Only the Fast, Furious, (and Multiracial) Will Survive

The New Hollywood Racelessness: Only the Fast,
Furious, (and Multiracial) Will Survive
by Mary C. Beltrtin
article interrogates the rise
tiracial actors as HollYusood
tn light of shifts in U,S. eth
ltf'
tag
ics
popttlar culture.
Ethnicity and the Inner Gity in Hollywood Film. Multiethnic
Recent liollpvood films such as Romeo Must Die (Andrzej Bartkowiak, 2000) and
The Fast and the Furious (Rob Cohen, 2001) are notable for their multiethnic
XXX (Rob Cohen, 2002) and Russeli Wong, who plays a pivotal role in Romeo
Must Die.l
This trend reflects contemporary shifts in U.S. ethnic demographics and ethnic
popular culture.
Romeo Must Die and The Fast and the Furious present trvo visions of the
millennial city and its multiethnic inhabitants that at first glance aPPear radicaily
different, Romeo Must Die tells the story of a struggle between African American and Chinese crime slmdicates in the San Francisco Bay Area, a cityscape
. In this millennial urban environment, ethmarked by e
is just a dream used to sell ethnic-oriented
nic groups a
another's territory can have deadlv conseclothes and
quences, Two nonrvhite and "bicultural" stars (with respect to crossing over from
other cultural s,orlds of the mass media), Hong Kong fihn star ]et Li and the late
IvIarv C
Univers
stars in
nication arts and Chicana,,b studies rrt the
on a book about the marketing of Latina
the silent film era-
@ 2005 bq the Llniucrsity o.f Texas Press, P.O. Box 7819, Austirt, TX 7B7I3-7819
50
R&B and hip-hop artist Aaliyah, rise within the narrative to end a bloody battle
between the two factions.
In contrast,The Fast andthe Funous depicts Los Angeles as racially harnronious. The story of a young white cop who goes undercover in the rvorid of illegal
street racing, The Fast and the Funous presents the inner cih as a place r,vhere
ethnic groups, although they know their own turf, compete amicably Biracial actor Vin Diesel portrays the ethnically amblguous leader of this culturally diverse,
utopic subculture. This essay explores how the distinct settings, narratives. characters, and actors in these t'wo films reflect and comment on contemporarv American race relations, particularly its increasing multiraciaVmultiethnic dimension.
Cinema Journal 44, No. 2, Winter 2005
cih'scapes :rre
not new to Hollpvood; their roots stretch back to the gangster films of the 1920s
and I930s and to the social problem films of the 1940s. Films focused on vr)unq
people in the inner city, whether teen delinquency films, urban gang filnrs, or
urban missionary films, subsequently became popular in the 1950s and 1960s 2 in
this era of "white flight" from large urban communities and African American ancl
Latino migration to northeastern and western cities, these films exploitecl
Anglocentric fears of juvenile delinquency and racial militancv in urban centers.
Notable examples include Blackboard Jungle (Richard Brooks, 1955), The )'outzg
Sauages (John Frankenheimer, 196l), and Upthe Down Stairca*e (Robert N'hrllicarr,
1967),3 These movies established an iconography of urban environments and narrative expectations that both reflected and reinforced hegemonic notions of lirce.
ethnicity, and class tied to housing and perceived safety in the United States. For
instance, nonwhite city dwellers in urban genre films of the I960s are olten presented as problem people engaged in criminal or violent activitv or effectir,,elv
powerless and victimized in the face of insurmountable social problems.
As Ritchie Perdz argues in his essay "From Assimilation to Annfiilation," the
196l musicalWest Side Story (Jerome Robbins and Robert Wise)-Rorneo nrrl
Jullet set-amid a turf war between Puerto Rican and Polish American vouth in N,{anhattan-reinforces notions that Puerto Ricans are "oversexed" and possess r,roient
and criminal tendencies.a The multiethnic city also serves as a backdrop of unlorou'n
danger and lawlessness for these movies' white protagonists, In urban missionan'
films such asUpthe Down Staircase andthe more recentDangerous Mincl^s (John N.
Smith, 1995), white teachers brave countless urban dangers as they help their
charges face difficult challenges, demonstraUng a natural superioritv in tl're process,
Hollywood's representation of ethnic characters in urban settrngs began to
shift, however, particularly with the release of Hong Kong rnartial arts films ancl
blaxploitation movies in the 1970s. Film attendance was declining nationallv; the
hope was that such films would bring black and urban rnoviegoers into dountourr
tlreaters. Melvin Van Peeble's Su.;eet Suseetback's Baad Asssss Sorr,g (197I) heralded the beginning of a cycle of black urban action films that deliberatelv srrl'rverted Hollpvoods traditional racial expectations. Blarploitation mov'ies rvere
distinctive in presenting protagonists with "black authority', power, and control." its
Elaine Pennicott states.s
Cinema Joumal44, No. 2, Winter
200,5 51
lvlanthia Diawara and Toni Cade Bambara describe the city in blaxploitation
films as a community of African Americans rather than merelv a repository of r,vhite
fears. As Bambara notes, "Occupying the same geographical terrain are the ghetto,
where we are penned up in concentration-camp horror, and the commttnity,rvhere
\,ve enact daily rituals of group validation in a liberated zone."6 Througtr the construction of the city in this manner, its nonrvhite inhabitants were afforded subjectivity
and power. In addition, as Diawara has argued, policing and surveillance rvere situated as conflicts with which blacks had to contend (alongside poverfv and crirne),
underscoring the state of the inner city as one of imposed colonization.T In addition
to such submerged political messages, the narratives appealed to both blacks and
other mor.,iegoers through their catchy R&B soundtracks, flamboyant fashions, flagrantlv melJramatic storyIines, taboo sex, and choreographed violence.s Todavs
urban-centric, multiculti action fi.lm is built on this legacy:
The recovery of the Hollywood film industry as well as lobbying on the part of
cir,'il rights groups against the stereotlping of nonwhites as inner-cif d*g dealers
and prostitutes, led to fewer multiethnic and urban-centered movies being made.
When they reappeared in the I980s, these movies took new, less politically incisive
forms. Most prominent was what has been termed the "biracial buddy cop film," in
which a white police officer rvas partnered wlth an African American. Examples included theLethalWeaponseries (Richard Donner, 1987-gB), starring DannyGlover
and Mel Gibson, and4} Hou.rs (Walter Hill, 1982), which catapulted Eddie Murphy
to film stardom.
Despite their narrative possibfities, biracial buddy cop {ilms did not geleylly
address iace relations directly. As Ed Guerrero points out, interracial buddy film
narratives were often built around "the recurring central gag or comic motif . , . lofl
Black penetration of clearly demarcated White cultural, social, or physical sPace"
within the broader cityscape.e This rendered invisible the cultural community from
rvhich the African American characters hailed. This narrative focus on racial assimilation was replicated in television narratives of the decade, such as The Cosby Shou:
(1984-92), rvhich glossed over racial inequities and conflicts. As Herman Gray has
noted in his book on African Americans on television, despite their surface focus on
racial, integration and equalrtv; such representations worked merelv to "reaffirm,
,p, *d police the cultural and moral boundaries of the existing racial order."10
Also in the 1980s, urban crime narratives were melded with the preoccupations and motifs of science fiction, as in the Australian import Mad tr'Iax (George
N1iller, 1979) and tlie Holllwood-produced Blade Runner (Ridley Scott, 1982).
These films presented futuristic cities as dvstopic urban landscapes r.vhere larv
enforcement could not begin to contain the ethnicallv diverse, pathological marr
rauders who roamed their streets. In Blad.e Runner, the city- has been transfornied
shore
beyond recognition bv urban decline, cultural hybridity, and the gffects of
transnational corporate domination, mahng it overwhelming, unintelligible, and
dangerous. As a result of such developments, these narratives propos!, traditional
heroes and protective social structures have disappeared or are no longer effective. This thlme prefigures the crisis facingthe millennial cities inThe Fast and
the Furious and Romeo Must Die.
52
Cinemn Joumal 44, No. 2,Winter 2005
Racially inflected permutations of the urban action film also appearecl in the
the I970s, these fihns, variouslv called
"ghetto films," "gangsta dramas," or black urban dramas, u'ere produced bv black
fihnmakers and focused on black subjectivity. Distinctivelv, however, r.nanv of thesc:
films featured more complex character development (typically of rnale char:ictc'rs )
and interrogation of the relationship between social structures and the ohstircles
faced b1,'African Americans in low-income inner-city neighborhoods.r2 As Cluerrero
notes, these films generally rvere motivated by frustration over conclitions erlerlenced by blacks in the face of increasing "Apartheid" in U.S. cities.r3 Pr.rlicing.
surveillance, and physical confinement are powerful motifs, undersconng the real
and invisible boundaries that sewe to keep inhabitants in their respective 'hocds.
Two examples of the 1990s cycle of urban action drarnas, Boyz N the Hood.
(|ohn Singleton, 1991) andMenace Il Society (AIIen and Albert Hughes. 1993),
are set in South Central Los Angeles and address the coming of age of vottng rnen
beset by the distractions and dangers of gang life and crime. As Diau'ara desclibe.s.
these films are notable illustrations of the New B]ack Realism, characterized bv its
gritty v6rit6 aesthetic in production design, cinematography, and editing; narratives set in African American-dominated neighborhoods prevrou.sll' not deenrecl
worthy of inclusion in Hollywood story worlds; and the casting of rap artists ar.rd
the integration of hip-hop fashion, music, and subject matter.ra
By the rnid-1990s, spurred by industrial developments, the urban-centered
action film underwent further changes. Aside from the increased ernphasis at tl.re
studios on massive budgets and profits, one sees what Jos6 Arroyo, in his book
Action/Spectacle Cinemn, refers to as a rising "slippage . . . between contemporan/
Hollynrood cinema, action/spectacle, high concept, and the blockbuster."15 T/rr:
Matrix (Lary and Andy Wachowski, 1999), for instance, exernplifies a rnillennial
version of the dangerous city, combining elements of the urban crime lilm and the
.
1990s. Similar to the blaxploitation films of
science fiction film with the spectacle of computer-generated imagery
More recent movies evidence even more hybrid and global influences .In Tht
Fast anrJ the Furious, we see the legacy of the e>cploitation-style racecar lilm, lou'rider teen culture, the urban gang movie, and the cop film, while Rom.eo Mu,st Ditt
deliberately biends the Hong Kong action movie and urban gang fihn rvith hiphop cultural aesthetics, music, and pop stars. This trend torvard hvbnd genr es has
been supported by an increase in global-oriented entertainrnent, particulallr,' as
the films of Hollpvood actors of color begin to be distributed internationally.
The cinemas of other nations have also had a strong influence on the urban
action film; Hong Kong action fiims in particularhave influenced U.S. filnrrnirktrls
and studios, Bruce Lee's first movie to be seenwidelybyAmericarts, the i973 U,S.
version of Enter the Dragon (Robert Clouse), opened the floodgates rn tliis tt,gard. More recentlr,, the rising popularity of Hong Kong action fiirn aesthetics irn<l
the migration of Hong Kong directors, creative personnel, and stars l.iave hacl a
profound and immediatelyvisible sway on Hollywood's version of the urban actiotr
movie. Among other consequences, by plaFng roles formerly resen'ecl fbr rvhitt'
actors, Hong Kong crossover stars such as Jache Chan, Chorv lfun-Fat, and .f et Li
have transforrned traditional notions of the heroic action protagonist.
Cinema Joumal44, No. 2, Wirfter 200'5
53
Another influence on the urban action movie has been the success around the
rvorld of hip-hop music and culture rvith youth of virtuallv all ethnic backgrounds,
As a result, action narratives tend to emphasize hip-hop in their soundtracks, casting, and production and costume design. As Todd Boyd notes, paraphrasing DJ
Quick in his essav on gangsta rap, gangster culture as commodified for the American market has come to be associated with hypermasculiniryIo long a qualitv that
has served as fodder in American action movies,
As a result of these many developments, inthe mid- to late 1990s, the racial
mix of the urban action film changed dramatically. African Americans, Asians. and
other nonwhites, both men and women, began to appear as Hollywood action movie
protagonists.IT The emergence of Hollyr.vood copr;*orld saviors, and vampire slayers of color arguably reflected not only diegetic and industrial evolutions but also
shifts in cultural assump
mastery confidence, and mobility are
s trend irnplied
both a challenge to the
of the qr.^litiut
required of contempora
The most recent twist on this development involves the casting of biracial and
multiracial actors as protagonists, making these actors the rising vanguard of Hollywood action figures. Recent big-budget films have cast as heroes such actors as
Vin Diesel, The Rock (Dwayne ]ohnson), and Keanu Reeves. Industry executives
increasingly appear to view these and other multiracial actors as box-office draws
who both reflect the ethnic diversity of viewers and ernbody what these young
v'iewers want in a film hero. As Sean Daniel, former film executive and producer
of The Scorpion Kng(Chuck Russell, 2002), which starred the Rock, stated in the
New York Tim,es: "Dwa1ne Johnson is powerful, he is multicultural, he is very
much contemporary as is Vin Diesel. And that s where today's youth culture is at,
Vin Diesel is appealing because he springs from todays young population. He is
the son of todavs diverse audience."Ie
These new protagonists also demonstrate their heroism in a manner that is
sometimes distinct from that of theirpredecessors. While brawn and courage continue to be valued qualities, rvhat might be termed "cultural competence" holds
even more credence and power in the polyglot millennial environment, even when
characters are r.r,ritten as lvhite. What distinguishes these new heroes is their natural ability to navrgate in, command respect in, and, when necessary handilv krck
ass in a varietl' of ethnic communities. An exploration of contemporary ethnic clemographics and culturai interests, parlicularlv those of American youth, can shed
Iight on how multiculti casting and new narrative constructions of heroism have
come into vogue.
The Multiculti Millennial Audience. The evolution of urban action films and
their respective heroes have, to a large degree, mirrored national sociopolitical
changes. Developments that have had an impact, both on U,S. cities and on national race relations, include the shift to postindustrialism and the rise of the suburbs in the 1950s, the subsequent economic decay of many cities, the inner-city
protests and riots of the 1960s, and, in more recent decades, the redevelopment of
54
Cinema Joumal 44, No. 2,Winter 20oS
some urban centers. Civil rights efforts over the last half-century as u'ell as changes
in the attitudes of Hollpvood film producers, have also influenced racial attitucle.s
and perceptions about American cities. Particularly influential in this regard have
been the ethnic demographic shifts of the last two decades, rvhich have entailed a
"complete shakeup of the countrys ethnic and racial composition."e0 As a result of
these developments, many younger Americans have a more open approach to
matters of race and ethnicity than do their older counterparts.
With respect to ethnic demographics, notions of a white majonty also no Jonger
fit the country neatly. Speahng of todays teens, who have been referred to variousiy as Generation Y, the Echo Boomers, and the Millennial Generation, Neil
Howe and William Strauss assert that "demographically, this is America'.s rnost
racially and ethnically diverse, and least Caucasian generation."2l As talhed bv the
U.S. Census, almost 36 percent of Americans eighteen and vounger fell under the
racial classification of nonwhite in 1999, while nonwhites made up only 14 percent
of the GI Generation, born between Ig01 and 1924.In addition, as Howe and
Strauss state, "One millennial in five has at least one immigrant parent, and one in
ten has at least one noncitizen parent."22 Thus, we could expect to see a broad,
multicultural perspective in many millennials-a cohort large enough to di.splace
the baby boomers with respect to dictating popular culture.23 The proportion of
nonwhites rises exponentially when California-home to the fihn industrv and
other producers ofglobal entertainment-is considered, In 2000, California became the second mainland state where whites are a minorifv; Latinos have outnumberedwhites in Californiabyone million since 1998.% Undoubtedly non',i'hites
have reached an important critical mass through which their presence is begirrning to be felt, even in the formerly white-dominated story worlds of Hollrq'ood.
Meanwhile, the percentage of muldethnic or, as they are more popularlv described, mixed-race families and individuals in the United States is also rising. In a
revolutionary shift, in the 2000 census, respondents were gwen the option for the
ffrst time to describe.t}emselves as biracial or multiracial; 6.8 million or 2.4 percent
of the respondents indicated that they belonged to two or more races.2s Given that
many multiracial indrviduals also choose to identifythemselves by only one ethnic or
racial signifiea we can assume that the muhracial population in the United States rs
even higher, The number of mlxed-race youth in particular has boomed and i.s expected to continue to increase rvith the decriminaiizatton of mixed-race marriages
and increasing social acceptance of marriages to those outside one's ethnic group,
The impact of this growrng mixed-race population is just beginning to he realizecl.
Moreover, as cultural critics such as Marilp Halter and Leon \t,nter a.ssert, a
"postmodern ethnic revival" has taken hold in the United States rvith respect to
individuals of both European and non-European heritage expressing a greater interest in their ethnic origins than Americans in previous decades,26 This renar.ssance in ethnic exploration and related consumer practices has been prornpted bv
several factors, including increasing ethnic diversity and cultural pnde since the
peak of the cir.rl rights and counterculture movements of the 1960s and 197()s.
Related to these developments, a paradigm shift has taken place. In rnarked contrast to the racial attitudes that motivated the tragic mulatto discour.ses in the earlv
Cinem"a
loumal 44,
No. 2, Winter
2005 55
as described by film historian Donald Bogle and
other.s, nonu,hite ancestry no'*.v has cachet, According to Wvnter, "Blackness (or
nonwhiteness) now suff'ers less and less of a discount in the marketplace, while
rvhiteness commands less and less of a premium,"tT Nonrvhite ancestry also has, I
argue here, a particular cachet rvhen combined with whiteness.
Young people of all ethnic backgrounds also are demonstrating in their meclia
habits an interest in performers of diverse backgrounds. For example, one BBDO
studv of tele'u'ision vieu'ing in the lggOs found that people aged seventeen to hventl'-
part of the hventieth century
four are more likelrt than older viewers to watch television programs starring actors of ethnicities different from their own.28 Many American entertainment
producers, manufacturers, and advertisers are capitalizing on this evolution, as
reflected in the commodification of ethnic-inflected fashion, products, and popular culture texts.
AJongside, and probably because of these demographic shifts, ethnically ambiguous media figures are gaining greater cuitural visibiliry.ze This trend can be
seen in the ascendance of ethnically ambiguous models and actors, including mixedrace and light-skinned performers of color. In addition, "white" actors and models
increasingly are modifying their appearance to promote an ethnic look, whether
by increasing the size of their lips, making their eyes more almond-shaped, or
adding curves bv inserting implants.
The political potential of this new ethnic visibility has been the subject of
continuing debate. Wvnter, for one, says that mixed-race actors and models represent the ultimate challenge to traditional attitudes about race in the United States,
The performers are "high-status billboards for the natural and perhaps inevitable
positive resolution of the tension imposed on the freedom to enjoy an individual
identitv in a multiracial societ)."'o Ho* audiences "read" mixed-race actors with
respect to notions of race and ethnicity is unclear, however, particularly lvhen these
actors portray u'hite characters in films. Are we witnessing the beginning of a lnore
racialll' egalitarian perspective or merely a bronzing of whiteness, repackaged to
emphasize the aesthetic trappings of cultural creolization? As an analysis of The
Fast andthe Funous and Romeo fuIust Dr,e illustrates, despite the apparent shifts
in attitudes, a u'hite ethos is still a potent frame of reference,
This brings us to scholarship on biracial and multiethnic representations in
fihn and other forms of popular culture, \\,'hile many of the earliest film images o{'
biracial characters portray them as tragic mulattos, as described by Bogle, Jane
Gaines, and Freda Scott Giles, later images are markedlv more positive.'rl In her
"Genealogy of Black Film Criticism," Anna Everett argues that Peola, in Imitatiort
of Li.fe (John Stahl, 1934), was the first biracial film character to break with previous negative characterizations.s2 Fredi Washington, a light-skinned African Arnerican, "imbues the character with an authenticating aura unavailable to a Caucasian
actress attempting to pass for a black attempting to pass for rn'hite."33 \\,'ashington
also refused to pass in real life, despite her ability to do so, increasing her appeal
with African Americans.s'
Teresa KavWilliams underscores the resonance for contemporary audiences o{'
mixed-race indiv'iduals like \4lashington. Accordingto Williams, the unique physical
56
Cinema loumal 44, No. 2,Winter 2005
appearance of multiethnic public {igures can have distinct appeal because of the
"ambiguity and rnultiple otherness" associated in the popular imagination u'ith niiscegenation.35 From this perspective, mixed-race individuals serve as resonant ethnic enigrnas in U.S. society.
Ir'lanv scholars now argue that the fluid identities that some f'eel characte.rize
mixed-race individuals are the newwave in American racial identihl Gioria Anzalchil
was one of the first scholars to posit the unique strengths of the "new nrc,sti:;n," ancl
the potential for the nwstiza to overcome traditional racial categories throuch the
combining, rather than the denial, of diverse cultural attributes.36 Naorni Zack rlescribes this dynamic as embracing "racelessness," which she says is the basis o{ n
future-leaning "identity founded on freedom and resistance to oppre,ssion rathc-.r
than irnmanence and acceptance of tradition."3i Such an identit-v, according to Zack.
is constantly recreated in a dynamic process rather than based on origins or afTiliation, There is a danger, however, as Carol Roh Spauldrng points out, o{'thls rrtopir;
ideal becoming merely "another version of biological homogeneit\'."3s in rvl'ricrh
mnstizaje swallows racial divisions and material histories whole, The hvo fihns that
are analyzed here present distinct Hollyrvood perspectives on these concerns.
"Racefessness" in Romeo Must Die, Of the two films, Romeo lVust Dir: is
more rooted in Hollywood racial paradigms, despite the relativelv little screen
time devoted to white characters. As a "hip-hop martial arts film" (producer Joel
Silvers description) in the tradition of the white-centric urban gang morre ,]e Ronurt
Must Die presents the San Francisco Bay Area and particularly the citv of'Oakland
as culturally divided. Only its multicultural protagonists and, arguablv. those afforded symbolic whiteness have what it takes to survive. Set amid a struggle between black and Chinese organized crime families-and behind the scenes. a
wealthy, white developer-over Oakland waterfront proper\, Romeo lvlust Die
echoes actual political and racial struggles that have plagued the area for decades.
Jet Li stars as Han Sing, the son of the Chinese crime familv and thus the
Romeo who his enemies feel must die. Jullet to his Romeo is the late singer Aalivah,
who plays Trish, the daughter of the African American crirne farrrilv. As per'[irmers with proven appeal to both whites and nonwhites, Li and Aalivah arc particrr-
larlv suited to portray characters who easily navigate an ethnicirllv divided and
dangerous cityscape, Moreover, the narrative situates them as simultaneou.sl-r'ablr,
to embrace and transcend race.
Through abundant aesthetic display, the culturally diverse citvscape o1'the
Bay Area is paired with vitality and energy, in contrast to Hong Konq, rvhic,h is
presented as repressed and monocultural through drab tones and grav she,s. Bourrtlaries betrveen ethnic communities in the Bay Area are also emphasizecl through
aesthetics and musical cues.'Warm, multicoloied hues in clothing and cldcor zrncl
hip-hop and R&B music are used to represent the African American comrrunitr,'.
while more austere design and Oriental motifs stand in for the Chinese culture of
the Sing family. Even more austere, or "cultureless," is the white developer's rvork
environment. A paean to impersonal, pricy minimalisrn, it is decorated in glearring chrome and glass that offer no hint at cultural heritage, communitv, or farr.iilv
Ci,nema Jounral
44, No. 2, Winter 200,5 57
connection. Ultimately, the visual and aural signifiers assoiiated in the film's early
scenes rvith African American and Asian culture are blended when Han and Trish
are shown together, contributing to an underlying narrative message that harmony
after being battered a bit, Han quickly turns the tables on the men by using nrartial arts moves and assaulting each one in turn. Through such displal', Han is elevated raciallyin relation to his African American opponents, thus gaining.svrnbo)icr
whiteness.
Wong's distinct Eurasian facial features, he literally and figuratively- embodies national fears and fantasies of miscegenation, albeit at a submerged level. Wong's
mixed ethnicitp Chinese and Dutch American, arguably lends credence to Kai's
abilt- to hrow and respect the cultural codes in various ethnic communities, to
cross cultural borders when necessary and to serve as the Asian Mafias chief liaig. Given that Kai ultimately
ological "trouble in the text"
thus coincides with previous
representations of film protagonists that did not fit easy racial or ethnic categories.
Kai's introduction into the narrative highlights his bicultural mastery. In the
first scene in rvhich he appears, Kai adeptly saves Ch'u Sings youngest son, Po
(Jonkit Lee), from certain danger in an Oakland nightclub that is part of the African Anrerican syndicate's territory, Kai thereby establishes his cultural ease and
competence, even on enemy turf. In contrast, Po is young and foolish; he does not
know he has set himself up for a hostile confrontation that could cost him his life.
When a fight ensues with several African Americans in streetrvise garb, Kai easily
and competently defends himself and Po, (In Hollywood action films, cultural
mastery often translates into the ability to better one's opponent and maintain
one's dignity, even in anothers territory.)
Ultimately, hor,ver.,er, Kai is revealed to be a villain. In one of the final plot
twists, Han realizes that Kai, not the African American crime qmdicate, lalled Po,
his brother. In his greed for power, Kai has chosen to betray his employer and
sacrifice his ethnic allegiances. In the process, he also ignores the delicate boundaries befween ethnic factions in the underground economy. If read as a mixedrace character because of Wong's ethnic heritage and appearance, Kai thus could
be vierved as yet another cinematic illustration of the dangers of miscegenation,
From this perspective, Kai is like other Hollywood mixed-race characters r.vho are
deceitful and dangerous in their drive to achieve the privileges of whiteness, a
pattern that D, U,'. Griffith's Birth of a llation estabiished in 1915.
The character of Han is less ambiguous in this regard, Despite his recent
arrival in the United States (at the beginning of the film, he is languishing in a
Hong Kong prison fol a crime his father committed), Han gradualll' asserts his
cultural mastery in the Oakland milieu. As the hero, Han is a naturally superior
fighter; his opponents, the African American men who work for Trish's father, ultimately are macle to look foolish. In one scene, for instance, these rnen inr.'ite Han
to plal'football, but the game is in fact a cover for their plan to rough him up. But
58
Cinerna Joumal 44, N o, 2, Wtnter 2005
Ultimately, both Han and Trish rise above their conflicts by turning their back.s
on'their families and friends and, in effect, on their ethnic identities. Trish orrns u
popular shop that specializes in African American and other ethnic-oriented clothe.s
and music, a multihued example of the postmodern ethnic rer,ival in Ameljciur
patterns of consumption, Her young, hip staff, in fact, is a virtual United Colors o{'
Benneton; the shop clerks appear to hail from a rainbow spectrum o{'ethnicitie.s.
But despite being the owner of a store t}at encourages its custorners to enrbrace.
cultural diversity, Trish is socially and culturally isolated. She will not consort i,r,ith
the African Americans in her life because of their connections with organized cdmrr.
This is evident in her cool response when two men who work for her ftrther flirt
with her and in her strained relations with her father and brother.
Similarly, Han experiences only disappointment with respect to his dealings
with his mob boss father and hrows no one in the United States except for Trish.
His climactic fight scene with Kai and subsequent face-off with his father rri:rrk
the conclusion of Han's figurative struggle with his Chinese origins. In the f ace of
these racialized dilemmas, a more fluid, idealized ethnic identit"- is posecl as an
alternative (and narrative solution) for both Trish and Han, Ultirnatelr,, the cltro
survives by embracing "racelessness," ethnic identities that are achieved through
the consumption and sharing of music, fashion, and cultural forms such as nrartia[
arts, rather than by accepting their former et-hnic cornmunitv allegiances ancl ingroup prejudices.
Utopic Multiculturalism in The Fast and the Furious: Only the Multiethnic
Wif f Survive. In sharp contrast to Romeo Must Die, The Fast and, tl'te Furiorts
presents a lnore optimistic vision of race relations in the rnillenr"rial cih,. As clirec,tor Rob Cohen has explained, the film was inspired by an article bv jorrrnalist Kerr
Li on illegal drag racing on the East and West Coasts. Young Asian American nren
havebeenattheforefrontofthe
ctaze sinceitr,vasstartedin Southern California
in the early l-990s.a0Cohen chose to set the narrative in Los Angeles, the cit'u cle-
scribed bv Edward Soja and many others as the paradigmatic American citr.'at tlre
turn of the century. NIany scholars consider it a continuing repository of Anrerican
dreams and urban nightmares, particularly regarding human relation.s.{L As srrcli,
the narrative in large part centers on the vibrancy of racial and ethnic cliversity in
the millennial ci!v.
In Cohen's cinematic version of the world of street racing. The Fa..st artd tltt:
Furiou,s retains the subculture's primary tenet that speed rules. rather thari the
color of one's skin or even the amount of monev in one's wallet. The lacer.s- r'ncing
teams, and fans are extremely diverse. The extras in fact were actual .street rilcers,
and Asian Americans, Latinos, and African Americans far outnumber rvhites, Cohen
also recruited Asian Arnerican street racer R. J, DeVera to be a technical corrsLrltant and to play a small speaking role.a2
Cinem"a
Joumal44,
No. 2,
Wirter 2005 59
termed "new ways of knowing" on the part of his character. Dom s Latina girl-
Figure I. The
multiethnic cast of The
Fast andthe Furious
(Rob Cohen, Universal
Pictures, 20OI). Back,
fromleft to right: Matt
Schulze, Michelle
Rodriguez, Vin Diesel,
Paul Walker, Jordana
Brewster, and Rick Yune,
Front:Chad Lindberg
and Johnny Strong.
\lhile the extras lend an air of authenticitv to the diegesis, the lead characters
reflect the legacy of Holl-trvood rvhiteness that strongly influences The Fast and the
Furious.as Nl but one of the lead teams in the racing scenes are nonwhite, but these
characters are not rn'ell developed, They serve mainly as one-dimensional opponents
with rvhom the main characters compete, as in the case of Asian American Johnny
Tran (Rick Yune), or as comic relief, in the case of African American racer Edw'in
(played bv hip-hop performer Ja Rule). Moreover, t}e one team that is ostensibly
white rules the road and is the one with rn'hich audiences identi$r I sar- ostensiblv
white because this team is led by Dominic Torretto (Dom), played by Diesel, a biracial actor of African American and Italian descent. Jordana Bres'ster, who plavs his
sister, is part Brazilian, while Nlichelle Rodriguez, cast as his Eprlfriend. is Latina as
u'ell. Again, while the multiethnicity of these actors is not made concrete in the narratir.'e, related i.'isual referents serve as submerged or not so submerged elernents in
the development of their characters. This makes for an ensemble rvith significant
box-office appeal because of its multicultural roots and experience.
The ethnic ambiguigv of Diesel as Torretto, the undisputed king of the streetracing world, in particular cannot be fully submerged. While it is established early
on that Dom is Italian (white), Diesel's ambiguous looks and acknow'ledgment of
his mlred ethnic origins in extratextual publicity raise questions about the hero s
ethnic identitv. This ambiguity, in turn, lends credence to Dom'.s strength of character, mobiliw, and mastery in the diverse subculture of the film, or rvhat can be
60
Cinema Joumal44, No. 2,Winter 2005
friend also provides evidence of his ability to cross cultural borders and easil-v narigate and dominate in the diverse street scene. The director no doubt was a\\:ilre
that Diesel s biracialitywould lend something unique to his performance: In Cohenls
commentary accompanFng the DVD of the film, he describes Diesel a.s a "ne\\'
hnd of leading man."
The addition of team members who are unambiguously white contributes tcr
Dom's group ultimately being associated with whlteness, arguably easing their appeal for viewers weaned on traditional Hollllvood racial paradigms, Even so. the
"white" team members sport ethnic-oriented apparel, including a heavy sprinkling o1'
cholo-sryIe tattoos and woven caps. These visual signifters s1'rnbolize the nonr.r'hite
"ethnicity by consent" of these individuals, all of whom are describetl as har,rrrg
grown up in multicultural L.L.4 Through such narrative construction, Dorn'.s tearn is
shown to possess both the prized shlls and knowledge associated r+'ith..r'hiteness as
r.vell as those qualities presumably acquired by nonwhites in urban environments,
In contrast, Brian Spillnsl (Paul Walker), a mysterious stranger fresh on the
scene, is described as a golden white boy from Arizona. While Brian is a competent
and professional undercover police officer (unbelnownst to the racers), as rvell as a
daring driver, his distinctly Anglo-Saxon whiteness offers litde to no cachet in this
culturally colorful landscape. His e4pensively renovated "rice rocket" (the r:rcing
term for a mega-amped Japanese street racer) afford him no quick respect either,
When Brian appears on the scene, Mexican American racer Hector (Noel Gugliemi)
johngly points him out to his friends as the "snowboy'' standing bv his car. Eclri.in also
tells Brian that "it's not how you stand by your car, its how you race your car" that i.s
important. In this manner, the "raceless" credo of street racing is cornmurricaterl:
racing ability and cultural sawy determine status and leadership, r'rot u'hiteness or'
money, Only by proving himself as a competitive racer and garning the af{iliation o[
the leading team does Brian gain respect and acceptance.
The valence of whiteness within this world is complicated and at time.s contradictory, Most notably, the power of whiteness is diminished. Status i.s set dtnaLrricallythrough performance; speed literally rules. Like the 'hood films of the 1ll90s,
The Fast and the Furious also is unusual in turning the camera on a slice of' [-os
Angeles life that has rarely been seen on film. Much of the racing, as in real lif-e.
takes place at night, on streets that are normally packed with drivers. The fihr alsrr
reveals the rich culture that exists in neighborhoods like the primarilv Latino Echrr
Park that seldom serve as backdrops foi films, In addition,-Cohenli fbcus on thc
consumer habits of the racers and their fans, who pour their money into expen.sivc
car accessories, street-sa\,\ry fashion, and other pop-culture iten'r.s, highliqJrts tlrr,
social and economic vibrancy and vitality of the subculture.
Despite these progressive, color-blind elements, The Past and, tha Fttriotts
privileges a white-centrist perspective and notions of natural r.l'hite srrperioritv
Perhaps most notably, white characters are posited as dominant u'ithin a suhc,ulture in which they are often absent or marginal. For instance, Asian American R,
I, D" Vera, who is acknowledged in real life to be one of the top street racers in
Southern California, plays Danny', a smail-time wannabe destinecl to be beaten
Cinema Joumal 44, No. 2, Winter
2005 61
to save Dom from a prison sentence also demonstrates Dom s narrative pur?ose:
to be a leader in this new, culturaliy pluralistic society.
The production design and casting of The Fast and the Furious also contairr
arnbiguous and contradictory elements. The camera often lingers on the voung
fans of the racers, particularlyyoung women of color and smartly dressed interethnic couples. In addltion, the soundtrack underscores Cohens urban-oriented ae.s-
thetic. However, even in this carefully constructed multicultural narratir,,e.
Hollywood norms of
white
ung
women featured as extras ar
very thin, approximating an
ancl
n of
the Mexican American racing team's crowd on what is presumably its own trrrf,
This is a far cry from the actuil physical diversity within ihe srrbculiure. Arquablrr
it also includes youngwomen who are short and curvaceous, a body $,pe celebrated
in the low-rider subculture, from which the racing scene borrovrs heavil.,r L'rltimately, the aesthetics of the constructed setting reflect Hollywood standards, t<r
the extent that "diversity" is limited to particular body [.pes.
The New Raceless Aesthetic. Given demographic developments, it is
nor
sutprising that cinematic action narratives are becoming increasingly multicultrrral
in their focus and aesthetics, Examples of these trends, both Romeo Nlust Die
and The Fast and the Furious, posit ihto,rgh their casting and narratives that thc:
embracing of an idealized "raceless" ethnic identity is key to mastery in the ur-
Figure 2. Dominic Torretto (Vin Die.sel) mentors protagonist Brian Spillner (Paul
Walker) in The Fa,st and tl'te Furious (Rob Cohen, Universal Pictures, 200I).
bv the u'hite leads in the film. Conversely, Brian's abiliqv to be accepted by the
lead racing team, w,hile nonrvhite racers are not afforded similar respect, goes
unquestioned.
The privilege afforded whites is painted in broad strokes during Brians first
chance to prove himself, in a drag race against Dominic, Edwin, and Danny. Hector is not alloi,r'ed to compete; he is told, jokingly', he is too slorv. Brian easily beats
Edwin and Danny and ultimately competes head to head with Dom. The inability
of the Asian American and African American racers to truly compete u'ith these
two "rvhite" racers is not highlighted as remarkable in any rvay, although Asian
Arnericans, Latinos, and African Americans dominate the actual subculture. The
false hierarchv constructed in the narrative goes unnoticed, reinforcing traditional
racial expectations.
The casting of \,'in Diesel problematizes Hollywood tradition in this regard,
hor,vever. Diesel'.s ambiguous ethnic identity, conjoined with his character's natural
leadership in this environment, has new and unique implications for the action
fihn. Despite Brian s positioning as central to the narrative, it is Dom, possessing
rvhat might be termed a bronzer rvhiteness, who demonstrates the inherent traits
necessary to master this cultural landscape, Brian's ultimate sacrifice of'his career
62
Ciruema Jou'mal
14,llo. 2,Winter
2005
ban environment. Contradictions abound, however, when such narratives are rootecl
in Hollywood tradition and aim to appeal to u'hite as well as nonwhite audience.s,
As Guerrero states, even in recent decades, Holllwood has "continued to stock
its productions with themes and formulas dealing with black issues aircl cha.rac,ters that are reassuring to the sensibilities and expectations o{'an uneasv rvlrite
audience."a5 In this respect, multiculti film narratives soothe rvhite sensibilities
even while attempting simultaneously to appeal to young,",ier,r,ers r.r'ith "urban,"
media-sawv tastes,
A number of points can be made regarding the representation o{' race and
race relations in multicultural action movies. For one, ideologies of rvhite sriperiority and nonwhite subordination continue to have a powerful influence, even u'hile
the casting, production design, and other manifest components of the filnis promote a multicultural aesthetic. In Rorneo Must Die, whites are seldom seen lnrt
nevertheless dominate the narrative environment by "pulling the strinqs" of both
the African American and Chinese crime syndicates. Jet Li also is elevatecl to.sl,mbolic whiteness through the continual devaluing of African American characters.
particularly in the fight sequences. In The Fost andthe Furious, by contra.st, u,hite
characters ostensibly rule the drag-racing subculture but in real lif'e generallv pla-r
rnarginal roles. However, Vin Diesel's presence as a chief protagonist conrplicates
racialized expectations in this regard.
There are multiple rvays to interpret the cultural implications of the boorn in
casting mixed-race actors. An emphasis on actors with an "is she or isn't she?" of{white look can be said to erase ethnic difference and, by extension, to denv the
Cinema Joumal44, No. 2, Winter
2005 63
nation's and film industrys history of racial discrimination, When multiracial actors.replace monocultural actors of color, perhaps for easier consumption by audiences, they erase darker ethnic bo&es in the process. In ad&tion, when multiethnic
identitv plays even a submerged role in film narratives, as in.the case of the characters played by Vin Diesel and Russell Wong, it tends to raise tensions that must
be resolved withln the narrativ'e. The conflicts between Han and Kai in Romeo
Must Die and Brian and Dom in The Fast and the Furious bear this out, On the
one hand, multiethnic actors and characters often provide the "trouble in the text"
of contemporary films, as they have t}roughout Hollywood cinema history On the
other hand, the rise in and popularity of mixed-race and multiethnic performers
can be intelpreted as a reflection and celebration of the increasing cultural diversity in the nation
Audience reception to narratives involving "passing" is a matter fbr future
research, Action heroes portrayed by biracial actors are still likely to be read a.s
white. \\'hile scholars such as \,Villiams and Antonia Grace Glenn have begun to
erplore the marketing of and audience reception to mix'ed-race actors, questions
remain unanswered.46 A number of successful actors have chosen not to foreground
their mlxed ethnicity in their star publicity; their ranks include Keanu Reeves,
Jennifer Rubin, and Jennif'er Till)'.47 These actors generally "pass" without question despite their nonwhite ancestry. Similarly, biracial actors such as Halle Berry
and lhnessa Williams hat'e been coded consistently as African American u,ithout
discussion of the complexi$,' of their dual heritage. There is much to be learned
from critical scholarship on these questions, Regardless of audience intelpretation, biracialiw is increasinglv less submerged in Hollyuood narratives, which is a
porverful trend of contemporary concern.
Notes
I
As lvlichael Omi, Howard \Vinant, and other scholars have argued, while racial categories are social constructions, race has a material impact on individuals, farnilies, and
communities, Continuing, although decreasingly strong, taboos about miscegenation,
for example, serve as indicators of the valence of racial boundaries in the United States.
Ne.,,ertheless, growing numbers of U.S. citizens are of mixed racial or ethnic descent.
For the purposes of this essav-, "biracial" will be used to refer to individuals who can
clairn two racial backgrounds as defined by the U.S. Bureau of the Census, u'hile "mul-
tiracial" will refer to individuals rvith more than two racial backgrounds, The racial
groups identified by the Bureau of the Census in 2000 included white; black, African
Arnerican, or Negro; Asian/Pacific Islander; and American Indian or Alaskan native.
Multiethnic and the more popularly used term "mixed race" will be used here more
generallv to identify individuals u'ho belong to two or more ethnic or racial groups or
rvho are of indeterminate but mixed racial or ethnic status.
2, See, for example. Thomas Dohertu. Teenagers and Teenpics: The !rcenilization of
Atnerican A,loaies in the 1950s (Boston: Unwin Hr.rnan, 1988), and Eric Schaefer, "Bold.!
Daring! Sl"rocking!Tnte!" AHistory of Exploitati,onFi,ln^s,1915-1959 (Durham, N.C,:
Duke University Press, 1999),
3. DonaldBogle,Tom^s,Coons,tr[u,lattoes,Mammies,andBucks:AnlnterTtretiaeHistory
of Blacks in Am.ericon Film"s (New Yorkr Continuum, i99I), lg5, and Ritchie P|rez,
64
Cinema Joumal 44, No, 2,\Yinter 2005
"From Assimilation to Annihilation: Puerto Rican Images in U.S, Fihns," in Clara E.
Rodriguez, ed., Latin Looks: lmages of Latinas and Latinos i.n the ti S. Ilcdia (Boulder, Coio,: Westview, 1997), I47, Enc Avila addresses this dynamic in relation to science fiction films in "Dark City; White Flight and the Urban Science Fiction Fihn irr
Postwar America,l'in Daniel Bernardi, ed., Classic Hollywood, Clas.sic \d,hifenes,i (lllirrneapolis: University of Minnesota Press), 53.
P6rez, "From Assimilation to Annihilation," 146. Discussion of the historical u;rrstruction of the Hollywood Latino/a as h;persexual in comparison to q'hites can be
found in the work of such scholars as Ana M. L6pez, "Are There Latins in N{ ar rhattan?" in Lester D. Friedman, ed,, Unspeakable lrnages: Ethnicity anrl thc Amerir:ort
Cinerna (Urbana; University of Illinois Press, 1991); Charles Ramirez Berg, Latirto
lmnges in Film: Stereotypes, Suboersion, and Resistanca (Austin: Univer.sitl, of Texa.s
Press, 2002); and Mary Beltr6n, "Bronze Seduction: The Shaping of Latina Stardrrrn
in Hollywood Film and Star Publicity," Ph.D, diss.,-University of Teras, 2002. Scholars have documented a sirnilar historical pattern for African Americans, David (-look.s
scholarship on the unequal, racialized utilization of Production Code norms regarcling female nudity also is instructive here. Cook, A History of Narratiue Fllrrr (Neu
York: Norton, 1996).
5. Elaine Pennicott, "'Who's the Cat That Won't Cop Out?' Black lvlasculiniw in Anrerican Action Series of the Sixties and Seventies," in Bill Osgerby and Anna Gough-Yates,
eds., ActionTV: Tough Cugs, Smooth Operators, andFoxy Chicks (London: Routledgr:,
2001), 108. For further discussion of the blaxploitation film and black urban dranra.s o{'
the 1990s, see N{anthia Diawara, "Black American Cinema: The Nerv Realisrl," in
Diawara, ed., Black American Cinema (New York: Routledge, 1993): 3-25; S, Craig
\Vathns, Representing: Hip Hop Culture and the Production o.f Black Cirulm (.('.hicago; Universitv of Chicago Press, 1998); Ed Guerrero, Framing Blackne.s,s: TI'r: African American lrnage in Filrn (Philadelphiar Temple Universig, Press); and Rerettir
Smith-Shomade, "Rock-a-Bye, Babylr BlackWornen Disrupting Gangs ancf Constrrrcting Hip-Hop Gangsta Films," Cinema Journal42, no. 2 (winter 20031: ZS-40
6. Diawara descnbes Bambara's position in "Black American Cinelna," 9. No inforr.rration is provided regarding the source of the quotation.
7. rbid.
8. For a discussion of miscegenation taboos as presented in Hollyrvood filrr, iri l"hr:
Birth of aNation (1915) andlmitationof Life (1934), in particulal see Anria Everett,
Returningthe Gaze: A Cenealogy of Black Fi.ImCriticism, 1909-1949 (Durhanr, N.(i
Duke University- Press, 2001), and Chon A. Noriega, "Birth of the Southrvest: Social
Protest, Tourism, and D. W, Griffith's Ram.ona," and Gina Ivlarchetti, "Trirgic anrl
Transcendent Love in Forbidden City," in Daniel Bernardi, ed.. The Birtl't rf Whiteness: Race and the Emergence of l.l.S. Cinema (Nerv Brunsr,vick, N.J.: Rutgers Uriiversity Press, 1996), 203-26, 257-70. Both Noriega and MarchetLi discu.ss hou,poftravals
of interracial romance were used, as Marchetti argues, "to recognize, dornesticate.
and absorb differences of various sorts to continue the ideological begernorrv of tlre
4.
.
dominant culture" (270).
Guerrero, "The Black Image in Protective Custody: Hollwvoodls Biracial Brrddv
Filrns of the Eighties," in Diawara, Black Am.erican Cinema, 23746. See also lr{ark
Winokur, "Black Is WhiteAl,'hite Is Black: 'Passing' as a Strategy- oi Racial Compatibilih'
in Contenporary Holly,rvood Comedy," in Friedm an, Unspeakable Inutge.t 190-214.
10, Herman Grav. WatchingRace: Teleoision andthe Struggle for "Blacknc,s.s'' (\,linneapolis: Universitr,* of Minnesota.Pre.ss, I9g5), 87.
9. Ed
Cinema Journal 44,1,{o. 2, Winter
2005 65
.
For further discussion of the urban environment in t}e Hollywood science fiction film,
see Avila, "Dark Ciry"
)-2. lacquie Jones and other scholars have argued that this slice of life was foregrounded in
1990s films at the expense of representation of the black community beyond these
confines. Jones, "The New Ghetto Aesthetic," Wide Angle 13, nos. 3-4 (1991): 3213.
13. Guerre ro, Fram-ing Blackness, I59,
14, Diawara, "Black American Cinema," 23. Other examples of the ghetto action film include N'eu.'/ack City (Mario Van Peebles, 1991), Straight out of Brooklyn (Matty Rich,
1991), luice (Ernest Dickerson, 1992), andFresh (BoazYahn, 1994),
15. Jos6 Arroyo, preface to Arroyo, ed., Aaion/spectacle Cinem,a (London: British Film
11
Institute, 2000), v.
16. Todd Boyd, "A Small Introduction to the 'G' Funk Erar Gangsta Rap and Black lvlasculinity in Contemporary Los Angeles," in Michael J, Deaa H. Eric Schockrnan, and
Greg Hise, eds.,RethinkingLos Angeles (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1996), I33, See
also Smith-shomade s discussion of the influence of hip-hop on the gangster genre in
"Rock-a-Bye
Bab'*71" 28.
17. See, for example, Yvonne Tasker, Spectacular Bodies: Cender, Genre, andthe Action
Cinema (London: Routledge, 1993); Tasker, "Fists of Fury: Discourses of Race and
Nf asculiniq' in the Martial Arts Cinema," in Harry Stecopoulos and lvlichael Uebel,
eds.,Race andthe Subiea of Masculinity (Durham, N.C,: Duke University Press, 1997);
Guerrero, Frarning Blackness; Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks;
and Darius James, That's Blaxploitati.on: The Roots of the Baadasssss'Tude (New York:
St. Martin s/Griffin, f 995).
18, Richard Dyer, "Action!" in Arroyo, ed., Action/Spectacle Cinema,IS.
19. Quoted in Rick Lpnan, "Job Openings in Hollywood: Heroes \A/anted," NeuYorkTimes,
August 4, 2002,sec. 2, 1.
20. Marilyrr Halter, Shoppingfor lfuntity: The Marketingof Ethnicity (New York: Schocken
Books, 2000), 3.
21, Neil Howe and William Strauss, Millennials Rising: The l,lext Great Generation (New
York: Vintage, 2000), i5.
22. Cited in ibid.
23. Quoted in Leon E. Wrnter, American
Skin: Pop Culture, Big Business, and the End of
White America (New York: Crown, 2002), 180,
24. Rudolfo Acuia, Anythingbut Mexican: Chicanos in Contemporary Los Angeles (London: !'erso, 1996), 3.
25. U,S, Census Bureau, "The Two or More Races Population: 2000," Census Bureau brief,
November 200
26
I,
a_ T;,pe character," in Naomi zack, ed., Am,erican
Mixed Race: A culture of lr,licrodioersity (Landham, Mass.r Rowman & Littlefield, IggE), 64.
32. Everett, Retumingthe Cqze, Z2L
33. rbid.
34. Everett and Bogle-both point to a number of indicators of \!'ashington's interise
popularity among black moviegoers, Everett, Retuntingthe Caze , 220-23, an<l Bogle,
Brown Sugar: Eighty Years of Black Female Superstars (New York: Da Capo press,
1980), 76-82.
35. Teresa Kay Williams, "The Theater of Identity: (Multi-) Race and Representatiol o1
Eurasians and Afroasians," in Zack, American Mixed Race, gL
36. Gloria Anzaldria, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New.Mestiza (Sal Francisco: Aqlt
Lute Books, 1987), 79,
37. Naorni Zack, Race and Mixed Race (Philadelphia: Temple University pre.ss, 1gg3),
164
.38. Carol Roh Spaulding, "The Go-Between People," in
Zack, Americrm L,lixerl.Racc. I I0
39. Joel silvea producer's commentary Romeo lt[ust Die DVD, warner Bros., 2000.
40. Rob Cohen, director's commentary The Fast andthe Furious DVD. Universal,
2()01.
4r. See' for example, Edward Soia, Postmod.em Geographies, The Rea.ssertion of STtar:r: itt
critical social Theory (Nerv lbrk: verso, r9g3), 223, and Mike Dal.is , citq i.f
euo.tt=:
Excatsatingthe Future in Los Angeles (London: Verso, 1gg0).
42, The Fost andthe Furious D\,D
43. For further scholarship on the legacy
of whiteness in Hollwvood film. see Riclrzrrcl
Dyer,White (London: Routledge, f997), and Ella Shohat u.r,l Rob",t ,Stirm, L,rruflztnkingEurocentrism: Mubiculturalismandthe Media (London: Routleclge, lgg4). A n16ber of seminal essays on this subject can be found in Daniel Be.nardi, Thr Birtlt rf
Whiteness (New Brunsrvick, NJ; Rutgers University press, f 996).
44.
\t'erner Sollers, Beyond Ethnicity: Consent and Descent in Am.erican Crrlfrlrc (N1u,
York: Oxford [Jniversilv Press, 1986).
Guerrero, Framing Blackness, 162.
46. Antonia Grace Glenn, "Hapl Passing (and Non-passing) in Conternporirn, Iiilrrr anrl
Teler"ision," Paper presented at the conference of tt" Northeast li,ticlerri L:urgrrarlr:
Association, Toronto, April 12,2002; williams, "The Theater of Identitl," 86.
47. According to numerous publicity sources, Keanu Reeves is of Hawaiian ancl 6t[er rn jxecl
descent, while Je_nnifer Beals is of African American and Irish heritage \,leq Tillv is
purportedly of Chinese and Canadian descent.
4D.
wrwv. census.gov/prod/200lpubs/c2kbrOI-6.pdf.
Halter, Shoppingfor Identity,83. \4'lnter describes the same developmentin American Skin,136.
27. Wyntea Am.srican Skin, 136.
28. "T\/ Viewing Habits Differ in Black Households: While Black vs. White Ttr'Vier.ving
Habits Continue to Polarize, There Is Growing Mutualiw of Preferences among Black
and White Viewers I2-L7," Minoritg Markets Alert 7, no, 5 (May 1995): 2.
oo Halter, Shoppingfor ldentity, t7l, and Wynter, Amzrican Skin,Ii}.
30. Wyrrter, Ameri.can Skin, 7i0.
31. Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Marrurni,es, and Buclcs, 9. See also Jane M. Gaines, Fire
and Desire: Mired-Race Mooies in the Silent Era (Chicago: tJniversiry of Chicago Press,
200I), and Freda Scott Giles, "From Melodrama to the Mories: The Tragic Mulatto as
66
Cinema Jounrat 44. No. 2,Winter 2005
Cinem.a
Joumal44, No. 2,Winter
2005 67