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Internationale
IUFRO-Konferenz
„Kulturerbe Wald“
NEWS OF FOREST HISTORY Nr. III/(36/37)-2/2005
INTERNATIONAL IUFRO-CONFERENCE
“WOODLANDS – CULTURAL HERITAGE”
NEWS OF FOREST HISTORY Nr. III/(36/37)/2005.
PART 2
IMPRESSUM
Medieninhaber und Herausgeber:
Bundesministerium für Land- und Forstwirtschaft, Umwelt und W asserwirtschaft
Gesamtkoordination: Abteilung IV 4; Fö. Ing. Johann W . KIESSLING und IUFRO Research group 6.07.00
„Forest History“, Dipl.-FW . Dr Elisabeth JOHANN,
Für den Inhalt verantwortlich:die jeweiligen Autoren;
Bildnachweis: Bilder der Kapitelseiten BMLFUW ; Schima, ForstKultur-Archiv; ansonst Bilder und Graphiken
von den Autoren; Quellen beim Bild;
4
News of forest history „ Kulturerbe Wald “
Photo: SCHIMA
News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald“
5
CONTENT – PART 02
SEITE/PAGE
Preface
07
Woodlands in the urban area –
Wälder in der Stadtlandschaft
09
MAINTAINING OF FORESTS IN THE RUHR AREA: BETWEEN RURAL CULTURAL
LANDSCAPE AND HIGH INTENSITY LAND USE AREAS
Bernward Selter, Centre for Forest Ecosystems, University of Münster, Germany
SITUATING TREES IN THE URBAN LANDSCAPE: OTTAWA; CANADA 1900 – 1930
Joanna Dean, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada
NACHHALTIGE PARKPFLEGE IM SCHLOSSPARK NYMPHENBURG – WALDBAU
ZWISCHEN DENKMALSCHUTZ, NATURSCHUTZ, BÜRGERWILLEN UND VERWALTUNG
Jacques A. Volland, Schlosspark Nymphenburg, Germany
Conflicts in and around the forest –
Konflikte im und um den Wald
45
OFFENCES AGAINST FOREST REGULATIONS IN EARLY MODERN TIMES IN THE
CANTON OF ZURICH
WALDFREVEL IN DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT: DEVIANTES VERHALTEN UND / ODER FORM
DER KONFLIKTAUSTRAGUNG
Katja Hürlimann, Dep. Forstwissenschaften ETH Zürich, Switzerland
STATE FORESTRY AND TRIBAL UNREST IN INDIA DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
Sushma Rawat, All Saints College, Naini Tal, India
THREE FORESTS AND A SACRED GROVE - CULTURAL ROOTS OF FOREST COMMONS
IN THE HIMALAYAS 1800 – 2001
Minoti Chakravarty-Kaul, Dep. of Economics, University of Delhi, India
BIALOWIEZA UND SEINE DEUTSCHEN: JAGD,
WELTKRIEGEN
Kurt Kehr, Weimar, Deutschland
FORST UND MENSCHEN IN ZWEI
6
Inventory of social, spiritual and cultural heritage in the
woodland –
Erhebung des sozialen, spirituellen und kulturellen Erbes in
den Wäldern
83
INTRODUCTION TO A PROJECT IDEA: FOREST CULTURES IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES –
NATURE, WORK AND FREEDOM AS CULTURALLY CONSTITUTED THEMES IN
DIFFERENT FOREST CONTEXTS
Ingar Kaldal, Historisk Institut, Trondheim, Norway
INVENTORY OF CULTURAL HERITAGE IN ESTONIA
Jürgen Kusmin, Estonian Agricultural University, Tartu, Estonia
HISTORISCHE KULTURLANDSCHAFTSELEMENTE IM WALD: ERFASSEN, SCHÜTZEN,
INTEGRIEREN – BEISPIELE AUS DEM RHEINLAND
Gerrit Bub, Inst. Historische Geographie, Universität Bonn, Germany
CHARCOAL PRODUCTION SITES STORE INFORMATION ON WOODLAND HISTORY –
EXAMPLES FROM THE BAVARIAN FOREST (GERMANY)
Oliver Nelle, Institute f Botany, University of Regensburg, Germany
FOREST-RELATED FAMILY NAMES AND WOODLAND COVER; AN EXPLORATORY STUDY
TO POSSIBLE RELATIONS
J. N. van Laar, Wageningen University, The Netherlands
Forests and the public - Der Wald und die Öffentlichkeit
FORST UND TOURISMUS - EINE HERAUSFORDERUNG
Wolfgang Sovis, Unternehmensberater, Stockerau, Austria
DER NATUR AUF DER SPUR.
Gottfried Horvath, Museum Schloß Esterházy, Lackenbach, Austria
NEWS AND FOREST REPRESENTATION AT THE FRENCH TV
Michel Dupuy, Institut d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, Paris, France
MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS RELATED TO FOREST HISTORY
Johann W. Kiessling, Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, Environment and Water
Management, Vienna Austria
121
News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald
7
PREFACE
Forests and other wooded land cover about
social and economic pressure and the
1000 million ha in Europe and are a
historical knowledge with regard to woodland
characteristic
conservation and restoration.
element
of
the
natural
landscape. They create multiple benefits for
The current issue of the “News of Forest
economic welfare, biological diversity, water
history” contains papers based on scientific
balance and offer environmental, protective,
research and practical experience focusing
social and recreational services to the rural
on the social spiritual and cultural and values
as well as to the urbanised society. In that
of forests. They have been presented on
way the social, cultural and environmental
occasion of an International Conference on
values of sustainable forest management to
“Woodlands - cultural heritage” which took
society gain increasingly importance in
place in Vienna / Austria, from May 3 - 7
international forest policy. Social and cultural
2004. The conference was organised by the
values
societies
Research Group 6.07.00 Forest History,
develop. However there is a loss of past
jointly with the Federal Office and Research
knowledge of how these forests were used
Centre for Forests, the working party Forest
and managed in a sustainable way. The
History of the Austrian Forest Society, the
multi-disciplinary research into the role of the
Lehrstuhl für Forstpolitik und Forstgeschichte
social and cultural aspects of sustainable
TU München, the University of Applied Life
forest management in the overall goal of
Sciences Vienna and the Federal Ministry of
sustainable development gains increasingly
Agriculture,
importance worldwide. This has recently
Water
been expressed by the Vienna Declaration
excursion was carried out by the Vienna
and Vienna Resolutions adopted at the
Municipal Department 49 – Forestry Office
Fourth
and Urban agriculture.
change over
Ministerial
time as
Conference
on
the
Forestry,
Management.
Environment
The
and
in-congress-
Protection of Forests in Europe and signed
The meeting included 2 ½ -days paper
by 40 European Countries and the European
sessions, an in-congress tour to the Vienna
Community (Vienna, 28-30 April 2003).
forest
Because the outcome of the 4th Ministerial
forest), and a guided evening tour to the
Conference will shape the further work on
forest
the protection and sustainable management
Lackenbach. About 60 researchers and
of forests in Europe there is a need to
scientist from 4 continents and 21 countries
provide society with the historical information
interested in the role of the social and
about land use, social perceptions and
cultural aspects of forest management in the
changing attitudes to trees and woodland,
past and working in the fields of forest and
origin of modern forestry in the context of
woodland history, environmental history,
(nature
museum
conservation,
Schloß
recreation
Esterhazy
in
8
social history, cultural history, history of
of Europe such as Estonia, Norway or
hunting and other disciplines attended the
Germany,
meeting. Some of them also took part in the
composition due to forest management in
2-days
parts
post
congress
tour
making
of
the change of tree species
Denmark
and
France,
the
acquaintance with the social and cultural
development
aspects of forest utilization in the history of
Mediterranean
the Austrian mountain forests and welfare
sustainable forest utilization and its foot-
functions of contemporary woodlands in the
prints, woodland management and forest-
Alpine region of Lower Austria and Styria.
related social and political conflicts including
The conference received scientific as well as
political interest by the attendance of the
Director General of the Forestry Department,
Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry,
Environment and Water Management DI
Mannsberger and his deputy DI Dr. Schima,
the IUFRO Executive Secretary Dr. Mayer,
of
the woodlands
and
Central
in
the
Europe,
the conflicting demands of forest villagers
and state forestry, the urban landscape in
Central Europe, the Mediterranean and
elsewhere and in a broader sense with the
layered
cultures
of
forestry
and
the
accomplishments of environmental history in
the study of woodlands.
the Head of the Federal Office and Research
The comprehensive goal of the international
Centre for Forests DI Dr. Mauser, the
conference on the cultural heritage of
President
of
woodland was to contribute to the ongoing
Environmental History Ing. Dr. Winiwarter
discussion dealing with social spiritual and
and the President of the Australian Forest
cultural values of forests and to provide
History Society Dr. Dargavel. The import-
basic information related to these values.
ance of this meeting one year before the
The current issue of the News of Forest
IUFRO World Congress in Brisbane was
History”
also demonstrated by the participation of the
conference containing the presented papers.
coordinators of the working groups 6.07.01
That way you can acquire an interesting
Tropical forest History Dr. Rawat, Nainital,
overview about different topics concerning
India, 6.07.03 Ecological forest history Dr.
Forest Culture in Europe. It is edited by the
Watkins,
6.07.02
Ministry of Agriculture Forestry Environment
Social and economic forest History Dr.
and Water management, the Research
Agnoletti. Florence, Italy.
Group 6.07.00 and the Austrian Forest
of
the
European
Nottingham,
UK,
Society
and
The main themes which were addressed
during
the
conference
dealt
with
the
evolution of forest land and natural and
cultural forest landscapes in different parts of
Europe, the inventory and documentation of
forest-related cultural heritage in some parts
are
the
proceedings
of
Society, Expert Group Forest History.
Elisabeth JOHANN
IUFRO 6.07.00 Forest History (Coordinator)
Email: [email protected]
this
9
WOODLANDS IN THE URBAN AREA
WÄLDER IN DER STADTLANDSCHAFT
Photo: SCHIMA
10
11
MAINTAINING OF FORESTS IN THE RUHR
AREA:
BETWEEN RURAL CULTURAL LANDSCAPE AND HIGH
INTENSITY LAND USE AREAS
Introduction
forestry workers many female workers were
Does it make sense to research in forest and
woodland history just in the most densely
populated German Land – all the more in its
industrial heartland, the Ruhr region?
and
cultivated
landscape
forestation work as "planting women" at that
time. The 50 penny piece appreciated this
enormous performance.
In the following some typical aspects of the
However, a first look in the sources, the
literature
employed primarily for the extensive re-a
itself
shows us that various forms of interaction
between man and woodlands have changed
themselves in partly rapid speed particularly in
the Ruhr District.
forest history especially of the Ruhr region are
represented briefly. They are facets of the
history of the urban forestry whose research is
part of a project "Woodlands and Society in
the Ruhr District at the example of the city of
Essen and surroundings" just started with.
Who still knows today why a planting woman
is shown on the old German 50 penny coin?
After the Second World War - which not only
claimed over 55 million human life’s but also
left its destructive traces in the cultural
landscape - North Rhine-Westphalia was in
the first place with a negative balance of
approximately 120,000 hectares of open
space in Germany. In those days wooded
area amounts only about 780,000 hectares; it
is 915.800 hectares today. War damages,
clear cuts in the course of reparations, fire
disasters and bark beetle infestation led to soil
erosion and an endangering of the supply of
water. The ground was completely exposed to
Fig. 1: Sand drifts nearby Rees at the Niederrhein, North
wind and sun, forest fires still extended the
West of Ruhr District (Forstl. Dokumentationsstelle
damages. It is hard to believe but there were
real sand drifts in some regions. From lack of
NRW); on the right above the old German “50-Pfennig”
coin with “planting woman”.
12
News of forest history „Waldland – Kulturerbe”
Ruhr District – Situation and
Genesis
the successful history of "coal and steel"
The Ruhr District is located in the west of
As a new primary energy source the mineral
Germany and part of the land North Rhine-
coal displaced the traditional central resources
Westphalia. About 5.4 million people live here
wood and water. 1849 could be melted with
on an area of about 4430 square kilometres.
Ruhr
The Ruhr region isn't a main landscape.
succeeded to break through the lime and marl
During the last 150 years the heavy and major
layers with the help of the steam engine and
industry based on hard coal and iron have
enable the effective deep mining with that.
drawn its boundaries. From the mutual
One
dependence relationship between coal and
deposits also to the north of the Ruhr valley
steel industry and population "a unique
now. Within the following decades a north
metropolitan area and a melting pot of
walk of the Ruhr mining took place, from the
numerous
2003)
Ruhr over the Hellweg region, then the
name
Emscher lowlands and finally the Lippe zone.
arose,
ethnic
which
groups"
gave
(Gläßer
itself
the
"Ruhrgebiet" only at the end of the 1920s.
started only in the middle of the 19th century.
coke
could
Everywhere
smelting
iron.
Already
develop
locations
works
the
of
extended
in
1837
enormous
coalmines
rapidly,
they
coal
and
traffic
arteries and work settlements ran through the
landscape. The population grew from 220,000
within the years 1816/1818 up to 2.6 million
Hamburg
(1905) and almost 5.7 million in 1967 (KVR).
Ruhr District
Berlin
Düsseldorf
Phases of the forest development and the forest
utilisation
North RhineDüsseldorf
Westphalia
Who travelled through the Ruhr District at the
beginning of the 20th century could hardly
München
imagine that there had been once a life there
ahead of the industrialization. So Wilhelm
Fig. 2: Situation of the Ruhr District
Schäfer described in his story "Der Ruhr
entlang zur Industrie" the city Essen with the
In the Ruhr area the origins of the hard coal
following words: „In trauriger Öde, zwischen
mining reach back up to the early Middle
Fabriken und Zechen eingeengt, ziehen die
Ages. Within the following centuries the
schwarzen
carbon only mined near the surface was
Häusern hin, darin die Menschen wie in
mostly used for forging and domestic fuel. But
Höhlen wohnen. (…) überall Schienen – man
Straßen
zwischen
schwarzen
13
kann es nicht begreifen, was alle diese
were some towns only in the south, in the
Bahnen sollen – Drähte von elektrischen
Hellweg region and the Ruhr valley. But even
Bahnen und immer ein Geruch von nassen
cities
Schornsteinen in der Luft: eine Höllengegend
Mülheim or Duisburg had only a few thousand
(…)“ (cit. from Blotevogel 2001).
inhabitants.
One of the few witnesses from this time we
Oaks, beeches, birches and alders were
can see at the photo of the Dortmund central
predominant in the woods. There were
station which was taken in 1890. Only the so-
gigantic alluvial forests and coppice woods,
called "Femelinde" (lime-tree of a vehmic
coppice with standards and high forests used
court) reminds of pre-industrial times. The tree
extensively. Large parts of the heath-lands,
affected by a storm in the year 1871 owes its
pasture grounds and woodlands were jointly
surviving the fact that there was one of the
used as common land, so-called “Marken”.
most important so-called "Freistühle” (place of
Woodlands and heath-land were integral
a vehmic court) in Westphalia. The court
constituents of the rural economy like in many
cases held under such prominent trees knew
European regions of this time. The farmers
only the acquittal or death penalty which was
put their cattle out to graze there, got litter and
immediately executed on the spot.
sods, peat and marl as well as fuel wood and
like
Dortmund,
Bochum,
Essen,
timber. For example the city of Essen leased
the oak-mast publicly still 1814.
High stands with oaks and beeches only grew
up in private plots of land right next to the
farms and in noble and fiscal land. The
common
woodlands
and
the
communal
forests were for the most part coppice and
brushwood and stocked with oaks, beeches,
hornbeams, birches, alders etc. At that time,
Fig. 3: The so-called “Femelinde“ Dortmund central
all in all, many of the for the most part
station (photo of 1890; from Haunfelder & Schorfheide
scattered
woods
1999)
devastated.
were
described
as
During the last two centuries, the Ruhr Area
At 1800 many regions of the northern Ruhr
changed
District as well as the river mouth of Ruhr and
agricultural land use, an urban industrial
Emscher
and
landscape, up to the landscape areas of the
woodlands. Wild horses still lived in the
post-industrial civilization at present. Grown
Emscher
zone
from a former agrarian region a conurbation
extends over the ridge above the Ruhr. There
arose with currently the highest concentration
were
covered
swamp.
A
by
heath
tree-covered
from
a
landscape
shaped
by
14
of population and settlement as well as the
conversion of the energy base to coal and
largest concentration of industry and traffic all
better transportation conditions, the demand
over Europe.
for charcoal sink rapidly within less years.
Far into the 20th century the formerly
widespread forest grounds were forced back
For centuries the ore had walked to the
to peripheral zones. The numerous marches
carbon, the iron industry had established itself
(“Marken”) were divided up in the course of
in the low mountain ranges where the wood
the land reforms in the 19th century and
delivered sufficient fuel. Now the iron industry
changed into private property or property of
was moving near to the hard-coal mines. Also
the municipalities. In this way a good quarter
other energy dependent branches of trade
of
district
and industry established themselves in the
Recklinghausen was parcelled between 1821
course of the time. While the industrialization
and 1848.
enabled the reconstruction of the forests
The heavy and great industrial development in
somewhere
the Rhenish Westphalian industrial area was
destruction of many woods.
the
area
of
administrative
else,
it
locally
started
the
based on coal and iron. First landscapes
created artificially by man spread after 1850,
Between 1820 and 1865 the forest stands
an industrial landscape arose as of 1870. In
decreased for a while, since the cleared areas
the course of this, land use and settlement
in the Ruhr valley and in the Hellweg region
very rarely showed consideration for natural
were larger than the areas reclaimed by the
settings of the landscape.
partition of the common lands and the
afforestations north of the river Emscher. Also
in the first half of the industrial expansion
phase between 1865 and the turn of the
century we can notice a relatively balanced
relationship
afforestations.
between
Only
clearings
after
and
this,
the
reforestations of wastelands could no longer
compensate for the forest deterioration.
The wooded area has already sunk in some
Fig. 4: Charcoal burning in South Westphalia (by the
year 1905; Westfälisches Freilichtmuseum Detmold,
photo: Heserbrink)
towns on a minimum in 1937. War and
recovery led to further losses, but the active
The building phase of the Ruhr District
efforts of forest preservation led to first
between 1840 and 1870 was a turning point
successes (green area policy, covering of
for the forest development. On the basis of the
slagheaps) and the further extension of the
15
Land use in Essen (1820-2002)
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
1820
1865 1878 1883 1893 1900 1913 1927 1937 1956
1990 2002
(1990 and 2002: settlement incl. gardens and recreation areas)
Agricultural area
Woodland
Wasteland
Settlement area
Roads/Waters
Figur 5
The Development of the Forest Land in North Rhine-Westphalia 1883-2000 (in hectares)
coppice w ood
400.000
coppice w ith standards
oaks (1961: plenter w ood altogether, incl. conifers)
350.000
birch, alder, aspen, other soft hardw ood
beech, all other hardw ood
300.000
pine
spruce, fir, larch, other conifers
250.000
200.000
150.000
100.000
50.000
0
1883
Figure 6
1893
1900
1913
1927
1961
2000
16
settlements was carried out more at the
wood per annum and 2,650,000 cubic meters
expense of the agricultural area. The first
in 1907.
mining crisis finally started a phase of the
After at first only oak was almost used as a pit
deindustrialization of the Ruhr District after
timber,
1957, which, to this day, isn't completed and
impregnated coniferous wood as soon as
led to a renewed change of the cultural
possible. Particularly they preferred pine but
landscape in the region. While the central
also larch and spruce. The beech was too
Ruhr region was losing many forest grounds
heavy and brittle. Its load capacity was too low
during
northern
and it didn't give any “warning signal”. Oak
administrative districts of Recklinghausen,
was almost only used for special purposes in
Hamm, Moers and Geldern profited form the
second half of the 19th century. For the use
afforestations for the mining industry. After all,
as pit props it was too heavy and thus
the 1805 almost deforested Recklinghausen
impractical. Despite the increasing wood
district was wooded at 24.6% in 1900.
prices and the pit development with metal the
In the vast growing Ruhr area the demands
demands for pit timber
for timber have shot up. The new markets and
important role up to the time after World War
the conversion to fossil energy sources
II. Just the mining crisis starting in the late
defined new forest functions. The expanding
1950s put an end to this.
the
industrialization,
the
one
changed
on
peeled
still played
and
an
timber market (railroad construction, mining,
house
building)
needed
fast-growing
forests exclusively followed the needs of the
Characteristics of the
forestry in the Ruhr District
mining industry. Between 1845 and 1865 the
Afforestations for mining timber
coal output in the Ruhr District steeply rose
The extension of coalmines consumed huge
from 1.227 m. tons to 8.256 m. tons, and 1913
quantities of timber and boosted the pine
finally to 114.226 m. tons.
forest management especially in small private
Until the 1870s the shaft and processing
forests. This changed the face of many types
plants of the coal-mines almost exclusively
of woodland on the edge of the region. Around
were made of wood or half-timbering. In the
1850 many forest owners planted a number of
underground mining the timber was used for
pure oak stands, and after 1870 young pine
the tunnel and shaft making. Also work
stands arose around the Ruhr Area. As
equipment, conveyor systems and the tracks
mentioned
usually
discovered that the pine tree has a kind of
softwoods. The rotation periods of many
consisted
of
wood.
The
pit
above,
warning
1870
system”
people
which
can
had
development consumed gigantic quantities of
“early
be
wood. At the beginning of the 1890s the Ruhr
lifesaving in the underground mining. It is
mining has used up 1,173,000 cubic meters of
another advantage of the tree that it grows
17
fast and one could market its wood as pit
was at about 4,900 tons (Schulte 2003b;
timber in short time (30 to 60 years old).
Landesumweltamt NRW, Emissionskataster
Forestry hadn't wanted to lay out durable
Luft: http://www.lua.nrw.de/d3ed1.htm.)
monotonous pine and spruce plantations until
But hardly anything happened for a long time.
this time. On the one hand, medium-strong
Only
oaks could be sold well as railway ties and as
Ruhrkohlenbezirk”
a mine timber. On the other hand, the
memorandum with the title "Walderhaltung im
temporary reforestation with little exacting tree
Ruhrkohlenbezirk”. Its central ideas said that
species – like pine - seemed to be a way to
"for decades the dying of forests in the
cultivate the run-down heath-land at all again.
“Ruhrkohlenbezirk”
During this time in the southern regions the
alarming way". For the first time “smoke
recreational use more and more influenced
damages and the dying of forests were
the remaining forests.
concerned
1927
the
with
“Siedlungsverband
(SVR)
was
published
spreading
public
in
a
an
precautions,
government and general public were asked to
Damages to forests by the industrialization
preserve the woods of the Ruhr region for
Among
social
other negative effects, the vast
and
ecological
reasons”
(Schulte
expansion of population, settlement, and
2003b). But a smoke damage commission
industry led to deforestation in some areas,
1927, started up by the Siedlungsverband,
and the quality of the remaining forest stands
failed. The rules of the economy won over
was reduced as a result of air pollution or
ecology, environmental loads had to be “local
subsidence
mining
custom”, and with that accepted in industrial
(“Bergsenkungen”). The Ruhr district is the
areas. At the moment population and forestry
probably biggest and at the longest and partly
capitulated to the “acid gasses”.
at the strongest area affected by air pollution
They restricted themselves to silvicultural
and "smoke damages" in Germany.
operations and started with the cultivation of
Already within the 1880s the "smoke plague"
pollution-resistant tree species. The SVR
reached a new dimension. The reports
financed a first tree nursery in Hattingen in
occurred increasingly about damages to
1923.
woods nearby iron works in the Ruhr region in
species
the districts of Hagen, Dortmund, Bochum and
("Fremdländer") like red oak, acacia, black
Recklinghausen at that time. The sulphur
pine, Japanese larch, plane and poplar
dioxide emission (SO2) of the coking plants in
hybrids were the carriers of hope in the Ruhr
Dortmund increased from about 4,000 t 1893
district" (Schulte 2003b). Interrupted by the
to almost 28,000 t in 1913.
World War II and the needs of the post-war
For comparison purposes: In 1999/2000 the
era, the debate on the “Rauchschäden”
total emission of sulphur dioxide in Dortmund
started once more against the background of
caused
by
"Next to
few autochthonous tree
the
exotic
so-called
species
18
air pollution rising strongly at the end of the
zugewendet, die zu den größten Hoffnungen
1950s. In the end this led into the fatal but for
auf dessen Erhaltung und Verschönerung
the industry cost-effective high chimney policy
berechtigt. Die Verwaltungen größerer Städte
(“Hochschornsteinpolitik”) of the 1960s till
(…)
1980s.
Aufgabe darin, dem Großstädter an der
erblicken
(…)
Stadtgrenze
eine
hauptsächliche
ausgedehnte
vorhandene
Waldgebiete für die Zukunft zu sichern, durch
Ausbau von Wegen zu erschließen und somit
Gelegenheit zur Erholung und zum Frohsinn
in zwangloser Umgebung in ungekünstelter
heimischer Natur zu verschaffen“ (cit. from
Kastorff-Viehmann 1998). In the Ruhr District
the first forest preservation projects already
started at the end of the 19th century. Within
the
following
woodlots
decades
passed
into
more
and
ownership
more
of
the
communities with the aim of managing them
park-likely. Humans in the industrial landscape defined forests less and less by means
of components of their working world, but as
places of relaxation and leisure-time activities.
Woodlands occupied a large part in a nature
which was "maltreated” by industry and
Fig. 7, 8: Tree nurseries (here: Hattingen) for the
cultivation of pollution-resistant „rauchharter Baumarten“
pollution and because of that was worthy of
conservation.
(Forstl. Dokumentationsstelle NRW) - No fruit tree
As a reaction against the negative results of
plantation, but a 40 years old oak stand in „Hertener
the
Wald“, summer 1926, which had to suffer under smoke
population
damage since its establishment (Siedlungsverband
Ruhrkohlenbezirk 1927).
Protective
measures
disordered
caused
by
government
and
renaturation:
covering of pit-heaps
The periodical "Gartenkunst" wrote in 1909:
„Ist im allgemeinen ein Rückgang der Wälder
festzustellen, so wird in neuester Zeit Schutz
und Pflege dem Wald von einer Seite
area
explosion
the
consumption,
and
the
industry
1920
the
damages
the
founded
German
the
“Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk” (today
“Kommunalverband Ruhrgebiet”, KVR) by law.
The “protection and creation of larger areas
kept free of the buildings (woods, heathland
and water (“Wasserfläche”) as well as similar
recreation areas)" was confirmed as a legal
19
task (cit. from Wipf 2003). The results of the
coal-mining industry were visible everywhere.
So hundreds of bizarre mine waste tips or pitheaps grew upward from the landscape. Many
of
them
burned
because
of
chemical
conversions for decades. Planting them with
grass and trees caused a number of broader
problems (weathering, soil forming processes,
and water balance) besides the discussion
Fig. 9: Renatured slagheap „Hoppenbruch“ used to the
with the coalmine administrations.
local recreation at Herten in the year 1995
After first afforestations before the World War
II the efforts were intensified after the war. In
1951
the
so-called
“Begrünungsaktion
Ruhrkohlenbezirk” was started up together
with the “Schutzgemeinschaft Deutscher Wald
(SDW).
The
North
Rhine-Westphalian
government placed subsidies for the covering
of pit-heaps and wasteland at their disposal.
Up to the year 2000 in the “Begrünungsaktion”
approx.
3,300
hectares
pit-heaps
and
wasteland were afforested with 34.5 Mill.
plants in about 2,600 individual measures.
The land conservation work of the association
in the fields of woods preservation, creative
landscaping, reforestation and afforestation
under
extremely
(recultivations,
unvegetated
difficult
re-forestations,
areas,
conditions
planting
wastelands,
of
slopes,
embankments etc., covering of pit-heaps) is
nationwide path breaking. Meanwhile, the
Ruhr District is covered with wood again to
17.6% (about 80,000 hectares.)
(KVR, photo: J. Schuhmacher)
Concluding remarks
Over a long period an ambivalent view of the
industrially marked landscape lived in our
heads. In the literature but also of some
people on the spot, the industrial landscape
was perceived as a counter concept to a
"harmonious pre-industrial, essentially rural
landscape" (Blotevogel 2001). Many attempts
were
made
to
make
urban
industrial
landscape of the Ruhr region capable of
identification - last by International Building
Exhibition
Emscher
Park
(Internationale
Bauausstellung Emscher Park – IBA Emscher
Park) from 1989-1999. Even the idea of
setting up a "national park of the industry
culture" stood at the end of the IBA Emscher
Park.
Which role did woodlands play and are still
playing in a conurbation especially for the
development of a regional identity? Which
influence did the nature conservation and
“Heimatschutzbewegung” - arising at the be
20
beginning of the 19th century - as well as the
Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk (ed.) 1927:
political pedagogical literature of later years
Denkschrift über die Walderhaltung im Ruhr-
have? Which demands people had concerning
kohlenbezirk.
the forests and how did their attitudes to the
woodlands change? Also these are questions
to which we would like to find answers in our
project.
Essen:
Siedlungsverband
Ruhr-
kohlenbezirk.
Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk (ed.) 1970:
Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk 1920-1970.
Essen: Siedlungsverband Ruhrkohlenbezirk.
Wehling, H.-W. 2000: Montanindustrielle Kulturlandschaft des Ruhrgebiets. Raumzeitliche Ent-
References
wicklung im regionalen und europäischen Kontext.
Blotevogel, H. H. 2001:Industrielle Kulturlandschaft
im Ruhrgebiet. Die Geschichte einer schwierigen
Annäherung.
Diskussionspapier
3/2001.
Uni-
E.
2003:
Abriss
der
Naturkultur des Ruhrgebiets. Ruhrlandmuseum
Essen, 14. Mai bis 15. Oktober 2000. Essen,
Bottrop, pp. 21-39.
versität Duisburg, Institut für Geographie.
Gläßer,
In: Stottrop, U. (ed.): Unten und oben: die
jüngeren
Wirtschaftsgeschichte. In: Schulte, A. (ed.): Wald
in Nordrhein-Westfalen. Vol. 1. Münster: Aschen-
Wentzel, K.-F. 1957: Sterbende Wälder Denkschrift über die besondere Lage der Forstwirtschaft
im Industriegebiet dargestellt am Kreise Recklinghausen (Westf.). Recklinghausen: W. Bitter.
dorff, pp. 5-8.
Haunfelder, B.; Schorfheide, R. 1999: Westfalen.
Zwei Jahrhunderte in Bildern; von der preußischen
Provinz 1815 bis in die Gegenwart. Münster:
Wipf, J. M. 2003a: Haldenaufforstungen im Steinkohlenbergbau des Ruhrgebiets und ihre Nutzung.
In: Schulte, A. (ed.): Wald in Nordrhein-Westfalen.
Vol. 1. Münster: Aschendorff, pp. 381-384.
Aschendorff.
Kastorff-Viehmann, R. (eds.) 1998: Die grüne
Stadt - Siedlungen, Wälder, Parks und Grünflächen 1860-1960 im Ruhrgebiet. Essen: Klartext.
Schulte, A. 2003b: Vom Rauchschaden zum
Waldsterben. In: Schulte, A. (ed.): Wald in
Bernward Selter
Nordrhein-Westfalen. Vol. 2. Münster: Aschendorff,
pp. 640-675.
Schulte, A. (ed.) 2003c: Wald in NordrheinWestfalen. 2 Vol. Münster: Aschendorff.
Selter,
B.
Energieträger
2003:
und
Holz
als
universeller
vorindustrieller
Werkstoff
im
„hölzernen Zeitalter“. In: Schulte, A. (ed.): Wald in
Nordrhein-Westfalen. Vol. 1. Münster: Aschendorff,
pp. 189-201.
Centre for Forest Ecosystems University of
Münster,
Robert-Koch-Straße 26, 48149 Münster, Germany,
Phone: +49 251 83-30123, Fax:+49 251 83-30128,
E-mail: [email protected],
URL: http://www.wald-zentrum.de
21
OTTAWA’S CENTRAL PARK:
ESTHETIC FORESTRY VS ORNAMENTAL GARDENS
In 1903 the Ottawa Improvement Commission
L.A. Gordon argues that the Commission’s
turned to the young landscape architect
decision not to retain Todd was a financial
Frederick Todd to draw up a parks plan for
one, but an examination of one of the first
Canada’s capital city. Todd proposed a
parks created by the Commission, Central
picturesque,
Against
Park at Patterson Creek, suggests more
those who wanted to create a “Washington of
fundamental differences: Todd’s recommen-
the North,” he argued that Ottawa should build
dations
on the grandeur of its setting high on the
woodland were ignored and the Commission
forested banks of the Ottawa River: “A plan
built a formal ornamental garden.3 (Plate 1)
which would be ideal for Washington would be
Failures are interesting; their contradictions
ill adapted for Ottawa, whose picturesque
reveal
situation must obviously form the foundation
landscaping better than fully executed plans.
and keynote of any proposed plans for the
Examination of the debates around Central
wooded
landscape.
1
for
the
the
preservation
tensions
of
natural
underlying
urban
future.” He urged the Commission to develop
Park suggests that local knowledge of a
a number of urban and suburban parks, many
difficult site and a colonial sense of national
of them wooded, and linked by a network of
identity informed the Commission’s decision to
parkways. Concern about conservation was
choose a visibly controlled formal landscape
growing in Canada in 1903, and he suggested
over
that a 2000 acre forest reserve be created to
picturesque.
serve as an example of “the forests which
Frederick Todd’s initial excitement on viewing
2
once covered a great portion of this country.”
the
apparent
naturalness
of
the
the park site was palpable: “That there should
Todd’s thirty-nine-page Preliminary Report to
the Ottawa Improvement Commission is now
considered a visionary document. At the time,
however, the Commission chose not to retain
Todd and ignored much of his advice. David
1
Frederick Todd, Preliminary Report to the Ottawa
Improvement Commission (Ottawa: 1903), 2. For
background on Ottawa see John Taylor, Ottawa:
An Illustrated History (Toronto: J. Lorimer, 1986).
2
Todd, Preliminary Report, 7. Canada’s first forest
congress was held in 1906, and the first Canadian
forestry schools were established at the University
of Toronto in 1907, in Fredericton in 1908, and
Laval University in 1912.
3
David L.A. Gordon “Frederick Todd and the
Origins of the Park System in Canada’s Capital,”
Journal of Planning History 1,1 (February 2002),
40. This article provides a thorough background to
Todd’s relationship with the Commission and his
influence upon Ottawa’s landscaping. There is
some confusion about the name of this park. Todd
refers to it as Patterson Creek Park, and Meredith
follows this usage, but the Commission refers to it
in 1912 records as Central Park. The park is now
known as Central Park in the west and Patterson
Creek Park in the east. Linda M.M. Decaire also
describes an esthetic difference between Todd and
the Commission in her article, “The Rideau Canal:
Founding Element in Ottawa’s Evolving
Landscape,” Ontario History 89, 2 (June 1997),
145.
22
be so near the centre of a city as large as
Boston fens was a “daring experiment of
Ottawa a stream [Patterson Creek] with such
engineering, ecology, landscape design and
beautiful natural shores and with such fine
city planning”5. In Ottawa, however, Todd
woods adjacent seems almost incredible and
hoped to simply preserve the “natural beauty”
it is difficult to understand why this land had
of
remained unoccupied for such a long time.”
surroundings are so naturally beautiful that if
He recommended immediate purchase of the
for taken park purposes its present natural
land in order to “preserve in what will
character should determine to a great extent
practically be the centre of your city, a bit of
its future treatment.“ He suggested some tree
natural
for
planting and pruning: “I would suggest that
Ottawa were heavily influenced by Frederick
groups of trees be arranged in an artistic
Law Olmsted’s aesthetics; he had apprenticed
manner, over the north-eastern portion of this
with the prestigious Olmsted firm from 1896-
park, so that they will unite harmoniously with
1900, and his photograph of Patterson Creek
the beautiful woods in the western portion….
resembles photos of the Olmsted landscaping
the existing woods should be gone over as
woods.”
Todd’s
prescriptions
4
the
site.
“Patterson
Creek
and
its
of the Boston fens . Olmsted had gone to
soon as possible and some of the poor
great lengths to recreate a natural shoreline in
spindling trees removed so that others may be
Boston; as Ann Whiston Spirn has shown, the
enabled to spread out”. All of this, however,
was to be done with caution. As he wrote in
4
Frederick Todd (1876-1948) was probably hired
because of his apprenticeship with the Olmsted
firm, from 1896-1900. Robert Surtees, the OIC
engineer, wrote: “The Board engaged some time
ago a Mr. Tod [sic] a pupil of the late Mr. Olmstead
[sic] to prepare a report….” Surtee to Sidney
Fisher, Minister, Department of Agriculture,
September 8, 1903. Letter book of Robert
Surtees, p. 325. PAC, RG 34, Series A2, volume
29. Frederick Law Olmsted had retired before
Todd came to the firm, and Todd likely worked with
Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr., John Charles Olmsted,
Charles Eliot and Henry Codman The similarity
between views of Patterson Creek and the Boston
fens is apparent in photographs of the creek in
both Todd’s Preliminary Report and The Report
and Correspondence of the Ottawa Improvement
Commission relating to the Improvement and
Beautification of Ottawa, and the photograph of the
fens published in Ann Whiston Spirn, “Constructing
Nature: The Legacy of Frederick Law Olmsted,” in
William Cronon, Uncommon Ground, (New
York:1996). For a discussion of F.L. Olmsted’s
consultations with engineers over the fens see
Cynthia Zaitzevsky, Frederick Law Olmsted and
the Boston Park System (Cambridge: Belknap,
1982), 150-155. Todd noted in his report that the
Boston parks had cost ten million dollars.
his report, ‘real landscape art is nothing if it is
not conservative of natural beauty.”6
Todd’s
recommendations
reflected
an
approach to woodland management that he
later elaborated on in a booklet titled Esthetic
Forestry7. Esthetic forestry, he said, was
forestry for the production of pleasure; it was
distinct from commercial forestry, which aimed
at profit“
The governing principles of one are so
radically different from the other that it is
impossible to consider them together.” It
involved the judicious management of the
5
Spirn, “Constructing Nature: The Legacy of
Frederick Law Olmsted.”
6
See Todd, Preliminary Report, 3, 38, 23, 26.
7
Frederick G. Todd, Esthetic Forestry, (Montreal:
Witness Printing House, n.d.)
23
forest: the trimming of the undergrowth to
was seen to be the most restful for tired
showcase large specimen trees, the careful
urbanites; as Todd explained, " a crowded
creation of groves and the cautious opening
population, if they are to live in health and
up of views. He advised readers, “I believe
happiness must have space for the enjoyment
always in doing too little cutting rather than too
of the peaceful beauty of nature which,
much and in never cutting a tree until it is
because it is opposite of all that is sordid and
absolutely necessary, for in cutting a tree we
artificial in our city lives, is so wonderfully
destroy what it may not be possible in our
refreshing to the tired souls of city dwellers"
lifetime to replace it is not at all difficult to do
(This antipathy to ornamental flowers was
irreparable injury to a wood in a very short
typical of the Olmsted approach. When a
time if we have no definite scheme before us.”
commissioner in Chicago asked Frederick
It is likely that Todd learned this approach
Law Olmsted where the flower beds were to
from Charles Eliot, an Olmsted partner who
be placed, he is said to have replied:
had
"Anywhere outside the park"10).
published
a
pioneering
book
on
landscape forestry, Vegetation and Forest
It appears from the tone of Todd’s report that
Scenery
during
he expected to face some opposition from the
Todd’s apprenticeship with the firm. Todd’s
Ottawa Improvement Commission --“the term
choice of title suggests that he was also
‘improve,’’ he noted pointedly,”is so constantly
familiar with the well known work of German
misused that it means to many people almost
forester, Heinrich von Salisch, Forstaesthetic
the opposite of what it should”. The confident,
for
Reservations
(1896)
8
(1885) . His Ottawa report is an application of
even arrogant, tone in the report was that of a
these principles to wooded urban parks, as
young man recently apprenticed to one of the
well
most famous landscaping firms in the world:
as
suburban
parks
and
forest
reservations.
“curious and fantastically shaped flower beds,”
He strongly recommended against ornamental
he observed, “unfortunately, cannot always be
landscaping: “While [Patterson Creek] may be
classed
treated in a somewhat more ornamental style
“monstrosities of buildings” and “Keep off the
than the suburban parks, it seems to me that
Grass” signs sacrificed utility to “questionable
this object should be gained by the use of
beauty.”11 Todd did support the Commission’s
trees and shrubs rather than the flowers or
plans for a parkway system12.
as
artistic.”
“Rustic
bridges,”
plants of an exotic character.9”. He advised
against “fantastic” flower beds, exotic plant
material and rustic bridges. Natural beauty
8
Heinrich von Salisch, Forstaesthetic 3rd ed.
(1885; Julius Springer: 1911). I would like to thank
Bostjan Anko for this reference.
9
Todd, Preliminary Report, 38.
10
Witold Rybczynski, A clearing in the distance :
Frederick Law Olmsted and America in the
nineteenth century (New York: Scribner’s, 1999),
301.
11
Todd, Preliminary Report, 23, 26-27.
12
Although he is generally given entire credit for
his report, it is not always clear which of his
proposals were original. The Commission’s
24
The Commission had already completed
first priority lay in the construction of a
much of the construction for a parkway along
parkway.
the Rideau Canal, leading from the Governor
engineer, supervised the construction of two
General’s residence to the Central Experi-
broad avenues parallel to and crossing the
mental Farm. The canal route had been
new park, linked to the Rideau Canal
blocked by the stables of the local agricultural
parkway. This was financed by a curious mix
fair grounds, and Todd concurred with the
of
construction
and
landowners who were just at the point of
suggested that it be built along Patterson
developing suburban estates in the area
Creek. With careful planning, he suggested
donated
that this might become one of the finest
Commission. In return the Commission built
residential streets in Ottawa.
broad macadamized avenues, lined with rows
Within 6 months of considering Todd’s report
of elms and maples, and set standards for
the Commission acquired 13.5 acres of land
construction including a stipulation for “houses
adjacent to Patterson Creek. The new park
not less than $2,500.00.” This was mutually
was narrower than Todd had proposed,
beneficial: the Chair of the Commission
probably because it was largely built upon
pointed out to one landowner that the avenues
government owned ordnance lands, and
would enhance the value of the adjacent
extended further west into a wetland area at
properties. As Todd had anticipated, a row of
of
an
alternate
route
13
the head of the creek . The Commission’s
Robert Surtees, their consulting
private
the
and
public
roadway
money.
allowance
Local
to
the
imposing homes gradually flanked the park14.
Alexander Stuart, the superintendent of works
consulting engineer, Robert Surtees, conducted
him on his initial tour of the city, and his offer to
show Todd “the proposed work” suggests that
many of the parameters were already in place.
Surtees offered to “go over the proposed work for
a day or two as a preliminary examination,” and
then do it more thoroughly a week or two later,
after the grant was made by the government.
Surtees to Federick Todd. June 28, 1903.
Letterbook of Robert Surtees, 298, Public Archives
of Canada, RG 34, Series A2, volume 29. Todd
thanks Surtees in his report, referring to his
“cheerful and ready assistance and through
knowledge of Ottawa.”
13
The OIC acquired about 12 acres of Ordnance
land and 1.5 acres donated by Senator Kirchhoffer.
Todd’s proposal was for a shorter and wider park;
the Commission built a long narrow park angling to
the northwest along the line of the creek. For
further details on land acquisition see Principal
Parks and Driveways maintained by the Ottawa
Improvement Commission (Ottawa: 1925). Most
donations, such as H.C. Monk’s donation of land
for Monkland Avenue, and the Clemow estate’s
donation of 7 feet on each side of Clemow
who
succeeded
Surtees
in
early
1906,
subsequently supervised construction of the
park itself15. He may have encountered
Avenue, were self interested, as they stood to gain
by the creation of an exclusive avenue on their
land. The park was ringed by a woodland that
disappeared as housing was constructed.
14
Chairman of the Ottawa Improvement
Commission to H.B. Spencer, Superintendant of
the Canadian Pacific Railway, November 8, 1902.
Letterbook of Robert Surtees, 322. Public Archives
of Canada, RG 34, Series A2, volume 29. David
L.A.Gordon has observed a “whiff of scandal”
regarding the Commission’s operations. Gordon ,
“Frederick Todd and the Origins of the Park
System in Canada’s Capital,” 41.
15
The 1912 OIC Report credits Stuart with the
design and construction of Central Park. [Sir Henry
N. Bate, Chair] Special Report of the Ottawa
Improvement Commission from its Inception in
1899 to March 31st, 1912 (Ottawa: 1912), 11.
25
practical difficulties with Todd’s proposals for
large rustic pagoda was constructed on an
a picturesque landscape. Although Todd
artificial island in the new lagoon.
repeatedly invoked nature in his report –
The wetlands at the head of the creek posed
Patterson
natural
more difficult problems17. In 1905 Robert
“naturally
Surtees wrote to the City of Ottawa raising
beautiful” and should retain its “present
concerns about their use of the wetlands as a
natural character” – Patterson Creek was not
“public dump for yard cleanup.” Surtees did
a natural body of water, but was already an
not ask City to stop dumping – just to ensure
engineered landscape. The creek had been
that the material stayed below the water
diverted from its outlet in the Rideau River by
level18.
the building of the Rideau Canal in the early
material,” and, later, extensive tile drainage,
1830s, and rising water levels from the canal
Stuart transformed the wetlands into a formal
shores,”
Creek
“natural
had
“beautiful
woods,”
was
16
With
this
fill,
additional
“cellar
created the wooded inlet that charmed Todd .
sunken garden, lined with stone walls and
Todd probably only saw the site in early July,
filled with flower beds in fanciful shapes19.
when the creek was full, newly flushed with
(Photographs 1 and 2) (One flower bed, in the
spring water, and the surrounding woods
design of the crescent and star of the Ottoman
green. Water levels fluctuate on the canal,
Empire, was to cause controversy a few years
however, and it is likely that the natural
later when Canada was at war20) The beds
shorelines that Todd admired in Patterson
were filled with exotic annuals raised in
Creek
greenhouses, laid out in the bright patterns of
would
have
required
expensive
engineering if they were to retain their
picturesque appeal year round. Instead, under
Stuart’s supervision, Patterson Creek was
dredged, a cement and stone wall replaced
the shorelines that Todd had admired, and a
16
For the impact of the Canal construction in this
area, see John Leaning, The Story of the Glebe,
(Ottawa: J. Leaning, 1999) 12. A map published in
the Historical Atlas of Carleton County, Ontario
shows a wide inlet leading up to what is now
Isabella Street. Historical Atlas of Carleton
County, Ontario (Ottawa: H. Belden and Co: 1879),
8. The trees observed by Todd were likely to` be a
second or third growth.. The original surveyor had
observed in 1793 “The timber is in general tall and
straight, without any underbrush, and I should
suppose a man would be able to clear in the
American method an acre fit for seeding in eight
days.” John Stegman, Deputy Surveyor, cited in
Wilfred Eggleston, The Queens Choice, (Ottawa:
1961.)
17
John Leaning, a National Capital Commission
architect and local historian, speculates that night
soil was used for the market gardens in the area.
Leaning, The Story of the Glebe, 12.
18
In Feb 23 1905 Robert Surtees wrote to Newton
J. Kerr, the City Engineer, on behalf of the OIC.
Curiously he only asked for a slight modification in
the dumping: “If you require a dump in this locality
that you will please change the locality at once and
only fill in the portion covered by water to water
level, lying west of the old dump at Bank St., under
the water level.” Robert Surtees Letterbook, 363.
The reference to the old dump suggests that this
area had been used as a dump for some time; it is
possible that Surtees had used it himself during his
own tenure as City Engineer prior to his work with
the Commission.
19
The reference to “cellar material” is in the letter
describing the acquisition of the Ordnance lands
between O’Connor and near Lyon St. on March 22,
of 1904. Surtees to Newton J. Kerr, Feb 23, 1905.
George Surtees Letterbook, 363.
20
Ottawa Horticultural Society Records, Minutes of
Meetings (November 17, 1916) p 285. National
Archives of Canada, R27, 19-0-8-E.
26
carpet bedding. The park was edged at the far
Meredith
end with a row of Lombardy poplars, the most
comments, addressed to the Prime Minister,
visibly exotic of landscape trees21. The park,
were
which
parliamentary
cost
the
Commission
$58,140.19,
was
well
subsequently
connected
published
sessional
paper
and
in
on
his
a
the
included everything that Todd had warned
beautification of Ottawa. In their defence, the
against – fantastic flower beds, exotic plants,
Commission argued that they “kept in view the
rustic bridges, monstrosities of buildings and
general outlines of [Todd’s ] report, but
numerous signs warning residents to “keep off
changing local conditions and a limitation of
22
the grass. ” The choice of a name for the
financial resources obliged them to keep
park was ironic: Ottawa’s Central Park was
within narrower limits than those prescribed by
the antithesis of its picturesque namesake. In
Mr. Todd24.” They retaliated by publishing a
1912, a newly appointed member of the
Special Report with scenic vistas of formal
Commission, C.P. Meredith, wrote a scathing
parks and driveways, including several of
criticism of Commission landscaping, noting
Central Park (see Photographs 1 and 2).
that Central Park “is now laid out with wiggling
walks, concrete margins to lagoons, fantastic
flower beds, and rustic pagodas everything
that should not be done has been done to mar
its natural beauty and call for the severest
criticism. In fact it is a shining and typical
example of the harm and irreparable damage
and waste that can be done by the unskilled
designer.23”
21
For the Lombardy poplars see photographs in
OIC reports of 1912 and 1925. Aerial photos
show what appear to be Lombardy poplars and
residents confirm that a few remaining poplars
ringed the park in the 1980s. See for example, A
3332 -64 (1931) National Air Photo Library of
Canada.
22
This cost (from the 1912 Special Report of the
OIC) did not include construction of Clemow and
Monkland Avenues, which were reported in 1912
to cost 25,297.55 and $12, 912.07 respectively.
The 1904 Report to the Ottawa Improvement
Commissioners recorded a cost for one section of
Clemow Avenue of $18,016.01. There is no record
of the cost of Linden Terrace, the road next to
Central Park, although this is included in the list of
roads maintained by the Commission in the 1912
report.
23
C.P. Meredith to Prime Minister Borden,
February 7, 1912, in Report and Correspondence
Panel 1: Central Park East of Bank St. [Sir Henry N.
Bate, Chair] Special Report of the Ottawa Improvement
Commission from its Inception in 1899 to March 31st,
1912 (Ottawa: 1912). ©NCC/CNN
Although Meredith presented it as a simple
matter of taste, the debate was a Canadian
rendition of the longstanding British battle
between the formal and picturesque. Meredith
of the Ottawa Improvement Commission relating to
the Improvement and Beautification of Ottawa,
Sessional Papers 51a, (Ottawa: 1912) 43, 45. The
report was extensively quoted in the press. See
“Merciless Analysis of Commission Work,” Citizen
February 23, 1912.
24
Special Report of the Ottawa Improvement
Commission (1912), 11.
27
appealed to nature, as Todd had repeatedly
done in his report. This appeal still holds
power, and Meredith’s sentiments – his horror
at the destruction of natural woodland and his
distaste for the Commission’s formal garden –
are widely shared today. But nature is a
loaded term, as both environmental and
landscape historians have revealed, and the
evocation of the natural has often obscured
the assertion of class and state power.
As
Simon Pugh observed, “the ‘natural’ is the
cultural meaning read into nature, meaning
determined by those with the money and
power to use nature instrumentally25” The
slightly arrogant tone of Todd’s report and
Meredith’s contemptuous description of the
Commission’s
superintendent,
Alexander
Stuart -- “a so-called superintendent, who is
nothing more than a bricklayer” -- reveal the
play of class privilege in the reading of nature.
Of course, Todd and Meredith’s vision failed in
Central Park. W.J.T. Mitchell has argued
further that landscape “doesn’t merely signify
or
symbolize
power
relations;
it
is
an
26
instrument of cultural power .”
Panel 2: Central Park Flower Bed f [Sir Henry N. Bate,
Chair] Special Report of the Ottawa Improvement
Commission from its Inception in 1899 to March 31st,
1912 (Ottawa: 1912). ©NCC/CNN
But whose power was asserted in Central
Park? Despite Meredith’s comments about
the bricklayer, there is little to suggest that
Central Park reflected local aesthetics. Ottawa
was a lumber town, and was still rough around
the edges at the turn of the century, but local
residents appear to have valued shade trees.
Anson Gard, writing one year after Todd’s visit
said
that
“tree
embowered
Ottawa
is
becoming a veritable beauty spot27”. Blodwen
Davies described Ottawa as a verdant capital
in 1932: “Ottawa is a city in green plumage all
the long summer, for its streets and parks;
gardens and drives are thickly covered with
trees. From the clear, translucent green of
25
Simon Pugh: “the ‘natural’ is the cultural
meaning read into nature, meaning determined by
those with the money and power to use nature
instrumentally… .” Garden, Nature, Language
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988),
2. I would like to thank Verena Winiwarter for
suggesting this line of interpretation
26
W.J.T. Mitchell “Introduction” in Landscape and
Power (University of Chicago Press: 1994), 1.
Anne Helmreich provides a discussion of the
debate between the natural and formal landscape
at this time in England in The English Garden and
National Identity: The Competing Styles of Garden
Design, 1870-1914. Modern Architecture and
Cultural Identity (Cambridge and New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2002).
May until autumn, when they cover the city
like an old tapestry of jade and gold, wine and
russet, they are a crowning glory.28” Aerial
photographs of the City of Ottawa in the
1920s and 1930s show a well-treed urban
27
Gard, The Hub and Spoke, 35.
Blodwen Davies, The Charm of Ottawa (Ottawa:
McLeod and Stewart, 1932), 15.
28
28
landscape29. By this time the abundance of
ability to design curious and fantastically
trees
shaped
on
Ottawa’s
streets
had
become
flower
beds
which
unfortunately
problematic: Ottawa’s Horticultural Society
cannot be classed as artistic… to accomplish
campaigned for better management of shade
this public and especially the children are
trees in the 1920s and the city’s park and tree
forbidden to walk on the grounds32.”
superintendent, R.F. Waugh went on record in
He questioned “the sacrifice of utility to
1932 decrying the overabundance of shade in
questionable beauty” and noted that European
30
city streets .
cities were the first to discard the ‘Keep off the
The presence of numerous “keep off the
Grass’ sign. Meredith reiterated this point:“The
grass” signs further suggests that these parks
Commission does not seem to appreciate that
were not designed, at least not primarily, for
the parks are for people and the “keep off the
public use. Public access to grass was a
grass” sign
contested issue at this time in Ottawa. One
whiteness of signs and their prominence both
arch observer of Ottawa had said of Major’s
in the parks and in the 1912 photographs (one
Hill Park in 1904: “It is one of these little spots
photograph, “Central Park East of Bank
of beauty which only the park attendants fully
Street”, incorporates two such signs) suggest
enjoy. It is one of the “Don’t Parks.” The very
that their presence was no accident. The lack
air seems to bear a placard, “Don’t Breathe.”
of access to the grass symbolized the purpose
By way of a digression I will say that the day is
of these parks; they existed for display, not
coming, is now here in many cities, when
recreation34. The construction of the parks
“keep off the grass” is never seen – parks are
coincided with the arrival of the automobile,
paid for by a city for enjoyment of its residents
and the angle of the photographs suggest that
rather than park attendants31.”
the parks were intended for viewing from the
Todd, who emphasized the value of parks for
parkways: the vivid colours of the carpet
public health, had advised open access, “In
bedding, the shapes of the flower beds, and
many cities the chief and only aim… seems to
the
be to beautify the city and display the
appreciation from a distance. These parks
gardener’s art or perhaps more often his
were built to impress visiting dignitaries.
29
Aerial photos, A4570-22, May 14, 1928, and A
3332-64, May 26, 1931, National Air Photo Library
of Canada.
30
R.F.Waugh, City of Ottawa Departmental Report
1932, p. 320-321. Ottawa Horticultural Society
Records, Annual Reports and Programs, 19171937, p. 33 (dated 1922) . “A Civic Policy for the
Control of Street Trees.” National Archives of
Canada, R27, 19-0-8-E.
31
Anson A. Gard, The Hub and Spoke or The
Capital and its Environs, (Ottawa: Emerson Press,
1904), 2.
white
is too frequent33”.
pathways
were
But
designed
the
for
The pressures for civic beautification came
from outside Ottawa. The Ottawa Improve32
Todd, Preliminary Report, 24.
C.P. Meredith to Prime Minister Borden,
February 7, 1912, in Report and Correspondence
of the Ottawa Improvement Commission relating to
the Improvement and Beautification of Ottawa, 43.
34
The contradictions between the national
mandate of the Commission, now the National
Capital Commission, and local needs continue to
cause conflict in Ottawa.
33
29
ment Commission owed its existence to
British, Imperial, that a citizen of the United
imperial
the
States should be chosen to lay out the
reforming wife of the governor general, Lord
surroundings of the seat of government of the
Aberdeen, pressed Prime Minister Wilfred
Dominion of Canada.”37
Laurier to create the Commission, and her
The Commission’s landscaping reflected this
husband’s successor, Earl Grey, maintained
“Canadian, British, Imperial” identity. The
the pressure by bringing British planners, like
original
prodding:
Lady
Aberdeen,
35
parkway
route
symbolized
the
Thomas Mawson, on lecture tours . The
expansion of empire: the parkway travelled
British saw Ottawa as an extension of empire
from the seat of imperial power, the Governor
– as Mawson put it in a letter to Prime Minister
General’s residence at Rideau Hall, to the
Robert
prized
Central Experimental Farm, the locus of
Canadians or at least the
scientific agricultural control over the new
Borden
36
possession.”
“Britain’s
most
Anglophone elite took pride in this connection.
Northwest.
Twenty years later Canadians discovered a
buildings, ironically, lay just outside this route.
national identity in the Northern landscape,
The parkway followed the Rideau Canal, itself
through the work of the Group of Seven, (and
an expression of imperial military power, built
might have been more receptive to Todd’s
after the War of 1812 to forestall an American
natural woodlands) but before the Great War
invasion.
Canadians still framed their growing national
The formal design of the parks along the
ambitions within an imperial context. C.P.
parkway confirmed this connection to the
Meredith, for example, lobbied for the hiring of
mother country. The manicured lawns and
Mawson and resigned from the Commission
flower beds evoked British municipal parks
when an American landscape architect was
(where the garish colours similarly offended
hired instead in 1913. His letter to the prime
elite sensibilities).38
minister revealed the layering of national and
planting out of exotic annuals grown in
imperial identity and his assumption that these
greenhouses -- served as a visual reminder of
identities were to be expressed through
the reach of empire into southern climes, as
landscape: “it seems absolutely farcical and
37
contrary to all our national spirit, Canadian,
35
For an account of the governor generals’ roles in
the planning of Ottawa see, David L.A. Gordon,
“From Noblesse Oblige to Nationalism: Elite
Involvement in Planning Canada’s Capital,”
Journal of Planning History 28,1 (November 2001):
3-34.
36
Mawson to Borden, November 15, 1911,
C.P.Meredith Papers, NAC, 1911 correspondence
file, cited in Gordon, “From Noblesse Oblige to
Nationalism.”
The
Canadian
Parliament
Carpet bedding – the
Meredith to Borden, December 27, 1913, C.P.
Meredith Papers, 1913 correspondence file, cited
in Gordon, “From Noblesse Oblige to Nationalism.”
Gordon observes that Meredith’s outrage was
misplaced as the designer was born in England.
Meredith ignored Todd’s American origins when he
championed Todd’s report. For insight into the
imperial dimensions of Canadian identity, see Carl
Berger, ed. Imperialism and Nationalism, 18841914: A Conflict in Canadian Thought, (Toronto:
Copp Clark, 1969).
38
For a discussion of the continuing popularity of
carpet bedding for municipal parks in Britain see
Elliot, Victorian Gardens, especially p. 128, 209.
30
well as evidence of the Commission’s ability to
“naturalize” the western section of the park by
overcome a northern climate39. Exotic shrubs
planting trees in a belated realization of
and
Todd’s Esthetic forestry, the water table –
trees
in
the
Arboretum
in
the
Experimental Farm were further testimony to
40
made
higher
as
the
Commission’s
tile
the reach of the British Empire . The tightly
drainage deteriorated – drowned many of the
focused photographs in the Commission’s
trees42. The artifice of the Commission’s orna-
1912 Special Report suggest the importance
mental landscape then reflected a partial
of order and control in these parks.
concession to, rather than victory over, natural
This need for visible control may have,
forces.The beautification of a capital city like
ironically, reflected the limits to the power of
Ottawa was an exercise in state power. The
the Commission. The symbolism of the Canal
decision to “improve” the national capital
route was impressive, but until 1925 the
reflected Canadian aspirations, but the choice
parkway was blocked at one end by the
of
stables at the local agricultural fair grounds,
ambiguous
and at the other end by a lumber yard41. The
Commission’s sunken gardens and concrete
concrete lagoons looked tidy but they were
lagoons offered a simple and relatively cheap
also relatively inexpensive solution for a
solution to the problematic naturalness of
Commission that did not have the engineering
Patterson Creek – a solution that spoke to
expertise or deep pockets that enabled
imperial identity of British Canada of the turn
Boston to create “natural” fens. The raised
of the century better than Todd’s picturesque
flower beds in a flat lawn may also have
woodland.
landscape
design
status
as
reflected
a
Canada’s
Dominion.
offered a practical solution to a difficult wet
site. (Strathcona Park, another reclaimed
wetland landscaped by Stuart, was landscaped in a very similar manner.) In the
Joanna Dean
PhD, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada;
e-mail: [email protected]
1990s, when local residents attempted to
39
The flowers used in carpet bedding were
imported from Central and South America, and
southern Africa. See Brent Elliot, Victorian
Gardens, (London: B.T. Batsford, 1986), Chapter
Four.
40
See Lucile H. Brockway, Science and Colonial
Expansion: The Role of the British Royal Botanic
Gardens (London: Academic Press, 1979). For
directions to tourists viewing Ottawa, see Gard,
The Hub and Spoke, 10.
41
For the routes, marked in red, see Principal
Parks and Driveways maintained by the Ottawa
Improvement Commission (Ottawa: 1925). The
parkway eventually extended through the Central
Experimental Farm to the Ottawa River.
42
Personal observation, 2000
The
31
NACHHALTIGE PARKPFLEGE
IM SCHLOSSPARK NYMPHENBURG
Im Schloßpark zu Nymphenburg lässt sich
der Retter des Abendlandes. „Voller Be-
nicht nur die Entwicklung einer natürlichen
wunderung nannten ihn die Türken wegen
Waldgesellschaft
seiner blauen bayerischen Uniform >Mavi
über
die
absolutistische
einem
Kral<, den >Blauen Kurfürsten<“ (Adalbert von
englischen Landschaftspark mit künstlicher
Bayern, 1979). Max Emanuel mit dieser, den
Natur verfolgen. Gerade in der Gegenwart
>Blauen König< ignorierenden, aber heute üb-
werden Anforderungen und Probleme der
lichen Übersetzung auf sein bayerisches Kur-
Entwicklung und der Pflege dieses Parks,
fürstentum beschränken zu wollen, hieße aber
heute mitten in der Stadt München gelegen
nicht nur, seine Bildung
und vielfältigsten Ansprüchen ausgesetzt,
französischen Sonnenkönigs und seine lang-
deutlich.
der
jährige Exiltätigkeit als Statthalter in den
Zukunftsfähigkeit des „natürlichen“ Gesamt-
Französischen Niederlanden zu ignorieren:
kunstwerkes will auch der Verein der Schloß-
Sie „verfehlt das Träumerisch-Irreale, den
park-Freunde-Nymphenburg e.V. im Zuge
unerfüllten Ehrgeiz und damit das Wesent-
bürgerschaftlichen Engagements beitragen.
liche an dieser Bezeichnung“ (Marcus Juncel-
Hierzu gehören die Aufklärung und Weckung
mann, 2001). Max Emanuel, dem ersehnten
eines Problembewusstseins der Öffentlichkeit
bayerischen Thronfolger, ist die Existenz der
durch Führungen, die sich nicht auf öko-
Nymphenburger Schloss- und Parkanlage zu
logische oder historische Themen beschränk-
verdanken. Denn nicht genug mit einem
en, gleichzeitig aber die Entwicklung und
„Churbayrischen Freudenfest“ zu seiner Ge-
anstehende
eines
burt am 11. Juli 1662 und des Gelöbnisses
Pflegekonzeptes für eine Vergleichsfläche im
zum Bau der späteren Theatinerkirche St.
Schloßpark Nymphenburg unter der Maxime
Cajetan. Der Vater, Kurfürst Ferdinand Maria
einer nachhaltigen Parkpflege.
von Bayern (reg. 1651 bis 1679) verehrte
Unterwerfung
der
Zu
Natur
deren
hin
zu
Lösungen
langfristige
und
Umsetzung
am Hofe des
seiner Gattin Henriette Adelaide von Savoyen
„in die Kindbett“ auch die „Hofmark zu Kem-
Einleitung
nathen“ mit einer „Schwaige und Aichwald“
Kurfürst Max Emanuel II. von Bayern galt mit
seinem
militärischen
Talent,
seinen
nordwestlich der Münchner Residenz.
ent-
scheidenden Erfolgen gegen die anrückenden
Dieser „Aichwald“ liegt auf der Münchner
Türkenheere beim Entsatz Wiens 1683, der
Schotterebene im Wuchsgebiet der Schwä-
Kämpfe bei Harzan 1687 und der ab-
bisch-Bayerische Schotterplatten- und Alt-
schließenden Schlacht bei Belgrad 1688 als
moränenlandschaft. Das Klima ist wegen des
32
fehlenden ausgeprägten Sommermaximums
für das Waldwachstum ungünstig. Zusätzlich
führt die starke Drainierung der würmeiszeitlichen Schottermassen zu jungen und
flachgründigen, relativ nährstoffarmen Bodenbildungen. Zur natürlichen Bestockung gehören Stieleiche und Buche, die sich in subkontinentalen (Labkraut-) Eichen-Hainbuchenwald vergesellschaften und weiter im Norden
der Schotterebene in Schwarzerlen- und
eschenreichere
Auwälder
übergehen.
Zur
regionalen natürlichen Waldgesellschaft ist die
Ausbildung der äußerst seltenen Lohwälder
zu zählen, die sich im Schloßpark Nymphenburg heute in Relikten nachweisen lassen.
lustig wie ehrgeizig dargestellten Kurfürstin
Henriette Adelaide entstand zwischen 1664
und 1676 unter Agostino Barelli und Henrico
Zuccalli die „Churfürstl. Schwaig und Lusthaus
ein
Sommerschloss
nach
Turiner Vorbild in italienischer Tradition, ihr
„borgo delle ninfe“. In dem Stich Michael
Wenings ist die Situation um 17oo dargestellt:
Hinter dem Schloß befindet sich ein typisch
italienischer Garten, in dem die Elemente des
Wassers auf sternförmiger Basis dominieren.
Eine zentrale Achse führt nach Westen über
die
Schlossmauer
hinaus
durch
Erfolgen als Feldherr folgten europäische
Träume in Brüssel, Ernüchterungen im Zuge
der spanischen Erbfolge. Gleichzeitig jedoch
widmete
Nach den Wünschen der als genauso lebens-
Nymphenburg“,
Lustschloss Nymphenburg, Michael Wening 17o1
den
angrenzenden, relativ dichten Laubwald bis
zur Kirche des angrenzenden Dorfes Pipping.
Zur Zeit des Weningschen Stiches regierte
Kurfürst Max Emanuel bereits 2o Jahre, den
sich
Max
Emanuel
17o1
dem
Schlosse seiner Mutter und dem Neuen
Schloss Schleißheim. Während letzteres nach
französischem Vorbild die Großmachtträume
des Wittelsbachers zu Stein werden lassen
sollte, behielt Nymphenburg seinen Character
als Sommerresidenz und wurde ganz im
Zeichen des Barock umfangreich erweitert.
Der Kurfürst begann, die umliegende Landschaft zu beplanen, seinem absolutistischen
Anspruch hatte sich die Natur unterzuordnen:
nicht nur der Schlossbau setzte sich in dem
angrenzenden, vom Franzosen Charles Carbonet geplanten Park fort. Auch Sichtachsen
und Sterne entstanden, deren Zentrum der
Souverän war – wenngleich er sich während
seiner Verbannung nur aus der Ferne beteiligen konnte.
33
folgenden Jahrzehnten bewahrheitet, 1888
fordert H. Jäger: „Als ein gutes Mittel, die
künftige Ausbildung der Anlagen im Sinne des
Planers zu sichern, auch nachdem derselbe
vom Schauplatz abgetreten, betrachte ich
eine Art Testament, eine schriftliche Verfügung über die hauptsächlichen Pflanzungen,
wie diese in Zukunft gehalten und durch die
Axt verändert werden sollen.“ Künstlerische
Ideen in die Zukunft zu projizieren oder
Reaktionsszenarien
eines
Künstlers
in
geänderter Umwelt zu entwickeln, kann dem
Anspruch einer gesicherten Prognose nicht
gerecht werden. Dies wird regelmäßig auf
Schloß und Gartenanlage Nymphenburg, um 1755,
BSV München
Vermutungen basieren und sich an den
gegebenen
Umständen
(Zeitgeist,
Mode,
Der Gartenkünstler Sckell in
Nymphenburg
Kosten) orientieren.
Der Schloßpark zu Nymphenburg ist ein
starre Regeln einer Bewirtschaftung einzu-
hervorragendes Juwel europäischer Garten-
fassen, scheitert bereits im Ansatz. Es liegen
baukunst – in seiner heutigen Form ent-
kaum eindeutig von Sckell definierte Unter-
standen durch das Wirken Friedrich Ludwig
lagen
von Sckells. Das gärtnerische Gesamtkunst-
Pflegepläne müssen in Art, Sinn und Zeit letzt-
werk belässt dem barocken Schloß das
lich zugeordnet werden.
anliegende Parterre. Mit Wald, Wiesen und
Besondere
Wasser
umliegenden
gemäß bei Rückführungen unter geänderten
Englischen Landschaftspark, der bis heute
ökologischen und sozialen Bedingungen auf.
eine bezaubernde Wirkung auf die Besucher
Planungsgrundlagen
ausüben kann.
überschaubare Zukunft sollten daher erst mit
„Die
schuf
Sckell
Fähigkeiten,
den
natürliche
Gärten
Die ausgeführte Gartenkunst Sckells gar in
zu
vor;
Planungs-,
Schwierigkeiten
für
zusammengefasst werden.
gleiche
Das
und
setzen
die
selben
treten
Gegenwart
oder
natur-
und
den Beteiligten diskutiert und einvernehmlich
erfinden, halten mit jenen der Ausführung
Schritte
Bestandes-,
grundsätzliche
Problem
eines
nicht
Geschicklichkeiten voraus“, beurteilt Sckell
vorhandenen „Testaments“ hängt sicher auch
1825 in seinen „Beyträgen zur Gartenkunst“
mit der Person Friedrich Ludwig Sckell selbst
die Schwierigkeit notwendiger künftiger Pflege
zusammen, der sich nach dem Studium der
seiner Planungen. Dies hat sich bereits in den
Gärten mit aufklärerischer Begeisterung mehr
34
Sommerresidenz des Hauses Wittelsbach
auch bewahrenden Schutz erfuhr.
Behutsamkeit und Stetigkeit sollten sicher die
Hauptmerkmale der Pflege des historischen
Parks Nymphenburg sein. Auf diesem Wege
hätte man sicher dem Erblasser und Künstler
Sckell in die Zukunft folgen können. Hier
hatten sich in der Vergangenheit allerdings
einige
Irrwege
eingeschlichen,
besonders
deutlich am Übergang der Wald- zu den
Wiesenbereichen.
Sckell „Beyträge ....“ 1825, München
und mehr zu einem eigentlichen Künstler und
Gartenphilosophen entwickelte. Deutlich wird
dies bei der Betrachtung der Sckell`schen
Methode, den Verlauf der Wege mit einer
Stange „direkt in der Natur zu zeichnen“ Landschaft wird zum Gestaltungselement.
Dies im Gegensatz zu den Landschaftsmalern
des 18. Jahrhunderts jedoch durch direkte
Aktion und damit im Sinne der (150 Jahre
älteren) Land-Art als einer Form der Aktionskunst in der Moderne.
Die
Schwierigkeit
der
Pflege
künstlich-
natürlicher Sckell`scher Parks wird auch im
Schloßpark Nymphenburg deutlich, der in den
letzten 150 Jahren einige zum Teil wegen der
jeweils
vorherrschenden
Gartenmode
be-
dingte Änderungen erdulden musste, aber als
Waldrand 196o, BSV München
Die Bayerische Verwaltung der staatlichen
Schlösser, Gärten und Seen hat bereits in den
1960er Jahren begonnen, dem Wildwuchs im
Park zu begegnen und damit in der Öffentlichkeit einen Sturm der Entrüstung hervorgerufen. Die Maßnahmen wurden dann – von
der Fachwelt unterstützt – eingeschränkt fortgeführt, die zu erwartenden Probleme natürlichen Wachstums jedoch außer Acht gelassen. Die Freilegung alter Blickachsen
sowie anderer Gestaltungselemente findet
unter Berufung auf die vorhandenen frühen
Pläne und die Ergebnisse aktueller Forschung
bis heute statt.
35
Wirkung der Schlossanlage mit Ehrenhof und
Park.
Waldrand 1961, ohne vorgelagerten Strauch-Wulst,
BSV München
Der gesellschaftliche Wert
des Nymphenburger Schlossparks
Der Schloßpark Nymphenburg verfügt noch
heute
über
eine
in
München
seltene
ursprüngliche Naturnähe. Die Strukturen der
natürlichen Waldgesellschaften, in die der
Park von Sckell eingefügt wurde, finden sich
noch heute. Der Park ist damit ein Stück
dynamischer
Waldnatur.
Er
erhält
und
entwickelt eine Natürlichkeit, die heute zur
europaweiten Bedeutung führt und eines
entsprechenden Naturschutzes bedarf.
Im Ballungsraum München ist der Schloßpark
heute eine Oase der Ruhe und der Erholung.
Unter Max Emanuel entstand zwischen Schleißheim und
dem Starnberger See, Isar und Würm ein „HirschjagdParque“, eine absolutistische Jagdlandschaft von etwa
35 x 20 km Ausdehnung, in dem ausgedehnte ParforceJagden, auch die berühmten bayerischen Seejagden
stattfanden. Bestandteil war nicht nur Nymphenburg,
auch die Schlösser Forstenried und Berg sowie
Starnberg sowie „fliegende Bauten“ wurden gegründet
bzw. ausgebaut. Cuvillies, 1772
Er bewahrt unersetzliche Natur in der Stadt
Gerade der Park wird von den Münchner
und hat bedeutende soziale Funktionen.
Bürgern auf vielfältigste Weise regelmäßig für
Schloß
Erholung
Nymphenburg
steht
schon
seit
und
Freizeitgestaltung,
Natur-
Jahrhunderten im Blickpunkt nicht nur der
beobachtung und Genuss in Anspruch ge-
lokalen Anwohner. In seiner Eigenart als
nommen. Die Besucher entwickeln einen
Residenz des Hauses Wittelsbach wurde es
eigenen
zum Begriff, bis heute natürlich auch mit
fokussieren letztlich auch die Bedeutung des
seiner
Parks auf eigene Bedürfnisse.
architektonisch
hervorragenden
Blickwinkel
für
„ihren
Park“,
36
Die Notwendigkeit von Denkmalschutz und
schutz und Erholung gegeneinander stehen
Denkmalpflege
oder lassen sie sich sinnvoll vereinbaren?
hat
sich
in
den
letzten
Jahrzehnten in Bayern durchgesetzt und
muss kaum mehr diskutiert werden. Ähnliches
gilt für die Bedeutung des Naturhaushaltes
und den Naturschutz. Ein historischer, durch
die gestaltete sowie die sich eigenständig
entwickelnde Natur geprägter Park nimmt hier
immer eine Zwischenstellung ein. Dies gilt
umso mehr für einen Landschaftspark.
Dem Schloßpark Nymphenburg werden dabei
– zumindest außerhalb der barocken Anlage –
von der Gesellschaft eher die Wertigkeiten
des Naturraumes eingeräumt oder zugewiesen.
Diese einseitige Betrachtung führte bereits in
den 1960er Jahren zu öffentlichen Auseinandersetzungen um die Art der Pflege.
Wiederholt hat sich dies in der jüngeren
Vergangenheit gezeigt, als die BSV unter
Berufung
auf
die
Interpretation
der
Der „Rosengarten“ vor dem Palmenhaus 198o und nach
der „Sckell-Rückführung“ 2oo1
vorliegenden historischen Pläne begann, die
Nach Vermittlung durch den zuständigen
Parkanlagen
Ideen
bayerischen Finanzminister Prof. Dr. Kurt
hierbei
Faltlhauser erklärte sich die BSV bereit, den
auf
zurückzuführen.
die
Sckell`schen
Umstritten
ist
besonders die Rückführung der Königlichen
SCHLOSSPARK-FREUNDEN-NYMPHEN-
Ziergärten,
BURG E.V. einem Teil des Parks zur alter-
welche
die
Entfernung
von
Rosengärten und Magnolienbäumen sowie
nativen Bewirtschaftung zu überlassen.
Springbrunnenanlagen bedingte, aber auch
die Art der Bewirtschaftung der Wiesen und
Wälder,
in
denen
sich
Struktur-
und
Historische Situation des
Landschaftsparks
Artenverarmung ausbreiten. Die Sammlung
Von der natürlichen Waldgesellschaft hat sich
von über 3000 Stimmen Münchner Bürger
im Schloßpark Nymphenburg noch relativ viel
sowie die Präsenz des Themas in den Medien
erhalten. Dies ist der „Beruhigung“ durch
macht die Aktualität des Themas deutlich:
Nutzung
Müssen
Jagdgebiet – das sich bis zum Starnberger
(Garten-)
Denkmalschutz,
Natur-
des
Waldes
als
königliches
37
See erstreckte – und des nachfolgenden
Nymphenburger Parks im wahrsten Sinne
„Schutzes“ durch den Schlosspark zu ver-
schrittweise vor. Die im größeren Südteil ge-
danken. Intensivste ungeregelte Beweidung
machten Erfahrungen dienten ab 1811 den
und Streunutzung fanden im Gegensatz zu
Arbeiten im Nordteil – in dem sich auch die
umliegendem Forstenrieder, Hofholdinger und
Vergleichsfläche befindet. Bereits am 22.
Ebersberger Park nicht statt. Dennoch muss
Oktober 1814 berichtet Sckell, dass „die neue
der Schloßpark einen unbefriedigenden Ein-
Anlage bey Pagodenburg ihrer Vollendung
druck erweckt haben, konnte er sich doch der
nahe“ sei – damit die Arbeiten an der
im
Umgestaltung des Nymphenburger Schloss-
18.
und
19.
Jahrhundert
üblichen
Gepflogenheit, die devastierten Laubwälder in
parks
zu
einem
Nadelholzwälder umzuwandeln, nicht völlig
schlossen sind.
Landschaftspark
abge-
entziehen. Offensichtlich wurde auch die
Vergleichsfläche zum Teil mit Fichte aufgeforstet, die sich allerdings wegen Lage, Windwurf und Kriegsfolgen nicht flächig durchsetzen konnte.
Die
sich
aus
den
Akten
ergebende
Bestandesgeschichte verdeutlicht, dass der
heutige Bestand – ausgenommen des Haines,
einzelner (Rand-)bereiche und der Lärchengruppe – in den 1950er und 1960er Jahren
durch Pflanzung von Laubholz entstanden ist.
Kurfürst Maximilian IV. Joseph von Bayern
beauftragte Friedrich Ludwig Sckell am 7. Juli
1801 „daß zwar der mittlere Theil des
Sckell (zugeschr.) 1801/04, BSV München
regulären Lustgartens nach seinen Anlagen
belassen bleiben, die Seiten Parthien aber,
Sckell hat mit dieser Umgestaltung eine
bey Amalien-, Baaden- und Pagodenburg in
einzigartige
natürliche
formaler
Gartenparthien
umzuschaffen“
Verknüpfung
und
zwischen
neuer
alter
landschaftlicher
seien. Zumindest einer der beiden vor-
Gartenkunst erreicht. Die Übergänge sind
liegenden Gesamtpläne lässt sich zweifelsfrei
zwar zwangsläufig vorhanden, dem gehenden
Sckell zuschreiben und kann – neben anderen
Besucher
Detailplänen und Quellen – als Grundlage für
Betrachtung der Pläne nicht zu hart. Diese
die
bzw.
Kunst des harmonischen, dabei durchaus
Ludwig
kontrastreichen Überganges verfolgt Sckell
gartenhistorische
Rekonstruktion
Sckell
ging
dienen.
bei
der
Betrachtung
Friedrich
Umgestaltung
des
aber
und
selbst
bei
genauer
auch in den Waldpartien, ebenso in der
38
Vergleichsfläche:
Den
mit
seinen
lichten Partien, deren Waldinnensäume sich
vorhandenen Baum- und Straucharten relativ
an den ehemaligen Achsen des Patte d`oie
natürlichen Wald ließ er mit einheimischen
orientieren.
Arten wirkungsvoll unterstützend unterpflanzen und ergänzen. Lichte Partien sollten mit
dunklen abwechseln, geschlossener Wald und
ein Hain finden sich in der Vergleichsfläche,
dazu die „Schönheitslinie“ im Übergang von
Wald zu Wiese.
Cuvillies 1772, Ausschnitt Vergleichsfläche
Sckell (?) 18o1/o4, Ausschnitt Vergleichsfläche
Sckell (zugeschr.) 182o, BSV München (Jahr später
zugefügt, verm. 18o5/o6 entstanden)
Das
Sckell`sche
Ideal
ist
an
beiden
Sckell 182o, Ausschnitt Vergleichsfläche
Gesamtplänen gut nachvollziehbar – ebenso
aber auch die Veränderungen und Unterschiede der Pläne: Offensichtlich hat sich
Sckell zwischen den Versionen 1801/04 und
1820 den natürlichen Entwicklungen angepasst. Deutlich wird dies auch bei Betrachtung
der heutigen Vergleichsfläche. Der erste
Gesamtplan 1801/04 zeigt einen Bestand mit
Emmert 1837, Ausschnitt Vergleichsfläche
39
Diese sind nach fünfzehn Jahren im Bereich
Schatten, Arten, Alter, Dicke-, Höhen- und
der neuen Wege akzentuiert zugepflanzt, be-
Schichten-differenzierter Wald.
sonders im Süden aber offensichtlich bereits
zugewachsen. Die Dynamik des natürlichen
Waldes einarbeitend, stellt Sckell 182o einen
Bewertung
geschlossenen Waldbestand dar, der nun
Der
lediglich von zwei gekrümmten schmalen
herausragendes
Lichtungen durchzogen wird. Hieraus ließe
Gartenbaukunst, als hervorragende Arbeit
sich schließen, dass der erste Gesamtplan
Friedrich Ludwig von Sckells, dem hier in
1801/04 noch eine theoretische Planung war,
einzigartiger Weise die Zusammenführung
der
Sckell`sche)
von formaler und landschaftlicher Gartenkunst
Gesamtplan hingegen die Situation 1820, den
gelungen ist. Mode- und kriegsbedingte Fehl-
Status quo, festhält. Ohne über weitere
entwicklungen wurden bis in die 1990er Jahre
mögliche Reaktionen Sckells auf die Natur
größtenteils wieder beseitigt, weitere struk-
spekulieren zu wollen und zu können (da von
turelle Missstände, etwa im Bereich der
seiner Hand keine weiteren Pläne vorliegen),
Wegeführung, werden angegangen. Dies ge-
muss festgehalten werden, dass sich der
lang bisher allerdings nicht in den von Pflege-
Gartenkünstler
rückständen dominierten Waldbeständen.
zweite
(eindeutig
eine
Entwicklung
der
Nymphenburger
Schloßpark
Beispiel
gilt
als
europäischer
Strukturen seiner Gesamtplanung zumindest
In der Vergleichsfläche kommt der Struktur-
vorbehalten hat. Entsprechend könnten Plan-
ierung, Mischung und Verjüngung des Waldes
Details auch als (gestalterische) Versuche
sowie der Erhaltung alter Bäume und des
angesehen werden, deren Sinn sich noch
Haines große Bedeutung zu.
erweisen sollte. Dies entspricht sicher auch
Die
dem künstlerischen Naturell Sckells, ein Werk
Schlossparks für den Naturschutz wird er-
zu „erschaffen“ – und Details mit dem Recht
kennbar mit der Überplanung und Klassifizie-
des Gestaltenden wieder zu verwerfen.
rung verschiedenster Schutzkategorien bis hin
Die Reaktion Sckells auf die Entwicklung des
zur
Waldes wird bei Vergleich beider Pläne auch
europäischen Biotopverbundsystems Natura
an den Schönheitslinien zwischen Wald und
2000 (wegen des Vorkommens europaweit
Wiese bzw. Weg deutlich. Damit aber auch
seltenster Arten). Der Erhaltung und Ent-
Sckells Gespür für die Dynamik des Waldes
wicklung als Trittstein für seltenste und
und seine maßvolle Reaktion. Ziel war ein ab-
stadtfremde Arten kommt große Bedeutung
wechslungsreiches, gleichzeitig harmonisches
zu. Bei der Regierung von Oberbayern soll
Bild, das sich bestenfalls selbst einstellte,
nach „Stadtratsbeschluss zur Ausweisung von
aber durchaus der Unterstützung bedarf. So
Naturschutzgebieten im Bereich der Landes-
entsteht ein sehr naturnaher, in Licht und
hauptstadt
Bedeutung
Ausweisung
des
als
München“
Nymphenburger
Bestandteil
der
des
Schlosspark
40
Nymphenburg (landschaftlicher Teil) als NSG
Denkmalschutz;
beantragt werden.
schützerischen Belangen oder konservativem
die
Frage
nach
natur-
Arten- und Biotopschutz. Das Konfliktfeld
Teile
der
Wälder
des
Schlossparks
besteht aus den Ansprüchen von Denkmal-
Nymphenburg sind als Relikte der hier vor-
schutz
(Rückführung
auf
Sckell`sche
mals flächendeckenden und auf der Münchner
Planung), Naturschutz (Natura 2000 et al.),
Schotterebene nur noch in Relikten vor-
vielfältigen Bürgerwünschen und schließlich
handenen natürlichen Waldgesellschaften zu
der Verwaltung (Personal, Budget, Haftung).
betrachten. Diese sollten wenigstens in den
autochthonen
Baum-
und
Straucharten-
zusammensetzungen erhalten werden.
Der
Schloßpark
Nymphenburg
wird
von
Besuchern und Bürgern als unersetzliches
Erholungsgebiet auf vielfältigste Weise genutzt und gewertet. Die Vergleichsfläche liegt
in einem relativ stark begangenen Bereich des
Parks und muss in Ihrem ruhigen, geschlossenen Eindruck erhalten bleiben.
Vor dem Eisernen Haus um 198o und nach der „SckellRückführung“ 2oo1
Konflikte im Park?
Die Diskussion, die sich im Schloßpark
Nymphenburg zwischen den Ansprüchen des
Denkmalschutzes
und
besonders
des
Naturschutzes, aber auch den Wünschen der
Bürger bereits in den 1960er Jahren zeigte,
kann in der Literatur spätestens seit den
1980er Jahren regelmäßig verfolgt werden.
Ob verwilderte formale Gärten oder sich
entwickelnde Landschaftsgärten: Natürlichkeit
und Natur stellen sich schnell ein, ent-
Hinzu kommt noch das durchzuführende
waldbauliche Vorgehen, dass mit notwendiger
Verjüngung und Strukturierung allen Ansprüchen gerecht werden soll.
sprechend der Umweltschutzgedanken seit
züglich der entstandenen Natur. Nach der ein-
Entwicklung einer
Zielstellung
schlägigen Rechtsauffassung entsteht dann
Der Schloßpark Nymphenburg hat als hist-
auch noch eine Vermischung der Zuständig-
orischer
den 1970er Jahren auch Schutzgedanken be-
keiten der Rechtskreise Naturschutz und
Park
geistigen,
kulturellen,
41
ökologischen und gesellschaftlichen Wert.
Baumschutz
der
Altbäume
und
Misch-
Unter Beachtung des Gesamtwertes soll das
baumarten (Linde, Eiche, Kirsche) sowie der
künstlerische Werk Friedrich Ludwig von
Sonderformen soll der Grundsatz „Schützen,
Sckells sichtbar bleiben, erhalten und gepflegt
Pflegen, Entwickeln“ mit einem dynamischen
werden. Die Ansprüche der Ökologie und der
Phasenmodell verwirklicht werden.
Erholung werden gleichwertig behandelt.
Daraus ergeben sich für das nachhaltige
E
Pflegekonzept folgende Zielsetzungen:
•
Erhaltung des künstlerischen Werks
Friedrich Ludwig von Sckells,
•
Sicherung des Erholungswertes,
•
grundsätzlicher Baumschutz,
•
baumerhaltende Maßnahmen finden
P
an Wegen und bizarren Bäumen statt,
•
in
den
Wäldern
differenzierte,
mehrschichtige
soll
sich
eine
mosaikartige
Waldstruktur
mit
und
skurrilen
Bäumen sowie stehendem und liegendem
Totholz entwickeln.
Die notwendigen Eingriffe werden mit dem
A
Phasenmodell der Nachhaltigen Parkpflege
nach dem Grundsatz „Schützen, Pflegen,
Entwickeln“ in zeitlich definierter Abfolge
A
behutsam und stetig möglichst ohne Beeinträchtigung der Besucher durchgeführt. Die
E
E
Maßnahmen werden dokumentiert, die Öffent-
P
lichkeit wird begleitend informiert.
Entwurf einer Konzeptionsgrundlage:
Nachhaltige Parkpflege
Im Zuge des Phasenmodells der Nachhaltigen
Die Dynamik des Waldwachstums erfordert
(gegebenenfalls zusammengefasst und) in
ein entsprechend dynamisches waldbauliches
vier
Konzept.
orientieren sich grundsätzlich unabhängig von
Dieses
hat
natürlich
kein
wirtschaftliches Ziel. Neben dem absoluten
Parkpflege
Alter
werden
Phasen
und
die
eingeteilt.
Baumart
an
Waldbestände
Diese
den
Phasen
speziellen
42
definierten Zielen des Bestandes und werden
Projektgruppe
in einer Karte dargestellt
Um die Umsetzung der vorgeschlagenen
Maßnahmen sicher zu stellen, den Zeitplan
Das Phasenmodell der Nachhaltigen Park-
halten
pflege
Verständnis
unterstützt
die
Dynamik
der
zu
können,
und
aber
auch
Vertrauen
um
in
für
den
Wachstumsprozesse im Wald, will gegeben-
verschiedenen Bereichen zu werben, sollte
enfalls (analog Sckell) behutsam und stetig
eine
(damit nachhaltig) ergänzen, schützen und erhalten (Baumpflege und -chirurgie). Es setzt
für
die
Vergleichsfläche
Projektgruppe
eingerichtet
Projektgruppe
umfasst
zuständige
werden.
die
Die
betroffenen
durchaus Akzente (Regulierung der Misch-
Personen auf allen Ebenen bzw. Bereichen.
baumarten und -sträucher, Unterholz, Wald-
In Frage kommen. Vertreter der für die eigent-
ränder, Erhaltung und Schaffung liegenden
liche Umsetzung zuständigen Gärtner, Ver-
und stehenden Totholzes) und kann grund-
treter der Parkverwaltung Nymphenburg, Ver-
sätzlich auch auf andere Parkbereiche (nicht
treter der Gertenabteilung der BSV sowie der
nur Wald) übertragen werden. Vielfalt und
SCHLOSSPARK – FREUNDE - NYMPHEN-
Differenziertheit,
BURG E.V. Ziel der Projektgruppe sind die
Skurrilität
und
Schönheit
sollen gefördert werden.
Steigerung
der
Umsetzungseffizienz
und
gemeinsames Controlling der Maßnahmen.
Bewertung und Konfliktanalyse haben die
Sitzungen sind auf das unbedingt notwendige
verschiedenen
Maß
Schlosspark
Ansprüche
verdeutlicht,
an
den
ohne
diese
zu
beschränken,
damit
durch
die
Projektgruppe keine Mehrarbeit entsteht.
gegeneinander aufwiegen zu wollen. Die
Konzeptionsgrundlage will das beschriebene
Potential gleichwertig behandeln, für die
Vergleichsfläche
eine
Lösungsmöglichkeit.
Die Situation auf der Vergleichsfläche ähnelt
der des gesamten Schloßparkes Nymphenburg. Abgesehen von einigen Randpartien
und
Sonderflächen
erhaltenen
fällt
Altbäumen
neben
und
wenigen
entsprechend
geringem Totholzanteil die vitale Dominanz
der 40 bis 60jährigen Eschen-Ahorn-Bestände
mit einigen Linden, wenigen sonstigen Laubholzarten und geringem Unterstand auf.
Dokumentation
Die Umsetzung des Pflegekonzeptes zur
Entwicklung
des
Waldes
im
Schloßpark
Nymphenburg wird in allen Phasen dokumentiert (Parkbuch) und den betroffenen bzw.
interessierten Verwaltungen und Verbänden
kenntlich
gemacht
Öffentlichkeit
und
eingesehen
kann
von
werden.
der
Die
Dokumentation dient ferner der Überprüfung
zur Erreichung der angestrebten Ziele und der
möglichen
Übertragbarkeit
auf
ähnliche
Situationen im Schloßpark Nymphenburg und
anderen Landschaftsgärten.
43
Schlussbetrachtung
deutlich. Zusätzlich in den letzten 30 Jahren
In Parks und Gärten dienen Pflanzen der
ein Konfliktfeld aus den Ansprüchen von
bewussten Gestaltung eines Landschafts-
Denkmalschutz,
ausschnittes. Dies gilt besonders für Bäume
Bürgerwünschen und schließlich der Ver-
und Wälder. Unter der Hand des Garten-
waltung.
Naturschutz,
vielfältigen
künstlers werden diese eigenständiger Bestandteil der Kultur, sie sind Gestaltungsmittel,
Objekt und Subjekt der Kunst historischer
Gärten. Der Schloßpark zu Nymphenburg ist
in seiner heutigen Form entstanden durch das
30-jährige
Wirken
Friedrich
Ludwig
von
Sckells. Das Spätwerk des Künstlers arbeitet
mit Licht und Schatten, dichten und lichten
und
Der Wald muss ein ganzes Aufgabenbündel
–farben.
nachhaltig erfüllen. Schlüssel hierfür ist neben
Dieser Park verfügt über eine in München
der Zielvereinbarung das durchzuführende
seltene
Die
waldbauliche Vorgehen. Das Phasenmodell
Waldgesell-
der Nachhaltigen Parkpflege will eine Basis
Waldbereichen,
kontrastieren
korrespondierenden
Baumformen
ursprüngliche
Strukturen
der
und
Naturnähe.
natürlichen
schaften, in die der Park von Sckell eingefügt
für
wurde, finden sich noch heute in Relikten. Der
Schlossparks Nymphenburg schaffen. Dem
Park erhält und entwickelt eine Natürlichkeit,
Schloßpark Nymphenburg obliegen gerade in
die heute zur europaweiten Bedeutung führt
gesellschaftlicher
und eines entsprechenden Schutzes bedarf.
umfangreiche und differenzierte Aufgaben, für
Im Ballungsraum München ist der Schloßpark
die der Park stetig und behutsam zu schützen,
eine Oase der Ruhe und der Erholung. Er
pflegen und entwickeln ist.
bewahrt unersetzliche Natur in der Stadt und
„Historische Parks und Gärten sind ein
hat bedeutende soziale Funktionen.
geistiger, kultureller, ökologischer und gesell-
Der Garten-Aktions-Künstler Friedrich Ludwig
schaftlicher Besitz von unersetzlichem Wert.“
von
(DEUTSCHES
Sckell
Nymphenburg
behielt
eine
sich
im
Re-Aktion
Schloßpark
auf
die
die
nachhaltige
und
Entwicklung
ökologischer
NATIONALKOMITEE
DENKMALSCHUTZ, 1996)
dynamische Entwicklung der Natur vor, ohne
sein gestalterisches Ziel vielfältiger Raum-
Jacques Andreas Volland
wirkung aus den Augen zu verlieren. Die
Schlosspark - Freunde – Nymphenburg E.V.
München, Deutschland.
email: [email protected]
Schwierigkeit der Pflege seines künstlichnatürlichen Landschaftsparks war Sckell bewusst und wurde in den letzten 15o Jahren
des
Sicht
FÜR
44
Photo: SCHIMA
45
CONFLICTS IN AND AROUND THE FOREST
KONFLIKTE IM UND UM DEN WALD
Photo: SCHIMA
46
47
OFFENCES AGAINST FOREST
REGULATIONS
IN EARLY MODERN TIMES IN THE CANTON OF ZURICH:
DEVIANT BEHAVIOUR OR A SUBLIMATION OF CONFLICT?
INTENSITY LAND USE AREAS
Introduction
was called Frevel in Zurich and which roughly
On 9 June 1779 the forester of Winterthur
translates
discovered a hundred freshly hewn rootstocks
regulations, are to be found in numerous
in the forest of Tössrain, near the town of
documents that have been studied. Frevel
Winterthur43. Owing to their thickness the
was
forester thought it likely that they had been cut
the
as
an
term
offence
applied
against
to
all
forest
minor
delinquencies pertaining to the forest. It
for use as beanpoles (“Erbsstängeli”). He
covered such acts as the illegal gathering
reported his observation to the council of
fallen wood, the grazing livestock and the theft
Winterthur,
of wood, all of which, therefore, will be
the
pertinent
authority.
The
following inquiry revealed that Rudolf Kläui
discussed in the following.
and
a
Before we enter into a discussion of Frevel we
neighbouring village, had been seen with a lot
would like to make some remarks on the area
of beanpoles. They were duly accused of theft
of historical research. One of the first studies
Christof
Bretscher
from
Töss,
of wood, which was, of course, an offence
against forest regulations. The defendants
on the history of criminality in Germany is Dirk
Balsuis inquiry45 in which he discusses the
denied the theft and they were sent for further
interaction
interrogation to Kyburg44. As we can see in a
criminality. This work is very helpful regarding
letter from the council of Winterthur to the
the theme Frevel, especially the chapter about
bailiff at Kyburg, the council had hoped that
property
the accused would confess to the charge of
addresses the issue of wood theft. He
theft.
describes a new law of 1821, which curtailed
Records concerning wood theft from the
the accustomed rights of the population –
forests of the sovereign territory of Zurich in
the 18th century are not difficult to find.
Examples of this type of transgression, which
between
and
theft
civil
where
society
Blasius
and
also
especially the rural population – to use the
forests, for example to gather firewood.
Josef Mooser’s studies were constitutive for
the German historiography on the subject of
43
Records of court proceedings of the bailiwick
Kyburg StAZH (Staatsarchiv Zürich), B VII 21.90 p.
81 (14.6.1779).
44
Castle Kyburg, near Winterthur, was the
residence of the baillif of Zurich.
45
Blasius Dirk, Bürgerliche Gesellschaft und
Kriminalität. Zur Sozialgeschichte Preußens im
Vormärz (Kritische Studien zur
Geschichtswissenschaft, 22), Göttingen 1976.
48
wood theft46. In his view, wood theft was not
that made new laws necessary49. A strong
only a form of delinquency or criminality but
forest police force was necessary to enforce
also a social conflict. The latter was manifest
the new regulations. Both studies are based
in conflict between landlords and peasants,
on the assumption that the increase in
and as a protest against the modernisation of
offences indicates a scarcity of resources.
agriculture. Wood theft was also a result of
What neither study takes into account is that
poverty. Using methods of social history
changes in the law might have arisen for
Mooser interprets wood theft as a class
social or political reasons. To ignore dominion
struggle: By taking wood from the forest, the
is a form of positivism of law.
“lower
Infringements of forest regulations were a part
classes”
were
fighting
for
their
traditional rights to use the forest47.
of criminality, which means the breaking
Bernd Grewe took up Mooser’s concept and
codified laws. In medieval and early modern
expanded it with the question of whether
times regulations did not have necessarily
offences against forest regulations were the
written down in a codex or a corpus juris.
result of overexploitation of forests and the
Consequently the term “criminality” signifies in
48
scarcity of wood . Grewe’s extension of the
the ancien régime offending the regulations of
concept is important in the context of the
the authorities. In the territory of Zurich it was
analysis of the scarcity of resources in the late
particularly the regulation of the council of
18th and at the beginning of the 19th century.
Zurich. Criminality is a special case of
While we have only rare statistical material for
deviance, which means an infringement of the
the period in question to prove the scarcities,
norms of the society50. “Criminality” and
we can use the known cases of wood theft as
“deviance” can only be measured against an
a measure. In the estimation of Uwe Schmidt
existing “norm”. As the theory of subculture
it was the increasing scarcity of timber
showed in the first half of 20th century,
combined with the rising number of offences
however, the norms of any given society or
the authorities are not always identical with
46
Mooser Josef, Holzdiebstahl und sozialer
Konflikt, in: Beiträge zur Historischen Sozialkunde,
11, 1981; Mooser Josef, “Furcht bewahrt das
Holz”. Holzdiebstahl und sozialer Konflikt in der
ländlichen Gesellschaft 1800–1850 an
westfälischen Beispielen, in: Räuber, Volk und
Obrigkeit. Studien zur Geschichte der Kriminalität
in Deutschland seit dem 18. Jahrhundert, hrsg. v.
Heinz Reif, Frankfurt 1984, S. 43–100.
47
See following chapter “Conflicts between
authorities and village people”.
48
Grewe Bernd-Stefan, Darum treibt hier Not und
Verzweiflung zum Holzfrevel. Ein Beitrag zur
Sozial-, Wirtschafts- und Umweltgeschichte der
Pfalz 1816-1860, in: Mitteilungen des Historischen
Vereins der Pfalz, 94, 1996, S. 271–295.
the norms of specific groups within that
society. Not all social groups or individuals
49
Schmidt Uwe Eduard, Waldfrevel contra
staatliche Interessen. Die sozialgeschichtliche
Bedeutung des Waldes im 18. und 19.
Jahrhundert, in: Der Bürger im Staat (Der deutsche
Wald), 51, 2001, S. 17–23.
50
Hürlimann Katja, Soziale Beziehungen im Dorf.
Aspekte dörflicher Soziabilität in den Landvogteien
Greifensee und Kyburg, Zürich 2000, S. 66–70;
Lamnek Siegfried, Theorien abweichenden
Verhaltens, München 1993; Lamnek Siegfried,
Neue Theorien abweichenden Verhaltens,
München 1994.
49
follow the same norms, values and symbols51.
forms of conflict, and not only those between
In
that
village people and the authorities in the city.
phenomenon in the context of offences
The forest was also sometimes an object and
against forest regulations as well. Acts of
a space of conflict. The aim of this text is to
wood theft or other infringements of forest
show the daily interactions on the basis of
regulations were often perceived, by those
conflicts in the forest and conflicts on the use
who committed the acts, to be their right.
of forests. Exploring the records of the courts
Bearing this in mind, we can explore the
we will study the culture of the peasant
specific norms of social groups to analyze
society54.
early
modern
times
we
find
offences and, above all, the reasons for them.
In the Rheinische Zeitung Karl Marx described
The term “Frevel”
the debates on the law on thefts of wood in
Under the ancien régime the German word,
1842. “Holzfrevel” (offences against forest
Frevel
regulations)
regulations” had four different meanings. It
should
now
be
called
52
meaning
“offences
against
forest
“Holzdiebstahl” (theft of wood) . Infringement
covered
of forest regulations was only a minor offence
audacious acts (1), wantonness or unauthoris-
whereas theft was an indictable offence. Karl
Marx explained a phenomenon that in modern
a
range
of
infringements
from
ed use (2), minor delinquencies or breeches
of the law (3) and, in certain regions; the term
criminal theory is called “labelling approach”.
was also used to describe the fine imposed for
According to the theory, criminality does not
this
exist per se, but is the result of process of
meaning is important in the context of forest
attribution53.
minor
delinquency
(4)55.
The
third
history and theft of wood a very frequently
In the following we turn our attention to
occurring offence against forest regulations.
infringements of forest regulations in the
According to the law governing the use of the
sovereign territory of Zurich in late medieval
forest in Rheinfelden (Holzeinung) from the
times and under the ancien régime from a
point of view of environmental history and of
year 1530 we can distinguish several varieties
of the transgression56. For example, a thief
historical criminology. We hope to show that
the impact of the methods of the historical
criminology can furnish new interpretations of
delinquency in the forest. We advance the
thesis that Frevel was a way to of solve other
51
For the theory of subculture see Lamnek,
Theorien, 1993, p. 142–216.
52
Marx Karl, Debatten über das
Holzdiebstahlgesetz, in: Werke, Bd. 1, hrsg. v. Karl
Marx /Friedrich Engels, Berlin 1961, S. 109–147.
53
Lamnek, Theorien, 1993, p. 216–236.
54
The method is quite similar to Schindler Norbert,
Wilderer im Zeitalter der Französischen
Revolution. Ein Kapitel alpiner Sozialgeschichte,
München 2001.
55
Cf. Schweizerisches Idiotikon. Wörterbuch der
schweizerdeutschen Sprache (dictionary of Swiss
German), vol. 1, Frauenfeld 1885, column 1287–
1288.
56
“Item, der ein türen boum ane est howet, der git
v S. d, und von einem grienen boum x schilling.
Item, wer ein eychen abhouwet, derselbig git ein
pfund d. Item, wer einen huffen holtz dem andern
zerpricht, derselb git ein pfund d. Item, wer ein
50
who stole timber during the night hours was
But thefts were not the only kind of offence
fined one pound, but daytime theft was
against forest regulations. All damage to the
punished with a fine of “only” ten shillings57.
forest had to be regarded as infringements.
The fine for cutting a branch from a dead tree
The regime of Weiach (Holzordnung) in
was five shillings, for a green tree, ten
179659 enumerates the forbidden forms of
shillings. It was even more expensive to take
forest use. In the introduction of the regime we
wood from oak trees. The most severe
find the reasons for the new restriction: The
punishment was meted out to those who took
village people cause damage to the forest.
already hewn wood, i.e. instead of cutting the
They cut and collected leaves or grass and, in
wood
this
the estimation of the regime, such acts were
category were fined one pound and banned
very detrimental to the forest60. The agri-
from the village or community for four weeks.
cultural use of the forest to graze livestock
We see a great difference in the severity of
was very often seen as damaging to the forest
the punishment meted out for the theft of
in the 18th century, especially with regard to
hewn timber if we compare Rheinfelden with
timber production.
Westfalen. In Westfalen in the 19th century
Strangely enough, the term Frevel already
the theft of hewn timber was treated as an
existed in medieval times, at a time therefore
ordinary theft, which carried the death penalty.
where there was no regulation of the forest by
The death penalty for theft was not unknown
the authorities. At that time it was mainly
in Switzerland in the 18th century but theft of
employed to describe offences committed
wood was more often treated as an offence,
against the written or unwritten rules of each
which carried a more lenient penalty58.
village or community. Use of the forest was
themselves.
In
Rheinfelden
regulated according to the commonly agreed
rules,
reiffstangen abhauwet, derselb git fünf schilling.
Item, wer ein burde gert houwet, derselbig git drey
schilling. Item, welcher ein purde limpasst
[Lindenbast] schnid, derselb git zehen schilling.
Item, wer dem andern ein zun zerpricht und
hinweg tregt, derselbig git ein pfund d. Item, wer
dem andern zwig ussgrabt oder verwüstet, der gibt
ein pfund. Item, welcher dem andern holtz hinweg
fürt, es sye by tag oder by nacht, derselb git ein
pfund und vier wuchen vür die statt.” cit.
Wullschleger Erwin, Forstliche Erlasse der
Obrigkeit im ehemals vorderösterreichischen
Fricktal. Ein Beitrag zur aargauischen
Forstgeschichte (Bericht der Eidgenössischen
Anstalt für das forstliche Versuchswesen, 323),
Birmensdorf 1990, p. 459.
57
In the 18th century Switzerland there were
twenty shillings in one pound.
58
For Westfaalen see Mooser, Holzdiebstahl,
1984, p. 43–45.
the
so-called
“Dorfoffnung”.
For
example in Bliggensdorf the common forest
was divided into four parts, each of which
served a specific function. In the first, called
“Schönbül“ all use of wood was banned. The
wood in the second part, the “Spilbül” was
reserved for the production of fences and
barrels, and in the third, the “Bann” the use of
birches was only allowed for the production of
59
StAZH A 199.7 (Fasz. 2454) (18.3.1796).
The regime was necessary, because “viele
dortige Bürger durch frevlen, schneiden, lauben,
grasen und dergleichen dem Holz äuserst
schädlichen handlungen selbige […] in
zusehenden Abgang bringen…”
60
51
besoms, or drawbars for sledges or strings.
a place of social action. The two villages of
Wood from the fourth section, the “Bachtal”,
Dorlikon65 and Altikon had co-possession of a
was reserved for the manufacture of sledges
forest called Schlatt. The border separating
61
or carts. Other infringements surrounding the
the two villages passed through the forest.
forest
against
Three documents are extant that document a
hunting laws. In the documents available for
conflict about grazing pigs that seems to have
Germany one sees that poaching was taken
lasted, on and off, between 1499 and 1511.
quite seriously, whereas we find hardly any
According to the claims of the people of
evidence of this offence in Switzerland in the
Altikon in the year 1499 the pigs from Dorlikon
early modern times.62 Hunting regulations
trespassed into their part of the forest. The
were
Switzerland’s
people of Dorlikon argued that it was not their
autonomous regions but we can deduce that,
fault that the pigs escaped because the fence
very often, peasants had the right to hunt in
was broken and that the people of Altikon
the forest, although they sometimes had to
should repair the fence that marked the
pay a fee to do so.63 As the laws concerning
boundary. The court at Kyburg adjudicated
hunting play only a minor role, we will limit our
that the function of a fence was only to keep
discussion to offences committed against
out horses and cows and not pigs, which had
forest regulations with regard to the wood and
to be herded.66 Already in the year 1501, the
trees.
villages went to court again. The foresters of
were
very
offences
diverse
committed
in
Altikon
testified
that
they
had
again
discovered the pigs of Dorlikon in the forest.67
The forest as an area of
social interaction
Ten years later, in 1511, a complaint was
We will use an example from the 16th
brought by one Junker Hans from Schönau68,
century64 to discuss the aspect of the forest as
who claimed once more that the people of
Dorlikon had been herding their pigs in the
61
See, for example, the “Korporationssatzungen”
from Blickensdorf (near Zug), in: Gruber Eugen,
Die Rechtsquellen des Kantons Zug. Band 2: Stadt
Zug und ihre Vogteien Äußeres Amt (Sammlung
Schweizerischer Rechtsquellen, Abt. VIII, Die
Rechtsquellen des Kantons Zug), Aarau 1972, p.
1014–1018.
62
See Knoll Martin, Umwelt – Herrschaft –
Gesellschaft. Die landesherrliche Jagd Kurbayerns
im 18. Jahrhundert (Studien zur neueren
Geschichte, 4), St. Katharinen 2004, p. 293–340 or
Schindler, Wilderer, 2001.
63
See e.g. Lutz Albert, Die Zürcher Jagd. Eine
Geschichte des Jagdwesens im Kanton Zürich,
Zürich 1963.
64
See Hürlimann Katja, Erinnern und aushandeln.
Grenzsicherung in den Dörfern im Zürcher
Untertanengebiet um 1500, in: Wirtschaft und
common forest of Altikon and not in their own
forest.69 On each occasion the people of
Dorlikon were fined for trespassing. Our
research
into
the
court
archives
was
Herrschaft. Beiträge zur ländlichen Gesellschaft in
der östlichen Schweiz (1200–1800), Zürich 1999,
S. 163–186.
65
This is Thalheim today.
66
Cf. StAZH, Urkunden Stadt und Landschaft
Zürich, C I no. 2587 (23.10.1499).
67
StAZH, Urkunden Stadt und Landschaft Zürich,
C I no. 2588 (18.11.1501).
68
A Junker is a donzel.
69
StAZH, Akten Vogtei Altikon, A 106 no 5
(25.9.1511).
52
discontinued at this point but it is quite
to take them to court. The issue of grazing the
possible that the people of Dorlikon continued
pigs seems to be a secondary conflict,
to offend and that the conflict did not end
comparable
to
insults,
which
regularly
71
here.
occurred in medieval villages . Frevel was a
The record of the year 1501 is of particular
form of solving conflicts in the villages in the
interest.70 According to this document, it
sovereign territory in late medieval times.
seems probable that the conflict was not
While we can no longer uncover the real
primarily an argument about the use of the
reason for the conflict the aim of the
forest,
mutual
delinquent was not gain profit but a means of
provocation. In court a pig herder from
provoking the population of the neighbouring
Dorlikon explained that they could not drive
village.
but
more
a
history
of
the pigs back because they were obstructed
from doing this by the foresters. The foresters,
Conflicts about forests
on the other hand, had quite a different story
Conflicts between authorities and village
to tell and stated that the pig herders from
people
Dorlikon had not even attempted to drive the
Offences against forest regulations were a
pigs back until they saw the forester. More
important than the question of who was telling
form of crime or deviancy, but they can also
be a conflict between subjects and the
the truth is the analysis of the arguments
authority. The people in the sovereign territory
advanced by either side. The fact that the pigs
deliberately infringed the forest laws to show
trespassed into the forest of the neighbours
the authorities that the use of the forests was
was not discussed and seems not to have
under the control of village and that they were
been in dispute. The herders’ explanation
not
appears to be weak, but what is interesting is
regulations. The functionaries, who had to
that the conflict came to court on numerous
enforce the authorities’ rules, were them-
occasions. It looks strongly as if each party
tried to provoke the other, which means that
prepared
to
accept
the
proclaimed
selves generally inhabitants of the village.
This
naturally
led
to
additional
conflict
the forest was used as a substitute battlefield
between the functionaries and the village
to wage an unrelated dispute. The people
community.72 Such conflicts can also be inter-
from Dorlikon drove their pigs into the
preted as conflicts between villages and the
neighbouring forest or at least they did nothing
authority in town.
to
prevent
them
crossing
the
border.
Subsequently, the neighbours prevented the
herders from driving the pigs back, preferring
70
StAZH, Urkunden Stadt und Landschaft Zürich,
C I no. 2588 (18.11.1501).
71
For insults, see Hürlimann, Soziale
Beziehungen, 2000, p. 100–116.
72
See also the example of the deputy bailiffs in the
territory of Zurich who failed to penalise illegal
innkeepers. Hürlimann, Soziale Beziehungen,
2000, p. 260–264.
53
We would like to take Weiach as an example.
Heinrich Bersinger, the village smith, was
Weiach is a village in the north of Canton
penalized more severely still. He had to pay
Zurich, not far from the Rhine River, but quite
10 pounds, was given ten lashes in the village
a long way from Zurich. On 31 March 1797 24
square, witnessed by the community, and was
citizens of Weiach were accused of cutting
sent to prison for a day. His punishment was a
and gathering heather.73 We know from the
mixture of fine, honour punishment and
economic tables of 1774 that Weiach74 had
corporal punishment. He was punished not
472 inhabitants. That means that around five
only because of his offences against forest
per cent of the village population was indicted
regulations,
for offences against the forest regulations.75
disrespectful answers to the judge and his
The 24 accused were fined between ten and
attempts to incite a rebellion in the village78.
twenty pounds, depending on the number of
We perceive in the records that in Weiach
times they had offended. Some of the
there are quite a lot of people who insulted the
accused,
more
forester, whom they considered a traitor, but
severely than others. The wife of an ex-officer
also because he was seen to symbolize the
(“Alt-Weibel”) and her daughter, for example,
authorities. As the former forester Felix
had to pay a fine of 30 pounds to the court
Schurter reported, he was not only verbally
and 5 extra pounds to the forester. Above all,
assaulted, but the village people also got
they were made to apologise to the forester
violent and destroyed the windows of his
and to the “Stillstand”, which was the instance
house79. Similar conflicts also broke out in
in the village responsible for moral concerns.76
Weinfelden, where the local forester stopped
The reason for their more severe penalty was
his nightly controls because he was afraid he
however,
were
punished
but
also
because
of
his
that they had insulted the honour of the
forester by calling him a dog and a rogue77.
78
73
StAZH, Urteilsprotokoll der Obervogtei Neuamt,
B VII 28.23, no. 13–16 (31.03.1797)
74
StAZH, Statistische Tabellen über
Haushaltungen etc. der Gemeinden im unteren
Neuamt (1771 und 1774), B IX 5 (5.2.1774).
75
They were accused of “frevlen in hölzeren,
besonders wegen gheiden”. StAZH,
Urteilsprotokoll der Obervogtei Neuamt, B VII
28.23, p. 13–16 (31.3.1797), here p. 13.
76
“so ward darauf erkannt, sie solle 30 lb Buß, und
5 lb dem Forster bezahlen, auch lezteren um
Verzeihung bitten und entschlagen, so dann
könfftigen Sonntag vor den Stillstand gestellt
werden, und einen nachdenklichen Zuspruch
erhalten” StAZH B VII 28.23 (31.3.1797) p. 15.
77
“und überdiß die Frau den Forster einen Hund
und Schelm gescholten” StAZH B VII 28.23
(31.3.1797) p. 15.
“Heinrich Bersinger, Isenschmids, […] und der
selbst beÿ allen Anlaasen die Leüthe aufzuwieglen
sucht; wurde dahin verfällt, daß er 10 lb obrigkeitl.
Buß bezahlen und so dann wegen seinen
verschiedenen Vergehungen, besonders aber
wegen seiner heütigen frechen und
respektwidrigen Aufführung auf 24 Stund in den
Ölenbach gesezt und mit 10 Streichen an der Stud
mit der Sulhe gezüchtiget werden solle.” StAZH B
VII 28.23 (31.3.1797) p. 14.
79
“Altforster Felix Schurter erzählte, daß er 2 J.
Forster gewesen, und gesucht, seine Pflicht
zuerfüllen, den Schaden in Holz und Feld
zuwenden, es seÿen ihm hierauf die Fenster
eingeschlagen worden, wovon er aber die Thäter
nicht wiße, durch diesen u. andere solche
Beleidigungen habe er sich endlich gezwungen
gesehen, den Posten aufzugeben.” StAZH B VII
28.22 (18.3.1796), p. 140.
54
would be attacked by thieves in the wood80.
The third field of conflict included conflicts
The position of the forester was a difficult one
within the villages. Most of the time these
in the village. On the one hand, he had to
were conflicts between the foresters, who, as
enforce forest regulations passed by the
functionaries of the authorities, had to fine
authorities and it was his duty to fine the
offences against forest regulations, and the
misdemeanours carried out by the village
village people who could not understand how
people in the forests. On the other hand, he
“one of their own” could punish them in the
lived amongst them and they saw his work as
name of the authorities. The latter area of
a form of betrayal. If he fulfilled his duties
conflict arose from the fact that the offenders
conscientiously
a
did not (or did not want to) understand that
permanent state of conflict with the population
they were doing something wrong and illegal.
of the village. The deputy bailiff (“Untervogt”)
Acts such as cutting heather and grazing the
explained that in Weiach the old forester was
livestock in the forest had been the right of the
removed for doing his duty.81 For the bailiff it
villagers for hundreds of years and was still
was clear the reason for the election of a new
widely considered to be a rightful, everyday
forester was because a majority of the
use of forest82.
the
forester
lived
in
population broke forest regulations.
The example of Weiach nicely illustrates four
Wood theft resulting from poverty
areas of conflict. First, an offence against the
Naturally, forest offences were not committed
forest regulation was an attack against the
solely by people defending their ancient rights
authority. This was the main interpretation the
of usage in the forests around Zurich. For a
authorities in Zurich placed on the reason for
very large proportion of the population it would
offences even though for some of the
seem that poverty was one of the major
offenders the main purpose was to provoke.
reasons for wood theft. Cleophea Attinger
80
from Dübendorf, for example, justified her
Bürgerarchiv Weinfelden B II 5 p. 93
(25.11.1756): “und wann er beÿ nacht zeit sich
nicht getrauwet allein in daß holtz zu gehen, so
solle von seiten der vorgesetzten einen mann
mitgegeben werden auch solle er samt seinem
sohn geflißener sein …”
81
“Da von dem Untervogt zu Weÿach im Namen
sämtlicher Vorgesezten allda über das
höchstschädliche und alle Schranken
übersteigende Freflen und Verderben der dortigen
Gemeind- und Privathölzer die stärksten Klagen
geführt worden, zudem Ende auch getrachtet
worden, den alten Forster, der seinen Dienst meist
mit aller Treue und zum allgemeinen Nuzen
versehen, beÿzubehalten, ohngeachtet von der
Gemeind, durch das Mehr, wozu eben die Frefler
das meiste Übergewicht gegeben, ein neuer
Forster erwählt worden,…” StAZH B VII 28.22, p.
139 (18.03.1796)
thievery in the forest of Schwamendingen83
with her poverty84. There are many records
82
See Mooser, Holzdiebstahl, 1984.
This forest is just outside the border of the
commune in the direction of Zurich.
84
The summary of the court case said: “Daß die
Beklagten beschuldigt und geständig sind, in der
Schwamendinger Waldung unbefugter Weise
geholzet, die Attingerin über das auch noch Laub
gesammelt zu haben, zur Entschuldigung zwar
ihre Armuth verschutzen, indessen aber nicht in
Abrede stellen können, schon früher wegen
ähnlichen Frevel theils gewarndt, theils zur
Verantwortung gezogen worden zu seÿn und
daher nach Gebühr bestraft zu werden verdienen.”
83
55
that prove this to have been a form of defence
out
often used by the accused at the end of the
aspects of the matter. In addition, it must be
18th and well into the 19th century to explain
remembered that court proceedings in early
85
some
details
or
stressed
particular
their delinquency in the forests . In some
modern times were not verbatim protocols, but
villages almost half of the population received
summaries of trials written by a clerk of the
sustenance from the state86. In the same
court. It is evident that the clerk wrote down
period we find an increasing number of
the important facts for the verdict. The
records that tell of offences against forest
statements from the accused, while of great
regulations. A direct connection between
interest for social history, were not considered
poverty and wood theft therefore seems
important to the trial, and were not generally
conclusive. Nevertheless, we would like to put
included in the documents. To return to the
forward other explanations for the thefts.
example of Cleophea Attinger, perhaps she
First, we must be aware that in court the
took
accused used those arguments in their
Schwamendingen, because it was closer to
defence that they imagined would be most
her home. Wood was often stolen simply
helpful to them. In other words, the accused,
because forests where wood could be legally
even when they did not deny the theft, did not
removed were too far away from dwellings.
give always the true reason for their actions in
Secondly, from early modern times until the
their testimonies. In her recent analysis of
mid-19th century, when a federal constitution
early modern court proceedings, Natalie
was
Zemon Davis writes about the “fiction in the
Switzerland underwent very radical changes.
archives”.
their
The judiciary was reorganised and given far
delinquency in the way they thought would
more powers over the lives of the rural
please the judges in the hope of receiving a
population.
The
accused
87
explained
the
wood
adopted,
The
from
the
the
political
consequence
forest
system
of
of
in
these
They did not lie outright
changes was that more thefts, as well as
or categorically deny the charge, but they left
infringements of forest regulations, were
milder punishment.
punished88. To sum up, we do not want to
StAZH, Oberamtsgericht Bezirk Zürich, K III 142.2,
No. 40 (Beil. a) (23.02.1823)
85
See the study of Blasius, who statistically proves
the increase in Prussia. Blasius, Bürgerliche
Gesellschaft, 1976. See also Schmidt, Waldfrevel,
2001, p. 21.
86
See Fritzsche Bruno / Lemmenmeier Max, Die
revolutionäre Umgestaltung von Wirtschaft,
Gesellschaft und Staat 1780–1870, in: Geschichte
des Kantons Zürich, Bd. 3, hrsg. v. Niklaus Flüeler
(†) / Marianne Flüeler, Zürich 1994, S. 20–157,
here p. 54–81.
87
See Davis Natalie Zemon, Fiction in the
Archives. Pardon Tales and Their Tellers in
Sixtennth-Century France, Standford 1987.
deny that many instances of wood theft
occurred for reasons of poverty, but it seems
unlikely that, in region of Zurich, thefts of
wood increased as strongly as the increase in
court records might lead one to believe. Wood
88
Gut Franz, Die Übeltat und Ihre Wahrheit.
Straftäter und Strafverfolgung vom Spätmittelalter
bis zur neuesten Zeit – ein Beitrag zur Winterthurer
Rechtsgeschichte (Neujahrsblatt der
Stadtbibliothek Winterthur, 326), Zürich 1995.
56
theft also certainly taken place in previous
The few examples have shown the important
times but under a less inefficient police and
role of the methodology of the historical
judiciary system and, in addition, prior to 1600
criminology for the research of offences
not
systematically
against forest regulations. The application of
recorded. Thirdly, there is no direct link
the methodology of historical criminology
between the poverty of people at beginning of
helps to avoid the danger of positivism of
the 19th century and theft or scarcity of wood.
laws. The different forms of misdemeanours in
Most of the inhabitants of the villages in
the forest can be interpreted as deviant
sovereign territory of Zurich had the right to
behaviour, as well as an instrument for solving
use that part of the forest which belonged to
conflicts and can help to interpret everyday
the common property, and even those without
social interactions in the villages.
all
judgements
were
a right received a small portion of firewood.
Offences against forest regulations are a
common occurrence but are nevertheless only
very scantily explored for early modern times
in Switzerland. In this paper we were only able
to focus on a few aspects. Further studies are
required, especially on serial records of the
courts in different regions of Switzerland.
Katja Hürlimann
Forest History, Department of Environmental
Sciences, ETH-Zentrum F 13, CH-8092 Zurich,
[email protected]
and
Anton Schuler
Forest History, Department of Environmental
Sciences, ETH-Zentrum F 14, CH-8092 Zurich,
[email protected].
Photo: SCHIMA
57
STATE FORESTRY AND TRIBAL UNREST
IN INDIA DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
There has been a surge of environmental
fallacies and misconceptions. As Britain had
consciousness in the last decade in India but
no tradition of managing forests for sustained
inspite of that our forests are dwindling at a
timber production, the forest department was
rapid pace. This unhappy condition is primarily
started in India by the German foresters, and
owing
to
commercial
neighbouring
their
wanton
purposes.
countries,
In
destruction
for
for many years until it was established on a
India
and
the
firm footing the department was manned at
share
the
the helm by German foresters.
which
Himalayan eco-system, the discussion is how
debate centres round forest policy. But the
Stages Prior to the Development of a Forest Policy: 17761850
historical forces which have shaped the
It is assumed that the growth of forest policy in
management of forests today are being
India was extraordinarily slow. There were
overlooked
many mitigating factors at first. Stebbing, the
to prevent the rapid decline of forests and a
concomitant loss of natural resources. The
by
foresters
and
environmentalists.
author of the book, 'The Forests of India', is of
The historical development of forestry and the
the view that "scientific knowledge amongst
interdependence of ecological and social
the European officials was confined almost
change that came in the wake of colonial rule
entirely to the members of the medical
has not been accorded due recognition in
profession", and had this not been the case,
agrarian history. Although an overwhelming
"in the early years of British occupation the
population in India was dependent upon
Botany of the forests, the species of trees they
forests during the alien rule, forest history
contained and their respective values was an
even to this day has not been given its due
unopened
place in the purview of history, so much so
Stebbing's statement it is interesting to note
that even environmentalists, while discussing
that
the onslaughts of environmental degradation,
establish forest plantations in Malabar, in
do not take into consideration the forces of
Bengal or in Burma between 1805 and 1822,
history which have shaped the management
the medical service was involved and it played
of forests today.
an important role. Some Surgeons lobbied
The history and evaluation of scientific history
strongly
in British India is complex and therefore poorly
witnessed taking place during the 1820s and
understood a situation that gives rise to
favoured plantation programmes. Nathaniel
book".
whatever
against
However,
attempts
the
were
inspite
made
deforestation
of
to
they
58
Wallich, Director of Calcutta Botanical Garden
followed, prohibiting the felling of teak trees
being pre-eminent among them.
below 21 inches in girth. Nothing further
To the Government and the officials, the
happened until 1805, when a despatch was
important part which forests play in nature and
received from the Court of Directors, enquiring
the beneficial influences they exercised was
to what extent the king's navy might, in view of
not known those days. The whole policy was
the growing deficiency of oak in England,
to extend agriculture and the watchword of the
depend on a permanent supply of teak timber
time was to destroy the forests with this end in
from
view. But soon the time arrived when, with the
immediate appointment of a forest committee
increased demands of both population and
charged with a comprehensive programme of
trade, the depletion of forests began to be
enquiry regarding not merely the forests but
regarded
the status of the proprietary rights in them.
with
grave
apprehension.
The
Malabar.
This
the matter to a head. Bur before their
proclamation, declaring the royalty right in
appearance,
under
teak trees as vested in the Company, and
agriculture and the rapidly multiplying flocks
prohibiting all unauthorized felling of such
and herds, which ensued, under settled
trees. Under further pressure of the Home
Government of the British Rule, caused
Government, and with regard to the future
greater demands upon the forests and their
strength of the King's navy, it was decided to
produce.
appoint a special officer acquainted with the
With the defeat of Lally in Madras the French
language and habits of the people and having
power in India came to an end in 1760.
knowledge of forests, with a view to the
Moreover, as a result of the first defeat of Tipu
preservation and improved production of teak
Sultan by the British in 1792, Malabar and
and other timber suitable for ship building.
Coorg were ceded to the British, who already
Thus Captain, Watson of the police was
held Canara. Tipu's final defeat and death at
appointed the first Conservator of forests in
the capture of Sreerangapatnam in 1799 put
India
an end to the struggle for supremacy in
Conservator
soon
Madras,
monopoly
throughout
and
the
civil
area
administration
of
on
10th
was
November
established
a
in
The
increased
result
resulted
spread of railways at a later period brought
the
immediate
enquiry
general
1806.
The
a
timber
Malabar
and
Presidency by the British thereafter proceeded
Travancore. But the repressive methods by
on comparatively peaceful lines. The growing
which this was done by him and later his
demand for teak timber was one of the
successor were intolerable, and gradually it
matters which received early attention. An
gave rise to seething discontent amongst both
order was issued by the Bengal-Bombay Joint
proprietors and timber merchants. The feeling
Commission to enquire into the availability of
rose to such a pitch that the Conservatorship
teak in the forests of Malabar. Regulations
was abolished in 1823. In 1831, the Indian
Navy
Board
re-
of the concept that deforestation affects
establishment of the Conservatorship. Even
stream flow and rainfall had become very
so in the 1820s anxieties about deforestation
common and in October 1847 the Court of
had been frequently expressed. Bishop Heber
Directors
in 1824, for instance, warned that excessive
Presidencies
deforestation of the kind he had observed in
"respecting the effect of trees on the climate
the Siwalik foothills might lead to general
and productiveness of a country or district and
aridification.
the result of extensive clearance of timber."
awareness
recommended
However,
of
possible
a
general
orders
requiring
to
different
information
&
The Governor General of India in Council
deforestation did emerge it was mainly that
wrote the same year". In the course of the
deforestation might cause rainfall changes
researches instituted in the Department, the
with a political awareness of the occurrence of
effect
the famine in the late 1830s. In 1836 Surgeon
productiveness of a country and the results of
Ronald Martin produced a pioneering report
extensive clearances of timber have been
on the need for public health measures and
brought under notice that an abundance of
the universal provision of clean water in
wood increases moisture and that a deficiency
Calcutta. Similarly Surgeon Donald Butter in
promotes aridity are conclusions which seem
his Topography of Oudh' drew attention to the
clearly deducible from the researches and
connections between the growing aridification
observations which have been made on the
of India and that which had taken place
subject."
historically elsewhere. Butter had drawn his
expressed by the Bombay and Madras
insight from the work of Alexander von
Presidencies. Earlier in 1846, regarding the
Humboldt. From 1839 onwards Humboldt's
Nilgiris it had been reported that owing to
argument linking deforestation, aridification
deforestation, "the preservation of the woods
and temperature change on a global scale
on the hills and with them the springs, is a
was projected as the main issue by the
subject of paramount importance."
medical service in India in its increasingly
In 1847, the Bombay Presidency appointed
determined efforts to illicit Government control
Dr. Gibson as a first regular Conservator of
on deforestation as part of their wider
Forests. Madras followed suit some years
programme
reforms.
later and in 1865 appointed Dr. Cleghorn as
Surgeons in India were prompt in accepting
Conservator of Forests in Madras Presidency.
this argument and in Bombay Presidency Dr.
Both these officers signalled their appointment
Alexander Gibson and in Madras Asst.
by some valuable reports in which the
Surgeon Edward Balfourr by 1839 had started
physical value of the forests was for the first
to persuade the authorities on the need for
time taken into consideration. Dr. Gibson
conservation of forests. In 1840s the linkage
reported the serious consequences which the
public
hazards
issued
of
of
the
when
the
59
health
of
trees
Similar
upon
the
climate
sentiments
had
and
been
60
great destruction of forests was having upon
government, their exploitation was done by
water supplies in certain parts of the country,
private
and on erosion in the hills and silting of rivers,
McClelland,
creeks and harbours on the coast, which thirty
travelling in the forests, submitted a report in
years previously had been known to be free.
which
Dr. Cleghorn's early reports and letters move
exploitation by private parties. This report
much on the same line and both officers
evoked a memorable reply by the Government
strongly advocated that Government should
of India, dated 3rd August 1855 in which Lord
claim and exercise the proprietary right to all
Dalhousie the Governor General issued the
such forests as could not be clearly proved to
"Charter of the Indian Forests", outlining forest
be private property, a stricter conservative
conservancy for the whole of India.
control, and above all an immediate restriction
This was a great step towards advancement,
of shifting cultivation in the hills.
and the man to carry out such policy in the
proprietors
he
who
also.
for
proposed
In
months
1854,
had
curtailment
to
Dr.
been
the
The seriousness of the situation was
face of the worst opposition was found in
not however, recognized and none of the
Dietrich Brandis, who was appointed in
steps recommended by them took effect till
January 1856, Superintendent of Forests in
much later and forest conservancy in those
Pegu. With this appointment the dawn of
provinces hardly rose above the level of a
scientific forestry in India was launched. In
revenue administration. As a matter of fact
1857 the forest of Tenasserim and Martaban
hardly anybody believed in the possibility of a
were added to his charge. He introduced from
conservative treatment of State forest property
the very outset principles of enumeration and
through a State department ever being
organization of the working of forests, which
remunerative.
still form the basis of forests working plans in
India, as well as the system of local
Dawn of Forestry in India
contractors. He also introduced measures for
In 1852, the province of Pegu was annexed by
the British for nearly a hundred years teak
the protection and improvement of forests. In
this work Brandis set a sound example, and
timber in Burma had been one of the staple
introduced system of valuation surveys, so
exports from Rangoon and the forests had
eminently adapted to the circumstances, that
been claimed as royal property by the
but with slight modification, is still in vogue to
Lamprey dynasty, following this precedent all
the present day. Brandis named his methods,
forests were declared to be government
the 'Linear Valuation Survey.' In this method,
property almost immediately after annexation,
the trees along certain lines, roads, ridges or
and
streams were counted, classified according to
Dr.
McClelland
was
appointed
Superintendent thereof. Although the forests
were
the
undisputed
property
of
the
their girth and ticked off on small pieces of
bamboo, split into ten pieces, which could be
61
turned down one by one. Different pieces
Girth in feet
were carved for different classes of trees. This
3 feet
18
device was extremely useful in a country
4 feet 6 inches
39
those days where, on account of rain or dew,
6 feet
62
it was often difficult to use a pocket book.
Brandis accordingly laid down that one
At the beginning all the trees that could be
twenty-fourth of the first class trees in each
seen from the line traversed were counted
forest might annually be felled, and assumed
and to give a somewhat more accurate
that as the number of fourth class trees had
estimate of the rest of the forest area under
been found largely to exceed those in other
observation, a fixed distance, 50 feet on each
classes, the forests would gradually improve
side of the line traversed, were kept.
under the proposed system of working, and
Brandis made the teak, which at that time was
become richer in teak than were in 1856.
the only tree the extraction of which was
As regards the method of working of forests
regarded remunerative, the main object of his
he introduced the selling of the whole of the
observation. He divided the trees into four
seasoned timber in a certain forest to the
classes:
highest bidder. He discontinued the then
(1)
Trees of 6 feet and above in girth.
system prevalent in Burma of the levying of a
(2)
Trees of 4 feet 6 inches to 6 feet in
duty on every log brought from the forests, the
girth.
(3)
felling of trees being either free or restricted to
Trees of 3 feet to 4 feet 6 inches in
girth.
(4)
Age in years
the holders of a permit or grant. His method
encouraged private enterprise and left the
Trees less than 3 feet in girth.
forest staff free to devote their time to general
During the first year's observation, Brandis
forest administration.
found that the number of trees in the first three
In December 1862, Brandis was placed on
classes were very nearly equal in all but
special duty with the Government of India to
recently worked forests, and having thus
assist in organizing forest administration in
obtained some idea of the proportion of the
other provinces, and on the 1st of April 1854
different classes, he proposed to himself the
he was appointed the first Inspector General
principle that, in any forests to be worked out,
of Forests to the Government of India. He
as many first class trees as would be replaced
recruited trained personnel for organizing
during the year by the growing stock of
forest operations and for establishing the
second class trees, could and should be felled
Forest Departments in the states.
in that period.
Indian Forest Act 1865
From the data at his disposal, he constituted
the following table:
The Indian Forest Act was introduced by the
British in 1865 and was a first attempt at forest
62
legislation. The aim was to create forest
enquiring into and settling the rights which it
reservations to meet national and regional
so vaguely saved, and gave no power for
long term needs for resources such as water
regulating
supply, soil conservation etc. However, the
appropriating them". In 1875 a memorandum
merits of a particular block of forest chosen for
was
reservation were determined by a revenue
Memorandum
officer and not by a forest officer. The
Proposed for British India, in which the subject
interests of the agriculturists presumably were
was discussed in all its bearings, and definite
amply safeguarded during the creation of the
suggestions regarding forest legislation for
reserve forests. In the hill region 50 per cent
India were made.
the exercise
published
by
on
D.
the
of
such
Brandis,
Forest
without
entitled,
Legislation
of the forest area was generally excluded from
reservation and the plains the non-reserved
Indian Forest Act of 1878
area set aside as village commons were about
In the year 1878, the Indian Forest Act VII was
three times as large as the reservation. In
passed, extending to all provinces of British
tribal areas, the needs of the tribes were
India, except Madras, Burma, the Hazra
identified and provided for within the reserved
district in Punjab, Ajmer, Coorg, Berar and
forest.
Baluchistan. When the Indian Forest Act of
Shortly after it had been passed, the Act of
1878 was first drafted, it was intended to
1865 was found to be insufficient, and as early
create only one class of democrated state
as 1868 proposals for its amendments were
forests, viz. reserved forests, originally so
submitted to the government. At the Forest
called because the areas were reserved for
Conference held in Allahabad in 1873-74, the
cultivation, but as their formation would take
defects of the Act of 1865 were brought
time, provision was also made for the
prominently
Powell
protection of the government forest areas
presented in the Conference, a paper entitled,
generally, until it could be decided what areas
to
notice.
Baden
"Forest Legislation and the Defects of the
Existing Law" and criticized the act of 1865
should be maintained permanently as forests
by constituting them demarcated or reserved
severely. However, the main deficiencies were
forest. The constitution of reserved forests
those noticed by Hope in the Viceregal
was surrounded by every safefuard against
Council which met on 6th March, 1878. He
any possible infringement of private rights and
observed, "It drew no distinction between the
secured a permanent settlement, where as
forests which required to be closely reserved,
the second class of demarcated state forests,
even at the cost of more or less interference
known as protected forests offered but an
with private rights, and those which merely
insufficient guarantee for their stability and
needed general control to prevent improvident
working. It also provided no procedure for
protection Existing rights were recorded in
such forests, but not settled.
63
A separate Act was passed for Burma in
waste lands in Berar were declared as the
1881, as the Chief Commissioner declined to
indisputable and entire property of the state.
extend the Indian Act to his Province.
The same year a Forest Regulation was
Similarly, the Madras Government declared
passed for Baluchstan in consonance with the
that the Indian Forest Act could not be
Berar Forest Law. In 1887, the Upper Burma
extended to Madras, as the formation of
Forest Regulation was passed. It moved
reserves, as contemplated by the Act, could
generally on the lines of the Burma Forest Act,
not be accomplished. The rights of the
entirely so with regard to the creation of
villagers over the waste lands and jungles
reserves. As regards property rights and user,
were considered to be of such nature as to
it was distinctly laid down that the practice of
prevent government from forming independent
shifting cultivation conveyed no right and
states property. Madras therefore pereferred
could be abolished at the pleasure of the
to legislate locally. Brandis was then deputed
government.
to Madras in October 1881 and one of the
In 1890 the Upper Burma Forest Regulation
most important results of this deputation was
was extended to the Shan states. Next year in
the passing of the Madras Forest Act of 1862,
1891, the Assam Forest Regulation was
which came into effect from 1st January,
sanctioned and was formulated entirely on the
1883.
Upper Burma Regulation. As a sequel of the
The Burma and Madras Acts proceeded on
passing of the Indian Forest Act of 1878, the
the same general lines as the Indian Act, but
area
they differed on an important point, that the
Department at the end of March 1888
general Indian Act recognized two different
amounted to 79,710 square miles of reserved
classes of state forests, i.e., reserved and
and protected forests. By 1889-90 the area of
protected,
reserved and protected forests had risen to
while
the
later
enactments
recognized only one class. The Burma Act on
under
the
control
of
the
Forest
86,000 square miles.
the other hand provided that any land at the
disposal
of
the
government
could
be
any village community or group of such
Indian National Forest Policy,
1894
communities.
more
The next step towards forest management in
expedition’s method of procedure, and in this
India was the declaration of the forest policy in
respect also the Burma Act was superior to
1894, following the report of Dr. Voelcker on
the India Act. The Madras Act contained no
the
provision for the constitution of village forests
published in 1893, which stressed the need
in the above sense. In 1886 the Berar Forest
for
Law was sanctioned according to which all
conformation with the agricultural interests of
constituted as a village forest for the benefit of
This
was
a
much
"Improvement
formulating
of
the
Indian
forest
Agriculture",
policy
in
64
the country. The main objective of the forest
Although it was not until 1865 that the formal
policy was:
structure of an all India Forest Department
(1)
The
sole
object
to
which
the
was set up, the environmental debate in which
management of forests is to be directed is to
state forestry originated had already been
promote the general welfare of the country.
going on for three decades before the
(2)
promulgation of this Act, and these debates
The maintenance of adequate forests
is dictated primarily for the preservation of the
were
climate and physical conditions of the country
surgeons. It is obvious that when the Forest
and secondly to fulfil the needs of the people.
Department was constituted in the 1860s, the
With the above two safeguards, it can be
state of those forests which were of easy
stated that, (a) permanent cultivation had
access was extremely poor and chaotic and
priority over forest, (b) to meet the demands of
the
the local population free or at nominal rates,
administration vague. In certain areas the
meant overriding of all considerations of
progress of the department was also slow.
revenue, and (c) after fulfilling the above two
However, the establishment of the Forest
conditions, realization of maximum revenue
Department gradually brought this wasteful
was to be the guiding factor. The salient
system of exploitation to an end.
features of the forest policy were to classify
The drafting of proper forest laws for the
existing forests into four classes: (a) forests,
different provinces was considered between
the preservation for which was considered
1869 and 1878. The first question which came
essential on climatic or physical grounds, (b)
up for settlement was, to what extent the long
forests which afforded a supply of valuable
continued right of user, to, the free collection
timber, (c) minor forests, and (d) pasture
of
lands.
bamboos, grazing and shifting cultivation in
The forests of the first two categories were
the waste lands, should be regarded as
ordinarily to be settled and declared reserved
constitution a prescriptive right, on the other
forests, and those under third and fourth
hand, it was acknowledged that government
category, with extensive rights and to be
as the guardian of all public interests must
managed mainly in the interests for the local
insist on the regulation of these rights so as to
community, were to be declared as protected
render possible a good management of the
forests. New rights could spring up in a
reserved forests in the interests of the country.
protected forest but not in a reserved forest.
However, the profit motive prevailed and still
Broadly
forest
prevails. To obtain a sustained revenue from
everything was an offence that was not
the forests, Brandis evolved a very simple
permitted while in a protected forest nothing
method on the concepts of Dauerwald and
was an offence that was not prohibited.
method du controlle. This method required
speaking
in
a
reserved
dominated
ideas
for
by conservationists-cum-
their
small produce
management
such
as
and
fuel, grass,
65
complete enumeration of the forests, and the
permissible cut was related to the actual
increment in terms of the number of trees of
all size and classes. The silvicultural system
was,
"Protection-cum-Improvement,"
an
innovation and an unorthodox departure, but
eminently suited to the condition of the crop
then prevailing. This definitely resulted in
improvement of the growing stock and was
also a guarantee against overfelling.
In the early days of forest administration
another great difficulty was apathy and
disbelief in the destructiveness of forest fires.
When the Forest Department came into
existence, the great majority of the forests in
India were in an extremely poor condition,
open and interspersed with grass blanks,
large areas frequently containing no tree
growth whatever because of the impossibility
Forests Conflicts during the
Nineteenth Century
Early years of forest administration in India
were beset with problems. As the Forest
Department was assigned a difficult and
unpopular duty of protecting the heritage of
nature from the rapacity of man—a duty which
aroused
strong
predominantly
antagonism
agricultural
of
population,
the
the
troubles could be anticipated. Before the
management
of
forests
was
taken
up,
villagers had absolute rights over them, like
their own property. In the villages, subsistence
use of forests contributed primarily to the
gradual deterioration of quality in nearby
woodlots and grazing lands. Moreover shifting
cultivation in some parts of the subcontinent
made growth of young trees difficult and thus
to the continued viability of forests.
of extending fire protection. When the whole
With the introduction of organized forestry, the
countryside was ablaze, it was only some
British on the one hand promoted extension of
isolated pockets that could be protected. Fire
agriculture consequent upon the growth of
protection was thus introduced for the first
population, but on the other access to forests
time in Madras Presidency in 1860. But the
was restricted, so as to ensure commercial
work did not progress and as late as 1882,
exploitation and promote rapid growth of the
only 300 square miles of forest, were under
railway network especially in the last decade
fire protection in Madras. Concomitantly fire
of the nineteenth century. This must have
protection was also introduced in other parts
resulted in the overuse of the remaining
of India like the Central Provinces, North
forests available to villagers and drastic
Western Provinces and Bombay and at the
reduction in the forest support base for
end of 1880-81, about 11,000 square mile of
agriculture on unit area basis. It was thus
forests were artificially protected from fire in
obvious that inroads on indefeasible and
India; by the end of 1884-85 this area had
immemorial rights created a general sense of
been increased to 16,000 square miles and in
insecurity
1900 it was 39,000 square miles.
people.
and
resentment
amongst
the
66
The villagers were also against the forest
A detailed analysis of the 'anti-agriculture'
policy
attitude
of
fire
protection
which
involved
of
the
Forest
Department
was
arranged burning so as to reduce to the
presented by J.A. Voelcker in his 'Report on
minimum
or
the Improvement of Indian Agriculture 1893'.
incendiary fires. The burning of pastures and
Referring to the enormous stress under which
forests in an unrestricted way was traditional
Indian agriculture was functioning Voelcker
in the tribal and Himalayan region, for the
called for an immediate constitution of 'Fuel
people knew that it promoted the growth of
Fodder Reserves', somewhat akin to the idea
grass. Further, the burning removed the
of Brandis of village forests. The government
accumulation of chir-pine needles which on
took cognizance of the point raised in
being accumulated became slippery and
Voelcker's report and in the forest policy of
made cattle movement hazardous. Regarding
1894 it was provided that agricultural and
the restriction on this practice, Pt. Govind
other local requirements could be satisfied as
Ballabh Pant (who later on became Home
long as they did not affect the Imperial
Minister of India) commented in his book "The
interests.
Forest Problem of Kumaon" which was
Whatever are the provisions made in this
published in 1922. ”This is a source of
forest policy regarding the requirements of
widespread hardship and the opinion of all
local
classes of people seems to be unanimous on
further as priority was given to the Imperial
this point."
interest. Ribbentrop Inspector General of
Further before launching the forest policy no
Forests from 1885-1900 has himself stated
information was sought on the requirements of
that by the end of 1897-98, 33, 738 square
the different villages. It was only on paper that
miles of forests were closed to all animals and
the authorities determined the nature and
28,146 square miles to browsers.
extent of the rights alleged to exist in favour of
The British forest policy affected most the
any person or on any forest produce of the
forest dwellers and people from hills, who
same. There was little or no compensation
were either living in the forests for centuries or
awarded to the claimants, whose rights were
were
disregarded under section 29, clause 3 of the
management
India Forest Act. According to this clause, "No
between
such notification shall be made unless the
communities were rendered alien in their own
nature and
homelands.
the
danger
extent of
of
accidental
the right of
the
population,
the
dependent
situation
upon
the
disturbed
them
and
Thus
the
there
worsened
forests.
the
relationship
forests.
was
The
a
These
marked
government and of private persons in or over
antipathy and hostility towards the measures
the forest land or waste land comprised
adopted by the Forest Department in several
therein have been enquired into and recorded
areas in the subcontinent. One of the most
at a survey or settlement."
important examples of the manifestation of
67
this hostility was the insurrection, of the Chota
opposition to state forestry was therefore
Nagpur
more intense amongst the tribals.
area
in
the
1830s.
After
this
insurrection, the British declared this region as
Another example of forest conflict can be
a 'Non-Regulated Area'. Later the tribal areas
observed in the Gudem Rampa risings.
were demarcated as 'Agency Areas' and still
Gudem and Rampa are hill tracts, located
later on as 'Scheduled Areas' and still later on
near the Godavari River in Andhra Pradesh.
as 'Scheduled Areas and their administration
During the nineteenth century the denizens of
was a separate affair, But the inhabitants
this region also protested against the forest
continued the struggle for their rights.
policy which threatened their territory and
Similar sentiments were expressed by the
customary ways of life. Apart from other
people of Bastar in the nineteenth century
causes the policy of forest management which
against the forest policy. But the embers of
was against the agricultural practice of shifting
dissent soon died down to surface later in
cultivation or 'Podu' and grazing and forest
1910 as a forest rebellion. In Bastar the
taxes, manifested in the form of dissent
measures
against the colonial forest management.
taken
to
implement
forest
administration and the way in which they were
Forests as an unfit homeland for tribals were a
implemented were the main cause of the tribal
colonial construct to using their rights over
uprising of 1910. In a report on the rebellion
forest.
as cited in the book. 'The Hour of the Fox...
woodlands was brought to an abrupt end. An
"The Government was informed of the main
equally significant resistance to organized
grievances of the tribals: the inclusion of
forestry came up from the tribals in Jaunsar
village lands in reserves of forest, with a
Bawar. From 1860s the forests of Jaunsar
subsequent forced removal of villagers and
Bawar in Dehradun district had attracted the
the burning down of their dwellings, and, in
attention of the alien rulers. There forests
general, the high handed treatment and unjust
were important mainly for three reasons, viz.,
exactions on the part of forest officials." The
as a source of perennial supply of wood for
alienation of the locals from forest use and the
the railway, for training the rangers of the
consequent discontent can also be observed
forest school at Dehradun which had been
amongst the tribals of Thane district in
established in 1878 and for supplying fuel and
Bombay Presidency during the nineteenth
timber to the cantonment at Chakrata.
century. In the tribal areas forest were treated
In the settlement of 1868 the state divided the
as a community resource. The locals had free
forests into three classes. While first class
access to forest land for grazing their cattle,
forests were closed totally for protection, in
fuel wood and timber required for construction
the second class villagers had restricted rights
etc.
not
of pasturage and collection of timber. The
The
third class forests were meant for the
Even
considered
shifting
illegal
cultivation
and
was
improper.
Their
long
association
with
the
68
exclusive use of the peasants, but they were
been set apart to meet the demands of the
not allowed to exploit them for commercial
urban population and the national needs, had
purposes. The unsettled state of forest
to support the growing demands of the
demarcation made the villagers suspicious
increasing population up to 1947 and even in
that the government would gradually take over
the aftermath of independence the major
the third class forest too. Early protests were
concern of the government was to meet the
thus directed at this government monopoly
increasing demand for food for the teeming
and later at the confused legal status of the
millions. Grow more food was the call of the
third class forests. It was not clear, who held
day. Since the time of forest reservation the
the actual proprietary rights over this class of
human population has increased more than
forest, the state or the peasantry. Gradually
three
the peasants of Jaunsan Bawar resorted to
increase in the cattle population. Large areas
agitational forms of protest and defied the
of forest lands were released for agriculture
governments'
and other developmental activities. Between
control
over
commercial
fold
coupled
with
a
phenomenal
exploitation of forests.
1951 and 1976 agricultural land had increased
In the beginning commercial forestry in the
by 172.105 acres.
Central Himalayas depended on the torrid
Most of this area was obtained by clearing the
following rivers of the hills to carry felled logs
non-reserve forests. which were originally
to the plains where they were collected by
intended to meet the fuel wood and fodder
forest
railway
demands of the rural population. To give a
sleepers. The floating logs were considered
fillip to agriculture large dams and reservoirs
as the property of the Forest Department and
were constructed. Since dams are constructed
even though villagers had been repeatedly
on
warned that government property is sacred,
construction has become a part of the
theft became endemic and pilfering state
destructive process. In addition to the loss of
timber became a chronic form of crime in
vegetation due to submergence, the villagers
Jaunsar Bawar during the nineteenth century.
uprooted were resettled elsewhere, which
The early foresters while administering the
resulted in further deforestation. Various
forest did not constitute fuel and fodder
reserve forest areas have also been released
reserves. As a matter of fact reserve forests
for
were never established to meet the fuel wood
decreased owing to the lack of foresight and
and fodder needs of the rural population.
priorities of the policy makers.
These needs were thus to be met by forest
Thus for understanding forest management, it
areas set aside for other specific purposes.
is necessary to go deep into the history of
With the disappearance of unadministered
forestry from which forest management has
village forests the reserve forests, which had
evolved over the past century. It is also
contractors
and
sold
as
the
most
agriculture.
fertile
Forest
forest
cover
lands,
has
this
thus
69
essential to examine the forest practices of
Anonymous
the past and the fallacies of yester years, so
Department No. 8278, Letter dated 3rd December,
as to meet the challenge and the dilemma
National Archives New Delhi 1-7.
faced by the planners and foresters today,
Anonymous 1867 Indian Forester, December,
which are owing to the inadequate response
Dehradun 3-18.
of
Anonymous 1887 Indian Forester, September,
the
authorities
concerned
when
the
problems first began to surface. But the
government still fails to recognize the danger
signals of deforestation and the ecological
imbalance resulting into increasing floods, soil
erosion, heavy siltation and change in micro
climate. It is unfortunate that even after over
five
decades
of
independence,
forestry
continues to be just a legacy of the British
1819
Public
A,
Public
Works
Dehradun XVI.353.
Anonymous 1983 Indian Economic and Social
History Review XX.301-324.
Anderson, Robert S. and Huber Walter 1988 The
Hour of the Fox Balfour, E.C. Balfour, H.G. 1819
Notes on the influence exercised by trees in
inducing rains and preserving moisture, 25 state
Archives, Lucknow PP. 402-408.
Brandis,
D.
1880
Review
of
the
Forest
rulers and is yet to reconcile to the needs of
Administration in Several Provinces under the
the locals as well as ensure continued
Government of India for the Year 1877-78, Supdt.
resurgence of the forest wealth.
Government Printing Press Simla, 2.
Guha, Ramchandra and Gadgil, Madhav 1988State Forestry and Social Conflict in British India: A
Literature Consulted
study in the Ecological basis of Agararian Protest,
Anonymous 1816 Public Consultation A, 14th
March, No. 22, National Archives, New Delhi 1-3.
Anonymous 1817 Home Public A, Letter No. 21 of
1817 dated 28th August, National Archives, New
Delhi 2-5
Anonymous
Technical Report January, No 51.
Centre of Ecological Sciences, Indian Institute of
since, Bangalaore.
Heber, A. 1828 Narrative of a Journey through the
Upper Provinces of India from Calcutta to Bombay
1824-25 London 274.
1848
Home
16-18
Hill, H.C. 1890 Review of the Forest Administration
Consultation, 30th September, Letter of Assistant
in British India for the year 1887-88 Supdt.
Surgeon Edward Balfour, Madras Army to the
Government Printing Press Calcutta-2.
Secretary,
Nadkarni, M.V. 1989- The Political Economy of
Government
of
Public
Madras,
A,
National
Archives, New Delhi 9-19.
Forest use Management Sage Publications New
Anonymous 1819 Public A, Proceedings, 23rd
Delhi. 56-57.
June No. 9, Letter of Major General W. Cullen,
Powell, Baden and J. Skves Gamble, (editors),
Resident at Travancore and Cochin, dated 8th
1874 Report of the Proceedings of the Forest
December to J.F. Thomas, Esq. Chief Secretary,
Conference 1873-74 held at Allahabad, January
Government, Fort St. George, National Archives,
15-19, 1874 Supdt. Government Printing Press
New Delhi 1.
Calcutta 3-29.
70
Ribbentrop, B. 1900 Forestry in British India,
Stebbing E.P. 1933 The Forests of India, London
Supdt. Government Press Calcutta, 65-175.
1: 62-367.
Schlich, W. 1884 A Review of the Forest
Tucker, Richard 1979- Forest Management and
Administration for
Imperial Politics : Thana District, Bombay 1823-
the
year
1881-82,
Supdt.
Government Printing Press Simla -2
Singh
J.S.
Regeneration
(Editor)
in
1985
Himalaya
:
1887. The Indian Economic and Social History
Environmental
Concepts
Review Vol XVI (13), July-September.
and
Strategies Gyanodaya Prakashan, Nainital- 262292.
Sushma Rawat
All Saints College, Naini Tal, India
Photo: SCHIMA
71
THREE FORESTS AND A SACRED GROVE
CULTURAL ROOTS OF FOREST COMMONS IN THE
HIMALAYAS 1800-2001
Introduction
cheating and shirking is held in abeyance.
On July 14th, 1993, following the lead of many
Such a correlation can best be assessed in
other
the case studies documented here.
Indian
states
and
the
central
government, the Punjab Government passed
a resolution acknowledging the needs and
rights of communities to play a role in the
management of forests89. This was a needless
and a-historical irony. Punjab, and for that
matter the whole of northern India, has a rich
cultural heritage of customary law sensitive to
insecure
conditions
necessity
for
and
the
dynamic
consequent
agri-pastoral
communities.
Karanpur and Panjaur in the foothills of NorthWest Himalayas were sustained as buffers for
an entire region by sedentary cultivators and
nomadic pastoralists. They thus ensured
natural diversity through mutually devised and
jointly monitored rules of access. Any misuse
was sanctioned with the help of cultural mores
of shame and ostracism rather than through
recourse
Culture is thus both a catalytic agent and a
preservative in forest environments. A ‘forest
ethic’ based on principles of reciprocity and
trust provided the framework of a moral
economy for
The forests of Shahpur Kandi, Brindaban-
forest
resource-users.
This
to
punishment.
monetary
fines
or
legal
In the process they ensured
stability of not only the forests but the natural
eco-systems of the doabs or interriverine
areas of the Punjab to which they were
related.
deterred free-riding and a consequent tragedy
on the mountain forest commons in the last
This was remarkable because of increasing
200 years which would otherwise have most
erosion
certainly
on
caused by external factors like: first, the
forests for livelihoods was heavy in the north-
Forest Department controlling shamilat forests
west Himalayas. Culture, understood thus,
and thus undermining co-operative systems of
can be discerned in the long run as those
management; second, by the encroachment
institutions which induced those values of self-
from the reservoirs built for three dams – the
governance which mattered in regulating
Thein, Pong and the Bhakra - which are
access, use and policing of forests such that
almost tacked on to the forest
89
occurred
since
dependence
Government of Punjab "Joint Forest
Management: Resolution No. 46/27/93-FTIII/8284," Chandigarh, Department of Forests, 14
September, 1993.
of
and third,
common
property
resources
boundaries;
from the pressure of population
growth both inside the forests and in the
surrounding hills and plains of northern India.
72
Such resilience can best be assessed by
graziers
comparing these forests to a sacred grove in
customary rules of access, of use and of
the Siwaliks which had been insulated by
policing to minimise conflicts. Thus it is that
religious institutions from all those factors
the pastoralists and farmers were able to turn
which had threatened our sample forests in
"open access" forests and pasturelands into a
the same region.
system
and
of
the
cultivators
controlled
agreed
"common
on
access"
resources.
The Culture of a Forest Ethic
Such forest-use were linked to a net-work of
The Evolution of a Forest Ethics:
common property resources which consisted
Northwest India
of specific common lands or shamilat-deh of
The three forest commons in this paper are
the agricultural villages and were used in
remnants, albeit in a modified form, of a
conjunction with the regional common pastur-
situation of resource-use which continue to be
es situated in the chhambs or marshes in the
based on principles of reciprocity and trust. In
flood plains, in the bar or upland ridges
1961, it was estimated that over 1500 square
between the rivers, the lowland riparian tracts
miles of shamilat-ban (communal forests) still
(belas), and to the grazing runs of the forested
covered the lower Siwaliks, representing
hills of the Lower Siwaliks and the alpine
much
forest
meadows of the Upper Himalayas. Thus our
resources90. This resilience of the shamilat
three communal forests were linked to a
system of managing forests continues to be
whole region even though its problems had to
largely a response to the need to survive
be handled by those who held them as
against natural threats. Thus the three forests
common property.
of Shahpur Kandi, Karanpur- Brindaban and
Thus the shamilat forests like the three in our
Panjaur were part of the Greater Punjab
study of the Siwaliks are of particular interest
region of six inter-riverine regions or doabs.
because they do not conform to a self-
Each of these doabs defined an eco-system
sufficiency model of "one-village-one-forest."
and the forests stood like dividers between the
Instead, their management integrates the
mountains and the plains below. These
needs of diverse communities across varying
forests then were like buffers for transhuming
distances in a range of human-ecological
graziers who moved through these forests
systems. These management systems were
from the plains below to the mountains above
founded
through these forests. The forests were held
synergistic linkages between users, optimally
by sedentary farmers as their commons. Such
tapping into the inherent characteristics of
use could only be sustained if both the
different ecological niches. For example, when
of
the
Punjab's
remaining
on
complementary
needs
and
J.B. Lyall visited the Kangra area of Himachal
90
1.
Punjab Forest Administration Report, 1960-61:
Pradesh in the 1870's, he noted the limited
73
carrying capacity of livestock in the upper
the forest stock buffer area, while needs of
Himalayan pasturage. This forced the Lahuli
outside pastoralists for extensive sheep and
pastoral nomads to use their summer grazing
goat pasturage could also be accommodated.
lands for very short periods and only for a
Operationally, shamilat (commons) institutions
limited number of sheep. To compensate, the
have
Lahulis hired professional outside herders to
disincentives
graze their additional animals in the lower
cheating,
91
elevation commons.
provided
an
to
shirking,
effective
counter
structure
of
tendencies
of
free-riding,
and
more
Such co-management
generally, to dissuade the urge to overexploit
arrangements allowed the Lahulis more time
forests. Access regulations have been design-
to trade and supplement their earnings, while
ed to minimise supply and demand gaps
also providing them with capital to negotiate
caused by seasonal variations in product
and further reinvest in mutual resource use
availability, as well as to share the uncertainty
agreements. Without such agreements, the
over time and space among a large number of
fragile alpine pastures would have been
users dependent on different forest products.
rapidly degraded through overexploitation.
A "forest ethic" or strategy has been followed
Hence the survival of collaborative forest
which assumes that survival is dependent on
management stemmed from its function as a
minimising risk, rather than optimising returns
critical
farming
from forest extractions92. This approach has
communities of the plains and the pastoralists
emphasised the stability of product flows and
of the Himalayas. In the doab (land between
the sustainability of the forest as top priority --
two rivers) the shamilat forests of the foot hills
rather than the maximisation of short term
complemented the vegetation of the upper
productivity.
mediator
between
the
hills and lower plains, serving as important
buffer resources which absorbed the shocks
of uncertainty in the two contrasting ecological
zones.
In the absence of access control
agreements,
patterns
potentially
might
confrontation
and
have
conflicting
led
social
to
Mapping out a Culture of
Accommodation: An
explanation:
use
For centuries, human populations in northwest
constant
India have relied on the characteristic regional
disruption.
The
variations
in
rainfall,
temperature,
and
shamilat tracts were also seasonally comple-
vegetation to develop appropriate resource
mentary to regions in the north and south.
use systems which minimise risk. Forest
They provided moist and fertile soil which was
diversity in the Punjab can be explained by
suitable for cultivation and pasture. The smallscale agricultural lands needed for intensive
use by local cultivators could be drawn from
91
Kangra Settlement Report, 1865-72.
92
I am borrowing the term "forest ethic" from
Scott's use of the term "subsistence ethic". James
C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant,
(Yale University Press, New Haven, 1976, 1978) :
2.
74
the
rainfall
map,
approximately
century, the plains, valleys and lower hills
corresponds to altitudinal contour lines. Rain-
served primarily as the arable crop lands.
fall varies from 5 to 10 inches a year in the
Residents of the less fertile upper hills and
Great Indian dessert (the Thar), increasing to
mountains depended primarily on pastoral
over 30 inches in the progression northeast
resources. Neither region could be completely
toward the higher elevation Siwalik and
divorced or survive independent of the other.
Greater Himalaya. In the plains and lower
While the plains faced long droughts with
Siwalik hills, low and erratic rainfall averaging
highly unpredictable rains, flash floods, and
between 20-25 inches, combined with the
volatile river action during the monsoons, the
heat of tropical latitudes, creates a forest
upper hills confronted heavy rain throughout
comprised of thorny shrubs and Acacia
the monsoons, as well as harsh winters. The
species (e.g. khair, babul). Moving toward the
middle hill Siwalik region occupied a midway,
higher
moderate
position
Himalayas, greater rainfall creates conditions
Himalayas
and
conducive
temperate
pasturage, forest vegetation, and land for
vegetation types. This vertical and horizontal
cultivation, acting as a common resource pool
variety in the range of forests stretching from
and buffer. A symbiotic relationship thus
the Hindu Kush mountains in the northwest to
coalesced between the two major user
the Dhars of Kangra is further vivisected by
groups, the sedentary cultivator and the
several major rivers, delineated by their own
nomadic pastoralist. (Figure 1)
distinct ecosystems. Within each interriver
Many of the fodder requirements of plain and
plain (doab), the mountain forests experience
hill communities were met through grazing the
higher rainfall during the monsoons, colder
stubble from cultivated fields during fallow
and more severe winters, and more pleasant
periods, as well as grazing the community
summers than those forests of the lower hills,
commons.
valleys and tropical plains. These sharp, but
arose, especially when crops were still in the
simultaneous differences in temperature and
fields, effectively closing them to grazing.
moisture at varying altitudes create conditions
During these periods, grazing needs were
of resource complementarity over time and
primarily met from pasturage in the Siwalik hill
space. These complementary niches have
forests. The Gujars (transhuming grazer)
historically been understood and effectively
would travel from the southern plains in
utilised by traditional grazers.
summer to graze their animals in these
Such complementarity of regions depended
forests, while in the winter, the Gaddi shep-
on a culture of accommodation because there
herds travelled down from the alpine ranges of
is both regional specialisation as well as a
the upper Himalayas. The Siwalik buffer
situation of interdependence. In the nineteenth
forests served as the seasonal commons,
altitudes
for
of
which
the
deciduous
Siwaliks
and
and
the
However,
between
plains.
the
It
seasonal
upper
provided
shortfalls
supplementing fodder shortages in both north
and south.
Figure 1
75
76
The Siwalik forests like Shahpur Kandi,
use patterns in each area of the doabs was
Brindaban-Karanpur and Panjaur were also
linked to the larger region by these seasonal
perceived as a reserve or buffer, comparable
pastoralist movements, as shown in figure1 by
to those lands which lay under long fallow.
arrows
Sedentary cultivators would alternate their
movements. The location of long fallow
pastures between fields under short fallow
pastures for grazing in the sub-montane tract,
(banjar jadid), and fields of uncultivated, long
above the Shamilat hill forests, determined
fallow (banjar kadim). In the plains, these
these seasonal movements.
longer
the
In the spring, or after the rabi crop was
shamilat-deh or village commons. The Siwalik
harvested, animals could return to the fields to
forests
pastures
graze on the rabi stubble and grass. In the
throughout the year for both nomadic livestock
summer, cattle of the highland Gaddis would
from the mountains and plains, as well as for
again move down to the hills and the
local farming communities. Functioning as a
mountain valleys (duns) in search of fodder94.
regional commons, access was well regulat-
The Gujars livestock would be herded up into
ed.
the sub-montane forests to graze on medicinal
fallows
This
were
provided
allowed
maintained
long
fallow
sustainable
as
cycles
of
indicating
The region's natural ecology clearly provided
monsoons broke, the herders would drive the
the basis for complex land-use patterns and
cattle back from the forested tracts in the hills
processes in the doabs. In the drier, pastoral
to the drier ridges of the doabs and then
lands to the south, as well as in the mountains
further to the lower Siwalik forests (see figure
to the north, open grazing was common.
1)95. Thus, the Siwalik hills, doabs and
Cattle owners entrusted their livestock to
submontane
grazers, who moved them in large herds
pastures for cattle from all three agricultural
(gols) across arid tracks, through riverine and
zones (ie. mountain, hill, plains).96
forest fallow, and to the hills.93 In each zone,
Reciprocal arrangements between cultivators
productive pasturage was found (see figure
and pastoralists frequently increased during
1).
unseasonable weather cycles and drought.97
The three regular seasonal movements of
A shortfall in rain or excessive summer
pastoralists occurred before the monsoons,
94
migrations were also practised during floods,
droughts, scarcities and famines. The land
93
Land Revenue & Agriculture (Famine)
Proceedings 3-4 A, Sept. 1885, p 324.
artemezia.
summer
shrubs
rabi harvest in summer. Additional "stress"
as
and
resource use and recovery.
after the kharif crop in winter, and after the
such
winter
forests
all
When
provided
the
winter
Ibid.
Ibid. Also Kangra Settlement Report, 1865-72, p
40.
96
J.M. Douie, D.C. Karnal to Commissioner and
Superintendent, Delhi Division, 8/8/1884, para 7,
Land Revenue and Agriculture (Famine)
Proceedings 3-4 A, Sept. 1885.
97
J.M.Douie, D.C. Karnal to Commissioner and
Superintendent Delhi Division 8/8/1884, para 7,
Land Revenue and Agriculture (Famine)
Proceedings 3-4 A, September 1885.
95
77
temperatures drove the cattle from water
groups99. In the nearby Lohara forests, the
holes of the arid southern plains in the districts
scattered communities had specific winter use
of Sirsa and Hissar to the riverine grasslands,
agreements for their shamilat forest pasturage
or up to the Siwalik and lower Himalayan
with migrant cattle herders from as far off as
98
forests . The lower temperatures and greater
Chamba, Lahul and the Dhaula Dhar100.
rainfall of the hills created a natural refuge
The sub montane forest fallow, chambs and
Messing with the Forest
Ethics - The Case of Three
Siwalik Buffer Forests
riverine grasslands were the most exploited
Canals and dams messing with the ethics?
areas, as they provided supplementary fodder
While the riverine plain and the Siwalik hills
resources to both the montane and plains
continued to support the pastoral systems to
regions. The fertile sub montane zone,
the north and south throughout the colonial
consisting of the districts of Hoshiarpur,
period, agricultural intensification in the plains,
Gurdaspur, Jullundur, Ambala and southern
facilitated by canal irrigation, resulted in a
Kangra,
two
shortening of fallow. At the same time,
pastoral areas. This zone met the pastoral
communal village pasturage on the long fallow
demands of two adjoining regions, unless
(banjar
unusual scarcities occurred.
privatisation and intensified cultivation. These
from scarcity or famine in the plains -- and a
logical destination for grazers from the south.
Due
to
was
sandwiched
these
was
shrinking
through
changes increased pressures on the sub-
management of sub-montane grazing grounds
montane and Siwalik hill forests. The growing
and forests like our three forests required
number of civil court cases over grazing
complex institutions to monitor access and
conflicts in the forest tracts indicates the rising
impose
pressures101.
when
pressures,
kadim)
the
sanctions
multiple
between
necessary.
The
shamilat forests had patches of cultivated
This process was further intensified by the
fields which were kept as long fallow. Grazing
construction of the Bhakra Nangal, the Pong
access to crop stubble, as well as long
and the Thein dam between 1947- 2001. Each
grasses and forest areas, were shared with
of these has been in the proximity of the three
both Gujars and Gaddis by sedentary villages.
forests. Consequently large tracts of pasture
Prior to 1961, 11 villages in the Hoshiarpur
both inside and outside of these forests have
area shared their shamilat forest with Gaddi
been inundated. In Shahpur Kandi even the
99
98
From Baden-Powell, Officiating Conservator of
Forests, Punjab, to The Secretary to Financial
Commissioner, Punjab, Letter No.335, dated
Camp Simla, 27/7/1869, para 30, Revenue &
Agriculture, Forest Department, pros 3-5 B, Oct.
1887.
Una, Hoshiarpur Settlement Report, 1876, para
103.
100
Ibid, para 108.
101
See Minoti Chakravarty-Kaul, "Common Land :
The Study of an Economic Asset with reference to
Delhi, Haryana & Punjab." PhD dissertation
submitted to the Delhi School of Economics, 1990.
78
forest lands have now been submerged. This
formerly controlled by 11 villages in Punjal
has
the
Tappah (now in Himachal Pradesh). The
the
Forest Department did not acquire the same
pressure of grazing in other areas which are
rights in all four areas, even though they were
fragile. In the case of the Shahpur Kandi
each designated reserved forests because the
forest grazers from outside have been more or
British
less stopped. This means that the relation
customary rights. In the cases of shamilat
between the cultivators and grazers has been
Panjal Khas, and Karanpur and Brindaban,
snapped.
the advocate of unilateral state control.
distorted
transhumant
the
movement
grazers
and
of
increased
could
not
completely
disregard
Baden-Powell had argued in 1869 that the
The Forest Department and
the Shamilat-Ban
forests "are the property of Government both
In the nineteenth century, the state gained
rights therein, " yet went on to note that, "by
authority over four forest ranges in the
practice, grazing is allowed and the collecting
Siwaliks. Two were inherited from the former
of brushwood for fuel and grass." However, he
Sikh rulers. The Shahpur Kandi tract covering
concluded "It is perfectly clear that Govern-
over 26,800 hectares of low hills has an actual
ment can place such restrictions on the
area of forest cover slightly more than
exercise of these rights as it pleases."103 In
11,0000
three
Lohara forest, these prior usufructs were not
ranges. Ownership of the forest soils and
honoured. In essence, the Forest Department
wastes
co-
could abrogate customary forest rights and
proprietary body, which acknowledged the
treat them as "privileges" or indulgences
reservation of rights of Gaddi shepherds and
which the Government then could chose to
Gujar herdsmen. The second was the bamboo
honour or not.
forests of Brindaban (4,310 acres) and
Even
Karanpur (7,535 acres) forests, which were
Department was unable to appreciate the
generously
critical nature of customary relationships
hectares,
was
distributed
vested
in
endowed
the
with
over
village
"gregarious"
in soil and trees; and the people have no
after
independence
the
Forest
and
between self-governing nomadic pastoralists
associated valuable trees such as khair
and sedentary agriculturists sharing the forest
(Acacia
(Tectona
commons, and therefore standardised policy
grandis)102 and two were shamilat forests in
measures and procedures. Once adopted,
Lohara and Punjal Khas which had been
such measures thwarted officials of the Forest
bamboo
(Dendrocalamus
catechu)
and
strictus),
teak
103
102
From C.A. Roe, Settlement Officer, Hoshiarpur,
To The Commissioner and Superintendent,
Jalandhar Division, No 217, 13/11/1872, Revenue
and Agriculture (Forests), Proceedings 3-5 B , Oct.
1887.
From Baden-Powell, Officiating Conservator of
Forests, Punjab, to The Secretary to Financial
Commissioner, Punjab, Letter No.335, dated
Camp Simla, 27/7/1869, para 30, Revenue &
Agriculture, Forest Department, pros 3-5 B, Oct.
1887.
Department
from
better
79
understanding
traditional controls undermined confidence in
traditional controls used by agriculturists and
old
pastoralists to protect resources. For example,
spurring conflicts between co-managers.
the Forest Department simply assumed that
In the early 20th century, the degradation and
all grazing practices were uncontrolled by
clearing of the reserve forests in the upper
community user groups. A 1959 report by the
catchments of the Siwalik hills are reported to
Himachal
Department
have exacerbated flash flooding, washing out
mentions" these grazers with their large flock,
30,000 acres of revenue-paying cultivated
which are ever on the increase, have always
land. Concerned over this loss of revenue, the
been conspicuous enemies of the forests“, etc
Punjab Government passed legislation to
etc."104
strengthen access controls105
In the minds of these foresters, conservation
government regulations did little to slow
meant
grazing
deforestation and conversion in the reserve
restrictions on forest use. Therefore the Forest
areas or to solve the problems of erosion and
Departments of the colonial and the post-
degradation, income from shamilat forests
independence period have pursued a policy to
continued
halt
by
collectively used in Panjaur to start the first
transhumant users and also by those who
Cooperative Credit Society in 1892. With the
have
passing of the Co-operative Credit Societies
Pradesh
total
"closure,"
grazing
had
Forest
on
or
strict
forestlands,
customary
rights
both
on
them.
agreements,
. Yet new
funds
was
were
sanctioned.
both timber and bamboo exploitation as in the
Yet, while the Forest Department could
Karanpur and Brindaban forests, instead
demonstrate the de-jure power to dictate
exposing the forests to rapidly expanding
access and use rules, it rarely had the
market forces. The entrance of commercial
presence on the ground for implementation.
utilisation,
Forest
This reality left the local communities as the
Department at a time when traditional rights
de-facto managers of the resource. For
such as grazing were being curtailed, placed
example, while the Brindaban and Karanpur
increasing strains on communal systems.
bamboo forests were taken over by the state,
Complementary
resource-user
local communities continued to use them for
relationships were forced to compete with the
grazing and the collection of timber and non-
growing role of state-supported, commercial
timber products. The Forest Department could
forest
society
106
same time restrict commercial exploitation of
the
the
These
and
Act
by
1912,
flow.
distrust
Inconsistently, official policy did not at the
encouraged
in
to
stimulating
officially
extraction. Ultimately, the eroded authority of
105
104
B.S. Parmar, Report on the Grazing Problems
and Policy of Himachal Pradesh. (Simla :
Government Press, 1959 ) : 14.
R.Temple, Secretary Chief Commissioner
Punjab to D.F. Mc. Leod Financial Commissioner
for Punjab, Hoshiarpur Settlement Report, 1856 :
106
Hoshiarpur Settlement Report, 1885 : 18.
Census of India, 1901, Vol. XVII, Part I : 62.
80
do little to stop them. This split between the
The situation was further complicated by inter-
government's legal rights and the community's
institutional tensions within the agency and by
customary rights on Shamilat required delicate
shifting policy positions.
negotiation and compromise, opportunities for
which were frequently stymied.
Minoti Chakravarty-Kaul
Independent Researcher,
New Delhi, India;
E-mail: [email protected]
Photo: SCHIMA
81
BIALOWIEZA UND SEINE DEUTSCHEN:
JAGD, FORST UND MENSCHEN IN ZWEI WELTKRIEGEN
Am Ende meines Berichtes über Bialowieza
Nimbus zu retten, bis zum Tod und über den
zur Zeit der deutschen Besetzung im Zweiten
Tod hinaus.
Weltkrieg, über Vorgänge, Begebenheiten und
Täter in einem Umfeld, das wohl als einzigartig innerhalb der Jagdgeschichte eingestuft
werden muss, habe ich die Feder mit einem
Gefühl der Bedrückung niedergelegt. Wie wird
die Öffentlichkeit der deutschen Jäger, denen
noch
heute
gerade
die
Namen
Ulrich
Scherping und Walter Frevert viel bedeuten,
auf
diese
Neuigkeit
aus
dem
Urwald
reagieren?
Vor der Debatte über Scherpings Anteil an
Mittäterschaft sollte man die Bialowies betreffenden
Seiten
des
„Kriegstagebuches
Polizeibataillon 322“ gelesen haben, Juni bis
August 1941. Dort wird Scherpings Rolle bei
der „Evakuierung“ und Zerstörung der Walddörfer offen gelegt.
Frevert hingegen war ab Frühjahr 1943 ein
Täter, nachdem Göring ihm den Auftrag der
„Befriedung“ erteilte, die den Kampf gegen
Zwei der prominentesten Jagdbeamten der
„Partisanen“
Vergangenheit wurden, unter Einwirkung des
schießungen und Hinrichtungen zuließ. In
obersten Jägers, Reichsmarschall Hermann
Andreas
Göring in Kriegsverbrechen verstrickt, konnten
Wirkungen Hermann Görings auf das deut-
aber in der Nachkriegszeit wiederum in
sche Jagdwesen) vom Jahre 1997 sind zum
höchste Positionen aufsteigen. In Ernst Klees
Schluss die Vorfälle sorgfältig dokumentiert.
Personallexikon zum Dritten Reich: Wer war
Vorausgegangen waren die Veröffentlichung
was vor und nach 1945… sind sowohl
des erwähnten Kriegstagebuches durch eine
Scherping wie Frevert nicht gelistet. Ihre
polnische Kommission 1967 sowie das Buch
neuen Karrieren waren – Frevert ausge-
von Waldemar Monkiewicz, Bialystock 1984
nommen – nicht gefährdet. Das ist ein gerade-
(Bialowieza w Cieniu Swastyki, B. unter dem
zu typisches Phänomen, das Zeitgeschichtler
Hakenkreuz). In meiner Studie liegt der
auch für andere Berufssparten der Nach-
Akzent
kriegszeit belegt haben. Könnte man, sollte
Bioalowisza
man – aus was für Gefühlen auch immer – die
deutsche Jagd- und Forstverwaltung mit dem
entdeckten Spuren verwischen, die begang-
Gebiet und seinen Menschen verfahren ist.
enen
Das
Grausamkeiten
vergessen?
Ulrich
betraf,
aber
Gautschis
zunächst
führt
auf
selbst
zu
und
einem
auch
Geiseler(Die
Dissertation
dem
Urwaldpark
darauf,
traurigen
wie
die
Kapitel
Scherping wie Walter Frevert haben es ver-
deutscher Jagdgeschichte, wie es sich nicht
standen, ihr Ansehen zu wahren, ihren
wiederholen darf. Gleichwohl muss es aufge-
82
deckt werden – spätere –Generationen könn-
Kurt Kehr
en mit mehr Abstand urteilen.
Geiersbergstrasse 7, D-35096 Weimar-Roth,
Photo: SCHIMA
Photo: SCHIMA
83
INVENTORY OF SOCIAL, SPIRITUAL AND
CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE WOODLAND
ERHEBUNGEN DES SOZIALEN;
SPIRITUELLEN UND KULTURELLEN ERBES
IN DEN WÄLDERN
Photo: SCHIMA
84
85
INTRODUCTION TO A PROJECT IDEA:
FOREST CULTURES IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES – NATURE,
WORK AND FREEDOM AS CULTURALLY CONSTITUTED
THEMES IN DIFFERENT FOREST CONTEXTS
The project presented in this paper, is 'under
‘freedom’. The chosen themes are also
construction'. It is still not an ongoing project,
relevant on several levels to current public
and it has no financial funding yet. But some
debates:
plans do already exist, and I hope to be given
a chance to realize them, in some way. How a
‘Nature’
real project might be designed, finally, is an
During the last decades the forest has been
open question. Therefore I will only write a
one of the main mobilizing subjects for
cursory, rough draft of a paper in order to
environmentalists
present some main points that indicate how I
Moreover, the forest has also been a place to
am thinking about a possible project, and to
look for what is ‘natural’ in a wide range of
invite interested colleagues to join a network
contexts, from romantic dreams of alternative
where the ideas could be identified and
lifestyles, to the use of wood as a building
developed further.
material because of it is ‘natural’ qualities. The
Here it should be added, that the rationale for
forest has been symbolizing ‘natural’ qualities
presenting these ideas is equally to get in
in very different situations. How many books
touch with relevant contacts for my own
have been written for children, where the
research, as well as to initiate a large common
characters representing a ‘natural’ friend-
project (which seems to be an investment with
liness, humanity and morale, come from the
uncertain results). So I have two main aims
forest (thus ‘naturalizing’ culture/culturalizing
with my presentation: 1.To discuss ideas and
‘nature’)? But the ‘natural’ aspects of the
perspectives that might be useful for my own
forest have also been seen as something to
field of research. 2. To get in touch with
be
researchers who are working on related
modernized. Therefore the ‘natural’ aspects of
topics, and where some also might be
the forests have also been wild, raw and
interested in coming along in developing a
undisciplined. The meanings of the forest as
new project. The idea is to concentrate the
‘nature’ have been multivalent, and they are
studies within a project on three themes that
changing. Although it seems obvious to
are
anyone
supposed
to
have
been
culturally
cultivated,
that
around
the
controlled,
the
forest
world.
civilized
is
‘nature’,
and
the
constituted with varying meanings within
meanings of it as ‘nature’ have been varying
different forest contexts: ‘Nature’, ‘work’ and
between different and changing contexts.
86
the
the forest have been used to represent
ecological ‘nature’ of a forest focused on by
idealized, and often mythologized aspects,
environmentalists and biologists, is no less
have also influenced the ways of thinking
culturally constituted as ‘nature’, than what
about ‘work’ in quite different contexts (then
could be said about any romantic view of the
often also told about as ‘work’ without some of
forest as ‘nature’, or about the forest as a
its essential and ‘original’ characteristics, that
place for ‘natural’ lifestyles. And it is the
are then assumed to have been reality in the
various ways of culturally constituting the
forest). Much could be learned about the
forest as ‘nature’, that I want to focus on.
meanings
of
concept.
Analyzing
Here
it
should
be
mentioned
that
‘work’
by
historicizing
cultural
the
meanings
‘Work’
associated
The forest has been associated with many
contexts may thus be useful to broaden our
different
been
perspectives on work during a time of
economically utilized on several levels, from
profound and rapid change in the ways of
the multitude of ways to use the forest
thinking about it. In many ways this project
resources for fuel, clothing, tools, housing and
may also deepen our understanding of the
kinds
of
work.
It
has
food, to the modern forestry and timer
industry, which have themselves undergone
with
‘work’ in
various forest
relations between work, nature, identities and
other aspects of everyday life.
radical changes during the last generations.
The idea with a project like this is not so much
‘Freedom’
to reconstruct how work has been done in
The forest has been associated with freedom
different situations in the forest, as it is to
and independence within a wide range of
analyze
culturally
ideological and cultural contexts. Life in the
constituted with varying meanings in various
forest used to be one of the frequently
forest contexts. From the forest many stories
portrayed motifs in national romanticism in
have been told about what ‘real work’ is (was),
Nordic as well as other cultures around the
and about how hard, heroic and masculine
world. In some situations the forest has also
work was in the past, prior to mechanization of
been referred to as a symbol for national and
the forest industry – in times before the big
ethnic strength and pride. One example is
machines took over. The forest has in many
how the forest and nature are integral to many
situations been associated with ideal qualities
aboriginal cultures. They have often used their
of ‘work’, and a common narrative custom has
harmony and contact with the forest and
been to contrast the picture of the ‘free’ and
nature as themes in their building of identities.
‘natural’ work in the forest, to the clock-
Another example to be mentioned is how the
controlled, dirty and noisy work in factories.
1930s nazi-ideology was also constructing
Images of ‘work’ where stories about work in
images of the forest as a place where ‘natural’
how ‘work’ has
been
87
purity and ‘Ordnung’ was realized. At the
between different contexts and historical
same
been
periods. An aim with a project like this should
considered a place of freedom for oppositional
be to investigate how those variations have
groups, radicals and criminals, for people
been expressed and constituted in selected
living in conflict with authorities, or in some
contexts where the forest has been important.
way ‘outside of society’. The forest has also
The three chosen themes have often been
been seen as a source of survival for poor
culturally constituted in very essentializing
people, as many resources in the forests were
ways. Whether the subject has been ‘nature’,
not under the control of landed proprietors. In
‘work’ or ‘freedom’, the forest has often been
modern times the forest has been seen as an
mentioned as a ‘home’ for the most ‘real’,
arena
urban
‘pure’, ‘genuine’, ‘true’, ‘primeval’, ‘original’ or
populations. People in the cities have been
‘primitive’. Countless stories have been told
telling their stories about the forest as a place
about the forest as ‘genuine nature’, about the
of ‘freedom’ (and ‘natural’ life). By analyzing
forest as an arena for ‘real work’, or the forest
such attitudes, it should be possible to
as a place where the most heartfelt forms of
illuminate
identity-
‘freedom’ can be experienced. The meanings
building processes in general, especially how
expressed in the stories and told in such
they are often getting their themes and
situations have much in common, but they
metaphors from the nature. As identities break
also vary. Although the essentialized ways of
up, it is important to consider how they have
talking make the stories sound ‘the same’,
been made and maintained, not at least
their meanings are seldom exactly the same
through
time,
for
the
forest
recreation
has
for
also
growing
interesting aspects of
stories
myths
about
the
when they are told in different contexts.
‘nature’
and
the
The focus in a project like this should be on
characteristics of life for various groups,
continuity as well as change, on similarities as
peoples and nations.
well as differences, between the meanings
Themes like the three roughly outlined above,
connected to ‘nature’, ‘work’ and ‘freedom’.
are always difficult to delimit and concretise.
And when one is concerned with ways of
‘Nature’, ‘work’ and ‘freedom’ are themes
talking about themes that seem to have been
appearing almost everywhere in our culture.
stable and common, it should anyway be an
They are woven into almost all fields of life, in
aim to investigate how those meanings have
more or less identifiable ways. And their
been connected to – and constituted in –
presence can in some way easily be found in
specific historical contexts. When investigating
the
this, one will probably discover that even the
relationship
and
between
most
different
situations.
Although
social
‘nature’,
and
cultural
‘work’
and
apparently most stable and fixed meanings
‘freedom’ can be seen as themes common to
vary in their cultural makings. Because when
many cultures, their meanings have varied
the contexts change, the meanings of the text
88
will also vary, no matter how similar the
among loggers in different situations and
words, stories, expressions and signs might
stages of history. At the same time this could
look at first sight. Thus the meanings of
be compared with meanings of ‘work’ being
stories told all over the world about forest life
expressed in other forest contexts, where the
emphasizing ‘nature’, ‘work’ and ‘freedom’,
work has been more concentrated on utilizing
are never quite the same, regardless of how
forest resources other than timber (this could
similar they might seem to be on the surface.
also be compared historically within the same
For example, the forest has been associated
regions, because in North America and
with
working
Scandinavia the use of the forests has also
loggers in Nordic forests, and it has been
included non-timber forest products, traditional
seen as a source of ‘freedom’ among German
botanicals and recreation, as it has in other
tourists who have been searching forests for a
forest regions of the world).
‘freedom’
among
manually
kind of ‘Waldeinsamkeit’ (loneliness in the
forest). The content and meaning of the
There have been not only similarities and
‘freedom’ of the logger and the ‘freedom’ of
differences, but also interrelations between
the tourist has then been very different.
the various contexts where the three selected
Another
example
is
that
the
forest
is
themes have been involved. The forest as
considered an arena for ‘hard work’, ‘real
‘pure nature’ has of course been associated
men’s work’, and as work for masculine
with other meanings for environmentalists
heroes. Images like this probably apply more
interested in biodiversity, than for poets
immediately to the experiences and meanings
searching for some kind of natural virginity in
of the loggers in the highly mechanized and
the forest. But when ecologists and poets
capitalized North American forest industry,
have both seen some kind of harmony in the
than of the small Norwegian farmer.
Until
forest (as well as wilderness and conflicts),
recently, the small Norwegian farmer has
they might have been influenced by each
logged only a few weeks every winter in the
others ways of talking about the forest as
forests close to his farm, with much less
harmonious. Cultural meanings are never
industrialized kinds of technology and capital
fixed in certain contexts. Rather, they are fluid,
than in North America. Although the logging
and therefore their meanings are also flexible.
has been a work for men here to, the
Thus it can easily be imagined that stories told
meanings of the masculinity it might have
by environmentalists about the forest as
been associated to, has not been quite the
‘nature’,
same as for the loggers in more industrialized
metaphors, meanings and narratives from
forest cultures (which later developed in
stories told about forest and forest life by
Scandinavia too). It could be interesting to
poets. It might also have been the other way,
compare the different meanings of ‘work’
and ‘eco-poetry’ may have been influenced
might
have
‘borrowed’
words,
89
through ecological ways of imagining the
webs like this have worked within different
‘natural’ aspects of the forest.
concrete forest contexts around the world.
A
further
example
machine
One of my main incentives for putting forward
entrepreneurs in modern forestry may have
the present ideas about how to study themes
adopted aspects from previous ways of telling
like these within different forest cultures, is
about work in the forest. Their ways of
that my own research on cultural aspects of
mythologizing their lives as ‘free’ but ‘hard’
life in Scandinavian forest regions, needs to
working men in the forests, and their ways of
be compared and contrasted with the ways
constituting themselves as heroes of work,
the ‘same’ themes have been culturally
might have been influenced by stories told
constituted in forest contexts in other parts of
about mens forest work in previous periods.
the world. During a visit to the Pacific
Interrelations
Northwest (Washington, USA and British
diachronically
like
this,
that
constituted
through
Columbia, Canada) in the summer of 2002 I
historical and cultural processes, would be
made observations that incited me to think in
interesting
where
new ways about my own Scandinavian source
material from various cultures and contexts
materials. In the north american forest regions
could be comparatively investigated. Between
there are a lot of traces telling about
the various forest contexts there has probably
influences
been much continuity and intertextuality as
(through immigration), but at the same time
well as change. The meanings of stories told
there are also differences in the ways of
about life in connection to the forest should be
utilizing the forests. Here it should be
interpreted with this in mind.
emphasized that this is a region with many
None of the three themes should be analyzed
common characteristics with Scandinavia. It
in isolation from each other. Logging has been
might
seen as ‘real work’, but also (and therefore?)
comparative analysis of forest cultures in
as work in harmony (or in disharmony) with
much more different regions of the world.
‘nature’, and it has been seen as work in
What about studying
‘freedom’ from industrial control and discipline.
meanings of ‘nature’, ‘work’ and ‘freedom’
Aspects like this might have been mixed
have been culturally constituted (or may be
together in similar stories (and when loggers
not present at all) in tropical forest areas in
explain their feelings of ‘freedom’, they often
Africa, in the cultural encounters between
argue that their work is not only ‘real’ but ‘free’
Maoris and European colonizers on New
because it is situated in the ‘nature’). Thus the
Zealand, or in areas with much more extreme
meanings of ‘nature’, ‘work’ and ‘freedom’
conflicts about the forests, as in Amazonas or
have often been intertwined in complex
Papua New Guinea, or in regions where the
cultural webs. The idea is here to study how
forests have been subject to quite different
to
and
is
synchronically
explore
in
studies
be
from
even
Scandinavian
more
exciting
forestry
to
do
systematically how
90
kinds of use than as timber resource for
dimensions been marked by global themes,
industrial exploitation?
relations and relevance.
It would not be realistic to explore to a very
A ‘Forest Cultures’ project or network could be
large extent material from a variety of places
organised
in the world within the same study, or by the
methodologically in a lot of ways. One of the
same
researchers.
framed
theoretically
and
with
an
courses of interpretation that I want to try out
colleagues
and
within the project, is to focus on the narrative
contacts from different disciplines and places
aspects of the cultural processes through
around the world, it should be possible to
which the cultural meanings of ‘nature’, ‘work’
some extent to exchange ideas, literature and
and ‘freedom’ have been constituted. In a
information in ways that would be fruitful to all
wide range of situations people have been
the participants of a project. And of course a
telling
project like this would need a lot of money for
Through stories and figures of speech the
travelling, arranging conferences and for
themes from the forest have been manifested.
publishing the results. It should be a goal to
And thus the meanings of forest have been
make it possible for the participants to visit
culturally
forest milieus in other countries in order to
presentations. Among the sources for studies
carry out fieldwork as well as to collect
of this, it could be relevant to interpret not only
information and sources on some level.
memories told by people living in woodland
Regardless of all the problems associated
communities (I base much of my research
with doing extensive research in remote
upon memories told orally in interviews, but
regions, it would be fruitful for any study within
also on written stories and diaries, from
this field to involve cross-cultural and global
woodland regions in Scandinavia). Also,
perspectives in the analyses. Forest culture is
various kinds of literature, texts, traces and
a topic where this is very relevant. Since early
landscapes are ‘telling’ in various ways about
colonization the forest has been subject to
the forest as arena for ‘nature’, ‘work’ and
international interests and relations on many
‘freedom’. In the regions where the forest has
levels. The forest was all over the world one of
been important to people, be that as a mean
the resources that most of all interested the
of livelihood or as theme in ways of life, and in
colonizers. Therefore it became a frequent
life stories, there are accessible narrative
theme for conflict when western interests in
representations on various levels, from oral
timber and wood collided with traditional
tradition and local history to fictional stories
interests in utilizing and living in the forests.
where the forest is made a subject. Other
So in forest cultures the globalization has a
kinds of art could also be studied, from
long history, which can be studied on many
paintings and sculptures to films and poetry.
levels. And forest cultures have in many
Museums and historical exhibitions could in
international
network
However,
and
of
their
experience
constituted
with
through
the
forest.
narrative
91
such a project be used not only as a base of
To conclude, I want to underline that my
information about past forest life, but as
intention with this paper has just been to
primary
sources,
they
have
mention some themes and ideas for a
making
and
possible project and cooperation. These are
constituting culturally various aspects of life in
too unspecified to be presented as plans in
and with the forest. Many of those sources are
this paper, but they may be as roughly
easily
project
formulated, as they often need to be, when
researchers from various disciplines could
inviting colleagues to take part in further
come together and make cross-cultural as
developing them.
themselves
been
accessible.
because
actively
In
such
a
well as local and regional studies of how
people have been talking and telling about
‘nature’, ‘work’ and ‘freedom’ in various forest
contexts.
Ingar Kaldal
Institute for History and Classical Studies,
The Norwegian University for Technology and
Science, NTNU,
N-7491 Trondheim, Norway;
Photo: SCHIMA
92
INVENTORY
OF CULTURAL HERITAGE IN ESTONIA
Abstract
farmsteads, memorial stones and old place-
The term ‘object of cultural heritage’ can be
names. The data and the photos of the
taken to signify an anthropogenic historical
objects were digitalised after the fieldwork and
object
The
a digital map layer was created in the MapInfo
identification, registration, and exposition of
GIS software. The digital map, which is
these objects, as well as the problems of the
integrated
cultural heritage in the natural landscapes
photographs, can serve as a tool in making
(mainly in the forest) have started to receive
decisions related to forestry and planning,
more attention in Estonia over the last few
image development of the region and tourism
in
the
natural
landscape.
years. L. Tarang has developed a method for
with
the
database
and
development. The objects of cultural heritage
identifying and finding these objects. The
found in the forestlands provide added value
method was tested on 850 km2 area in the
to the forest. As a result of the work, initial
Western Estonia. The possible objects have
conclusions were made on the nature and
been categorized into 98 types, which are
condition of the objects of cultural heritage
divided between six groups of types. The
and the applied method proved to be suitable
method
for a broader inventory of the objects of
distinguishes
three
stages
of
inventorying: preliminary selection of regions,
cultural heritage in Estonia.
fieldwork and digitalisation of the collected
data. The preliminary selection of the regions
Introduction
is based on archives, museum collections,
Estonia is in the 15th year of its regained
topographic maps and interviews with the
independence. Looking back at the history, we
local population. This work resulted in a map
see that Estonia has been independent only
of preliminary selection of regions. During
for 35 years. Is this a sufficient amount of time
fieldwork,
were
to make the people identify themselves as a
inspected. The geographic coordinates of the
free nation? The freedom would have to be
object were determined, a photo was made
such that we would not borrow our culture of
and a questionnaire filled with 33 different
living from other nations, but would create and
characteristics of the object. During the
develop it from our own roots.
fieldwork, 270 objects of cultural heritage were
New tendencies in Estonia during the last
found in the pilot area; 46 % of these objects
decade have highlighted a problem, which has
were
not been noticeable before. Namely, it is the
all
located
common
pre-selected
in
types
objects
woodlands.
of
objects
The
were
most
old
problem
of
continuous
preservation
and
93
culture
long stone fences could not mark the borders
(including the forest culture). The somewhat
of ancient or medieval land possession and
late recognition of the problem is to some
some historians of culture believe that they
extent probably natural, because the nature of
are related to the ancient astronomy. The list
this problem always becomes apparent only
could be complemented with many more signs
after certain time gap. The same happened in
of culture related to the way of life of the
the Nordic countries 30 years ago and as a
peasants – turf cutting sites of the farms, ruins
result of the development of the society, the
of limestone kilns, charcoal kiln sites, tar kilns,
problem was recognized here as well.
old argil works and potash kilns.
maintenance
of
Estonian
land
The nature of the cultural
heritage
From the various existing
definitions of
culture, one of the most likeable comes from
Hando Runnel, a renowned Estonian writer.
‘Culture is not only some high intellectual
product, but first of all, it is home, the way of
being, acting and behaving as a free person.’
As a guiding principle in the society, the
Figure 1. A rare stone hay barn in the woodland
culture is primarily the people’s way of life,
which is related to health, ability to work and
In the last decades, only one part of the
the quality of life. If the culture is primarily a
cultural heritage – semi-natural communities –
way of life, it surely must express itself – it
has received more attention. As the need for
expresses itself in the signs of people’s way of
preserving and restoring biological diversity is
life. The signs of the way of life coming to us
a global problem, the funds from both internal
from the earlier generations are the signs of
and external sources have been used for their
cultural heritage.
protection and study. However, semi-natural
These could be forest roads between villages
communities themselves are parts of the
that have long disappeared, age-old trees
heritage landscape. It also includes other
around forsaken forester farms, or limestone
remnants of human activity, such as cattle
cellars that are the only remaining signs of old
paths, winter roads, barns, etc. Consequently,
farmsteads. These could also be stone fence
the heritage landscapes are valuable in
systems,
of
twofold sense – they are priceless from both
construction is unknown and that pass the
biological and cultural point of view (see
forests from the Northern coast to the Western
Figure 1).
whose
purpose
and
time
coast and the islands. The many kilometres
94
Cultural Heritage in Estonian
Forests
from 30 to 60 % over the last centuries.
It would be wrong to assume that only the
cultural
remnants of the peasant culture have heritage
distributed over the forest areas, depending
value. Each age has a different way of life and
on the time of their origin. Estonian settlement
corresponding
system
attributes.
The
land
and
Consequently, the signs of human activity or
heritage
have
remained
been
almost
variably
completely
forestry culture includes milk trestles at the
unchanged from the ancient times to the end
gates of forester farms, piles of bricks on land
of the 18th century. As a result of the
improvement objects, a forest range office
development of manors, many villagers had to
built according to several different designs,
leave their lands at this time and settle into
temporary timber industry on a weather-
less fertile periphery. The settlement that
beaten wood cutting plot, historic forest
developed in this period persisted largely until
management facilities (old national forest
the World War II. After that, the old villages
trails). Even the military objects left behind by
and farms in distant woodlands and periphery,
the Russian army should be preserved – we
on marsh-islands and water meadows behind
cannot delete this part of our history and
the forest started to be abandoned. Over
culture. Historic place-names should also be
many centuries, the whole countryside had
considered – many parts of the forests, forest
followed the principles of natural economy and
roads and trails, ridges and meadows had
depended greatly on the forest in setting up
their own folk names.
their fields and gathering food. Consequently,
Consequently, one could say that the activities
the traces of culture of the life of many
perpetuating the whole Estonian folk culture –
generations lie hidden in the forest. The
from the ancient archaeology to the local
ethnographers have studied and recorded the
traditions and family biographies in the folklore
nature of the culture; the archaeologists have
collections – have been aimed primarily
studied human settlement based on the
towards preserving our cultural traditions.
locations of settlements and funeral sites. Yet,
Acknowledging,
the signs of daily life culture in Estonian forest
recording,
preserving,
protecting and promoting the objects of
landscape
have
not
been
systematically
cultural heritage belong to the process of
recorded, mapped or acknowledged.
conserving and developing the folk culture.
Thus, one could assume that most of the
national cultural heritage in the forest areas is
The importance of the
inventory of the cultural
heritage
still unidentified, its importance has not been
The forests cover more than a half of the area
are
of Estonia, whereby this indicator has ranged
funeral sites and demolished ruins of historic
felt by the people and it is unprotected against
conscious or unconscious destruction. There
examples
of
accidentally
destroyed
95
limestone kilns, while several unique stone
context of forestry – be driven primarily by the
fences (see Figure 2) have been used as a
forestry officials themselves? The reason is
reinforcement for the roads used for timber
simple – being in direct contact with their
transportation. It has happened even after
object of study, the forestry officials have
Estonia regained its independence.
more knowledge and more sensitivity to the
It has to be kept in mind that only laws are not
changes in the forest. The discovery of the
enough to protect cultural treasures. The ex-
objects of cultural heritage, alteration of their
periences from Northern Europe indicate that
condition or their damaging usually takes
better results are achieved through the
place under their supervision or in their area.
protection by the owner after the owner has
However, this approach does not require that
been informed of the unique sign of culture
all forestry officials be laid under obligation to
located on his land. This gives additional
search and record the objects of cultural
value
distinguishes the
heritage in the forest. On the contrary, the
property from the neighbouring land and im-
work groups have to be made up of volunteers
proves the self-concept of the owner. In a
who are interested in this kind of work, and
wider sense, the exhibited objects of cultural
the work should be based on individual
heritage add value to the whole region and
projects.
improve the image of the community.
enable drawing the conclusion that even
The inventory of the objects of cultural
though the registration of the cultural heritage
heritage should produce a data collection and
found in the forest has been set out by law, it
information source that could be used when
is not obligatory to carry out this work in each
making decisions related to forest manage-
year in equal volume in all regions. The work
ment. In this context, the concept of cultural
in a region could be postponed if there is no
heritage is one of the factors shaping the
initiative group with sufficient motivation and
general forest policy.
interest in the culture.
to
his
property,
The
experiences
from
Sweden
The method of inventory
taking
The method for taking the inventory of the
objects of cultural heritage, developed by L.
Tarang in 2000 and later improved through
test inventories, divides the performed works
Figure 2. A stone fence in the woodland
in three stages: preparations and preliminary
Why should the registering and protection of
selection, fieldwork, formalisation of results
cultural heritage – an atypical activity in the
and digitalisation of data.
96
During preliminary selection, the objects that
preliminary
will be worth seeking out in the fieldwork are
accompanying natural treasures (possible
identified. The sources used for this purpose
precious habitats, occurrence of rare plant or
include: forestry databases, the collections of
animal species). The registration of an object
Sagadi Forest Museum, the cultural history
of cultural heritage involves filling out the
archive of the Estonian Literary Museum, the
following fields in a fieldwork questionnaire:
collections of local museums, topographic
o
maps, and other information (oral reports,
manuscripts).
story
of
development,
Name of the object as known among
the local inhabitants.
o
Location of the object. The county,
It is always necessary to verify, if something
parish, village and the name of the real
has
of
property are identified in words. The
preliminary selection. Useful information could
land registry number (if exists), the
be obtained from local forest workers and
page number on the base map of
local inhabitants. The local lore studies written
Estonia, the number of the forest
by the pupils in schools should be reviewed.
compartment
Some additional potential sources include: old
numbers.
been
preserved
of
the
objects
forest inventory data, woodland inventory
o
are
identified
in
Ownership type of the plot is marked
data, soil and hardpan maps, research data
with numeric code (private property,
from the universities and project-managing
public property or status unclear).
organisations. All pre-selected objects are
o
Source of information – the sources
marked on the fieldwork maps. A fieldwork
used during pre-selection are entered
map could be the base map of Estonia or the
with codes.
copies of the base map of the land register.
o
Registration number of the object,
All sites marked in pre-selection should be
which is unique for each object. The
visited during fieldwork. The purpose of the
number is recorded in the following
inspection of the pre-selected object is to
form: XXX:YYY:ZZZ, where XXX is the
assess, whether it has cultural value. The
code of the local government, YYY is
following definition could serve as a criterion:
the code of the type of the object and
all objects that show traces of human activity
ZZZ is the number of the object in the
should be viewed as objects of cultural
given local government and given
heritage.
type.
The following data is considered during the
o
Object type code consists of three
inspection of the objects of cultural heritage:
characters and is based on the list of
the main processes leading to the current
object types.
condition of the object (natural processes,
human impact, etc.), the temporal origin and
o
X and Y coordinates of the object are
determined in the centre of the object
97
with a GPS device; one pair of
immediately or after a small effort
coordinates is used for a compact
usable for its original purposes. In the
object, two pairs for a line object (the
case of a group of objects, the
coordinates at both ends); in the case
condition is determined based on the
of more complicated objects or a group
condition of most of the members of
of
the group.
objects,
the
questionnaire
is
supplemented by a plan of the objects
o
o
impact in the future. Letter codes are
Type of land characterises the use of
used to describe past or potential
the
the
future risk factors caused by human
following classification is used; forest
activities. The impact is classified as
land, natural grassland, arable land,
follows: demolition and destruction;
swamps and marshes, water bodies,
digging;
house yards or gardens.
damaged the original condition of the
Dimensions of the object from its
object; land improvement; felling of
centre (in meters). It gives an idea of
timber; littering.
land
around
the
object;
o
Notes;
construction,
here
is
which
entered
has
other
objects, based on the point fixed by
information that the inventory taker
the coordinates.
considers important.
Composition of the object. The fields
o
Date of inventory.
are filled using type codes if there are
o
Method of digitalisation of the object.
Dot, line or polygon.
other objects in the area in addition to
the registered object.
o
Human impact and possible human
drafted on the plan of the land unit.
the size of the object or group of
o
o
o
source.
Condition of the object. The following
classification is used in the description:
Traditions. Known legends and their
o
References
to
literary
sources.
object destroyed and no sign of the
Reference to the publication or library
object visible in the landscape; signs in
card number if available.
the landscape indicate the presence of
o
Numbers of the photos. Each photo of
the object, but it is impossible to
the object is given a unique code,
determine clearly its type; the type of
which is written on the back of the
the object cannot be determined, less
photo. The photos on paper are stored
than 20 % of the object has been
with the inventory cards.
preserved;
20-50
%
has
been
preserved;
50-90
%
has
been
description of the composition, age
preserved; object has been preserved
and thickness (thick, medium, thin) of
in good or very good condition and is
the
o
Characterisation
stand
of
around
the
the
stand
object.
–
A
98
separate note is made on thinning or
clear cutting if it occurred during the
last ten years.
In
addition
to
inventory
sheets,
object
registration lists are also kept with the
following data: the name and registration
number of the object, sheet number of the
base map of Estonia, number of the photo,
and date. A separate list of registration kept in
each parish for each type of objects is
required in order to determine the registration
number of the object and to obtain overall
Figure 3. A map window in the MapInfo GIS software
showing the photo of the object and the data table
record
inventory data.
The data collections created in the process of
Potential uses of the
digitalised data
mapping the cultural heritage can be used for
During the formalisation of results, the borders
for further and more detailed research on the
and locations of the objects are transferred
cultural
from the fieldwork maps onto the sheets of the
entering additional information or corrections if
base map of Estonia (5 x 5 km). The data on
required. The inventory of cultural heritage is
the inventory cards is entered into single
a support material for the researchers and it
electronic database and the photos are
could
digitalised.
ethnographers to interesting discoveries. A
several purposes. First, it can serve as a basis
heritage,
lead
with
historians,
the
possibility
archaeologist
of
and
respectful attitude towards cultural and historic
During digitalisation, the data and the photos
monuments is a matter of honour for all of us,
are
a
and the information collected during the
geographic information system. Digitalisation
mapping of cultural heritage is a valuable
of data is also a prerequisite for making the
asset for the institutions that manage the use
data available on the Internet. A digital map
of the environment. This applies for protecting
layer will be created of the objects (see Figure
individual objects as well as to finding and
3) based on the shape and location indicated
protecting valuable landscapes. In this way,
on the inventory card. Separate symbols have
the
been developed for each work group (see
influence planning on the county or parish
below).
level. The databases could be used in local
integrated
with
the
map
using
inventory
of
cultural
heritage
could
schools as a study material introducing local
history. The databases could also be helpful
99
to the developers of local and natural tourism
Iron
when they prepare hiking trails.
limestone quarries, limestone and tar kilns,
Making this information available to the public
charcoal
on
persuasively
cutting sites, boat harbours, ship construction
demonstrate a possibility of combining the
sites, seamarks, retting pits, rafting sites, sites
traditional and modern aspects of life and
related to hunting, fishing and apiculture, land
would help to popularise our folk culture,
improvement
preserve
stations and substations, railway facilities, old
the
Internet
natural
would
riches
and
cultural
and
ochre
burning
mines,
sites,
objects,
argil
industries,
glass-works,
old
electric
turf
power
sawmills.
monuments for the future generations.
IV. BUILDINGS AND FACILITIES
Old village and farm sites, forester guard
The classification of the
objects of cultural heritage
stations, farm buildings (barn houses, forges,
98 different types of objects with letter codes
have been developed in order to systematize
this
complicated
field
and
simplify
the
registering of objects. These types have in
turn been divided between six groups. It is
possible to draw some general conclusion on
the results of the inventory taking in the pilot
work group.
I. PRESERVES RELATED TO THE
DEVELOPMENT OF CULTIVATED
LANDSCAPE
farm granaries, cellars, saunas, etc.), wells,
stone fences, gates, windmills, watermills and
dams, swing hills, clock towers, wooden
gongs, objects of manor architecture, taverns,
post stations, houses of manor workers, stone
bridges, old signposts, hay barns, historic
boundary marks, chapel ruins, grave sites,
grave marks, plague graveyards, worship
buildings, objects erected in joint and relief
works, examples of home culture from 192040, parts of the manor culture, signs of cultural
heritage from Soviet times (milk trestles,
Ancient settlements or funeral sites, plough
production facilities, silage pits, stone piles).
lands.
V. MILITARY MONUMENTS
II. NATURAL OR SEMI-NATURAL MONU-
Ancient citadels, military objects from the
MENTS
Middle Ages to the last century, objects
Old trees, sacred groves, trees connected
related to the National Defence League,
with traditions, hills and trees of crosses,
objects from the occupation period, sites of
memorial stones, sacrificial stones, old forest
the crimes of occupation authorities, partisan
and winter roads, marsh bridges, log roads,
bunkers.
healing springs, hideouts, chapel hills, old
VI. FOREST AS A CULTURAL PHENO-
place-names.
MENON
III. MONUMENTS RELATED TO WORK AND
Stands planted by famous persons, stands
ACTIVITIES
related to historic events, pilot forests, stands
100
planted for
specific purposes, significant
situation in the country, as Estonia’s forest
stands with foreign species, stands planted
coverage exceeds 50 %. A significant number
with unusual technology, stands with special
of objects were also located on natural
usage (resin areas, ship building forest, sap
grassland (27 %) and residential land (19 %).
forest), resin collection stations, stands related
In total, the area included 60 types of objects
to traditions, unique stands, afforested parks,
of cultural heritage. The most common type
natural and cultural heritage
was
composites
old
farmsteads
(59),
followed
by
(woodlands, wood pastures), traces of historic
memorial and sacrificial stones related to
forest management.
traditions (17), old place-names (15), objects
of manor architecture (13), forester guard
Results of inventory taking
during the pilot project
stations (13) and stone fences (13). The
In the summer of 2003, a pilot inventory was
was less than ten.
taken in four parishes in Western Estonia,
Dots, polylines and polygons were used in
supported by the Environmental Investment
digitalisation. The majority of the objects (226)
Centre and requested by the Estonian Society
were dot objects; the number of line and plane
of Foresters.
objects was 21 and 23, respectively. The total
According to the type of ownership, nearly half
area of plane objects was 354 ha.
of the objects are located on private land, 20
In order to get the idea of the dimensions of
% on public forestland and 36 % on the land
objects described as dots, the size of the
with unclear status. The latter part consists
object was described. If the objects are taken
mainly of the land that has not been returned
to have a round shape and if the radius of the
to the owners from the time before the World
circle is equal to the dimension of the object
War II.
from the centre, the total area of dot objects is
number of identified objects of other types
85 ha. The calculation of the area of line
objects is impossible, because the width of the
line is not described and in the opinion of the
authors, it is also not important. Consequently,
the total area of objects of cultural heritage is
439 ha, which is approximately 0.5 % of the
total area of the pilot region. However, these
numbers are only rough estimates, because in
Figure 4: Location of the inventoried areas
the case of objects that have been destroyed
According to the type of the land, nearly half
on the landscape and have been inventoried
of the objects (46 %) are located on
only based on oral or written sources, it would
forestland. This is comparable to the overall
be difficult to determine their original size.
Distribution of the inventoried objects by the
type groups
101
was smaller. Of the possible human impact in
the future, the inspectors mentioned woodcutting in 11 % and demolition in 5 % of the
Military
monuments
4%
Forest as a
cultural
phenomenon
3%
Buildings and
facilities
59%
Preserves
related to the
development of
Natural or semicultivated
natural
landscape
monuments
4%
19%
Monuments
related to w ork
and activities
11%
cases. 77 % of the objects were recorded as
having no potential human risk factors in the
future.
In 42 % of the cases, the data on the object of
the cultural heritage was obtained from a local
inhabitant; in 27 % of the cases, the data was
derived from a topographic map. In ten per
cent of the cases, the information was
obtained from museum collections and other
Fig. 5
This also applies to the type ‘old placenames’. In 150 cases, the inventoried object
was a part of a group of objects. Other objects
in the group in addition to the inventoried
object (the main type) included old farmsteads
and farm buildings in various combinations:
residential house and yard trees, residential
house and a well, residential house and a
granary, etc. According to the condition, less
than a fifth has been preserved from half of
the objects. The cause is probably not the
overall bad condition of the objects of cultural
heritage in Estonia, but the fact that the
inspectors devoted more attention to the
objects in worst condition. Additionally, it
should also be kept in mind that there are no
signs of the ancient objects left on the
landscape, and the old place-names do not
have a material expression. 70 % of the
objects were undamaged by human influence.
Damage caused by demolition occurred in 9
% and damage by woodcutting in 5 % of the
cases; the relative importance of other factors
sources; nearly a tenth of the objects were
found accidentally in the course of the
fieldwork. The high importance of local
inhabitants in the acquisition of source data
indicates that, if possible, the inventorying
should be carried out by a person familiar with
the local situation in order to facilitate
communication
and
collection
of
source
materials has been preserved from half of the
objects.
In the case of objects located in the
woodlands,
the
age,
thickness
and
composition of the stand were described. The
descriptions were based on visual estimates,
because the data are needed only to get a
better idea of the surroundings of the object.
The age of the stands varies to a great extent
ranging from a couple of years on fresh clear
cutting areas and bushy fields up to one and a
half centuries in old manor parks. Most of the
stands are aged between 40 and 60 years.
Nearly a half of the objects located in the
woodlands are surrounded by stands with
medium thickness, a third of the stands are
102
thin. Consequently, one could claim that the
should
objects of cultural heritage located in the
inventories. In the protection of the objects, a
woodland
the
compromise is required between continuous
excessive thickness of the stands. According
managing of the forest and ensuring the
to the composition of the stand, most of the
preservation of the object.
objects in the woodlands are located in fir
•
forests.
preserved from approximately half of the
Conclusion
objects. The reason is that the inspectors
•
preferred traditional (non-material) and older
are
not
endangered
by
Estonian cultural heritage deserves
play
an
important
part
in
the
Only less than a fifth has been
protection and a wide-ranging inventory would
(more decayed) objects.
create the necessary preconditions.
•
•
In addition to enforcement by laws, the
unharmed by human activity and, in the
importance of the objects of cultural heritage
opinion of the inspectors, will not be harmed in
should be explained to the landowners, thus
the future. In spite of this, the damages and
facilitating the development of the protection
risk factors should be thoroughly analysed
of the objects by the owners.
and a method should be developed for
•
identifying, which objects are in the greatest
The inventory data can assist in
making forestry and planning decisions by
environmental
authorities
and
In the future, the objects of the cultural
heritage could be included in the forest
management plans.
•
danger.
local
governments.
•
More than two thirds of the objects are
The pilot inventory showed that the
method developed by L. Tarang is suitable to
be used in a countrywide inventory. The
Jürgen Kusmin
Estonian Agricultural University,
Kreutzwaldi
5,
[email protected]
Tartu
Lembitu Tarang
Estonian Society of Foresters,
local initiative.
Ungru tee 2,
[email protected]
The inventory found nearly two thirds
of all possible types of objects. This shows the
diversity of the cultural heritage, even though
only areas in one region of Estonia were
inventoried.
•
Almost half of the objects are located
in forest landscape and, thus, forestry officials
Estonia,
and
inventory will be more efficient in the case of
•
51014,
Haapsalu
90403,
Estonia,
103
HISTORISCHE KULTURLANDSCHAFTSELEMENTE IM WALD:
ERFASSEN, SCHÜTZEN, INTEGRIEREN –
BEISPIELE AUS DEM RHEINLAND
Problemaufriss
Die
meisten
historischen
Kulturlandschaft
genutzten
Defizite und Möglichkeiten
sind
Flächen
in
Zeugnisse
der
Winfried Schenk (1997) beurteilt den Verlust
landwirtschaftlich
von Elementen und Strukturen menschlichen
Pflug
Handelns und Denkens als einen nicht
über-
wiedergutzumachenden Schaden. Für ihn
dauerten zahlreiche Relikte menschlichen
sind Kulturlandschaften als Zeugnisse der
Handelns, die für sich allein oder im Zu-
Alltagswelt
sammenwirken räumliche Aussagen über ver-
Kulturleistungen wie
gangene Nutzungen bekunden.
Gemälde oder Romane.109 Die Vielzahl von
verschwunden.
unter
Im Wald
dem
hingegen
früherer
historischen
Zeiten
ähnlich
hohe
berühmte Bauwerke,
Relikten
den
Landschaft
und
Im Regierungsbezirk Koblenz z.B., einem der
Informationsgehalt
waldreichsten Landesteile von Rheinland-
erweitert die Biodiversität, also die Vielfalt
Pfalz, liegen 90 % der erfassten Boden-
eines Ökosystems durch eine historische
denkmäler im Wald. Davon sind lediglich rund
Komponente.
10 % erschlossen. Der Wald ist damit ein
Solche
Archiv, und es gilt, dieses als kulturland-
entscheidend zur regionalen Identitätsbildung
schaftliches Erbe wie eine alte Karte zu
bei. Kulturlandschaftselemente sind Punkt-,
107
einer
bereichert
Kulturlandschaftselemente
tragen
Aber der Wald ist auch ein Wirt-
Linien- oder Flächenelemente. Sie vermitteln
schaftsraum. Die Forstbetriebe unterliegen
im räumlichen Miteinander eine Aussage über
zurzeit einem hohen Rationalisierungsdruck.
die gewachsene Kulturlandschaft.
Das lässt fürchten, dass Belange der Boden-
Die Waldlandschaften in Deutschland werden
denkmalpflege
Unkenntnis
jedoch unter dem derzeitigen Rentabilitäts-
immer weiter zurückgedrängt werden.108 Der
druck der Forstbetriebe zunehmend bean-
folgende
sprucht. Dabei können Konflikte zwischen
schützen.
inwieweit
zum Teil aus
Vortrag
und
in
geht
der
welcher
Frage
Form
nach,
kultur-
Forstbehörden
und
Vertretern
der
historische Objekte besonders unter Wald
Bodendenkmalspflege entstehen. Statt der
geschützt werden sollen.
betriebseigenen, ortskundigen Forstwirte, die
„ihren Wald und alle Objekte darin“ noch
107
Vgl. Hildebrand, Helmut (2003): S. 236 ff., vgl.
auch Berg, Axel v. (1994): S. 13 ff.
108
Vgl. Berg, Axel v. (1990): S. 13.
109
Schenk, Winfried (1997): S. 3.
104
kannten, arbeiten im Wald jetzt zunehmend
Die vorhandenen und erfassten Kulturland-
betriebsfremde Unternehmen mit leistungs-
schaftselemente
fähigen Maschinen. Dadurch sind die zu
behörde in der Betriebsplanung. Als Beispiel
erhaltenden historischen Elemente gefährdet.
dient die Forsteinrichtung in Rheinland-Pfalz.
Dem versuchen die Ämter für Bodendenk-
Dort werden die Ergebnisse der Waldbiotop-
malpflege
sie
kartierung mit den Kulturlandschaftsobjekten
Kulturlandschaftsobjekte im Wald erfassen.
in eine zehnjährige Forsteinrichtung aufge-
Ein lobenswertes Beispiel geben Nordrhein-
nommen. Der Forsteinrichter integriert die
Westfalen und Rheinland-Pfalz. Dort beraten
Bodendenkmäler in das Bestandesblatt, das
und
Bodendenkmals-
er für jede Abteilung im Revier erstellt. Der
pflegeämter als Träger öffentlicher Belange
zuständige Revierleiter kann dann aufgrund
die Gemeinden und Landkreise.
dieser Information den Arbeitsauftrag für den
Werden in den Wäldern Kulturobjekte, wie
Unternehmer, z.B. in Form einer Skizze,
z.B. Hügelgräber, entdeckt, so begutachten
entsprechend ergänzen.
die Experten, zumeist Archäologen, den Fund.
Die Bodendenkmalspflege in Rheinland-Pfalz
Sie entscheiden darüber, ob er in die
bemängelt jedoch, dass nicht alle Objekte
Bodendenkmalliste aufgenommen wird. Ein
erfasst, in die Waldbiotopkarte (Forstein-
prinzipieller Schutz des historischen Erbes
richtung)
entgegenzuwirken,
unterstützen
die
indem
berücksichtigt
eingetragen
und
die
damit
Forst-
in
die
nicht.110
Planung integriert werden. Auch im Bundes-
Allenfalls wird das Bodendenkmal durch einen
land Bayern wird solches gefordert.113 Der
Verwaltungsakt oder eine Rechtsverordnung
Mangel an Personal bei den Bodendenk-
nach einer Anhörung der Träger öffentlicher
malämtern führt dazu, dass die Kulturobjekte
Belange geschützt und in einem Denkmal-
nur bruchstückhaft erfasst werden können.
durch
Gesetz
buch verzeichnet.
besteht
111
jedoch
Maßnahmen, die eine
Das in Rheinland-Pfalz begonnene digitale
Zerstörung des Objektes nach sich ziehen,
Verzeichnis ist bisher nicht flächendeckend
Erst
implementiert.114 Die Spärlichkeit der Informat-
durch das Denkmalbuch finden Kulturdenk-
ion über das historische Erbe im Wald hat zur
mäler ihren Weg in Planfeststellungsver-
Folge, dass z.B. Hohlwege zugeschüttet und
fahren.
Wüstungen
Doch wie werden nun die vorhandenen
maßnahmen
Relikte im Wald in die forstliche Planung
Forstleute sie nicht erkennen und deuten
eingebunden?
können. Die hier beschriebenen Defizite
sind
dann
genehmigungspflichtig.112
erfordern,
110
DSchPflG § 8.
Landesgesetz zum Schutz und zur Pflege der
Kulturdenkmäler (Denkmalschutz- und
pflegegesetz vom 23.3.1978. § 8, § 10.
112
Luley, Helmut (1995): S. 9.
111
im
Wald
zerstört
dass
durch
werden,
Möglichkeiten
Holzernteweil
die
aufgezeigt
werden, die historischen Kulturlandschafts113
114
Irlinger, Walter (2004): S. 34.
Kuhnen, Hans-Peter (2002): S. 93.
objekte
den
heutigen
Bedürfnissen
105
von
Anreiz entschädigt private Forstbetriebe für
Gesellschaft und Betrieben zugänglich zu
Nutzungseinschränkungen
machen und damit deren Erhalt zu sichern.
nahmen. Die Zeugen menschlicher Kultur
Zum Beispiel zeigen Helmut Hildebrandt
werden erhalten. Zudem erhöht sich die
(2003)
Gerrit
betriebliche Flexibilität, wenn bekannt ist, wo
wie
die Zeugen menschlichen Erbes verborgen
im
Himmelsbach
Westerwald
und
im
(2004),
Spessart
und
Minderein-
historische Elemente einer Kulturlandschaft in
sind.
ein Konzept des sanften Tourismus integriert
Für die forstliche Praxis bedeutet all dies:
werden können. Am Beispiel eines historisch-
Trotz zunehmender Arbeitsbelastung infolge
geographischen
vermehrten Engagements für Kulturdenkmäler
Entdeckungspfades
legen
beide ein Muster vor, wie historische Zeugen
im Wald empfiehlt es sich, die
in den Fremdenverkehr eingebunden werden
Maßnahmen
können. Auch der Forstbetrieb kann aus
planen: das Aufarbeiten und Bringen des
Hinweisen der Bodendenkmalpflege und der
Holzes, die Erschließung des Waldes sowie
archivisch
der Arbeitsauftrag für den Unternehmer vor
erarbeiteten
Forstgeschichte
mit
besonderer
folgenden
Sorgfalt
zu
profitieren. Mit Informationen über Standorte
Ort.
mit
Be-
Das Gespräch mit Forstleuten ergab: Diese
weidung lassen sich Standortpotential und
Empfehlung stellt keine zusätzliche betrieb-
Baumartenwahl differenzierter beurteilen.115
liche Einschränkung dar, sofern man sich auf
Eine historisch-genetische Betrachtungsweise
das
übermäßiger
Streunutzung
und
Konzept
der
naturgemäßen
Wald-
117
könnte die Diskussion über die Bewertung der
wirtschaft verständigt hat
infrastrukturellen
nun, wie sie die verschiedensten Bodenauf-
Waldfunktionen
neu
be-
leben. Die Reinhaltung der Luft, des Grundwassers
oder
der
Erholungswert
. Forstleute fragen
werfungen einordnen können?
eines
wert beziffern. Die von Blum 1996 aufge-
Beispiele von Kulturlandschaftsobjekten
worfene Frage, welche Infrastrukturleistungen
Kulturlandschaftselemente
dem
Relikte
Waldes lassen sich nicht durch einen Markt-
Forstbetrieb
zugeschrieben
werden
116
können
in
der
sind
historische
Kulturlandschaft
als
, ist im Hinblick auf die überlieferten
Einzelobjekte anthropogener Herkunft. Treten
kulturhistorischen Objekte im Wald zu er-
sie gehäuft auf oder bilden sie mit anderen
weitern.
historischen Zeugen der Landnutzung eine
Beispielsweise könnten Forstbetriebe Relikte
räumliche Struktur, so spricht man von
im Wald als Ausgleichsflächen in einem
Kulturlandschaftsbestandteilen.118
Ökopunktekonto gutschreiben lassen. Dieser
115
116
Schaal, Reinhold (1999): S. 179.
Blum u.a. (1996): S. 22.
117
118
Vgl. dazu auch Irlinger, Walter (2004): S. 34.
Vgl. Burggraaff, Peter (2000): S. 11.
106
Die folgenden Beispiele aus dem Rheinland
punkten nachweisen.121 Im Mittelalter dienten
sind
der Landbevölkerung Turmhügelanlagen, die
als
Hinweise
verdeutlichen
die
zu
verstehen.
Vielfalt
Sie
menschlicher
so
genannten
als
Schutzburgen.
Spuren, die in den Wäldern des Rheinlandes
Wurden
erhalten
ist
Bauern sie als Steinbruch. Daher sind heute
entscheidend, dass die Waldbesitzer und
nur noch Hügel im Wald zu erkennen, die mit
Forstleute
Gräben umgeben sind. Um die Grenze eines
geblieben
anhand
sind.
von
Dabei
Bodenmerkmalen
sie
Motten
eingenommen,
Territoriums
Elemente von der Bodendenkmalsbehörde
Landesherren im späten Mittelalter Grenz-
geprüft und erfasst werden können.
wälle.
1. Beispiel: Vordringlich ist die Sicherung des
leiteten außerdem den Handelsverkehr zu den
Limes, weil er Weltkulturerbe werden soll.
jeweiligen
Weitere Beispiele: Nach einer vorgelagerten
Grenzen sind heute nur noch an linien-
Landausbauphase
förmigen Geländeerhebungen zu erkennen.
Siedlungen
in
genannten
Zollstellen122.
Die
die
Landwehren
ehemaligen
Zeugnisse alter Handelsbeziehungen sind die
Nach den ersten Hinweisen
überregional verlaufenden Handelsstraßen.
aus archivalischen Quellen sind auch in der
Die Räder schwer beladener Wagen gruben
Landschaft Spuren zu erkennen, z.B. Acker-
sich im Laufe der Jahrhunderte in den
flächen. Diese findet man heute unter Wald
weichen Untergrund und hinterließen rinnen-
als gewölbte, terrassenförmig angeordnete
hafte Eintiefungen, Wegspuren und Hohlwege
Strukturen, die so genannten Hochäcker oder
entstanden.123
Wölbäcker.120
Auf den Wald als Rohstoff wirtschaftlicher
Ferner: Huteeichen mit tief ansetzenden
Nutzung verweisen zumeist sehr unschein-
Kronen verweisen auf historische Mittelwälder
bare Kulturlandschaftsobjekte. Sie lassen sich
mit ehemaligem Waldweidebetrieb. In der
schwerpunktmäßig ins Mittelalter und die
unmittelbaren Nähe zu den Siedlungen hin
frühe Neuzeit datieren. Im Westerwald dürften
finden sich häufig breite Geländeeinschnitte,
die meisten Relikte im 17.-18. Jh. entstanden
die als Viehtriften genutzt wurden oder
sein.124 Überwiegend hat der Bergbau sie
dadurch entstanden.
hervorgebracht, z.B. im rheinischen Wester-
aufgegeben.
Noch
mittelalterlichen
wald. Ein unruhiges Bodenrelief mit Ein-
Wüstungen lassen sich die im Rheinland
tiefungen und Auswürfen verrät den Erzab-
häufigen keltischen Bestattungshügel, sog.
bau. Man bezeichnet die trichterförmigen
Hügelgräber, zumeist an markanten Gelände-
121
119
120
früher
als
die
Zahl
1350
so
errichteten
wieder
119
großer
um
Diese
sichern,
die
historische Elemente erkennen, damit diese
wurden
zu
nutzten
Abel, Wilhelm (1976): S. 14.
Schenk, Winfried (2000): S. 5-7.
Luley, Helmut und Wolfgang Wegener (1995):
S. 40.
122
Ebd.: S. 24.
123
Vgl. Luley, Helmut und Wolfgang Wegener
(1995): S. 28.
124
Bub, Gerrit (2003): S. 83 ff..
107
Bodendellen als Pingen. Darüber hinaus
historischen
zählen zum historischen Bergbau Meiler,
gekennzeichnet ist.126
Kohlplatten,
2.
Eisenhütten,
Schlackenhalden.
Rennöfen
und
125
Strukturen
und
Relikten
Hierin kann man die Wende zur
Wurzel des Naturschutzes im späten 19. Jh.
Sind die Kulturlandschaftsobjekte im Wald be-
erkennen, die Heimatschutz war und den
kannt, stellt sich die Frage nach ihrem gesetz-
Natur-,
lichen Schutz.
einschloss.
Landschafts-
und
Denkmalschutz
Beispiel 2: Im Raumordnungsgesetz vom
Gesetzlicher Auftrag
1.1.1998 der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
Die gesetzlichen Bestimmungen zum Schutz
steht in § 13, dass gewachsene Landschaften
der Kulturlandschaft sind aufgesplittert.
in
Beispiel 1: In der aktuellen Fassung des
einschließlich der Natur- und Kulturdenkmäler
Bundesnaturschutzgesetzes von 2002 liest
geschützt werden sollen. Es zielt auf das
man im § 2, Abs. 14 folgendes: „Historische
europäische Kulturlandschaftserbe als einen
Kulturlandschaften und –landschaftsteile von
wichtigen Wert für die regionale Entwicklung.
besonderer Eigenart, einschließlich solcher
Der erste Hinweis findet sich im Gesetz zur
von besonderer Bedeutung für die Eigenart
und Schönheit geschützter Kultur-, Bau- und
ihren
charakteristischen
Merkmalen
Umweltverträglichkeitsprüfung (UVP) Anfang
der 1990er Jahre.
Bodendenkmäler, sind zu erhalten.“ Das
Beispiel 3: In der föderalen Struktur der
Gesetz lässt es bei diesem unbestimmten
Bundesrepublik hat jedes Bundesland sein
Rechtsbegriff.
eigenes
Denkmalpflegegesetz
und
eine
eigene Praxis.
Die Naturschutzbewegung erforscht jedoch
Das
heute gerade die Kulturlandschaft, und dies
Rheinland-Pfalz vom 23. März 1978 definiert
aus zwei Gründen:
in § 3 den Begriff des Kulturdenkmals:
1.
Die
klassische
Strategie
des
Naturschutzes, einzelne Arten zu schützen,
Denkmalsschutz-
und
-pflegegesetz
Danach sind Kulturdenkmäler Gegenstände
aus vergangener Zeit, die
wird von der Öffentlichkeit wenig akzeptiert.
1.
Zeugnisse, insbesondere des geistigen
Deshalb suchen die beteiligten Institutionen
oder
künstlerischen
neue Tätigkeitsfelder. Ein Gebiet ist die
handwerklichen oder technischen Wirkens,
„historische
2.
Landschaft“.
Das
ist
eine
Landschaft, die durch einen hohen Anteil an
Schaffens
oder
des
kennzeichnende Merkmale der Städte
oder Gemeinden sind und an deren Erhaltung
und Pflege …. u. a. zur Belebung und
125
Bub, Gerrit (2003): S. 83ff., vgl. Preißing, Heinz
(1996): S. 163 ff..
126
Vgl. dazu das Projekt von Burggraaff, Peter
(1997): S. 23.
108
Werterhöhung der Umwelt ein öffentliches
entwickelnde
Interesse besteht.127
derzeit in Deutschland allerdings zwischen
Dies Gesetz schützt zwar Einzelobjekte und
alle Stühle der gesetzlichen Bestimmungen.
auch
eine
Es ist daher ihre Aufgabe, ein Konzept zu
übergeordnete
schaffen, um die divergierenden Ansprüche
Denkmalzonen,
historische
Landschaft
aber
als
nicht
Kulturlandschaftspflege
gerät
Raumeinheit.
der verschiedenen Institutionen zu über-
Beispiel 4: Im Gegensatz zu den genannten
winden.
Gesetzen sind den Forstleuten durch die
Dies
Waldgesetze nur unzureichend Möglichkeiten
Diskurs über den bewussten Umgang mit
zum Schutz historischer Relikte genannt. Ein
natürlichen und menschlichen Potentialen der
Beispiel: Im Landeswaldgesetz von Rhein-
Landschaft
land-Pfalz ist eine historische Dimension über-
ständig neu definiert werden müssen.129 Das
haupt nicht erwähnt.128 Für den zukünftigen
bedeutet, jedes historische Landschaftserbe
Umgang mit historischen Relikten im Wald
nicht wie „unter einer Käseglocke“ zu kon-
und eine Leitbildentwicklung der „Kulturland-
servieren,
wird
ein
offener
sein,
in
sondern
und
dem
für
dynamischer
Wertmaßstäbe
regionale
Ent-
130
schaft Wald“ ist zu wünschen, dass der
wicklungen zu nutzen.
Gesetzgeber
eine
Dafür ist ein Kulturlandschaftskataster not-
historische Komponente in einzelnen Ab-
wendig (In Nordrhein-Westfalen KULADIG).131
schnitten erweitert. Damit wäre dem Gemein-
Als grundlegendes Inventar befindet es sich
wohl gedient. Zeugen der Vergangenheit
derzeit vielerorts in Erprobung oder An-
blieben
wendung. Ein flächendeckendes Kataster liegt
das
damit
Waldgesetz
erhalten
und
um
dienten
als
Wegweiser in die Zukunft.
Aber
wie
könnte
nun
in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland noch nicht
ein
umfassendes
Schutzkonzept aussehen?
vor. Als Vorbild dient das Schweizer Inventar
der Verkehrswege. Es ist eine Bestandsaufnahme schützenswerter historischer Ver-
Konzept der Historischen
Geographie
Die
Historische
Geographie
liefert
kehrswege auf Kantonsbasis.
Das
das
Kulturlandschaftskataster
o
des historischen Kulturerbes. Landschaften
Strukturen.
sollten als Archive menschlichen Handelns
o
und
regionalen Kontext;
Grundlage
nachhaltiger
Ent-
wichtig ist das Alter der Elemente und
ihre Besonderheit und Seltenheit im
wicklungen behandelt werden. Die daraus zu
127
129
128
130
DSchPflG, RhPF. (1978), § 3, 1.
Schaefer, Stefan u.a. (2001): Kommentar zum
LWaldG Rheinland-Pfalz.
be-
stimmter Kriterien:
interdisziplinäre Konzept für die Raumplanung
als
bedarf
Ebd. S. 6
Schenk, Winfried (1997): S. 6.
131
Recker, Udo (2004)
o
109
ihr ästhetischer Ausdruck und ihre
Es ist es denkbar, Relikte durch Aussagen
Wichtigkeit für die Identität einer Region.
von Archivalien zu einem Beziehungsgefüge
Die
zwischen Objekt, Raum und Gesellschaft zu
Arbeitsschritte
zu
einem
flächen-
deckenden Kulturlandschaftskataster wären
dabei:
-
132
Inventarisierung:
Bewertung:
und
als
thematische
Karte
darzustellen und diese öffentlich auszulegen.
Erfassen,
Be-
Denn viele Menschen kennen den Wert der
historischen Landschaft nicht. Nur wenn sich
schreiben, Erklären
-
verknüpfen
Der
Wert
einer
ein
Bewusstsein
über
den
Landschaft
einer
Kulturlandschaft setzt sich zusammen aus der
historisch
einmaligen Wechselbeziehung verschiedener
wickelt, können historische Objekte nachhaltig
historischer Relikte.
geschützt werden. Daher bedarf es nicht nur
-
eines
Pflegemaßnahmen: hierbei sollten die
gewachsenen
Wert
Kulturlandschaftskatasters,
ent-
sondern
Interessen der Bewohner der Region mit
einer Basiserziehung, der Feldführungen, der
eingebunden sein.
Einrichtung von Landschaftsmuseen und der
Das Landschaftskataster besteht aus einer
Dokumentation in gedruckten Landschafts-
Mischung aus Gesetzen und der Mitwirkung
führern. Der Umgang mit kulturhistorischen
von Naturschutz, Denkmalpflege und regio-
Elementen
naler Planungsbehörde. Nicht zu leisten wäre
Ausbildungsgänge der Landesplanung wie
es, die regionaltypischen Zeugen der Ver-
z.B.
gangenheit insgesamt zu
architektur oder Forstwissenschaft verstärkt
schützen. Das
sollte
in
Landschaftspflege,
verschiedene
Landschafts-
Zusammenwirken der einzelnen Relikte hin-
eingebunden werden.
gegen ergibt eine Gesamtaussage, die durch
Zum Schluss möchte ich noch einmal die
den Erhalt nur der Struktur, d. h. durch Be-
wichtigsten Punkte zusammenfassen:
wahren einer räumlichen Einheit überdauern
kann. Beispiele einer Raumstruktur sind:
Meileranlagen, Brennöfen, Schlackenhalden,
Zusammenfassung
Eisenhütten, Hohlwege. Regionalspezifische
Unter den Wäldern hat sich im Gegensatz
Elemente wie z.B. Burgruinen oder Hügel-
zum Offenland eine Vielzahl historischer
gräber müssen einzeln aufgenommen und
Objekte, erhalten. Der Wald ist aber nicht nur
erhalten werden. Wichtiger als die Forderung
ein
des Schutzes von allem und jedem ist die
Wirtschaft. Die Forstbetriebe in Deutschland
Diskussion über die Schutzwürdigkeit eines
sind einem zunehmenden Kostendruck aus-
Reliktes oder „historischen Ensembles“ am
gesetzt. Dabei besteht die Gefahr, dass die
Einzelfall vor Ort mit allen Beteiligten.
Belange des Denkmalschutzes weiterhin zu-
Archiv,
nehmend
132
Schenk, Winfried (2001): S. 12
in
sondern
den
auch
ein
Hintergrund
Ort
der
gedrängt
werden. Dennoch können auch die Forst-
110
betriebe
von
ihrem
historischen
Erbe
Bub,
Gerrit
(2003):
profitieren.
Waldentwicklung
Die gesetzlichen Bestimmungen zum Schutz
Grafschaft
der
Kulturlandschaft
Schutzmaßnahmen
sind
aufgesplittert.
müssen
erst
noch
verstärkt in die forstliche Planung integriert
werden. Dabei beabsichtigt der Kulturlandschaftsschutz keinen statischen Schutz in
Form
eines
dynamische
Museums,
sondern
Wied
mittelrheinischen
vom
Landschaftswandel
17.-20.
unter
Jh.:
gegensätzlichen
Ansprüchen. Bonn 2003.
Berg, Axel v. (1990): Ur- und Frühgeschichte an
Mittelrhein und Mosel. Koblenz 1990.
Berg, Axel v. (1994): Archäologie im Luftbild am
Mittelrhein und Mosel. Koblenz 1994.
Bundesland Rheinland-Pfalz (1978): Landesgesetz
zum Schutz und zur Pflege der Kulturdenkmäler
Schutz einzelner Objekte und regionaler
(Denkmalschutz- und pflegegesetz – DSchPflG - )
Raumstrukturen einer Landschaft einschließt.
vom 23. März 1978.
Das interdisziplinäre Konzept der Historischen
Burggraaff,
Geographie bezieht das historische Erbe im
(1997):
Wald in die Planung der Träger öffentlicher
Kulturlandschaftspflegemaßnahmen am Beispiel
Belange mit ein. Welche Objekte dabei zu
der „Bockerter Heide“ (Stadt Viersen). In: Andreas
sind,
bedarf
einer
die
der
und
den
schützen
Weiterentwicklung,
die
in
Waldnutzung
ständigen
politischen Diskussion und der fortlaufenden
Ergänzung eines verbindlichen Kulturlandschaftskatasters.
und
und
Klaus-Dieter
Kleefeld
Naturschutzgebietsausweisung
und
Dix (1997): Angewandte Historische Geographie
im Rheinland. Köln 1997.
Burggraaff,
Peter
(2000):
Kulturlandschaftspflege
in
Fachgutachten
zur
Nordrhein-Westfalen.
Münster 2000.
Angesichts der gegenwärtig sich ändernden
politischen
Peter
wirtschaftlichen
Brunotte, Ernst, Hans Gebhardt, Manfred Meurer,
Rahmen-
Peter Meusburger und Josef Nipper (2001):
bedingungen in der Europäischen Union ist
Lexikon der Geographie. Heidelberg und Berlin
die Frage nach dem Schutz des kultur-
2001.
historischen Erbes zugleich ein Blick nach
Goudie, Andrew (1994): Mensch und Umwelt –
vorn: eine Herausforderung an alle mit dem
Eine Einführung. Darmstadt 1994.
Wald und mit der Landschaft befassten
Hildebrandt, Helmut (2003): Ausgewählte Schriften
Arbeitsbereiche, das historische Erbe im Wald
zur Historischen Geographie Deutscher Landschaften. Mainz 2003.
gemeinsam zu bewahren.
Irlinger, Walter (2004): Schutz archäologischer
Geländedenkmäler im Wald – am Beispiel der
Literatur
Abel, Wilhelm (1976):
keltischen Viereckschanzen. In: Bayrisches Amt
Die Wüstungen des
für
Denkmalpflege
(2004):
Denkmalpflege
ausgehenden Mittelalters. Stuttgart 1976.
Informationen. München 2004. S. 32-34.
Blum, Brandl, Oesten, Schanz, Schmidt, Vogel
Kuhnen,
(1996): Wirkungen des Waldes und Leistungen der
Fundstellenerfassung
Forstwirtschaft. In: AFZ Der Wald 1996. S. 22.
Landesaufnahme – Leistungen und Defizite am
Hans-Peter
(2002):
Archäologische
(„Listenerfassung“)
und
111
Beispiel der römischen Villa Bitburg-Stahl. In:
Germanischen Altertumskunde. Band 17. Berlin,
Landesamt für Denkmalpflege Rheinland-Pfalz
New York 2001. S. 617-630.
Abteilung Archäologische Denkmalpflege (2002):
Schenk, Winfried
Archäologie in Rheinland-Pfalz 2002. Mainz 2002.
Kulturlandschaftskataster. In: Landschaftsverband
Luley, Helmut und Wolfgang Wegener (1995):
Rheinland:
Archäologische Denkmäler im Wald und ihre
entwicklung 55 – Rheinisches Kulturlandschafts-
Gefährdung.
kataster, 11. Fachtagung 25.-26. Oktober 2001 in
In:
Koschick,
Harald
Landwirtschaftskammer
als
Hrsg.
Rheinland,
Landschaftsverband
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Rheinlandes. Köln 1995.
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Archäologie im Kreis Neuwied. Horb am Neckar
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Udo
(2004):
Hessen
braucht
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Jahrestagung
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Vereins
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Kulturland-
schaftspflege in Frankfurt am Main 2004.
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Reinhold
(1999):
Waldentwicklung
sequenten
Darstellung
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–
der
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Ergebnisse für Forstwirtschaft, Naturschutz und
Raumplanung. In: Schenk, Winfried (1999): Aufbau
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(2001): Wir brauchen ein
Reallexikon
der
Gerrit Bub
Forstliche Versuch- und Forschungsanstalt,
Abteilung Waldschutz,
Wonnhalde 4, 79100 Freiburg, Deutschland;
E-Mail: [email protected]
112
CHARCOAL PRODUCTION SITES:
STORE INFORMATION ON WOODLAND HISTORY –
EXAMPLES FROM THE BAVARIAN FOREST (GERMANY),
today’s landscape management and nature
The legacy of the charcoal
makers
conservation, as well as to the knowledge of
For the palaeobotanist, the advantage of the
the cultural heritage.
method is the omnipresence of the charcoal
Historic land-use impacts are relevant for
maker’s relics. Charcoal kiln sites are found
Researchers from several disciplines, from
abundantly at different altitudes and topo-
arts and sciences, are occupied with the
graphical situations, often in the mountain
history
Palaeoecologists
ranges of Europe, but also in the lowlands,
investigate vegetation and woodland history
though they are often not conserved due to
mainly using pollen analysis, which reveals
land use practices or are difficult to find due to
the regional vegetation change over time, and
topography. However, archaeologists some-
macrofossil analysis, which informs about the
times
more local plant distribution.
production in the context of iron smelting sites
of
woodlands.
find
objects
related
to
charcoal
or sometimes within a settlement context.
The
analysis
(anthracology:
Compared to sites of charcoal consumption
determination of species, timber diameter,
(e.g. iron smelting sites), the investigation of
etc.) from historic charcoal production sites is
charcoal production sites allows to assume a
increasingly used as a tool to reconstruct
site-related origin of the timber, which most
woodland history in various regions of Europe
probably was cut in close vicinity. Kiln sites
(Müller 1939/40; Krause 1972; Hillebrecht
are recognisable as small terraces on a slope
1982; Kauder 1992; Bonhote & Vernet 1988;
(Fig. 1, 2), where charcoal makers used to
Bonhote et al. 2002; Davasse 1992, 2000;
build their upright circular kilns (stehende
Montanari et al. 2000, 2002; Ludemann 1994,
Rundmeiler).
1996, 2002a; 2002b, 2003; Ludemann & Nelle
In Austria, another type of kiln was and is still
2002; Nelle & Kwasniowski 2001; Nelle 2001,
used: the so called Langmeiler (horizontal
2002a; 2002b, 2003). In this paper, examples
kiln); their remains can be found in the
from the Bavarian Forest in Germany are
landscape as 15-20 m long and 5 m wide
given
of
mounds with a long-oval shape (Fig. 3).
palaeoarchive contributes to the research on
During medieval times, pit kilns were in
vegetation and landscape history.
operation.
to
of
charcoal
illustrate
how
this
type
Within
interdisciplinary
the
context
palaeoecological
of
research,
113
we know by now over 200 charcoal production
sites in the Bavarian Forest and Oberpfälzer
Forest (Fig. 4). Of them, 66 are investigated
anthracologically so far (Nelle 2002b).
Fig. 3: Horizontal kiln site (Langmeilerplatz), field
situation. Eisenerzer Ramsau, Steiermark, Austria. Black
line indicating extension of the relic (Photo: O. Nelle
2003).
Fig. 1: Scheme of kiln sites, located on a slope. A round
or oval terrace with charcoal fragments in the soil is
characteristic. From this charcoal layer, samples are
gained for wood analysis (Nelle 2003).
Fig. 4: Historic charcoal kiln sites in the Bavarian Forest
(black dots). Black circle: location of „Forstmühler Forst“
(see Fig. 5).
Fig. 2: Example of a kiln site (upright circular kiln) in the
Bavarian Forest. White line indicating extension of the
site, with diameter 6 - 7 m (Nelle 2003)
Fig. 5: Kiln site ensemble Forstmühler Forst, Bavarian
Forest. Charcoal spectra from 14 kiln sites, based on
17191719 charcoal fragments in total (Nelle 2002b).
114
Fig. 6: Charcoal pit kiln „K 66“, Forstmühler Forst, Bavarian Forest. a: field situation. b: planum. c: W-profile. d: Nprofile. Numbers 1-2 C-horizon, 3-9 differentiable layers. Black layers are rich in charcoal, grey layers have some
charcoals, and light layers are charcoal-free. Layer c and 7 contained charcoal from beech (Fagus) and fir (Abies),
Layer 4-5 and Layer a contained only charcoal from oak (Quercus). (Nelle et al. 2003
Gaining the botanical
information
Information on the size of the charred wood is
gained using a diameter stencil. The bending
Charred wood shows all the anatomic features
of the growth rings and the angle of the rays
which enable the botanist to determine the
make it possible to measure the diameter, if
woody species of the fragment in question. At
the piece is not too small. Thus, the botanist
each site, a minimum of 100 fragments is
can tell what tree species were used at the
sampled from different parts of the charcoal-
sites, and whether it was of small or large
rich layers, and analysed microscopically
diameter, i.e. of small or large trees. The
(stereomicroscope
and
incident
light
proportions point to the dominant tree species
microscope)
an
identification
key
in the vicinity and the composition of the
(Schweingruber 1990a, 1990b) and a charcoal
forest, assuming the charcoal makers used
sample collection. Usually, determination to
the available wood. The above mentioned
genus level is possible. In most cases, the
studies have shown that generally all tree
genus can be narrowed down to a particular
species which were present in the forest were
species, due to the knowledge of plant
used for making charcoal, although some
distribution (e.g. Fagus – Fagus sylvatica).
historical records on charring wood indicate
using
115
that certain species were more suitable than
assume that it was used several times to
others (cited literature in Nelle 2002b).
make charcoal. More research is planned to
investigate also the other pit structures along
Medieval pit kilns in the
Bavarian Forest
the slope. The upright kiln sites, which can be
A charcoal kiln site ensemble is located in the
dominated spectra. This is interpreted as
„Forstmühler Forst“, which belongs to the
either a man-made enrichment of fir, or the
Thurn und Taxis-estate, around 15 km NE of
usage of fir-dominated stands. The use of oak
Regensburg, in the Western Bavarian Forest.
wood in Medieval times is proved with the
We found in very close vicinity objects which
charcoal data, but remains surprising. From a
are the relics of pits used for charcoal burning,
geobotanical point of view, one would expect
and sites where upright kilns were operated
beech dominated forests at these altitudes
(Fig. 5). Samples from two pit objects gave
and sites as the natural vegetation (Rüther
datings of 1408 ± 44 radiocarbon years before
2003).
dated
in
the
Modern
Times,
show fir-
present (544-547, 560-686 AD cal., 2 Sigma)
high medieval times, at a time when people
Combining palaeoarchives
and methods in palaeoecology
started to settle the more accessible areas of
In palaeoecological research, it is essential to
the Bavarian Forest. These two radiocarbon
combine as many methods as possible, within
dates and the related charcoal production
one discipline, and between disciplines. It is
activities are the earliest finds on woodland
also crucial to use as many palaeoarchives as
use in this area. With an archaeological
possible to gain the data about the past
excavation, we proved that the pits were used
vegetation. At the Institute of Botany of the
for charcoal production (Fig. 6). We were a
University of Regensburg, we investigated the
team of two archaeologists, a soil scientist
Western
and a botanist (Nelle et al. 2003). In the
botanical
profile, different charcoal layers can be seen,
science combined with research in toponyms
which are differentiated by charcoal free
and archives (Rüther 2003), and palynology
mineral layers, and differ further with their
and
charcoal spectra. At the bottom and middle
operation with geographists and archaeo-
layers,
prevails,
logists, we come to new insights in the history
whereas the upper layer consists of charcoal
of the landscape. The palaeobotanists relies
from beech (Fagus) and fir (Abies). No other
on available palaeoarchives; therefore co-
finds, like slag or ceramics, were made.
operation with other research disciplines is
Because of the different layers in the pit, we
essential.
and 1399 ± 41 (563-588. 596-688 AD cal., 2
Sigma). Thus they were operated in early or
oak
(Quercus)
charcoal
Bavarian
methods,
Forest
with
including
anthracology (Nelle
different
vegetation
2002b). In
co-
116
An example of the increasing interest of
disciplines questions of land use history,
archaeology in the subject of charcoal making
technical aspects related to wood selection,
is a current project in the Eisenerzer Alps near
wood usage, the story of vegetation dynamics
Eisenerz, Steiermark, Austria. In the context
and the vegetation change due to the
of montane archaeological research, kiln sites
activities of man.
were mapped (Klemm 2003). A medieval pit
kiln was found during excavation of a bronze
age copper smelting site, in 1045 m a.s.l.
(Klemm
2003).
The
archaeological
and
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analysis.
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Objects of interdisciplinary
research
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information
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immense
importance
of
the
charcoal
dans
une vallee marquee par
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archaeologists, historians, forest researchers,
kohlewirtschaft als Indikatoren für Waldnutzung
geographers, botanists and today’s charcoal
und Waldentwicklung. Untersuchungen an Bei-
burners. However, the social history of the
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charcoal makers is up to now ignore by
graphische Abhandlungen 79, Verl. Erich Goltze
academic research. The charcoal production
site seems to be an ideal research object to
stand on and discuss across the edges of
(Göttingen), 157 p.
Kauder, B. (1992): Relikte der Waldköhlerei im
Winkelhofer Forst bei Ebrach (Steigerwald). -
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Klemm, S. (2003): Montanarchäologie in den
15: 139 p.
Eisenerzer Alpen, Steiermark. Mit Beiträgen von J.
Montanari, P., S. Prono & S. Scipioni (2000): The
Resch, H. Weinek, H. Proske, B. Emmerer, E.
study of charcoal-burning sites in the Appenine
Steinlechner, P. Trinkaus, W. Gössler und R.
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118
Nelle, O. (2003): Woodland history of the last 500
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Oliver Nelle,
Historische Geobotanik / Historical Geobotany
Oekologie-Zentrum / Ecology Centre
Christian-Albrechts-Universitaet Kiel
post: Olshausenstr. 40 | D-24098 Kiel
haus: Olshausenstr. 75 | D-24118 Kiel
fon +49(0)431-880-4062 | fax +49(0)431-880-4083
[email protected]
Photo: ForstKultur-Archiv AST
119
FOREST-RELATED FAMILY NAMES AND
WOODLAND COVER;
AN EXPLORATORY STUDY TO POSSIBLE RELATIONS
Abstract
Many words, mainly from medieval origin,
The Netherlands are known for its polders and
open landscapes, but not for their woodlands.
Only ten percent of the land area is covered
with forests and woodlands. This used to be
much less two centuries ago. Despite the poor
forest
cover
in
the
Dutch
landscape
nowadays, many forest related family names
do exist in the Netherlands. This suggests that
at the time family names were adopted, the
forest cover was still larger. A study therefore
was
made
to
assess
whether
a
clear
relationship between (a selection) of forest
related family names and the appearance of
the present and historical landscape and its
identity can be discovered.
refer to woodland. For this research a
selection of these words has been made,
namely ‘bos’, ‘haag’, ‘hout’, ‘laar’, ‘lo’, ‘vorst’
and
‘woud’.
Each
word
has
its
own
ethymological meaning related somehow to
forest, woodlands or trees in the landscape.
Also
many
derivative
names
exist,
for
example: ‘bos’ has 114, ‘woud’ has 36 and
‘laar’ has 5 derived simple family names.
Names in general and also these selected
names can be categorized into four groups,
namely
categories
regarding
decent,
profession and characteristics and a category
names from geographical origin or address.
The last one points at the existence of
woodland geographically and might be linked
Having a name was already common in
medieval times, but from 1825 every Dutch
citizen was mandated by a law enacted in
1811 to have a first and a last name. Thus,
traditional forest-related family names came
into existence in the beginning of the 19th
century.
to landscape identity.
From
a
regional
perspective
regarding
abundance of the selected names, the data
demonstrate an interesting distribution of
names over the eleven Dutch provinces that
existed in 1947. The share of persons with
forest-related family names in each province
As a basis for the study, the so-called Dutch
differs strongly with respect to absolute
Repertorium of Family Names Database,
numbers as well as to relative numbers.
based on the census of 1947, was used to
Interestingly, relatively high numbers of forest-
select
After
related family names did occur in provinces
selection, the meaning of the words used as
which at present have a relatively low forest
names were ascertained.
cover and the other way round. This indicates
forest-related
family
names.
120
a regional removal of forests. It is concluded
that
present
landscape
appearance
and
dispersal of forest-related family names show
no clear positive relationship, but that former
landscape appearance and forest cover might
have such a positive correlation.
J. N. van Laar
Wageningen University,
Forest and Nature Conservation Policy Group,
Droevendaalsesteeg 3, 6708 PB Wageningen ,
The Netherlands;
Photo: SCHIMA
121
FORESTS IN THE PUBLIC
DER WALD UND DIE ÖFFENTLICHKEIT
Photo: SCHIMA
122
Photo: SCHIMA
123
FORST UND TOURISMUS
EINE HERAUSFORDERUNG
Präambel133
Vielfalt der Möglichkeiten
Der Tourismusmanager sieht in der Natur ein
Einige
wesentliches
Nutzungsformen in Zusammenhang mit dem
Element
des
freizeit-
Beispiele
für
freizeitwirtschaftliche
wirtschaftlichen Angebotes – mancher Forst-
Wald aus unserer Beratungspraxis:
verantwortliche sieht im Touristen eine latente
• Veredelung forstwirtschaftlicher Produkte
Gefahr für den Bestand. Konflikte sind vorpro-
• Belieferung von Gastronomie und Hotellerie
grammiert, so scheint es. Dass Freizeit-
mit forstwirtschaftlichen Rohprodukten und
projekte auch in einem gedeihlichen Mit-
veredelten Produkten
einander von Eigentümern, Forstfachleuten
• Direktvermarktung von Rohprodukten oder
und Nutzern funktionieren können, haben
veredelten Produkten aus dem Wald
einige erfolgreiche Versuche eindrucksvoll
• Zimmervermietung “Urlaub im Wald”
gezeigt.
• Landschaftsgestaltung als Beitrag zum
Urlaubsprodukt
Ohne natürliche Angebotsfaktoren (unver-
• Lebensraum für Tiere und Pflanzen, die eine
fälschte
freizeitwirtschaftliche Zielsetzung mittragen
Landschaft,
Vegetation,
angenehmes
Tierwelt,
natürliche
Klima,
Heilvor-
• Wegesystem und “Kulisse” für Wanderer,
kommen, etc.) kann ein touristisches Produkt
Biker, Walker, etc.
nicht entstehen.
• Fachbesuchertourismus: Symposien, Se-
Zur
perfekten
Gesamtkonzeption
Urlaubserlebnisses
werden
zu
eines
diesen
minare, Exkursionen zum Thema Wald
• Forstwirtschaftliche Sammlungen und le-
natürlichen Faktoren so genannte abgeleitete
bendige Museen
Faktoren hinzukonzipiert: ohne Beherbergung,
• Themenwege und Themenparks zum Thema
Gastronomie, Transporteinrichtungen, Infra-
Wald
struktur,
• Bräuche, Feste und Feiern rund um das
Einzelhandel-
und
Gewerbeein-
richtungen kann sich ein Freizeitprodukt am
Thema Wald
weltweiten
• Wald als Bühne für Themen-Events
Nachfragermarkt
nicht
mehr
behaupten.
• Basis für Freizeitanlagen, z.B. Golf
• Teichwirtschaft und Fischerei mit touristischen Nutzungskomponenten
133
Kurzfassung des Referates im Rahmen des
Symposiums Woodlands - Cultural Heritage
vom 4. Mai 2004 in den Räumen des BFW
Mariabrunn
• Jagd
124
Produktinnovationen
• Qualität ist: die Hoffnungen der Gäste zu-
Jede neue Idee wirft natürlich eine Reihe von
mindest zu erfüllen
kritischen Fragen auf, die sorgfältig zu prüfen
• Qualität ist: die Erwartungen ein klein wenig
sind, bevor Investitionen getätigt werden, es
zu übertreffen
stellt
• Qualität ist: einfache Dinge ganz besonders
sich
also
die
Frage,
was
ein
Erlebnisangebot alles bieten soll, damit es
gut zu machen.
vom Nachfragermarkt positiv aufgenommen
wird. In unserer täglichen Beratungsarbeit
Wichtige Erfolgsfaktoren
prüfen
Ferner gilt es bei der Umsetzung von neuen
wir
jeweils
nach
den
folgenden
Kriterienblöcken:
Produkten mindestens die in der Folge
Angebotseigenschaften
(Sicht
des
genannten
Kriterien
zu
beachten,
Gastes):
Erfüllung
zur
• Neuigkeitswert klar erkennbar
Konzeption von erfolgreichen thematischen
• Konkurrenzvorteil klar erkennbar
Erlebnisinszenierungen zu sehen ist:
Voraussetzung
in
deren
der
• Nutzen klar erkennbar für Zielgruppe
• Positive Wirkung für den Gast
Planung und Management
• Kommunizierbarkeit - leicht erklärbar
• Betriebswirtschaftliche Vorbereitung, inhalt-
• Unverwechselbarkeit/Merkbarkeit
liche Konzeption und Finanzierungskonzept
Zusätzliche betriebliche Fragen (Sicht des
• Professionelles Management mit hoher
Unternehmers):
Dienstleistungsqualität,
• Ist das Produkt mit den Zielen und dem
Sicherheit,
Leitbild des Eigentümers vereinbar?
Marketing, CI und CD-Linie
Marke,
professionelle
Zielgruppe,
Mitarbeiter
bzw
• Ist ein genügend großes Marktpotenzial
vorhanden
Standort
• Ist das nötige Gewinn- und Umsatzziel er-
• Authentische Einbettung in das Umfeld,
reichbar?
Eigenständigkeit, regionalspezifische Ideen
• Sind Personal, Kapital und Know-how im
• regionale Kooperation, Potenzial an Be-
Betrieb vorhanden?
wohnern und Touristen, verfügbare Flächen
• Ist der Zugang zum Nachfragermarkt ge-
und optimale Größe, latente Nachfrage, Ver-
geben?
netzung
• Ist die notwendige Produktqualität erzielbar?
Konsens mit Einwohnern, Nachhaltigkeit
mit
dem
regionalen
Angebot,
Es gibt kaum eine allgemein gültige Definition
für
Qualität.
Mit
den
folgenden
Hilfs-
Produkt und Angebot
definitionen kommt man aber - mit einer
• Innovation und Einzigartigkeit des Ange-
individuellen Qualitätssichtweise - den Er-
botes,
wartungen des Gastes schon recht nahe:
Attraktivität,
Originalität,
innovative
125
Detaillösungen, Merchandising, strategische
aus der Sicht von knapp zwei Drittel der
Allianzen,
Befragten eher nicht mit Konflikten verbunden.
• Barrierelose Verfügbarkeit des Angebotes,
Im Vergleich zum Wandern sehen knapp zwei
ganzjährig, wetterunabhängig, verkehrsmäßig
Drittel der Befragten ein höheres Konflikt-
ausreichend erschlossen.
potenzial beim Mountainbiken. Hauptsächlich
sieht man mit Jägern, Förstern, Grund-
Auf dem Weg von der ersten Idee zu einem
eigentümern und Wanderern ein Konflikt-
Infotainment oder Edutainmentansatz
potenzial,
- ins-
mit
Radfahrern,
besondere im Bereich der modern auf-
anderen
Mountainbikern
bereiteten inszenierten Erlebnisangebote -
Konfliktpotenzial gesehen.
Reitern
wird
und
kaum
ein
sollten die Gäste schließlich die folgenden
Angebote und Möglichkeiten vorfinden:
So ist zum symbiotischen Miteinander oftmals
• Angebot als Gegenwelt zum Alltag
ein längerer Näherungsprozess nötig, in dem
• Veränderung der emotionalen Befindlichkeit
Forstfachleute und Touristiker Schritt um
bei der Konsumation des Angebotes
Schritt eine passgenaue Vereinbarung treffen,
• Multisensualität von Angebotsteilen
die
• Verschiebung von Raum und Zeit
Erfordernissen angepasst werden muss.
immer
wieder
den
aktuellen
• Wechsel von Animation und Interaktion,
sowie von Spannung und Entspannung
Als Beispiel: ein in der touristischen Praxis
• und ein wenig künstliche Realität
entstandenes Regelwerk als Beispiel für einen
Versuch
der
Konflikte und Spielregeln
meidung
im
Nicht nur in Österreich spielt der Wald mit all
reichischen
seinen
fassung):
faunistischen
Besonderheiten,
aber
Erlebniselementen
Rolle.
Je
nach
sondern
nicht
der
nur
auch
Konfliktsituationen
auch
eine
freizeitwirtschaftlichen
dadurch
und
floristischen
den
eminent
„stillen“
wichtige
Intensität
Nutzung
positive
konkret
zwischen
der
entstehen
Imageeffekte,
wahrnehmbare
den
unter-
konsensualen
Bereich
der
KonfliktverNiederöster-
Mountainbike-Strecken
(Kurz-
• Wir befahren nur markierte Routen und nur
im März bzw. Oktober von 9.00 bis 17.00 Uhr,
im April bzw. September von 8.00 bis 18.00
Uhr, von Mai bis August von 7.00 bis 19.00
Uhr.
• Wir halten die geltende Straßenverkehrsordnung (STVO) ein und überholen Wanderer
schiedlichen Systemmitgliedern (Eigentümer,
und Reiter nur im Schritttempo.
Pächter, Jäger, Wanderer, Biker, etc.).
• Wir sind Gäste im Wald und benehmen uns
Das Thema Konflikte wird etwa von befragten
wie Gäste, auch gegenüber dem Forst- und
Mountainbikern (MTB-Studie der NÖ-Landesregierung) so gesehen: Das Mountainbiken ist
Jagdpersonal.
126
• Wir hinterlassen die Natur, wie wir sie gerne
viele Projektverantwortliche einen emotional-
vorfinden würden - ohne Abfälle.
en Rat geben:
• Radfahren abseits der Routen und außer-
• nie aus einer Schwäche heraus agieren,
halb der freigegebenen Zeiten macht uns zu
besser ist es, seine Stärken zu stärken
illegalen Bikern.
• auch einmal den Mut aufbringen, etwas
Neues, ganz Ungewöhnliches zu wagen
Nutzenstiftung durch
Tourismus
An welchen Begriffen kann nun der Nutzen
von professionell aufbereiteten freizeitwirtschaftlichen Angeboten im Wald festgemacht
werden?
• Umsatz- und Gewinnsteigerung im Betrieb
• Image und Imagetransfer
• sich nicht scheuen, kompetente Partner zu
suchen, lieber auf Kooperation setzen
• professionelle Begleitung nutzen - Beratung
und allenfalls auch persönliches Umsetzungscoaching zu nutzen
• Qualität in allen Betriebsbereichen durchsetzen versuchen, denn das Gesamtprodukt
ist leider nur so stark, wie das schwächste
Teilprodukt
• Regionalwirtschaftliche Vorteile
•
• Positives Denken und Berichterstattung
finanziellen Förderung tun und
• Ansehen und Identität
• gute Ideen schnell realisieren, bevor es die
• Perspektiven für die Jungen
anderen tun!
nie
etwas
nur
wegen
der
erhofften
Ganz konkret kann man – im Einzelfall sehr
unterschiedlich – von folgenden Kennzahlen
Wolfgang Sovis
für den regionalwirtschaftlichen Nutzen einer
Unternehmensberatung, Touristische
Projektentwicklung, Orts- und Regionalentwicklung,
A-2000 Stockerau, Am Damm 11;
touristischen Einrichtung ausgehen:
• Pro investierter Million Euro = Sicherung von
um die 15 Beschäftigten in der Errichtungsphase
• Pro laufenden Million Euro Umsatz =
Schaffung von rund 20 Arbeitsplätzen im
laufenden Betrieb
• Pro Umsatzeinheit = rund ein Drittel Steuern
und Abgaben (Bund, Länder, Gemeinden)
Ein Appell zum Schluss
Am Schluss darf ich als Unternehmensberater, aber auch als langjähriger Coach für
127
DER „NATUR AUF DER SPUR“
Das Mäzenatentum des
Hauses Esterházy vom
17.Jhdt. bis heute
Fronleichnam
bis
auf
die
Landnahme
der
großen Schüttinsel in der Donau um das Jahr
1038 Ländereien in Besitz hatte. Auf einer im
Jahr 1186 ausgestellten Urkunde König Bélas
III., scheint erstmals an einer Stelle der Name
der Sippe Salamon auf, aus der sich über
Zweig
„de
Zerház“
die
Familie
Esterházy herausbildete. Große Bedeutung
erlangte die Familie durch Graf Nikolaus
Esterházy,
geb.
11.09.1645,
08.04.1583,
der
es
bis
Honoratioren
der
bekannte „Neckenmarkter Fahnenschwingen“.
Magyaren 894 bis 900 zurück, wo sie auf der
einen
den
Gemeinde geschwungen wird, das weithin
Die Wurzeln der Familie (Sippe) gehen
vermutlich
vor
gest.
zum
am
Palatin
(Stellvertreter des Königs in Ungarn) brachte.
In weiter Folge erwarb sich die Familie unter
hohem Blutzoll große Verdienste bei den
Türkenabwehrkämpfen. Das Haus Esterházy
verstand sich als Mittler zwischen Ost und
West und war in seinen Handlungen stets
Habsburg-, d.h. kaisertreu. Eine Folge davon
war
sicherlich
die
Erhebung
von
Paul
Esterházy in den Fürstenstand im Jahre 1687,
durch Kaiser Leopold V.
Die
Geschichte
des
Fürstlichen
Hauses
Esterházy beginnt also mit Fürst Paul, geb.
07.09 1635 in Eisenstadt, gest. 26.03.1713,
das heißt er ereichte ein Alter von 78 Jahren,
davon regierte er 61 Jahre.
In seine Zeit fiel auch ein bedeutendes
Ziel meiner Betrachtungen ist aber nicht die
Lokalereignis, nämlich die berühmte Schlacht
Genealogie
von Lackenbach im Jahre 1620, wo Graf
Bedeutung als Träger von Kultur, Errichter
Esterházy
von Bauten und Förderer der Künste. Eine
vom
aufständischen
der
Familie,
lückenlose
Lackenbach
belagert
Regierenden, die sich über 12 Generationen
und kräftige
erstreckte, beginnend von Fürst Paul und
kaiserlichen
endend mit Fürst Dr. Paul Esterhazy, würde
Reiterheeres, sowie der Bevölkerung der
den Rahmen dieses Vortrages sprengen,
umliegenden
und
wurde. Durch eigene Kraft
Mithilfe
eines
habsburgisch
Ortschaften,
Neckenmarkter
überlegene
Bauern,
Heer
der
der
sodass
wurde
das
herausragende Persönlichkeiten beschränke.
A.
mich
auf
vier
einzelnen
speziell
Aufständischen
ich
der
ihre
Siebenbürgerfürst Gabor Bethlen im Schloß
eingeschlossen
Vorstellung
sondern
besonders
Fürst Paul: Universale Ausbildung in
vernichtend geschlagen. Als Dank für die
die Künste und Wissenschaften seiner Zeit,
Unterstützung
den
ebenso in Schauspiel und Komposition, durch
Neckenmarktern eine Standarte, die seit mehr
die Jesuiten in Graz und in Tyrnau (heutige
als
Slowakei). Äußerst großes politisches und
380
stiftete
Jahren
am
Nikolaus
Sonntag
nach
128
militärisches
Geschick,
Feldmarschall
und
avanciert
Oberbefehlshaber
zum
1766 Joseph Haydn zu seinem obersten
der
Kapellmeister. In gleicher Weise fördert der
Militärgrenze im Kampf gegen die Aggression
Fürst die
des
Hohe
Bildhauer, Maler und Kunsthandwerker in
des
großer Zahl. Rasch verbreitete sich der Ruf
Osmanischen
wirtschaftliche
Reiches.
Kompetenz-Begründer
bildenden Künste, Architekten,
Fideikomisses in der Familie- Interesse an
vom
Architektur,
Kompositeur
Magnaten. Im Schloß Eszterháza kommt es
(Harmonia Caelestis). Erbauer der neuen -
zur Aufführung strahlend inszenierter Feste
nach den Türkenkriegen zerstörten - Basilika
und musikalisch-theatralischer Darbietungen,
von Frauenkirchen. Als Kind seiner Zeit
sodass dem Fürsten der Beiname „der
befasste er sich schon mit jungen Jahren mit
Prachtliebende“ gegeben wird. 28 Jahre bis
Naturwissenschaften und Astronomie.
zu seinem Tode am 28.09.1790 regierte Fürst
B.
Dichter
Fürst
und
Nikolaus
I.,
„Der
Pracht-
großartigen
Mäzenatentum
des
Paul sein „Esterházy´sches Feenreich“
Fürst
Nikolaus
II.
liebende“ wurde am 18.12.1714 in Wien
C.
geboren. Verschiedene Studien in Wien und
geb.12.12.1765 in Wien. Tritt nach einer
in Leyden. Schlägt 1740 die militärische
universalen Ausbildung im Jahr 1794 die
Laufbahn
Regierung
ein
Preußenkriegen
und
bringt
bis
zum
es
in
den
Feldmarschall-
an
und
erweist
„der
sich
Mezän“
seinem
Großvater als Kunstmäzen und Sammler
Leutnant und Träger des Maria-Theresien-
ebenbürtig.
Ordens. 1763 beginnt er das kleine Schloß
Gemäldesammlung (heute in der ungarischen
Süttör am Südufer des Neusiedler zu einem
Nationalgalerie).
Palast umzubauen, der im ungarischen König-
Eisenstadt.
reich
Bald
großzügig dimensionierten Saal, mit bester
„ungarischen
Akustik für die Aufführung seiner Werke. Im
Versailles“. Fürst Nikolaus wird das Schloß
Schlosspark lässt der Fürst einen naturnahen
zum Ruhme der Familie „Eszterháza“ nennen.
Landschaftsgarten
Als Krönungsbotschafter für Kaiser Josef den
Ankauf der Herrschaft Edelstetten, (in Bayern
II. in Frankfurt am Main, inszeniert er die
liegend) kommt Nikolaus in den Rang eines
Abläufe, was wieder großes Aufsehen erregte,
Reichsfürsten. Napoleon bietet ihm im Jahre
sodass
1809
nicht
kursierte
der
seinesgleichen
Begriff
selbst
hatte.
vom
Johann Wolfgang
Goethe
die
Anlegung
einer
Umbau
Joseph
von
Haydn
entstehen.
ungarische
riesigen
Schloß
erhält
Durch
Königskrone
einen
den
an.
dieses Erlebnis in sein Werk „Dichtung und
Nikolaus der II. lehnt aus Loyalität zu
Wahrheit“ einbringt. 1765 wird dem Fürsten
Habsburg dieses Angebot ab. 1805 holt er mit
der Orden des goldenen Vlieses verliehen.
Johann Nepomuk Hummel einen weiteren
Seine
zum
Eisenstädter Meister an den fürstlichen Hof.
damals
Beteiligungen am Wiener Burgtheater, am
herrschenden Kultur. Nikolaus macht im Jahre
Kärtnertortheater, sowie am Theater an der
Residenz
glanzvollen
wird
immer
Mittelpunkt
der
mehr
129
Wien, zeugen vom großzügigen Mäzen. In
Fürst, der neu im Jahre 1960 entstanden
seinen beiden Wiener Palais gilt der Fürst als
Diözese Eisenstadt, seine für 78 Pfarren
splendider
Wiener
bestehenden Patronate ab. In weiterer Folge
Kongress versammelten Diplomatie. Nach
wurden die durch die russische Besetzung
vierzigjähriger Regierungszeit stirbt der Fürst
völlig
am 25.11.1833 in Como.
waldbauliche Maßnahmen wieder in einen
D.
Gastgeber
der
zum
Fürst Dr. Paul V. geb. am 23.03.1901
devastierten
Forstbestände
durch
ausgeglichenen, nachhaltig bewirtschafteten
in Eisenstadt, erlebte der zwölfte und letzte
Betrieb
Fürst die Teilung der Esterházy´schen Güter.
durch ständig begleitende Baumaßnahmen,
60.000 ha wechseln von insgesamt 187.000
die Renovierung der Burg Forchtenstein und
ha ihre Staatszugehörigkeit. Mit 05.12.1921
des Schlosses Eisenstadt. Der letzte Fürst Dr.
wurden
drei
Paul Esterházy verstirbt am 25.05.1989 nach
ungarischen Komitate Wieselburg, Ödenburg
neunundsechzigjähriger, durch große Um-
und Eisenburg unter dem neuen Namen
wälzungen
Burgenland an Österreich angegliedert. Paul
Zürich.134
V. studiert in Budapest und promoviert 1925
Das
zum
und
talentierter Künstler, die Bautätigkeit, die
Jahr
Förderung
die
westlichen
Doktor
Teile
der
Staatswissenschaften.
der
Rechte
Im
selben
umgewandelt.
geprägter
erfolgte
Regierungszeit,
Mäzenatentum,
der
Nebenbei
die
Kultur
in
Unterstützung
im
Bundesland
vermindert sich sein Grundbesitz in Ungarn
Burgenland ist auch durch die segensreiche
durch eine Bodenreform um 13%. Dem Dritten
Tätigkeit der Fürstin Melinda Esterházy, der
Reich und der Pfeilkreuzler Regierung steht
Witwe nach dem letzten Fürsten,
der
großzügigen
Fürst
ablehnend
gegenüber.
1946
Weise
gegeben.
in einer
Großartige
verehelicht er sich in Budapest mit Melinda
Ausstellungen
(Landesausstellungen)
auf
Ottrubay. Damals Primaballerina assoluta an
Burg Forchtenstein, Konzertveranstaltungen
der ungarischen Staatsoper. Noch im selben
im Schloß Eisenstadt, sowie die Errichtung
Jahr wird die Konfiskation seiner sämtlichen
des Museums „Der Natur auf der Spur“ auf
Besitzungen in Ungarn eingeleitet. In einem
Schloß Lackenbach, sind Zeichen dafür, das
Schauprozess wird er vom kommunistischen
der Geist des Mäzenatentums weiterlebt und
Regime zu fünfzehn Jahren Haft verurteilt.
fruchtbringend für die Kultur bis in die heutige
Während des Volksaufstandes 1956 aus dem
Zeit wirkt.
Gefängnis befreit, entscheidet er sich für ein
Die Menschen des Landes sind dafür sehr
Exil in der Schweiz.
dankbar.
Von seinen österreichischen Besitzungen tritt
er
zwischen
1959
landwirtschaftlich
und
1961
genutzten
9000
Boden
ha
an
burgenländische Bauern ab. 1963 löst der
134
Quellenstudium Katalog zur Landesausstellung
1995, J.M.Perschy, Eisenstadt, „Die Fürsten
Esterházy –zwölf kurzgefaßte Lebensbilder“.
130
Das Museum „Der Natur auf
der Spur“
Jagd zur Sicherung des Überlebens, zum
Der Startschuss für die Errichtung eines
Jagdregelung der Gegenwart. Ganz bewusst
Naturerlebnismuseums
wird auch in den Themenbereichen der
im
Schloß
Jagdvergnügen
der
Herrschaft
bis
zur
Lackenbach fiel im Jahre 1997.
Forstwirtschaft auf die Vergangenheit Bezug
Auf Initiative von Fürstin Melinda Esterházy
genommen,
sollten die alten, verfallenden Wirtschafts-
Tradition der Gegenwart gegenüberzustellen.
gebäude
Waldnutzung in der jüngeren Vergangenheit,
des
Schlosses
Lackenbach
restauriert und für Museumszwecke adaptiert
die
werden. Als Zielpublikum wurden Kinder,
Forstwirtschaft,
Jugendliche,
Waldes
Schulklassen
und
Familien
um
hier Geschichte und
Arbeitsweise
für
und
die
der
die
modernen
Leistungen
Gesellschaft
des
werden
Infomations-
thematisiert. Probleme der Gegenwart, wie
vermittlung sollte auch ein hoher Erlebniswert
zum Beispiel der Wildschäden werden auf
erzielt werden. Unter Berücksichtigung dieser
sachliche Art präsentiert. Wildtiere und ihr
Vorgaben erfolgte schließlich die Konzeption
Lebensraum ist das Thema des folgenden
der Räume und Themenbereiche. Die Spur
Raumes. Tiere des Waldes, der Wiesen und
als zentrales Motto dieses Museums führt in
Felder und des Schilfgürtel sind in einem
verschiedenen
Interpretationsmöglichkeiten
großen Diorama zu sehen. Ein Computerspiel
durch die Räume: Menschliche Geschichte
animiert zur Wildtierbestimmung anhand von
hinterlässt Spuren in unserem Bewusstsein,
Spuren, Federn oder Tiersilhouetten. Das
die Landnutzung der Menschen zeichnet
Jagdzimmer
deutliche Spuren in die Landschaft, Tiere
Verflechtungen
kann man an ihren Spuren erkennen und
Alltagsleben. Unbewusst begleitet uns die
verfolgen.
Jagd in der Sprache, im Spiel und in prägt
Der erste Raum ist ein Rundgang durch die
unseren Geschmack in Mode und Stil. Jagd
Geschichte der Jagd und der Forstwirtschaft.
hat auch einen großen Einfluß auf das
Gemeinsamer Nenner dieser Landnutzungs-
Kunsthandwerk
formen ist der Wald als Lebensraum des
Jagdporzellan
Wildes und Lieferant von Holz. Den Besucher
Fundus Forchtenstein wird im Jagdzimmer
empfängt ein Potpourri von Märchen, Mythen
ausgestellt.
und Sagen – Waldgeschichten- die unsere
Im Discovarium, dem Labor des Museums,
Vorstellung vom Wald geformt und nachhaltig
wird der Besucher zum Entdecken und
beeinflusst haben. Den räumlichen Vorgaben
Erforschen eingeladen. Berühren ist erlaubt
folgend, wird die Jagdausübung in drei
und erwünscht. Durch ein Mikroskop und
unterschiedlichen
Lupen können die Besucher den Formen-
definiert.
Neben
griffiger
Epochen
skizziert.
Der
Bogen spannt sich von der steinzeitlichen
reichtum
der
verweist auf die vielfältigen
der
Jagd
mit
ausgeübt.
aus
Natur
dem
und
unserem
Wertvolles
Esterházy´schen
den
Reiz
der
131
Vergrößerung alltäglicher Objekte bestaunen.
zufrieden stellende Besucheranzahl in ein
Arbeitsmethoden der modernen Wildtierkunde
Museum zu bringen.
werden vorgestellt. Weiters finden sich im
Ein modernes Museum hat die Aufgabe eine
Discovarium Anregungen für Arbeiten in und
Bildungsstätte zu sein, die das menschliche
mit der Natur. Am Ende des Museums-
Spektrum in seiner Vielfalt abdeckt. Es soll
besuchs
im
den Gästen Freude machen, sie einladen,
Auditorium bei einem Video oder Musik
länger in den Räumlichkeiten zu verweilen
erholen. Auch die Biblioteria ist ein Raum zum
und stets mit freundlicher und kompetenter
Entspannen,
Betreuung für sie da zu sein.
kann
sich
der
Besucher
Ausruhen
und
Lesen,
Schmökern, Spielen und Kaffee trinken. Das
Museum bietet großzügige Möglichkeiten für
Wechselausstellungen und ist mit seiner Ausstattung auch für Seminare und Kurse (Stichwort: Waldpädagogik, angewandte Biologie,
Jagdprüfung) bestens geeignet. Um das
Museumsgebäude ist ein Arboretum angelegt
und für Kinder gibt es einen Abenteuerspielplatz. Im Schloß Museum Lackenbach
verbinden
sich
modernstes
Ausstellungs-
design, Hightech in der Präsentation und die
sorgfältige Restaurierung der alten Räume zu
einem harmonischen Gesamteindruck. ”Der
Natur auf der Spur” ist ein Erlebnis für alle
Sinne, soll neugierig machen, und einladen
sich auf Spurensuche in unserer Vergangenheit und in der Natur zu begeben.
On nature’s trail
The idea to establish a museum enabling
visitors to experience nature in the castle of
Lackenbach arose 1997.
Princess
Melinda
Esterhazy
wanted
to
revitalize old farm buildings of the castle and
make them into a museum. The goal was to
reach children, adolescents, schools and
families. The rooms have been arranged, with
various topics that give information and a
hands-on experience with nature. The central
motto of the museum is the “trail” which leads
the visitor through the museum: human history
leaves tracks in our mind, the use of land
leaves enormous tracks in the landscape, and
animals can be recognized and followed by
Umsetzung des KonzeptesErfüllen mit Leben
their tracks and scent.
The first room offers a survey of the history of
the hunt and forestry. The forest is the living
Ein sehr gut durchdachtes Konzept - in
space of game as well as the supplier of
äußerst professioneller Weise umgesetzt, ist
wood. The visitor is welcomed by a potpourri
trotz allem - nicht Garant für die Annahme
of tales, myths and stories of the woods that
durch das Zielpublikum.
have formed and influenced our ideas over
Nur
unter
Angebotes,
Ausnutzung
das
den
eines
vielfältigen
Interessen
der
Zielgruppen entspricht, ist es möglich, eine
time. The practice of hunting is shown in three
different periods. The survey reaches from the
132
hunt in the Stone Age, the main task of which
know ways to work in and with the nature.
was to secure survival, to the fun of the hunt
After visiting the museum you can relax in the
for the privileged and finally to the present-day
auditorium while watching a video or listening
regulations of hunting. The exhibition also
to music. The library is another room, named
deals with forestry in the past and compares
biblioteria, to relax, read, play and drink
history and tradition with the present. The
coffee. The museum offers great possibilities
usage of the wood in the past, methods of
for exhibitions and seminars (key word: Forest
work in modern forestry and the impact of the
pedagogic, wood, biology, hunting exam and
wood in society are shown.
culture events).
Problems of the present such as damage
Outside the museum there is an Arboretum
caused by game are realistically presented.
and a fine playground for the children. In the
Game and their space is the topic in the
museum of the castle Lackenbach most
following room. Animals of the wood, of
modern
meadows, fields and reeds can be seen in a
presentation and the careful restoration of the
large diorama. A computer game challenges
old rooms offer the visitor a harmonious
visitors to define game with the help of tracks,
experience.
feathers or the silhouette of animals. The
“On Natures Track” is an experience for all
hunting room presents the many comparisons
senses; it aims at making people curious and
between hunting and daily life. Unconsciously
invites the visitor to explore the past and
the hunt is with us in our language, in playing
nature.
exhibition-design,
hi-tech
in
the
games, in fashion and style. The hunt has
always influenced deeply the industrial arts.
Valuable hunting porcelain belonging to the
Forchtenstein
branch
of
the
Esterhazy
Foundation is being shown in the hunting
room. In the discovarium, the labaratory of the
museum, the visitor is invited to explore and
study. Touching objects is allowed and even
desired. With the help of a microscope and a
magnifying glass visitors can marvel at the
great variety of forms in nature and see
enlargements of every-day objects. Modern
scientific working methods concerning game
are being shown. Moreover you will get to
Gottfried Horvath
Esterházy Kultur Museum „Der Natur auf der Spur“
(Leiter)
7322 Lackenbach, Schloß
Tel. 02619/20012 oder 0664/6207160
Fax 02619/8626-75
E-Mail: [email protected],
Internet: www.naturspur.at
133
NEWS AND FOREST REPRESENTATION
AT THE FRENCH TV
This study is part of a two-year research
equipped with a television set; 58% were
project examining the television archives
equipped in 1967. The study here is limited to
about the forest. A first study analysed the
France and with the two national chains
relationship between the forest and the storm
regularly viewed by the French and which
since 1963 within the framework of the
cover the whole of the territory: the first
program “Grand vent et patrimoine arboré”
channel
launched after the storms of December 1999.
(Antenne 2-France2) where the news appears
This study broadens the field to the forest in
in 1967.
general and then the relations between forest
The textual records for television archives are
and fire in particular.
poor for the fifties. Initially, sources were
What is the place of the forest in the television
classified only according to the contents of the
news? The forest is initially the space which
images, for their subsequent utilisation. It was
burns. Each summer, Mediterranean space
only after 1995 that they were classified
requires attention because of the holidays and
according to the information contained in the
the multiple fires, which are regular. However,
broadcast. Most of the broadcasts before
my study of the forest in the television news
1987 have not yet been transferred to the
since 1961 reveals that the forest is not only a
video or DVD formatting; we have only more
fuel, it is also a place of memory, a place of
or less complete textual records. The oldest
tragedy, a polluted space, a space with
reference to the forest appears on August 8,
environmental conflicts, etc. Some of these
1941, referring to acts of a forest fire, but it is
aspects are permanent; the others emerge
only after 1961 that we have regular reports.
(TF1)
and
a
second
channel
over the years. Their emergence is then an
excellent indicator of the public awareness of
the issues.
The assertion of the forest
Why does the forest appear in the broadcast?
The news is the most popular daily program in
The dynamic of information is the catastrophe,
France, especially the 8 p.m. edition. It has
the abnormal situation; it is initially the
existed since October 1949. It has been
destruction of the forest, which holds the
broadcast at 8 p.m. since 1954, but it was in
attention: the fire, the storm, pollution, etc. It is
the sixties that it took its current form by
also the place of plane and helicopters
attaching more importance to the image. In
crashes, which come to finish their flight there.
1957, only 6% of the households were
It is then the setting of a human tragedy.
134
Thus, the forest is secondary to the event,
each year the reports about the forest
according to a journalistic logic. It is related to
increase in summer (table 1). The forest is a
the catastrophe, which took place the day
fuel. This overall vision must be moderated,
before, or which is awaited, like the second
however.
storm of December 1999. The event can be
Until the second half of the 1970s, the forest is
prophesied, like the forest fires which are
not very present in the media. It is only at the
anticipated from spring.
end of 1980 that it really emerges to attain the
heights with the turning of the 20th century,
Evolution of the reports about the forest since 1961
300
Reportage about the forest
Reportage about forest fire
250
200
150
100
50
0
Tab. 1
The forest is initially a space which burns: 57
following the storms of December 1999 and
% of the reports relating to the forest since
the fires of the summer 2003. This slow
1962 are devoted to fires. This rhythm
emergence of the forest in the 1970s is
accelerates in the summer. This prevalence of
confirmed by the description of the storms.
fire occurs again with images about the
The storms are described regularly from 1963,
foreign countries, above all the United States,
but the reports only referred to the trees to
Portugal, Italy, and Greece in July or August,
illustrate the force of the winds, and did not
and Australia in January and February. In
focus on the damage in forest until 1976.
135
This change is due in part to technical
urbanisation and the motorization of the
progress. At the beginning of the 1980s
French society. By affirming a space like the
television journalists were equipped with the
forest, the journalists also anchored names of
Betacam, a more portable video camera
certain forests in the minds: the Maures and
which requires less personnel and which
Esterel, not far from Marseilles because of the
allows them to produce more images for the
fire; Fontainebleau and Rambouillet, two
viewers. Other changes intervened thereafter
forests located at the south of Paris and
with the satellite and the video camera of the
finally, in Brittany, Brocéliande, since 1990,
amateurs. The middle of the 1970s coincides
the mythical forest of king Arthur.
with a diversity of the topics concerning the
issue; the first report considering this aspect,
From a sum of trees to an
ecological vision of the forest
entitled: "the forest economic problems" (La
The vision of the media is above all a vertical
forêt problèmes économiques) is broadcast on
look on the forest. There is a forest when we
April
Environmental questions
must raise the eyes. The fallen tree, the small
relating to the forest have become more
trees do not make the forest. The storm lies
common since 1976 with celebration of the
down, the fire eradicates the forest. Until the
“days of the tree” and the participation of the
end of 1980, the forest remained the world of
President of the Republic. The effects of the
the tree, and the fauna which was present
air pollution are mentioned for the first time on
was limited to big game, that which holds the
French television on April 12, 1984; in
attention in the broadcasts about the opening
Germany, it had been on the front pages of
of the shooting season: the stag, the roe-deer,
the newspapers since 1982. The metaphor
and the wild boar. In 1984, on July 24, a new
"lung
the
animal returns in forest, the lynx, with a lot of
descriptive records, in connection with the
polemics at the local level. It threatens the
Amazonian forest. It is not automatically used,
herds of sheep, competes with the hunter, but
but the formula is employed occasionally, for
the images are in favour of this animal. Two
example in 1998 in connection with the fires in
years before, the vision of the stag, animal
Greece around Athens.
symbolic of the forest, also changed, from
Since the 1990s, other issues have arisen,
now on he threatens the agriculture and the
like the appearance of all terrain vehicles in
forest, because of the absence of predators...
the forest and the paint ball, and the social
On September 11, 1989, following a new fire
stakes too with the homeless located near the
in the massif of the Maures (Var), the cameras
great urban centres. These people used the
are diverted from charred trees to focus on the
forest as place of dwelling. The topics relating
animals: snakes, dormouse, tortoises, etc. We
to
can wonder whether this vision of the forest
forest. The forest becomes an economic
16,
1977.
green"
the
forest
appears
are
in
1989,
multiplied
in
with
the
136
does not lie with the images of the virgin
of the forest, we can ask the following
forest, symbolised by the Amazonian forest,
question: what is ecology for the journalists?
where the richness of fauna was marked in
Also on August 30, 2000, an assessment is
1986 with reports of the Raft of the Summits.
operated after the fires in Corsica: the
Faunistic richness is found in the forests of
ecological disaster arises initially from the
continental France too. On August 25, 1990, a
disappearance of the Laricio pine in these
broadcast
title:
forests, and then as a consequence of
"ecological catastrophe fires" (catastrophe
erosion, and there is nothing on fauna. In fact,
écologique incendies - TF1). The report
behind the word "ecology", when it applies to
concerns the role of the forest in the
a management of the forest, journalists hear
maintenance of the soil and its hydrobiologic
reference to a variety of the tree species and
and hydrous functions. For the first time, the
ages, even one the laisser-faire of nature.
journalists
Against the power of nature, it is necessary to
carries
detail
the
the
following
impact
on
the
environment of the forest’s destruction. It is
oppose
not
professed by local ecologists groups or by the
any
longer
one
landscape,
which
disappears, but an ecosystem. These types of
diversity;
this is
the conclusion
foresters in 1999.
reports are rather rare, and are more likely to
news. On February 12, 1997, it is a beetle (in
A forest with the multiple
representations
fact it was an insect) in forest of Bercé that
A space of outside
was in the news because of the construction
One of the senses of the word forest, derived
of a freeway, which threatened its biotope. On
from the Latin foris, is: ”outside of the
December
of
enclosure ”. It is this space out of society, the
Rambouillet, a report is presented on the
place of the tragedy, the place of the
newt, an index of a biodiversity as a result of
helicopter or air plane crash, making the
the storm of December 1999.
research more complicated. Since 1962, and
The forest destroyed by a storm or by fire
even before, since 1953, the forest has been
symbolises the “ecological catastrophe”. This
used as setting for plane crashes. It is also the
expression is mentioned for the first time in
place where the bodies are hidden, given up.
1986 in the news, when it appears in
Before 1983, the broadcasts do not make
connection with the forest following the storm
mention of this point, or, at least, the tie
of November 1987 in Brittany. This expression
between forest and corpse does not appear in
appears regularly especially from the end of
the descriptive cards. Since the end of 1980,
1990 with Erika after the oil pollution, the
this type of news returns regularly to the front
storms of December 1999 or the fires of the
page of the television news. Most famous is
summer 2003. If we have a more global view
that known as "the fiancées of Fontainebleau"
appear in documentaries than in television
24,
2000,
in
the
forest
(Les
fiancés
de
Fontainebleau):
137
they
since 1950. This return of the past also
disappeared in forest in October 31, 1988,
operates on September 20, 1997, in the
their bodies were found on January 10, 1989,
Donon, in the Vosges Mountain (East), where
their supposed murderer, a hunter, was
the regeneration of the trees is contrasted to
stopped February 1999 and was discharged in
the yellowed leaves noted in May 1989.
December 2001.
Television looks for these archives, but
it
compares the images. It forms its own
dissimulates. It offers this role to the outcast.
memory. The example is more obvious with
On October 19, 1975, TF1 devoted a report to
the storms. In November 1982, a violent storm
a family which lived for six months in the
fell down on Auvergne (in the centre of
forest to escape to their debtors. In December
France), but at the time, the media didn’t
1988,
of
speak a lot about it. However in 1987 and
Fontainebleau is described as a refuge for the
2000, following important storms with the
poor. Since 1997, the reports on this topic, the
considerable damage in forest, reports come
poor in forest, are found regularly in the news
back in Auvergne. They want to show how the
during the winter. Sign of a certain degree of
forest can be regenerated since 1982. It is
exclusion in a rich country, certainly, but also
used as standard to measure how in time the
sign of a forest’s conception, mask-misery,
forest is reconstituted. It entered the television
refuge, field in which the poor will not be
memory.
dislodged, because poverty is not visible any
This relation to the time of the forest arises
more.
regularly from the broadcasts related to the
A particular relation to time
fires and the storms. The long time of the
The
forest
in
must
a
new
conceal
report,
all
the
traces,
forest
The forest also carries memory. It
forest is put in parallel with the short time of
keeps the traces of the dramas passed in its
the catastrophe. In a few minutes (storm), a
trees and in its landscape. On November 11,
few hours, a few days, a forest disappears: "In
1988, channel 3 provides a report on strafed
the one night, Brittany lost 20 % of its forest"
wood in its evening edition. The second
(29/11/1987 - TF1)135. This short time is all the
channel speaks too about this subject on
more serious as the forest will reappear
November 10, 2002 and entitles a report: "the
painfully from these ashes: "On the whole four
trees carry the scars from there" (les arbres
billion franks lost for the owners of the
en portent encore les cicatrices). The forest
Gironde and the Landes (south-west), it will
keeps in it the tragic events, the traces of the
catastrophes, from this point of view the fires
are no exception. On July 29, 2003, France 2
broadcasts a report on the Maures in which
the journalists analyse the fires in this area
135
“ En l’espace d’une nuit, la Bretagne a perdu
20 % de sa forêt ”. A same comparaison is did
when the journalists speak about the earthquates.
138
take them one century to reforest" (30/12/
image which strikes more imagination, it is
1999 - France 2)136 .
obviously the uprooted trees, an image
The place of the forest world is limited. Which
synonymous with desolation which translates
personnel officiate in forest? Initially, one
the impotence of the men against this
could say the fireman, who protects the forest
situation" (05/02/1990 – Midi 2)137. This anger
from fire and the neighbourhoods (cities,
is exerted on a forest pacified, organised, and
villages). Among the persons who appear
worked
rather regularly, we find the logger. The
attributable to nature, but to man: "The storm
earliest report about a logger is broadcast on
and these three hundred million cut down
September 23, 1942. The logger also appears
trees are well a catastrophe, but a catastrophe
in the background at the time of reports on the
where the man is his responsible" (19/01/2000
damage brought by the storm. The forester is
– France (Channel) 3)138. By privileging the
the object of a report on April 22, 1973. One
coniferous tree, the man weakened the forest,
year before, a report refers to the forest
it broke a pact, and the nature let know. He
research centre in Nancy, for the first time.
must then restore this lost balance. Humanity
Foresters seem at the same time the guards
must react by privileging the diversity of the
of the forest and the environment. They are
ages and of the tree species, says the report
the experts of the forest, the ones who protect
of December 24, 2000 heading: "Storm: a
it. Their role is not criticised, unlike that of the
chance for the ecology" broadcast by TF1.
forestry administration ONF, whose policy of
This violence inflicts some scars. It’s a battle,
privileging the coniferous trees was criticised
sometimes a war. When the first storms from
at the end of the storms of 1999.
1999 reach the East of France, the reference
by
man.
The
damage
is
not
to the war is made manifest with the name of
Behind the forest the nature
Verdun. It is no longer a forest, it’s Verdun.
The forest became the witness of the effects
Under the violence of the offensive, the trees
of the storm after 1976. This change of
prospect indicates a conception of nature. The
were hurled to ground. "The forest lost its
combat against the wind. By entire forest, like
storm plays with human constructions and the
a set of giant dominoes, the coniferous trees
forest is one of these constructions. Since the
were swept each fir tree by involving others in
end of 1970, since the appearance of the
forest in the broadcasts about storms, Nature,
when it gets angry (personification), seems
pitiless: "At the following day of the storm, the
136
“ Au total quatre milliards de francs perdus pour
les propriétaires de Gironde et des Landes, il leur
faudra un siècle pour reboiser ”.
137
“ Au lendemain de la tempête, l’image qui
frappe le plus l’imagination, c’est évidemment celle
des arbres déracinés, une image synonyme de
désolation qui traduit, ma fois, l’impuissance des
hommes face à cette situation ”
138
“ La tempête et ces trois cent millions d’arbres
abattus est bien une catastrophe, mais une
catastrophe où l’homme a sa responsabilité ”
139
its fall" (27/12/1999 - TF1)139. The trees are
Bibliography:
extended to ground. The vocabulary gives the
Dassié V., Dupuy M., “Les arbres sous l’œil des
impression of a mass grave. The image
médias ”, in A. Corvol (ed.), Grands vents et
confirms it. The trees and the forests which
patrimoine arboré, 2004 (Under press).
resisted carry some traces which seem
Dreveton C., “ L’évolution du nombre de tempêtes
indelible (marks, scars). An organic vision of
en France sur la période 1950-1999 ”, La
the forest is presented to the public; like the
Météorologie, 37, 2002, pp. 46-56.
tree, like us, the forest suffers.
Dupuy M., “ Images et environnement ”, in A.
Without this forest, life does not exist any
more. This metaphor emerges on August 25,
1990 following a fire in the massif of the
Maures:
the
fire
left
behind
a
"lunar
landscape", where the life does not have its
Corvol, Guide de recherches archivistiques et
bibliographiques sur l'histoire de l'environnement
Tome III : 1900-2000, Paris : L'Harmattan, 2003
(sous presse).
Jeanneney J.-N., L’écho du siècle. Dictionnaire
historique de la radio et de la télévision en Franc.
place any longer. The metaphor is confirmed
by the aerial images of burnt spaces. This
Michel Dupuy
expression comes regularly each year.
Institut d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine,
45 rue d’Ulm, 75005 Paris, France;
The image which remains dominant is the
forest as a victim of nature, but especially of
men by fire, pollution or storms. The forest is
never the aggressor, nor is it threatening. In
1977, at the time of a voyage of the President
of the French Republic in Brazil, where he
goes to Manaus, a report is broadcast on the
trans-Amazonian, with a favourable point of
view. In 1989, the tone is different. The
journalists propose the negative consequences, the environmental as well as of economic
matters. We are clearly in the presence of a
change in the attitudes toward the forest, both
in France and abroad.
139
““ La forêt a perdu son combat contre le vent.
Par massifs entiers, comme un jeu de dominos
géants, les résineux ont été balayés chaque sapin
en entraînant d’autres dans sa chute ”.
140
MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS
RELATED TO FOREST HISTORY
Relation to forest history ?
addition to its economic and ecological
Austria’s forests in their present form and
dimensions). These different cultural aspects
extension are the result of centuries of
comprise:
cultivating
•
Culture“
activities
is
the
of
humans.
committed
"Forest-
attempt
to
Arts (painting, literature, music, wood
carving, etc.
demonstrate the causes and effects of all
•
these mechanisms and relations between
as pollard willows)
forest (landscape)
•
and humans and to
Landscape (historical utilisations such
Wood processing (wood architecture
investigate in them as far as possible. Forest
etc.)
history has raised a multitude of questions
•
Recreation (well-being, health, etc.)
related to forestry from the biological point of
•
Sights and monuments (castles etc.)
view (for example the history of forest
•
Tradition (folk art, songs, knowledge
development and forest treatment), but this
about officinal herbs etc.).
multitude of questions has been further
From the point of view of the history of
extended by questions from the technical
settlements, but also from the point of view of
point of view (e.g.) forest utilisation, wood
the development of states in Central Europe
transport), from the legal point of view (forest
the
regulations), as well as from the point of view
operating mechanisms, in and around the
of social history and from the folkloristic point
forest
of view. The Fourth Ministerial Conference on
evident. More museums and exhibitions in
the Protection of Forests in Europe (a
Austria
cooperation of 40 European countries and the
exhibits, a light on these interrelations.
networks,
have
cast,
the
causes
become
with
and
effects,
considerably
their
more
collections
and
European Community at highest political level)
shared responsibilities” (Vienna, 28-30 April
Forest-Culture-Initiative – a
way out?
2003) the issue of forests between rural area
Forest-Culture should by no means be just a
and urban life, as well as of partnerships
look at the past. Its objective and its task must
between forestry and other sectors. Moreover
be to learn from history for the future, and to
5 resolutions were signed on this occasion.
achieve from the wealth of “forest-cultural”
Among these resolutions the third is dealing
options and offers economic success for the
for the first time with the social and cultural
present and for the future forest owners. The
dimension
preservation and the tending of the diverse
raised under the heading “Common benefits,
of
a
sustainable
forestry
(in
141
cultural structures are often understood as a
high informative value. The workshop on the
negative aspect, as a cost factor. The proof
topic of “Austria’s forestry culture- tourism –
that this must not necessarily be the case, and
information/new ways –new customers“ which
that cultural heritage can yield returns, and
took place at the invitation of the Forestry
that museums and similar institutions can be
Department of the Ministry of Life and the
workshops for learning for the future has
Working Group (now technical committee)
already been furnished in practice on many
Forest
places. Important framework conditions in this
Association
respect are the voluntary participation on the
Elisabeth JOHANN at the Forestry Training
part of forest owners and the inclusion in the
Centre in Ort near Gmunden (Upper Austria)
business plan of the respective holding.
on 21 October 2003 marked the beginning of
As a result of the globalisation of the market
the initiation of the Austrian-wide forest culture
the economic strength of the individual
network. In addition to the preservation of
initiative does frequently not suffice to place
buildings related to forest history, which is
an offer accordingly. Cooperation is the
also supported by museums and related
dictate of the hour. Networking within forestry
institutions and associations, it is the wealth of
and the wood-processing industry, together
information
with
regional
private
and
public
museums,
and
science, but also with tourism is required.
History
of
under
on
the
the
certain
information
Austrian
direction
issues
Forest
of
Mrs
and/or
provided
by
of
these
museums, which could make them, or will
increasingly have to make them in future, a
focal point of forest culture initiatives. The
Fundamental Survey
technical
work
of
historical heritage have been permanently
surprising results.
made, within the framework of the Working
Many foundations of museums which have
Group “Forest History“ of the Austrian Forest
nowadays at least been taken notice of at
Association, for the time being via museums.
national level, have taken place thanks to the
Apart from a number of university and extra-
initiative of collectors or “hobby researchers”.
university
forestry
But exactly these persons, collections and
enterprises and representations of interest of
private archives are sometimes very difficult to
trade
be detected, registered, and integrated.
and
industry
with
its
member
frequently
other
“interested
institutions,
also
and
Since 2002 surveys on the Austrian cultural-
research
laymen”
collectors
yield
enterprises, the representatives of religious
communities (religious orders, etc.) it is first
and foremost the multitude of museums,
Libraries and Archives
libraries, and archives, which is of great
The forest library of the Austrian Federal
interest from the technical point of view and of
Office and Research Centre for Forests
142
(BFW) is the biggest technical library of forest
first referred to a “Royal Library” in 1504,
research in Austria and ranks among the most
which
important forest libraries of Europe. It was
accordance with the Emperor’s wishes143. The
established upon the foundation of the present
library has been impressively enlarged in the
Federal Office and Research Centre for
course of the centuries so that the 2002
Forests in the year 1874 and holds a rich and
Holdings’
valuable
expert
“physical units”, 3,226,303 of which were
literature on the research topics of the
printed materials and serials and 1,656,379
BFW
collection
of
scientific
140
he
arranged
Statistics144
and
enlarged
showed
in
6,405,579
. (More information at http://bfw.ac.at)
picture documents. ANL performs central
Upon the foundation of the University for
tasks. At the Institute of Conservation of the
Agricultural Sciences also a university library
ANL, established after WW II, new ways of
was established. As did the University itself
conservation are developed steadily and
th
also its library was first housed in the 8
applied for the conservation and restoration of
District of Vienna. It was based on the
the holdings of the Austrian National Library.
holdings of the Imperial Ministry of Agriculture
Comprehensive holdings have also been
by the takeover of a book collection of the
made accessible to the public as museums.
former Forest Academy of Mariabrunn and,
Apart from the “State Hall”, mainly the
due to donations and acquisitions, contained
collections of manuscripts, autographs and
already 9,630 volumes (monographs and
closed collections; the special collection for
141
magazines) in 1875/76
Presently the
geography, established in 1906; the present
library of the University of Natural Resources
collection of maps to which the world’s only
and Applied Life Sciences comprises 454,450
globe museum has been affiliated since 1956;
volumes;
held
the collection of incunabula, old and precious
magazines and periodicals; 8,797 audiovisual
prints, established in 1995 as well as the
2,160
titles
.
of
currently
142
media, as well as atlases and maps
will
find
more
information
. (You
at
Archive of the Austrian Central Organisation
for
Folk
Songs
(Österreichisches
http://www.boku.ac.at/bib/.)
Volksliedwerk) and the Picture Archive are of
The biggest, and probably also the most
prime importance for questions concerning
famous, of Austria’s libraries is the Austrian
forest culture.
National Library (ANL), the heir of the Imperial
As at 1994 Austria has about 100 independent
Court
The
publicly accessible scientific libraries of the
famous humanist Conrad Celtis (1459-1508)
Federal Government, the Federal Provinces,
140
143
Library
(http://www.onb.ac.at).
SCHMIDBERGER G., Online text
http://bfw.ac.at/040/41.htm
141
ANONYMUS, Geschichte der BOKU-Bibliothek,
http://www.boku.ac.at/bib/
142
Figures from http://www.boku.ac.at/bib/
(Holdings).
ANONYMUS, Geschichte der Österreichischen
Nationalbibliothek,
http://www.onb.ac.at/about/index.htm
144
2002 statistics of the holdings of the Austrian
National Library,
http://www.onb.ac.at/about/index.htm
143
Chambers and religious communities, as well
public and private – are needed on a daily
as several hundreds of expert libraries at
basis as the source of identity and information
university institutes (open to the public as
of the past which continue to affect our rights,
well) as divisions of university libraries. These
entitlements and decisions today and in the
libraries contain more than 20 million volumes:
future. The value of an archive is its
About 5 million thereof belong to the libraries
accessibility. Preservation of cultural heritage,
of the Universities in Vienna, about 2.4 million
to arrange archival material and provide
to the University of Graz, about 2.3 million to
research and educative information are the
the University of Innsbruck; further, there are
fundamental tasks of archives“147. The State
also the libraries of the university colleges and
Archives
academies, the libraries of the teachers’
Republic, the General Administrative Archive,
academies, the offices and authorities, of
the War Archive, the Finance and Aulic
scientific institutes, museums, and the Federal
Chamber Archive, the Family, Court and State
Provinces145 - and there are many more!
Archive as well as the Library with the
On
collections of bequests, maps and plans.
its
homepage
http://www.oeaw.ac.at/
comprise
the
Archive
of
the
ksbm/lit/frame.htm, the Austrian Academy of
Sciences lists Austria’s “Manuscript libraries”.
In addition, 9 provincial and 58 municipal
139 libraries, secular and spiritual archives,
archives, 9 diocesan archives, 36 archives of
privately owned museums and museums of
orders and monasteries, 2 archives of the
the Federal Government, the Provinces and
Protestant Church, 2 private archives, 10
communities
archives of universities and institutes, as well
committed
are
to
given
the
as
institutions
maintenance
of
manuscripts146.
as a great number of other archives and
documentation units are open for interested
http://www.oesta.gv.at
persons148. There exist also a large number of
/deudiv/arch_oe.htm of the Austrian State
private, often hardly known, archives that
Archives
of
provide important information related to forest
Austria’s archives. Hon.-Prof. Dr. Lorenz
culture. Examples include the archive of the
Mikoletzky, Director General of the Austrian
“Feld-
State Archives, defines their task: “Archives
Freiland”
are the key to the understanding of past
industrial railways, or the (picture) archive Ast
governmental decisions. Archives – both
of the Association of the Friends of Gutenstein
The
homepage
provides
a
good
overview
und
on
Industriebahnmuseum
light
railways,
forest
(FIM)
and
(“Gesellschaft der Freunde Gutensteins”149),
145
Source: „Österreich Lexikon“ – „aeiou – the
cultural informtion system of the bm:bwk“ –
Libraries
(http://www.aeiou.at/aeiou.encyclop.b/b444915.ht
m).
146
GLASSNER Christine, Austrian Academy of
Sciences
147
Mikoletzky, Hon.-Prof. Dr. Lorenz in
http://www.oesta.gv.at/willkomm.htm
148
Archives in Austria; at
http://www.oesta.gv.at/deudiv/arch_oe.htm
149
sic: www.waldbauernmuseum.at
144
which is of great significance particularly in the
activity, the trade of the last mother-of-pearl
fields of forest and regional history.
tuner at Felling, Lower Austria, or the last
Austrian “Pecher” (extraction of tree resin) at
Museums, Collections
Exhibitions
and
Hernstein,
Lower
Austria,
are
not
(yet)
“museums” or “exhibitions”, but nevertheless
The number of Austrian museums is even
represent essential parts of forest culture.
more impressive than that of its archives.
Also the special exhibitions organised at many
Forest culture is a very broad topic and one
places and partly initiated by organisers
should not only think of museums that are
outside the real cultural scene, are difficult to
specialised in collecting forest-related objects.
record. Apart from the excellent annual
Forests and wood are parts of everyday life.
exhibitions
The many different museums linked to “forest
ausstellungen”), which in most cases also
culture” reflect people’s “spheres of life”: They
lead to an improvement of regional infra-
include museums of local history and culture
structure, also a multitude of other events are
and Austria’s famous collections of graphical
offered every year, among them private
art, museums focusing on special topics (e.g.
exhibitions that may be presented just for a
carriages museums, winter sports museums,
few days at public places (e.g. restaurants or
railway museums), open-air museums and
municipal halls). I would like to draw your
folkloristic
century-long
attention also to the many presentations of
scientific work of monasteries as well as
(contemporary) art taking place at various
collections of famous Austrian families.
places. Individual objects still add to the broad
The efforts to establish an inventory of
range of Austrian museums and collections on
Austria’s museums have so far led to over
forest
2,000 entries. However, also in this field
inventories or indices of their exhibits that are
regular updating is a must. Especially in the
open to the public or accessible via Internet.
case of the small, often privately organised,
Some museums have no or no up-to-date,
collections
inventory and can at best rely on lists or card
collections,
and
the
exhibitions
changes
are
of
culture.
the
Not
Provinces
all
(“Landes-
museums
have
frequent. As such collections are often not
catalogues.
Presently
both
the
Federal
(yet) open to the public or do not have regular
Government
and
Provinces
strongly
opening hours as museums do, obtaining
support and request the establishment of a
information
excellent
complete inventory and its digitisation. The
knowledge of the region concerned. The last
Federal Office and Research Centre for
five charcoal farmers in Lower Austria are
Forests is treading a new, future-oriented path
another example of the “undefined zone”
in
concerning
and
collections of the libraries and of the Museum
farm
of Forest Experimentation will in the future
Exhibitions”.
on
them
“Museums,
This
requires
Collections
complementary
its
Division
the
of
Documentation.
The
145
also be available by electronic means at
http://www2.uibk.ac.at/fakultaeten/c6/c620/link
http://bfw.ac.at/040/40.html. However, lack of
s/museen_und_freilichtmuseen/
staff and technical capacities often hamper
Museums and open-air museums – ICOM (by
especially
Federal Provinces):
this
urgently
necessary
inventorisation and digitisation.
http://www.icom-oesterreich.at/
It would exceed the scope of this article to
give the complete list of Austria’s museums
The International Council of Museums, ICOM,
and collections. Below please find a number
is a non-governmental international organi-
of
sation
important
providing
sources
(mostly
websites)
information
about
Austria’s
of
museums
and
museum
professionals and maintains formal relations
museums:
with
Austrian Federal Museums:
cooperation and exchange, advocates the
http://www.nhm-wien.ac.at/bundesmuseen/
concerns of museums, and supports the
Austrian museums, general:
training of museum personnel as well as the
http://webmuseen.de/
advancement of professional standards. Its
Museums in Burgenland:
General Secretariat is in Paris. At present,
http://www.burgenland.at/index
ICOM is composed of 111 active National
Museums in Carinthia:
Committees, 28 International Committees as
http://www.kultur.ktn.gv.at/
well
Museums in Lower Austria:
organisations. Of course there are unions and
http://www.volkskulturnoe.at/museen/
umbrella associations of museums also in
Museums in Styria:
Austria
http://homepage.sime.com/musis/
provincial level.
Museums
in
Salzburg:
UNESCO.
as
7
on
It
promotes
regional
government
and
as
professional
14
affiliated
well
as
on
http://www.land-
sbg.gv.at/kultur-sport/museen.htm
Museums in the Tyrol:
http://www.tirol.gv.at/themen/kultur/index.shtm
Museums in Vorarlberg:
http://www.vorarlberg.at/vorarlberg/tourismus_
kultur/kultur/kultur/weitereinformationen/adres
sen/museeninvorarlberg.htm
Museums in Vienna:
http://www.wienmuseum.at/
Vienna Museums
http://www.wien.gv.at/ma53/museen/
Museums and open-air museums:
Fö, Ing. Johann W. KIESSLING
Assistant (Forest Culture)
Division IV / 4 - Forest Area Planning, forest
protection and landscape development
Federal Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry,
Environment and Water Management
Marxergasse 2
1030 Vienna Austria
Phon: +43 1 71100 7239 Fax: +43 1 71100 7399
[email protected]
146
NOTICE
News of forest history „Kulturerbe Wald
147
148

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