The Myths of Reparations R

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The Myths of Reparations
SALLY MARKS
R
PARATIONS after World War I can be divided into two
categories: non-German reparations, which remain largely terra
incognita to the historian, and German reparations, an excruciatingly tangled thicket into which only a few intrepid explorers have
ventured. Understandably, most students of twentieth-century history
have preferred to sidestep the perils of travel on territory of extreme
financial complexity and, as a consequence, a number of misconceptions
about the history of German reparations remain in circulation. This
brief summary is not addressed to those few brave trailblazers, whose
work it indeed salutes, but rather to those many who have assiduously
avoided the subject and to the myths about reparations which still adorn
studies of the Weimar Republic and interwar history.
The myths about German reparations begin with the Versailles Treaty.
The much-Gr.iticizeQ'.~1¥.~!I.g.uiltdause/.' Article 231, which was designed
to lay a legal basis for reparations, in fact makes no mention of war
guilt. It does specify "the resp()lls.ibilityQ£ Germany and.herAllies for
causing all the 1.oss .and dalJl.age .towhich the. Allied. and AssQciated
Governments and their nationals have been subjected as a consequence
of the war imposed upon them by the aggression .of Germany and her
allies,"l That Germany committed an act of aggression against Belgium
is beyond dispute. 2 Further, upon the theory of collective responsibility,
This paper was originally presented in abridged form as part of a panel entitled "Reparations Reconsidered" at the American Historical Association's annual meeting in Washington, D.C., December 29, 1976. Its expansion has benefited greatly from the commentaries of Dr. Stephen A. Schuker and Professor Gerhard L. Weinberg.
1. Article 231, Versailles Treaty. The annotated text of the Versailles Treaty may be
found in United States, Department of State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the
United States (hereafter FRUS), Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 13 vols. (hereafter PPC)
(Washington, 1942-27), vol. 13.
2. Under the treaties of Apr. 19, 1839, Britain, France, Russia, Austria-Hungary, and
Prussia (later Germany) were obligated to defend the independence, territorial integrity,
and neutrality of Belgium. Technically, Britain entered World War I and French troops
entered Belgium to honor this legal obligation. Germany openly acknowledged her re-
231
Sally Marks,"The Myths of Reparations", Central European History,
Vol.XI, No.3, Sept.1978, p.231-255.
23 2
The Myths
of Reparations
the victors incorporated the same clause, mutatis mutandis, in the treaties
with Austria and Hungary, neither of whom interpreted it as a declaration of war guilt.3 In later years, however,.GeJ;man-politicians and propagandists fglmmated endlessly about "unilateral W<lLguilt~ J:onvincing many who had not read the treaties of their injustice on this point ..
While Article 231 of the Versailles Treaty estabHshed an· unlimited
theoretical liability, Article 232 in fact narrowed German responsibility
to civilian damages as defined in an annex. Much ink has been wasted
on the fact that civilian damages were stretched to cover war widows'
pensions and allowances for military dependents. 5 In reality, since the
German reparations bill was established in 1921 on the basis of an Allied
assessment of German capacity to pay, not on the basis of Allied claims,
these items did not affect German liability but merely altered distribution of the receipts. In brief, inclusion of pensions and allowances increased the British share of the pie but did not enlarge the pie. The chief
effects of the expanded British claim were to increase vastly the difficulties of inter-Allied agreement on a reparations settlement and to
heighten German resentment as German opinion reacted to the. misleading appearance of enlarged liability. In this matter, as in so many
other aspects of reparations, appearance and reality diverged, giving rise
to one of the many myths of reparations.
.
Much has also been made of the fact that the treaty. did_not..specify
thetotal German reparations liability. While some financial uncertainty
sponsibility in regard to Belgium on August 4, 1914, and May 7, 1919. G. H. O'Regan,
The German Warof1914, London, 1915, pp. 49-50; FRUS PPC, 3: 417.) For texts bfthe
1839 treaties, see Great Britain, Foreign Office, British and Foreign State Papers (London,
1841 - ), 27: 990-1002.
3. Article 177 of the Treaty of Saint-Germain with Austria and Article 161 of the
Treaty of Trianon with Hungary. Texts of both treaties may be found in Fred L. Israel,
ed., Major Peace Treaties of Modern History, 4 vols. (New York, 1967), vol. 3. On the
question of Austrian and Hungarian interpretation, see FRUS PPC, 13: 415.
4. After Germany protested against Article 231, Allied language in response became
intemperate (see, for instance, FRUS PPC, 6: 926-29) but did not charge Germany with
"unilateral war guilt." Random examples of statements by German officials concerning
"unilateral," "sole," or "exclusive" war guilt may be found in FRUS PPC, 3: 417, 6:
38-40, 42, 12: 17; Great Britain, Foreign Office, Documents on British Foreign Policy, 19191939 (hereafter DBFP), ser. 1, 15: 320; Public Record Office, London (hereafter PRO),
German declaration, Sept. 26, 1925, F.O. 371/10740.
5· For example, A. J. Nicholls, Weimar and the Rise of Hitler (London, 1968), p. 58;
Thomas A. Bailey, Woodrow Wilson and the Lost Peace (New York, 1944), pp. 239-43;
John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (New York, 1920), pp.
154-57; Thomas Lamont, "Reparations," in Edward M. House and Charles Seymour,
What Really Happened at Paris (New York, 1921), p. 272.
Sally Marks
233
was thus engendered in both Germany and the victor states, and Ger!11any was able to propagandize effectively about the iniquity of having
to sign a "blank check,"6 delay was actually in Germany's interest. BecaUse of inflated popular expectations in the victor countries, the reparations totals discussed at the peace conference were astronomic, ranging
to sixteen times the amount finally set. The British experts, Lords Sumner and Cunliffe, were so unrealistic that they were nicknamed "the
heavenly tWins."7 As time passed, the proposed figures were progressively reduced alid by 1921 a su~stantial degree of realism had set in.
Finally, the Versailles Treaty specified that Germany make an interim
payment' of.20 billion gold marks before May 1, 1921, by which time
the Reparation Commission was to set the totalliability.8 In fact, 20
billion marks is approximately what Germany paid during the entire
history of reparations. 9 During the interim period, she paid less than 8
billion marks, mostly as credit for transferred state properties. Technically, none of this was considered reparations, as it was fully consumed
~y prior charges, notably occupation costs and the expense of provisioning Germany.1 o In time, however, there developed a certain tacit
recognition of the 8 billion as reparations.
Reparations were to be paid in several categories. There were to be
periodic cash payments and deliveries in kind, that is, continuing shipments ofcertain commodities. For Germany, "kind" meant coal, timber, chemical dyes, and pharmaceutical drugs. The gold value of the
shipments was to be credited as payment against Germany's total reparations bill. With two exceptions, reparations credit was also given for
6. Keynes, pp. 157':"58; Bailey, p. 243.
7. P. A. Burnett, Reparations at the Paris Peace Conference, 2 vols. (New York, 1940), 1:
60; Gaston A. Furst, De Versailles aux experts (Nancy, 1927), p. 346; Bailey, p. 245.
8. Articles 235, 233, Versailles Treaty.. The exchange rate was approximately four gold
marks to the dollar. "Billion" is used in the American sense (1,000 million).
9. The total figure, was 20.598 billion gold marks. (Waley to Foreign Office, June 8,
1932, F.O. 371/15911.) Figures based upon publications of the Reparation Commission
and the Bank for International Settlements. American figures credit Germany with almost a billion marks more, the discrepancy arising from small transfers made by the BIS
after 1932 and balances held by it in 1937. (FRUS PPC, 13: 409.)
10. While the Reparation Commission's estimate of pre-May 1921 payments came to
8 billion gold marks, the actual sum eventually realized and credited to Germany was
7.595 billion marks. (FRUS PPC, 13: 439; Reparation Commission, 4: Statement ofGermany's Obligations, London, 1922: 11.) On prior charges, see Versailles Treaty, Article
235. The cost of armies of occupation to May 1, 1921, was 3.143 billion gold marks. Food
and raw materials supplied to Germany amounted to almost 4 billion marks. (Reparation
Commission, 4: 10, 16.)
r
234
The Myths of Reparations
state properties in territories transferred to the victors, such as the Saar
coal mines and German state railways in districts awarded to Poland. 11
Except in the case of Alsace-Lorraine, countries receiving German territory assumed part of the German imperial and state debts as of August
1, 1914.12 Finally, reparations included certain one-time requirements.
Return of art treasures did not receive reparations credit but materials
to replace the destroyed Library of Louvain did. Similarly, supplies of
livestock, agricultural implements, factory machinery, and construction
materials in compensation for wholesale removals during the German
retreat were credited to the reparations account. 13
The reparations provisions of the treaties with Austria and Hungary
were similar in broad outline to those imposed upon Germany. Again,
the total figure was left unspecified, and the costs of carrying out the
peace treaties were to be prior charges against payments made, not
credited to reparations accounts. However, credit was to be given for
payment in cash, deliveries in kind, and transfer of state properties,
while the successor states also were to assume substantial portions of the
prewar Austro-Hungarian state debt. 14 The Bulgarian treaty set a fixed
sum, which was soon revised downward. 1s In the unratified Treaty of
Sevres, Turkish reparation liability was sharply limited in view of the
magnitude of Turkish territorial losses, and in the Treaty of Lausanne it
was eliminated altogether. 16 Austria became so impoverished that she
paid no reparations beyond credits for transferred property, while Hungary paid little. 17 As it became clear that Germany was the only defeated
11. The exceptions were Alsace-Lorraine and territories transferred to Belgium. (Versailles Treaty, Article 256.)
12. Versailles Treaty, Articles 254,255. Germany had refused to,assume any portion of
the French debt when she annexed Alsace-Lorraine in 187L (Versailles Treaty, Article
255.)
13. Although the Reparation Commission decision of Apr. 27,1921, excluded restitutions from the total reparations bill, credit was in fact given for such deliveries. FRUS
PPC, 13: 433, 525, 504, 508.
.
14. Articles 177-190, Treaty of Saint-Germain; Articles 161-174, Treaty of Trianon.
15. The specified sum was 21j4 billion gold francs. (Article 121, 'treaty ofNeuilly-surSeine, text in Israel, vol. 3.) Article 122 authorized reduction. In 1923, Bulgarian reparations were reduced to 550 million gold francs plus a lump sum payment of 25 million
francs for occupation costs set in 1924. (Arnold]. Toynbee, Survey of International Affairs,
1924, London, 1926, pp. 439-49.)
16. Article 231, Treaty ofSevres (text in Israel, vol. 3); Article 58, Treaty of Lausanne
(text ibid., vol. 4).
17. Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 1: Report on the Work of the Commissionjrom 1920 to
1922 (London, 1923): 159ff., 224-25. By the terms of the Protocols for the fmanciaI re-
S(llly Marks
235
power able to pay appreciably, the battle was joined over German reparations.
Some controversy arose over credits for transferred state properties
and one-time restitution shipments, but there was constant dispute over
all varieties of continuing German payments in cash and kind. While
shipments of dyes od:~sioned much difficulty, most of the problems
were not of Germany's making. In this connection, it should be noted
that, contrary to common belief, the United States had claims upon
Germany amounting to almost $1 % billion (or nearly 6 billion gold
marks) and that the United States received regular shipments of dyes
until late in 1922; when she renounced her right to reparations dyes.
Counting mixed claims of private individuals, Rhineland occupation
costs, and governmental reparations claims, the United States eventually
received over 400 :niillion gold marks. is
Dyes were a peripheral issue, however, and the United States government was a peripheral power in the reparations question. Attention
focused upon cash, coal, and timber, while the actively concerned Allied
powers were France, Britain, Italy, and Belgium, who were to receive
the lion's share. Coal shipments were bel~w quotas almost from the
outset. At the Spa Conference in July 1920, the victors agreed to pay
Germany a five-mark premium for eachton'of coal, officially to provide better nourishment for the miners, and advanced Germany sizeable
loans to faciFt:;ttecoal shipments. i9 Still the quotas were not met. An
construction of Hungary of Mar. 14,.1924, reparations aside from coal deliveries were to
be abandoned during the period of reconstruction (until June 30, 1926) and paid in reduced amounts thereafter. (Toynbee, Survey, 192 4, pp. 425-31.)
18. Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 1: 108-14; Furst, p. 316; FRUS PPC, 13: 516-18.
While the largest American claims were for occupation costs and mixed claims, which
technically did not constitute reparations, United States government reparations claims
for submarine damage, the Veterans' Bureau, the Shipping Board, and the Railway Administration came to $110,668,701. From the Dawes annuities, the United States received
300,430,667.80 gold marks up to May 21,1930. (FRUSPPC, 13: 388.) Thereafter payments both for occupation costs and for mixed claims were regulated by German-American agreements signed onJune 23, 1930. For texts, see FRUS PPC, 13: 942-48. Germany
paid regularly on the mixed claims account through September 30, 1931, partly because
German payments were going to private American citizens, not the United States government. For occupation costs, she paid less than half of what was due in 1930. Under
the Hoover Moratorium, further claims for occupation costs were postponed. (FRUS
PPC, 13: 630, 778; Memo by U.S. delegation, n.d., London Committee of Experts,
1931, L.(E)21, F.O. 371/15192.)
19. Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 1: 98-99. Germany evidently used the Spa premiums and advances to repay certain British claims, not for their intended purposes.
The Myths of Reparations
Allied occupation of the Ruhr to force Germany to meet her obligations
was first discussed at the London Conference of March 1920, and was
seriously considered at Spa.20 Thereafter the question arose frequently,
as defaults continued under the permanent plan which replaced the in'
terim scheme in 1921.
As required by the Versailles Treaty, the Reparation Commission announced on April 27, 1921, a total German liability of 132 billion gold
marks. This figure was a Belgian compromise between higher French
and Italian totals and a lower British figure. It represented an assessment
of the lowest amount that public opinion in continental receiver states
would tolerate. 21 The British pressure for a lower total and the continuing British effort thereafter to reduce German reparations derived
from an assumption that restoration of British economic prosperity depended upon a rapid return to prewar patterns of trade which in turn
required an immediate German economic revival. As British leaders assumed that sizeable German reparations payments would delay this sequence of events or overstimulate German exports to the detriment of
British producers, they opposed enforcement of substantial reparations
requirements upon Germany.22
Paris, Quai d'Or,say archives, Leygues to Dubois, Nov. 20, 1920, Laurent to Leygues,
Nov. 22, 1920, tel., et seq., Miller~d Papers/16.
20. Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 1: 229; DBFP, ser. 1,7: 547; 8: 471-81, 584, 598605, 623-25; Paul Hymans, Memoires, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1958), 2: 567-68.
21. Furst, pp. 346, 124-26; National Archives, Washington, Wallace to Hughes, Apr.
27, 28, 1921, tels. 291, 296, State Department 462.00R29/708, 713; Etietme Weill-Raynall, Les Reparations allemands et la France, 3 vols. (paris, 1947), 1: 665-66; John Maynard
Keynes, A Revision of the Treaty (New York, 1922), p. 39. For text of the Reparation
Commission decision, see FR US PPC, 13: 433. Estimates of total reparations claims vary
because the claims were submitted in assorted fluctuating paper 'currencies. (Reparation
Commission, 5, pt. 1, Appendix VII, 191A.) By American estimate, total Allied claims
came to about 266 billion gold marks. (FRUS PPC, 13: 475.) Furst (pp. 13-15) lists a
total of 213 billion marks, of which about 108 billion represented claims for material
damages while the remainder represented claims for pensions, wartime forced levies by
Germany on Allied civilian populations, and similar charges. Weill-Raynall, 1: 323 gives
a total of over 226 billion gold marks, about 102% billion for material damages and
more than 123% billion for damages to individuals. None of these totals includes United
States claims.
22. Some aspects of British views are displayed in David Lloyd George, The Truth
about Reparations and War-Debts (London, 1932), pp. 15, 43, 45-51, 83. Others may be
seen in Brussels, Foreign Ministry archives (hereafter BMAE), Moncheur to Hymans,
Mar. 4, 1920, no. 1034/346, B/366/II; Moncheur to Jaspar, Feb. 4,1921, no. 505/202,
BMAE B /366 fIll; Report of Federation of British Industries on German Reparations,
n.d. [late 1921], BMAE B/366/V.
Sally Marks
237
Historians have focused upon the figure of 132 billion without examining the nature of its implementation. The London Schedule of
Payments of May 5, 1921, both enshrined this sum and demolished it.
The fuliliaoility of an the Central Powers combined, not just Germany
alone, was set at 132 billion gold marks, subject to certain arithmetic
adjustments. The German debt, however, was to be organized in three
series of bonds, labeled A, B, and C. Of these, the C Bonds, which contained the bulk of the German obligation, were deliberately designed to
be chimerical. They were entirely unreal, and their primary function
was to mislead public opinion in the receiver countries into believing
that the 132-billion-mark figure was being maintained. Allied experts
knew that Germany could not pay ~J2 billion mark~ and that the other
Central Powers could pay little. Thus the A and B Bonds, which were
genuine, represented the actual Allied assessment of German capacity to
pay. The A Bonds, amounting to 12 billion gold marks, constituted the
unpaid balance of the interim 20 billion, while the B Bonds amounted
to 38 billion. Therefore the A and B Bonds represented the total German reparations liability to a face (or nominal) value of 50 billion gold
marks or $12 %billion, an amount smaner than what Germany had recently offered to pay. The London Schedule also established modalities
of payment toward redemption of the A and B Bonds, including two
schedules of quarterly deadlines for fixed and variable annuities. 23
In the summer of 1921, Germany met her first cash payment of one
billion gold marks in full. 24 She did so because west German customs
posts and an area around Dusseldorf were under Allied occupation.
These measures had been taken in March 1921, primarily in an effort to
induce a satisfactory German offer, and were continued to force German
23. It was also hoped that C Bonds could be transferred to the United States as a means
of disguising cancelation of Allied war debts to America. (Gaiffier note, Dec. 21, 1921,
BMAE B / 366/V.) For a more detailed analysis of the London Schedule of Payments, see
Sally Marks, "Reparations Reconsidered: A Reminder," Central European History 2 (Dec.
1969): 356-65. The final version of the German offer of Apr. 24,1921, via the United
States,· came in two forms: 50 billion gold marks (capital value) or 200 billion gold marks
. in annuities (nominal value). (FRUS, 1921,2: 46-48, 53.)
24. Reparation Commission, 1: Statement of Germany's Obligations (London, 1922): 15.
The payment in gold and assorted hard currencies was spread over three months by
common consent to reduce dislocation of international money markets. (FRUS PPC,
13: 439-40; Weill-Raynall, 1: 653.) For added details, see Paris, Archives Nationales
(hereafter AN), Reparation Commission, Annex 944b (199th meeting), June 16, 1921,
Papers of French Delegation to the Reparation Commission;AJ5/40 6; Mayer to Reparation Commission, May 30, 1921, no. 3041, Mauclere to Doumer, Sept. 9, 1921, no.
1488F, AJ5/3 87·
The Myths of Reparations
acceptance of the London Schedule. After the 1921 cash payment, the
Allies relinquished the customs posts but remained at Diisseldor£25
Thereafter, Germany paid a tiny portion of the variable annuity due in
November 1921 and small amounts on annuities due in early 1922, but
made no further payments in cash until after the Dawes Plan went into
effect late in 1924. Through 1922, payments in kind continued, altho,ugh
never in full, while a variety of expedients papered over the absence of
cash payments;26 However, these stopgap measures would expire at the
end of 1922 when either a new reparations plan had to be imposed or,
the London Schedule would revert to full force.
By the summer of 1922, it was clearly impossible to restore the Lon:'
don Schedule, which was in virtual abeyance, but there was no agreement on what to do. By this time, Germany's currency depreciation
had become acute. This depreciation had begun during World War I
and had continued at an erratic pace. A conjunction had developed between reparations deadlines and dramatic inflationary lurches of the
mark. 27 Germans argued. thaLITP-al:~:tions 'Y~r_edestroyingtheir currency while British and French experts agreed that Germany was deliberately ruining the mark, partly to avoid budgetary and currency
reform, but primarily to escape reparations. 28 In this, the Entente ex25. F.O. Summary, Mar. 16, 1921, P.O. 371/6018; PRO, I.C.P. 208, Aug. 13, 1921,
CAB 29/32; Hardinge to Curzon, Sept. 28,1921, no. 2672, P.O. to Ryan, Sept. 28, 1921,
tel. 86, P.O. 371/6068. The continuing occupation at Diisseldorfwasjustified on grounds
that Germany had not met treaty requirements on disarmament and surrender of alleged
war criminals. (FRUS PPC, 13: 434-35.)
26. The Nov. 1, 1921, variable annuity was 300 million marks. Germany paid a little
,over 13 million. (Reparation Commission, 1: 28, 15.) The annuity was deemed to be
largely covered by payments in kind since May 1, 1921. (Faille to Jaspar, Oct. 17, 1921,
no. 8050/3842, BMAE B/366/V.) The original schedules for 1922 called for total payments of a little over 3 billion marks. Germany paid about 435 million in cash. Cash
payments ceased altogether in the summer of 1922 (except for paper marks requisitioned
for use by occupation forces in the Rhineland). As the Cannes Conference in January
1922 did not resolve matters, a partial moratorium was devised in March'1922, and in
August six-month treasury bills were substituted for cash for the remainder of the year.
(Reparation Commission, 1: 28, 15; 4: 22,12,19,23; Reparation Commission to German
Government, Mar. 21,1922, C.P. 3916, Annex 1352, F.O. 371/7476; Reparation Commission to German Government, Aug. 31, 1922, P.O. 371/7484.)
27. Dubois to Millerand, July 18, 1922, Millerand/22: For data on German currency
depreciation, see Weill-Raynal, 2: 78n., 150n., 191n., 241n. Reparation Commission, 3:
Official Documents (London, 1922): 121-24, 6: Official Documents (London, 1923): 20-22;
I.c.P. 250, 251, Aug. 7, 1922, F.O. 371/7481.
28. F.O. memo, Nov. 23,1922, P.O. 371/7487; Paris, Quai d'Orsay archives (hereafter
FMAE), Saint-Aulaire to Poincare, July 13, 1922, tel. 605. Serie Z/Allemagne/473; Las-
Sally Marks
239
perts were corre~t. Those historians who ~ave .acceptedthe German
claim that reparatlons were the cause of the mflatlOn29 have overlooked
the fact that the inflation long predated reparations. They have similarly
overlooked the fact that the inflation mushroomed in the period from
the'summer of 192itO. the end. of 1922 when Germany was actually
paying very little in reparations. They have· also failed to explain why
th6 period ofleast inflation coincided with the period oflargest reparations payment,., in the late 1920S or why Germans claimed after 1930
that reparations were causing deflation. 3o There is no doubt that British
and French suspicions late in 1922 were sound. The Reich Chancellery
archives indicate that in 1922 and 1923 German leaders chose to postpone tax reform and cUrrency stabilization measures in hopes of obtaining substantial reductions in reparations. 31
However, the Entente agreement on the facts yielded no solutions, as
teyrie note, July 15, 1922, Seydoux note, Aug. 8, 1922, Millerand/22. As Allied leaders
well realized, the depreciation of the mark also gave German industry competitive advantages on world markets. (Gaiffier to Jaspar, Dec. 9, 1921. no. 12121/5860, BMAE
B/366/V; Seydoux note, May 23, 1923, Millerand/26.)
29. For instance, David Felix, Walther Rathenau and the Weimar Republic (Baltimore,
1971), p. 84. Felix also stresses the German budget deficit (pp. 26-29) which undoubtedly
contributed to the inflation. However, all Allied experts consistently held th,at German
monetary problems arose from irresponsible printing of paper money, unrestricted and
massive flights of German capital to other countries, and the dramatically unbalanced
budget which itself stemmed from lavish expenditures and very low tax rates, far below
those in victor countries (where deficits were also large as a result of reconstruction costs).
For a careful Allied analysis based upon German data, see Conference d' experts de Bruxelles, Rapport aux gouvernements allies, Jan. 18, 1921, BMAE B/366/III. A later tax
reform was ineffectual because extremely slow collection in conjunction with rapid inflation insured that the tax yield remained low. See also Reparation Commission to
Wirth, Mar. 21; 1922, AN, AJ5/385.
30. Heinrich Briining, Memoiren,1918-1934 (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 221, 329, 377. While
payments in the late 1920S were fmanced chiefly by government borrowing and foreign
investment, such payments as were made in the early 1920S were financed in the same
fashion. See, for instance, Kerchove to Hymans, July 2, 1920, no. 4557/1702, BMAE
B/366/II; Nieuwenhuys to Jaspar, Aug. 1, 1921, no. 5950/3076, BMAE B/366/V.
31. Stephen A. Schuker, "A Comparative Study of German, British, and French Strategies for Economic Reconstruction after the First World War: Finance and Foreign Policy in the Era of the German Inflation," paper read at conference: Historische Prozesse
der deutschen Inflation, Berlin, July 1976, sponsored by Historische Kommission zu Berlin. See also Charles S. Maier, Recasting Bourgeois Europe (princeton, 1975), pp. 287-88,
298-99, 358; Fritz K. Ringer, ed., The German Inflation of 1923 (New York, 1969), pp.
90-93; Stephen A. Schuker, The End ofFrench Predominance in Europe (Chapel Hill, 1976).
pp. 16, 22; Akten der Reichkanzlei, Weimarer Republik, Das Kabinett Wirth, 2 vols.
(Boppard am Rhein, 1973),2, passim; Das Kabinett Cuno (Boppard am Rhein, 1968),
passim.
The Myths of Reparations
Britain and France drew opposite policy conclusions from the same assessment. The British maintained that, since Germany had succeeded in
destroying her currency, she should be granted a full four-year moratorium on all reparations payments to facilitate fmancial reconstruction,
while the French objected to awarding a long moratorium as a bad conduct prize and insisted upon Allied seizqre of something-mines, state
forests, customs posts, or whatever-as a revenue-yielding guarantee
that payment would eventually resume. The British opposed the seizure of "productive guarantees," arguing that any compulsion would
damage German recovery, while the French maintained that a moratorium without them would mean the end of reparations.32 Through
the latter part of 1922, neither the Reparation Commission nor Allied
conferences achieved any compromise.
The tension heightened on December 26,1922, when the Reparation
Commission by a three to one vote, with Britain dissenting, formally
declared Germany in default on timber deliveries. 33 There was no disagreement about the fact of the default nor its size. Contrary to historical myth, the timber default was massive even though 1922 timber
quotas had been based upon (and in most categories revised downward
from) a German offer.34 Nor was there any Allied dispute about the
ca~ses of the default, which implied German governmental bad faith. 35
32. F.O. memo, Nov. 23, 1922, F.O. 371/7487. See also Great Britain, Parliament,
Cmd. 2258, Minutes of the London Conference on Reparations, August 1922 (London, 1924)
and Cmd. 1812, Inter-allied Conferences' on Reparations mid Inter-allied Debts Held in London
and Paris, December 1922 and January 1923: Reports and Secretary's Notes of Conversations
(London, 1923).
33. Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 1: 260.
34. For the myth, see, for example, W. N. Medlicott, British Foreign Policy since Versailles (London, 1968 ed.), p. 49, or E. H. Carr, International Retations between the Two
World Wars, 1919-1939 (London, 1955), p. 56. For the German offer and actual 1922
timber quotas, see Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 1: 140-41. There had been prior deficiencies from 1919 on; in 1921 France received only 20% of her quotas, but the balance
was canceled by the Wiesbaden Agreement (which otherwise never went into effect). In
1922, at quota deadlines France had received 29% of her savyn timber allotment and 29%
of her share of telegraph poles. The default was specifically declared on deliveries to
France. (Ibid., pp. 138-42, 249; Weill-Raynall, 2: 268-69.) There was also substantial
default on timber deliveries to Belgium and Italy, while Britain admitted that she was
still awaiting 99.80% of her 1922 quota of sawn timber. Reparation Commission, 5, pt.
1: 243-44, 246; pt. 2 (French ed.): 465-70.
35. Although the Reparation Commission credited German deliveries of timber in
gold, the German government had entered into contracts with suppliers at fixed rates in
paper marks. The fall of the mark rendered supply at the agreed price impossible, but the
German government tried to enforce the contracts and refused to authorize the com.mencement of renegotiation until late July. (Reparation Commission, S, pt. 1: 241-42,
246; pt. 2: 456-66.)
Sally Marks
241
But Britain opposed declaring the default for fear that declaration would
lead to action. 36 The only feasible Entente action of consequence was an
occupation of the Ruhr Basin, which Britain opposed with mounting
vigor as the prospect came closer.37 While no action was taken on the
timber default, its declaration raised the spectre of a formal declaration
of coal default in January, as French patience was exhausted and French
leaders became determined to use the technicality of repeated coal defaults to force execution of the Versailles Treaty in' general. Coal quotas
were monthly; Germany had fulfilled them in January and October of
1920, but otherwise had defaulted regularly in varying amounts, despite
several downward quota revisions, especially after Germany lost the Silesian coal fields. Thus in January 1923 there occurred the thirty-fourth
coal default in thirty-six months. 38
36. Sir John Bradbury, British delegate to the Reparation Commission, argued that
the failures "in view of the fmancial obligations under the Treaty, were almost microscopic." (Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 1: 253.) Naturally, default in a single category
in a single year would not 100m large in comparison with total obligations in all categories over thirty-six years. Bradbury's argument also overlooked substantial default in
coal and (to all practical purposes) in cash. See also Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 2:
473-88 .
37. Unlike the Belgians, who had no illusions about the magnitude of the Ruhr operation, who opposed actions which would heighten the German desire for revenge, and
who above all feared rupture of the Western, Entente, British leaders had no clear-cut
reasons for opposing the Ruhr occupation. Policy formulation was as unsystematic as
usual, and the view had merely evolved that Britain was by defmition opposed to punitive measures. See, for instance, Moncheur to Jaspar, Apr. 8, 1921, no. 1648/576, BMAE
B/366/IV. Britain had instinctively reverted to her traditional balance-of-power role,
and since British leaders consistently underestimated the German power of recuperation
and equally overestimated the French power of sustained military predominance, the
power alignment gradually shifted until it was, more often than not, Germany and Britain against an overmatched France, reluctantly supported by Belgium and sometimes
Italy.
38. Coal defaults in March and June 1920 exceeded 50% of quotas and in July 1920
neared 50%. Between January 1920 and January 1922, Germany was scheduled to deliver
53,209,350 tons of coal but only delivered 37,554,461 tons. For 1922, Bradbury estimated
the coal default at 16%%. French estimates were higher. (Reparation Commission, 5,
pt. 1: 229,104-5; pt. 2: 465-88, 430-31; FRUS PPC, 13: 512; Weill-Raynal, 2: 281.) On
June 4, 1921, the Reparation Commission, in response to the Silesian problem, divided
the coal quota into three categories of urgency, indicating that Germany should fill the
first category. This was not fulfilled, although Germany was exporting coal to Austria
and Switzerland. Therefore, on Dec. 9, 1921, the Reparation Commission barmed German coal export except to Holland. Germany then agreed to fulfill the categories of first
and second urgency if export were permitted, but in fact did not fulfill the first category.
(Reparation Commission, 5, pt. 1: 181-82; Weill-Raynal, 2: 275-77.) Bradbury himself
admitted that "it is no doubt true that until December 1922 the Reparations Commission
exhibited a good deal of patience in dealing with Germany." (PRO, Bradbury to Bonar
242
The Myths of Reparations
OnJanuary 2,1923, the Entente powers and Germany met at Paris.
Each country except Belgium brought a plan and published it at once,
thus inflaming public opinion everywhere.39 The German plan, offering
a Rhineland pact and thus foreshadowing Locarno, was an unsuccessful
attempt at distraction from reparations default. 40 The French and Italian
plans called for limited economic sanctions and Entente unity, although
France declared that, in the absence of full unity, she would take more
drastic steps.41 The British brushed both plans aside and insisted that
theirs was the only basis for discussion. The new British prime minister,
Andrew Bonar Law, ailing, inexperienced in reparations, and distracted
by domestic politics and the Turkish crisis, had accepted the plan of Sir
John Bradbury, British delegate to the Reparation Commission. This
scheme was merely a variation of one already rejected by France, and it
had been termed "impossible of execution" by Germany.42 It was so
excruciatingly complex that Carl Bergmann, the leading German expert, grumbled that he would rather pay reparations than master the
Bradbury Plan.43 Amongst its other unpalatable features, the British
scheme would have destroyed all Belgian benefits from reparations,
granted Germany a four-year moratorium (twice what she had requested
in December) on payments in cash and kind without any productive
Law, Feb. 19, 1923, Premier 1/23.) For further data on coal defaults, see Le Trocquer
,
note, Dec. 23, 1922, AN, AJ5/414.
39. W. M. Jordan, Great Britain, France, and the German Problem, 1918-1939 (London,
1943), p. 90.
40. Cmd. 1812, pp. 68-70.
41. Texts of the French and Italian plans may be found in France, Ministere des Affaires
Etrangeres, Documents Diplomatiques: Demande de moratorium du gouvemement allemand
ala commission des reparations (14 novembre 1922); conjerence de Londres (9-11 decembre 1922);
conjerence de Paris (2-4 janvier 1923) (paris, 1923). All the plails are summarized in Carl
Bergmann, The History of Reparations (Boston, 1927), pp. 163-69.
42. Cmd. 1812, pp. 112-16; Bradbury to Blackett, Oct. 13, 1922, F.O. 371/7486;
Bradbury to Baldwin, Dec. 15, 1922, F.O. 371/7490; Bergmann, p. 160. British officials
had given the plan to Germany, although apparently not to Entente representatives.
Reparations were a Treasury matter and, since communication between the Treasury and
the Foreign Office had deteriorated acutely (as it did from time to time), the Foreign
Office did not see the final plan until after Cabinet approval. While the Foreign Office
was aware earlier of the salient features of the plan, it did not take upon itself the task of
reminding the Treasury of the political realities which were bound to dictate the plan's
failure. (phipps to Curzon, Dec. 17, 1922, no. 2944, F.O. 371/7490; Wigram to Crowe,
Jan. 4, 1923, F.O. 371/8626; C.P. 4376, n.d., received at F.O.Jan. 2, 1923, F.O. 371/
8625.)
43. Weill-Raynal, 2: 336.
Sally Marks
243
guarantees, required open cancellation of the C Bonds (a politically difficult act), reduced and reconstructed the Reparation Commission to
end French preponderance therein, provided a British veto on any punitive measures against future defaults, and accorded Britain full dictation
of Entente policy on non-German reparations. 44 As this plan would
have meant the practical end of reparations, no continental politician
could accept it and expect to remain in office. None did, and the conference failed. 45
On January 9, 1923, the Reparation Commission declared the coal
default by a vote of three to one and, by the same vote, decided to
occupy the Rtihr. On January 11, French, Belgian, and Italian engineers
entered the Ruhr to procure the coal, accompanied by small contingents
of French and Belgian troopS.46 Britain stood aloof, denouncing the occupation as immoral and illegal, but rendered it feasible by permitting
France to mount it on British-contr'olled railways in the Rhineland. 47
While the question of morality perhaps depends upon viewpoint, the
British legal opinion was based more upon what British leaders wished
the Versailles Treaty had said than upon what it actually did say. Although no definitive ruling was ever made, since a unanimous opinion
of the Reparation Commission was impossible, a close reading of the
44. For text, see Cmd. 1812, pp. 112-19. In return for its stringent requirements, the
British plan offered war-debt relief to France and Italy. For the German proposal of Dec.
9, 1922, see pp. 57-60.
45. Ibid., pp. 101-8, 135-36.
46. Bergmann, p. 176; FRUS PPC, 13: 486-87, 781-82; F.O. memo, May 28,1924,
F.O. 371/9832; Weill-Raynal, 2: 284. Denise Artaud, "A propos de l'occupation de la
Ruhr," Revue d'histoire modeme et contemporaine, 17 Gan.-Mar. 1970): 1-21, and Walter
McDougall, "Treaty Execution vs. Rhineland Revisionism: French Models for German
Reintegration after Versailles, 1919-1924" (paper delivered at American Historical Association annual meeting, Washington, D.C., Dec. 30, 1976), both argue that Poincare
made the decision to occupy the Ruhr in June 1922 and that his chief aim was to force
the Anglo-Americans to underwrite reparations (and, according to Artaud, to reduce
war debts). This author fInds their evidence slender and supports the contention of
Jacques Bariety that Poincare's decision was taken reluctantly and late. (Conversation
with Prof. Bariety, MarS' Hill, N.C., Oct. 16,,1975.) See also n. 49, below.
47· Godley to War Office, Jan. 7,1923, tel. C.o. 371/7/1 and minutes, F.O. 371/8703.
The British later adjusted zonal boundaries to transfer a key railway to French control so
that France could handle her increasing Ruhr traffic. (Crewe to Curzon, Feb. 11, 1923,
tel. 173, F.O. 371/8713; Cab 10 (23), Feb. 15, 1923, CAB 23/45; Saint-Aulaire to Poincare, Feb. 16, 1923, tel. 166-68, FMAE Z/Ruhr/11.)
244
The Myths of Reparations
text of the Versailles Treaty48 indicates that the majority view had much
legal substance.
As German passive resistance escalated the Ruhr occupation into a
major military operation, Britain refused to take sides and thus both
prolonged and exacerbated the crisis. Bonar Law dreaded breach with
France and refused to recogniz·e that it had arrived. As he wished above
all to keep the breach from becoming irreparable, he took no decisive
action in either direction. He also failed to understand the French premier, Raymond Poincare. In the weeks before the occupation, Bonar
Law ignored evidence that Poincare was seeking to avoid such a drastic
step, and he never realized that, in combination with the French right,
notably Alexandre Millerand, he had forced Poincare into the Ruhr by
rejecting more moderate options.49 Once the step had been taken, Poincare recognized that France had played her last trump and must win on
this card or go down to permanent defeat. She was inherently weaker
than Germany and had already failed to enforce delivery of alleged war
criminals, to obtain German compliance with the military clauses of the
treaty, or to gain any effective German participation in the costly French
reconstruction of the devastated provinces. If Germany did not pay
reparations and remove some of the burden from France, her innate
economic superiority, together with further progressive crumbling of
the peace treaty, would soon tip the balance altogether. In applying the
ultimate sanction of the Ruhr occupation, Poincare was above all mak48. Curzon to Kilmarnock, Jan. 15, 1923, tel. 3, F.O. 371/8793; Cab 1 (23), Jan. 11,
1923, CAB 23/45. For the legal opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown (political
appointees whose task it was to fmd the interpretation the Cabinet wished), see F.O.
memo, Apr. 10,1924, F.O. 371/9824. For relevant portions of the Versailles Treaty and
prior Reparation Commission interpretations thereof, see Versailles Treaty, Part VIII,
Annex II, pars. 12, 13f, 18; FRUS PPC, 13: 484.
49. On Bonar Law's reluctance to break with France, see Saint-Aulaire to Poincare,
Dec. 24,1922, tel. 1171-77, FMAE Z/Allemagne/477; Saint-Aulaire to Poincare, Dec.
24, 1922, tel. 1171-77(2), FMAE Z/Allemagne/236; Saint-Aulaire to Poincare, Jan. 17,
1923, tel. 50-53, FMAE Z/Allemagne/237. On Poincare's reluctance to occupytheRuhr,
see Crowe memo, Dec. 27,1922, F.O. 371/7491; France, Demande de moratorium . •. , pp.
93-97; Ryan to Lampson, Jan. 5, 1923, no number, F.O. 371/8626. And later on: Grahame to Curzon, Mar. 1, 1923, tel. 39, F.O. 371/8718; Crewe to Curzon, July 14, 1923,
no. 680, F.O. 371/8643; Phipps to Tyrrell, Sept. 8, 1923, Phipps to Crowe, Nov. 6, 1923,
Phipps Papers (courtesy of Lady Phipps, Wilcot, Pewsey, Wiltshire). To this should be
added the evidence from French sources presented by Schuker, End of French Predominance, pp. 21, 24-25, 117, and Jacques Bariety, Les Relations franco-allemandes apres la
premiere guerre mondiale (paris, 1977), pp. 101-9. See alsoPpincare to Saint-Aulaire, Dec.
26, 1922, tel. 2681, FMAE Z/Grande-Bretagne/50, and Gaiffier toJaspar, Apr. 27, 1923,
no. 5614/2595, BMAE, Correspondance Politique, France 1923.
Sally Marks
245
iug a final effort to force Germany to acknowledge her defeat in W orId
War I and to accept the Versailles Treaty. He well knew that the fundamental issues were not coal and timber but rather survival of the
treaty and of France's victory in the war. 50 The British never realized
that they were watching an extension ofWorId War 151 and, comprehending neither the basic issues nor France's genuine need for coal and
money, could not understand why Poincare hung grimly on when Italy
and Belgium lost heart.
The British, who clearly won the propaganda battle, .also claimed that
the Ruhr occupation was unprofitable. Misleadingly, they compared the
Ruhr receipts to the London Schedule of Payments, ignoring the fact
that the London Schedule was dead beyond recall and that the choice,
at their own insistence, had been between the Ruhr receipts and nothing.
In fact, the Ruhr occupation was profitable, modestly so at first and
then very considerably after the end of passive resistance. After all expenses and Rhineland occupation costs, the net Ruhr receipts to the
three powers involved and ultimately to the United States amounted to
nearly 900 million gold marks. 52
Others benefited as well. As the German government financed passive
resistance from an empty exchequer,53 the mark reached utter ruination.
The astronomic inflation which ensued was a result of German policy,
not of the occupation itself. The inflation enabled the German government to payoff its domestic debts, including the war debt, and those of
the state enterprises in worthless marks. Certain industrialists close to the
German cabinet profited greatly as well. 54 The ailing British economy
50. Curzon to Crewe, July 4,1923, tel. 283, P.O. 371/8641; Brussels, Archives Generales du Royaume, minutes, Franco-Belgian meeting, Apr. 9, 1923, Rolin-Jaequemyns
Papers/3; Archives Generales du Royaume, Jaspar to Gaiffier, May 17, 1923, personal,
minutes, Franco-Belgian meeting, June 6, 1923, Jaspar Papers/226; Schuker, End ofFrench
Predominance, pp. 220-21; Le Trocquer note, Dec. 28,1922, Millerand/52; Kerchove to
Hymans, July 2,1920, no. 4557/1702, BMAE B/366/I1; Delacroix to Theunis, June 29,
1921, no. 3/466, BMAE B/366/rv.
51. Lord Kilmarnock, British High Commissioner in the Rhineland, pointed out this
fact but went unheeded. (Kilmarnock to Curzon, Jan. 22, 1923, tel. 15, F.O. 371/8706.)
52. FRUS PPC, 13: 487, 785. Furst (p. 336) gives higher net totals. Under the Finance
Ministers' Agreement of Jan. 14, 1925, the United States ultimately received 61,814,210
gold marks of the Ruhr receipts for occupation costs. (FRUS PPC, 13: 785.)
53. Das Kabinett Cuno, pp. 158-59; Bergmann, p. 181; Seydoux note, June 20, 1923,
Millerand/27.
54. Maier, p. 367; Reparation Commission, 14: Official Documents (London, 1927): 25,
42; Seydoux note, May 23, 1923, Millerand/26; William Carr, A History of Germany,
1815-1945 (New York, 1969), pp. 314-15; Furst, p. 10.
The Myths of Reparations
also benefited considerably from the disruption of German exports, but
British officials would never acknowledge this fact, even to themselves. 55
Convinced that their economic data bore no relation to the evil event,
they never ceased to urge resolution of the crisis.
Their urgings became more imperative after a new German government under Gustav Stresemann abandoned passive resistance in September 1923 and quickly terminated the inflation. A new reparations
plan was necessary, along with German fmancial reconstruction and a
scheme to extract France and Belgium from the Ruhr. Other powers
quickly combined to minimize the damage to Germany, and France
found herself increasingly isolated. A decline of the franc further weakened her diplomatic position. When President Calvin Coolidge indicated that American experts could participate as private citizens in drawing up a new reparations plan, thus facilitating the essential involvement
of American bankers, 56 a certain degree of inevitability set in. Poincare
could and did delay, but he could not prevent altogether. Thus the
Dawes Committee began work in January 1924.57 Its labors signified
that while Poincare had won the war, he had lost the peace.
The Dawes Plan of April 9, 1924, operated at two levels. 58 Its precise
technical details owed much to the Belgian Etudes of June 11, 1923,
concerning potential sources of reparations revenues, while the deliberately ambiguous political settlement ;was chiefly the work of the American expert, Owen D. Young. Although the Dawes Committee indicated that the problem of the Ruhr occupation was outside its frame of
reference, it tacitly assumed an immediate end to the economic occupation and reduction of the military occupation to a skeleton force (to
save French face). 59 The plan called for complete reorganization of German finances with foreign supervision, a large international loan to Germany, and an Agent-General for Reparations in Berlin to oversee a
complex supervisory structure. To raise revenues toward reparations,
55. Cole to Wigram, Jan. 30, 1923, F.O. 371/8709; Ramsbottom to Bennett, Aug. 24,
1923, Board of Trade memo, Aug. 25, 1923, F.O. 371/8651.
56. FRUS, 1923, 2: 69; Library of Congress, Washington, Hughes interviews with
Chilton, Oct. 13, Oct. 15, 1923, Hughes Papers/175/77a.
57. Reparation Commission, 14: 10. Once Poincare recognized that an expert inquiry
could not be avoided, he took the lead in proposing it in order to limit its scope. (poincare to Barthou, Nov. 11, 1923, no. 1337, Dec. 6, 1923, no. 1417, AN, AJ5/J62.)
58. For text, see Reparation Commission, 14.
59. For the text of the Belgian Etudes, see Moncheur memo, June ;1.1, 1923, F.O. 371/
8639. For a summary, see Furst, Pi:>. 166-69. On Young's role, seeSchuker, End ofFrench
Predominance, p. 180. See also Phipps to Crowe, Mar.20,1924, Phipps Papers.
Sally Marks
247
the plan demanded mortgages on German industry and the state railways, reassumption of domestic indebtedness by the German governlllent, and sweeping tax reform to end the anomaly (arid Versailles
Treaty violation) of much lower tax rates in Germany than in the victor
powers. -while some accounts indicate otherwise, in fact the incorporation of occupation costs, commission costs, and all other previously
prior charges into. the global amount of annual German reparations
payments effectively reduced the total reparations bill,60 although the
size of the reduction was unclear, as the duration of the plan was not
specified. Germany would pay one billion marks the first year, chiefly
out of the international loan, increasing amounts for three years, and
2% billion gold marks for one year. Thereafter she would pay 2% billion marks plus a percentage based upon a complex index of German
prosperity.
The call for commensurate taxation in the Dawe~ Plan was political
window-dressing on the order of the C Bonds of the London Schedule.
Tax rates equivalent to those in the victor powers were not imposed
because the leading British expert, Sir Josiah Stamp, estimated that such
rates would yield a surplus applicable to reparations of 4%billion marks
a year, far more, he thought, than could be transferred. 61 The transfer
problem (that is, the difficulties involved in transferring real resources
from one country to another or, in effect, in converting German wealth
into foreign currencies for reparation payments without depreciating
the mark) plagued the history of reparations and provided a convenient
impediment to payment. 62 Those who for political reasons stressed the
impediments to transferring reparations generally remained silent about
the vast investment of foreign capital into Germany before and after
the Ruhr debacle, which constituted transfers of real wealth lost to the
60. Until the Dawes Plan went into effect, the cost of the Rhineland occupation, clearing house charges, and the considerable expense of maintaining the various commissions
established under the treaty were all prior charges on German payments and only the
balance, after these items were paid, was applied to the reparations account. (For instance,
Versailles Treaty, Art. 241.) On commensurate taxation, see Part VIII, Annex II, par. 12.
The misconception that the. Dawes Plan did not reduce the total reparations bill is particularly prevalent in textbooks. See, for example, F. Lee Benns and Mary Elizabeth
Seldon, Europe, 1914-1939 (New York, 1965), p. 168.
61. Furst, p. 225.
.
62. This author agrees with Professor Marc Trachtenberg that thetransfer problem has
been greatly exaggerated. Marc Trachtenberg, "France and Reparations: The First Phase"
(paper read at American Historical Association annual·meeting, Washington, D. C., Dec.
29,1976).
The Myths of Reparations
foreign investors through hyperinflation or debt repudiation and which
provided Germany with foreign exchange for reparations payments. As
to the German payments themselves, such transfer difficulties as arose
with payment of the first billion in 1921, which constituted the only
payment of substance before the Dawes plan went into effect, were
largely induced by Germany in an effort to escape reparations. In the
later history of reparations, with the reduced payments of the Young
Plan, transfers caused no problem. Under the Dawes Plan itself, protection against potential transfer difficulties was provided by specifying
that Germany pay reparations into the new German Reichsbank and
empowering an Allied Transfer Committee under the American AgentGeneral for Reparations to decide when transfers could safely be made. 63
When the Dawes plan was issued in April 1924, the countries concerned were uniformly unenthusiastic for widely varying reasons, but
each accepted it for lack of an alternative.64 There remained the mechanics of its implementation, reconstruction of the Reparation. Commission, and arrangements to remove France from the Ruhr. These
were devised at the London Conference of July and August 1924,65
which was a personal triumph for the British prime minister, Ramsay
MacDonald. He deserves considerable credit for jollying his reluctant
colleagues toward compromise, although the inexperience of the new
French premier, Edouard Herriot, eased his task. Behind the scenes,
however, decisive pressure was exerted by representatives of]. P. Morgan and Company, whose imprimatur was essential to raise the large
loan to Germany upon which the Dawes Plan depended. Further, the
French franc had continued to decline, and France urgently needed loans
63. Reparation Commission, 14: 14, 20-21, 31-32. 'Wlli:Ie.,the mark depreciated in conjunction with payment of the first billion in 1921, it did so b~OI\.use the German government chose to acquire much of the foreign =rency involved by":inassive selling of paper
marks on the open market. Schuker, End of French Predominance, p.')"6,
64. MacDonald to Barthou, Apr. 24, 1924, F.O. 371/9741; Brussels, Archives Generales, Hymans and Theunis to Barthou, Apr. 24, 1924, Mussolini to Barthou, Apr. 24,
1924, Hymans Papers/171; Poincare to Barthou, Apr. 24,1924, F.O. 371/9742; D'Abernon to MacDonald, Apr. 15, 1924, tels. 151, 152, F.O. 371/9740; F.O. Summary, July
10, 1924, F.O. 371/9750.
65. Heavily edited minutes of the technical work of the conference may be found in
Great Britain, Parliament, Cmd. 2258, Minutes of the London Conference on Reparations,
August 1924 (London, 1924), and Cmd. 2270, Proceedings of the London Reparations Conference, July and August 1924 (London, 1924). No formal minutes were kept of political
discussions.
Sally Marks
249
from American bankers, again dependen:i: upon Morgan approval. 66
Thus France had to accept the final scheme, even though Morgan agents
required provisions making future sanctions against default virtually
impossible, since the American loans would extend for twenty-five
years, whatever happened to reparations. Financial crisis and diplomatic
isolation equally obliged France to swallow other unattractive terms.
As a perceptive British observer remarked, "The London Conference
was for the French 'man in the street' one long Calvary ... as he saw
M. Herriot abandoning one by one the cherished possessions of French
preponderance on the Reparation Commission, the right of sanctions in
the event of German default, the economic occupation of the Ruhr, the
French-Belgian railway Regie, and finally, the military occupation of
the R uhr W1·th·m a year ..•."67
Under the Dawes Plan, Germany always met her obligations almost
in full, thanks largely to a flood of foreign loans which at least equaled
the amount paid in reparations. Each year there was a slight default,68
probably as a point of honor, but never enough to cause a stir. However, as the French knew, Germany had always considered the plan a
temporary expedient and counted upon revision before payments became onerous. After the Agent-General for Reparations called for a
more permanent scheme late in 1927, Germany took up the call in 1928
as the Dawes standard year of 2 %billion marks approached. Further,
early in 1928 Stresemann openly sought immediate unconditional evacuation of the Rhineland. French leaders, badly scarred by the severe
66. Schuker, End oJFrench Predominance, pp. 300-318, 351-52; Edouard Herriot,jadis,
vols. (paris, 1948-52), 2: 155-58.
,
67. Phipps to MacDonald, Aug. 29, 1924, no. 1893, Phipps Papers. The last French and
Belgian troops left the Ruhr (and the area around Dusseldorf) in mid-August 1925.
68. Waley to EO., June 8, 1932, F.O. 371/15911. This not only indicates the small
annual defaults but also that German payments under the Dawes Plan came to about 7if2
billion gold marks. According to Reparation Commission, 22: Official Documents (Berlin,
1930): 214, German borrowing abroad from January 1925 to April 1930 amounted to
6.7 billion gold marks, to which must be added the 800 million gold marks of the Dawes
Loan plus any other loans made to Germany late in 1924. Much of the borrowing was
done not by the Reich but by the several states, provinces, municipalities, private enterprises, and church organizations. It should be noted that, on the basis of German data,
Erich Eyck reports higher borrowing totals for 1925-26 (A History oj the Weimar Republic,
2 vols., Cambridge, Mass., 1962, 1: 75). For further information on the discrepancies in
data on German borrowing and reparations payments, see n. 85. Finally, it should be
remarked that the Wiggin-Layton Report on Aug. 18, 1931, stated categorically that
German foreign payments (reparations and other items) were not made out of Germany's
own resources (DBFP, ser. 2, 2: 487).
2.
The Myths of Reparations
financial crisis which France had suffered in 1926 and aware that the
bargaining value of an early Rhineland evacuation was declining as the
treaty date for withdrawal drew closer, decided to trade early evacuation for French military and fmancial security. Thus the Geneva communique of September 16,1928, issued by the Entente powers and Germany, called for a new, permanent, and final reparations plan, an early
Rhineland evacuation, and a commission of verification to engage in
permanent inspection of the demilitarized zone.69
As the reparations plan was the most complicated part of the package,
it was dealt with first. Thus, in an effort to achieve "final liquidation of
the war"70 and of the postwar, a committee under Owen D. Young
devised a New Plan in the spring of 1929.71 It specified that Germany
pay annuities in varying amounts, all below the Dawes standard-year
figure of 2 % billion, for fifty-nine years, the duration of Allied debt
payments to America. These annuities would cover all charges, including service of the Dawes Loan, but only 660 million marks (generally
about one-third) of each annuity was unconditionally payable, the remainder being postponable under certain conditions of economic or
monetary distress. This device papered over the gap between Entente
expectations and German views of her capacity to pay, although the
French demand for financial security was partially met by awarding her
five-sixths of the unconditional annuities. Further, Germany succeeded
in keeping annuities for all of the first ten years below two billion marks
and expected either the end of reparations or another reduction within
that period. Finally, in an effort to put reparations on a purely commercial basis, transfer protection was substantially reduced, while both the
Reparation Commission and the entire Dawes supervisory structure
were abolished. In their stead, a Bank for International Settlements was
69. Jon Jacobson, Locarno Diplomacy (princeton, 1972), pp. 143-202 passim; Belgium,
Academie Royale de Belgique, Documents Diplomatiques Belges, 1920-1940, 5 vols. (Brussels, 1964-66),2: 480-560 passim; DBFP, ser. lA, 5: 335.
70. Jacobson, p. 279. The phrase was common parlance in this era. For instance, Part 9
of the Young Plan was entitled "Liquidation of the Past" and began: "In order to arrive
as rapidly as possible at a general liquidation of the financial questions raised by the war
and the subsequent treaty of peace ... ": Reparations Commission, 20: Report of the Committee of Experts (Cmd. 3343) (London, 1929): 26. Further, the first Hague Conference
was officially entitled "The Conference on the Final Liquidation of the War," and one of
the committees it established was called "the Committee on the Liquidation of the Past."
Arnold J. Toynbee, Survey of International Affairs, 1930 (London, 1931), pp. 496-97;
Denys P. Myers, The Reparation Settlement (Boston, 1929 [sic]), p. 36.
71. For text, see Reparation Commission, 20.
Sally Marks
251
established in Basel to receive and disburse reparations payments and to
provide a much~ne~ded agency for .cooper~tion among central banks.
In its second functIon, the Bank still survlves72 as the sole legacy of
reparations.
The first Hague Conference t9 implement the Young Plan in August
1929 was largely consumed by Entente dispute over allocation of the
receipts and by the related political questions. Stresemann, whose goal
was to make an "unconditional Rhineland evacuation" conditional upon
another reduction of reparations payments, was considerably abetted in
his maneuvers by the new British Labour government, which successfully demanded a greater share in the Young conditional annuities, declared that it would withdraw British forces from the Rhineland before
Christmas, and showed little interest in French security. Thus France
had to abandon the commission of verification and advance the evacuation date in order to gain the reduced but supposedly permanent reparations settlement. While the essential decisions were taken in August, a
second Hague Conference was necessary in January 1930 to formalize
matters and to provide a comprehensive settlement of non-German reparations. 73 .Bythtm,hestility-toLheYoungPlan-inGer-many.had·already
become acute, expressing ..its.elfin ~ l'lebiscite in December 1929 in
which Ad9lfHitl~r..gai),1ed _signi.fiqI,Pt-n,atio.nar att:eiitio~_ :liia::Y:aIilltble
right:-'Y.il?:Kf]nancing.I~rE£~4ft!5&mi,mQ!lyg.!.~iii~g~~t~r~slQJ?41Q~jtion
toth(Xg!illgJn:}!l25 While this raised questions about future German
good faith, the sole guarantee of fulfillment, it did not overturn German
ratification. As the plan had been designed to go into effect on September 1, 1929, it was made retroactive to that date, and Germany was
paying less than half what she would have owed under the Dawes
72. For the convention establishing the Bank for International Settlements, see Great
Britain, Parliament, Cmd. 3766, International Convention Respecting the Bank for International Settlements (London, 1931). For its present role in the European Economic Community, see Encyclopaedia Britannica (1975 ed.), Micropaedia, 1: 792.
73. For the Hague Agreements, see Great Britain, Parliament, Cmd. 3392, Protocol with
Annexes Approved at the Plenary Session of the Hague Conference, August 31,1929 (London,
1929); Cmd. 3763, International Agreements Regarding the Financial Obligations of Germany
(London, 1931); and Cmd. 3484, Agreements Concluded at the Hague Conference,January
1930 (London, 1930), which includes all the non-German settlements. For the negotiations, see Myers or Jacobson, chaps. 8 and 9. On attitudes of the Labour government
toward the Young Plan, see David Carlton, MacDonald versus Henderson (New York,
1970), chap. 2.
74. Joachim C. Fest, Hitler (New York, 1975 ed.), pp. 260-65.
75. Nicholls, pp. 136-39; Karl Dietrich Bracher, The German Dictatorship (New York,
1970), pp. 160-62.
The Myths of Rf;parations
Plan. 76 Her reward for accepting this reduction was evacuation of the
Rhineland on June 30, 1930.
When Germany slid into acute financial crisis on the heels of the September 1930 election, German leaders began to seek reparations relief,
although the initial credit crisis itself was caused primarily by a dramatic
flight of capital in response to Hitler's electoral success, not by reparations. Since· the French countered with political conditions, notably in
regard to the Austro-German customs union proposal,77 an impasse developed. It was broken by President Herbert Hoover's sudden proposal
for a one-year moratorium commencing July 1, 1931, on all intergovernmental debts. 78 This represented the reaction of American investors
to the deteriorating situation in Germany and was designed to insure
the safety of private investments, which were specifically exempted
from the moratorium. In brief, for creditor nations, including America,
private investments would be put ahead of public accounts. 79
France, which would suffer a net loss under the scheme, recognized
that, once halted, reparations would never resume. In addition, she
76. Waley to F.O., June 8, 1932, F.O. 371/15911; Myers, p. 44.
77. FRUS, 1931, 1: 2, 4, 9-12; Edward W. Bennett, Germany and the Diplomacy of the
Financial Crisis, 1931 (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), pp. 15-25, 34-36, 99, 181-82. On the
sudden flight of capital, see n. 85. From 1928 on, new American investment in Germany
slowed, but this decline was partially offset by investment from other countries. Thus,
while the net inflow of capital decreased somewhat, there was no net outflow until the
dramatic withdrawals after the 1930 election. Before the election, Germany was in recession, not depression. While the working class was suffering, it did not vote for the
Nazis in noticeable numbers (William S. Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power, Chicago,
1965, pp. 12,24, 34; Eyck, 2: 278-79). Foreign-policy issues, including widespread calls
for repeal of the newly ratified Young Plan, dominated the campaign (DBFP, ser. 2, 1:
502). Thereafter, the sharp reaction of investors to the election returns led to the flight
of capital which in turn not only much accelerated Germany's swift plunge into acute
depression but also aggravated the mounting international economic crisis. Germans,
however, tended to blame both economic distress and currency deflation on the Young
Plan (Bennett, pp. 116-17).
78. For text, seeFRUS, 1931,1: 33-35.
79. Lindsay to Henderson,July 10,1931, no. 1083, F.O. 371/15188; Bennett, pp. 129,
136-40; Charles G. Dawes, Journal as Ambassador to Great Britain (New York, 1939), pp.
350-52,356. Dawes was in America and in close touch with Hoover at the time. See also
DBFP, ser. 2, 2: 70-71. As German trade balances improved in 1929 and 1930, Germany
was earning enough foreign exchange in 1930 and 1931 to cover reparations payments in
full (conditional and unconditional) but not enough to cover the annuities and the interest
on her private debts. In 1930, the balance was covered l(y borrowing. The flight of capital
after the 1930 election and the unwillingness of new investors to replace the old precluded
continuation of this course; hence the credit crisis of 1931 and the Hoover Moratorium.
Wiggin-Layton Report, Aug. 18, 1931, DBFP, ser. 2, 2: 487-89.
Sally Marks
253
hoped to obtain a political moratorium on treaty revision, German
naval rearmament, and the customs union in return for a reparations
!!loratorium. Predictably, France protested the Hoover proposal, noting
that Germany's problem was credit, not reparations, and that even with
reparations the German budget was virtually balanced, unlike those of
!!lost European countries. Surely she could pay the unconditional annuities. Germ§lny had indeed expected to pay that much; the British
Treasury conceded that she had this capacity, but insisted that nothing
short of a full moratorium would satisfy panicky private investors. 80
To save French face and to maintain a precarious fiction of continuing
payment, a paper device decreed that Germany would pay reparations
to herself, and the moratorium went into effect. 81
During the Hoover moratorium year, the worldwide depression deepened. As Hoover found it politically impossible to renew the moratorium in a presidential election year, Britain and France belatedly called
the Entente powers and Germany together at Lausanne inJune 1932 to
effect "a lasting settlement."82 What they arranged was a fiction. Germany was to make a final lump sum payment of three billion gold
marks after the convention was ratified. But it was never ratified, since
the four principal recipients signed an agreement not to do so until war
debt relief was obtained from America, which was known to be impossible. 83 Thus the Lausanne Convention was a dead letter. Thereafter
80. Cahill minute, June 24,1931, Tyrrell to F.O., June 22, 1931, tel., no number, LeithRoss to Vansittart,June 24,1931, Layton to Noel-Baker, June 22,1931, F.O. 371/15182;
Tyrrell to F.O., June 28, 1931, tels. 133, 134, F.O. to Lindsay, June 27, 1931, tel. 446,
F.O. 371/15183; Dawes, pp. 353-54.
81. Bennett, pp. 186, 177. To insure that Germany did not use the funds involved for
her naval building program or other rearmament, the fmal. scheme specified that reparations (minus service of the Dawes Loan) be paid by Germany to the German railway
corporation. France was induced to accept the moratorium by an American reminder
that, if Germany postponed the conditional armuities, France, who received five-sixths
of the unconditional armuities, would be required to deposit 500 million Reichsmarks in
the BIS as a guarantee fund to safeguard the eventual rights of other recipients. This
circumstance, together with continuing war debt payments to the United States and
Great Britain, would leave France with a net loss for the year of about $100 million
despite receipt of the unconditional armuities. (Cmd. 3343, p. 65; Dawes, p. 356; LeithRoss to Layton, Nov. 27, 1931, F.O. 371/15200.)
82. Tyrrell to Simon, Jan. 16, 1933, no. 70 (France, Annual Report, 1932), F.O. 371/
17299.
83. For text, see Great Britain, Parliament, Cmd. 4126, Final Act of the Lausanne Conference, Lausanne, 9 July 1932 (London, 1932). For the "Gentlemen's Agreement" not to
ratify, see Great Britain, Parliament, Cmd. 4129, Further Documents Relating to the Settlement Reached at the Lausanne Conference (London, 1932). In a press release onJuly 9,1932,
254
The Myths of Reparations
reparations were overtaken by events, as the futility of inviting Hitler
to discuss payment became evident to all. Reparations were never for~
mally canceled, but fell into limbo as they became increasingly unr~
alistic.
After the Lausanne Convention, reparations per se met their de facto
death, but in actuality the problems they were designed to resolve still
remained. The ultimate effect of German failure to pay reparations in
substantial quantity was transfer of the burden to the victors. Recon~
struction of the devastated regions still had to be paid for. Pensions for
disabled veterans and war widows still remained. So did Allied war
debts . .In the end, the victors paid the bills. It is evident that the net
effect of World War I and the peace settlement was the effective en~
hancement of Germany's relative strength in Europe, particularly in re~
gard to her immediate neighbors. As Gerhard Weinberg has remarked,
"The shifting of the burden of reparations from her shoulders to those
of her enemies served to accentuate this disparity."84
In addition to reinforcing German economic superiority, the history
of reparations generated a vast bureaucracy, a mountain of arcane documents, much bitterness, endless propaganda, more than its share of historical myths, and just over 20 billion gold marks or $5 billion, which
was predominantly ftnanced by foreign loans, many of which were
eventually repudiated by Hitler.8s It is evident that G~rmanyS9.lliM1alTe
the State Department confirmed that United States views of war debts remained un~
changed. (FRUS PPC, 13: 407.)
84. Gerhard L. Weinberg, commentary at "Reparations Reconsidered" panel, American Historical Association annual meeting, Washington, D.C., Dec. 29, 1976. See also
Gerhard L. Weinberg, "The Defeat of Germany in 1918 and the European Balance of
Power," Central European History 2 (1969): 248-60.
85. See n. 9. The exact figures for foreign loans to Germany are difficult to ascertain
after April 1930, the last date covered by the reports of the Agent-General for Reparations. (See n. 68.) After the September 1930 elections, Germany lost within thxee-months
at least 1.3 to 1.6 billion Reichsmarks out of a total of 3.8 billion RM in foreign credits
then in Germany. The losses were chiefly transfers out of Geimany by GermanJews and
German liberals along with withdrawals of short-term credits by French, Belgian, and
Swiss fmanciers. On the whole, Anglo-American creditors did not withdraw. (Bennett,
pp. 15-17.) The Wiggin-Layton Committee Report of Aug. 18, 1931, for the BIS estimated withdrawals of short-term credits in the first seven months of 1931 to be 2.9 billion
RM. Some long-term credits were also sold by foreigners, creating a total loss of around
3% billion RM. The Wiggin-Layton Report estimated that during 1924-30 inclusive (a
longer period than that covered by the Dawes Plan), German foreign indebtedness grew
faster than her foreign assets by 18.2 billion RM. This influx of capital (together with
earnings on shipping and services) enabled her to pay the interest on her debts, increase
her holdings of gold and foreign exchange, cover an unfavorable trade balance in several
years, and pay reparations to a total of 10.3 billion RM. At the end of 1930, the net debt
Sally Marks
255
paid a good deal more if she had chosen to do so, particularly since she
paid little out of her own considerable resources. But Germany saw no
reason to pay and from start to finish deemed reparations a gratuitous
insult. Whether it was wise to seek reparations from Germany is arguable, although the consequences of not seeking them would have been
far-reaching, as the failure to obtain. them proved in time to be. Certainly it was unwise to inflict the insult without rigorous enforcement.
In the last analysis, however, despite the fact that reparations claims
were intended to transfer real economic wealth from Germany to the
battered victors and despite the financial complexity of the problem,
the reparations question was at heart a political issue, a struggle for
dominance of the European continent and to maintain or reverse the
military verdict of 1918.
Historians, distracted by the intricacies of the reparations question,
have either avoided the problem altogether or have tended to focus
upon German capacity to pay, often on the basis of dubious assumptions, instead of addressing the more relevant question of German will
to payor, to be precise, determination not to pay. German leaders
clearly recognized the political implications of the reparations issue and,
from beginning to end, devoted their inexhaustible energies to avoiding
or reducing payments. As the international climate became increasingly
hostile to the use of force during the twenties, Germany had her way
in the end at great cost to herself and to others. Since Germany would
not pay and the other Central Powers could not, reparations dwindled
and died. The tangled history of reparations remains to confound the
historian and also to demonstr;tte the futility of imposing large payments on nations which are either destitute or resentful and sufficiently
powerful to translate that resentment into effective resistance.
to foreigners was estimated at 15.8 billion RM, of which 10.3 billion RM was in shortterm loans, over half of which were owed in March 1931 to American and British investors. (DBFP, ser. 2, 2: 486-89.) The German government declared on Oct. 23, 1931,
that the Wiggin-Layton Report's estimates of German foreign indebtedness were much
too low, claiming that the total foreign debt was 28 or 29 billion RM, of which 12 billion
RM were in short-term credits. (Ibid., p. 304.) As the German government was attempting to avoid resumption of repayment of private foreign credits at the expiration of the
six-month Standstill Agreement on Feb. 29, 1932, it was in Germany's interest to inflate
her total estimates of foreign indebtedness, and these figures must therefore be treated
with some reserve. (Rowe-Dutton to Leith-Ross, Dec. 8, 1931, F.O. 371/15267.) According to American sources, German borrowing in dollar bonds totaled $1,524,655,000
with an outstanding value of $840,389,113, all of which were defaulted by the German
government onJune 9,1933. Obligations in other currencies appear to have amounted
to about $250 million. (FRUS PPC, 13: 410.)
:r I -:918)