The Croatian Diaspora in North America

International
Journal
of Politics,
Culture
and Society,
Vol.
17, No.
1, Fall 2003
(? 2003)
The Croatian Diaspora inNorth America:
Identity, Ethnic Solidarity, and the Formation
of a "Transnational National Community"
Ivana Djuric
As I attempt to reveal in this article, Croatian Diaspora's
press in North
America
and formation of atti
plays a crucial role in ethnic mobilization
of Croatian Diaspora
tudes among members
toward their home
community
of
transnational
national
and
construction
society?Croatia
community. Dis
course analysis employed when examining writings published between 1980
Fraternalist?
1995 in the most influential Croatian Diaspora's
journal?the
builds on the idea that not only news from both the host and home countries
are provided,
but they are also used to constantly
elements of
reproduce
group identity among Diaspora's
community. This study explores the main
and mobilization
of Croa
trends in different stages of ethnic homogenization
tian Diaspora
in North America, which progressed
in response to political
of
changes in the home country, reaching its peak with the commencement
the war in Croatia in 1991.
KEY WORDS:
Croatian Diaspora;
North America;
Croatian
Fraternal Union;
identity;
ethnic mobilization;
transnational
national
discourse
solidarity;
community;
analysis.
ethnic
INTRODUCTION
This article presents the results of an empirical study examining
the im
ethnic tensions, and the conflict situation in Croatia
pact of democratization,
on the self-perception,
ethnic homogenization,
and the process by which a
"transnational
national
dias
among the Croatian
community"
developed
The main methodology
used in this research is a
pora in North America.
discourse analysis of articles published
in the Fraternalist during the period
1980-1995. The Fraternalist
is the official journal of the Croatian Fraternal
Union
inNorth
(CFU), the most influential Croatian diasporic organization
America.
For the purpose
of this study, only articles describing
the activities
113
0891-4486/03/0900-0113/0? 2003Human Sciences Press, Inc.
114
Djuric
of the Croatian
and attitudes of members
diaspora toward their homeland
were taken into consideration.
defines a diaspora as a social entity that "consists
Loring M. Danforth
or by force, and who
either voluntarily
of people who left their homeland
an awareness
a minority
of constituting
in the
immigrant community
to
in
which
have
Robin
the
settled."1
Cohen,
country
they
According
from
kinds
of
main feature that distinguishes
other
diasporic
immigrant
on group identity and a refusal to to
communities
is a strong emphasis
of the group are stretched
into the host society. Members
tally assimilate
two countries and two loyalties. This is particularly
the case with
between
for
whom
native
the
main point
the
is
first generation
country
immigrants
have
host
communities
of their collective
thoughts and efforts. Moreover,
diasporic
to influence
the home society by all possible
tend to feel an obligation
of the
means.2 Greece,
Ireland, and Israel serve as illustrative
examples
can
on
communities
have
the
of
process
struggle for a
impact that diasporic
was
In
those cases, nation-state
formation
separate nation-state.
supported
a
which have exercised
communities,3
diasporic
by large, well-organized
"long
tradition
of active
participation
in the nationalist
struggles
of their
homelands."4
can play an important role in
and newspapers
Diasporic
organizations
Benedict Anderson
has examined
raising a distinctly ethnic consciousness.
the role of the press in enabling and strengthening
feelings of ethnic con
their
in preserving
and in the success of diasporic communities
sciousness
is
in
North
America
Croatian
In
this
the
distinctiveness.5
paper,
diaspora
as a community of immigrants acting within their host countries
considered
are scattered
the fact its members
to influence affairs back home. Despite
to
the Croatian
States and Canada,
all over the United
diaspora managed
at
an
its
that
reached
and
consciousness
ethnic
solidarity
peak
strengthen
in 1991 (though one could also argue
of the war in Croatia
the beginning
that the conflict served to foster the diaspora's ethnic feelings). Finally, spe
in this
communication
should be paid to the role of modern
cial attention
a
to
and
to
initiate
the
enabled
it
since
process
respond rapidly
diaspora
directed at both the host
(political and humanitarian)
variety of activities
new means of communication
the
facilitated
and home societies. Moreover,
un
a
is
that
national
"transnational
of
so-called
community"
emergence
to mean "national communities...
to Danforth,
derstood,
being
according
constructed
on
a transnational
scale."6
Croatian diasporic community
importance of the North American
at from one to 2.5 mil
lies primarily in its size, which has been approximated
in the 1991 census was about 4.7 million).7
of Croatia
lion (the population
Croat
the North American
Together with a long tradition of organizing,
its
is also characterized
ian diasporic community
concern, interest, and
by
The
The Croatian
Diaspora
in North
America
115
a variety of Croatian organiza
in Croatian politics. Although
participation
the Croatian Fraternal Union
tions are active in North America,
(CFU) is
around 100,000 members,
this union is one
the oldest and largest. Boasting
The CFU en
of the most influential of the Croatian diasporic organizations.
a
on
is
local
and
therefore
certain
influence
authorities
widely accepted
joys
as a legitimate representative
of the Croatian ethnic community
in the U.S.
and Canada. The official tools with which the CFU helps to influence or
even create the community's
public opinion are the weekly Fraternalist and
has been published
station, Voice of the CFU. The Fraternalist
since 1904, and enjoys a readership of around 40,000.8 Due to its "middle
in Croatia even
of the road" editorial policy, the Fraternalist was available
an
informational
exchange
during the Communist
period, thus providing
the diaspora and the homeland. At the same time, the majority of
between
the radio
those with certain political agendas
?migr? publications,
particularly
and tendencies against the Yugoslav
regime, were forbidden.
I have chosen the period from 1980 to 1995 in order to trace the pro
cess of political development
and a rising ethnic and political consciousness,
was
of the Croatian diasporic com
which
followed by the wide mobilization
can
the research findings
be divided into two main pe
munity. Accordingly,
other
riods. The first lasts from the death of Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito in
of the Yugoslav Commu
May 1980 until 1988-89 and covers the weakening
nist regime and the beginning of the process of democratization.
The second
covers the first democratic
elections
inMay 1990 and the proclamation
of
in 1991, as well as the period of war. The year 1980
Croatia's
independence
could be taken as a symbolic starting point of the first diaspora's attempts
(in the examined period) to exert influence on Croatia in terms of ideology.
the beginning of the CFU's active engagement
in Croatian polit
Naturally,
ical life can be associated with the commencement
of war in 1991, when the
variety of the CFU's activities
including lobbying, collecting financial and
material
in Croatia were
aid, and spreading news about the developments
a
on
and
when
it
exercised
certain
level
of
the American
pressure
enlarged,
government.
THE ENFORCEMENT OF ETHNIC IDENTITY
AND THE MOBILIZATION OF THE NORTH
AMERICAN CROATIAN DIASPORA
articles published
in the Fraternalist during the period from 1980
Among
to 1995, a special place is given to those devoted to the strengthening
of eth
nic identity in its readership. A number of articles deal with Croatian history,
often glorifying the memory
of famous Croatian politicians
such as Stjepan
116
Djuric
Radie and Ante Starcevic,
the founding fathers of Croatian national poli
tics in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries.9 Culture
is another popular
numerous
with
of
Croatian
writers, priests, and other famous
topic,
portraits
(for example, Cardinal Alojzije
personalities
Stepinac, Countess Katarina
that
nourish
ethnic
in the
Zrinska, etc.)10
pride. Religion was rather neglected
Fraternalist^
until
the
first
obituaries
in
the
writings
appeared
early 1980s,
stressing the religious affiliation of the deceased,
something previously not
mentioned.
the
Fraternalist
from the Croatian
Later,
published messages
to the diaspora and publicized
Catholic clergy addressed
their visits. All the
elements of ethnic identity in Anthony
D. Smith's terms11 can be found in
the Fraternalisfs
discourse between
1980 and 1995. Culture, history, myths,
were
and
instrumentalized
in the process of ethnic homog
language,
religion
enization and served as the first stage of diasporic political mobilization.
The
over
re
in
the
second
half
of
the
1980s
Yugoslav
(Croatian) language dispute
a
at
the
official
Croatian
"Croato-Serbian"
occurred
focal
naming
language
collective
point of the diasporic community's
strivings. Failure to preserve
a distinctive name for the language instigated collective distress among the
Croatian diaspora and led to an outbreak of recollections
of other histori
cal injustices, especially
those during the twentieth century. In addition, the
of national history, particularly
of the Bleiburg
victims,12
reinterpretation
of demographic
losses during World War II,13 of the Croatian Spring14 and
of the Ban Josip Jelacic's monument,15
of the campaign for the placement
the process of
served as powerfully motivating
symbols that set in motion
and mobilization.
ethnic homogenization
Language
for the U.S. cen
of the Croatian diasporic community
The mobilization
census in 198116 can be identified as one of the
sus in 1980 and Canadian
A campaign was
first steps in the process of the diaspora's homogenization.
of Croatian
in
the
American
citizen
Fraternalist,
advising every
organized
a
to
mother
him/herself
and
his/her
declare
Croat,
tongue Croatian.17
origin
to reflect the size of the community
The census was expected
and, in turn,
define the level of financial support that each group would receive from the
U.S.
government.
these statistics did not reflect diasporic
However,
reality. The disuse
Americans
fallen
had
Croatian
the Croatian
into which
among
language
was noted at the autumn session of the CFU in 1982, as well as the lack of
qualified teachers and the danger that the Croatian language might disappear
among the diasporic community within next 15 years.18 At the same meeting,
the official language of the CFU (few readers were
English was declared
The Croatian
able
Diaspora
in North
117
America
to read in Croatian).
diaspora's
By the early 1980s, the process of the Croatian
their native language was entering its final phase. Quite
in Croatia inaugurated efforts among
political developments
losing
unexpectedly,
the Croatian
the Croatian
diaspora to protect and promote
language. The
of Croatian among the diasporic community
took two main forms
promotion
in the second half of the 1980s. One focused on the "old homeland"?and
protested attempts to change the official title of the Croatian
language in the
Constitution
of the Socialist Republic of Croatia.19 As one letter expressed it:
to have the name
there is amovement
in Yugoslavia
Apparently,
deleted
from the Constitution
jezik" (Croatian
literary language)
If Croatian
Croatia.
Socialist Republic
exist, the Croatian
people
exists and should
say that the Croatian
certainly
literary language
our very existence
If we allow
then we are being denied
[it]...
to exist.
continue
as a people.
If we
our ethnic identity, for
to exist as a Croatian
and maintain
people
strive here and in the homeland,
then we as Croatians
should not be denied
the name of our language which
from any other people
in the world..
.20
want
"hrvatski knjizevni
of the Republic
of
exists, and we can
to continue
which we
in Croatia
in emigration
and
us distinct
makes
cam
to this threat, the Croatian diaspora
started a fund-raising
Reacting
to
establish
the
first
of
Croatian
and
Culture
paign
Department
Language
at York University
outside of Croatia,
in Toronto, Canada.21 Despite
the
name
and
the
official
of
the
Croatian
diaspora's public appeals
lobbying,
in 1989.
language was changed to Croato-Serbian
was to reverse the under
The second way Croatian was promoted
of
the
Croatian
and
in the Serbo-Croatian
representation
language
personnel
section of the Voice of America
service.
The CFU initially
radio
(VOA)
that
at
affirmative
action
be
introduced
the
VOA
and then de
requested
manded
the creation of a separate Croatian section. The claim was made on
the grounds that "the VOA carries an important message
of democracy
and
serves as an indispensable
source of alternate
information
in Yugoslavia's
still relatively closed society.... By retaining a combined
'Serbo-Croatian'
an opportunity
ismissing
to reach and establish rapport
section, the VOA
and credibility with Croatian
the distinctiveness
of
speakers."22 Underlying
the Croatian
of the
language, yet another letter stressed that "Suppression
Croatian
broadcasts not only offends the ap
language in official American
8million Croatian-speaking
listeners of Yugoslavia's
proximately
population
of 23 million, but it is also a barrier that keeps Croatian
listeners away."23
Unlike
the previous and unsuccessful
to prevent the change
engagement
of the official title of the Croatian
the internal
language in the homeland,
American
efforts were fruitful, as the VOA's
diaspora's
separate Croatian
section was created in 1992. It "broadcast five (5) 30 minute
live air-shows
daily"24 while its personnel
first half of 1992.25
was
enlarged
from two to five members
in the
118
Djuric
Religion
of religious expression was another important
issue in the
Freedom
the Croatian
in North America.
process of ethnically mobilizing
diaspora
the Socialist period in Yugoslavia
During
(1945-1990),
religion was rather
as Yugoslav
religious diversity posed a threat to the Communist
oppressed
and unity. In line with its espoused neutral position,
ideology of brotherhood
the Fraternalist
avoided emphasizing
religious affiliation.26 It was not until
the mid-1980s
that an accent on religion could be found in the Fraternalisfs
articles.
and preserved
However,
among
present
religion was always more
than
in
the
home
because
the
communities
Croatian
country
diasporic
Catholic Church took upon itself the role of custodian and set out to preserve
a distinct Croatian ethnic identity, language, and tradition among Croatian
J. Prpic stresses, it was "the Catholic
diasporic communities.27 As George
due to
life."28Moreover,
that became the first centers of Croatian
toward political ?migr?s, it
authorities
the intolerant attitudes of Yugoslav
was only the Church that secured the right to keep close relations and reg
for their
ular contacts with the Croatian
diaspora without being punished
an
toward
the
ethnic
On
consolidation,
way
important step was
activity.29
to the Diaspora"
in the Frater
of the annual "Encyclical
the publication
it stressed the unity of
at the diaspora,
1986.30 Directed
nalist in December
and the diaspora under the framework of the
the Croats in the homeland
churches
national Catholic Church.
the focus
After having met the need for national spiritual regeneration,
of churches
shifted to the need for material
renewal, and the reconstruction
became an important issue. After 1984, frequent calls for financial assistance
such as requests for the
in the Fraternalist,
to restore churches appeared
church in Sosice31 and the parish of St. Joseph in Zagreb.32
Culture
recall the great
As mentioned
earlier, many articles in the Fraternalist
these
educational motives,
culture. Besides
of Croatian national
were a preparatory
ethnic
to
consolidate
functioned
identity;
they
writings
As one of the readers, Fr. Paul Maslach,
stage for ethnic homogenization.
stated, "I am impressed by the many articles on history and culture. You are
tradition
using history and culture as a learning tool: looking to the past and learn
more prosperous
future, I certainly
ing from it to bring about a better and
efforts."33
your
support
of the CFU, which was held in
convention
at the seventeenth
Already
was
to
with the Old Homeland
decision
"the
1987,
cooperate
September
The Croatian
Diaspora
in North
119
America
cul
reached for the purpose of affirming and learning about the Croatian
the sphere of external cultural
tural tradition."34 In addition to intensifying
i.e., with the home society, the CFU turned toward strength
cooperation,
of the North
internal
collaboration
among the different organizations
ening
In 1990, the Croatian
alumni network?the
American
Croatian
diaspora.
with the CFU. In an
AMAC
(Almae Matris Alumni Croatiacae)?merged
the AMAC
invited all itsmembers
in the Fraternalist,
open letter published
to join ranks with the CFU under the pretext of "broad Croatian cultural ac
tion inNorth America."35 The letter evoked similar earlier attempts that had
failed, stressing that: "By setting our goals in a realistic and reasonable way,
in style and form, we
individuality
by uniting in purpose and by respecting
can build a foundation
for meaningful
Croatian efforts inNorth America.36
was
in activities, "dissemination
main
mutual
the
Among
participation
goals
of unbiased
information about Croats and Croatia," and seeing The Frater
"an open common forum for exchange of information, views
nalist become
and ideas of all AMAC/CFU
members."37
The extension
and solidifying of relations was not only directed at the
of the different political ide
cultural sphere, but also toward reconciliation
in
North
This relates partic
the
Croatian
America.
ologies among
diaspora
new
to
of
the
in
the
CFU's
Canada, where the largest
ularly
lodges
opening
of post-World War II immigrants (the "newcomers")
had settled.
percentage
For many reasons, this large segment of the Croatian diaspora had not joined
the CFU. When
the political situation in Croatia changed, however, and the
of ethnic homogeneity
became desirable,
it became necessary
appearance
to reconcile and incorporate
streams among the
the opposing
ideological
Croatian diaspora. As a result, recollections
of World War II disputes and
debates began to appear in the 1980s, challenging
and reinterpreting
what
was prescribed
as official Croatian history.
History
and Myths
Back in the home society, amidst economic crises and galloping inflation
that by 1985 had reached 70 percent, Serbian nationalism
expanded under
as well as claims that "Croatia's Communists
the cover of democratization,
were committing
'cultural genocide' against the Serb community,"
recalling
the atrocities committed during World War II.38These accusations opened a
space for rehashing old and unsettled disputes on the number and nationality
of persons murdered
in Jasenovac. Publication
of Tomislav Sabljak's book,
Croatia and the Victims of World War II, furthered this public discussion. The
Fraternalisfs
response was to publish an article on the war victims, followed
an
by
apology from the editors for raising the question and a promise not to
120
Djuric
do so again:
rule against
Because
CFU
and because
controversy
by-laws
instigating
religious
we have many
Serbian members
enrolled
in our society,
it is only with
the great
over the alleged
est reluctance
that we have become
involved
in the controversy
massacres
concentration
We
camp in Croatia...
during World War II in the Jasenovac
are printing Brother Beljo's
to those who would
to blame
story in response
attempt
for the alleged murder
to 1,200,000
the Croatian
of 700,000
Serbians. We
people
consider
this our final word on this subject and do not intend to open the pages of
on the matter.40
to any further discussion
the Fraternalist
the discussion was just beginning
and was to be recalled on many
However,
other occasions.41 Reopening
the debate on war atrocities
in 1985 met with
one
of
the
Fraternalisfs
part
approval among
readership, who responded
that
"Croatians
have
been
for too long."42 Yet,
scapegoats
by emphasizing
it took several years for a final condemnation
of all crimes to be issued, of
those committed
by Yugoslav
partisans after World War II as well as those
on the fiftieth anniversary
of the Ustashi
it.
of
regime during
Significantly,
was
an
it
the
the Bleiburg
Croatian
Church
that
issued
Catholic
events,
indictment
of all the atrocities,
thus performing
the role of mediator
and
conciliator.43
official dis
The year 1987 brought about a change in The Fraternalisfs
course toward Croatia.
Instead of its usual "middle-of-the-road
policy," a
discussion began on the historical events of World War II in order to bridge
the debate appeared as a reac
gaps within the Croatian nation. Certainly,
roll-calls hinting
Serbian claims and Serbian xenophobic
tion to nationalistic
of
the
Ustashi
for
the
atrocities
at collective Croatian
regime during
guilt
was the
reconciliation
World War II. The first step toward an all-Croatian
reflects this
redefinition of recent history. A letter from Lucian Reichherzer
in the way he denies the similarity between
aim; it is quite controversial
a
the Fascist and Nazi movements,
claiming that the Ustashi
"just wanted
to
this
An
immediate
Croatia."44
response
viewpoint
appeared
sovereign
the complaint of John Strizic, who protested
against the CFU's nationalistic
and linguistic propaganda,
regrets at much of what was being
expressing
published.
He
stressed
that:
American
is predominantly
Our membership
them, the Old Home's
linguistic and national
are interested
a small number
flute...
Only
of history and language,
Under
the coverage
our
To
and Canadian
born and educated.
are the ninth hole in the
exclusiveness
in the homeland
of their ancestors...
are distorting
some of the newcomers
lines.45
Strizic reflects negatively
Moreover,
nationalistic
(as Reichherzer
politics
emigre's dreams to return to power
upon attempts to misuse
did in his letter) and
in Croatia.
the CFU for
the extremist
The
Croatian
Diaspora
in North
121
America
to this letter, Ante Beljo thanks Strizic for his remark that
Responding
as the
is going in the same direction
of migrants
the younger generation
our
the direction of
future and [I] hope
extremists?"a
Croatian direction,
for a better future
that all of us will realize it... That is the only direction
of Croatia and of the CFU." Beljo condemns
those who preach the solution
according to which the best iswhen one group rules Croatia, while the oppo
sition is exiled to a wood, prison, or to emigration,
that everyone
concluding
should be equal and equally interested in Croatia's welfare.46
to the U.S. Congress
to erect a monument
An initiative presented
to
a
Draza Mihailovic,
leader during World War II, served to
Serbian Chetnick
pour oil on the already flaming debate.47 The CFU immediately
responded by
strongly opposing the idea and condemn
sending an open letter to Congress,
the dreaded
ing "any attempt to glorify or to erect a monument
honoring
The CFU will always decry acts of terrorism and/or
be they by Croatians,
Serbians or by Nazi collaborators
against
to contact
the forces of decency."48 The Fraternalist
invited all members
their representatives
in Congress
and complain. The protest was then ex
tended to publicly attacking the Rev. Duic
(Djuic), a Chetnick war criminal
Nazi
collaborator...
atrocities
still alive and residing in the U.S. Although
the campaign lasted for several
it was not as successful as previous ones had been. Unlike Andrija
months,
an Ustashi member
and minister during the NDH
Artukovic,
(Independent
to Yugoslavia
Croatian State) who was extradited
and indicted, Rev. Duic
died peacefully
in his American
home. Certainly,
the outcome
left a rather
biased
di
among the Croatian
creating feelings of discontent
impression,
articles, which not only reflected the defensive
aspora, as did anti-Chetnick
position of the diaspora but also helped to reaffirm assertions that Croatians
were scapegoats.49 By the late 1980's, the CFU already articulated an anti
Yugoslav
regime standpoint and started developing
support for democratic
in Croatia. Once again, it was traumatic memories
and history
processes
that worked
toward creating intraethnic homogeneity
while at the same
time widening
the interethnic gap.
The Diaspora's
Political
Engagement
Until the beginning
of the 1990s, an interest in American
domestic af
an interest in
fairs prevailed
the
Fraternalisfs
among
readership. However,
in Croatia was never absent. During the first half of the 1980s,
developments
there were articles reprinted occasionally
from the Croatian
newspapers
1986, most of these reprinted articles were
Vjesnik and Vecernji list. Until
related to the living conditions
in Croatian villages in Dalmatia,
Lika, and
Gorski kotar?from
where the majority of Croatian Americans
came. After
or asphalt roads
1986, however, articles on the openings of new waterworks
122
Djuric
and American
villages were replaced by reprints from Croatian
devoted to political developments
inYugoslavia.
This change in
of the Fraternalist was initiated primarily by the wider process of
and the disintegration
of the Eastern European Communist
democratization
crises and galloping nationalism
block. At the same time, economic
sharp
ened the political
situation in Socialist Yugoslavia.
The CFU's readership
was well aware of what was going on in Yugoslav
(Croatian) politics. Re
leaders' meetings,
news, and
conferences,
ports on the Yugoslav Communist
in far-away
newspapers
the content
analyses of the situation inKosovo
in the Fraternalist.
often appeared
Prior to the final dissolution
and the abolition
of its autonomy
in 1988
of Yugoslavia
and the beginning
of the
was
the
Croatian
much
in
very
processes
diaspora
This kind of feeling is best expressed
favor of secession from Yugoslavia.
in
a 1985 letter to the editor by N. Bilandzich:
in Croatia,
democratic
are at present
in Yugoslavia
which
in control must
understand
elements
the Croatian
people will never give up their rights to liberty, justice and self
We want
freedom
and independence,
and for this we do not owe
determination.
can sing and hoist their
an apology
to anyone.
In today's Croatia,
foreign elements
an enemy
do the same, they are declared
of the
flags, but if the Croatian
people
are slaves in our own homeland.
state and placed
in jail. Mr. Editor, we Croatians
our historical
that
If you examine
past, I am sure that you will be able to conclude
we Croatians
to advance
the cause of Slavism
and Yugoslavism,
have done so much
Those
that
which
has brought
am and always will
us nothing more
be for Croatian
than oppression
and misery.
and
independence
As already cited, a similar opinion is expressed
its independence
derlines that "a nation without
in someone
living
else's
home
as
a servant
or
For
this reason,
I
liberty.50
in another letter which un
is like a homeless
person
slave."51
the
the end of the 1980s, the Fraternalist
very carefully followed
a
and
market-oriented
democratization
towards
in
Croatia
developments
as well as the introduction
of pluralism and a multiparty
system.
economy
to the efforts made to found
close
attention
The magazine
paid particularly
new political parties. Among
the earliest of these was the Croatian Demo
At
(CDU)52 under the leadership of Franjo Tudrnan. The CDU
as the most widespread
and the best known
in the Fraternalist
the
in
and
Croatian
Croatia
among
diaspora.53 The success
party
opposition
of its efforts to "attract money and expertise from Croats living abroad" also
to respond immedi
found it necessary
receives mention.54 The Fraternalist
a
to the CDU:
contribution
to
made
financial
of
having
allegations
ately
cratic Union
is described
cannot and
The Society
States or
in the United
political party... We do
that is as far as we will
all those rumors being
contributing
will not endorse
any political
party. We don't even do this
are free to select their own
our members
because
Canada
of the Society, but
who are members
candidates
recommend
we disclaim
involved
in political
go in becoming
parties;...
Fraternal
Union
is financially
circulated
that the Croatian
to any political
party
in Croatia.55
The
Croatian
Diaspora
in North
America
123
for
The first multiparty
elections
since World War II were scheduled
April 22 (the first round) and May 6,1990 (the second round). The diaspora
was pleased by a letter from the CDU to the Croatian Assembly
requiring
and Croatian emigrants (those that were
voting privileges for "gastarbeiters"
of Croatia),
and freedom for political
still citizens of the Socialist Republic
to
in
the
elections was approved
return.56 However,
emigrants
participation
status
in
resident
Croatia, under the condition
only for those with permanent
come
to
vote
in the country.57 In spite of Com
Croatia and
that they had to
munist reluctance to allow the diaspora to vote, the CDU won the elections,
taking 60 percent of the seats while the overall turnout was 85 percent.
THE DIASPORA'S MAIN ACTIVITIES DURING
THE WAR IN CROATIA
The political events surrounding Croatia's declaration
of independence
and the eruption of war in the autumn of 1991 caused a rapid mobilization
of the Croatian
of the
diaspora. A protest rally against the disarmament
Croatian police forces, held in Toronto on January 26,1991, brought together
and other supporters. Soon afterward,
the CFU openly
15,000 Croatians
"in this time of great danger we must stand together."58 The
proclaimed:
events in Croatia had a direct impact on the Croatian diasporic community
in North America
in proving "that they [members of the diaspora] are an
organic part of their nation, the most directly connected with its destiny,
to technological
advancements
although far away from Croatia."59 Access
to stay in daily contact with
allowed many Croatians
in North America
their relatives
in Croatia. Their feelings about affairs in Croatia are best
revealed in CFU President Bernard Luketich's
statement: "I think all of the
who
of
consider
themselves
descendants
the Croatian heritage are
people
and
concerned
interested
in
what
is
of
very
taking place in the homeland
our
parents,
grandparents
and
relatives."60
With the Croatian diaspora's political agitation and their financial and
to the newly created Croatian army61 and communities
material
assistance
and towns that were under attack, the community
appeared more strongly
to an official appeal from the Croatian
united
than ever. Responding
numerous written petitions and telephone campaigns
to the
Government,62
were initiated, ex
White House
and the US. Foreign Affairs Committee
with the level of American
pressing dissatisfaction
support for the new
Croatian democracy. Although
U.S. authorities
inde
recognized Croatia's
in the beginning
of 1992, and assisted in the deployment
of UN
pendence
arms
the
for
Croatia
remained
the
In
1993,
troops,
largest problem
embargo.
the Croatian
called for a "united Croatian
front,"
diasporic
community
the importance
of creating a Croatian
recognizing
lobby, which was later
124
Djuric
through the foundation of NFCA
accomplished
on January 23,1994.63
Croatian Americans)
Humanitarian
(the National
Federation
of
Aid
The CFU responded
in
instantly to the news of fighting and refugees
"to help our sisters
Croatia. A campaign was launched to collect donations,
of terrorist attacks in Our
and brothers
suffering from the consequences
In early August,
the "Croatian Humanitarian
Aid Fund" was
Homeland."64
of September
established.65 By the beginning
1991, the fund had already
collected $70,000,66 while donations had reached $850,000 by the end of June
containers of humanitarian
relief had been sent
1993.67 By July 1,1992,155
to Croatia.68 In addition, another fund, "Hrvatska akcija za zivot" (Croatian
for Life), was launched
aim of which was to accumulate
Action
in the Fraternalist
donations
in April
1992, the main
for children who had lost fathers
in the war.
The outburst of hostilities,
activ
together with the ensuing humanitarian
in
the
of
the
final
the
"transnational
marked
ities,
process
stage
homogeniza
Conversi points out, itwas the "international
tion" of Croatians. As Daniele
national unity" among both parts of the Croatian
danger [that] strengthened
Croatia and abroad.69
ethnic community?within
MEDIA, GLOBALIZATION, AND DIASPORA
in the political problems
in
involvement
The diasporic
community's
that allow for an extension
Croatia was a result of processes of globalization
national
of "transnational
of national communities
through the emergence
stresses the importance of homelands
communities."70 Loring M. Danforth
"in shaping their sense of collective
for diasporic communities
identity. Peo
to be members
of the nations whose home
continue
ple of the Diaspora
the most important predispositions
lands they have left behind".71 Among
the
that motivates
is a new democratic
for diasporic participation
experience
a
on
If
level
of
to
the
has
the
homeland.
of
behalf
group
high
lobby
diaspora
"networks"
academic
of
education and prosperity,
course, helps. Often,
this,
are established
in both the host
in order to promote and actively participate
and home
society's activities.72
communication
tech
the
crucial issue turns out to be modern
Still,
new
technolo
of
communication
the
influence
identifies
Danforth
nologies.
to participate
that enable the diaspora
transportation
gies and improved
to a much greater extent in the politics of the homeland. He stresses that
new technologies,
satellite telecommunications
networks, e-mail, and faxes
The
Croatian
allow
Diaspora
constant
in North
125
America
contact with
the speed of inter-continental
life of two or more countries
and instant response,
people to be involved
the home-country
air travel enables
"The
while
in the
sentiments'
simultaneously:
'primordial
ethnicity, language and religion globalize...
spreading throughout
to unite vast networks of people who remain loyal to a national
are not being re
communities
they no longer inhabit. National
are
on
a transnational
transnational
constructed
ones,
they
being
placed by
of and political pressure exercised by the Croatian
scale."73 The mobilization
aid imme
diaspora as well as their numerous efforts to collect humanitarian
war
out
confirm
his
after
broke
in
Croatia
theory.
diately
are a traditional
source of infor
to Danforth,
newspapers
According
of region,
the world
homeland
in their home
that keep people "informed of political developments
land through ethnic media, which often reproduce material
directly from
sources in the national capital".74 However,
the speed of this information
has proven unsatisfactory,
the introduction
of new computer
encouraging
as
the
based information
such
Croatian
Net
Electronic
systems
exchange
mation
"These computer links have provided an organized
which has proven invaluable to us here in North
for obtaining
the latest information."75 Since May
radio news broadcasts have been transmitted daily
The radio broadcasts
throughout North America.76
(in English, German,
and French) were among the earliest means which had "a significant impact
on creating the true image of Croatia. Our people were informed so they
could inform, in their turn, their friends, neighbors,
and fellow citizens."77 In
a
Croatian
TV program for North
in
satellite
addition,
January 1994,
special
news
one hour per day).
America was introduced
TV
(central
broadcasting
at the same time, beginning on February 10,1994, an agreement was
Almost
established with SPAN cable TV to transmit the main daily news.
The Croatian
of de
government
recognized
early on the importance
means
of
modern
for
communication
information
veloping
disseminating
and interacting with diasporic communities.
It counted on the political sup
that the diaspora were significant financial
port of the diaspora, recognizing
to the new Croatian
contributors
state.78
work
news
(founded in 1990):
service
distribution
war
America
the
during
one-hour
Croatian
1991,
Changes
The war
in the CFU's Attitudes
Toward
Croatian
Politics
a high level of ethnic homoge
situation in Croatia produced
and solidarity among the diaspora and engaged all possible means
of influence, whether financial or political. Logically
it was to be expected
that sooner or later this homogeneity
and unity would be exhausted or begin
to decline. One of the first rifts was of a rather benign nature and related to a
nization
126
Djuric
campaign to rename streets. A street in the Croatian capital Zagreb named
a founding father and the first president of the Croatian
after Josip Marohnic,
was
and
Fraternal Union,
renamed, which surprised the CFU membership
name was given to another
led to discord. After much protest, Marohnic's
street.
Another
CFU
had been
set of misunderstandings
resulted
in its assistance
very generous
from financial matters. The
to Croatia during the war,
in the face of war. But the CFU's mem
all Croats
to the large number of appeals coming from
Croatia for their financial assistance. A letter from CFU member, M. Popp,
com
reveals this concern: "Now there are several groups and organizations
are
us
cause
out.
their
of
dubious
about
their
around
with
hands
Many
ing
unity among
promoting
bers became
frustrated
and wonder
the CFU
due
if these moneys
became
president
are just going into their pockets."79 Similarly,
of CFU
irritated by the variety of demands
nonmembers:
who feel that the individual project which
they are working with is the most
important
some request for
item of concern
for our Croatian
day we receive
people_Every
of the organization
who feel that just because
assistance
from nonmembers
financial
our society should financially
and have worthy
support
projects,
they are Croatians
Fraternal Union's
their requests. Again we remind all, the Croatian
prime concern
is to financially
support members
of the Croatian
Fraternal
Union.80
was their
it seems that one more reason for CFU dissatisfaction
was
mentioned
in
Croatian public
in Croatia:
the CFU
rarely
list surmises
its generous help. A reprint from Vecernji
discourse,
despite
to get involved "in local Croatian
the reason lies in the CFU's reluctance
In addition,
low profile
political
trickery."81
CONCLUSION
In the period from 1980 to 1995, the Croatian Fraternal Union was trans
into one
formed from a politically
passive and rather neutral organization
a
more
of North
the political adherence
active role inarticulating
that took
American
Croatians and their support for political changes in the home soci
the Fraternalisfs
pages, there was a constant flurry of
ety of Croatia. Across
it could
activity intended to solidify the diaspora's ethnic identity. Moreover,
was set off by Croatian
be argued that the process of ethnic homogenization
and the eruption of war in the summer of 1991. The CFU be
independence
came actively involved in the democratic
process through the wide political
in
These activities included protests organized
of itsmembers.
mobilization
in 1988 against the abolition of the Croatian
language's official
Washington
status in socialist Croatia, and those in 1991 encouraging U.S. foreign policy
to put a stop to the war in Croatia.
The Croatian
Diaspora
in North
127
America
the 1980s and until the beginning of the war, there was a definite
During
of the ethnic identity of members
of the Croatian Fraternal
strengthening
Issues central to this process were the self-identification
that began
Union.
with the 1980 U.S. census campaign and a strong emphasis on religion and
common culture through the continuous publication
of articles on Croatia's
heroic
and poets,
history, its national heroes,
ideologists,
priests, writers
served to revive common memories
and a sense of unity and ethnic
served as a useful
identity. It seems that the diaspora's organ, the Fraternalist,
link in the mobilization
in keeping with
of the Croatian national movement,
which
Benedict Anderson's
argument that the periodical
tance in the emergence
of national communities.
press provides not only news from both the host
press is of crucial impor
In a sense the diasporic
and home countries, but
it also constantly reproduces elements of group identity among immigrants.
In line with this argument,
it also should be noted that besides ethnic mobi
lization and solidarity, extensive use of new electronic
tools and information
as
such
radio
and TV broadcasts
the
Internet,
e-mail,
technologies,
special
via satellite, etc., enabled the emergence
of a "virtual transnational national
community."
ENDNOTES
1. Loring M. Danforth,
The Macedonian
Press,
Conflict
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
1995), 80.
2. Robin Cohen, Global Diasporas:
An Introduction
(London: UCL Press, 1997), 23-26,
3. Hugh
Nations
and States (London: Basil Blackwell,
1979.
Seton-Watson,
4. Arjun Appadurai,
cited in Danforth,
Macedonian
80-81.
Conflict,
5. See Benedict
Nationalism:
World
and the Rise of
Anderson,
Long Distance
Capitalism
and European
Identity Politics
Studies, 1992); and idem,
(Berkely, Calif.: Center for German
on the Origin
Communities:
and Spread of Nationalism
Imagined
Reflections
(London:
Verso,
1983).
6. Danforth,
Macedonian
80.
Conflict,
to the 1991 census, there were 4,784,265
7. According
inhabitants
in Croatia
State
(Croatian
Bureau
of Statistics,
to
decreased
http://www.dzs.hr
). In the 2001 census, the population
4,437,460.
8. "The CFU distributes
its bulletin Zajednicar
free of charge to over 40,000
(Fraternalist)
in North America."
addresses
letter to the friends and alumni of the University
of
Open
9.
10.
11.
12.
26,1990,2.
Zagreb, Fraternalist,
September
For example,
there is an article on the 160th birthday
of Dr. Ante
anniversary
June 22,1983,12.
theFraternalist,
The 310th commemoration
of Katarina
Zrinski's
death, June 28,1983:12.
D. Smith, National
Anthony
Identity
(London: Penguin Books,
1991).
is the place near the Austrian-Slovenian
border where
the Ustashi
Bleiburg
in
army that
1945 was passed back to Tito's partisans
and
the Socialist period, mention
of this event was forbidden.
slaughtered.
During
Another
discussed
issue was the exact number
of people murdered
widely
by the Ustashi
in the Jasenovac
concentration
"Zrtve
camp during World War II. See Tomislav
Sabljak,
rata" (Victims of World War II), Fraternalist,
2,1989,15.
drugog svjetskog
August
surrendered
13.
Starcevic
to the Western
Allies
inMay
128
14.
15.
16.
17.
Djuric
The Croatian
cultural organization
Matica
Spring was a mass movement,
uniting Croatian
the Zagreb
Communist
Hrvatska,
students, and Croatian
Party during 1968-71. The move
content
to the Comunist
still posed
ment's
"nationalist
the first serious challenge
leader
as History:
in postwar Yugoslavia."
John R. Lampe,
Yugoslavia
ship's political monopoly
Twice there was a country
it
Press, 1996), 292. Finally,
Cambridge
University
(Cambridge:
was broken
for the threat they posed
involved were
up in 1971 when many
imprisoned
to the Yugoslav
federation.
See Vinko Grubisic,
"Hrvatsko
dvadesetak
proljece:
godina
November
1,1989,13
kasnije"
(The Croatian
Spring: Twenty Years Later), Fraternalist,
14.
The monument
in the nineteenth
is a historical
symbol of the Croatian
struggle for freedom
on May 23,1990.
to the main
square in Zagreb
Initially, the
century. It was finally returned
to Hungary
resistance
and Austria,
sword pointed north, symbolizing
Croatian
horseman's
banu Jelacicu"
while
(The Ban Jelacic Monument),
today it points south. See "Spomenik
October
Fraternalist,
10,1989,12.
The importance
of the 1980 and 1981 censuses
lies in the fact that itwas the first to ask about
of the numerical
ethnic origin and mother
tongue, in order to provide an estimation
strength
"The
within
the USA
and Canada. The Fraternalist
editorialized:
of each ethnic community
census
it will reveal for the first time how many people
of Croatian,
is important
because
are in both countries_In
the past, many
of our
and other Slav origins
Serb, Slovene
as a
ethnic tag and our number,
people were covered by the blanket Austro-Hungarian'
"Census
in Canada,''Fraternalist,
3 June, 1981, 2.
result, were diffused."
descent
is to reply 'Croatian,'
of all people of Croatian
"The dutiful and necessary
response
as a proud
descendent
of Croatian
"American
in order
to identify
oneself
lineage."
to Fill In 1980 Census,"Fraternalist,
July 26,1980,1.
16,1982,17.
April
"Report," Fraternalist,
on this subject and there is a proposal
that the official lan
"Plans are for public discussions
of Croatia
is there a proposal
for
for the Republic
guage be 'Croatian and Serbian'_Only
so if such a proposal
an official dual language,
is good for Croatia, why isn't it also proposed
"About Our Society That Cares,"Fraternalist,
of Yugoslavia?"
for all the other Republics
2.
December
14,1988,
2.
"About Our Croatian
Fraternalist,
6,1988,
Language,"
April
and Cul
of Croatian
Jezika iKulture"
"Katedra Hrvatskog
Language
(The Department
Croatians
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
March
4,1987,14.
ture), Fraternalist,
2.
"Croatian
'Voice' Needed,"
2,1989,
Fraternalist,
August
2.
"Letter To The Editor," Fraternalist,
13,1989,
September
.
Voice
of America-International
Bureau,
http://www.voa.gov/croatian
Broadcasting
2.
"Letter To The Editor," Fraternalist,
July 15,1992,
own mem
over the issue among the CFU's
The other reason was to avoid public discords
of the idea
'old guard' supportive
streams of "moderates"
(a large and influential
bership
who strongly opposed
of workers'
brotherhood,
any divisions
solidarity as well as Yugoslav
on a religious
radical group of 'newcomers'
and amore
and especially
(those who
ground)
after World War II).
immigrated
o religiji, crkvi i etnickom
iden
See case studies on this topic: Josip Kumpes,
"Napomene
"
on Religion
uMadjarskoj)
and Ethnic
Hrvata
titetu (naprimjeru
Identity
[The
(Remarks
teme 6, 3 (Zagreb:
and Mirjana
in Hungary]),
Case of Croats
1990): 363-70;
Migracijske
"Gradiscanski
Domini,
(osvrt na sudbinu ogranka
granica
Hrvati?zajednistvo
usprkos
u Madjarskoj)"
Borders
Hrvata
[Re
Croats?Unity
Despite
(The Gradisce
gradiscanskih
in Hungary]),
Croat Branch
marks on the Fate of the Gradisce
ibid., 325-34.
in Greater
J. Prpic, "The Croatians
1985, copy in Croatian
Cleveland,"
typescript,
George
ed. .V.
in The Encyclopedia
National
History,
of Cleveland
published
Library, p. 8. Also
Indiana
Van Tassle and John Grabowski
Press,
1987).
University
(Bloomington:
u dijaspori"
and
Hrvatima
imsgr. Stankovica
(Cardinal Kuharic
"Posjet kard. Kuharica
Visit the Croatian Diaspora),
Stankovic
Fraternalist,
January 23,1991,11,13.
Msgr.
dan-28.12.1986"
Fraternalist,
January 28,
Day?28.12.1986),
(The Diaspora
"Iseljenicki
1987,14,18.
The
Croatian
31.
Fraternalist,
Diaspora
in North
America
129
35.
20.
22,1984,
February
November
Fraternalist,
4,1987,20.
November
"Letter to the Editor," Fraternalist,
29,1989,2.
s Domovinom"
with
the Homeland),
"Suradnja
(Cooperation
1987.
to the Friends
and Alumni
of the University
"Open Letter
36.
37.
September
Ibid.
Ibid.
32.
33.
34.
Fraternalist,
September
of Zagreb,"
Fraternalist,
26,1990,2.
inWar
Conn.: Yale University
Croatia: A Nation
Tanner,
Forged
(New Haven,
1997), 207.
Ibid, 1212.
Fraternalist,
January 18,1985.
For example,
Ante
article on Croat victims
II, Fraternalist,
Beljo's
during World War
22,1989,12,14.
February
2.
"Editorial,"
Fraternalist,
January 30,1985,
in the following
1945 is remembered
in Croatia
This is revealed
quotation: However,
May
as the month
of the terrible slaughter of imprisoned
soldiers and civilians turned over to the
38. Marcus
Press,
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
Allies. Remembrance
of this suffering
is closely connected
Army by the Western
Yugoslav
to as 'The Way of the Cross'...
referred
On the
with Bleiburg
and a forced death march
on an ideology
taken by the regime
in Croatia,
founded
other hand, actions
of racial and
acts that must
national
led to vengeance
and indefensible
be called crimes.
exclusivity,
"Croatian Bishops
the End of the Second World War," Fraternalist,
Recall
10,1995,
May
4, 21.
"The Ustashi
wanted
only to liberate their country from the Serbian yoke and be indepen
dent, which
they had their own kings etc. Their goal was separation
they once were when
It can be compared
to the struggle of the Basques
in Spain or the Kurds
from Yugoslavia.
in Turkey or the Armenians
in Turkey or the Irish in Ulster. A nation without
its inde
is like a homeless
else's home as a servant or slave."
person
living in someone
pendence
"Letter
to the Editor,
'A Brief Historical
Review
of the First
50 CFU
Years,"
Fraternalist,
June 3,1987,2.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
i nacionalizam"
Brotherhood
and Nationalism),
"Pregled vijesti: Bratstvo
(News Review:
Fraternalist,
19,1987,21.
August
"Croatian
our Croatian motto
even more
for one and one for all?is
solidarity?all
today
than it ever was in the past. We are the sons of former Croatian
domobrans,
partisans,
Ustashi
and who knows what other colors and camps?we
respect them as our fathers, but
some individuals will
refuse to repeat their suicidal fights no matter
how much
adamantly
be angry with us." Ante Beljo,
"Pisma"
October
28,1987,16.
(Letters), Fraternalist,
was a Serbian Chetnick
Draza Mihailovic
and his troops rescued
two Amer
commander,
ican pilots who crashed
in Yugoslavia
during World War II.
"We Dare Not Honor
Traitors," Fraternalist,
6,1985,1-2.
February
cetnistvo"
8 and
Fraternalist,
"Povampireno
(The Vampire-like
January
Chetnicks),
and "We Don't Want Any State of Yours,"
ibid., February
26,1986:,4.
January 15,1986,14;
to the Editor," Fraternalist,
"Letters
2.
January 9,1985,
"A Brief Historical
Review
of the First 50 CFU Years," Fraternalist,
June 3,1987,2.
In Croatian?Hrvatska
demokratska
zajednica
(HDZ).
on Croatia),
imisli o Hrvatskoj"
March
Fraternalist,
21,
"Pogledi
(Views and Thoughts
1990,12.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
Plans
June 6,1990,4.
State," Fraternalist,
Sovereign
and Democracy,"
Fraternalist,
14,1990,2.
February
"Pismo HDZ
Saboru Hrvatske"
to the Croatian Assembly),
Letter
The Fra
(The CDU's
ternalist, 12 December,
1989, 8.
"Tko moze glasati na izborima u Hrvatskoj
?" (Who Can Vote
in the Elections
in Croatia?),
March
28,1990,13.
Fraternalist,
October
2,1991:,13.
Fraternalist,
"Tudjman
"Freedom
130
59.
60.
61.
62.
Djuric
Review
of the First 50 CFU Years," Fraternalist,
June 3,1987,25.
"A Brief Historical
of America,"
Luketich
Interviewed
"President
Fraternalist,
11,1991,
By Voice
September
15.
to raise money
to buy
A fund-raising
in Los Angeles
and San Pedro, California
campaign
uniforms
soldiers raised $55,000. See Fraternalist,
November
for Croatian
20,1991,14.
and interpreters
in your respective
countries_If
"We ask that you serve as witnesses
you
the W^hite House
and Official Representatives
influence
of the US
can, in any way, please
are waiting
to see what
of Europe
the BIG BROTHER
because
the People
Government
18th Quadrennial
to say." Ante Klocinovic
"Minutes:
Convention
Monday,
speech.
u Sad i
"Hrvatima
16, 1991," Fraternalist,
January 8, 1992. Another
appeal,
September
was issued by the Croatian
in the USA
and Canada),
Kanadi"
government,
(To Croatians
to inform their local, state and federal authorities
about the
diaspora
urging the Croatian
in Croatia. Fraternalist,
situation
July 3,1991,14.
for Croatian
do promocije
Hrvatske"
Fraternalist,
Promotion),
Zajedno
(Together
has
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
9,1994,11.
February
2.
Aid For Croatia," Fraternalist,
"Humanitarian
July 31,1991,
of a Croatian
Youth Theater
The fund "actually was started in May
group
by members
"Humanitarian
'Marin Drzic',
from Berlin, Germany."
Aid," Fraternalist,
7,1991,
August
2.
2.
"Aid Fund Grows," Fraternalist,
4,1991,
September
June 30,1993,11.
"Glas Hrvata-kao
jedan glas" (All Croats As One), Fraternalist,
Fraternalist,
July 1,1992.
"Moral Relativism
and Equidistance,"
in This Time We Knew: Western
Daniele
Conversi,
toWar
in Bosnia,
and Stjepan Gabriel Mestrovic
ed. Thomas
Cushman
(New
Responses
York: New York University
Press, 1996).
80.
Macedonian
Danforth,
Conflict,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
80.
91.
Ibid., 80.
Ibid., 80-81
March
"E-mail Bridges The Ocean,"
Nenad Antonio,
Fraternalist,
25,1992,17.
iz Zagreba:
"Direktno
emisiju"
jednosatnu
(Direct from Croatia: Listen
Slusajte dnevnu
1 hour Daily News Program),
11,1991,14.
Fraternalist,
September
True
Create
P. Goss,
"Radio Zagreb
Vladimir
Fraternalist,
Image of Croatia,"
Helps
December
23,1992:19.
for all
is of extreme
from the homeland
information
"Fast and qualitative
importance
to Croatia's
economical
to participate
and contribute
Croatian
pros
emigrants who want
veze sa Hrvatskom"
Connection
satelitske
(The Satellite
Beljo,
"Projekt
perity." Ante
March
16,1994,12.
Fraternalist,
Project),
27.
Milan N. Popp, "Letter to the Editor," Fraternalist,
25,1993,
August
June 24,1992,2.
Our Society That Cares," Fraternalist,
About
Column
"President's
Partisan
iznad
Fraternalist,
Quarrels),
Beyond
strancarenja"
(Diaspora
"Dijaspora
September
7,1994,15.