to have good
relationships with peers and families and helping them to deal with traumatic
situations.
Introduction
Substance dependency is now universally accepted as a significant social problem
(Moharreri, 1976; Ziaaddini & Ziaaddini, 2005): a problem which has, in many
countries, become a major public health issue. This situation seems all the more
ominous when it affects young people, our future leaders (Bryant, 2008). With
the highest per capita opiate and heroin use in the world, Iran currently faces a
public health crisis (Razzaghi, Rahimia Movaghar, Craig, Green & Khoshnood,
2006). Although the exact number of drug dependent individuals is unknown;
according to Rapid Situation Assessments, which were sampled from medical
144
M irla sha ri, Sa lsa li, Ra fie y , Ja h a nb a n i & D e m irko l
centers, prisons and the streets of the capitals of 29 provinces in Iran in 2007, the
number of drug dependents was estimated around 800,000 to 1,700,000
(Narenjiha, Rafiey & Baghestani, 2009). According to the 2006 census, however,
the total population of the country is estimated to be around 70,000,000, and the
total number of substance users in Iran is estimated between 4 to 7 million. This
suggests that almost one out of every seven to ten adult people living in the
country uses drugs (Jafari, Rahimi Movaghar, Craib, Baharlou & Mathias, 2009).
Moreover, Iran's national data supports the idea that the total number of drug
users has increased from 2,000,000 in 1998 to 3,700,000 in 2005 (United Nations
Office for Drug and Crime, 2008). Due to Iran's geographical situation neighbouring Afghanistan, it is confronted with the problem of drug trafficking
(Parvizy, Nikbakht, Pournaghash & Shahrokhi, 2005). The 2006 census showed
that more than 35 million (or 50%) of Iran's population are younger than 24,
making a large part of the population vulnerable to addiction issues (Iran Center
for Statistic, 2006). This paper focuses on the process of drug dependency among
Iranian youth and presents qualitative data based on the findings of in-depth
interviews among a sample of substance users.
Methodology
A qualitative approach was used to allow the researchers to explore each participant's story. The data was analysed according to the grounded theory approach
based on Strauss and Corbin and with the help of MAXQAD2 software. Because
of its capacity to explore and explain human behaviours, qualitative methods
have proved very valuable in demystifying drug and alcohol use and replacing
stereotypes and myths about addiction with more accurate information that reflects the daily reality of substance users' lives. Furthermore, qualitative methods
are helpful for obtaining rich data from marginalized populations and for gaining
a better understanding of behaviours (Neale, Allen & Coombes, 2005). The basic
goal of qualitative research in the field of drug dependency is to investigate the
experiences of drug-dependent people from their own view-point and to explore
the influences of the environment in relation to drug dependency. Therefore,
qualitative methods are a suitable way for uncovering the nature of people's experiences and what lies behind these experiences and, in particular, when looking at
a phenomenon about which little is known (Yahyazadeh Pirsaraee, 2007).
Data were obtained through individual in-depth, open interviews with 15
young male and female participants (five female and ten men, 18-35 years old).
Participants also filled out a form with demographic information. Interviews were
audio taped and lasted from 60 min to 150 minutes over one to two sessions.
Each interview was subsequently transcribed and analysed by the authors. Each
interview was analyzed as a unit and the transcripts were reviewed several times.
Analysis began with detailed coding of sections (open coding). In the further
Proc e ss of d rug d e p e nd e nc y a m o ng Ira nia n yo uth
145
analysis of transcripts, sub-themes emerged which were then categorized and
labelled as themes. As the study progressed and key themes were identified, the
interview schedule became more focused. According to the grounded theory
approach, the aim is to continually reduce the data to a small number of linked
core categories which together form a model of the whole process. Credibility
was enhanced through member checking, validation of emerging themes in
subsequent interview, and debriefing with expert supervisors. Using participants'
revisions as a member check, prolonged engagement with participants, peer
check and maximum variation of sampling were used to ensure the validity and
credibility of the data.
Ethical issues (including: anonymity, informed consent, withdrawal from the
study, permission to record the interview) were approved by the Research Committee at the Nursing Faculty of Tehran University of Medical Sciences. Prior to
the study, the participants were informed verbally about the objectives of the
study. Furthermore, efforts were made for preventing any possible negative consequences due to participation. It was guaranteed that the tapes would only be
used for research purposes and participants given the recording of their interviews immediately upon request. Moreover, participants were told that their
participation was voluntary and all informants were informed that they were free
to leave the study at any time. Ethical principles, including having a non-judgmental approach throughout the research process, taking informed consent and
ensuring confidentiality were considered meticulously.
Previous research
Although the literature provides some information about the process of
developing dependency, data from Iranian context is scarce. In terms of the
methodology, the majority of the studies that have been conducted in Iran are
based on quantitative approaches. Furthermore, little is known about the process
of drug dependency among Iranian youth. We believe it is important for researchers, health care providers and policymakers to do this type of qualitative
research in order to develop a better understanding of this issue and then use this
understanding to help in the prevention of drug abuse.
The Asian Harm Reduction Network embarked upon a multi-site research
project conducted in four countries in Asia including Iran to gain insight in the
drug careers of young people and the impact of their environments. Their study
is the abridged synthesis of the Tehran research report which aimed to describe
the typical circumstances surrounding initial drug use among young people. It
was a qualitative study in which the data were gathered through analysis of interviews with key informants; focus group discussions with family members, Person
Using Drugs (PUD), service providers, policy makers, law enforcement officers;
and a quantitative survey with 281 PUDs. Curiosity, peer pressure and acceptance
146
among friends were seen to be the most important factors that drive initial drug
use. In particular, having friends who use drugs is an important factor during the
initiation stage. Most often, the drug is given for free by friends and taking drugs
is done with close friends both during and following initiation. The initial stage of
one's drug use tends to be without any serious adverse effects or problems.
Problems usually start – or become more serious – when dependency develops
and money becomes an issue, which, in turn, can lead to criminal behaviour. The
financial consequences of one's drug use are often mentioned as the core problem. As expected, problems tended to become more pronounced, when individuals had switched to injecting or to using opiates (Asian Harm Reduction Network, 2006). Parvizi, Nikbahkt, Pournaghash Tehrani and Shahrokhi (2005) conducted a content analysis with a qualitative approach they interviewed and 41
healthy adolescents. The results of this study revealed the following themes:
addiction causes and prevalence; unhealthy friendship and communication and
increased rates of cigarette smoking; alcohol and drugs; barriers to and factors in
addiction and health; family and addiction. The findings showed disconcerting
attitudes of adolescents toward addiction and its prevalence. The authors conclude that the exploration of adolescents' perspectives is not only important but
also useful for maintaining a healthy society, and thus, policy makers should
develop effective prevention and intervention programs based on these themes.
Another grounded theory study was carried out by Pirsaraee (2006) on 41 opium
and heroin dependent parents in Iran. The study focused on drug dependency
and parenting and explored the links between them in order to understand the
impact of drug dependency on parental duties and responsibilities. The finding
showed that parental drug dependency affects various aspects of parenting, including children's material needs and basic requirements; parent-child relationships; parent-child communication; and the disciplinary strategies used by
parents. The results showed that children's material needs and basic requirements
may be overshadowed by parents' drug dependency. Furthermore, Pirsaraee also
found that the bonds within families of drug-dependent parents tended to
weaken and that control over children, in many cases, almost disappeared.
Harling (2007), in his research with the aim of exploring the thoughts and
feelings of a group of individuals towards their 'controlled', illicit drug use
provided insight into this phenomenon. Here, in-depth semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with six participants in order to explore their
experiences of recreational illicit drug use. Phenomenological methods were employed to analyse the data generated from the interviews and to develop key
themes for discussion. Three main themes emerged from his data: (a) participants
were introduced to drugs by someone they knew; (b) certain drugs can fulfil a
specific social function; (c) the pros and cons are considered prior to trying a
drug. Harling argued that substance use among 'clubbers' indicates a more recreational and social function to individuals' drug use. Moreover, the author discussed the concept of normalization and its link to illicit substance use in some of
147
the literature. Harling mentions five key factors that have impacted the need to
consider illicit drug use from a normalized perspective:
•
•
•
•
•
Increased access to and availability of illicit drugs;
Increased drug experimenation rate in adolescent and young adulthood;
Rising rates of recent and regular drug use;
Social accommodation of sensible recreational drug use;
Cultural accommodation.
Lam and Shek (2006) describe the findings of a qualitative study on cough
medicine abuse in Hong Kong. Focus group interviews were conducted to explore the perceived causes and effects of cough medicine abuse among Chinese
young people in Hong Kong. The results from focus group interviews with
cough medicine abusers, their family members, and service providers reveal that
the primary factors accounting for adolescent cough medicine abuse are social
pressure (peer and environmental influences), personal problems (evasion and
avoidance), family (difficult relationships or harmful incidents), availability (ease
of access), and ignorance. Based on the findings, several recommendations for
the prevention of cough medicine abuse are proposed. Problems associated with
poor quality parent-child relationships are compounded for incarcerated girls.
Using the attachment theory as a framework, Lopez, Katsulis & Robillard (2009)
examined how 18 incarcerated adolescent girls made meaning with regard to their
parental drug use. They found that eight of the 18 girls used drugs with their
parents as a relational strategy in order to be closer with them, particularly with
their fathers, or as a means to share time together.
Although there are some studies in the literature carried out in Iran finding
many useful factors in relation to addiction, its predisposing factors and its effect
on parenting, published works on the process of addiction are few and far
between. The results of studies conducted in other countries share many similarities with the results of the present study. However, it seems that due to the
differences between cultures and situations, more and more studies are required
in different geographical situations. For proposing a proper model, it is necessary
to consider cultural, social and geographical backgrounds. The following section
presents the results of the present research in which we investigate the process of
substance dependency among Iranian youths.
148
Results
The main themes emerging from the interviews were:
Childhood traumas:
Childhood traumas and experiences like physical, sexual and emotional abuse,
exposure to parental violence, living in broken families were hallmarks for the
majority of participants. It seems that these experiences might have contributed
to these participants' drug use.
•
My mother divorced, I experienced a terrible time without her, my
father was an addict and couldn't support me, therefore I went to my
mother's house, but her husband had dirty thoughts about me. You
can't believe how he intimidated me. Several times he tried to rape me.
Once he tried to drug me by putting something in my fruit juice,
another time when we were alone in his office, he tried to rape me
again, but I shouted and we had a fight, so that I was able to escape. I
couldn't tell any of these things to my mother because I didn't want to
ruin her new marriage. I suffered a lot during my childhood.
•
When I was a child our economic situation was really though, because
of high mortgage payments and debts. I don't know, may be these
things are not related to your work and this is the first time I am telling
these things to somebody (tears streaming down his face). I remember
once, I asked my mother to buy me some fruit juice but all through the
way from shop to our house she beat me up (he stops talking and cries
desperately). You see, instead of talking and explaining, she just beat
me up, I have many stories like this in my life.
Submissiveness (suggestible, dutiful, obedient and timid personalities):
The majority of interviewees gave some examples of their lives experiences,
showing that they were easily influenced by other people's opinions. According to
their experiences, it seems that the way they were trained and treated in their
families and by the society did not enable them to develop as confident and
independent individuals. Moreover, being obedient and following others instructions were encouraged by family and society. Although Iran is a rather modern
society, there are still many parents who believe in traditional ways of raising
children. In such families children are expected to obey and follow their families'
opinions and values without opposition or protest. Gradually these features may
affect their characters become one part of their personalities, leading them to
accept other people's suggestions without question.
149
•
I suffered from headaches, my boyfriend brought me some tablets that
I found out were Tramadol , but at that time I didn't know what they
were exactly and I didn't ask him , since I trusted him so much and
accepted what he said completely.
•
I was so simple minded. Once he put something in my cigarette and
asked me to smoke it. He told me that it was really good and it made
us laugh and enjoy our time together. Later on I realized that it was
Marijuana. I was a fool, accepting every thing he would say, if I didn't
believe him, he would have been annoyed. You know, I loved him and
I was afraid to loose him. I remember once, he brought something, it
was opium and told me that it was an herbal medicine for reducing my
headaches, I accepted. In fact I was cursed and brain washed by him.
•
I didn't use to talk at all, you know, I learned not to protest against
their decisions (snickering). Even if they beat me on the head, I was
ready to be beaten another time.
•
I was very submissive at home. My parents never allowed me make any
decision, even about buying my clothes (tearing up).
Restrained by the social environment and suppressed desires:
It seems that there was a disconnection between family/social rules and values,
and what some participants considered as their natural right and desire. These
feelings seemed to urge them react negatively and angrily, especially when they
found they were not able to confront with the social norms and they were caged
in these circumstances. As a result, they appear to have resorted to drugs to
suppress their desires.
•
In our university we were under close and strict supervision, they were
fastidious and fault finders about the way we dressed and behaved our
relationships with opposite sex were restricted. We were young, when
they forced us to obey these rules we tried to secretly find another way,
we planned to use opium and we did it.
•
In our house none of us had the right to ask a question. In fact, we
were not allowed to ask any questions, we had no choice, always they
were the decision makers. If we did ask a question, our parents always
reminded us that it was none of our business. We didn't have a warm
relationship with each other. I was suppressed in our house and always
felt angry about this situation. Maybe that was why I attempted to bully
150
others and make my classmates and friends my subordinates outside
our house.
Humiliation:
Many participants felt humiliated in their lives. They had many degrading
experiences which were unpleasant and made them lose respect for themselves. It
seems that these kinds of feelings and experiences might have shaken their
confidence and undoubtedly contributed to their present behaviour.
•
We were living with our grandmother. She was so cruel to me. Now
she is dead, but she has never been in my prayers. She always discriminated between me and my brother, for instance, didn't let me have
enough food. She didn't pay any attention to me and always called me
names (she talks angrily with trembling voice). You can't believe it, I
was just a kid but she was telling me that I was a whore, especially
when I had my first menstruation, telling everybody that I was a
whore, when she noticed about my menstruation, she slapped me in
the face, accusing me of doing something wrong, telling everybody that
I am a whore. I knew nothing about menstruation, even I didn't have
any pads to use, and so I used tissue with cotton to control my
bleeding. I was too shy to ask anybody about it (she continues sadly).
Because of puberty, my breasts became bigger, my nipples were sore
and I had to cover them with bandages. I asked her to buy bras; she
not only refused, but also called me names and told me only dirty girls
would buy bras before marriage. I always thought that, if I had had my
mother by my side, I would not have suffered so much.
•
I liked school very much (smiling). At first I was a good student, but
when I was in fourth grade of elementary school, my grades dropped
because of my family problems. My teacher didn't know about my
family life, she punished me and beat me up. She crushed my confidence and made me extremely upset (her voice is trembling). She
forced me to stand in front of the other classmates, while raising one
of my legs for one and half hour.
Feeling rejected by family/society:
A lack of family bonding was another common experience that was shared by
many participants. Many of them claimed that they suffered from the feeling of
loneliness and isolation from family and society. A weak attachment to the
community and family were common problems, which made them try to find an
easy way to get rid of these unpleasant feelings.
151
•
I live a tragic life, I haven't laughed for years. My respected father belittles me; the society doesn't give me calmness, but the crystal (Meth)
does. I don't feel happy; my family members don't accept me. Young
people are losing their aspirations, I need tranquillity (begins to cry).
•
It has been almost 30 years since my father moved far away from me.
During all these years I only wish that I could have had my father by
my side. If he could feel me a little, he would never treat me so harshly (he cries). At this moment at his retirement, what I need urgently is
the close attention he has devoted to all kinds of other things except
his family.
Lack of affection and attention and poor relationship with family:
Many of the participants expressed not having very loving relationships with their
parents. Some of them were raised in single parent homes or lived with parents
who were cold toward them. Some experienced a negative or poor parent-child
relationship. It seems that maltreatment and poor relationships within the family
especially during adolescence had long-term consequences, including drug use
and delinquency.
•
My parents didn't treat me fairly. For as long as I can remember, that
was the way I have been treated. I was an outcast, nobody hugged me,
my parents never showed me much affection. However, at school my
classmates encouraged me when I did bad things and said I was cool.
Once I hit a student at school and I was encouraged by my friends,
while I never experienced any encouragement or confirmation from
my family. That made me even more rebellious.
•
If I came home late, my father used to lock the doors and wouldn't let
me into the house. Once I tried to jump over the wall in order to get
in, and my father chained me, and tried to break my feet with a
hammer. He beat me black and blue. Instead of talking and giving
advice, my parents often used to beat me up.
Poor life skills:
Among almost all the interviewees, it was apparent that their family and the
society had no particular and effective plan for solving problems or getting
general life skills training. Among all participants there appeared to be a common
feature of lacking general problem solving skills. It seemed as though during their
upbringing they did not have opportunities to develop these skills in their
families or their contact with the wider society and school. Teachers and schools
152
are commonly viewed as being focussed on knowledge and theoretical things
which, somehow viewed by many of them, were not related to their real life.
None of the participants told the interviewer about having any particular experiences in their schools, universities or families which could have enabled them to
develop appropriate life skills. Poor coping skills seemed to lead them to an easier
way (like using drugs) in order to deal with their problems. In this way, perhaps
life skills-based prevention programs could be effective in the prevention of drug
use.
•
I wanted to escape and leave out my misery. That's why I use narcotics.
I lived a life of distress, I had a stressful family life, and I suffered all
throughout my childhood, while other children lived their normal lives.
Narcotics are the only thing that calm me and help me forget about my
problems.
•
Football was my life; it was my profession, my friend, my hobby. In
fact, it was every thing for me. One day they expelled me from the
football team without any reason, they just asked me to pack and leave.
I had to turn back to my home, but I couldn't believe what they did to
me. For one week I cried secretly in my room. Then I left the house
and on my way I saw one of my old friends. I felt terrible at that
moment and asked him whether he still used drugs (I knew that he was
a user), he said yes and I asked him for a place so that I could do drugs
with him.
Lack of creative and fun outlets:
Many of the participants claimed that they had no attractive choices for their
spare time. They mostly spent their free time watching TV or hanging out with
their friends without any purpose. According to the participants, outdoor
gathering and fun outlets for expressing themselves or getting rid of negative
feelings were not available. Moreover, some participants said their families were
not aware of the importance of spare time and fun outlets or their families
couldn't afford good and creative activities for their free time. Some of them had
participated in unsupervised activities like parties and using drugs. Unattractive
supervision was another experience that annoyed some of them. Some participants were tired of society's and their parents' high level of supervision, especially
of their free time and hobbies and tried to find a way to escape from constant
supervision. It appears that the extreme supervision and over involvement of the
family had a similar effect to that of no supervision by family at all.
•
We had no attractive plan for our free time, every thing was boring.
Dormitory was like a prison for us, I clearly remember that most of the
153
students really hated the dormitory; in that situation we couldn't feel
happy. You know young people in dormitories and universities were
restricted and had no fun, in the university we were under close and
tough supervision, they were fastidious and fault finder about the way
we dressed and behaved our relationship with opposite sex were
restricted. I had a close friend in my university; he offered us to gather
together and have fun during our extra time by using opium in the
dormitory .We found ways not to be caught in the act. For instance
each time we used a different room for using opium and we used a
blanket under the door to prevent the escape of smoke. In fact I
accepted his idea in order to get rid of that boring situation.
Negative role models:
The interviews implied that close friends and some family members, especially
parents, influenced not only the decision to start using but also escalation of the
participants' drug use. Having drug user parents was an important factor in
tendency of using drugs, it seems parents' attitude toward drug use and what they
expected from their children in this regard were significant factors for the young
people's use of drugs. Moreover, having a friend who used drugs also appeared
to be influential in their drug use.
•
I was about seven to eight years old, I always used to see my parents,
grand parents and their friends sitting together as a group using, to use
opium and drinking alcoholic beverages as a hobby while laughing and
having a good time. I remember after they had finished their drinks I
used to secretly drink their leftovers (she laughs). Once I was alone in
the kitchen and opium pipe was on the stove. I went and smoked it,
but I didn't feel anything, I was quite happy of what I had done.
•
My father used opium secretly, in fact, he was not an addict, but sometimes he used to use it with his friends, he had a tough personality and
always had quarrel with me and my mom. I clearly remember, when
ever he used opium he became calm and kind, I thought it was the
effect of opium and this believe made me not have a negative attitude
about using it. Once I asked my father about his drug use and he answered that he was not an addict and claimed that he knew how to
control himself, he added that he would never be the slave of drugs.
His idea about drug using was always in my mind, for the first time
when I used opium I told myself I was his son and I never would be
an addict. I thought that I could control my drug using, but it never
happened and now I am an addict. Unfortunately, I have to inject
Crack.
154
Seeking peer approval:
The vast majority of the participants said that they were offered drugs by their
friends. Many of them said that a close friend had offered them the drugs for
free. Some of them stated that their initial drug use took place in order to
socialize with their peer groups or while participating in parties or gatherings
where using drugs was common. Acceptance among friends was an important
stimulus to start using.
•
I was about 13 years old, I remember my friends used to get together
and smoke cigarettes and use Marijuana especially in public parks. In
parks there have always been many drug dealers and buying drugs is
really easy. My friends persuaded me to use it they used to say "let's try
it, it will pick you up, it is really nice" I had experienced smoking cigarettes but at that time I made up my mind that I would try Marijuana
as well; I wanted to be like them, at the first time I felt nothing
especial, it just made me laugh. I didn't have any plans to use it, I had
never thought of it as an addiction but that was the beginning of it.
Now I have no way out. I use ICE and crack without having any control of my life and I regret it.
•
My friend got me into it when I was 14. Her mother invited us to their
house she was my mothers' friend and had a daughter; we were the
same age. She offered me to smoke Marijuana, first I refused I was
afraid of using drugs but she said "don't be so fussy, it is not drug, it is
not harmful at all, it's herbal." That was the first time I used it,
surprisingly noting happened we just started to laugh, and I though it
was a good way to kill time and have fun. Before that I had though "if
I used it I would die". Later, using opium became much easier for me.
When I was 19, one of my old friends offered me something new, it
was Crack. She asked me if I had used it before, I didn't want to look
stupid and silly, I wanted to look cool, so I said "I haven't tried it
before, but I would like to try it with you". I didn't want to reject her
offer.
Drug using as a social norm:
Social factors appear to be very significant in developing an addiction. Some of
the informants believed using marijuana, cocaine and some drugs which can
boost their mood are quite common and fashionable. Using drugs was common
at parties and they had many experiences with drugs by some individuals who
were respected by everyone in their family. Some of them explained that using
155
alcoholic drinks was forbidden according to their religion; therefore they preferred to use opium which was more acceptable than alcohol.
•
I thought if it was a bad thing no one would use it, but they were all
using it. I have an uncle who is respected by everybody in our family. I
remember when I was a child, he used opium while we were in his
house. Later on, when I began to use opium I was 15 years old and I
was telling myself, "What is wrong with it?" Because many people
around me were using it. For instance, many of my friends, my uncle,
my boss and all his workers. Even on the countryside many of our
family members used opium as a hobby. When I went to military
service, I saw some soldiers using it in the barracks.
Drug availability:
All the participants stated that drugs were widely available. Also the prices of
drugs were not high, especially heroin and crack. They explained that they mostly
started with marijuana, then moved on to smoking opium and finally switched to
crack because it was more available, cheaper, stronger and easier to use than
opium. According to their experiences, access to drugs was easy, even in prisons,
dormitories, parties and military barracks.
•
Finding drugs is as easy as buying something from convenience store.
You can find them everywhere. Especially in public places.
•
My father was an opium user. He always used to buy opium in kilos.
That's why at first when I secretly took small pieces of his opium, he
didn't notice.
•
I was about 9 or 10 years old, my father was a truck driver, most of the
times he was on the roads and wasn't rarely coming home very often.
My mother was a user and I couldn't tolerate seeing her buying the
drugs. I was worried about other people saying things behind her back.
This was why I was responsible for buying her drugs from a drug
dealer. Besides, since I was a kid nobody was suspicious of me. This
was how it all began and how I was introduced to drugs and drug
dealing.
Discussion
The present study has shown that drug dependency does not happen over night.
In the majority of the cases the process of drug dependency was associated with
156
childhood experiences and events which may have affected the lives of participants.
The process of drug dependency takes time, even years before having the
first experience, their personalities will shape in a way that predispose them to be
a drug user.
In this regard, there are many social, cultural and environmental factors
which have a detrimental effect. Therefore, drug use should not be seen as an
isolated behaviour.
Many researchers have searched for the cause of drug abuse so that effective
preventive methods can be implemented. Research has found that the problem
arises from many aspects: family sources, such as mother-father relationships, the
way parents raise their children, the financial situation of the family, and the
community, such as illicit gathering places, wrong or bad values, poor self perception, poor problem-solving skills, lack of cultural awareness, Peer pressure and
neglect. The people adolescents spend time with also affect his/her habits
(Laoniramai, Laosee, Somrongthong, Wongchalee & Sitthi-amorn, 2005; Bryant,
2008; Nuno-Gutierrez, Rodriguez-Cerda & Alvarez-Nemegyei, 2006; Gorsuch &
Butler,1976).
Our participants discussed the impact of their traumatic childhood experiences which is in line with some studies that have found that childhood traumas
are significantly related to drug use, depressive symptoms and suicidal thoughts.
For example maltreatment during adolescence has a significant effect on broader
range of outcomes: official arrest or incarceration, self-reported criminal offending, violent crime, alcohol use, drug use, risky sex behaviours and suicidal
thoughts (Thornberry, Henry & Ireland, 2010). Childhood physical abuse and
exposure to parental violence are associated with the development of alcoholrelated problems in adulthood (Caetano, Field & Nelson, 2003). Childhood
sexual abuse was associated with an increased risk of being a heavy polysubstance user in girls (Shin, Hong & Hazen, 2010). Although mentioned studies
were conducted in different cultures, it is startling to see the similarities with the
experiences of the participants of this study. It appears that exposure to violence
and different kinds of abuses while growing up, regardless of the setting and
culture is one of the determinants of developing drug dependency.
Furthermore, it seems that the way families raise their children and their
approach towards training are important in shaping the personality of children. In
other words raising kids in order to have obedient and suggestible children or
having children who are able to make decision, solve problems, be independent
and have strong personality will affect the tendency of adolescent and young
people to use drugs.
Fisher, Crome, Macleod, Bloor and Hickman (2007) conducted a literature
review on predictive factors for illicit drug use among young people. They mentioned that adolescents who abuse drugs frequently report their parents to be
controlling. In addition, according to their study, adolescent drug users typically
157
come from homes where there is a great deal of parental pressure. The key
elements of family interaction are parental discipline, family cohesion and
parental monitoring. Modification of parental monitoring may be effective in
reducing adolescent drug use. They continue "although most studies find
significant relationships between discipline and adolescent substance abuse, the
findings are contradictory". For instance in a study of young problematic drug
users in England in 2000, perception of parental control was found to be the best
predictor of young people's level of problematic drug use.
Miller-Day (2008) found that youth in families that are based on open communication (where members are permitted to openly express their own thoughts)
may develop increased psychological autonomy and self-regulation abilities
leading to fewer problem behaviours in adolescence into emerging adulthood.
The present study similarly revealed that the family structure and the way family
chose to raise their children appeared to be influential in these participants' drug
use. The majority of interviewees gave some examples of their lives experiences,
representing that they came from authoritarian families or permissive ones.
Having experience of humiliation and degradation might lead to a sense of
losing self respect, self esteem and confidence, which seems important in shaping
a strong personality. Horst (1994) believes that the manner in which parents
valued their children, structured the family to facilitate democratic communication, shared power with their children and spent time with them involved in
outside activities and behaviours. Bryant (2008) places emphasis on the importance of self-esteem and discusses that it is important to convey to parents how
crucial it is for children to hear themselves being praised for things done well.
Parents needed to understand that a strong sense of self-worth goes a long way in
helping a child to say no to drug and alcohol. In present study many participants
felt humiliated in their lives they suffered from degrading experiences which
shook their confidence and self respect.
Two of the main conclusions of this study are "Feeling rejected by family/
society" and "Lack of affection and attention and poor relationship with family".
With regard to the quality of family relationships, those who reported a poor relationship had a 6.4 times grater chance of being drug user (Micheli & Formigon,
2002). The results of another study revealed that mother-adolescent conflict predicted adolescent alcohol use, and maternal acceptance-rejection predicted both
drug use and affiliation with deviant peers (Brody & Forehand, 1993). Quality of
parental-child attachment is a significant predictor of teen alcohol, tobacco, and
drug use (Eitle, 2004). Emotional vulnerability was perceived as a consequence of
living in a family with recurrent problems such as attention and affect deprivation, faulty communication with parents, and a feeling of being ignored or
worthless (Nuno-Gutierrez, Rodriguez & Alvarez-Nemegyei, 2006). A report released by the National Institute on Drug Abuse Notes (2000) suggested that
parent-offspring interaction is an important predictor of young people's negative
drug attitudes and intentions and may protect youth from future risk of negative
158
drug-related outcomes (Miller-Day,2008). Adolescent attachment to parents may
contribute to youth's social competence, coping skills and self esteem that may
lead to a lower need of substance use in risky social situations (Piko & Kovács,
2010). It appears that interviewed subjects similarly represent a lack of family
bonding and a sense of isolation as a common experience that were shared by
many participants.
In the present study another important theme was seeking peer approval,
though peers play a crucial role in levels of current adolescent drug use, the
attitudes and behaviours of parents, the quality of family life, and parenting
practices play a critical role in initiation and experimentation with drug use
(Miller-Day, 2008). However, as the level of exposure to substance-using peers
increase, the protective effect of living in a traditional two-family dissipates. Some
research suggests that the quality of parenting predicts the level of exposure to
delinquent friends, the stronger the quality of parenting, the less likely the teen is
to have access to deviant peers or to select them as friends (Eitle, 2005). There is
also consistent evidence linking peer drug use and drug availability to adolescent
drug use. Drug use is often preceded by the individual being rejected by prosocial
peers. The influence of peers increases as the influence of the family decreases
(Fisher et al., 2007). The findings of present research confirm the results of
earlier studies; according to our data analysis acceptance among friends appeared
to be influential in these participants' choices and using drugs.
Poor general life skills have been considered as another probable predictor
for drug use. This issue identified in this paper is unlikely to be unique to Iran.
Other countries may have similar patterns and trend in drug use initiation. For
instance, Botvin, Baker, Renick, Filazzola and Botvin (1984) emphasize the importance of developing general life skills as well as teaching tactics for resisting
direct interpersonal pressure to use these substances. Bryant (2008) refers to poor
problem-solving skills, and says inability to solve problems in a positive manner
may lead to frustration, which may in turn lead to stress. There is the possibility
that experimenting with substance abuse may be seen by young people as a way
to lessen the tension that stress produce.
The present study suggests that lack of creative and fun outlets, also not
having organized leisure time may have been predisposing factors why some individuals started to use illicit drugs. Perhaps this problem will be more important
when values and preferences of a society are different from those that some
young people consider for themselves. In our country some young individuals
may socialize to non-traditional norms, they have access to internet, satellite and
many other resources which make them familiar with the norms and values of
other countries, especially western ones. Probably modelling other countries'
lifestyle, norms and values may put them against their social preferences, bringing
them into the cultural conflict. In Islamic countries such as Iran according to the
values society put ban on some leisure activities which might be attractive for
some groups of young people. Consequently, a number of them may try to find
159
other ways to release their tensions and energy or have fun with their friends like
attending indoor parties which using drugs are common. Gorsuch and Butler
(1976) suggest that socializing to non-traditional norms may have been an important factor in some individuals' initial use of illicit drugs. Perez, Ariza and Nebot
(2010) conducted a study aimed at investigating factors related to the initial
consumption of cannabis among adolescents. They found that among boys, one
of the main associated factors was not having organized activities in leisure time.
Shinew and Parry (2005) discuss that much of the research over the last decade
has focused on the "benefits of leisure." However, there is another side of leisure
that has received much less attention. For example, drinking and illegal drugs are
popular leisure activities for many college students. Guxens, Nebot and Ariza
(2007) conducted a survey to assess factors associated with the onset of cannabis
use and emphasized the importance of leisure time patterns as facilitators of
cannabis use.
According to our study negative role models are another significant theme
which may increase the tendency of young people to use drugs. The analysis of
the factors influencing adolescent drug habits showed that drug habits of family
or friends do influence the risk that adolescents use drugs. This is consistent with
the results of the research, which found that the drug use habits of friends were a
predictive factor for drug habits of adolescents. They were more likely to be
influenced if a member of the family, especially a parent, had a history of drug
use (Perez et al., 2010). Bandura's (1986) concept of "delayed modeling" suggests
the alternative hypothesis that parental influences may actually increase over the
course of adolescence. According to this concept, during childhood an individual
may learn and remember how to perform behaviour from seeing it modelled by
their parents. However, a long time may elapse before an adolescent is motivated
to put into practice the behaviours modelled by their parents. One possible
motivator that may increase during adolescence is the desire to see oneself more
as being like an adult (Bricker, Peterson, Sarason, Andersen & Rajan, 2006).
From the social learning perspective parental drug use is a key predictor of a
child's drug use (Jang, Bader & Johnson, 2008).
Drug using as a social norm and availability were other important themes in
our study. The normalization thesis points at three major aspects of the normalization phenomenon, namely, a fast growth of the prevalence of drug use in young
people, the widespread popularity of recreational drug use and an accommodating
attitude of accepting drug use as a normal feature of leisure time consumption (Ting,
2004). These findings are supported by a number of reports, for example, Frisher
et al. (2007) refer to some important and common themes which were related to
drug use in the UK studies including normalization of drug taking and availability
(as cited in Galt, 1997); illicit drugs were readily available and accessible and an
accepted part of youth culture. In addition, adopting behaviours which they
regard as normative for adults could help older adolescents satisfy their desire to
be like an adult (Bricker et al., 2006).
160
Suggestions
The results of this study can help decision makers, health professionals, social
service workers, educators and parents understand more about drug use prevention and early detection of drug use. Taken as a whole, the results support prevention models based on more comprehensive actions than those which just emphasize the bad consequences of drug use. A multifaceted health promotion
approach appears to be urgently needed to tackle this growing problem. Rather
than simply focussing on reducing the availability of drugs, it appears that raising
awareness regarding the importance of the social determinants of drug use, such
as family structures, parent-child relationships, exposure to violence while growing up as well as the provision of opportunities for children and young adults to
develop good life and coping skills would be beneficial.
References
Asian Harm Reduction Network (2006). Young people and drugs. Towards a comprehensive health
promotion policy. Tehran Report. Tehran, Iran.
Botvin, G.L., Baker, E., Renick, N.L., Filazzola, A.D., & Botvin, E.M. (1984). A cognitivebehavioral approach to substance abuse prevention. Addictive Behaviors, 9 (2), 137-147.
Brody, G.H., & Forehand, R.(1993). Prospective associations among family form, family
process, and adolescents' alcohol and drug use. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 31 (6), 587593.
Bryant, J. (2008). Developing a substance abuse prevention program for parents and youth. Doctoral
dissertation, Theological School of Drew University.
Bricker, B.B., Peterson, A.V, Sarason, I.G., Andersen, M.R., & Rajan, I.G. (2007). Changes
in the influence of parents' and close friends' smoking on adolescent smoking transitions.
Addictive Behaviors, 32, 740-757.
Caetano, R., Field, C.A., Nelson, S.(2003) Association between childhood physical abuse,
exposure to parental violence, and alcohol problems in adulthood. Journal of Interpersonal
Violence, 18 (3), 240-257.
Eitle, D. (2005). The moderating effects of peer substance use on the family structure –
adolescent substance use association: Quantity versus quality of parenting. Addictive
Behaviours, 30 (5), 963-980.
Fisher, M., Crome, L., Macleod, J., Bloor, R., & Hickman, M. (2007).Predictive factors for
illicit drug use among young people:a literature review. Home Office Online Report, pp. 122. Probation Journal, 54 (3), 278-279.
161
Gorsuch, R.L., & Butler, M.C. (1976). Initial drug abuse: A review of predisposing social
psychological factors. Psychological Bulletin, 83 (1), 120-137.
Guxens, M., Nebot, M., & Ariza, C. (2007). Age and sex differences in factors associated
with the onset of cannabis use: a cohort study. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 88 (2-3), 234243.
Harling, M.R. (2007). The place and meaning of 'controlled' illicit substance use in the
private lives of a group of individuals. Journal of Substance Use, 12 (1), 1 – 12.
Horst, S.J. (1994). Physical punishment and purposive behaviour. Doctoral dissertation, University
of Maryland, Baltimore.
Iran Canter for Statistic (2006). http://www.sci.org.ir.
Jafari, S., Rahimi Movaghar, A., Craib, K., Baharlou, S., & Mathias, R. (2009). Sociocultural factors associated with the initiation of opium use in Darab, Iran. International
Journal of Mental Health and Addiction, 7 (2), 376-388.
Jang , J.S., Bader, D.C., & Johnson, B.R. (2008). The cumulative advantage of religiosity in
preventing drug use. Journal of Drug Issues, 38 (3), 771- 799.
Laoniramai, P., Laosee, O.C., Somrongthong, R., & Wongchalee, S., & Sitthi-amorn, C.
(2005). Factors affecting the experience of drug use by adolescents in a Bangkok slum.
Southeast Asian Journal of Tropical Medicine and Public Health, 36 (4), 1014-1020.
Lam, C.M., & Shek, D.T.L. (2006). A qualitative study of cough medicine abuse among
Chinese young people in Hong Kong. Journal of Substance Use, 11 (4), 233-244 .
Lopez, V., Katsulis, Y., & Robillard, A.(2009). Drug use with parents as a relational
strategy for incarcerated female adolescents. Family Relations, 58 (2), 135-147.
Micheli, D.D., & Formigon, M.L. (2002). Are reasons for the first use of drugs and family
circumstances predictors of future use patterns? Addictive Behavior, 27 (1), 87-100.
Miller-Day, M.( 2008). Talking to youth about drugs: What do late adolescents say about
parental strategies? Family Relations, 57 (1), 1-12.
Moharreri, M.R. ( 1976). Outpatient treatment of opium addiction; report of a pilot project
in Shiraz. Bulletin on Narcotics, 28 (3), 31-39.
Narenjiha, H., Rafiey, H., Baghestani, A. et al. (2009). Rapid situation assessment of drug abuse
in Iran (1. ed.). Tehran, Iran: Danjeh Pub.
Neale, J., Allen, D., & Coombes, L. (2005). Qualitative research method within the
addictions. Addiction and its Sciences, 100, 1584-1593.
162
Nuno-Gutierrez, B.L., Rodriguez-Cerda, O., & Alvarez-Nemegyei, J. (2006). Why do
adolescents use drugs? A common sense explanatory model from the social actor's
perspective. Adolescence, 41 (164), 649-654.
Perez, A., Ariza, C., Martinez, F.S., & Nebot, M. (2010). Cannabis consumption initiation
among adolescents: A longitudinal study. Addictive Behaviors, 35 (2), 129-134.
Parvizy, S., Nikbakht, A., Pournaghash, T.S., & Shahrokhi, S. (2005). Adolescents' perspective on addiction: Qualitative study. Nursing and Health Sciences, 7, 192-198.
Piko, F.B., & Kovács, E. (2010). Do parents and school matter? Protective factors for
adolescent substance use. Addictive Behaviors, 35, 53–56.
Shin, S.H., Hong, H.G., & Hazen, A.L. (2010). Childhood sexual abuse and adolescent
substance use: A latent class analysis. Drug and Alcohol Dependance, 109 (1-3), 226-235.
Razzaghi, E.M., Rahimi Movaghar, A., Craig Green, T., & Khoshnood, K. (2006). Profiles
of risk: A qualitative study of injecting drug users in Tehran, Iran. Harm Reduction Journal, 3
(12), 13.
Shinew, K.J., & Parry, D.C. (2005). Examining college students' participation in the leisure
pursuits of drinking and illegal drug use. Journal of Leisure Research, 37 (3), 364-387.
Thornberry, T.P., Henry, K.L., & Ireland, T.O. (2010). The causal impact of childhoodlimited maltreatment and adolescent maltreatment on early adult adjustment. Journal of
Adolescent Health, 46 (4), 359-365.
Ting, C.W. (2004). Social capital and individualization in the normalization of drug use among
adolescents in Hong Kong. Doctoral dissertation, The Chinese University of Hong Kong,
Hong Kong.
UNODC: United Nations Office for Drug and Crime (2008). Quasi-medical use of opium.
http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/data-and-analysis/bulletin/bulletin_1953-0101_3_page008.html#n01.
Vazirian, M., Farhoudian, A., & Rad Goodarzi, R. (2008). The typical circumstances
surrounding initial drug use in young people in Tehran. European Psychiatry, 23, Supplement
2, 308.
Yahyazadeh Pirsaraee, H. (2007). When parents use drugs: Key findings from qualitative
research on parenting and children in Iran. Child and Family Social Work, 12, 113-122.
Ziaaddini, H., & Ziaaddini, M.H. (2005). The household survey of drug abuse in Kerman,
Iran. Journal of Applied Sciences, 5 (2), 380-382.
163
12 :
Qualitative research in suicidology:
Values, strengths and ethical issues
Marja Kuzmaniæ and Vita Poštuvan
Abstract
The focus of this paper is on qualitative research in suicidology – the science of
suicide. It discusses several prominent issues related to the insufficient use of
qualitative research in this multidisciplinary field. The authors observe and discuss
how the one-sided focus on quantitative approaches in studying the phenomenon
of suicide is related to the values prevalent in science generally, and in suicidology
more specifically.
By giving a short overview of different kinds of qualitative research in this
field, we discuss some strengths and contributions of a rather scarce bulk of
qualitative studies in suicidology. Further, we focus on the question of ethical issues
that ought to be taken into account in this research context and, lastly, we question
the values of the suicidologists themselves and how these might influence research
procedures. The overall aim is two-fold: to argue for an increase in qualitative
research endeavours in suicidology and, at the same time, to draw the attention to
the prevailing values and assumptions guiding our research, some of which we,
researchers, might be unaware of. Regardless of the methodology employed in
research, awareness and recognition of the researcher's own position is crucial in
research with such delicate and complex phenomena as suicide. Collaboration
between different methods is required for holistic research advancement in
suicidology.
Introduction
Suicide is a complex phenomenon (Leenaars, 2004), which should be explored
multi-disciplinarily on the basis of different scientific, theoretical and methodological approaches since it encompasses psychological, sociological, biological,
philosophical, anthropological, genetic, legal, ethical and other aspects. Although
during the past decade or two some change regarding the usage of different
methodologies in suicidology has been observed, qualitative research is still far
from being equivalent with quantitative suicidological research approaches in terms
of quantity, importance and influence. The need to increase qualitative research
stems from the fact that most research in suicidology is still mainly quantitative and
aims at explanation and generalization, while failing to account for several impor-
164
Kuzmaniæ & Poštuvan
tant dimensions of the phenomena under consideration. A recent study by Hjelmeland and Knizek (2010) assessed the state of the art with regard to qualitative
studies in suicidology and found that only 3% of published papers in the three main
suicidological journals between the years 2005 and 2007 were qualitative.
To date, the main focus of suicidology has been on three types of studies:
epidemiological (e.g. studies of risk and protective factors that influence suicidal
behaviour), (neuro)biological (e.g. genetic and brain-imaging studies) and intervention studies (e.g. effectiveness of intervention strategies or therapies) (Hjelmeland & Knizek, 2010). These approaches are indeed valuable but have been
criticized as being insufficient and one-sided (Rogers, 2001; Crocker et al., 2006;
Hjelmeland & Knizek, 2010). Although exceptions exist, suicide in these kinds of
studies is mostly studied in an oversimplified manner and mainly causally. The aim
of such research is usually generalization, based on the premises behind the
employed methodology. According to Hjelmeland and Knizek (2010), the problem
is that such quantitative studies of risk factors (some factors are culture- or population-specific and some more universal) tell us little about how the identified risk
factors are related to suicidal behaviour. (Neuro)biological studies are problematic
in terms of how the results can be utilized in suicide prevention, and the studies
focusing on psychiatric diagnosis and its relation to suicide fail to provide information on how exactly these mental illnesses are related to suicidal behaviour. 1
Most of the people with mental illness diagnosis do not kill themselves and,
moreover, this association varies greatly across cultures (Vijayakumar, 2005 after
Hjelmeland & Knizek, 2010).
In this chapter we discuss the one-sidedness of suicidology in more detail and
relate it to the values, attitudes and representations that are prevalent in science
more generally in which the natural scientific paradigm with its focus on causality
and explanation has had a prevailing influence on studying suicide. This focus is
related in an important way to the common criticisms of qualitative research
approaches, which are in our opinion not always substantiated nor do they exclusively concern the qualitative paradigm. The criticisms, if valid at all, are outweighed
by the strengths and advantages of qualitative approaches, some of which we
illustrate with specific examples of studying either the individual or the social
characteristics of suicide qualitatively. The qualitative-quantitative debate in suicidology also touches upon the greatly debated ethical issues of conducting research
about this very delicate phenomenon. We point out several of these ethical issues
and concerns. Lastly, our attention is given to the values and assumptions prevalent
amongst suicidologists themselves, as well as those in a particular social or scientific
1
The authors speculate whether it is possible that the relationship between mental illness and
suicide, as reported in suicidological research, is influenced by the experiences related to the
stigmatization of mental illness, instead of mental illness simply as a 'cause' or a risk factor for
suicide.
Q ua lita tive re se a rc h in suic id o lo g y
165
context more widely, both of which might be (especially if not examined and
reflected upon) influencing and guiding our research endeavours in particular
directions.
One-sided suicidology
Suicidology, as stated above, has had a prevailingly one-sided quantitative character.
The focus on quantitative research in suicidology is neither surprising nor is it in
opposition to the current broader scientific context. It seems that researchers, publishers and funding bodies do not agree with the stated complexity of the phenomenon of suicide and attention is predominantly given to specific, quantitatively
measurable aspects of the phenomenon such as the above mentioned epidemiological, (neuro)biological and intervention aspects. Suicide, a phenomenon that
epitomizes almost all of the questions related to the human condition (from biology
to sociology and from psychology to philosophy), definitely appears to be an issue
that requires a combination of natural science and social science approaches to
achieve best results2.
Wilhelm Dilthey coined the distinction between the social and the natural
sciences (Spinelli, 2005) and claimed that they require different methodologies. The
natural sciences are based on the search for causal explanations of nature, whereas
the social sciences aim at understanding. The social scientist should acknowledge
that causal laws, as they exist in natural science, cannot be simply translated into the
complexity of social-related phenomena. This view has not been accepted in the
fields of psychology or suicidology, where the natural scientific approach has been
favoured and adapted to study the phenomena under consideration. "Research within
this frame necessitates either the reduction of the phenomenon being studied to quantifiable terms,
or the selection for study of only those aspects of the phenomenon which can be converted into
measurable terms…[T]his can only result in a partial picture…one which also misrepresents its
holistic, contextual nature." (Kaye, 1995, 46 after Spinelli, 2005, 129). Recently, there has
been a distinct call for a change in focus, for a more meaning-based understanding
of suicidal behaviour (Rogers et al., 2007). Suicidology must necessarily involve the
investigation of meaning and stop taking specific meanings and definitions for
granted as has been done to a great extent in the past. The trends of suicide
research might have to move from explaining suicidal behaviour to (or at least in
addition to) giving more attention to the questions of understanding and meaning.
Most suicidological research until now has focused on simplistic linear cause-effect
thinking (with quantitative methods) and lacks cultural perspectives and in-depth
2
Moreover, in order to understand suicide in all its complexities, we are perhaps even required
us to refrain from thinking in terms of dualisms between natural and human science, body and
mind, individual and social, subjective and objective and so forth.
166
understanding, which could be achieved with qualitative methods (Hjelmeland,
2008). Suicide and behaviours related to suicide can best be understood through
individual narratives (Valach et al., 2002). This focus on the importance of understanding and less on explaining suicide is related to the notion of description of
lived experience as, for instance, advocated in phenomenological research approaches or grounded theory research. Both, psychology and most of suicidology
have been victims of the application of largely the natural scientific-empiricist
methodology to their phenomena of investigation and might have consequently
missed important aspects of the phenomena they are investigating.
The search for explanations of suicide and suicidal behaviour stems from the
positivist scientific research paradigm that searches for answers to the question
'why?' in order to comply with the fundamental scientific notion of causality. As a
consequence the aim of most research is to answer or look for the explanation to
the question 'Why one committed suicide?' or 'Why is one considering suicide?'.
This not only presupposes a simple causal explanation or answer to one of perhaps
most complex human behaviours or actions and disregards the possibility of
unpredictability and multi-causality3 of human behaviour, but also assumes that by
answering the question 'why' we will somehow be able to prevent suicide in the
future. In such a manner, scientists might be overlooking the uniqueness of each
individual and his or her context. In most cases it namely goes unquestionably
(perhaps imprudently and even unethically) that all suicide research necessarily aims
at suicide prevention without any consideration given to the reasoning behind this
premise.4 The 'why' question poses a challenge in that "suicide knowledge coming from
contemporary sources tends not to serve understanding because it has pre-judged the question"
(Hillman, 1964, 49). By restricting the questions we delimit our possibilities of
conducting research and, in this case, the focus remains solely on the causes and
explanations of suicide. The aim is to prevent suicide by finding the variables that
'cause' suicide and, consequently, controlling them. Such an approach, we argue, is
unnecessarily delimiting and hinders us from being able to look at the phenomenon
of suicide from other perspectives. It does not aim at understanding but at
explanation and prevention – whether or not (and in what ways) they really
contribute to prevention, is a different question (Cutcliffe & Links, 2008). It has
been argued that by identifying the risk factors one cannot predict that a particular
3
It is debatable whether the notion of causality can, at all, be applied to human-related
phenomena.
4
It is beyond the limits and the scope of this paper to consider the ethical and other issues
related to the question of suicide prevention. Nonetheless, the authors would like to point out
that blindly following suicide prevention without considering specifics of an individual case
or examining the underlying assumptions of such proceedings might perhaps result in more
harm than work towards actual decrease in suicide rates (Cutcliffe & Links, 2008). It is to this
day somewhat unclear what kind of suicide prevention strategies are in fact effective across
cultures.
167
person with such risk factors will in fact commit or attempt suicide. Statistical
(epidemiological) studies and studies of suicide risk assessment (risk factors) tell us
disproportionally little about the experience of the individual as a unique human
being. Furthermore, they cannot predict the course of behaviour or experience of
a particular human being nor can they say whether he or she is at risk for suicide or
how such behaviours are contextualized in a particular social environment.
Moreover, the epidemiology regarding what social factors are related to suicide tells
us little about the dynamics between the individual and the social context or
environment. In other words, although arguably very informative and necessary,
such studies cannot and should not completely replace the focus on the individual
as the one who is experiencing, nor can we ignore the context in which this is going
on.
"The crude alignment of qualitative research with 'action' or interpretative approaches and
quantitative approaches with 'structural' or positivist ones has meant that researchers on either side
have tended to become locked into adverse positions, ignorant of each other's work." (Pope &
Mays, 2006, 4). As a result of the common oppositions between qualitative and
quantitative scientists, the differences are often overstated. These approaches can
be used complementary as way to validate results in order to explore a topic
simultaneously or subsequently. It has been argued that researchers should give
more attention to appreciation of qualitative methods in order to better understand
the results of quantitative studies or even to provide sufficient grounding for
conducting them. A common criticism of qualitative approaches studying suicide or
other phenomena is that such accounts allow for many interpretations. While this
is indeed possible, also statistical or quantitative methods, more generally, can be
manipulated to show specific results or support a certain hypothesis (Leenaars,
2002), rendering such criticism to a certain extent invalid. Perhaps the best a
researcher can do, regardless of the methodological approach taken, is to be honest
with themselves, the participant and the reader, to attempt recognize and 'bracket'
one's attitudes and biases (Spinelli, 2005), be reflective of the whole research
process, and write up the research report transparently (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994).
Moreover, we ought to recognize what kind of questions can be answered by what
kind of methodological approach.
In a paper titled 'Why we need qualitative research in suicidology,' Hjmeland and
Knizek (2010) focus on three main suicidological journals and, while failing to recognize, as can be observed from the literature cited in this paper's bibliography,
that plenty of qualitative papers on suicide are published in other journals. Although we do not have a quantitative measure of how much qualitative research is
published in such journals, it might also be the case that qualitative studies
concerning suicide are not accepted into the mentioned suicidological journals and
have to be published elsewhere (for instance in journals on nursing, phenomenological research and similar). However, even if qualitative studies on suicide are
published elsewhere their number and impact is still considerably less important
than that of the quantitative studies.
168
As early as 1962, Allport argued for a wider usage of the idiographic approach
in psychology, a discipline supposed to be concerned with the 'understanding of
man'. But Allport's advocating of individual, qualitative case-study did not focus
specifically on the 'first-person' experiences, or on meaning as such (Ashworth,
2003). "Idiographic approach allows us to do the main business of psychology: the intensive study
of the human person" (Leenaars, 2002, 29) but it has to be focused on the meanings of
experience for a particular individual. That is to say, that even within qualitative
approaches there are certain differences. Following Allport' s vision, we aim to
increase the scientific attention given to understanding people with a suicide-related
experience in order to compensate for the unbalanced focus in this field thus far.
Examples of qualitative research in suicidology
Although under-represented, the field of qualitative research in suicidology is rather
heterogeneous and too broad for us to be able to provide an in-depth overview of
the whole area within the scope of this paper. We provide certain examples of
qualitative research to demonstrate some of its strengths and advantages. When
studying suicide, an obvious differentiation exists between the focus on the individual aspects and the social aspects – both of which are importantly, if not inseparably, interrelated. In both perspectives the qualitative approach offers certain
strengths and contributions to the prevailing quantitative ones – such as, for
instance, staying with the individual's lived experience of the phenomenon at hand.
In the following paragraphs we would like to point to some examples of such
strengths of qualitative studies. As understanding is the key issue, qualitative data
provides direct implementation of research data in everyday life. Qualitative data is
not concerned with generalisation, but rather provides narratives, stories, accounts
of first-hand experience and, therefore, we move from the perspective of
probability of events, to individual reasons and contexts of suicide.
Suicide: an individual perspective
Firstly, by approaching the phenomenon of suicide qualitatively we have the possibility to better understand the experience of the individual who has had a particular
experience with suicide. Quantitative studies do not capture the individual's perspective and do not see this experience as the guiding principle or even an
important concept. Even though the ongoing research is informative and highly
relevant for the field of suicidology, we argue that it cannot replace the focus on the
individual as the experiencing subject – the main aspect that should also be investigated. Despite the important value of such individual experience, this is still rarely
studied. Secondly, qualitative methods are the (only) tools, which can give insight
into specific aspects of such suicidal experience. Qualitative approaches in studying
suicide from the perspective of the individual include the studies such as suicide
notes (Schneidman, 1997; O'Connor, Sheehy, & O'Connor, 1999; Leenaars, 2002),
169
diaries or other personal documents (Lester, 2002; Leenaars, 2002), third-party
interviews or psychological autopsies (Kjølseth, Ekeberg & Steihaug, 2009), interviews with nonfatal suicide attempters (Michel, Valach & Waeber, 1994; Kidd,
2004; Bergmans et al., 2009; Hoffmann, 2004), interviews on grief (e.g. suicide
survival) (Ratnarajah & Schofield, 2008), etc. Although individuals with suicidal
ideation, nonfatal suicide attempters or suicide-attempt survivors are indeed
different from those who successfully complete suicide, they can still provide the
closest experience reports to those who have committed suicide (Valach et al.,
2002) and can thus be a very illuminating source of information. Similarly, suicide
notes or other personal records or interviews with family members can help us put
together a more comprehensive and holistic understanding of suicide. It is from the
unique, intimate world of one's own phenomenology that suicide is conceived as
the answer and, hence, it is important to view individuals who are suicidal as the
'experts' in their suicidality (Rogers & Soyka, 2004; Valach et al., 2002). These
sources of information are often disregarded as subjective and 'non-scientific', but
one may also argue that the individuals know best what led to the development of
the suicide urge and the ways in which this relates to their biography (Valach et al.,
2002). This, however, poses a threat to the authority of the scientist who, in
contrast to the research subject, is supposed to be the expert. Thirdly, the quantification of personal experiences is artificial, even impossible, suggesting that qualitative approaches are indeed more appropriate for certain research questions. For
example, a paper reviewing qualitative studies (from 1997 to 2007) on the
subjective experience of being suicidal (Lakeman & FitzGerald, 2008) revealed
several common themes concerning the subjective experience of individuals such
as suffering, struggle, connectedness, turning points and coping. At this moment
we are lacking quantitative research instruments (e.g. questionnaires), which could
capture this data in a valid and reliable way. Moreover, recently a personal story of
bereavement of spousal suicide was published, which is an important contribution
to the understanding of suicide survivors (Watford, 2008). Details that give a reader
the overall impression of personal experience could never be captured in
quantitative research. The mentioned study uses a reflective self-exploration to
question the rationale of concentrating on the differences and/or similarities of
people bereaved by suicide versus people bereaved by other modes of death.
Similarly, Lindqvist, Johansson and Karlsson (2008) found that when studying the
aftermath of teenage suicide with deductive methods, such as a case-control study,
such an approach would not properly appreciate cultural and situational
circumstances and, subsequently, not catch the cultural forces and motives of an
event of this kind. The qualitative approach allowed the researchers to increase
their understanding of the circumstances in which these families live. Likewise, the
study of Barnes (2006) used an ethnographic approach with qualitative research
techniques that primarily relied on personal narratives or stories to learn about a
culture from the people who actually live in that culture to do a research on
aftermath of suicide survivors among African Americans. O'Donohoe and Turley
170
(2005) studied the compassion of encounters who receive the In Memoriam notices
of local newspapers, where quantitative methods would either fail to address the
research question or would be inappropriate. Kjølseth, Ekeberg and Steilhaug
(2010) studied elderly people concerning the experience of their existence on the
basis of qualitative interviews with important informants, who were close to the
elderly persons who committed suicide. The study yielded three main elements with
certain subtopics, namely experiences of life (life as lived and life as a burden), selfperception (in terms of losing oneself) and the conception of death (acknowledgement/acceptance and death is better than life). The authors came to certain
conclusions regarding the interaction between suicide and old age for these
individuals and how suicides should be understood as an existential choice: a choice
in whichs; death was seen as a relief. For elderly people, our understanding of
suicide should be considered together with their encounters with aging and death.
Such conclusions and results can hardly be obtained from quantitative data, which
do not allow for emergence of bottom up information directly for the person's
experience that the qualitative research data captures. Respectively, the strong
contribution of qualitative methods in terms of the individual perspective is their
applicability to unusual research settings, which at the end enables us to better
understand suicidal behaviour and to broaden the research horizons.
Suicide: a social perspective
Studies show that people view suicide in different ways (Schneidman, 1993; Amery,
1999). Not only do they differ concerning their attitudes toward suicide, leniency or
representations of suicide, but also in their direct experience of suicide. Individual
experiences of suicide are intrinsically related to the (social) representations of
suicide (and even representations of life and death) in a specific cultural and social
environment (Bradbury, 1999; Becker, 1973; Yalom, 1980). For these reasons,
studies in suicidology should not overlook these social or cultural aspects when
looking at suicide holistically. Suicide, as a phenomenon, is on the fine line between
the individual and the social and, as such, should not be researched solely from one
perspective. It is a phenomenon that by its very nature requires the researcher to be
able to bridge the common modern western scientific dualisms between subject –
object, individual – social, body – mind and so on. Our suggestion is that this is
possible, by means of giving attention to the usage of different kinds of research
methodologies without favouring certain aspects as much as before. Qualitative
approaches in suicidology are used to study social representations, attitudes and
values related to suicide (for example among different groups of individuals such as
adolescents, students, elderly, professionals, politicians, etc.), media representations
of suicide and so on. However, also in this field the focus continues to be on
quantitative approaches, which are potentially limiting in scope and possibility of
new knowledge acquisition. Qualitative research opens up the possibility of posing
questions – in terms of main research questions as well as the questions that are
171
posed to the participants. We no longer aim to solely to answer the 'why' question,
rather we allow the data to show us the important parts of the experience or
phenomenon (e.g. in grounded theory or phenomenological approaches).
Ethical issues
Regarding the ethical considerations of research on suicides, one might first believe
that an in-depth qualitative study might be associated with greater ethical issues
than a more superficial quantitative study. The in-depth face-to-face interviews are
longer, interviewers ask questions that nobody else asks, and the setting is rarely like
an everyday exercise. Quantitative methods, on the contrary, seem rather harmless,
like school paper-pencil tests which 'do no harm'. This clear lack of understanding
resonates from this simplified distinction. While in-depth interviews are no doubt
longer and more comprehensive, they provide a place for personal reflexion on
one's experience, sometimes give individuals a new personal meaning (e.g. helping
science with their own story), and/or have a debriefing effect. The effect of
narrating one's story or putting painful experiences into words can significantly
alleviate distress (Pennebaker & Segal, 1999). In fact, this is not an everyday
exercise, but might be an important and powerful tool for reintegration or growth.
As Adler (1955/1997) put it, being able to formulate a narrative that is listened to
by the right listener, we can potentially manage our traumatic or distressful
experiences with more success. Moreover, the freedom of speech, a universal
human right, might also be of concern in quantitative studies, since there is usually
no place provided for the individual to tell his/her own story. In quantitative
research, it is often difficult to ascertain the motivation of the participant to take
part in the study, how involved and interested he/she was in the research process
and how he/she experienced his/her participation in the study. It seems impossible
to control or even know what kind of processes the questions have provoked for
an individual. On the other hand, the usual practice of taking personal
considerations for the interviewees in qualitative research is usually lacking in
quantitative due to a much greater number of involved persons. Also, the
quantitative data rarely provide further explanations of research aims or feedback.
Thus, a person takes part in a study he/she cannot really indentify with and he/she
may not even understand the aim of the study or might be purposely led astray
about the aims in order to keep the study as objective as possible. These points
should be viewed as important ethical weaknesses of quantitative methods. All of
these things might contribute to the stigmatization of people with experiences of
suicide more in quantitative research than in qualitative research.
It is, however, important to bear in mind that qualitative research aims at
studying the phenomenon of suicide and is not a form of support or counselling,
although it at times it resembles such efforts. Even if an individual experiences
relief while participating a qualitative interview, the overall structure of that session
172
should remain within the spectrum of research and the boundaries should be set
clearly by the researcher. Researchers should also receive systematic supervision
when handling difficult research topics such as suicide so that they arebe better prepared to act as competent and emotionally stable researchers.
Another concern is whether quantitative research, in its effort to measure,
might actually de-power persons with suicidal experience. In order to counter this
possibility, quantitative studies today often provide additional support for their
research participants or combine the quantitative methods with qualitative approaches in order to fulfil ethical obligations (e.g. after the assessment of suicidal
risk, the emergency cases are invited to do an interview). The aim of research
should indeed be the empowerment of persons involved in the study. As this is
sometimes difficult or impossible to achieve with quantitative studies, qualitative
research might in certain situations be a more appropriate and ethical research
method to use.
Another issue rarely addressed in suicidology is the generalisation of the
definition of suicide. Statistical figures do not distinguish the differences in
different types of suicide, even though the reasons for them, the experience and
dynamics behind them might not always have a lot in common. To be more
precise, quantitative research can hardly study the difference between a healthy
person's suicide and a terminally ill persons' suicide, between the experience of a
young and an older suicide survivor or between the inner world of suicide
attempter who has attempted suicide several times and person who only attempted
suicide once. It is qualitative research, which gives us the opportunity to address
and understand such questions.
Researcher's values: un(der)examined
The above sections have all, in different respects, reflected the prevalent values and
attitudes in western science, in general, and in suicidology and related fields in
particular. Before concluding, we would like to focus on the values among
researchers in this field and show that these are under-examined or even completely
unexamined and how this might exert great influence on the research in this field.
Suicidologists, as scientists researching the phenomenon of suicide, are touching
upon a field of fundamental and much disputed human and social values. It is
undisputable that suicide is a highly value-laden issue that relates to questions of
life, death, freedom, choice, religion and many other domains. The values
(regarding suicide, death and life) prevalent in a society might not only influence the
suicide rates (by influencing individuals' consideration of or attempting suicide) but
there is also a need to consider and reflect upon the values and assumptions
regarding suicide among the researchers and take into account how these shape and
influence the 'hows' and 'whys' of doing or not doing particular kind of research.
Suicide is a difficult and multi-faceted issue and not only for those struggling
with suicidal thoughts or those who have attempted to kill themselves, but also for
173
those conducting research on suicide or even simply living in a world where,
whether we like it or not and whether we acknowledge it or not, suicide is always an
option. This need not be bad in itself, although western society and science still too
often see suicide as something awful, to be prevented or avoided in any situation
and at any cost5. Nietzsche (based on Yalom, 1980) once said that the thought of
suicide has saved many lives. Furthermore, he also said that life can only be lived
seriously and fully once one has considered suicide and became aware of it as an
option in every single moment. The question of suicide is related to the questions
of life and death, meaning in life, freedom of choice, etc. (Yalom, 1980; Amery,
1999; Cutcliffe & Links, 2008). Even researchers, as human beings, are not exempt
from having values and opinions regarding these issues. Do we or do we not accept
suicide as an option in some circumstances and why? Can suicide ever be the right
thing to do? (Cutcliffe & Links, 2008). Our answers to these questions indisputably
shape our ways of doing research in suicidology.
Values are understood to be as attitudes toward abstract entities such as
freedom, choice, and justice (Bohner, 2001). Social values represent certain patterns
of thought and behaviour that a particular society or culture holds in high regard
(Reber & Reber, 2001). Values and attitudes of individuals can thus hardly be
completely distinguished from the societal ones. It is our aim to raise the question
of how much the field of suicidology and the suicidologists themselves are
influenced and guided by the prevalent (social) values regarding suicide. At the
same time these must contribute to how suicide is perceived. Moreover, it is
important to ask ourselves how much consideration is given to the basic
assumptions (if they are part of the researchers' awareness at all) guiding the
research questions, methods, interpretations and practical implications of research
results. How much do researchers reflect on their own views, potential biases and
assumptions when they engaged in research?
It appears that especially in suicidology, where in dealing with the question of
suicide we are also dealing with questions of life and death (Yalom, 1980), the
researchers' opinions and values are of great importance and for the ways in which
research is conducted (from the questions posed, methods employed, data analysis
to the interpretation of results and their practical application). Is it possible that the
5
It is important to realize that these ideas regarding suicide prevention or values,
representations and assumptions regarding suicide are not the ultimate and unquestionable
truths, but – instead – stem from the socio-historical circumstances during which and through
which societies have made sense of suicide in particular ways. Although there are some
differences between countries in the west, suicide has gone from being a sin, a crime to being
a mental illness or at least a result of or very closely related to mental illness. Can we today
understand suicide without understanding how our societies have made sense of this intricate
phenomenon? Can we as researchers ignore that we are always a part of a cultural and social
context with its particular values regarding what is right or wrong, sin or crime, normal or
abnormal (Szasz, 1999; Alvarez, 1971)?
174
'need' to explain suicidal behaviour stems from the fears and anxieties that suicide
poses for the researchers and the society in general? If research is conducted without
reflexion on the part of the researchers, it might actually tell us more about the
attitudes of researchers than the phenomenon researched. It is important to
recognize that we cannot simply dismiss our attitudes and opinions but should take
time recognize them and attempt to 'bracket' (Spinelli, 2005) them to allow ourselves to get closer to the phenomenon we are researching. In this way, "identifying
and understanding one's own view creates a possibility for new understanding and a new view."
(Haggman-Laitila, 1999, 13). This relates to our introductory debate regarding the
difference between explanation and understanding in different research approaches
and, at the same time, relates to doing ethical research. However, it is true for any
kind of research, that there is the researcher's contribution in the meaning-making
process of research no matter how 'objective' the methods may be. This is
especially important in terms of doing ethical research in suicidology and counters
the more or less idealistic view of the objective researcher in quantitative approaches where no possible impact on participants and research results or interpretations is considered. "The researcher cannot detach from his or her own view. The
researcher is able to understand the experiences of an individual only through the researcher's own
view. The research process in a balanced co-operative relationship between the subjects and the
researcher. Generating knowledge about an individual experiential world is based on both a
subject's self-knowledge and the researcher's ability to overcome his or her point of view and to
understand another person." (Haggman-Laitila, 1999, 13).
Some research exists regarding how physicians, psychiatrists or other professionals view suicide. The studies so far showed that individuals who have
experienced suicide in some way (e.g. suicidal thoughts or a suicide attempt) perceive the phenomenon of suicide differently than the mental health professionals
(Kocmur & Dernovšek, 2003; Michel, Valach & Waeber, 1994; Zadravec, Grad &
Soèan, 2006). The individuals understand suicide as a 'way out' or 'loss of control',
while the same act might be seen by others (even by professionals) as a form of
manipulation, attention seeking or blackmailing (Michel, Valach & Waeber, 1994).
"Many contemporary physicians tend to consider suicide the most self-destructive and evil thing a
human being can do and something that should be avoided at all costs. Even the patient's contemplation suicide is often considered harmful and treated as a disease in itself" (Ventegodt &
Merrick, 2006, 562). From the research or professional point of view, the individual's perspective is often seen as very obvious, despite the real evidence.
Research shows that there are important differences in how various groups see or
experience suicide. It appears especially unethical to disregard the personal experiences of suicide as legitimate source of data in favour of objective measures that
might be far away from what real people in real situations are going through in
relation to suicide. What is more, the empathy for the patient's story and his/her
mental pain, which is of fundamental importance in psychotherapeutic treatment,
is often missing in research work. Orbach (2009) emphasises that therapeutic approach begins with the therapist's own confrontation with his/her fear of death,
175
and later with helping the patient. Perhaps this is similar in the field of research
about suicide. In suicidological research, there is a lack of trainings regarding such
issues which might be related to the high suicide rates in professions in this field
field might also be related to this fact.
More detailed research is needed regarding the values of the people who study
suicide. It would, for instance, be very interesting to look at their values and
assumptions regarding suicide, death and life in comparison to the population of
other scientists or psychologists. Can we, researchers, who are at the same time
also human beings, ever be completely objective and detach ourselves from our
own background and positions (tradition, culture, language, history, memory….)?
In this paper we have argued that this is not possible and the best we can do is
recognize and reflect on our values and assumptions that guide and influence our
research.
Conclusion
This paper has focused on different aspects of qualitative research in suicidology.
We have touched upon how the one-sidedness of suicidological research is related
to the wider scientific tradition and values prominent in science. We have discussed
the one-sidedness of suicidological research and pointed to the need to give more
attention to different, less acknowledged aspects of the phenomenon of suicide
(such as the individual experience) that are often best approached through qualitative approaches such as in-depth interviews or focus groups. Further research on
the experience of being suicidal, attempting suicide, being a suicide survivor, taking
care of suicidal persons and so forth would contribute greatly to our understanding
of this phenomenon and perhaps allow for better interpretation as well as implementation of results from other types of research. By pointing out certain examples
of how qualitative approaches can increase our understanding of the phenomenon
of suicide, we hope to have further supported the need for more qualitative
research in suicidology (Hjemeland & Knizek, 2010). It appears to us that qualitative research with individuals with an experience of suicide can be equally if not
more ethical and perhaps even beneficial for the participants than the quantitative
approaches. We especially believe that researchers should consider and understand
their own values, attitudes, biases and responses to suicidal behaviour and include
their observations in their studies. Moreover, studies should be conducted regarding these issues to show how such values influence and direct research efforts.
The qualitative-quantitative debate well reflects what kind of research is valued and
preferred in the present scientific tradition – what is considered more and what less
'scientific'.
It is not our goal to favour one kind of research over another. We wish that
the complexity of the studied phenomenon would be taken seriously and that different methodological approaches, stemming from different theoretical foundations,
176
would be treated as equally important for the advancement of science. This paper
has shown that any kind of research can be invalid or purely subjective if the
assumptions, biases and values behind the research are not attented to or if the
results are manipulated (by means of qualitative or quantitative research methodology) to give answers the researcher is looking for. In this contribution a distinction
has been made between different research aims in suicidology, particulary between
the desire to explain and to understand suicidal behaviour, which was shown to be the
main difference between quantitative and qualitative research (Hjemeland & Knizek
2010). Of course, the investigation of both the general and the individual is
necessary (Leenaars, 1997; 2002) for coherent and beneficial research advancement
in this field.
We have to keep in mind the aims of studies in suicidology. The question, or
even better the phenomenon in question, should guide us in selecting the method
we use and not the other way around. Knizek and Hjemeland (2007) argue that
suicidology is a multidisciplinary field, not a unique science. This "implies that the
theories and models in suicidology need to be rooted within different sciences, each with their own
tailor-made terminology, and, consequently, will have to deal with a translation problem in the
attempt to build coherent models" (Knizek & Hjelmeland, 2007, 699). By combining
seemingly opposing approaches to research from different disciplines, we may be
able to move the field of suicide research even further. Suicide is studied from
different disciplines and viewpoints, but it is mostly conceptualized and simplified
as a "caused" phenomenon – e.g. a consequence of mental illness (Szasz, 1999) and
it is commonly considered as a major mental health problem or a public health
issue (Westefeld et al., 2000). We should strive to overcome such simplifications
and aim for a more comprehensive understanding of suicide.
At the same time, as Estalella suggests (2010), it is important to ask ourselves,
which values we wish to respect in our research. Should that be the prevalent
scientific ones of the researchers or of the people with an experience of suicide, or
shall we in fact aim for enacting dialogical ethics in suicidology (in a way that
integrates all different aspects)? Estalella's suggestion is furthermore that "the main
objective of research ethics should be to search for the right questions" (2010, 1) the ones that touch upon and consider the values of the people that we research. In
suicidology, we rarely know the values of the individuals experiencing suicide.
Moreover, we often assume that their priorities are wrong (e.g. when having
suicidal intentions) and we attempt to protect them from their own wishes by
labeling them, in most cases, as mentally ill. Are we then enforcing our own values
or are we protecting their values as well? With this we would like to show the
intrinsic interrelatedness of research values and ethics. Only by respecting and
researching values we can aim toward conducting ethical research.
In the end, as Albert Camus (1942/1955, 11) put it in the Myth of Sisyphus,
"there is but one truly serious philosophical problem, and that is suicide. Judging whether life is or
is not worth living amounts to answering the fundamental question of philosophy." Suicide, as
one of perhaps most complex (Leenaars, 2004) and at the same time fundamentally
177
important human questions or actions, indisputably concerns each unique individual and touches upon the question of our freedom of choice between life and
death (Amery, 1999). In treating the subject as such in our research endeavours by,
for instance, increasing qualitative research approaches, we not only respect its
nature but also diminish the possibility of rejecting or overlooking the subjective
experience. In such a way, we avoid dehumanizing the individual participant by
making him/her merely a statistical figure in a situation when this is perhaps least
desirable or helpful. As researchers, we need to be ethical both in how we approach
the research topic and the research participants. At the same time, we need to
consider and reflect upon the values and assumptions regarding suicide among
ourselves in order to reflect on how these shape and influence the 'hows' and 'whys'
of doing or not doing research in suicidology.
References
Adler, A. (1955/1997). The practice of individual psychology. London: Routlede & K. Paul.
Amery, J. (1999). On suicide. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
Allport, G., W. (1962). The general and the unique in psychological science. Journal of
Personality, 30, 405-422.
Alvarez, A. (1971). The savage god. London: Penguin.
Barnes, D. (2006). The aftermath of suicide among african americans. Journal of Black
Psychology, 32, 335-348.
Becker, E. (1973). The denial of death. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Bergmans, Y., Langleya, J., Linksa, P. & Laveryb, J.V. (2009). The perspectives of young
adults on recovery from repeated suicide-related behavior. Crisis: The Journal of Crisis
Intervention and Suicide Prevention, 30(3), 120-127.
Bradbury, M. (1999). Representations of death. New York: Rutledge.
Bohner, G. (2001). Attitudes. In Stroebe, W. & Hewstone M. (Eds.), Introduction to social
psychology. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 240-282.
Camus, A. (1942/1955). The Myth of Sisyphus.
Crocker, L., Clare, L. & Evans, K. (2006). Giving up or finding a solution? The experience of
attempted suicide in later life. Aging & Mental Health, 10(6), 638.647.
178
Cutcliffe, J.R. & Links, P.S. (2008). Whose life is it anyway? An exploration of five
contemporary ethical issues that pertain to the psychiatric nursing care of the person who is
suicidal: Part one. International Journal of Mental Health Nursing, 17, 236–245.
Denzin, N.K. & Lincoln, Y.S. (1994). Handbook of qualitative research. London: Sage, Thousand
Oaks.
Estalella, A. (2010). Common values, controversial facts: enacting dialogical ethics. Sassari: 11th
Workshop Qualitative Research in Psychology "The values in qualitative research".
Haggman-Laitila, A. (1999). The authenticity and ethics of phenomenological research.
Nursing Ethics, 6(1), 12-22.
Hillman, J. (1964). Suicide and the soul. London. Hodder & Stoughton.
Hjelmeland, H. & Knizek, L. (2010). Why we need qualitative research in suicidology. Suicide
and Life-Threatening Behavior, 40(1), 74-80.
Hjelmeland, H. (2008). What kind of research do we need in suicidology today? Glasgow: 12th
ESSSB.
Hoffmann, W. A. (2004). "Being an adolescent suicide survivor" – A collage-facilitated phenomenological
approach. Unpublished PhD dissertation at Rand Afrikaans University.
Kidd. S. A. (2004). "The walls were closing in, and we were trapped": a qualitative analysis of
street youth suicide. Youth & Society, 36(30), 30-55.
Kjolseth I, Ekeberg O, Steihaug S. (2010, Epub 2009). Why suicide? Elderly people who
committed suicide and their experience of life in the period before their death. Int.
Psychogeriatr., 22(2), 209-18.
Knizek, L. & Hjemeland, H. (2007). A theoretical model for interpreting suicidal behaviour
as communication. Theory Psychology, 17, 697-710.
Kocmur, M. in Dernovšek, M.Z. (2003). Attitudes towards suicide in Slovenia: a crosssectional survey. International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 49, 8–16.
Lakeman, R. & FitzGerald, M. (2008). How people live with or get over being suicidal: a
review of qualitative studies. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 64(2), 114–126.
Leenaars, A.A. (1997). Rick: a suicide of a young adult. Suicide & life-threatening behavior,
27(1),15-27.
Leenaars, A.A. (2002). In defense of the idiographic approach: studies of suicide notes and
personal documents. Archives of Suicide Research, 6, 19-30.
Leenaars, A.A. (2004). Psychotherapy with suicidal people: a person-centred approach. London: John
Wiley & Sons.
179
Lester D. (2002). Qualitative versus quantitative studies in psychiatry: two examples of
cooperation from suicidology. Archives of Suicide Research, 6, 15-18.
Lindqvist, P., Johansson L., & Karlsson, U. (2008). In the aftermath of teenage suicide: A
qualitative study of the psychosocial consequences for the surviving family members. BMC
Psychiatry, 8, 26.
Michel K., Valach L., & Waeber, V. (1994). Understanding deliberate self harm: the patient's
views. Crisis: The Journal of Crisis Intervention and Suicide Prevention, 15, 172-186.
O'Donohoe, S., & Turely, D. (2005). Compassion at the counter: Service providers and
bereaved consumers. Human Relations, 59, 142-148.
O'Connor, R. C., Sheehy, N. P., & O'Connor, D. B. (1999). A thematic analysis of suicide
notes. Crisis: The Journal of Crisis Intervention and Suicide Prevention, 20(3), 106-114.
Orbach, I. (2009). Empathy with the suicidal wish – a dynamic approach to the treatment of suicide.
Uruguay: XXV World Congress on Suicide Prevention – IASP.
Pope, C. & Mays, N. (2006). Qualitative Research in Health Care (3rd Edition). London:
Blackwell Publishers.
Pennebaker L., & Segal, D. (1999). Forming a story: The health benefits of narrative. Journal
of Clinical Psychology, 55, 1243-1254.
Ratnarajah D., & Schofield M.J. (2008). Survivors' narratives of the impact of parental suicide. Suicide
Life Threatening Behaviour, 38(5), 618-630.
Reber, A.S. & Reber, E.S. (2001). Dictionary of Psychology. London: Penguin Group.
Rogers, J. (2001). Theoretical grounding: The "missing link" in suicide research. Journal of
Counselling and Development, 79, 16-25.
Rogers, J.R., Bromley, J.L., McNally, C.J., & Lester, D. (2007). Content analysis of suicide
notes as a test of the motivational component of the existential-constructivist model of
suicide. Journal of Counselling & Developments, 85, 182-188.
Rogers, J., & Soyka, K. (2004). 'One size fits us all': An existential-constructivist perspective
on the crisis with suicidal individuals: psychotherapy with suicidal patients. Journal of
Contemporary Psychotherapy, 34 (1), 7-22.
Schneidman. E. (1997). The Suicidal Mind. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Spinelli, E. (2005). The interpreted world: an introduction to phenomenological psychology. London:
SAGE Publications Ltd.
180
Sun, F.K., Long, A., Huang X.Y. & Chiang, C.Y. (2009). A grounded theory study of action/
interactional strategies used when Taiwanese families provide care for formerly suicidal
patients. Public Health Nursing, 26(6), 543–552.
Szasz, T. (1999). Fatal freedom. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Valach, L. Michel, K., Young R., & Dey, P (2002). Stories of attempted suicide: suicide
career, suicide project, and suicide action. In Valach, L. Young, R., & Lynam, J. (Eds.), Action
theory: A primer for applied research in social sciences (pp. 153-171). London: Preaeger Publications
.
Ventegodt, S. & Merrick, J. (2006). Suicide from a holistic point of view. The Scientific World
Journal, 5, 759-766.
Watford, M.L. (2008). Bereavement of spousal suicide: a reflective self-exploration. Qualitative
Inquiry, 14, 335.
Westefeld, J.S., Range, L.M., Rogers, J.R., Maples, M.R., Bromley, J.L. & Alcorn, J. (2000).
Suicide: An overview. The Counselling Psychologist, 28, 445- 510.
Yalom, I. D. (1980). Existential psychotherapy / Eksistencialna psihoterapija. New York: Basic
Books.
Zadravec, T., Grad, O. in Soèan, G. (2006). Expert and lay explanations of suicidal
behaviour: comparison of the general population's, suicide attempters', general practitioners'
and psychiatrists' views. International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 52, 1– 17.

Values and Diversity in Values and Diversity in Qualitative

Transcription

Similar documents

here

annual report - To Write Love On Her Arms

PRAY FOR US Proverbs 9:10 - Cranbrook Alliance Church

Oshkosh`s 4th Annual Chester Marcol 5K Run/Walk for Suicide

The Amazing Evolution of Qualitative Research

Peter J. Crosa ETHICS

SAS Newsletter Nov 2014 - Didi Hirsch Mental Health Services

Be Active, Me kori tonu WAYS TO WELL BEING

NHASP Protocol - New Hampshire Association of School