Pornography Bill Controversy

edition
14
Monthly Report on
Religious Issuesth
Synopsis
D
espite various amendments to the Pornography Bill, its substance - its very paradigm
- has changed little. The bill will always be
shrouded in controversy unless it is fundamentally changed. Should the bill be legalized as it
is, the new pornography law will be significantly
flawed. This is the main focus of the 14th edition of
the Monthly Report.
This issue also reports on the violent outbreaks during the Monas Tragedy court hearings.
The court, which should be a place devoted to finding justice and to resolving issues, quickly became
FPI’s newest battleground. Other events detailed
include the zakat tragedy in Pasuruan, the South
Sulawesi provincial government’s official banning
of Ahmadiyah, and the increasing frequency of accusations of religious blasphemy in Tasikmalaya
and Purwakarta.
Enjoy your reading !� ■
BOARD OF EDITORS
Expertises: Yenny Zannuba Wahid and
Ahmad Suaedy | Editor-in-Chief: Rumadi
Managing Editors: Gamal Ferdhi, Nurul H.
Ma’arif |Editors: M. Subhi Azhari, Dandy
Kosawaraputra, Arif Hakim Budiawan,
Rebecca Christine Lunnon (Translator).
Graphic Design: Widhi Cahya
ADDRESS:
The Wahid Institute
Jln Taman Amir Hamzah 8,
Jakarta - 10320
Website: www.wahidinstitute.org
Email: [email protected]
ASSOCIATE AND CONTRIBUTORS:
Akhdiansyah (West Nusa Tenggara), Suhendy
(West Java), Nur Kholik Ridwan (Central Java and
Jogjakarta Special Region) Alamsyah M. Dja’far
(Jakarta), Zainul Hamdi (East Java), Syamsul Rijal
(South Sulawesi)
in cooperation with TIFA Foundation.
Septem
ber 200
8
Pornography
Bill Controversy
1. Pornography Bill:
Supported and Opposed
T
he pornography bill once again entered the limelight after parliament secretly decided to legalise it on September 23, 2008.
Balkan Kaplale, head of the Pornography Bill Special Committee, even stated that legalisation of the bill was their gift to society
during the holy month of Ramadan (GATRA No 46, Yr XIV). However, Agung Sasongro, a member of PDI-P opposed to the bill, and
said that legalisation was too rushed (Kompas, 17/09/08).
This difference of opinion is further reflected in public opinion,
and goes right back to when the bill was originally known as the Anti
Pornographic Material and Behaviour Bill. Those opposed to it, say
that the bill will check Indonesian diversity. Also, the bill itself in
essence revolves around restrictions on sexual material based on “society’s moral values”, but given the immense diversity of Indonesian
society, “society’s moral values” can be interpreted in many different,
contradictory ways. They argue that this could lead to female criminalization based on the assumption that the female body is dangerous
and must be controlled through lex specialis regulations, rather than
lex generalis laws such as the Criminal Code. As artists in Jakarta and
other regions argue, the bill also restricts artistic expression in exploring - not exploiting - the beauty of God’s creations.
On the other hand, those supporting the bill argue that it protects females and children from exploitation by the pornography industry. Azimah Soebagijo, general head of the Community Against
Pornography, wrote in an article titled Say No to Pornography (Republika, 17/09/08) that the only opposition to the bill came from the
pornography industry and other related industries - ignoring the fact
that academics, female activists, and artists have also expressed their
opposition. Hilman Rosyad Shihab, member of the Pornography
Bill Special Committee, said that art and pornography were two different things and urged artists not to produce pornographic work
in the name of art. This pro-pornography bill group argue that di-
■ Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008
versity of culture would remain respected because it
was given special exception in the bill (www.detik.com,
17/09/08).
These two sides share the same opinion when it
comes to the quite concerning burgeoning of the
pornography industry which has only increased the
amount of violent abuse women and children have
suffered. However, their logic differs. Rape, for the
anti-pornography bill group, is positively correlated
with pornography. This assumes that pornographic
products encourage people to rape women because
of the sexual stimulus they provide. But this group
sees this as only one factor of many, and not the sole
factor. Parental monitoring, family environment, (religious) education, and good example from society’s
role models are other factors that need to be considered.
In this argument, someone who enjoys pornography will never sexually abuse a woman or under-aged
child if monitored by parents or if in possession of
a sound religious understanding. Nor if their role
model behaves appropriately. In reality, parents are
too busy trying to make a living that they neglect
their own children, religious education has become
entirely ritual and symbolic, and other education - sex
education - is considered so taboo it is as if it is forbidden. Most concerning is the lack of suitable role
models. (Some) members of parliament, respected as
they are, act immorally and only provide society with
bad examples to follow.
In this context, those opposing the pornography
bill reason that, because of their immorality, parliament members are not the right people to solve Indonesia’s pornography problem. “We need a role model,” said Neng Dara Affiah, member of the National
Commission of Females, during a focus group discussion at the WAHID Institute (26/08/08). And so, for
the anti-pornography bill group, the bill’s legalisation
cannot single-handedly resolve pornography issues
because they are not as simple as previously thought.
The supporting group, which includes Azimah
Soebagijo and Inke Maris (secretary general of the
Save the Children Alliance), also believe that rape and
sexual violence is a result of pornographic products.
Their opinion is based on many cases, all of which
share a similar pattern: usually the rapist watches
pornographic material and then releases his newly
aroused desires by raping a women or under-aged
child. And so a principle of causality is obtained: pornographic products make consumers sexually violent.
Other factors, such as parental monitoring, are not
acknowledged by this group as they are by the opposing group. Consequently this group persists that the
pornography bill be immediately passed as it is an explicit and resolute legal tool, and is a logical step in
eradicating pornography and thus in decreasing rape
and violence.
The pure strength of the controversy and debate
surrounding the bill has forced parliament to review
it for the umpteenth time. The bill was first proposed
February 14, 2006. Under the name the ‘Anti Pornographic Material and Behaviour Bill’, it contained 11
chapters and 93 articles. Several controversial articles
were omitted in the second draft, which consisted of
8 chapters and 82 articles. Articles have continued to
be omitted, and the final draft sent to the president
on August 24, 2007 had 10 chapters and 52 articles.
After discussion in parliament, the bill was shortened
further to 7 chapters and 44 articles long, and had its
name changed to the Pornography Bill.
Not only that, public examination and publicizing of the bill was held in several regions: including
in Makassar on September 12, 2008; and in Ambon
on September 12-13, 2008, yet neither were without
bias. Those involved in the publicizing event, according to information from Nia Sjarifuddin of ANBTI,
were not given a draft of the pornography bill. Further, pro-democracy groups present on the day openly
opposed the bill, and the Maluku provincial government also expressed a similar attitude. In Makassar
the event did not run as planned. It was full of FPI
terrorism.
Similarly, opposition emerged within the local
parliament in Bali due to worries that the bill would
lead to disintegration within Balinese society because
emphasis would be directed towards behaviour and
culture (www.okezone.com, 18/09/08). They presented
their objections to Indonesian parliament members.
Balinese artists also chose to support this view. A
combination of fractions from Commission D of the
North Sulawesi local parliament even approached central parliament to present their objection to the bill
(myrmnews, 18/09/08). In Yogyakarta, the Yogyakarta
Forum for Diversity (YuK!), which consists of more
than 100 civil society groups in Yogyakarta, published
a press release on September 22 in firm rejection of
the bill. They did so not just because it was based on
the previous bill, but also because it was not the best
answer to Indonesia’s pornography issues. It was not
practical, and could potentially cause new problems
to emerge within society.
In Jakarta, the pornography bill was make known
to the public on September 17 in the State Department Office for Empowerment of Females, Central
Jakarta. On this occasion, both groups - those in
support of and those in opposition to the bill - were
present. Those opposing the bill, largely female activists and inter-religious and inter-organisational prodiversity advocates, distributed flowers with slips of
paper attached to their stems. The slips urged people
to reject the bill for three reasons: 1) it had the potential to lead to discriminative local regulations; 2) its
definition and regulation of pornography was unclear
and thus made the bill a poor quality legal product;
The Wahid Institute
Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008 ■
and 3) it threatened the sexual rights of adults.
Meanwhile, the pro-pornography bill group, including the Save the Children Alliance, the Community Against Pornography, KPAI and the Save the
Nation Youth Alliance, distributed pamphlets. They
contained a press release in support of the bill, which
they saw as a legal instrument necessary to impede
the growth of pornography and the pornography industry.
Although these publicizing events were aimed at
the public, information gathered by the WAHID Institute suggests that only specific groups were allowed
to participate. Only those who could produce an invitation could attend. These publicizing events led to
no ‘progression’ because, as Cici Tegal – a celebrity
lucky enough to receive an invitation – mentioned,
they were only full of “heated debate”, without resolution.
Indeed, both the pro and the con groups have indicated problems with the definition of pornography
as stated in Article 1, Chapter 1: “Pornography is sexual material made by humans in the form of pictures,
sketches, illustrations, photos, written pieces, voice
recordings, sound recordings, moving pictures, animations, cartoons, poems, conversations, body movements, or any other form of communicative messages
through forms of media communication and/or public displays, which can arouse sexual desire and/or
violate the moral values of society”.
Though both groups have issues with this definition, once again, each has different reasons. The definition will always be problematic for the anti-pornography bill group, despite the modifications, because
the phrase “arouse sexual desire” has many interpre-
tations and tends to be personal. It thus cannot be
standardized into a law that applies to all people.
Similarly too, with the phrase “moral values within
society”. These values vary as Indonesian society is
incredibly plural. Sugi Lanus from Bali complained
about this in a focus group discussion at the WAHID
Institute. “Balinese (Hindu) society see the body as
something holistic, not just in terms of its sexual aspects,” explained this linguistics lecturer. It was also
noted in the same focus group discussion that as one
moves west, Indonesian society becomes more closed
(concerning clothing), and as one moves east, society is more open. This ‘open-ness’ and ‘closed-ness’
has produced different values of morality that are not
open to negotiation because they are based on different ideas and ways of thinking. On the other hand,
for the pro-pornography bill group, the definition of
“sexual material” should actually be “obscene and immoral sexual material” (as written in their press release) because it has the potential to obfuscate. This
emphasis would make the definition much more
practical. For instance, dancers wearing sleeveless
tops are clearly not pornographic according to this
revised definition.
No matter the outcomes, publicizing, public examination, public debating and so on must be implemented throughout the archipelago because the bill,
fittingly, necessitates participation from all of society.
Franz-Magnis Suseno’s comments from his article
titled “Porno Laws” (Kompas, 17/09/08) seem appropriate here. He wrote that legalisation of the bill in
the absence of public debate would, first and foremost, “be like a thief exploiting darkness” because it
escapes public attention and scrutiny. ■
2. Violence Colours Monas Tragedy Hearing
T
he hearing on Monday morning (25/08/08)
was the first in which AKKBB victims of the
June 1, 2008 Monas Tragedy were present as
witnesses. Anick, coordinator of the National Alliance for Freedom of Religion and Faith (AKKBB),
and Saidiman, field coordinator of the event, testified.
During the hearing dozens of Rizieq supporters
repeatedly shouted the laudation “God is Great” and
swore insults at the witnesses: “God, you’re an infidel”, “damn you infidel”, “how dare you call yourself
a Muslim”, “you deserve to go to hell”. Before the
hearing had begun, several of Rizieq’s supporters had
tried to intimidate AKKBB by holding a picture of an
AKKBB activist and saying “we know who you are”.
Musdah Mulia, head of the Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace (ICRP), was also ill-treated. He wrote My Experience at Rizieq’s Trial, in which
he described how, before the hearing had began, FPI
The Wahid Institute
members held ratiban, a ritual reading of specific poems to Prophet Muhammad. Towards the end of the
ratiban, the man acting as imam (leader) asked his audience to stand to pray. “All those who claim to be
Muslim should stand,” he said. Musdah and his colleague, Amanda, remained seated. Shocked, Rizieq’s
men stared at the two of them. “If you’re Muslim
stand up, man!”, “Hey infidel, don’t just sit there”,
“Nah, you’re not Muslim”, they shouted.
Pressure from the FPI masses was felt throughout
the entire hearing. The four judges spoke little. Several AKKBB activists disapproved of this attitude and
the next day approached the judges in court, urging
them to be more active in defending the victims’ interests. One judge replied that they were “hot under
the collar” having heard the defense lawyer’s highly
opinionated statements and accusations. “But, we are
intentionally not commenting. It is a strategy.”
On Thursday (28/08/08) the hearing reconvened
■ Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008
with new witnesses, including Didi Ahmadi, an activist from the Institute for Philosophy and Religious
Studies (LSAF). This time the hearing became violent
when FPI members slapped and pulled the hair of
Istiqomah Sari, member of the National Integration
Movement (NIM). While the hearing was in progression she sat in the front row. All of a sudden a women
in a purple veil came and told her not to sit there. She
did not move. The women sitting next to her nudged
her with her elbow. “Isn’t it appropriate that Muslims
are called terrorists” she said. This angered Rizieq’s
supporters. The next day Istiqomah reported the incident to the police with M Guntur Romli. Guntur
had also been threatened when he had tried to stop
the violence. “They threatened that they’d kill me,
they even said they’d cut me up into pieces,” he said.
On Monday (01/09/08) it was Ahmad Suaedy’s
turn to testify. Rizieq’s legal advisor questioned him
largely on where the funds for the event came from,
accusing that foreign funding was involved. Suaedy,
director of the WAHID Institute, replied “Besides
helping each other out, we paid our own way.”
Mugiono, Gambir police member and security officer of the East Monas sector, and Yakobus Edi Juwono, a Kontras activist, also testified. In the following
session, (04/09/08), AKKBB activist Nasir Ahmad
(JAI) who received wounds to his head and hands testified. Four days later, M Guntru Romli, Suci Swesti
and Charles Gonzales took their turn.
Nasir also testified at Munarman’s trial on Wednesday (10/09/08). When the head of the judges’ council
made Nasir swear oath on the Qur’an, legal advisors
from the Anti-Ahmadiyah Advocacy Team protested
loudly because Nasir was an Ahmadiyah member, and
thus, according to them, not a Muslim. Their protest
was overruled. The laudation, swearing and insulting
became louder: “The judges are infidels. The judges
are Ahmadiyah...!!,” they shouted.
Rizieq, also on trial, was not at Monas when the
attack occurred but was accused of violating article
156 and article 170 verse 1 of the Criminal Code. “I
was never at Monas and did not instigate the masses
to demonstrate,” he said. Yet many feel there is more
than enough evidence to convict him.
His denial – of not instigating FPI masses – only
suggested that Rizieq did intentionally mobilise FPI
members to violently attack Ahmadiyah and AKKBB, and to spread hatred against such groups. Several items of evidence still remained to be examined,
but three of the six tape cassettes taken as evidence
had already been examined by investigators. The first
concerned the FPI demonstration in Kejagung, the
second contained a sermon in Masjid Al-Islah, Petamburan, Tanah Abang, and the third related to the
Monas incident. In the Masjid Al-Islah sermon, Rizieq, a former member of Jami’at Kheir (a traditional
organisation in the Arab Indonesian community),
ordered war against Ahmadiyah and their supporters.
“The Muslims here are ordered to wage war against
Ahmadiyah. Ahmadiyah is a deviant sect and it must
be disbanded. Ahmadiyah is apostate,” the public
prosecutor read, quoting Rizieq.
In addition, the investigation also uncovered FPI’s
administrative documents and several Playboy magazines (sexually arousing magazines which only a short
time before had been the target of FPI attacks). Rizieq
was defensive. “Those magazines were a part of our
archives, and we’ve now handed them over to police
for good,” he said.
Rizieq claimed that the police raid was illegal because the police had not obtained a warrant from the
Central Jakarta State Court, and that the discovery of
the Playboy magazines was not related to the Monas
incident and could harm FPI’s image as an organisation devoted to fighting against pornography.
As with the previous hearings, in amongst the FPI
members were several sporting PPP (United Development Party) t-shirts. The rumor is that PPP will recruit Rizieq.
Violent Hearings
Violence from FPI masses, both inside and outside the court room, occurred throughout the Monas
Tragedy court hearings. AKKBB activist Nong Darol
Mahmada was a victim of this violence during the
Monday session (15/09/08). Besides being physically
bashed up, Nong was also sexually harassed by a
group claiming to be defending Islam.
It was an ironic sight when police dispersed dozens of officers to secure the court room. It was a futile
effort and the police looked weak in confronting the
FPI masses. Even more ironic was that it was 17.00
during Ramadan, the holy month in which violence
has no place.
This particular incident began when M Guntur
Romli protested to a police officer over the seven FPI
suspects who were allowed to roam freely both inside
and outside the court room without being escorted
by police or court officials. Guntur’s protest angered
police officer Jamal Alkatiri. Unable to accept the
complaint, he snapped. Nong came to Guntur’s aid,
but was punched in the forehead and other parts of
her body by FPI members.
The latest news reported that during Monday’s
hearing (22/09/08), in which the seven defendants
from the Islamic Defenders Militia (LPI) were facing
charges of violent behaviour, Guntur Romli was also
beaten up when testifying as a witness. The unique
thing was that it occurred quite openly in the court
room. “Subhan, who was near Sunarto, hit the back
of my head. My head was bruised and thumping. I
kept protesting to the judge, Sir, I’m being hit,” Guntur said.
The hearing was postponed because of the brutal-
The Wahid Institute
Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008 ■
ity. “We were eventually evacuated in a bus and police
truck to the Metro Jaya police station,” Guntur said.
According to Guntur’s version, his entire testimony
was, like those before him, punctuated with insults
and threats from the white-robed FPI masses: “false
witness”, “he’s left Islam”, “we’ll be waiting outside
when this ends”, and so on. “These statements were
mixed with a lot of boo-ing,” Guntur said.
FPI masses attended almost all of these weekly
hearings so as to provide moral support to their leaders, as well as to intimidate their enemies. Similarly,
dozens of AKKBB members came to support the witnesses.
FPI has only succeeded in being seen as a violent
mass organisation due to their frequently inappropriate behaviour and attitudes in court – a respected environment. Like it or not, FPI is currently known as
a mass organisation of people who spread violence in
the name of religion as a way to achieving their aims.
Such an image certainly goes against Islam’s true image as a religion of peace, as rahmatan lil ‘alamin - a
blessing to the world. ■
3. 21 Die for Rp 30,000
T
his is a story of religion, or perhaps poverty. It
is hard to tell. It may be a mixture of the two.
What is certain, is that it is a sad tragedy. 21
people died, dozens received minor or serious injuries, some were critically wounded. All were women
(30-67 years old). Those who died, died from lack
of oxygen which caused them to faint, falling to the
ground where they were then trampled to death.
This terrible tragedy occurred on September 15,
2008, in H Syaichon Fikri’s residency, East Java. H
Syaichon, a wealthy haji, had decided to distribute
zakat (alms) to the poor and needy. As with previous
years, he openly announced his intentions to give Rp
30,000 to all those who came. He had done so since
1980.
H Syaichon did not involve outside parties, including security, to help him with the distribution. His
second son, H Faruq, was given the position of committee head, to be assisted by H Syaichon’s first son,
Ahmad Kholid (Vivin), and other relatives. Relatives
from other regions were asked to gather the poor and
needy. Most people who came on the day had heard
of it by word of mouth, some from the radio.
The number who came far exceeded expectations,
totaling almost 5,000. They were not only from Pasuruan, but also from Malang, Jember, Mojokerto,
Kediri etc. The money was distributed in Mushalla
Roudlatul Jannah out the front of which 13 small
tents were set up to stop those queuing up from getting too hot. After receiving money, each person’s
hand was marked with red ink.
After the incidence, H Syaichon, Faruq, Vivin
and several of their relatives were questioned in the
police station. According to head of the Public Relations Division of Indonesian Police Headquarters,
Police Inspector General Abubakar Nataprawira, Faruq (committee head) had been officially declared a
suspect because the fault lay in the technical aspects
Chronology
Many people were squatting out the front of H Syaichon’s house after the morning prayer. In fact, some had been sitting there since an hour or so before the prayer.
06.15: Queues became longer and longer.
08.00: H Syaichon, Vivin and Faruq organised things needed for the zakat distribution.
09.00: Zakat distribution began inside the prayer room. H Syaichon and his wife distributed the money as people entered the
room one by one. Outside, there were already an estimated 4,000 people queuing up.
09.15: About 50 people had received zakat. The masses continued to crowd around the prayer room. They were still calm and
controled.
10.00: The masses kept pushing forward and gradually became uncontrollable. The people, most of whom were female and many
of whom had brought young children, began to wail from being squashed so much they could not breath. Pushing and
shoving became more and more uncontrollable. Many were squashed, fainted and were then trampled on. One person
was seen being carried into the prayer room, dead. The pushing and shoving did not stop.
10.15: Six people had already died. Pushing and shoving continued. Mothers and aunts were crying. The committee panicked.
There was still no security apparatus present, even though the masses kept pushing forward and women kept collapsing.
10.55: Security from Purworejo and Pasuruan police stations arrived and secured the mass gathering. Several journalists had
taken the initiative to call them when they saw the situation turn ugly.
11.10:
The masses dispersed.
11.30
The victims were then evacuated. 21 had died.
The Wahid Institute
■ Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008
of the distribution which fell under Faruq’s responsibility as committee head. Syaichon was not a suspect
as he had only distributed the money.
Many people commented on the tragedy. The East
Java branch of MUI said that alms giving a la H Syaichon was forbidden (Metro TV, 16/09/08). General
head of Baznas (National Zakat Collection Agency),
Didin Hafidhuddin, said that direct distribution
of zakat funds was not an Islamic tradition, but a
remnant from feudal traditions (Seputar Indonesia,
17/09/08). On the other hand, the Advisory Chairman of the East Java Provincial NU Branch (PWNU)
said that this kind of zakat distribution was allowed
in Islam, but if it was not implemented with good
intentions - including anticipation of situations or
avoidance of disasters - then it was forbidden. (Jawa
Pos, 16/09/08).
The debate over whether such distribution is halal
(allowed) or haram (proscribed) ended with the insistence that zakat distributors channel their money
through the Zakat Collection Agency (BAZ) or the
Zakat Collection Institute (LAZ). This was the widespread general consensus, yet the head of East Java
MUI, Abdussomad Buchori, asked that the government create a zakat regulation to this effect (Seputar
Indonesia, 17/09/08).
However, we must remember that society has very
little trust in zakat collection agencies. Research undertaken by UIN Jakarta has proven so. Mistrust is
understandable because of the difficulty in accessing
BAZ/LAZ and because society does not know what
zakat funds are spent on (Jawa Pos, 17/09/08). Realistically, the poor who lined up at H Syaichon’s house
probably did not even know that such institutions exist. It is thus hardly surprising that they were ‘willing’
to die for a mere Rp 30,000. ■
4. South Sulawesi Government Formally
Bans Ahmadiyah
S
outh Sulawesi became the first region in Indonesia to formally ban Indonesian Ahmadiyah
Group (JAI) activities on Monday (01/09/08).
It was a decision made not only because of the three
ministers’ joint decree but also because of continual
pressure from social organisations who felt JAI’s so
called Islamic teachings contradicted true Islamic
teachings.
The South Sulawesi Governor, Mahyhdin NS said
that the decision meant Ahmadiyah had to stop all
its activities in South Sulawesi. “We also order the
regional offices of the Department of Religious Affairs and the South Sulawesi National Stability and
Social Protection Agency to monitor the Ahmadiyah
community.”
In response, senior lawyer Adnan Buyung Nasution lodged a serious and firm protest. “The governor’s decision must be revoked, because it exceeds
his authority and contradicts the highest of legal
regulations as well as the vibe of pluralism,” Buyung
wrote in a press release on Tuesday (02/09/08). The
decision, he further explained, contradicts the idea of
autonomy asthe governor exceeded his jurisdictional
authority by regulating religious affairs.
Buyung, member of the presidential advisory
council, argued that the decision conflicted with the
three ministers’ joint decree which contained nothing
of disbanding Ahmadiyah, and more substantially, it
contradicted Article 29 of the 1945 constitution. “Every citizen is obliged to respect the law by not taking
it into their own hands,” he stressed.
Deputy Attorney General’s Intelligence Officer
Wisnu Subroto said the decree was not necessary.
The reason given for issuing the decree – that it was
practical implementation of the three ministers’ joint
decree – was also flawed, according to Wisnu, because
the joint decree had already been followed up with a
circular. Nevertheless, Wisnu did not confirm that
the ban violated the joint decree. He did, however,
say that while the governor was allowed to issue regulations for the sake of maintaining public order, he
had no right to regulate belief or sects. “Belief was not
one of those issues handed to the provinces to regulate with the new autonomy laws,” he emphasised.
(source: www.antara.co.id, 02/09/08), www.detik.com,
03 and 17/09/08). ■
5. Hindus Protest Against Drupati
I
n criticism of Drupati, a short film written by
Leila S Chudori, the president of the World Hindu Youth Organisation (WHYO), Shri I Gusti
Ngurah Arya Vedakarna, said that the film industry
should consult first with relevant communities when
producing religious films (02/09/08). Instead of re-
sembling the Mahabarata epic, which in the wayang
version is told from the point of view of the Pandawa,
Drupati was presented more from the point of view
of Drupati, son of the Panchala king who is made
of fire. Released at the end of last August, the film
was rife with errors. Consequently WHYO yet again
The Wahid Institute
Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008 ■
urged film makers to discuss their films first with
Parisadha Hindu Dharma Indonesia Pusat (the highest
administrative council of the Hindu-Bali religion in
Indonesia) as this council was regarded as a formal
representative of the Hindu community and a party
that correctly understands the Vedas, particularly the
Veda concerning the Mahabarata.
“WHYO demands this publicly so that other
film makers hear as well. I heard that there are new
colossal films coming soon which are based on the
Ramayana or Mahabarata. We all urge producers to
be careful,” Arya said.
Arya claimed that this was the fourth instance
since WHYO warned several film industries who
had misinterpreted the holy Vedas in their films on
Hindu culture. Previously, in 2002, WHYO delt with
Dewi Lestari over the Omkara logo that she used on
the cover of her novel, Supernova. The Omkara is a
holy logo for Hindus as it symbolises God. In the end
Dewi changed the front cover of her novel.
In 2004, WHYO criticised Iwan Fals because the
front cover of his album, Manusia Setengah Dewa, pictured half a personification of the God Wisnu, and
some of his lyrics were thought to vilify Hindus. Eventually the cassette was withdrawn.
In 2005, Garin Nugroho had to change the title
of his film from Shinta Obong Opera Jawa to Opera
Jawa, because it was deemed to defile the holy goddess Shinta.
In light of these instances, Arya continues to ask
that the filming industry consult first with PHDI before releasing films, and hopes that Drupati can be
improved before its launching this December. Arya
also praises several producers who have respected
WHYO’s demands. (www.tribuntimur.com, Wednesday
03/09/08). ■
6. East Lombok Regent Threatens Ahmadiyah
Members
E
ast Lombok regent, HM Sukiman Azmy, clearly
stated that there was no place for Ahmadiyah
members in Gumi Selaparang. However, if Ahmadiyah members recognised Prophet Muhammad
as the last prophet and acknowledged that there are
no other holy texts besides the Qur’an, then the door
for them to return home and live with their families
remained open. “If any of our brothers (Ahmadiyah
members, ed.) wish to return to the true Islamic teachings, we will welcome them with warm hearts,” he
said on Saturday (13/09/08).
He did not only refer to the Ahmadiyah sect, but
also other sects deemed to be deviant and developing,
especially on the outskirts of East Lombok. For the
regent, they are a collective enemy that must be opposed. Religious scholars, community figures and
the government are expected to play an active role in
this, because the presence of deviant groups within
society is thought to make society quick-tempered
and susceptible to violence. (Lombok Post, Monday
15/09/08). ■
7. Underground Leaflet Proscribes
Female Leaders
A
black campaign colours the Karanganyar regent elections that are set to be held October
26, 2008. Underground leaflets urging people not to elect female candidates to the position of
regent have been distributed by people claiming to
be Muhammadiyah cadres. The leaflets quote verses
from the Qur’an that state that men lead women, and
sections from the hadith that forbid women from being leaders.
These leaflets spark memories of the 2004 presidential elections, and the attempts to stop Megawati
Soekarnoputri from being elected president. Just as
with the 2004 elections, the leaflets attack female
candidates. In this case, female candidate and former
regent Hj Rina Iriani was targeted. It is understandable that she be specifically targeted as she is the only
The Wahid Institute
candidate running in this round of regent elections.
The leaflets were mainly distributed to the Department for Education and Culture.
Committee head of the Election Monitoring
Agency, Catur Lukito, said that they knew about the
leaflets, but that it could not be considered a black
campaign yet. “They mention no names, although
they do say not to elect a female candidate. To follow
up on this I’ll ask ulama to issue a fatwa regarding the
use of the quoted verses,” Catur said. The agency
will take further action after a fatwa is released.
Meanwhile, candidate Rina Iriani, the main target
of the leaflets, said that the leaflets seriously insult
females. At a time when female progression is being
promoted - for instance through 30% representation
for females in parliament - it is worrying that such
■ Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008
leaflets still emerge. “The leaflets not only insult me,
but all females. I am sure this is just the work of a
crazy person. It even says that electing a female makes
someone deviant and that they’ll go to hell. Is it really
so easy to go to hell just because of a local election?
Was it not a woman who gave birth to him?” Rina
Iriani said.
Rina said she would report the leaflet to the police
because she knew who was behind it. For her this
particular gender issue has long been obsolete. There
is no more debate over female leadership. The only
positions not open to females is that of prayer leader
(imam) and head of the family. “It’s a bit over the
top to quote these kind of verses and hadith in relation to local elections. I’m sure the Karanganyar community is smart enough to be able to choose what’s
good for them,” she explained. (www.suaramerdeka.
com, 11/09/08).
Meanwhile, head of the local Muhammadiyah
board, H Affandi, said that those involved in producing the underground leaflets were not Muhammadiyah cadres. He said anyone could claim to be cadres
but that the leaflet’s contents were not indicative of
a good and honest person, nor did they reflect the
organisation’s stance.
Muhammadiyah, Affandi said, had no problems
with female leaders, either as president, governor, regent or anything else, and Muhammadiyah allows all
its members to be free to choose leaders as they wish,
male or female. Many principals at Muhammadiyah
schools were women, female cadres often became
party leaders, council members, leaders within the
organisation, and so on. So, Affandi stressed, both
the contents of the leaflet and the claim that it was
produced by Muhammadiyah cadres were wrong. ■
8. Tangerang FPI Determined to Reject Violence
G
ood news has emerged from the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in Tangerang. They have
expressed their determination to no longer
promote violence to resolve problems. Indeed, Tangerang FPI has instructed all members not to take
the law into their own hands. “We asked Tangerang
FPI members to not make their own judgments
when they see anyone violating the Tangerang government’s requests during the month of Ramadan,”
H Uwan Suwana, general secretary of Tangerang
FPI, said on Tuesday (02/09/08).
This year, Uwan said, FPI would leave everything
to local police and government to handle. FPI would
stick with monitoring and providing information.
“There will be no anarchy, no sweeping, or anything
else during Ramadan,” Uwan said. He also mentioned that Tangerang FPI were trying not to resort
to violence in upholding Islamic law anymore. Instead, they would use persuasion in order to maintain a safe and secure atmosphere.
When asked about FPI’s involvement in the event
that led to the World Harvest Foundation in Teluknaga being sealed, Uwan said it occurred before
Ramadan, and thus could not be seen as a violation
of the police and government demands to maintain
peace during Ramadan.
“A group of FPI members approached the foundation several days before the fast, precisely three
days, in fact, before Ramadan started. The context
was also different. The foundation caused social unrest because it was making Muslims become apostate,” Uwan said. (www.radarbanten.com, Wednesday
03/09/08).
Unfortunately, Tangerang FPI’s attitude has not
spread to any other regions, and in Tasikmalaya, for
instance, sweeping activities and destruction of the
booths of many small street vendors was rife throughout Ramadan (23/09/08). Fortunately, police took
firm action and arrested involved FPI members. ■
9. Ungu Concert Accused of Insulting Islam
T
he Pekanbaru Riau branch of the Indonesian
Council of Ulama (MUI) has banned Ungu
from performing on Saturday (13/09/08) at
Masjid Agung An-Nur, Pekanbaru. “It goes too far
to hold a concert on the mosque’s land. On top of
that, it disturbs those who want to worship. This
is even the fasting month,” H Ilyas Mukti, head of
Pekanbaru MUI, explained on Friday (12/09/08).
MUI also accused Ungu of insulting the Muslim
community and further suspected that the concert
would be exploited by people to defile Islam in the
eyes of non-Muslims. “We clearly oppose the concert
being held in the mosque. It can’t be allowed. This
has already insulted Muslims,” Ilyas explained. MUI
also questioned the authorization given to hold the
concert on mosque land in a letter addressed to the
Masjid Agung An-Nur committee.
On the day, Saturday (13/09/08), the concert –
entitled Month Full of Blessing – was set to go ahead,
despite criticism from MUI and a number of Islamic
The Wahid Institute
Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008 ■
social organisations. A large stage, amplifiers and a
row of coloured concert lights had already been set
up, pre-concert activities were being held in a number
of plush white tents not far from the stage, and a fire
truck was even in position to spray the audience with
water. Hundreds of youth were already crowding the
mosque yard, even though the concert committee
had stated the concert would only start at 22.00.
In the end, however, Ungu did not show. The cancellation was an impromptu decision, made only half
an hour before the concert was set to start. Ilyas Mukti, welcomed the decision. “There are other, more
beneficial, activities for youth to participate in than
concerts like this. Group recitation of the Qur’an, for
example,” he said.
Ilyas also said that the concert committee could
not guarantee that males would be separated from
females. MUI felt this abused the function of the
mosque, which should be a place for worship and the
greatness of religion. “I got a chance to look at the
location before breaking fast and I saw hundreds of
young couples, associating freely with members of the
opposite sex. The image of Islam and the mosque as a
place of worship was at stake,” he said.
On the other hand, those promoting the concertlost as much as Rp 3 trillion. The event, Anggia Novita said, was actually clean and full of religious proselytizing urging the younger generation to be good,
but “There was misunderstanding that couldn’t be
resolved. Some thought the concert conflicted with
the Melayu norms of Pekanbaru.”. (source: www.okezone.com, Friday 12/09/08, and www.suaramerdeka.
com, Saturday-Sunday 13-14/09/08). ■
10. “Muslim Sports Students’ Militia”
Raid Malls
O
n Friday (12/09/08) at about 15.30 several
students dressed in turbans and white clothing approached Panakkukang Mall, Makassar Ratu Indah Mall, Hotel Istana in Jl. Sungai Saddang, and café Nyoto. They were from the Sporting
Faculty of Makassar State University (UNM) and
called themselves the Muslim Sports Students’ Militia (LAMMO). They raided these venues for Muslims
who were not fasting.
They also approached the fast food managers
in the two malls, ordering them to shut down the
malls’ food stalls during the day. They mall patrons
were startled, and several café managers appeared
completely dazed with the arrival of these uninvited
guests.
Several police watched them, yet despite the police
presence, LAMMO members were still very insistent
with the mall management. After giving a speech in
the mall, they went looking for Muslims not fasting.
They eventually found a high school student eating
and drinking. Acting as if they were security, they arrested Andy - the student - grabbing him by the scruff
of his neck. He was then taken to his school to be
taught a lesson. ■
11. MUI Demands Psychic Advertisements be
Stopped
T
he Indonesian Council of Ulama (MUI) insisted that the recent burgeoning of SMS/premium call advertisements on television featuring
psychics be stopped during Ramadan. Besides making a fool of society, MUI considered that this kind of
fortune telling by sending SMS’ to psychics interfered
with the devout worship of Muslims during the holy
month.
“We ban these kind of ads from being shown on
television during Ramadan. It’s related to fortune
telling, native healing. We don’t want them shown
because they interfere with the piety of those Muslims
who wish to fast,” said Said Budairi, head of the MUI
Information and Communications Commission, in
Jakarta on Sunday (31/08/08).
Recently, psychics such as Ki Joko Bodo, Mama
The Wahid Institute
Lauren and others have, out of the blue, began appearing quite frequently on television. They act in
almost identical advertisements, enticing viewers,
claiming that they are able to predict what will occur
in the future, or what job is most suitable according
to one’s star sign. Viewers need only send an SMS to
the number provided by the operator.
Previously, the Indonesian Broadcasting Comission (KPI) had been flexible with these advertisements, giving them two conditions to abide by. They
were only allowed to help, and not to act as if they
were a God who could change fate; and they were
only allowed to run between 22.00-03.00.
However, MUI felt that viewing hours set for adult
rated programs did not apply during Ramadan because the hours between 22.00 and 03.00 were no
■ Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008
longer appropriate for adult rated programs (which
feature pornography, violence and mysticism).
“This is because peoples’ life cycles change during
Ramadan. The hours 22.00-03.00 become prime time
hours. MUI urges that these programs be replaced
with other, more appropriate ones,” Said said. (www.
tribun-timur.com, Sunday 31/08/08).
The general head of the Central Java Nahdlatul
Ulama Provincial Branch (PWNU), H Mohammad
Adnan, also complained about the increasing fre-
quency of mystic programs. Mystical and magical
practices, he said, were a reality of eastern societies.
“In the past society used mysticism and charlatanism
as an alternative way to deal with life’s problems. This
was before the modern ways that we use now were
discovered,” he said. Adnan said that because these
kind of programs use public media, they need to be
packaged and presented accordingly. If so, mysticism
could actually become a positive thing. (Suara Merdeka, 20/09/08). ■
12. MUI Complains to Press Council Over
Porn Magazines
M
UI has complained about a number of magazines that they believe to contain pornographic elements to the Press Council. In a
three paged letter, MUI mentioned magazines which
are circulated widely and sold freely on the street, at
newsagents, and book stores, and are thus easily available to anyone interested in buying or reading them.
According to MUI, these magazines are responsible for spreading indecency. One example was Playboy. “Because of this we support FPI because they
report Playboy magazine managers and models to the
police,” Said Budairi, head of the MUI Information
and Communications Comission, said.
MUI also complained about Barbuk magazine,
X2, Maxim, Oke Magazine, ME Asia, Cosmopolitan,
Fenomena Exo, FHM Indonesia and Popular. “We
hope that the Press Council uses its authority and immediately discusses the issue and makes a decision in
regards our complaint. MUI does not want anarchy
to break out in society,” Said said.
Besides this, MUI also urged television managers to decrease the number of programs that feature
gender identity disorders such as effeminacy, and lowgrade quizzes. These kind of programs had become
more frequent during Ramadan prime time hours –
those preceding the morning prayer and the evening
breaking of fast. “Although there has been a general
improvement, I still believe these programs are below
standard,” Said Budairi said.
Throughout the beginning of Ramadan MUI not-
ed down a number of programs that needed to be
cautioned for violating the Laws on Broadcasting, the
Guide to Broadcasting Behaviour, and the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission’s Program Standards.
These programs included Empat Mata Sahur (Trans7),
Saur Prise!!! (RCTI), Assalamualaikum Cinta (RCTI),
and Sahur Cagur (Global TV). “I express my appreciation for the soap opera Para Pencari Tuhan on SCTV
which represents Islamic themes,” Said said.
He also said that almost all television stations feature quizzes with questions that lack integrity and ridicule society. In fact, they are even a means for gambling as participants can join in by sending expensive
SMS messages. The winner is randomly selected, and
receives part of the money just paid by all those who
participated,” Said said.
Previous reports have stated that the East Java
PWNU banned Ramadan quizzes from several television stations because they were thought to insult the
holy month of Ramadan with their gambling. Chairman of the advisory board of the East Java NU provincial branch, KH Miftachul Akhyar, felt there was
an element of gambling in the fact that participants
are obliged to pay a set premium call fee in order to
win certain prizes. “The element of gambling lies
in the fact that the charges are more than standard
SMS costs,” Miftahul said. “And so the managers get
trillions of rupiah.” (source: www.okezone.com, Friday
12/09/08, Indo Pos, Saturday 13/09/08 and www.antara.co.id, Sunday 07/09/08). ■
13. West Java Police Investigate
Purwakarta Regent
T
10
he religious “defamation” case involving the
Purwakarta regent, Dedi Mulyadi, (see MRoRI
XIII) is now being investigated by West Java
police. Chief of West Java Police, Inspector General Susno Duadji said that experts in the fields of
religion, language and technology were being called
upon. Dedi himself has not yet been summoned as
he was still under investigation. “We have to investigate things thoroughly before calling the Purwakarta
regent. If evidence suggests he is a suspect, the police
The Wahid Institute
Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008 ■
will then send a letter to the president to summon
him,” Susno said on Friday (05/09/08).
Police have placed the Purwakarta Government
office and the Purwakarta Government office (usually guarded by the Civil Service Police Unit) under tight guard, following an incident on Friday
(12/09/08) in which pot plants were destroyed and
the wall of the regent’s official government house
was graffittied by a number of protestors claiming
to be from various Muslim organisations.
In response to the incident, West Java MUI has
urged Muslim social organisations not to politicise
the issue. “This problem involves people, not institu-
tions and we are still waiting on the results of the investigation. If the complaint is considered valid, we
will leave everything to the law,” said KH A Hafidz
Utsman, head of West Java MUI, on Saturday.
However, he said, MUI urges society not to get involved should there be any disturbances within the
community in relation to the case. “We ask citizens
and (Muslim) social organisations of Purwakarta in
particular to be understanding. The case is being
handled by the relevant authorities, in this case, the
West Java police,” he explained. (source: www.okezone.com, Saturday 13/09/08 and www.antara.co.id,
Saturday 13/09/08). ■
14. Prosecutors Demand 4 Years Jail for
Ishak Suhendra
I
shak Suhendra, leader of the Panca Daya Pencak
Silat Institute of Tasikmalaya, has been accused
of violating article 156 of the Criminal Code on
religious blasphemy. Public prosecuting attorneys
Mustopa and Suharja demanded in court that he be
sentenced to four months on Thursady (11/09/08).
The hearing was attended by hundreds of members from various Muslim organisations, including
the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), the United Action
of People Concerned for Muslim Society, the Madani
Peoples’ Forum, the Taliban Brigade, and the Mujahideen Council. About 20 of Ishak’s supporters were
also present.
Although punctuated by shouting and disorder,
the commotion resulting from the mere presence of
these two groups in such a confined space did not ac-
The Wahid Institute
tually break out into a physical brawl. Ishak, wearing
batik, black pants and a Muslim hat, appeared calm
throughout the hearing.
Previous reports stated that Ishak Suhendra failed
to repent at the Tasikmalaya correctional institute
despite advising the local MUI branch of his intentions to repent and to recite the Islamic confession
of faith as an indication of his recognition of true
Islamic teachings. A number of representatives from
Islamic social organisations were present to witness
the recitation.
Halim, Ishak’s lawyer, emphasised that the forum
was not for Ishak to recite the confession of faith, but
to straighten out society’s misunderstandings with
the teachings Ishak taught at the pencak silat institute.
Both Ishak and his lawyer maintained that the teachings that Ishak practiced and that are written in his
book, Religion in Reality, are true Islamic teachings.
Ishak himself explained that he would not withdraw or destroy his book Religion in Reality. “I invited
them to talk, not to see me return to Islam as they
thought. I have always been a Muslim. I apply Islamic
law as it should be applied. So I invited them to talk
and straighten out everything,” Ishak, detained in
room 5 of Block A of the Tasikmalaya correctional
institute, explained.
This change in attitude made the representatives
of FPI, Gemas (Social Movement Against Deviant
Sects), and FRM demand that Ishak recite the confession of faith. They said that if he did not want to
repent it would mean he did not respect the Muslim community and had lied to MUI and the various Muslim organisations present. Dozens of people
started shouting and some tried to attack Ishak. Fortunately MUI and several Salawu NU members were
able to calm down the disappointed parties. (www.
okezone.com, Wednesday-Thursday 10-11/09/08).
11
■ Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008
15. Pay Withheld For Those Unable to
Read Qur’an
S
urely one would find it somewhat strange to
hear that civil servants’ wages – something to
which they are fully entitled – had been withheld because they could not read the Qur’an. Yet
this is exactly what happened in Bima, West Nusa
Tenggara. Previously, the Local Civil Service Department (BKD) had detained authorization for 82 civil
servant candidates because they could not read the
Qur’an, but now the same reasoning has been applied to 273 successful local civil servant candidates
from the honorary class of 2008.
The secretary of BKD, Tajudin, emphasised this
specifically when explaining how to fill in the civil
servant candidate application forms on Saturday
(30/08/08). He said if anyone thought they could
not read the Qur’an they should start studying immediately because there would be individual testing
to determine whether or not they could do so. “Civil
servants must pay attention to this, because a civil
servant is very naïve if he or she wishes to become an
example for society but cannot read the Qur’an or
Islamic prayers,” he said.
Not only that, but candidates would be tested
on reading prayers before given the authorization
needed to become civil servants. Similarly, if proven
unable, authorization would be withheld. Those not
given authorization were only entitled to 80% of
their full wage. “If after two years they have still not
received the necessary authorization to become civil
servants their positions will no longer be secure,” he
stressed.
Further, civil servant candidates were reminded
to be careful in displaying appropriate behaviour,
attitudes, ethics and norms during the long administrative process that they had to undergo before
becoming fully-fledged civil servants. “If any violate
civil service rules they will be sanctioned, or even dismissed,” the regent of Bima, Feri Zulkarnaen, emphasised. (Suara NTB, Monday 07/09/08). ■
16. Abu Bakar Ba’asyir Establishes Jamaah
Anshorut Tauhid
F
ormer leader (amir) of the Indonesian Mujahideen Council (MMI), Abu Bakar Ba’asyir
declared the establishment of a new Islamic
organisation named Jamaah Ashorut Tauhid on the
17th day of Ramadan this year. Ba’asyir himself is to be
amir of the organisation.
“Anshorut Tauhid means Defenders of the Unity
of God. This new organisation intends to go back to
a leadership structure based on Islamic teachings. Ustad Abu Bakar Ba’asyir will be the amir of Jamaah
Anshorut Tauhid,” Fauzan al-Anshori, who claimed
to be representing Ba’asyir, said on Wednesday
(17/09/08).
The event, held Wednesday afternoon (17/09/08)
in the Haji Bekasi Dormitory, was attended by hundreds of people. According to Fauzan, it began with
an open discussion featuring a number of Muslim
figures on the theme Islamic Leadership Versus Democracy.
“Leaders in Islam are chosen by the Advisory
Board which consists of elected figures. Whereas in
12
democracy – the system we are currently living under
– we follow a system of one man one vote. This means
the vote of an ulama is equal to the vote of a criminal
or prostitute, for example. All this was discussed,” he
said.
After the discussion, the event continued with
speeches from several figures from Islamic organisations, and was concluded with a political speech from
Ba’asyir, and the declaration of the establishment of
his new organisation. Fauzan, former MMI spokesperson, said that Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid would
continue to struggle for the implementation and enforcement of Islamic law in the country. A large number of Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid supporters were, he
said, former MMI cadres and sympathizers who had
chosen to follow Ba’asyir. He also mentioned that
the establishment of the new organisation was linked
to the split that developed in MMI several months
ago (see MRoRI XIII). (www.antara.co.id, Wednesday
17/09/08). ■
The Wahid Institute
Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008 ■
17. Can’t Read Qur’an? Can’t be an MP!
A
lthough the compulsory Qur’an reading test
for member of parliament (MP) candidates is
purely limited to reading, there are still many
who cannot do even this. Testing, which began on
Monday (08/09/08), showed that many MP candidates could not read the Qur’an – Arabic – at all. In
fact, they were not ashamed to admit to the judges
that they could not read the Qur’an, and were currently studying how to do so. This is, according to
head of the South Aceh Independent Election Commission (KIP) Nomination Work Group, Jasmiady Jakfar, and head of the Qur’an Reading Test Team, Suhaimi Salihin, indicative of a much more widespread
inability within society to read the Qur’an.
Those unable to read the Qur’an at all fail to fulfill
the requirements to become MPs, and the political
parties to which they are associated will be expected
to find replacements. All areas in which the test has
been held show similar results.
For example, in Redelong, 12 of 400 prospective
MPs (from 24 parties) in the Bener Meriah regency
failed to obtain the passing mark of 50. All were
dropped from running in the 2009 parliamentary
elections. Ahmadi, head of Bener Meriah KIP, urged
these candidates to read the Qur’an and improve
their skills because not only is it necessary for MPs,
but it is also an obligation for Muslims.
As many as 69 from 423 MPs registered at the
Lhokseumawe KIP had also failed or did not attend
the test. In Langsa, 15 from a total of 500 MPs failed.
Moreover, 2 parties failed because they did not send
their MPs to take the test. In the province of Aceh,
one party’s MPs were reported to have been absent
too.
In West Aceh, the number who failed was much
higher. Zarli Yanto, head of the West Aceh KIP
Nomination Work Group, mentioned on Thursday
(11/09/08) that 663 MPs had been registered but
only 573 of them took the test. “So 521 have passed,
as many as 87 did not attend the test, and 55 failed.
So 174 MPs in total failed the test,” he said.
Information from Pidie Jaya reported that about
40 of 117 prospective MPs did not attend the test held
by Pidie Jaya KIP in Meunasah Kota Primary School,
Meureudu, on Thursday (11/09/08). These are just
figures from a few regions. Many more MPs from other areas have also failed the Qur’an reading test, and
more are expected to fail as testing continues until
Monday (15/09/08).
Prospective MPs of the Aceh Parliament apparently struggled in accepting the results from the independent grading team. They protested to the Aceh KIP.
Head of the Nomination Work Group, Yarwin Adi
Dharma, claimed a number of MPs had approached
The Wahid Institute
them through party organisers to question and express dissatisfaction with the results.
Yarwin felt they were looking for excuses because
their candidates failed not because they did not meet
the grading standard, but because they were groggy
and less than fit when taking the test, and thus their
presentation was very poor. “We accepted the complaint. But the team did objectively marked all candidates who took the test,” he said.
Funding Issues
In general, KIPs in cities/regencies have complained
because local regency budgets (APBK) have not provided funding for the testing which is estimated at
Rp 50-60 million per city/regency. Funding for the
testing of Aceh parliament MPs had already been provided, as the test was accounted for in the election
costs covered by the 2008 APBA (provincial Aceh
budget). However, city/regency governments refused
to provide funding from their local budgets, arguing
that local budgets was passed before the new Law on
Local Parties (which obliges MP candidates to take
the Qur’an reading test) was issued.
Executive secretary of Aceh KIP, Nasir Zalba, said
that they had already asked KPU (General Election
Commission) to provide aid from national funds. Yet
KPU said that because the test was an additional requirement for Aceh MPs it was the responsibility of
the province, not the nation.
Aceh parliament members felt that the lack of
funding for the Qur’an reading test at the city/regency KIP level was a serious problem in the lead up
to the general elections in Aceh. If the Aceh government and cities/regencies did not make funds available in the near future they would be delaying crucial
steps leading up to the elections. “If the Aceh government does not wish to impede the implementation
of the parliamentary elections in cities/regencies,
then they must provide immediate funding for the
Qur’an reading test,” said Syamsul Bahri, member of
Commission A of the Aceh parliament, on Thursday
(04/09/08).
Member of the Aceh parliament from the PPP
fraction, Basrun Yusuf, said that city/regency governments did not usually have problems distributing
funding. He was startled why they were not prepared
to provide funding for such a noble intention. In fact,
he said, the funding could be taken from the unexpected expenditure budget allocated in the APBK
every year.
“Using this budget to ensure the election goes
smoothly does not contradict regulations on the
management and use of local finances. It’s allowed,”
said the former lawyer. Basrun did not want society
13
■ Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008
to start pointing fingers or making comparisons. For
instance, although there may be no funding available for official travel or provision of new cars for
officials, the regional treasurer would often borrow
money from the local treasury. “But when it comes
to funding for the Qur’an reading test, which isn’t
really all that much money, the city/regency government has problems providing it. Further, this test is a
part of Islamic law implementation for MPs in Aceh,”
Basrun said. (www.serambinews.com, 5, 10, 11, 12 and
15/09/08). ■
18. Breaking Fast in Church
T
he tolerant face of religion was clearly on
display in the Manahan Javanese Christian
Church (GKJ) in Central Java, throughout the
whole of Ramadan. Every day, from 15.00, dozens of
bicycles and becaks parked out the front of Manahan
GKJ. There was no church service even on Saturdays.. Nearly 500 people, adults and children, gave
their full unwavering attention to Dian Nafi’’s interactive sermon. In no time at all 30 minutes would
pass and the sun would set. The ustadz finished up
his sermon.
The atmosphere became boisterous as dozens of
youth, most from the Manahan GKJ community,
served food and drinks to audience members. Tea,
sweet banana compote (kolak pisang), and a kind of
rice soup (nasi soto) with prawn crackers were served
and audience members ate, breaking their fast after
collectively reading prayers. The song Tuhan (God)
by Bimbo flowed sweetly from the lips of two singers
accompanied by an organ.
This cheap rice program – the complete menu
cost only Rp 500 – has been run by Manahan GKJ
since 1997 every Ramadan. “We are trying to respect
other religions by holding this cheap rice program
to break the fast,” said Priest Retno Ratih Suryan-
ing Handayani. It was thus not surprising that the
majority of those present came from society’s lower
classes.
From year to year requests have only increased,
even though plenty of other places provide free
meals to break the fast. “We feel more valued if we
pay,” Sukirno, a becak driver from Solo, said. The
unique thing is, not all who come have to pay. Of
the 500 portions served, the money obtained by the
end of the day only needs to amount to Rp 200,000.
Managers of the event receive a maximum amount
of Rp 173,000. “It’s not a problem, because this is
about helping the less fortunate members of society,”
Retno said.
The tolerance does not stop there. After breaking fast, several Muslim students helping out with
the event lead the evening prayer in the church.
Priests even prepared their work areas for praying,
complete with prayer mats. “There is nothing at all
in the world that has an identical twin. Acceptance
of difference is a must. We love our wives because
they’re different from us. And all is beautiful,” said
KH Dian Nafi’ (06/09/08). It seems that difference
of belief is no longer the barrier it once was. (Koran
Tempo, 08/09/08). ■
Analysis
1. The pornography bill has indeed undergone several amendments. Previously
named the Anti Pornographic Material and Behaviour Bill (RUU Anti Pornografi dan Pornoaksi), the terms ‘anti’ and ‘pornographic behaviour’ (pornoaksi)
have been removed. A number of articles have also been omitted. Yet the
substance or soul of the bill has not really changed. It is based a very broad
definition of pornography, and has the potential to threaten social diversity,
or worse, national unity. Of course, proponents of the bill talk about protecting women and children from pornographic exploitation, yet if not considered carefully it is quite likely that this bill will become a time bomb waiting
to explode. The bill’s rejection in a number of areas should not be considered
lightly. It is a very serious issue and the state should not play games with the
very essence of the nation – its duty to protect all citizens.
14
The Wahid Institute
Monthly Report on Religious Issues, Edition XIV, September 2008 ■
2. It seems FPI violence is not yet over. The Central Jakarta State Court – which
should be a place devoted to finding justice – became a place for FPI to further spread terrorism, intimidation and violence during the hearings for the
June 1 Monas tragedy. Strangely enough, this took place inside the court,
and thus threatened the entire legal authority and the court institution.
Judges handling the Monas tragedy hearings must have the courage
to take steps towards ensuring the hearings continue on
the one hand, and to protect the honour of the
court institution on the other.
3. The zakat tragedy in Pasuruan which killed 21
people and wounded 13 others is really quite
heartrending. In this instance, a generous
man’s attempt to distribute zakat in East Java
became a horrifying killing field. No less than
5,000 poor citizens from around Pasuruan
were willing to queue for hours on end
for the sake of a mere Rp 30,000. Frail
bodied women were squashed and
trampled to death and others were
injured in a real tragedy during the
holy month of Ramadan. It has received much commentary, which in
essence blames the direct method of zakat distribution from muzakki (those who
give zakat) to mustahiq (those who receive
zakat). Some say this method is feudal, that
the egos of the muzakki are too big, and that it
exploits the poor.
4. Zakat management institutions have used this
to explain the relevance of their presence. They
wish to make it clear that by channeling zakat,
infaq (religious donations) and sadaqah (optional
religious donations) through professional institutions
tragedies such as occurred in Pasuruan will be avoided and the donated money is guaranteed to reach the poor. This incident actually
accurately portrays the social life of the lowest classes and is directly related
to the poverty that this nation suffers from. If one reads the profiles of the
victims published in the media it is clear that most are village laborers, small
traders, and widows who have become breadwinners for their families. If
they were not poor, they would line up with thousands of others under intense sun just for Rp 30,000. ■
The Wahid Institute
15
Recommendations
1. Members of parliament involved in formulating the pornography bill
must not prioritise short term interests. The fundamental principal
of a legal regulation must not threaten national diversity. In addition,
the pornography bill must also ensure that society does not break into
any kind of anarchy, both in the name of religion or in the name of
society’s participation in enforcing the law.
2. Zakat collection institutions are still largely a phenomena unique to
urban society. One characteristic of urban society is poor social relations, but close relationships with religious figures. Thus it is understandable that urban society is more accepting of zakat institutions.
However professional zakat collection institutions are not entirely
suited to the character of rural or village society, which is marked by
a still very strong belief in religious leaders, but also strong social ties
on the other. As a result, rich people in villages prefer to hand zakat
distribution over to kiai/religious leaders, or to distribute it directly
to mustahiq. It is nothing to do with muzakki egos, but rather reflects
the character of village life. Handing zakat over to professional institutions also, albeit unconsciously, severs social contact between muzakki
and mustahiq, or between kiai/religious leaders and muzakki. This is
further exasperated if zakat collection institutions do not have strong
social roots. As a result, if zakat collection institutions wish to be useful they must be community based. This means they have strong social roots and psychological connections with society, and are not just
floating institutions lacking solid footholds. It is through such an approach – in which society collects and distributes zakat – that society
can begin to trust in and feel they own such institutions. Mosques
and pesantren become the alternative. They are usually the center of
the surrounding community’s religious activities. Zakat collection institutions at the national level must function more as regulators and
administrators, not collectors. ■
Akhdiansyah (West Nusa Tenggara), Suhendy (West Java), Nur Kholik Ridwan (Central Java and Jogjakarta Special
Region) Alamsyah M. Dja’far (Jakarta), Zainul Hamdi (East Java), Syamsul Rijal (South Sulawesi)