The Trojan War: Is There Truth behind the Legend?
Transcription
The Trojan War: Is There Truth behind the Legend?
The Trojan War: Is There Truth behind the Legend? Author(s): Trevor R. Bryce Source: Near Eastern Archaeology, Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 2002), pp. 182-195 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3210883 . Accessed: 05/04/2011 09:13 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asor. . 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The American Schools of Oriental Research is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Near Eastern Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org ouldthisreallyhavebeenthe For here, we are to believe, was the of the ten-yearconflict between setting mightycitadel of Homeric Greeks and Trojansimmortalizedin the visitorsto Hisepic?First-time epic taleof the TrojanWar,toldbya blind arhkwhoareunprepared poet called Homer who forthe experiencemay lived on or close by Anatolia'swesternIonian wellbe disappointed by coast.The poeticnarrative whattheysee. Romanthathe composed,andthat ticvisionsofanimposing we know as the Iliad,was fortresstoweringabove firstrecitedto audiencesat the surrounding plains the verydawnof Greekliterature.To mustbe set aside.Todaythe lowthe ancient Greek world it became what the Bible is to the Judaeolyingmoundof Hisarlik,located Christianworld.And fromthe timeof in northwest neartheDardanelles its composition,some twenty-eight Turkeyandreputedlythe site of centuriesago,it hasservedas a major from Troy,isbarelydistinguishable source of inspirationfor successive The citadelcovers its surrounds. generations of artists, poets and an areanot muchlargerthan a playwrights.Amongst the ancient field(itisabout200meters football Greeks themselves, episodes from Homer'saccountof the warprovided in diameter)andpresentsto the themesfor Greektragedy,forpoetry, ofbroa confusion modemtraveler for narrativetales, for paintingand kenpavements, building sculpture. The tradition andsuperfoundations, was kept alive by the imposed,crisscrossing Romansin their own art ofwalls.Today andliterature.It was,most fragments mostdominant Hisarlk's notably,the startingpoint for the Aeneid, Virgil's great literary masterpiece featureis an enormouswoodenhorse, TrevorR. Br~ce written at the of behest the Augustus. emperor thesite's of recentconstruction, arguably Even todaythe traditionconstantlysurfaces. mostphotogenicfeature,andintendedto assureus Manyof us learntas childrenthe storiesof HelenandParis,of all that thiswasindeedthe fabledTroy,cityof King the greatheroesOdysseus,Achilles,andHektor,andaboveall the SpartanqueenHelenand of theTrojanhorse.Thislastin particular hascapturedpopular Priam,whichharbored in contexts from film forces assemto the Greek succumbed imagination, ranging epicsandtelevision besieging finally documentaries to the of the Greeksoldier (like corny jokes story of the mightyAgamemnon. bledunderthe leadership whofell ill whileentombed in the creature'sbellyand askedhis comradesif there wasa doctorin the horse),' to code-namesforprisonerof-war escape plans and computerviruses. THE T R OJAN WAR IS THERE TRUTH BEHIND THE LEGEND? Posedby Questions theTradition Thefabledcityof KingPriamtoday Aerialviewof the moundat Hisarlik. fromthe surrounding is barelydistinguishable plain. 65:3 (2002) 182 NEAREASTERNARCHAEOLOGY Today'sversionof the TrojanHorse, located next to the site at Hisarlik. Muchof our fascination with the tradition arises froma set of questionsthat havebeenaskedeversince Homerfirstrecitedhis tale of Troy.Didthe TrojanWar really happen? Was a woman the cause of it? A nineteenthcentury engravinginspiredby Virgil's accountof the fallof Troy. TheTrojanprinceAeneas flees the burningcitywithhis fatherAnchiseson hisback. Werethereotherreasons for the conflict? Was therea long siege before Troyfell?Wastherereally a Trojanhorse?Ancient Greekwriterspondered upon such questions almost as much as scholars have done in more recent times. Amongst the ancient Greeks themselves only the most hardened skeptics doubted that a TrojanWar as describedby Homer actually took place. But some of the believerswere far fromconvinced that Homer had provided a true and accurate record of the war or the events leading up to it. Notable amongst these was the fifth century Greek historianHerodotos. Followinga version of the story told him by Egyptian priests, Herodotos (Histories 2. 112-18) claimed that the ship in which Parisand Helen had fled fromGreece was blown by violent winds onto the coast of Egypt. Here the Egyptianking Proteus detained Helen, until such time as her husband Menelaus could fetch her home. Thus the Trojan War was due to nothing more than a misunderstanding.Farfrom heroically defending the woman who had fled with their prince, the Trojanswhen challengedby the Greeksto hand Helen back declared,quite truthfully,that they could not do so-simply becauseshe was not nor ever had been in Troy!This, Herodotosbelieved, was the true versionof the tale, as Homer himself well knew. But it lacked dramatic potential. By using it, Homer would have deprivedhis story of its grandunderlyingromanticmotive. And so he rejectedit. Yetfew ancient commentatorsdoubted that Helen reallydid exist, and that her abduction by the Trojanprince Pariswas the fundamentalcause of the war between the Greeksand the Trojans.Modern commentators are generally more skeptical. Some are prepared to allow the possibility of a historical Helen; but surelyit took more than just a prettyface to launch a thousandships and sparkoff a ten-yearconflict! Farfromthe abductionof a beautifulGreek queen providingthe casusbelli, the war must have been fought over something much more practical and sensible, like disputed fishing rights in the Hellespont. But in fact our evidence shows that a BronzeAge king could-and indeed sometimesdid-go to war in response to the abduction from his kingdom of any of his subjects, let alone membersof his own family. At all events, scholarlyopinion is still much divided on the questionof how much historicaltruth is embeddedin Homeric tradition. On the one hand, there are those who have a deep faithin the fundamentalhistoricalreliabilityof the tradition, to the point where the Iliad is used almost like a history textbookor archaeological manualforreconstructing boththe historyof the periodand the materialsetting in which the eventsnarratedbyHomertookplace.The viewenunciatedby CarlBlegen(1963:20), who excavatedat Hisarlikfrom1932 to 1938, still attracts much support:"It can no longer be doubted,whenone surveysthe state of ourknowledgetoday, that therereallywasan actualhistoricalTrojanWar,in which a coalitionof Achaians,or Mycenaeans," undera kingwhose wasrecognized,foughtagainstthe peopleof Troy overlordship and their allies." On the other hand, Hiller (1991: 145) remindsus that"Ourfaithin a historicalTrojanwaris founded aboveall on Homer,but Homeris not a historian.Firstof all he is a poet; what he relates is not history but myth."A commonlyheld middleview is that Homerictraditionalmost certainlydevelopedout of a kernelof historicaltruth,though muchof the detail of the traditionmust be creditedto the lively and fertileimaginationof a greatpoet whoseprimary concernwasto tell a goodstory. Of coursethereis muchin the storythatmustcomedirectly fromthe poet'sownimagination, or thatincorporates standard featuresof a narrativetraditionextendingbackwell before Homer.The elementof divineinteractionwith humanity,in this case with the gods lining up in supportof either the Greeksor the Trojans,makesits firstappearancesin the epic genre,andnarrativetraditionin generalin the NearEastern world, long before the genesis of Homeric epic. The supernatural providedan essentialdimensionto storiestoldon a grandscale.Byleavingit out, a story-tellerwouldhave left his audience sorely disappointed.So too a numberof the ritualsthat Homerpreservesin both the Iliadand its sequel the Odyssey,like that in whichOdysseussummonedup the spiritsof the dead,wereclearlyimportedfromothercultural contexts.Evensomeof the humanfiguresin the storiescould conceivably have been based on historical prototypesthoughthe fleshingout of theircharactersandsituationswas of the poet'sown devising.To the narrator'simaginationwe can attributethe craftinessof Odysseus,the petulanceand wrathof Achilles,the fiercebelligerenceof Sarpedon,andthe poignancyof the noble Hektor's last farewell to his wife Andromacheandbabyson Astyanax. But afterfilteringout all the elementsattributableto the artist'screativity,to a standardrepertoireof narrativeformulae, or to culturalborrowingsfromother places and other times, are we then left with a core traditionbasedon historicalfact?What is the actual essence of this tradition?In its barestform,it is an account of a protractedconflict between Greeksand Trojans,in the period we call the Late Bronze Age, which ended in the destruction and abandonment of a city called Troy in northwesternAnatolia. Do we have hard evidence for such a conflict?In attemptingto answerthis question,we must be sure that any evidence we do produceis entirelyindependentof the Homeric epic itself-for we cannot use Homer to prove that Homer'saccount of the TrojanWaris basedon fact. NEAREASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 65:3 (2002) 183 The TrojanHorse in particularhas captured the popular imaginationfrom antiquity until today. On this fresco from Pompeii (first century CE),the horse is shown before the walls of Troy.Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Naples. Photo ? ErichLessing, courtesyof ArtResource. a PhysicalSetting Establishing fortheWar Ourfirsttaskis to establishwhetherwe havea clearlyidentifiable physicalsetting for the conflict. That possibility was dismissed by many skeptics in the nineteenthcentury,andearlier,whosaw the Iliadas purelyliteraryfantasy.Even thosewhoremainedopen-mindedon the question could not agree on a precise location for the war. To be sure, the ClassicalGreeksandRomanswerein no doubtthat the abandonedsettlementat Hisarlikwas the site of HomericTroy. CalledIlionby the Greeksof latertimes, andNew Iliumbythe Romans,it received homage from a number of famous persons-like the Persianking Xerxes, a thousandoxenon the site whosacrificed in preparationfor his invasion of the Greekmainland,and the Macedonian king Alexander the Great who after landing his forces at Troymarkedthe beginningof his invasionof the Persian Empireby dedicating his armorto the goddess TrojanAthena and placing a wreathuponAchilles'tombin the Trojan plain.Indeedthe regionin whichTroylay wascalledthe TroadbyGreekandRoman writersin the beliefthatit hadonce been subjectto Troy'scontrol.ButBronzeAge Troypredatedbysomecenturiesthe later firstmillenniumsettlement at Hisarlik (TroyVIII, founded in the mid eighth century),andtherecouldbe no certainty of it withthe siteof the thatthe ClassicalGreeks'identification TrojanWarwascorrect.IndeedHeinrichSchliemannhimself, the personwhose nameis most closely associatedwith the favoredotherlocations identification, apparently Hisarhk-Troy beforefixing upon Hisarlikat the promptingof the British FrankCalvertwhohadboughtpartof thesite. expatriate Even today a numberof scholars remainskeptical. But thoughwe cannotruleout otherpossiblecandidatesforTroy, no alternative has been seriouslyproposed,consistently maintained,or at leastgenerallyaccepted,since Schliemann beganexcavationsat Hisarlikin 1871.Yetif the identification is correct,that still leavesthe questionof whichof the Troys ARCHAEOLOGY 184 NEAREASTERN 65:3 (2002) on the site is Homer'sTroy,the Troyof the TrojanWar.There areninemajoroccupationlevelson the mound,eachof which is dividedintoa numberof sub-levels.Thisexplainsthe jumble of wallsand levelsconfrontingthosewho visit the site today. Whattheymaynot realizeis thatthe moundthatresultedfrom the numerousoccupationlayersdid once riseloftilyover the level, surrounding plains.Inhiseagernessto findthe "Homeric" whichhe believedwasone of the site'searliest,Schliemannhad hisworkmencut an enormoustrenchthroughthe mound,and destroyedsubstantialportionsof the site'slaterlevels.Much has alreadybeen writtenaboutSchliemann'sarchaeological methods,discoveries,and conclusions.Sufficeit here to say humblerdwellingson the citadel at this time does not fit well with the imposing image of Troyin Homeric description. There is now general agreement with of VIhas the city identification Ddrpfeld's of Priam-if Hisarlikdoes in fact mark the site of Troyand there was in fact a TrojanWar.Althoughmuchof whatwas left of the sixthsettlementwasdestroyed in the courseof Schliemann's excavations, of it survives to indicate that it enough the most flourishingphaseof represents existence, Troy's extendingovera period of several hundredyears in the second millennium. The remainsof the great northeastbastionfromthis level calls to mindHomer'simposingwatchtower. The distinctiveslopein TroyVI'swallslends credibilityto the account in the Iliadof Patroklos' attempts to scale the fortifications simplybyrunningupthem. Butwe mustagainstressthatthe Iliadis neither archaeological manual nor tourist's guide-book. Indeed detailed correspondencesbetween the Homeric descriptionof Troyand the site's actual remains are very slight. Other sitesmightbe shownto be contemporary no less consistentwith this description. Nonetheless,the locationof Hisarlik,the topography of its surrounds, and the natureof the last phaseof its sixth level are sufficient to provide us with a historically plausible setting for the conflict describedby Homer.But this in itself is not evidencethatsuch a conflict actually took place. We need to look elsewhereforsuchevidence. Potteryfoundon the site indicatesthat Troy VIh came to an end some time duringthe firstseventyyearsor so of the thirteenthcentury,probablyaroundthe middleof the century.Since TroyVIh is thatthe levelhe identifiedas thatof theTrojanWar,designated the mostlikelycandidateforHomer'sTroy,thenwe shouldset as levelII,belongedto the EarlyBronzeAge-a thousandyears our sightson a date around1250 for a possibleTrojanWar. too earlyforanyconceivabledateforHomer'sTrojanWar.This This would accord very closely with the date given by in fact was what Schliemann'sassociateWilhelmD6rpfeld Herodotos(Histories2.145), who wrotein the middleof the concluded.He proposedTroyVI,sublevelh, as the mostlikely fifth centuryand informsus that the TrojanWartook place himselfcameto someeighthundredyearsbeforehis time.'Giventhat Homer candidate.It wasa conclusionthatSchliemann his death. before not livedin the late eighthor earlyseventhcentury,then he must accept long Homer's that Professor Carl have composedthe Iliadhalfa millenniumor moreafterthe Blegen argued Subsequently of seventh level at the was the first eventson whichit is allegedlybased.The interveningperiod Troymajor Troy phase ceramic evidence that this now know from we But TroyVlla. spans the last decades of the Late Bronze Age and the wastoo late to be associatedwitha majorGreekassaultin the succeedingperiodof severalhundredyearscommonly(though LateBronzeAge. In anycase, the encroachmentof smaller, increasinglyless appropriately)referredto as the DarkAge. NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 65:3 (2002) 185 um Ufts 'Ip ' Ill 4 , 0to I 'd I II aftb --- L m Heinrich ca. 1870,around Schliemann the timeof hisfirstseasonat Hisarlik. Planof Troy'snineexcavated levels, showingthe jumbleof remainsthat date from2900 BCEto 500 CE. EarlyBronzeAge stratifiedlevels at Troy. Thetrenchcut by Schliemann's workmenthroughthe moundof Hisarlik. Relieffrom Schliemann's tomb in Athens, depicting himself and his wife Sophia at Troy. 65:3 (2002) ARCHAEOLOGY 186 NEAREASTERN metal,as it wasin the BronzeAge; in other passagesit appearsto havebeenin common use, as it was in Homer's own time. The muster-roll of Greek ships in the Iliadpreservesin its list of place names some vestiges of a BronzeAge past.But TheProcessofOral most of the place Transmission oral names its nature, belong to a very By laterperiodandreflect transmissionis a dynamic more accurately a process.While the actual essenceof a traditionthatis pictureof the Greek world as it was in in manner on this passed in The walls of lends to the account the distinctive Iliad VI Homer'sownday. be Troy credibility sloping faithfully may preserved, All this we must muchelse maybe changed, of Patroklos'attempts to scale the fortificationssimplyby runningup them. attribute to the added to, or updated by each succeeding generation. So we must ask what can be dynamicprocessof oraltransmission,.a processthatextended foundin Homer'sepicsthatdoesin factdatebackto the time over a periodof five or morecenturies.What bearingdoes whenthe traditionsthathe recordedbegan.Towhatextentdo this haveon the questionof the historicalauthenticityof the his poems,both the Iliadand the Odyssey,representthe end- TrojanWartradition?A commonlyheld view is that in spite that productof a body of folklore and tradition that had been of the manyhistoricalinconsistenciesand anachronisms in arose the down of the the basis of the centuries? over Iliad tale, handing many evolving Undoubtedlysome authentic,archaeologically-validated wasindeeda conflictbetweenMycenaeanGreeksandTrojans in northwestAnatolia towardsthe end of the Late Bronze relics of a Mycenaean past do survive in the epics. A of a helmet made is Iliad's the Age. Episodesfromthe conflict, along with the exploits of description noteworthy example individualcombatants,werepreservedinitiallyin balladsand from slivers of boars' tusks fitted onto a felt cap. This with a relief lays sung at the courtsof Mycenaeankingsand noblemen. Mycenaean ivory closely descriptioncorresponds These wereorallytransmittedthroughthe succeedingDark of a warrior'shead encased in a helmet featuringlayersof sliveredboars'tusks,as wellas withthe actualremainsof such Age until, probablyin the late eighth century, they were a helmet now displayed in the National Archaeological woven into an extended narrative poem, with coherent Museumin Athens. Protective headgearof this kind was structure,theme, and characterization.And this we owe to totallyunknownin Homer'sown time, or indeed for many the geniusof a blindpoetcalledHomer. But how surecan we be that this geniuswasinspiredby a centuriesbeforehis time. In an architecturalcontext, the at sites like eventthatactuallytookplace?The waris set in a Late of Late Bronze and adornment Age specific palaces layout that Bronze Anatoliancontext,andit is to thiscontextthatwe to mind the and Age sight greeted Mycenae bring Pylos Alkinous' must direct our searchforan answerto ourquestion. threshold of the brazen he crossed as King Odysseus is described The palace'sdazzlingopulence graphically palace. Context byHomerin BookVIIof hisOdyssey. TroyinitsAnatolian WehavenotedthatHisarlikis the mostlikelycandidatefor But while some features of the Mycenaeanworld were the citadelof Troy,andthatthe citadelbesiegedby the Greeks preservedin oral traditionwith little or no change in the in or were Homerictraditioncan mostplausibly be identifiedwithlevel centuriesbeforeHomer,othersdisappeared altogether, constant more on the mound. This levelrepresents the alteredalmostbeyondrecognition modification VI, VIh, through precisely of and the of and updating.This led to numerousinconsistencies and mostimpressive existence; phase Troy's period its societies of destruction the thirteenth falls within the range Thustheintenselybureaucratic anachronisms. century during palace in the Linear B tablets have no of dates for the War Classical Greek sources. revealed Greece as by proposed Trojan Mycenaean We would the case for and illiterate in the largelylaissez-faire kingdoms greatlystrengthen identifyingVIh apparently place ruled by Homer'sroyalwarlords.The primitivebarn-like with Homer'sTroyif we coulddemonstratethatthis levelfell servedas the palaceof Odysseusis victimto enemyattack,in accordancewithHomerictradition. structurethatin the Odyssey thanAlkinous'royalresidence.In Thereis no doubtthatit sufferedviolentdestruction.Butwe later era of a different, clearly somepassagesin Homer,ironis treatedas a rareandprecious haveno clearindicationas to whetherthiswasdue to human canwebethat Howconfident Homericepic providesus withan authenticrepository thatdatesbackat of material least five hundred years beforethe poet'sown time and could have been preservedonly by wordof mouth through at least twentygenerations? NEAREASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 65:3 (2002) 187 or to environmentalforces. Blegen believed that VIh was to cracksin thetowerandwall destroyed byearthquake, referring of the citadelandevidenceof floorsubsidence.Thisprompted himto arguethatTroyVIIa,theimmediate successor of VIh,was the morelikelycandidateforHomer'sTroy.VIIatoo suffered violentdestruction.Butagainthe causeof its destructionis far fromclear,and as we have noted, currentdatingof this level makesit too late to be a candidateforHomericTroy.Further, whilethe cracksandsubsidence observed byBlegenin VIhmight wellhavebeendueto seismicactivity, we cannotbe surewhether thishappenedin the lastphaseof TroyVI or the firstphaseof TroyVII,or on a scalelargeenoughto causethe destructionof has the wholesite (thusEaston1985:190-91).A compromise beenproposed,whichallowsfordestructionof the sitebyboth humanand environmentalforces.The proposalis that the wereseriously weakenedbyearthquake to citadel'sfortifications the pointwheretheybecamevulnerableto enemyconquest;it was a combinationof both factors that broughtabout the citadel'sdestruction (e.g.,Easton1985:189). This proposalhas also been used to explain the wooden horse'sintroductioninto the TrojanWartradition.The horse wasa well-knownsymbolof the sea-godPoseidon.Frequently Poseidon(thetheorygoes)inflicted dubbed"theEarthshaker," a devastatingearthquakeupon the citadel, demolishingits wallsto the pointwhereit fell easypreyto its besiegers.It was thusPoseidon'sinterventionthat providedthe inspirationfor the motif of the Trojanhorse. Rather more prosaically,a numberof ancientwriterssawthe Trojanhorseas a reflection of a batteringram,or someother kindof siege engine (e.g., 1.23.8). Pliny,Nat.Hist.VII202,Pausanias are,theyreallyaddnothingof Ingeniousas suchspeculations Infactthe Trojanhorseepisode, substanceto ourinvestigation. a veryearlyelementin thetradition, receives thoughundoubtedly Thehorse'sprominence onlya coupleofscantmentionsinHomer. in thetradition in morerecenttimesis duein largemeasure to the treatmentthatVirgilaccordedit in BookIIof hisAeneid,some seven centuries after the Homeric epics were composed. Henceforthit hasservedas an almostarchetypal symbolof the to its placein the TrojanWar,in a mannerout of allproportion originaltradition.Undoubtedlyit wasone of the mostpotent firstdugintothemoundat imagesofTroyat thetimeSchliemann theHomericassociations attachedto Hisarlik. Butmoregenerally, Hisarliksince Schliemann'sexcavationshave ensuredthat it represent peak periods in the settlement's existence. Undoubtedlyits commerciallyvaluablestrategiclocationon whatlaterGreekscalledthe Hellespont(modernDardanelles) the result forits prosperity, wasto a verylargeextentresponsible of the widespread tradinglinksthatit enjoyed.Accessto fishing groundswith abundantsuppliesof tuna and other marine animalshas alsobeensuggestedas a contributingfactorto its Fieldsurveysindicatethatit layamida largeexpanse prosperity. a substantial of richarablesoil,capableof sustaining population. Wheredidthe populationlive?The citadelitselfcouldhave accommodated no morethana fewhundredpeopleat most,in its flourishingperiods,andwe mustassumethat the spacious habitations on the citadel duringthese periods were the exclusivepreserveof an elite class.The bulkof the population musthavelivedoutside.Thisassumptionhasbeenput to the conductedon the sitesince1988 test,andverified.Excavations havebroughtto lighta substantial settlementlyingadjacentto the citadeland extendingto the south, the so-called"lower city."Thishasled to a tenfoldincreasein the areaknownto be coveredby the site, from20,000 to 200,000 squaremeters, duringthe periodof levels VI andVII (ca. 1700-1100 BCE). Giventhe size and food-producingcapacityof the regionin whichit lay,Troycouldhavesupporteda populationof around of six thousandpeople.Wecan thusreviseourunderstanding the famous site-from little more than a small citadel accommodatinga population of a few hundred to a quite walledcity.4Its dominantfeaturewas substantialandprobably its fortifiedacropolis,firstexcavatedby Schliemann,wherefor muchof the BronzeAge an eliterulingclassresided. To what extent do the new excavations enhance our of Troy'sroleandimportancewithinthe world understanding of LateBronzeAge Anatolia,andthe NearEastin general?As we now knowit, Troywas comparablein size to the city of kingdomof the samenameon Ugarit,capitalof the prosperous the Levantinecoast.MeecommentsthatlikeUgarit,Troywas evidentlya majorcenter and entrep6t(Mee 1998: 144-45). But Ugaritmust have playeda much more significantrole withinthe complexof Near Easternkingdoms,politicallyas well as commercially,given its position on the coast in the regionthat lay withinthe overlappingspheresof interestof of the LateBronzeAge-Mitanni, fourof the GreatKingdoms Hatti, Egypt,and more indirectly Assyria.Apart from its abundantwealth in natural resources, Ugarit's valuable continues to feature as one of the best known and most widely visited of all ancient sites. To what extent does this attention reflectits actualimportancein its contemporary context? The discovery and excavation of many Bronze Age sites throughout Anatolia in the decades following Schliemann's excavations, and the ongoing excavations on and around the mound of Hisarhlikitself, have contributed much to our understanding of Troy's role and importance within its contemporarycontext. There can be no doubt that for much of its existence through almost two millennia of Bronze Age history, covering levels I to VII, it was a prosperous and sometimes flourishingsettlement. The second and sixth levels strategic location gave it far greater importance in the Near Easternworldthan the remote kingdomof Troy,situated as the latter was on the very peripheryof this world. Even so, ceramic evidence from various sites indicates that Troy had a wide range of trading contacts with Near Eastern coastal areas, though as we might expect, the preponderance of its commercialcontacts were with the Mycenaeanworld. 188 NEAREASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 65:3 (2002) WasTrojan SocietyLiterate? The most markeddifferencebetween Troyand Ugaritis that the latter has left us a substantial legacy of written records. The extensive archives of the Levantine kingdom provide us on the withsomeof ourmostimportantsourcesof information the last two the of history Syro-Palestinianregion during centuriesof the LateBronzeAge. BycontrastTroyhas to this point left us, fromits entiresecondmillenniumhistory,just one small, isolated piece of written material, and the provenanceeven of thisitemis not altogethercertain.Thatis by no meansan indicationthat writingwas unknown,or as good as unknown,in the city. On the contrary,Troylike all otherNearEasternkingdomsof its sizeandstatusmusthave had a chancelleryservedby scribeseither of local originor importedfromelsewhere.Writingmaterialsare of a highly perishablenature,and when clay tablet archivesdo survive fromotherregionsof the ancientworld,this is often (though not always)dueto the goodfortuneof the archiveroomsbeing destroyedin an intenseconflagration.Whilereducingmuch else to ash, a heartyfirebakesor re-bakesanythingmadeof clay,includingtablets,and thus preservesthemfor all time. However there must have been many ancient cities with literate memberswho have left little or no trace of their existence.Troyis almostcertainlya casein point. herewithwritingon it cameto light The one itemdiscovered in 1995.It is a biconvexbronze of excavations the course during It was sealbearinga briefinscriptionin Luwianhieroglyphs.5 foundin the contextof TroyVIIb,andthusdatesto the second halfof the twelfthcentury.This makesit one of the verylast of the AnatolianBronzeAge, andit post-datesthe inscriptions lastknownHittiteinscription byseveraldecades.Wecannotbe in Troyor whether the sealactuallyoriginated certain altogether wasimportedthere,thoughthe formerseemsmorelikely,on the groundsthat we have the actualoriginalseal andnot just an impressionof it. One sideof the sealgivesthe nameof a man, andhis professionas scribe,the othersidegivesthe nameof a woman.Bothnamesareincomplete.The likelihoodis thatthe pairarehusbandandwife. If the seal did in fact originatein Troy,then the Luwian inscriptionon it hassomeinterestingimplications.In the first placethe fact that the seal-ownerwasa scribe,as well as the factof the sealitself,wouldprovideourfirsttangibleindication of possible scribal activity in the city during the second endmillennium-thoughin thiscasenearthe millennium's thuscastingdoubton anynotionthatTrojansocietyremained illiterate throughoutthis period.And the languageof the inscriptionwouldprovideus withourfirsttangibleindication Drawingof a Luwianseal found in a house in stratumVllb.The fact that the seal owner was a scribe providesour first tangible indication of possible scribalactivityin the city duringthe second millenniumas well as our firsttangible clue as to the ethnic identityof the inhabits of Troy.FromHawkinsand Easton(1996: figs. 1 and 2). In western and southernAnatolia, a third groupof IndoEuropeanpeoplessettled.Wecall them the Luwians.By the groups beginningof the LateBronzeAge, Luwian-speaking hadoccupiedextensiveareasin the westernhalfof Anatolia. Collectivelythese areasconstitutedthe regionreferredto in early Hittite records as Luwiya, an ethno-geographical designation covering a large part of western Anatolia. However,the nameLuwiyaseemssoonto havedroppedout of use, at least in Hittite texts, and was replacedby the name Arzawa,a generaltermusedto covera complexof territories collectivelyknownas the ArzawaLands.In its broadestsense Arzawa probably extended over much of the territory manyof the same previouslycalledLuwiya,andincorporated of wide Given the spread Luwian-speaking populationgroups. peoplesin westernAnatolia,it is a distinctpossibilitythat the population of the sixth and seventh levels of Troy was a groupof Luwianorigin.Indeedit maywellbe predominantly that earlierlevelsof the city alsohad a Luwianpopulation,or at leastLuwian-speakers amongstits population. CouldLuwiangroupshavespreadeven furtherafield?It has been suggested that at the time of Luwiansettlement in westernAnatolia, some groupswent furtherwest, entering mainlandandislandGreecevia Thraceor the AegeanSea-a migrationthatmarkedthe arrival,aroundthe end of the third in the landthat the Classical millennium,of "proto-Greeks" GreekscalledHellas (see e.g., Macqueen1986:33). This in turnhas led somescholarsto believe that therewereethnic links between the Indo-European-speaking of the ethnic groupinhabitingTroyat this time. populationsof westernAnatolia and contemporaryHelladic Greece. But of WesternAnatolia Inhabitants TheLuwian intriguingthoughthe possibilityis that Homer'sGreeksand The Luwians were one of three groups of Indo-EuropeanTrojanswere closelyrelated,they can at best have been no speakingpeopleswho enteredAnatoliaprobablysome timeduring morethan verydistantcousins.The fact that the Trojansin HomerspokeGreekis of coursepurelyan epic convention; the course of the thirdmillennium.Partsof central and eastern and by the same token we should not attribute too much Anatolia were occupied by speakersof a languagecalled Nesite (now more commonly known as Hittite), which subsequently significance to the fact that a number of Greek social alsooccurin a Trojancontext (seeWatkins1986: institutions became the official language of the Late Bronze Age Hittite 50-51). Nonetheless, the fairlywidely held view that the kingdomwhosehomelandlayin centralAnatolia.A secondIndoEuropeangroup,the Palaians,werelocatedto the northwestof the Trojansof the sixthandseventhsettlementswere,or included, Hittite homeland,within the regionlaterknownas Paphlagonia. a Luwian-speaking origin,gains populationof Indo-European 65:3 (2002) NEAREASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 189 tradition, Troyand(W)iliosweretwonamesforthe sameplace. Wilioswasan earlyformof the nameIliosbeforethe initialw, representingthe archaicGreekdigamma,wasdropped.The of bothpairsof namesseemedtoo closeto be merely similarity coincidental.And the fact that in the Hittite list the names DoesTroyAppearin HittiteTexts? lastwouldbe consistentwitha northwestern location As yet we havealmostno writtenrecordsfromthe western appeared for them if, as seems likely, the list proceeded in a rough Luwiansthemselves.Howeverwe have manyreferencesto fromsouthto north. to the kingdomsthat theyformed,in geographical them,moreparticularly progression One slightproblemwith Forrer's conclusionwasthatwhile the archives of the Great Kingdom that became their overlord-the kingdomof Hatti,the landof the Hittites.The in Homerictradition(W)iliosandTroiawereinterchangeable Luwian-speakingArzawanstates were the most important names, in the Hittite text Wilusiyaand Taruisaappearas countriessideby side.Is it possiblethat the namesdid in fact vassalpossessionsof the Hittites in westernAnatoliafor at to twoseparatecountries,butthatsubsequently leastthe lasthalfof the LateBronzeAge.Sinceit is nowclear referoriginally that, materiallyat least,Troywasa not insignificantwestern one countryabsorbedthe other?Alternatively,whatwe have in Homeric tradition may represent a conflation of two kingdom, comparable with cities like Ugarit, since it is wasof Luwianorigin,and countriesthatwereproximately locatedandcloselyassociated likelythatits population increasingly in a conflictwithGreekinvadersin the northwestern since there are extensive referencesin Hittite texts to the regionof thosewith Luwian Anatolialatercalledthe Troad.The firstpossibilitymaygain westernAnatoliankingdoms,particularly populations,the probabilityis veryhigh that Troyfiguresin some supportfromthe fact that the nameTaruisamakesno Hittitehistoricalrecords.If so, theserecordsmustgive us the furtherappearancein the Hittite texts, with one possible onlygenuinehistoricalinformationwe haveso faraboutthe exception.Wilusiyaon the otherhand,appearsseveralmore kingdomof Troy.The searchforTroyin Hittitetextsthustakes times,in its shorterformWilusa,andit maybe thatits territory wasexpandedto includethe formerlandof Taruisa,withboth on veryconsiderable significance. in laterClassicalGreektradition. overeightyyearsago,notlongafterthe namesbeingpreserved It wasfirstundertaken The one furtherpossiblereferenceto Taruisa Hittite languagehadbeen deciphered,by a Swissphilologist appearsnot in a called EmilForrer.ForrercarefullycombedthroughHittite Hittitetextbuton a silverbowlof unknownorigin,andnowin sourcesforpossiblereferencesto Troy,andwhiledoingso he the Museumof AnatolianCivilizationsin Ankara.The bowl oneof whichrefersto cameacrossa list of countriesin westernAnatoliathat had bearstwoLuwian hieroglyphic inscriptions, around1400BCE. the conquestof a placecalledTarwiza rebelledagainsta HittitekingcalledTudhaliya, (see bya kingTudhaliya The list, comprisingtwenty-twocountries,whichapparently Hawkins1997).Althoughno furtherdetailsaregiven,it is very formeda confederacy,'ended with the namesWilusiyaand temptingto link this inscriptionwith the rebellionagainst if the link thatwe havereferred to above.Incidentally, Taruisa. These,Forrerbelieved,werethe Hittitewayof writing Tudhaliya wouldthenbe byfarthe earliestof all the GreeknamesTroia(Troy)and (W)ilios(Ilios).In Homeric is correct,the inscription knownLuwianhieroglyphic inscriptions, apart fromthoseappearing on sealimpressions.' Forrer'sproposalto linkthe Hittitenames BLACK SEA Taruisa andWilus(iy)a withHomericTroymet with a good deal of skepticism.Yethe had madea primafaciecaseforthe identification as goun ftw, andotherpiecesofevidencehavesubsequently tic >O0m KASKA providedadditionalif not conclusivesupport Try yaahmys Yasshkay. for his proposal.In the firstplace,Wilusais LUSA Bogask6y ATTI A listedin one Hittitetextaspartof thecomplex w Hattu L "[ of Arzawalands.Wehave noted that these SEHA RIVER lands were inhabited largely, if not d O by Luwian-speaking predominantly, peoples. is itselfa Luwianformation.' And I1 I Wilus(iy)a TARHUNTA99A lyalanda in the seal found the + recently inscription Carchemish ta AHUR , urus Mountains ' cp LUKKA MeIn seventh level of Troymayprovideour first TI A MITANNI IT--A hard(thoughstill veryslight)evidencethat - sA • , theinhabitants ofTroyspokeLuwian. - MEDITERRANEAN 0 100 Yetif we are to show beyondreasonable 200 km 0 UIrit NU20km SEA doubtthatTroy/Ilios andWilusaareone and o2; AMURRU1 the same,we need to demonstratethat the Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age. Wilusa of Hittite texts did in fact lie in some further support from the recently discovered seal This leadsus to the next inscribedwith Luwianhieroglyphs.6 stageof ourinvestigation. 0 A AA te Acemhayok LAND * ""laun, CuYPRUS 190 65:3 (2002) NEAREASTERNARCHAEOLOGY northwesternAnatolia.The But this still falls far short Late Bronze Age political of prooffor an actualTrojan The conclusion,firstenunciated War.Which bringsus to the geography of western Annextstageof oursearch. atolia has long proved a now seemsinescapable: by EmilForrer, very elusive and frustrating field of study.The countries DoGreeksAppearin Troy has indeed been found in the of western Anatolia in HittiteTexts? particularhave been shifted texts of the Hittites. It was the royal This question Forreralso aroundby various scholars He seat of the king of Wilusa, vassal of sought to answer. But withbewildering rapidity. if that Troy hypothesized new discoveries are concould be found in Hittite the Great of I the Hittites. King stantlyhelpingus to fill some texts, there ought also to be longstanding gapsandresolve referencesto Greeksin these some longstandingcontrotexts. In attemptingto track versies. Wilusa is a case in down these references, he point.Thoughscholarshadno doubtthatit laysomewherein beganby askingwhat the Greekscalled themselvesat this westernAnatolia, they could not agreeon preciselywhere. time.He notedthat in the Iliadand Odyssey,Homerregularly Fortunately,a text-joindiscoveredin the 1980shas put the used the term "Achaian"of the Greeks as a whole. (The matterbeyond doubt. A text-join occurs when two long- ClassicalGreeksreferredto themselvesas "Hellenes";the separated fragments of a tablet are finally matched up. word"Greek" is adaptedfrom"Graeci," the Romannamefor Establishinglinksbetweenfragmentsof tabletis an ongoing the peoplesof the Greekworld.)On the assumptionthat the task,requiringthe skillsof specialistepigraphersand made Homeric term had a genuine BronzeAge pedigree, Forrer necessaryverylargelyby the haphazardway in whichmany searchedthroughthe Hittitetextsfora namethatmighthave tabletswereunearthedandcollectedduringthe courseof the been the Hittite equivalentto "Achaia."Given that Hittite firstexcavationsin the Hittite capital a centuryago. More powerextended to Anatolia'swesterncoast, and that Late thanonce, the discoveryof a text-joinhas provedas valuable, Bronze Age or Mycenaean Greeks had extensive trading in terms of the information that it has supplied, as the contactswith this coast, it wouldbe extremelysurprisingif discoveryof an entirelynew text. Hittitetextscontainedno referencesat all to these GreeksInthiscase,an additional wasfoundto a well-know quiteapartfromtheirappearance fragment in Homerictradition. letterwrittento the HittitekingMuwatalliIIby a mancalled Again Forrerclaimedsuccessin his search.He noted that rulerof the Seha RiverLand,a kingdom the Hittite texts referreda numberof timesto a place called Manapa.Tarhunda, belonging to the Arzawa complex. Fromother pieces of Ahhiyawa,or Ahhiyain a shorter,earlierform.In this he saw inforation,we knowthatthisparticular kingdomextendedover the Hittite wayof representingthe Greekname Achaia.As oneof the rivervalleyslyingnorthof the citycalledMiletosin mightbe expected,Forrer'sproposalprovokedconsiderable Classicaltimes.Its HittitenamewasMilawata,or Millawanda. debate, some of it quite heated and personal.Its strongest Theriverin questionwasalmostcertainlyeitherthe (Classical) criticwasthe GermanscholarFerdinandSommerwho in the river(see,e.g., 1930sled the ranksof skepticswho dismissedthe AhhiyawaCaicosortheHermos,if notthefamousMaeander Gurney1992:220-21).Fromthe text-joinwe learnthata Hittite Achaia equationas no morethan "kling-klangetymology." forceon itswayto Wilusahadto passthroughthe Since then the debatehas continued.Somescholarsargued expeditionary SehaRiverLandin orderto reachit. Giventhelikelyroutetaken thatAhhiyawawasno morethana localAnatoliankingdom, to westernAnatolia,Wilusa othersthat it was an islandkingdomlyingoff the Anatolian byHittiteares in theirexpeditions havelainnorthof theSehaRiverLand-thatis to mainland,likeCyprusor Rhodes.Othersagaindeclaredthatit musttherefore sayin the regioncalledthe Troadin Classicaltimes.Welearn musthavebeena Mycenaeankingdomof mainlandGreece. a place furtherthatclosebyWilusawasone of its dependencies, We cannot debate here all the pros and cons of the calledLazpa.Therecan nowbe little doubtthat this wasthe Ahhiyawa-Achaiaidentification.That has been done many in the 1920s times in the past. Sufficeit to say that the greatmajorityof islandthattheGreekscalledLesbos,asfirstproposed Emil off coast. Anatolia's northwest Forrer, scholarsnow believethat Ahhiyawamustindeedreferto the by yingjust Wecan thussaywithconfidencethatWilusalayin the same worldof LateBronzeAge Greece,morepopularlyknownas regionas Hisarlik,our most favoredcandidatefor Homer's the Mycenaeanworld.The identificationcannotbe regarded The conclusion,firstenunciatedbyEmilForrer, now as iron-clad,andsomeof its supporterscautionthat it is still Troy/Ilios. seemsinescapable:Troyhas indeedbeenfoundin the textsof no morethana matterof faith.Butthe circumstantial evidence the Hittites.It wasthe royalseat of the kingof Wilusa,vassal in supportof it, includingdiscoveriesmadein recent years, of the GreatKingof the Hittites. We thus have not only a In somecontextsthe mustnowbe consideredoverwhelming. physicalsettingfor the greatcity of the Iliad,but also actual termAhhiyawais used to referto the Mycenaeanworldin referencesto it in contemporary historicalrecords. kingof Ahhiyawa general;in othercontexts,wherea particular ' ' NEAREASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 65:3 (2002) 191 makeshis appearance, to a specifickingdomwithinthisworld. The identificationhas a numberof importantimplications. One of theseis the additionaldimensionit givesto Mycenaean studies.Scholarshad longbelievedthat Mycenaeanoverseas wereconfinedessentiallyto tradingactivitiesalong enterprises the coastlandsof the Mediterranean, withoccasionalenclaves in theseregions, of Mycenaeansettler-traders beingestablished most notably on the western Anatolian coast. So we may conclude from the material evidence, especially pottery. However,the Ahhiyawan-Mycenaean equationtakesus a step beyondthis, forit providesus withwritteninformation-the only such informationwe have-about the history of the Mycenaeanworld.We knowfromHittite texts that certain MycenaeanGreekkings became politically and militarily involvedin westernAnatolianaffairs.IndeedHattusiliIII,who ruledthe Hittiteworldin the thirteenthcentury,wroteto one a formof himboth as "mybrother," of thesekings,addressing addressreservedexclusivelyfor one's peers,and as a "Great King,"a title otherwiseused only of the elite groupof Near EasternGreatKings-the rulersof Babylon,Assyria,Egypt, and Hatti. Fromthe same letter, commonlyknown as the wasoverlordof Letter,'we learnthatits addressee Tawagalawa of Milawataon the Anatoliancoast,andthatvery the territory likelyhe wasusingthis territoryas a baseforthe extensionof Ahhiyawan/Mycenaeaninfluence elsewhere in western Anatolia. If so, then inevitablyhis enterpriseswouldhave threatenedHittite interests, and more specificallyHittite in the region. subjectterritories, Does this bringus any closer to determiningwhetherthe traditionof a TrojanWaris basedon fact? in-lawof a man calledAtpa, who governedMilawataas the Ahhiyawanking'svassal.As we have noted, the letter was written by Hattusili III" to his Ahhiyawan counterpart. Unfortunately,the latter'snameis not preserved.It would have appearedat the beginningof the firstof the threetablets constitutingthe letter.Onlythe thirdtabletsurvives.Butwe knowfromthisthatone of the letter'smaintopicswasHittite andthe supporthe concernoverthe activitiesof Piyamaradu, wasreceivingfromthe kingof Ahhiyawa.The letterrefersto Wilusa.It hadbeen a causeof conflictbetweenHattusiliand the Ahhiyawanking, but the conflict had been peacefully resolved:"Nowas we have come to an agreementon Wilusa over which we went to war...." Even so, Hattusili was concerned that Piyamaradumight try to provoke a fresh conflict, and he urgedhis Ahhiyawanbrotherto keep the undercontrol;the Ahhiyawankingshouldtell trouble-maker the matterof Wilusaoverwhichwe, "Regarding Piyamaradu: the Kingof Hatti and I, had becomehostile,he (the Kingof Hatti)haswonme overandwe havemadefriends... it would not be rightforus to makewar." This is as far as we can go in our searchfor evidence of a conflictinvolvingWilusaandAhhiyawa.If TroyandWilusa wereone andthe same,thenTroywasclearlya subjectstateof the Hittitesat the time,andanyaggression againstit waslikely to provoke military retaliation from Hatti. That is what Hattusiliimpliesin his letter.His referencesto Piyamaradu makeclearthathe sawthis localwarrioras an agent,perhaps the principal agent, used by the Ahhiyawan king for the extension of his authority in western Anatolia. Indeed mayalreadyhavebeen actingin this capacityon Piyamaradu the earlieroccasion when for a time he actuallyoccupied Wilusa. War for a Evidence Historical the Trojan Assessing We do not know how effective Hattusili's letter was in In broadterms,we have establisheda generalscenariofor securingWilusa against enemy action. But we learn from possible conflict between MycenaeanGreeksand Hittite forces,or Hittite-backedforces,in westernAnatolia.Wenow another letter that in the reign of his son Tudhaliya(IV) need to narrowourfocus.On the assumptionthat Wilusais Wilusawas againattacked.On this occasionits king,a man do ourHittitesourcesprovide calledWalmu,wasforcedoff his throneand fled into exile. the HittitenameforTroy/Ilios, evidence for a specific conflict involving Ahhiyawan/ Thisinformationis suppliedby a anothertext-join-to a very Mycenaeanforcesagainstthe kingdomof Wilusa?It is clear fragmentarydocumentcommonlyknown as the Milawata fromthese sourcesthat Wilusahad a fairlytroubledhistory, Letter,so-calledbecauseit refersto eventsthat had recently even with in the thirteenthcentury,the periodin whichthe takenplacein andaroundMilawata.Unfortunately, particularly But the from surviving complete. TrojanWarwasmostlikelyto havetakenplace.Welearnthat the join the letteris stillfar the join and about a contains fitting Wilusa, by and attacked was passage its in the portion by occupied territory century early was Wilusa that deduce can we againstthe originalfragment, a notorious local freebooter called Piyamaradu. This information is provided by the letter we have referred to above, written by Manapa-Tarhunda,king of the Seha River Land, to his Hittite overlord Muwatalli. On this occasion Piyamaraduwas apparently driven from Wilusa by a Hittite expeditionary force, but remained at large and continued to threaten Hittite interestsin the region. No reference is made to Ahhiyawa in this context, but we know from another letter, the so-called TawagalawaLetter, that Piyamaraduwas a prot6g6 of the Ahhiyawan king (who afforded him protection in his own land when the Hittites began turningup the heat on him), and that he was the father- 192 NEAR EASTERN ARCHAEOLOGY 65:3 (2002) once again restored to Hittite control, and that preparations were underwayfor putting its king back on his throne. This episode is the last piece of information we have about the northwesternkingdomof Wilusa. If Wilusa was in fact the Late Bronze Age kingdom of Troy,then we can start building up a pictureof Troy'shistoryin this period.Its inhabitantswere almost certainly one of the Luwian-speaking peoples of western Anatolia. It belonged to the ethno-political complex of Arzawalands. For at least the last two centuries of the Late BronzeAge, it was not an independentkingdombut one of the vassalstates of the Hittite Empire.It sufferedseveralattacksby enemyforcesduringthe thirteenthcentury,attacksin whicha MycenaeanGreekkingmaywellhavebeenimplicated.During one of theseattacks,the enemyinvadedandoccupiedits land. On anotheroccasionits kingwasdeposed.On bothoccasions the country was liberated by the Hittites. The so-called TawagalawaLetter,which associatesthe king of Ahhiyawa witha warinvolvingWilusa,datesto aroundthe middleof the thirteenthcentury.This is the mostwidelyaccepteddate for the destructionof TroyVIh.Wedo not knowthe nameof the letter'saddressee,whichmaywell have appearedin the first tabletof the letter,now lost to us. But there are those who would like to see in this addressee, a Great King of the Ahhiyawanworld,the prototypeof Homer'sAgamemnon. Accordingto Homer,Agamemnonled a confederationof Greeksinto waragainstthe Trojans.The essenceof this war wasa ten-yearsiegeof Troy,culminatingin the besiegedcity's These arethe core conquest,destruction,and abandonment. eventsof the Homerictradition.Howclose arewe to proving that they actually took place?Let us review the evidence currentlyavailableto us. 1. Wecan with a highdegreeof probability identifythe site now known as Hisarlik in northwestern Turkeywith the ancient citadel of Troy,madefamousby the epic poemsof Homer.LevelVIh of this site best fits Homer'sdescriptionof Troy. This level was destroyed some time during the thirteenth century, probably around the middle of the century,withinthe periodto whichthe TrojanWaris dated in ClassicalGreeksources. 2. Unfortunatelywe have no clear evidence to indicate what caused Troy'sdestruction-human agency, natural forces, or a combination of both. Admittedly recent excavationsin the lowercity have producedsignsof military conflictin the formof arrow-heads andhumanskeletons.But as yet the quantityof such remainsis too smallto constitute evidencefor a sustainedconflictover a periodof manyyears andinvolvinga largeinvadingforce. 3. It is highlylikelythatTroyor Ilioswasthe kingdomcalled Wilusain Hittite texts. Wilusawas a vassalkingdomof the Hittiteempirelocatedin the farnorthwestof Anatolia,in the regionthatthe Greeksof latertimescalledthe Troad. 4. Weknowthat MycenaeanGreeks,whoseland is called Ahhiyawain Hittite texts, becameinvolvedin the political and militaryaffairsof western Anatolia, fromat least the fifteenth century and particularly in the thirteenth century when the land of Milawataon the westernAnatolian coast was subjectto an Ahhiyawan/Mycenaeanking. 5. During this period Wilusa suffereda numberof attacks in which MycenaeanGreeksmay have been directlyor indirectly involved. On one occasion, its territorywas occupied by the enemy; on another occasion its king was deposed and driven into exile. Homer tells us that the city of Troywas attacked, occupied, and destroyed by the Greeks, and its royal family killed or driven into exile., How far,then, does this informationtake us towardsproofof a TrojanWar?The answerhas to be not very far at all, if we are attemptingto come up with a specifichistoricalconflictthat occupieda relativelylongperiodof time-ten yearsin Greek tradition.Farfromprovidingmaterialor writtenevidencefor sucha conflict,ourAnatoliansourcesin factcastconsiderable doubton its historicity, at leastin the formin whichit appears in Homer.Forexample,whilesiege-warfare certainlyfeatured in a numberof BronzeAge militaryoperations,andsometimes extendedover severalmonths, the notion of a siege lasting manyyearsis quite out of the question.And the claim that the Greek forces arrivedat Troyin a fleet of more than a thousandships (1,186 to be precise)wouldmakethe Greek armadamanytimes greaterthan the largestknownfleet in any period of the ancient world. As far as there is any historicalbasisforHomerictradition,it is to be foundnot in a singleconflictthat occupieda relativelylong periodof time, but ratherin a seriesof conflictsthat took place over a very muchgreaterperiodof time. OurAnatolianwrittensources provideno evidence for a single, major,extendedattackby invadingGreekson an Anatolian kingdomthat led to the eventualdestructionof that kingdom.Ratherthe patternis one of a numberof limitedattackscarriedout over several centuries,andperhapsan occasionaltemporary occupationof a beleagueredkingdom.Any one of these attacksmighthave provided the original core of the Homeric tradition, a traditionthatwashundredsof yearsin the making. ATradition Evolves The genesis of the epic maygo back 150 years or more beforethe generallyaccepteddateof the TrojanWar.Already in the latefifteenthorearlyfourteenthcenturywe learnfroma well-known Hittite text (the so-called "Indictment of Madduwatta")of Ahhiyawan militaryenterprises on the Anatolianmainland,andsubsequently on the islandof Cyprus (Alasiyain Hittitetexts).The leaderof theseenterpriseswas "aman of Ahhiya"called Attarsiya.Could the TrojanWar tradition have begun with a military conflict between MycenaeanGreeksandAnatoliansin the earlyfourteenth,or even the fifteenthcentury?Professor Vermeulehasarguedthat thereare linguisticas well as otherelementsin the Iliadthat could well date to this period.Froma studyof a numberof passages in the Iliad, she concludes that the deaths of "Homeric" heroeslikeHektorandPatroklos werealreadysung in the fifteenthor fourteenthcenturies."And the military adventuresin Anatoliaof an earlyMycenaeanGreekwarrior like Attarsiya are precisely the stuff out of which legend is created. Indeed it is just possible that Attarsiya (Attarissiya) was the Hittite way of writing the Greek name Atreus, a name borne in Greek traditionby one of the firstrulersof Mycenae. It was perhaps in the earliest days of Mycenaean contact with western Anatolia that the traditionof a Greek-Anatolian conflict began its journey. In the course of this journey, the tradition constantly acquired new elements, many of which may well have been based on actual historical episodes or incidents. By the thirteenth century it had also acquired a specific physical setting, a northwestern Anatolian kingdom NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 65:3 (2002) 193 that duringthe courseof the unfold.Fromthe vastbodyof centurysuffereda numberof legendandfolklorethat such attackseither by the Greeks all over his towering predecessors, eventsundoubtedlygenerated, themselvesor by their allies a small numberof episodes therewasin fact a greatpoet of the and proteges. Enemyoccuwere selected, and those late eighth or earlyseventh century selected were woven into a pationof its territoryandthe overthrowof its kingbecame continuousnarrative,which whose creative genius brought a woven into the fabricof the wascompressedinto a period long- evolving narrativetraditionto its of ten years. But the poet ongoingtradition. peak of artisticexcellence. The traditionitselfwaskept wentfurther.His storyhad to alive by story-tellers, wanbe peopled with colorful characters. And so we are dering bards and minstrels who, Homertells us, entertainedthe courtsof Mycenaean presentedwith the lordlyAgamemnon,the braveAjax of kingsandnoblemen.Storiesof the exploitsof greatheroesof massiveproportions,the nobleHektor,the sulkingAchilles, the distantpastbecameintermingled withthe deedsof Greek the wilyOdysseus.Otherelementswereaddedfromthe stock kingsandwarriorsof morerecenttimes.Fororaltraditionby repertoire of epic tradition-intervention by gods and its very natureenables almostlimitless adaptationsof and goddesses,performanceof strangerituals,encounterswith additionsto an existingbodyof folklore.Verylikely at the enchantressesandmonsters,andconsultationswiththe dead requestof theirpatrons,the story-tellerswereobligedto add or the immortal.Wasthis the achievementof a singleperson? new material constantly, as they forever updated their And if so, wasit the achievementof an eighthcenturypoet? repertoireof tales.Evenafterthe greatBronzeAge kingdoms Or werethere a successionof poetsextendingbackthrough had fallen,the traditionof a greatwarcontinued.And it was the DarkAge mists?WasHomermerelythe lastof a series?Or perhapsin thislater,post-Bronze periodthatthe finalessential was he himself an invention-not a person, but the componentof the Homerictraditioncame into being-the personificationof a processthat beganlong beforethe late totaldestructionandabandonment of the citadelof Troy. eighthcentury?Theremayhavebeen one or moreDarkAge We must emphasizethat no such dramaticend of Troyis poetsto whomthe bard'smantleshouldbe assigned,or at least attested during the Late Bronze Age in either the withwhomit shouldbe shared.Yet the likelihoodremainsthat, archaeologicalor the writtenrecord.In the archaeological toweringover all his predecessors,there was in fact a great record,TroyVIIaquicklyreplacedTroyVIh,andwasoccupied poetof the lateeighthor earlyseventhcenturywhosecreative by the samepopulationgroup,thoughthe dwellingswithinthe geniusbroughta long-evolvingnarrativetraditionto its peak citadelwerenowhumbler,andthe conditionsmorecrowded. of artisticexcellence. In the writtenrecord,Wilusawasliberatedfromits invaderson Undoubtedlydebateon whetheror not Homer'saccountof at leasttwo occasionsin the thirteenthcentury,andthe local the TrojanWaris basedon factwillcontinue,as scholars,film rulerhadhis authorityrestoredto him. But theredid come a producers,and anyone else interested in the tale of Troy timewhenTroywasdestroyedandapparently abandoned byits continueto probeforthe truthbehindthe legend.Whyhave population.Thisoccurredat the end of level VIIb,sometime so manybeen obsessedwithsucha searchforso long?Partof between 1100 and 1000, in the aftermath of the great the reasonmaybe the beliefthat the poet'sreputationwould upheavalsthroughoutthe NearEastandGreeceat the end of be all the greaterif we couldprovebeyonddoubtthathis tale the Bronze Age. Its destruction was very likely due to of Troyis basedon historicalfact. But surelythe oppositeis marauders who featuredin these upheavalsand aboutwhom true.Homerwasa creativeartist,not a historian,and that is we hear fromEgyptianrecords-the so-called Sea Peoples. how he wouldwant to be judged.His epic compositionhas Almostcertainlypopulationgroupsfromthe lastremnantsof capturedthe imaginationof one generationof listenersand the Mycenaeanworldwereincludedamongstthe marauders. readersafteranother,anda countlesssuccessionof visualand Around 1000 BCEnew waves of Greekscame to settle in hashe toldhis literaryartists.Yetthisis not all. So powerfully westernAnatolia. They knew of the great stories of their storythathe hasconvincedalmostallhislistenersandreaders, ancestorswhodidbattlewiththe localAnatoliankingdoms.In includingsomeof the mostastutescholars,thathis characters theyknewof the conquestof a kingdomcalledTroy are based on real people, and that these people were particular or Ilios in Greektradition.Manymaywell have visited the participants in eventsthatreallydidhappen. Let us for a moment suppose that the Iliad was from placewherethisconquestoccurred.Whatin factdidtheysee there?The remainsof a oncegreatcitythathadbeendestroyed beginning to end a workof fiction, that Homer made the and was now totally abandoned. This provided the final whole thing up. What then wouldbe the greatestfavorwe element in the tradition-the closing episode to a tale of could do the poet?Assuredlyto proveto the satisfactionof conflict,conquest,anddestruction. everyonethat his storyof Troyhas no historicalfoundation All this providedthe rawmaterialfor the creativepoet-a whatsoever. Thatmorethananythingelsewouldmakeclearto all the fullextentof the blindlonian'screativegenius. sequenceof events that took at least five hundredyearsto ' ' 194 NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 65:3 (2002) Notes 1. In fact there was one (at least in Virgil'sAeneid)-the armysurgeon Machaon,son of Asklepios. is used todayas a termof conveniencefor the 2. The name"Mycenaean" whole of the LateBronzeAge (or LateHelladic)civilizationof mainland Greece.It reflectsMycenae'sprominencewithin this civilization,in the archaeologicalrecordas well as in Greekliterarytradition. 3. Other ancient Greekwritersgive dates for the warrangingfromthe secondhalfof the fourteenthto the secondhalfof the twelfthcenturies. 4. Fora concisedescriptionof recentexcavations,see Korfmann(1995). 5. See Hawkins and Easton (1996). The seal is further discussed by Starke(1997), Alp (2001). 6. Melchert (2003: 12) remainscautiouson this matter,noting also the possibility that the inhabitants of Wilusa/Troyspoke a related, but distinctIndo-European language. 7. Now commonly referred to as the Assuwan Confederacy on the groundsthat Assuwafiguresin the text apparentlyas the regionin which mostof the countrieswerelocated. 8. The earliest of these, found in Tarsusand featuringa king of southwesternAnatolia called Isputashu,dates back to the last decadesof the sixteenthcentury. 9. Accordingto Melchert(2003: 11-12). 10. Tawagalawawas the brotherof the Ahhiyawanking. He had been sent to Milawata to arrange the transportation of large numbers of Hittite subjects back to the Greek mainland. The common tag receivesno Letter"is quite inappropriate since Tawagalawa "Tawagalawa morethan a briefmentionin the document,or ratherwhatsurvivesof it. 11. The brotherof Muwatalliand his second successoron the Hittite throne. 12. Vermeule(1986: 85-86). See also Hiller (1991: 145) regardingthe tradition of an earlier Trojan War, and Muhly (1992: 16), Cline (1997: 197-98). References Alp, S. 2001 Das Hieroglyphensiegelvon Trojaund seine Bedeutungfiir Westanatolien. Pp. 27-31 in Akten IV. Internationalen Kongresses fiir Hethitologie.Wiirzburg,4.-8. Oktober1999, edited by G. Wilhelm.Studien zu den Bogazk6y-Texten 45. Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz. Blegen,C. London:ThamesandHudson. 1963 TroyandtheTrojans. Cline,E. H. 1997 Achilles in Anatolia: Myth, History, and the Assuwa Rebellion. Pp. 189-210 in CrossingBoundariesand Linking Horizons:Studies in Honor of Michael Astour on his 80th Birthday,edited by G. D. Young,M. W. Chavalas,and R. E. Averbeck,Bethesda:CDL. Easton,D. E 1985 Has the TrojanWarBeen Found?(reviewof M. Wood, In Search of the TrojanWar, London: British Broadcasting Corporation,1985).Antiquity59: 188-96. Gurney,O. R. 1992 Hittite Geography:ThirtyYearsOn. Pp. 213-21 in Hittite and OtherAnatolianand Near EasternStudiesin Honourof SedatAlp, editedby H. Otten, E. Akurgal,H. Ertem,and A. Siiel.Ankara:TiirkTarihKurumuBasimevi. 1997 A HieroglyphicLuwianInscriptionon a Silver Bowl in the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, Ankara. Anadolu Medeniyetleri Miisezi,Ankara,1996Yilligi:7-24. Hawkins,J.D. andEaston,D. E 1996 A HieroglyphicSeal fromTroy.StudiaTroica6: 111-18. Hiller,S. 1991 TwoTrojanWars?On the Destructionsof TroyVIh and VIIa. StudiaTroica1: 145-54. Korfmann,M. 1995 A Residential and TradingCity at the Dardanelles. Pp. 173-83 in Politeia.SocietyandStatein theAegeanBronzeAge. (Proceedingsof the 5th InternationalAegean Conference, Univ of Heidelberg,ArchdiologischesInstitut, 10-13 April 1994), edited by R. Laffineur and W.-D. Niemeier. of Texas. Liege/Austin:Universityof Liege/University Macqueen,J.G. in Asia Minor.London: 1986 The HittitesandtheirContemporaries ThamesandHudson. Mee, C. 1998 Anatolia and the Aegean in the Late Bronze Age: The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium. Pp. 137-48 in Proceedingsof the 50th AnniversarySymposium Cincinnati,18-20April1997. Aegaeum18. Liege:University of Liege. Melchert,H. C. 2003 Prehistory. Pp. 11-12 in The Luwians, edited by H. C. Melchert,Leiden:Brill. MuhlyJ.D. 1992 The CrisisYearsin the MediterraneanWorld:Transitionor CulturalDisintegration?Pp. 10-26 in The CrisisYears:the 12thCenturyB.C.,editedbyW.A. WardandM. S. Joukowsky, Dubuque:Kendall/Hunt. Starke,E und Sprachlichen 1997 Troiaim Kontextdes Historisch-Politischen Umfeldes Kleinasiens im 2. Jahrtausend.StudiaTroica7: 447-87. Vermeule,E. 1986 Priam'sCastle Blazing.Pp. 77-92 in TroyandtheTrojanWar, editedby M. J.Mellink.BrynMawr:BrynMawrCollege. Watkins,C. 1986 The Languageof the Trojans.Pp.45-62 in TroyandtheTrojan War,editedby M.J.Mellink.BrynMawr:BrynMawrCollege. AUTAT asa classicist, trained Trevor Originally Ancient has lectured in Classics and Bryce at theUniversity ofQueensland, History attheUniversity andsubsequently ofNew where he was (Australia), England and the Chair Classics to of appointed heserved AncientHistory. Morerecently as DeputyVice-Chancellor of Lincoln inNewZealand andcurrently University TrevorBryce is a FellowoftheAustralian of Academy attheUniversity andHonorary Research Consultant theHumanities Australia. Hisrecentpublications includeThe of Queensland, of theHittites,LifeandSocietyin theHittiteWorld Kingdom andLetters oftheGreatKingsoftheAncientNearEast. 65:3 (2002) NEAR EASTERNARCHAEOLOGY 195