Chapter 6 - Society of Camp Directors

192
Chapter VI
Reviving Hiawatha:
Representations of the Primitive at Camp
In 1874, at the age of 14, Ernest Thompson Seton started to build a small
cabin near the Don River in Toronto. Born in England, Seton had always been
attracted to animals and the wilderness. Living in busy and populated Toronto left
Seton in need of an escape, leading him to the outskirts of the city. Every
Saturday, Seton worked on his cabin, which took most of the year to complete.
Once finished, he gathered shells, feathers, and other objects from nature and
proudly displayed them on shelves in the cabin. He fancied himself a
representative of Robinson Crusoe and Swiss Family Robinson.1 Alone in the
ZRRGV6HWRQ³SOD\HG,QGLDQUDQDERXWZLWKRXWDQ\WKLQJRQEXWP\ERRWVVRDV
WRJHWVXQEXUQHGEURZQ´2 +H³KRSHGVRPHGD\WRUH-establish Indian life in
VRPHIRUP´ 3 To aid in his play, Seton made moccasins out of a fold of sheep
leather, stuck feathers in his hair, and made a hunting and scalping knife.4 Young
Seton was fascinated with primitivism, or archaic cultures and ways of living, and
turned to Aboriginal culture as an escape from modern, industrialized life in
Toronto± a practice that became common in the camping movement.
3ULPLWLYLVPDQGWKHLGHDRIWKH³QREOHVDYDJH´were incorporated into early
FDPSVWKURXJK³,QGLDQORUH´- Aboriginal symbolism, legends, dances, songs, and
Council ring. ,QKHUDUWLFOH³Totem Poles, Teepees, and Token 7UDGLWLRQVµ3OD\LQJ
,QGLDQ¶DW2QWDULR Summer Camps, 1920±1955´ Sharon Wall suggests that the
integration of Aboriginal traditions at camp was part of a broader inclination
193
toward anti-modernism in twentieth century Ontario.5 What society perceived to
be the primitive life of Native people, contrasted with the progressive changes
occurring in the city. Temporarily escaping city life for the wilderness was
precisely the experience that upper- and upper middle-class parents sought for
their children. The incorporation of Indian lore at camp is another important
element in the creation of a unique camp culture and temporary society.
Aboriginal symbolism made camp all the more exciting and adventuresome for
campers as it was clearly different from anything they experienced in the city.
Ahmek, Kilcoo, Wanapitei, Tanamakoon, Wapomeo, and GBC included
Indian lore and Council ring. While Camp Temagami did not seem to use the
tribe system or have Council ring, the campers did interact with Aboriginals from
nearby Bear Island. Camp Northway did not have Indian lore or Council ring. The
focus of this chapter is on Camp Ahmek and Glen Bernard Camp as there is the
most information about Indian Lore at these camps and their directors, Taylor
Statten and Mary Edgar, were passionate about Aboriginal lore.
The final strand of literature that is significant for the development of the
unique private Ontario youth camps society is the incorporation of Aboriginal
symbolism and tradition into the camp culture. This chapter examines
representations of the primitive in Canadian history, to illustrate how these
defined the tension between Euro-Canadian values and culture and those of the
Aboriginals. 7KHWHUP³LQYHQWHG´$ERULJLQDOZLOOEHXVHGWRUHIHUWR$ERULJLQDO
representation at camp and in Canadian society. This term is similar to that of
'DQLHO)UDQFLV¶LPDJLQDU\,QGLDQIURPKLVERRNThe Imaginary Indian. The
194
invented Aboriginal refers to the Aboriginal that was not real or grounded in
history. Rather, it represented the Aboriginal that non-Aboriginals created to
represent an idealized anti-modern hero for the benefit of non-Aboriginal peoples
at camp and in Canadian society. Euro-Canadians, or the first white settlers in
Canada, idealized the invented Aboriginal, not the modern Aboriginal. Francis
explains, ³(XURSHDQVKDYHWHQGHGWRLPDJLQHWKH,QGLDQUDWKHUWKDQWRNQRZ
Native people, thereby to project onto Native people all the fears and hopes they
KDYHIRUWKH1HZ:RUOG´6 This influenced the incorporation of Indian lore and
Council ring into private Ontario camp programs. While on the surface, camp
directors included Indian lore into camp to pay respect to Aboriginal people who
had lived on the same land in the past, in practice, camp directors used Indian
lore to assist in the establishment of a temporary camp society that separated
camp from the city. All of these elements served to create clear distinctions
between mainstream dominant culture and Aboriginal culture, despite being
positioned as acts of respect and appreciation.
The Primitive in Canadian History
Much like Euro-&DQDGLDQV¶SHUFHSWLRQRIWKHZLOGHUQHVVWKHSHUFHSWLRQRI
Canadian Aboriginals changed over time. These perceptions were largely
dependent on shifting values associated with the process of modernization.7
Thus, when Aboriginals threatened their prominence, Euro-North Americans
viewed them negatively. When French fur traders first came to Canada, they
relied on the local Aboriginals to teach them survival techniques in the cold,
harsh climate.8 Aboriginals taught the French how to canoe, snowshoe,
195
navigate, and find and grow food.9 A good relationship between the French
traders and Aboriginal hunters and trappers was integral to the success of the
trade.10 By the time Euro-Canadians colonized Canada, they were less reliant on
Aboriginals since they had already learned hunting, trapping, and survival skills
from the Aboriginals in the fur trade. This meant that Aboriginals became less
important. Over time, relations deteriorated between Aboriginals and EuroCanadians and Euro-Canadians demonized Aboriginals as they posed a threat to
the Euro-Canadian dream ± to conquer and industrialize the land.11 They viewed
Aboriginals as primitive and savage.12 Euro-Canadians and Aboriginals viewed
nature differently and this led to tension between the two groups. While
Aboriginals believed in incorporating nature into their lives and respecting living
things, Euro-Canadians believed that dominating nature led to progress and a
superior society.13 It is not surprising then, that Euro-Canadians often equated
Aboriginality with wilderness or being of the wilderness and, therefore, available
to conquer. Once the Euro-Canadian way proliferated, Aboriginal culture was no
longer a threat. As Euro-Canadians did not expect that Aboriginal culture could
adapt to the modern world, assimilation became the answer.14 As a result,
Aboriginals faced pressure from the dominant culture to abandon their culture in
favour of the attitudes, values, and language of Euro-Canadians. This
Eurocentric perception of Indigenous culture served as a reference point through
which Eurocentric society could measure its own progress. Euro-Canadians
endorsed European culture as progressive, while non-European culture was
considered stagnant and unchanging.15
196
Duncan Campbell Scott, the superintendent of Indian Affairs in the early
1900s, advanced assimilation as the only strategy for Aboriginals to be
modernized. He encouraged intermarriage, Christian values, and the
abandonment of KXQWLQJILVKLQJDQGWUDSSLQJIRUPRUH³PDLQVWUHDP´
employment. The authorities restricted Aboriginals to reserves ± compromised
their land and livelihood, put children into residential schools, and forced them to
learn Euro-Canadian teachings and language and to abandon their own roots.16
By this time, the dominant image had changed and Euro-Canadians no longer
regarded Aboriginals as primitive savages since most lived on reserves.17
At the same time, an interesting phenomenon occurred. With
industrialization, urbanization, and the resulting distance from wilderness and
outdoor life, North American society began to idealize the image of a primitive
Aboriginal.18 +HQU\:DGVZRUWK/RQJIHOORZCV³7KH6RQJRI+LDZDWKD´(1855) was
an early expression of this idealized vision of the Aboriginal. It told the tale of the
marriage of Hiawatha, the Ojibway hero, WR0LQQHKDKDKLVSHRSOH¶VULVHDQG
decline, and the arrival of Europeans. As he prepared to leave for Keewaydin,
the land of the northwest wind, he welcomed missionaries who had come to the
village.19 The poem illustrates a Eurocentric vision of a glorious Ojibway past and
the perception of Natives as trapped in history.20 This idealized vision of the
Aboriginal that persisted once Canada was settled was that of the historical
Aboriginal who could not be modernized.21
This constructed image of the Aboriginal was perpetuated in many ways,
one of which was through Aboriginal orators who turned to the stage to make a
197
living. Pauline Johnston, poet and daughter of a Mohawk chief, was one of an
acclaimed group of entertainers at the end of the nineteenth century. 22 In 1899,
Johnson visited Sundridge, Ontario and stayed in the home of Mary Edgar when
Edgar was a child.23 7KHYLVLWZDVGHVFULEHGE\(GJDUDV³RQHRIWKHPRVW
H[FLWLQJKDSSHQLQJVRIP\FKLOGKRRG´24 During her Sundridge performance she:
Swept onto the platform in her picturesque Indian costume of beaded doeskin... She wore a beaded head-band with an eagle feather and a neckODFHRIEHDU¶VFODZV+HUIDFHZDVH[SUHVVLYHZLWKIODVKLQJEODFNH\HV
Her voice had a dramatic quality which gripped her audience as she
recited in verse the legends of her own people. She responded
JHQHURXVO\WRWKHPDQ\FDOOVRI³(QFRUH´ 25
Johnson had a great influence on Mary Edgar and the incorporation of Indian
Lore and Aboriginal stories into camp life at GBC. -RKQVRQ¶VERRNFlint and
Feather was always in the GBC library and this type of writing inspired Edgar to
write her own Indian legends.26
)UDQFLVDUJXHVWKDW-RKQVRQZDVD³ZKLWHPDQ¶V,QGLDQ´ 27 Her mother
was white and Johnson grew up in a colonial mansion on the Six Nations
Reserve in Brantford.28 Audiences admired traits in her that they perceived to be
typical of Aboriginals, such as storytelling skills that listeners assumed were
derived from oral tradition. However, at the same time, she displayed the
polished manners of a middle-class Victorian woman.29 During her recitals she
performed non-Indian poems for which she changed into a dinner gown
displaying her conformity to Canadian culture.30
Grey Owl is another example of the invented Aboriginal in Canada. He
claimed to be an adopted Ojibway trapper from northern Ontario who gave up
trapping under the influence of his Iroquois wife and became a conservationist. In
198
1931, he published his first book, Men of the Last Frontier. In it he warned that
wilderness areas were disappearing. He became a popular speaker on the
lecture circuit and dressed in a buckskin jacket, his hair in two long braids.31 He
argued that people belonged to nature and that people had lost touch with the
natural world and, in turn, had lost their true selves.32 Even the Canadian
government took an interest in Grey Owl and made films of him at work with tame
beavers.33 In 1939, Grey Owl died and within a week newspapers discovered the
truth behind his façade. He was not of Native ancestry at all; in fact, his real
name was Archie Belaney, born and raised in England. Much like Seton, he was
a solitary boy who played in the woods and read about the North American
,QGLDQ,QKHOHIW(QJODQGIRU&DQDGDWROLYHWKHOLIHRID³ZLOGHUQHVVPDQ´
In northern Ontario, he apprenticed himself to an Ojibway guide and trapper and
soon became an accomplished woodsman.34 With this knowledge, he adopted
Aboriginal ways and used the image to spread his ideals of conservation to
Canadians. In reality, Canadians did not much care about the true identity of
Grey Owl as he affirmed the perceived identity of the Canadian Aboriginal.35
The image of Aboriginals has evolved from the time of the fur trade,
depending on Euro-Canadian values and perceptions. The popularity of Grey
Owl and Pauline Johnson shows the desire of non-Aboriginal Canadians to
understand and admire what they recognize as virtues of Aboriginals. At the
same time, the negative effects of the industrial revolution idealized the character
and culture of Aboriginals. Aboriginals represented freedom, health, and
connection to the natural world ± qualities that industrialized Canada
199
compromised.36 Further, because Euro-Canadian culture had successfully
suppressed Aboriginal culture, it was not threatening. Famous Aboriginals did not
challenge values of mainstream Canadian society and, in fact, utilized the
stereotypical image of the Aboriginal themselves. In turn, society accepted them.
They delivered messages Canadians were prepared to hear ± messages that
revolved around the invented Aboriginal, not the modern-day Aboriginal.37 Thus,
as Francis points out, dominant culture set the agenda and terms of acceptable
discussion.38
6HWRQ¶V:RRGFUDIW,QGLDQV
Ernest Thompson Seton carried his passion for nature and fascination with
playing Indian into his adult life. He became a famous wildlife artist, author, and
QDWXUDOLVWDQGDOVRKHOGILUPWRKLVDPELWLRQDVDIRXUWHHQ\HDUROG³WRUHHVWDEOLVK,QGLDQOLIHLQVRPHIRUP´39 In 1902, in the Ladies Home Journal, he
formally announced the formation of a youth organization - the Woodcraft
Indians. As part of the Woodcraft Indians, he organized boys into tribes that
participated in Native-inspired rituals and lore. In addition, boys learned a wide
range of skills required to live in the woods. As they mastered these skills, they
HDUQHG³FRXSV´that led to promotion in rank.40 Each member of the group had a
head band, which served as a war-bonnet or headdress with places for 24
feathers. Council awarded a feather for each success.41 In addition, each boy
had a scalp of horsehair that he could wager against another in competition.42
Games revolved around wilderness skills such as the bear hunt, where six boys
hunted a bear played by one of the boys with a club made of straw.43 The
200
Apache relay race pitted tribes against each other to see who could carry a
message and bring a reply back the fastest. The objective of the waterboiling
contest was to determine who could boil water fastest with a hatchet, knife, and
one match.44 These games anGFKDOOHQJHVLOOXVWUDWH6HWRQ¶VSHUFHSWLRQRI
Aboriginal peoples¶GDLO\OLYHVin the wilderness.
At camp, Seton insisted on the incorporation of Aboriginal symbols and
lore. Seton used totem poles to display the emblem of the camp and for posting
notices.45 The Council-ILUHFLUFOHZDV³XVHGVHYHUDOWLPHVHDFKGD\HLWKHUIRU
FRXQFLOVRUIRUJDPHVGDQFHVDQGSHUIRUPDQFHV´46 At one side of the ring was
the place for the Chief, opposite the Chief was a totem pole, and in the centre
was the council fire.47 Campers said ³+RZ+RZ´PHDQLQJ³LWLVVR´LQ
congratulations or agreement instead of clapping.48 By this time, Seton was wellknown, giving his youth organization a launching pad and credibility.49 In his book
Playing Indian, Philip J. Deloria contends that, LQ6HWRQ¶VKLHUDUFKLFDO
organization, boys lived out primitive fantasies that aimed to prepare them for the
modern world.50 Seton based his organization on his own ideas of Indigenous
culture learned through books. He moulded the ideal Aboriginal into a figure that
would teach boys the lessons Seton thought were important and reflected
6HWRQ¶VGLVWDVWHIRUPRGHUQLVP.
In the same year that he launched the Woodcraft Indians, Seton published
Birch Bark Roll of the Woodcraft Indian in which he described his ideas for
outdoor life. These ideas were later adopted by many camps.51 According to
Seton, a degeneration occurred in the North American people and to temper this
201
KHDGYLVHGSHRSOHWROLYH³«QHDUWKHJURXQG«OLYHWKHVLPSOHOLIe in primitive
WLPHV´52 He wrote WKDW³WKHZKLWHPDQKDVGHYHORSHGWKHZKLWHSODJXHVLQFHKH
became a house animal, and the natural cure of open-air life should be
DVVLGXRXVO\FXOWLYDWHG´53 Seton was critical of modernity and considered
³savagery´ to be a useful antidote to modernity and a way of protecting robust,
manly, self-reliant boyhood.54 In his book, The Gospel of the Redman, Seton
stated³,KDGDYLVLRQIRUP\SHRSOH,GUHDPHGRIDPDQZKRVKRXOGEHFOHDQ
manly, strong, unsordid, fearless and kind, gentle with his strength, dignified,
VLOHQWDQGIULHQGO\«ILOOHGZLWKUHOLJLRQWKDWZDVEXLOWQRWRIERRNV«EXWRIDGHVLUH
WRKHOSWKRVHZKRKDGQHHGRIKHOS«DPRQJXV- here- now- WRGD\´55 After
searching for a model to fulfill his vision of ideal manhood and outdoor life, Seton
settled on the North American Indian.56 He explained³%\DOOWKHHYLGHQFHDW
hand, his was a better system, a better thought, because it produced far nobler,
better men. He, more than any type I know, is the stuff that fires our highest
GUHDPVRIPDQKRRGUHDOL]HGFRPSOHWH«RXUWUDYHOJXLGHRQWKHIRXU-fold way
WKDWOHDGVWRSHUIHFWPDQKRRG´57
Seton endeavoured WRXVHWKHLPDJHRIWKH³5HGPDQ´DQGWKHYDOXHV
associated with that image to guide the development of a primitive outdoor life for
young people. His goal was to influence North Americans to live an outdoor life
for one month each year. He began with youth.58 6HWRQ¶VSKLORVRSK\is indicative
of early twentieth century anxieties about modernism. A backlash against
modernism occurred as early as the Romantic Movement in which the antimodern aspect of the wilderness was idealized. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, an
202
eighteenth century French philosopher, was one of the first critics of modernism.
A primitivist, Rousseau argued that humans should incorporate primitive qualities
into their civilized lives.59 He considered pre-modern cultures that lived amongst
nature to be more virtuous than progressive civilizations. Rousseau and Seton
EHOLHYHGWKDWWKH³noble savage´uncorrupted by the influences of civilization,
was more worthy and noble than any product of modern civilization. 60
While society looked upon the invented Aboriginal favourably at this time,
it viewed contemporary Aboriginals stereotypically as being drunk and lazy.
SHWRQ¶VERRNVDQGZRRGFUDIWPRYHPHQWZHUHXQLTXHEHFDXVHWKH\SURPRWHGWKH
Aboriginal -albeit the invented Aboriginal - as a role model for North American
youth.61 6HWRQ¶VHQGRUVHPHQWRI1DWLYHZD\VPHDQWWKDWKHFRQstantly defended
their position: ³,QVSHHFKDIWHUVSHHFK,KDYHIRXJKWWKHLGHDWKDW,QGLDQVZHUH
cruel or lazy or vicious, and dwelt on their positive virtues - among these their
VHQVHRIKXPRUDQGWKHLUGHHSUHYHUHQFH´62 Deloria points out that in order for
Aboriginals to be authentic, they could not exist within modern society.63 To
reaffirm modern identity, people had to experience the opposite of modern, which
was the primitive.64 6HWRQ¶VSKLORVRSK\LOOXVWUDWHVDUHVSRQVHWRDFULVLVLQLGHQWLW\
in which he employed the invented AboriJLQDODVWKHDQWLGRWH2IFRXUVH6HWRQ¶V
philosophy would have been quite different had Aboriginal peoples not already
been colonized, and their land conquered. They posed little threat to the
dominant culture, and, because of this, 6HWRQ¶VLGHDVDERXWSUimitive life
flourished. It was not long before his ideas made their way into Ontario camps.
203
Constructing a Temporary Society
Representation of the primitive at camp emphasized two main things: the
difference between camp and the city and the connection between camp and the
wilderness. The atmosphere at camp was that of a different world to the
campers, with camp names taken from Aboriginal languages, totem poles,
tepees, tribes, and Indian Council ring. These symbols were significant for
creating a temporary society at camp. Indian lore was a convenient framework
through which to foster the following attractive features at camp: make-believe
and fantasy, adventure and fun, primitive life and connection to the land, and
finally, spirituality and belonging. Each of these features added to the polarity
between the city and wilderness and convinced campers that camp was unlike
anywhere they had ever been, adding to the list of unique elements of camp
discussed in Chapters IV and V. Aboriginal symbolism was also used as a way to
UHSUHVHQW&DQDGD¶VXQLTXHQHVVFRPSDUHGWR(XURSH, as Europe did not have
Aboriginal people.
6HWRQ¶VFDPSFUDIWERRN influenced many camp leaders, Taylor Statten
among them. ,QIDFWLQZKHQ6WDWWHQWRRNDJURXSRIER\V³RQDJypsy trip
IURP7RURQWRWR+DPLOWRQ´KHKDGMXVWUHFHLYHGDFRS\RI(UQHVW7KRPSVRQ
6HWRQ¶Vbook2QWKHWULSKH³WULHGWRDZDUGFRXSVDQGJUDQGFRXSVLQWKHVKDSH
RIIHDWKHUVIRUHYHU\FRQFHLYDEOHW\SHRIDFWLYLW\´DV6HWRQUHFRPPHQGHG65
When Statten established Ahmek, he intended it to be a training centre for
potential Canadian leaders, and set it up as a woodcraft camp with an emphasis
on Indian lore. In 1922, a very excited Statten welcomed Seton to Ahmek for ten
204
days, at a generous salary of twenty dollars per day. He taught the campers how
to construct a sweat lodge and conduct Council ring.66 According to Chick
Hendry, an Ahmek Staff member in the 1920s and 1930s, ³+LVUHSXWDWLRQ
preceded him and he most certainly lived up to the dramatic personage he was.
He moved about the camp as a mysterious presence, everyone in awe of him.
He was a strong, silent man who communed with nature more comfortably than
ZLWKKLVIHOORZPHQ´+HOLYHG in a large tepee in Wigwam Bay that later became
a centre for the entertainment of dignitaries visiting the camp from time to time. 67
Overall, 6WDWWHQ¶VFDPSLPSUHVVHGSeton. As Seton recommended,
Statten incorporated both totem poles (See Figure 6.1) and a Council ring at
camp. At a talk given to the &DPS'LUHFWRU¶VAssociation at Columbia University
in 1925, Statten declared: ³The camp Ideal may be visualized by means of a
huge totem pole which will tell in symbolic language the traditions and aims of the
camp. A comfortable and well-constructed Council ring is indispensable. It will
provide not only an arena, but also an atmosphere for many projects´68 ³:HLUG
Indian Totem Poles´IURP%&RUPDGHDWWKH5LGSDWK¶V&DELQHW6KRS³help to
stimulate the imagination and give character to the surroundings.´69 Further, it
was LPSRUWDQWWKDW³ZHLUGDSSHDULQJ\HWPHDQLQJIXOV\PEROL]HGGHVLJQVSDLQWHG
in bright colors on the buildings are full of interest and help to emphasize the fact
that we are away from the common-SODFHWKLQJVRIFLYLOL]DWLRQ´ 70 Much like the
deliberate emphasis on rustic buildings at camp, Aboriginal symbolism reinforced
to campers that they were in the wilderness and not in the city.
205
During his stay at Ahmek, Seton helped to establish the Council ring.
According to Adele Ebbs6WDWWHQ¶VGDXJKWHU ³+HVFDUHGPHVLOO\+HKDGUXOHV
and regulations about Council ring that made it very unpleasant as far as I was
FRQFHUQHG´71 $W$KPHN¶VZHHNO\&RXQFLOULQJ³7KH&KLHI´6WDWWHQ¶VQDPHDW
camp, dressed in full Indian regalia and campers arrived with their faces painted
and wrapped in coloured blankets.72 Figure 6VKRZV$KPHN¶V&RXQFLOULQJLQ
1923, outfitted with a totem pole, Indian tribe names, and Statten in the centre in
his headdress. The significance of Council ring is described by an Ahmek staff
PHPEHULQZKRH[SODLQHGWKDW³,QGLDQOLIHSOD\VDSURPLQHQWSDUWLQWKH
activities of Ahmek. Saturday nights without the Council ring, would be like pork
ZLWKRXWDSSOHVDXFH´73
Indeed, Statten was the expert in providing information about camp Indian
lore. In fact, camps such as Kilcoo DGRSWHG$KPHN¶V&RXQFLOULQJFHUHPRQ\74 In
1938, Ahmek published a book detailing Council ring procedure in response to
the demand from other camp directors.75 Figure 6.3 shows Kilcoo¶V Council ring
with a totem pole, campers dressed in blankets adorned with headbands,
feathers and face paint, and adults in headdress. A boy in the middle of the
picture appears to be smoking a pretend peacepipe ± or perhaps a real one.
Bruce Hodgins, whose parents bought the original Wanapitei in 1955, reports
VHHLQJRQHSLFWXUHRI&RXQFLOULQJDW$UFKLEDOG¶V:DQDSLWHLLQZKLFKWKHFDPSHUV
are wrapped in blankets sitting on the ground in a ring around a fire. Archibald
was dressed as the Chief.76 7KH<0&$FDPS:DELQDNLUXQE\+RGJLQV¶IDWKer
206
EHIRUHKHDQGKLVZLIHERXJKW:DQDSLWHLDGDSWHGWKHLU&RXQFLOULQJIURP6WDWWHQ¶V
format. :DEDQDNL&RXQFLOULQJ³IROORZLQJDOPRVWWRWDOO\WKH$KPHNDUUDQJHPHQW´
was then transferred to Wanapitei.77 Records indicate that Wapomeo had its own
&RXQFLOULQJIRUDWLPHDQGHYHQWXDOO\MRLQHG$KPHN¶V&RXQFLOULQJ*%&DQG
Tanamakoon also had Council rings with some of the same principles, but also
some differences that are explored later.
Figure 6.1: Camp Ahmek, early 1920s. Notice the totem pole in the centre and
tepees left and right. Ahmek brochure 1926, Box 1-28, TSCA.
207
Figure 6.2 and 6.3: Ahmek Council ring 1923, Taylor Statten ³&KLHI´LQWKH
middle (above). Kilcoo Council ring 1934 (below) 80-014/1/5, TUA; 72-007/1/6, TUA.
208
Figure 6.4: Taylor Statten in Council ring outfit, 1924.
99-1008 Alan Van Every Collection, TUA.
209
6XH(EEV7D\ORU6WDWWHQ¶VJUDQGGDXJKWHUGHVFULEHG6WDWWHQDV³steeped
in anything Indian´ and so Council ring and Indian lore fit in very well with his
persona (see Figure 6.4).78 6XH¶VPRWKHU$GHOH6WDWWHQ¶VGDXJKWHU, adds ³'DG
always loved the theatre and I think this is why [he had] Council ring, because it
was a spectacle...It was always done very precisely, well-organized, wellplanned. Some of us were in fear trembling that someone would do the wrong
WKLQJDQGVSRLOWKHDWPRVSKHUH´79 In fact, Statten incorporated his passion for
Indian lore into all facets of his life. In interviews, both Adele and Sue Ebbs
referred to Taylor Statten as ³&KLHI´DQGEthel Statten DV³7RQHNHOD´80 an
OjibZD\QDPHPHDQLQJ³\RXILUVW´81 This is an indication that spectacle and
fantasy were part of the appeal of Indian lore and especially enticing to Statten,
who was a showman at heart.
Aboriginal naming was another tool used to help enforce the special camp
culture. When Mary Hamilton chose a name for her camp the context of
Algonquin Park influenced her decision. SKHWKRXJKW³6LQFHLWZDV$OJRQTXLQ
Park an ,QGLDQQDPHVHHPHGLQHYLWDEOH´ 82 She collected 200 possible names
from books by Pauline Johnson, Seton, and others.83 Eventually she settled on
Tanamakoon meaning "Hail fellow, well met."84 Statten named Ahmek for the
2MLEZD\ZRUGIRU³EHDYHU´DQG:DSRPHR IRU³ELUGVRIVXQVKLQHDQGODXJKWHU´ 85
Wanapitei is the name of the lake at the first site of the camp that meant "oblong
body of water, full to overflowing" in Anishnabai.86 The very name of the camps
meant the atmosphere was very different from home and connected campers to
the wilderness ± in which they, too, played Indian.
210
To add to the personal connection between the Aboriginal and the
campers, the leaders organized the campers into tribes. Kilcoo grouped boys into
the Senecas, Iroquois, Mohawks, Apaches, and the Blackfeet.87 At Tanamakoon
it was the Chikasaws, Ojibways, Siouxs, and Crees.88 The tribes did not
necessarily reflect the geographical location of the camp. Mary Northway
explained that for the GBC tribes ³none...I believe had the remotest connection
ZLWKRXUSDUWRIFHQWUDO2QWDULR´89 At GBC, instead of organizing tribes by age
group, girls spanning all ages made up the tribes.90 The campers picked the
tribe name each year and the leaders gave them reference books about North
American tribes to help them choose. They selected a colour scheme, tribal
VRQJWULEDO\HOOOHDGHUVKLSDQGPHHWLQJSODFHFDOOHG³FRXQFLOURFN´ for the tribe.91
The Iroquois tribe of 1924 elected a tribal chief, scroll keeper, water sports
captain, land sports captain, firekeeper, and runner. They selected the colours
green for the trees and grass and gold for the sunshine. The tribal yell went as
IROORZV³:HDUHWKHWULEHRIWKHJUHHQDQGWKHJROG A tribe of Indians brave and
bold: I-R-O-Q-U-O-I-S- Iroquois! Rah-Tah!! Rah-7DK´92 According to John
*LOFKUHVW0DU\(GJDU¶VQHSKHZZKRHYHQWXDOO\WRRNRYHUGBC, ³The whole
camp programme is built around tribal competition, tribal programmes at night for
which you gain points, tribal events, so that one was able to announce at the end
RIDVXPPHUWKDWDSDUWLFXODUWULEHZDVVXSHULRUWRDQRWKHU´93
Likewise at Ahmek, Statten stated WKDW³(very individual in camp...should
be identified with a group or tribe. This is the basic unit in our temporary society.
It takes the place of the home. Every member will work for the best interests of
211
WKLVWULEDOIDPLO\JURXS´94 They also used this to create a feeling of unity and
belonging and to emphasize democratic principles.95 The Ahmek Council ring
represented four tribes, the Oneida, Mohawk, Ojibway, and Seneca, each with a
totem or symbol.96 If Ahmek campers showed spirit and superior woodcraft skill,
they could be admitted into a special tribe with an Aboriginal name. In 1923, Alan
Van Every was admitted into both the Wahtes-Westah, Baby Beaver Lodge of
the Ahmek tribe and the Ahmekhonse-Westah, Little Beaver Lodge, of the
Ahmek tribe. Van Every was pUDLVHGIRUKLV³WUXH$KPHNVSLULW
WRZDUGVFRPUDGHV´DOZD\V³IROORZLQJWKHIRXU-IROGWUDLO´DQGVNLOOLQZRRGORUH
DQGFDPSFUDIW)LQDOO\*LWFKLDKPHNRU7D\ORU6WDWWHQUHIHUUHGWRDV³&KLHIRI
$KPHN7ULEH´QDPHGKLP1eebaw, PHDQLQJ³,VWDQGXS´VHH)igure 6.5).97
Aboriginal naming and the tribe system allowed for a deeper sense of community
and belonging at camp, thereby personally connecting campers to their summer
society.
Although there was no evidence of a Council ring at Camp Temagami,
there was interaction between Aboriginals and the campers, likely due to the
SUR[LPLW\RIWKHFDPSWRWKH%HDU,VODQGUHVHUYH&RFKUDQH¶VGDXJKWHUV
explained that Cochrane ³RIWHQJRWDYHU\JRRG,QGLDQXSWKHUHWRGHPRQVWUDWH
[canoeing]...the boys would be seated on the steps...overlooking...he took the
canoe and showed them all the strokes. And they would perform them
WKHPVHOYHV´98 In the 1920s, this practice continued as a UCC publication
explained that ³&KLHI:KLWHEHDU«ZLOOVKRZWKRVHLQGXVWULRXVO\LQFOLQHG,QGLDQ
ways of doing certain things, from making a bow and arrow to building a cabin.
212
:KLWHEHDUDOVRKDVPDQ\³ZULQNOHV´RIZRRGFUDIWZRUWKNQRZLQJ´99 In addition,
during the annual Temagami canoe race, the Aboriginals from Bear Island
competed showing their proficiency in canoeing.100
At Ahmek, Statten employed Ojibway Indians from the Golden Lake
reserve to build an Indian Village at Ahmek as shown in Figure 6.6. A resident
Aboriginal from the reserve, dressed in traditional clothing, spent the summer
working in the village. Nishanobi (see Figure 6.7), son of a Chief, was one of the
resident Aboriginals that Hedley G. Dimock, son of Hedley S. Dimock, one of the
authors of Camping and Character, remembers most.101 According to H.G.
'LPRFN³KHZDVWKHUHVLGHQWLQIRUPDWLRQRQ$ERULJLQDOFXOWXUHDQGVNLOOV
HVSHFLDOO\SDGGOLQJ´102 Campers helped him to build birch bark canoes, birch
bark teepees, an Indian sweat lodge, model snow shoes, totem poles, paddles,
D[HKDQGOHVDQG³RWKHUDUWLFOHV,QGLDQVNQRZEHVWKRZWRPDNH´103 As a camper
in the 1930s, Dimock used to watch him work and was fascinated. He explains,
³1RZ,¶PDOLWWOHNLG± so somebody making a canoe, somebody making a bow
and arrow out of pieces of wood...Taking real bird feathers to glue on an
arrow«´104 The Indian Village was open and campers could walk in anytime and
get involved or ask him to help with a paddling stroke.105 One can imagine how
exciting this would be to young non-Aboriginal boys. In the summer of 1930,
Hotan-Tonka (sound-of-the-wind-through-the-pines) son of Migisi, Chief of the La
Pointe Band of Lake Superior Chippewas, came to Ahmek. He served in WWI,
wrote many articles on Indian lore, and also a book called Ojibway Trails, a
collection of Indian legends. He spent the summer at Ahmek showing the
213
FDPSHUV³the habits and customs of the Indian, and how to make such practical
things as moccasins, tom-toms, totem poles, costumes, tepees and many other
useful and decorative objecWV´106 Interaction with real Native people made camp
even more enticing and special to campers. The Aboriginals hired to work at
camp represented the invented Aboriginal, not the modern-day Aboriginal
because their role at camp did not reflect their authentic lives. Dressing in
traditional clothing and making traditional things emphasized the past, not the
present.
Like Statten, Mary Edgar was passionate about Aboriginal culture (see
Figure 6.8 of GBC); however, her enthusiasm came in a different form. Whereas
Aboriginal visitors at Ahmek worked on woodcraft projects, visitors to GBC mostly
participated in camp life and told stories. In 1934, Edgar read about Dawendine
of the Mohawks who recited Indian legends and verses at the Canadian
WRPHQ¶V&OXELQ%UDQtford.107 After graduating from high school in Caledonia,
Ontario, the town of Brantford invited Dawendine to substitute for a man who was
giving an address on Indian craft. This changed the course of her life. From this
time on she embarked on a series of lectures and recitals through Ontario and
New York.108 Inspired, Edgar invited Dawendine to the Granite Club in Toronto,
where she performed in IURQWRIFDPSHUVDQGFRXQVHOORUV³'DZHQGLQH¶V
appearance satisfied all our expectations of how a real Indian daughter of a
0RKDZNFKLHIVKRXOGORRNDQGZKDWVKHVKRXOGZHDU´ 109 After this, Edgar
invited her to come to GBC for a few weeks in the summer.
214
While at camp, Dawendine welcomed questions from campers and often
sat down with them individually or in groups to talk about the things they wanted
to know.110 $FFRUGLQJWR(GJDU'DZHQGLQH³heartily approved´RIWKHGBC
Council ring ceremony. She attended Council ring each Saturday of her visit and
sat with Edgar in the seat of high council. Dawendine contributed to Council ring
with either a legend, interpretation of an Indian ritual, or a closing prayer in the
Mohawk language. Edgar described her parWLFLSDWLRQDV³WKHhigh-light of the
evening´111
3HUKDSVXQOLNHWKHYLVLWRUVDWER\V¶FDPSVFDPSHUVOHDUQHGPRUHDERXW
the modern-day Aboriginal at GBC rather than just the historical Aboriginal.
Dawendine was proud of her heritage, which could be traced back to the
founders of the great Peace League. Her father was Chief Sah-ren-ho-wan-ne of
the Mohawks Sachem, the last of an ancient chieftainship line. However,
Dawendine sometimes spoke of the hardships of her people, including poverty
and restrictions on the reserve. For example, growing up, Dawendine and her
two brothers walked a long distance to school. The government banned
Dawendine and the other Aboriginal students from speaking their own languages
at school and forced them to speak English only. In addition, after the long walk
to school, Dawendine and her brothers had wet feet all day. As a result,
Dawendine contracted tuberculosis and was confined to bed for six months.112
While Edgar was sympathetic to Dawendine and other Aboriginals who visited
camp, what she most loved were the legends and stories of the historical
Aboriginal. In a talk she gave in 1971 she explained:
215
Figure 6.5: Alan Van Every, tribal certificate of Indian name, 1923.
99-1008 Alan Van Every Collection, TUA.
216
Figure 6.6 and 6.7: Ahmek Indian Village (above). Nishanobi in the Ahmek
Indian Village with Ahmek campers (below).
Ahmek brochure 1926, Box 1-28, TSCA; Ahmek brochure, 1937, TSCA.
217
Figure 6.8: GBC 1920s around the camp totem pole.
82-009/3/3, TUA.
Governments, churches and many organizations are becoming
increasingly aware of the sad plight of many of our Indian citizens. In every
part of our land there is a new concern which should result in a better life
for them. Yet we hope the Indians will treasure their old legends, customs
and traditions and that the white race will learns to appreciate those things
that are unique and precious in their culture.113
Despite her good intentions, LWVHHPV(GJDU¶VIDVFLQDWLRQUHVWHG with the invented
AboriginDODQGQRWWKH³VDGSOLJKW´RIWKHPRGHUQ-day Aboriginal. The invented
$ERULJLQDOIXHOOHG(GJDU¶VDFWLYHLPDJLQDWLRQDQGVWRU\WHOOLQJ skills.
Camp leaders used the Aboriginal image as a marketing tool to appeal to
the adventurous spirit of boys, in particular. They capitalized on the popularity of
the likes of Pauline Johnson and Grey Owl, who embodied the image of the
idealized Aboriginal. Figure 6.9 shows Statten dressed in Indian regalia on the
218
cover of the 1955 Camp Ahmek brochure. The symbol of Camp Temagami was
the head of an Aboriginal adorned in a headdress, two paddles, and two
sturgeon.114 The 1932 Camp Wanapitei information booklet drew in potential
FDPSHUVE\DVNLQJ³:KDWER\KDVQRWGUHDPHGRIDGYHQWXUHLQWKHODQGRIWKH
Red-Skin"´As a reply, the brochure went RQWRVD\WKDW³&DPS:DQDSLWHLLV
situated in the very heart of the old Indian hunting grounds, where the lordly
moose and the timid red deer can be seen in the woods or along the shores of
WKHULYHURUODNH´$QRWKHUTXHVWLRQ³+DYH\RXHYHURQWKHWUDLOPHWDUHDO,QGLDQ
ZLWKKLVELUFKFDQRHRQKLVVKRXOGHUV"´$QGWKHUHSO\³:HOO\RX¶OOVHHPDQ\RI
them on your out-WULSVDURXQG&DPS:DQDSLWHL´$QGWKHILQDOVHOOLQJSRLQW
³7KHUH¶VDUHDO,QGLDQ5HVHUYHDQG+XGVRQ¶V%D\3RVt not far from Camp
:DQDSLWHL+HUHFDQEHVHHQ,QGLDQOLIHDWILUVWKDQG´115 Framed in this way,
what non-Aboriginal boy from the city would not be enticed by such a world?116
The GBC logo (see Figure 6.10) showed a young girl by a fire with a feather in
her hair. Through its marketing, camps reinforced the idea that the best Indian
was the imagined Aboriginal of the past.117
The founding camp directors argued that playing Indian was part of paying
respect to the First Nations of Canada. Jack Eastaugh, staff member at Ahmek
for many years, declared that Indian Council ring DW$KPHN³SODFHVWKH,QGLDQLQ
a favourable light. It portrays him as a noble, courageous, religiously motivated
KXPDQEHLQJ´118 In addition, the directors argued that Indian lore showed an
appreciation for the land and the simple wilderness life. Indian lore was also used
as an educational tool. In describing Indian day at Tanamakoon, Mary Hamilton
219
explained: ³7KHGD\ZLWKLWVFDPpfires, dances and songs, in no way caricatured
the Indian, but rather proved quite educational in showing the greatness of these
early inhabitants of our FRXQWU\´119 Yet, underneath the surface, camp leaders
used Indian lore as a tool to attract parents wishing for a wilderness experience
for their children and to convince campers that camp was fun and special. No
RWKHUHYHQWDWFDPSFDSWXUHGFDPSHU¶VLQWHUHVWTXLWHOLNH,QGLDQ&RXQFLOULQJ- the
culmination of Indian lore at camp.
Deconstructing Council ring
Council ring acted as the symbolic centre of camp, a sacred space, set up
away from the main area of camp, removed from buildings, and surrounded by
trees as depicted in Figure 6.11. As expressed by Dimock and Hendry:
Council ring is in a sense a picturesque and symbolic center of the life of
the camp. Clustered around its traditions are to be found many of the most
PHDQLQJIXOH[SHULHQFHVRIDFDPSHU¶VOLIHDW$KPHN«Council ring is the
one time during the week when the whole camp is gathered around the
FDPSILUH«,W is then that the camp kindles fires of friendship and the
deepest spirit of the camp becomes felt.120
It was a make-believe world where campers could let their imaginations run free.
Indian traditions created a sense of community and belonging and an enticing
and adventurous atmosphere for campers.121 As Jack Eastaugh, staff member at
Ahmek for many years noted³None of this [Council ring] can be said to have any
EDVLVLQIDFW´122 Since camp directors adopted Council ring from Seton and not
from authentic First Nations traditions, examining Council ring is a way to learn
about how non-Natives perceived Natives and which values they sought to
emphasize through Council ring.
220
Figure 6.9 and 6.10: Taylor Statten Camps brochure 1955 (above). GBC logo
1920s (below). 80-014/1/5, TUA; GBC brochure, TUA.
221
In 1938, Jack Eastaugh of Ahmek compiled a book called Indian Council
Ring to fulfill requests by camp directors and youth workers who wanted to learn
about implementing Council ring. First and foremost, the book recommended
³UHDFKLQJWRWKHFKLOG¶VOHYHORILQWHUHVW...GUHVVLQJWKHSDUW´DQGEHFRPLQJ
³HQFKDQWHG.´This underlines the role of fantasy and make-believe in Council ring.
Getting the campers excited was paramount to the success of Council. Campers
transformed themselves into Natives by applying war paint, and wearing blankets
and headbands to Council. When they heard the tom tom beat around camp,
they silently proceeded to Council ring led by three or four horses.123 To
³HQOLYHQ´WKHLQWHUHVWRIWKHFDPSHUV, the book suggests discovering an Indian
EXULDOJURXQGSULRUWR&RXQFLOULQJ,WJRHVRQWRDGGLWLV³up to you how far you
ZDQWWRJRZLWKLW´124 This indicates the element of façade in Council ring.
Drama and spectacle was always part of Council ring. Jack Sivers, a
Kilcoo counsellor in the 1930s opened Council ring with ³0HHWXK&ROD0D\WWRQ
Po 2PQLVKHHHPHH6KRZSHH´ZKLFKWUDQVODWHs WR³+HUe my friends. We are
DERXWWRKROGDFRXQFLOILUH´7KH&KLHI, Plewman, then dramatically arrived by
canoe dressed in full Indian regalia including a headdress adorned with eagle
feathers.125 After this, the book suggested WKDWWKH³ULWXDORIWKHPHGLFLQHPDQ´be
incorporated. The medicine man emerged from tepee with DORXGFU\³dressed in
some weird costume with many things trailing. If he wears bells around his ankles
and wrists and carries a couple of rattles, WKHHIIHFWFDQEHTXLWHVWDUWOLQJ´126 The
biggest spectacle of the evening was lighting the council fire. The Chief repeated
³/LJKWZHQRZWKHFRXQFLOILUHEXLOWDIWHUWKHPDQQHURIIRUHVWFKLOGUHQ1RWELJ
222
OLNHWKHZKLWHPDQ¶VZKHUH\RXPXVWVWDQGDZD\RIIVRIURQWDOOURDVWDQGEDFNDOO
gooseflesh; but VPDOOOLNHWKH,QGLDQ¶VVRZHPD\VLWFORVHDQGIHHOWKHZDUPWKRI
ILUHDQGIULHQGVKLS´127 The Ahmek book suggested fire by friction as the best
method for atmosphere. Other options were to string wire from the top of a cliff to
the fire and send a ball of cloth soaked in kerosene down, or to shoot a flaming
arrow.128 As the years went on, lighting the fire became more and more creative,
adding more drama to the evening. For instance, one year a medicine man
performed a dance ending with the transfer of fire from a clay bowl to the council
fire triggering a small bottle of sulphuric acid by a hidden string into a mixture of
potassium chlorate and sugar to produce a cracking.129 Similar chemical
explosions were common at Kilcoo.130
Wanapitei Council in the 1960s added an additional element to the
program. After the fire was lit, the Chief commented on the feeling of unrest
among the tribes. A member of the Ottawa tribe stood and accused the
Chippewa tribesmen of driving their wild deer from their hunting ground. In reply,
the Chippewas argued that they did this because the Ottawas stole their furs.
The Chief of the Micmacs then accused the Ojibways of stealing their corn, and
the Ojibway Chief said that the Sioux gave them the corn, and they must have
stolen it from the Micmacs. The Wanapitei Council took place on the water and in
response to all the arguing a figure appeared on the water standing in a canoe lit
by torches that appeared to be propelling itself. It was ZKDWWKH\FDOOHGWKH³Great
White Spirit´Once on land the Spirit spoke to the Council of the need for peace.
As a sign of friendship, the Chief asked the tribal leaders to heel and toe dance
223
Figure 6.11 and 6.12: Ahmek Council ring (above). GBC Council ring (below).
Ahmek brochure 1926, Box 1-28, TSCA; 82-009/3/3, TUA.
224
around fire with drums. When the drums stopped, the leaders stopped dancing
and came forward to smoke the peace pipe.131 7KLVZDV:DQDSLWHL¶V
interpretation of conflict resolution among Aboriginals.
Games testing balance, agility, and strength followed and added athletic
challenge and fun to Council ring. These were not games usually found in the city
as they were supposed to reflect games of the braves. The Chief said ³)ROORZLQJ
the custom of the redmen, we are about to permit the braves to display their skill.
For many moons, they have been practicing and developing their muscles until
now they are ready to challenge all comers before the honoured guests of our
council.´ 132 Games included leg wrestling in which opponents lay on their backs
shoulder to shoulder with inside arms locked and one leg raised and locked. The
objective was to pull down until one person rolled over. Badger pull was tug-ofwar in which the rope went around the body. Cat on the log matched two
opponents on a log with one hand behind with the goal of knocking the other off
balance and off the log. The Ahmek book suggested that ³whenever possible
LQYHQWDQ,QGLDQVWRU\WRJLYHWKHJDPHPRUHJODPRXU´ 133 The story suggested
for Pat and Mike went as follows:
There were once two boasters who finally exasperated the chief with their
continuous claims of wonderful achievements. At a council such as ours
these two men were ordered to fight a duel. They were afraid of knives,
tomahawks and arrows, but they agreed to lightweight clubs. Their battle
ground was the darkened forest and they took turns at swatting one
another by calling names and attempting to knock false scalps from the
RWKHU¶VKHDG 134
In Pat and Mike, the opponents were blindfolded lying on their stomachs with left
hands joining. Each player had a canvas bag and tried to hit the other one in the
225
head.135 The water boiling contest, appealing most to older campers, tested their
abilities to boil water with only a log, knife, and hatchet.136
Hiawatha, the legendary Chief who worked to unify the tribes, also had a
place in Council ring. Toward the end of Council, Hiawatha and his council ±
enacted by a group of older boys draped in red blankets ± danced into the
Council ring and sat around the fire. Hiawatha tells the council that he has heard
the call of the great spirit and must depart. He reminds his warriors that he has
made them a united nation and that peace prevails. He implores them to glory in
his achievements and not to mourn his departure. He sings a moving song as he
walks away and the red blanketed men respond in song. This is repeated as
+LDZDWKD¶VYRLFHEHFomes more and more distant.137 Elizabeth Shapiro
GHVFULEHG³WKHUH-enactment of the death of Hiawatha who climbeGDFOLII´WREH
³YHU\PRYLQJ)RUDWHQ\HDUROGJLUO,IRXQGWKLVTXLWHDZHLQVSLULQJ´138 From an
analytical perspective, the departure of Hiawatha can also symbolize the
disappearance of the First Nations at the hands of non-Aboriginals in North
America.
The Chief of council (Statten) stepped forward and said³2XUFKLHI
+LDZDWKDKDVGHSDUWHGLVWKHUHDQ\RQHWRWDNHKLVSODFH"´ He then went on to
describe how some braves offered themselves as worthy successors and some
of the tests they endured such as walking on hot coals. He then reminded the
group that all such tests of courage and endurance, while praiseworthy, are as
nothing compared to the demands of the high office held by Hiawatha. The true
test comes when you are alone ± beset with doubts and fears and tempted to
226
rely on your own resources or man-made weapons.139 At such times you need to
call on the great spirit as in the Omaha Tribal Prayer. Wakanda dhe dhu, wa pa
dhin a ±ton he ± ZKLFKWUDQVODWHGPHDQV³)DWKHUDQHHG\RQHVWDQGVEHIRUH
WKHH,ZKRVLQJDPKH´ 140
GBC¶V&RXQFLOULQJ(see Figure 6.12) had some of the same elements as
$KPHN¶V&RXQFLOULQJEXWZDVPXFKOHVVRIDVSHFWDFle, although it was still a
solemn occasion. The GBC tribes arrived from separate directions to the
secluded Council ring in the glen. The campers, dressed in blankets and
feathers, waited in silence as Mary Edgar, the Chief, arrived and stepped up on
the &KLHI¶VUock and raised her arm in salutation to the tribes. Rather than the
spectacle that was part of lighting the fire at Ahmek and Kilcoo, Edgar lit the fire
herself.141 The words recited by Edgar while lighting the fire revolved around
God, not the First Nations. She said:
Kneel always when you light a fire!
Kneel reverently and thankful be
)RU*RG¶VXQIDLOLQJFKDULW\.142
Council took on more of a meeting atmosphere than a show. They made
announcements of camp awards and tribal honours.143 There was a system of
recognition which awarded feathers to campers, ³VRLI\RXVWD\HGWKHUHORQJ
HQRXJK\RXKDGIHDWKHUVDOODURXQG\RXUKHDG´144 Tribes competed against each
other in various areas, such as nature study, water sport, land sport, and literary
and dramatic work. The leaders in each area were announced at Council.145 This
was followed by contests similar to those held at Ahmek, in which girls
challenged each other. For instance, the stork contest tested to see who could
227
stand on one leg longest.146 One such game is pictured in Figure 6.13. Following
this, they read the Scroll, a collection of poems and writings by the campers.
Each camper was required to write at least one piece during the summer. Each
tribe had a reader who read contributions from its members.147 Council ring
closed with the Torch Light Ceremony in which each tribe passed the council fire,
lit their torches, saluted the Chief and then departed the Council ring. 148
While there were many similar elements between GBC¶V&RXQFLODQG
$KPHN¶VVXch as the secluded atmosphere, the role of the Chief, campers
dressing up, the council fire, and challenges, GBC¶V&RXQFLOZDVQRWQHDUO\DV
ELJDVSHFWDFOHDVZDV$KPHN¶VAs established previously, Taylor Statten was a
showman and this translated into all aspects of Ahmek including Council ring. He
was so intent on the fantasy of the Aboriginal that authenticity did not matter. For
instance, a former staff member described an incident at Ahmek in which
someone exposed another staff member as being non-Native after claiming he
was Native. Statten met him at a %R\V¶ Work convention in Chicago and hired
him as staff at Ahmek. When another staff member found out that the man was
QRW1DWLYHDWDOOKH³grew indignant and threatened to expose this faker in
IHDWKHUV´,QUHVSRQVH6WDWWHQGHFODUHG, ³:KHQ,KLUHGKLPKHVDLGKHZDVDQ
,QGLDQDQGDVIDUDVWKHER\VDUHFRQFHUQHGKHLVRQH$QGKH¶VJRLQJWRJR
ULJKWRQEHLQJRQHDVORQJDVKH¶VDURXQGFDPSHYHQLILWNLOOV\RXKLP± or the
ERWKRI\RX´149 Clearly, appearances were much more important to Statten than
the truth. Like Seton, he used the constructed image of the Aboriginal for his own
purposes, which included drama and spectacle.
228
Figure 6.13: Games at GBC Council Ring (see Edgar at top of picture).
99-1008, TUA.
Edgar, a writer, loved stories and legends and had a vivid imagination,
which explains the literary element to GBC¶V&RXQFLOULQJ Many of the passages
in the Scroll included made-up Aboriginal legends written by campers. Thus, for
(GJDU&RXQFLOULQJVWRULHVIHGWKHFDPSHU¶VLPDJLQDWLRQVDQGLQYLWHGWKHPWR
fantasize about their camp as a sacred Aboriginal campsite. Inviting Aboriginals,
like Dawendine, to tell legends of their people only enhanced this vision. As a
result, spectacle and drama were less important to Edgar compared to Statten.
One can imagine that make-believe was probably a very attractive feature
of Council ring for both ER\V¶ and JLUOV¶ camps. Pretending to be Native one night
a week was an exciting and adventurous event for the campers. Physical games
and challenges allowed the campers to physically connect with the make-believe
atmosphere and participate in games different from the city. In addition, gathering
229
the whole camp together in a solemn ceremony gave a sense of belonging,
connection, and spirituality to all involved. Council ring made campers feel that
camp was a special place where they participated in activities and ceremonies
like no where they had ever been.
Reaction to Indian Lore
Ceremony and tradition in some form was part of every camp. Most of the
camps in this study had a closing banquet or dinner at the end of the season in
which they served a special meal and decorated the dining hall. GBC had a
closing vesper service one night in which campers made their way to the hilltop
FKDSHODQGOLWDFDQGOHIURPDIODPHRQWKHDOWDU/HDGHUVUHSHDWHG³may this light
be a symbol of the pure white light your lives will shed now and through the years
to come. Keep the radiance of your ideals every bright, and may the glow of your
OLIHOLJKWWKHZD\IRUPDQ\WRIROORZ´150 When the campers returned to their
cabins they blew out the candle and saved it. The following Sunday, when they
returned home, they lit it and thought of their camp friends.151 Edgar explainsed,
³(DFKFDPSZRUNVRXWVSHFLDOIHDWXUHVRILWVRZQ, which are unique. The greatest
value of a ceremony is that it expresses for the campers some underlying idea.
Its value grows as it becomes a tradition of the camp...Symbolism certainly has a
place in camp.´152 In these traditions, campers were their authentic selves, but
the Council ring ceremony presented a special case because campers pretended
to be people of another culture and stepped outside their true selves. NonNatives acted out elements that reflected the values and attitudes emphasized by
camp directors, rather than historical accurate Native traditions or cultures,
230
illustrating the sense of privilege exercised by camp directors. Indian lore and
Council ring did not relate to the modern day Aboriginal and their experience on
reserves or struggles with land claims. After WWII, elements of Council ring were
called into question.
In the early 1970s, an incident occurred at Ahmek in which two campers
approached Dr. Tay Statten, Ahmek GLUHFWRUDQG7D\ORU6WDWWHQ¶VVRQDQG
complained that Council ring mocked the North American Indian. The boys
suggested that the out-dated ceremony should cease. In response to the
complaint, in the next Council ring instead of wearing his usual regalia Dr. Tay
wore a military beret, a hunting jacket, and carried a walking cane. Instead of the
usual fire lighting and peace pipe ceremonies, he made a statement about
pollution and the consequence of poor environmental control. He emphasized his
statement by emptying a garbage bag of gum wrappers and pop cans that he
had collected on the way up to the Council ring. There was a mixed reaction to
this change. Eastaugh, Assistant Director at Ahmek in the early 1970s explained,
³7KHWUDGLWLRQDOLVWVZHUHFRndemnatory and voiced the opinion that while it was
DQLQWHUHVWLQJHYHQLQJWKH\KRSHGLWZRXOGQ¶WUHSODFHWKH&RXQFLOULQJ7KHWZR
lads who had championed the Indians felt that it was a suitable substitute´ 153
Another incident in the early 1970s involved an Aboriginal staff member at
Wapomeo who approached Adele Ebbs after Council ring (at this time Wapomeo
and Ahmek had Council ring together). According to Ebbs, she said, ³,¶PYHU\
XSVHW,GRQ¶WNQRZLI,FDQVWD\DWFDPSDQ\PRUH,ZDVVRVKRFNHGWRgo to
&RXQFLOULQJODVWQLJKWKDYLQJWRZDWFK\RXSHRSOHPDNHIXQRIP\SHRSOH´ 154
231
$GHOHZDVVKRFNHGDWKHUUHDFWLRQDQGFRQWHQGHG³:HQHYHUPDGHIXQRIWKH
,QGLDQV:HGLGQ¶WWKLQNZHZHUH´6KHWDONHGWRKHUEURWKHU, Dr. Tay, and again
at the next Council ring, Tay did not wear the headdress or the Indian suit,
instead he wore a jacket and a beret. It is not clear whether these incidents were
LQWKHVDPH\HDU:KLOH(EEVGLGDGGUHVVWKHVLWXDWLRQDQGDGPLWWHGWKDW³LWZDV
a lesson to us to be more carefuO´LWLVFOHDUWKDWVKHGLGQRWV\PSDWKL]HZLWKWKH
position of the young Aboriginal ZRPDQ:KHQDVNHGLQDQLQWHUYLHZ³'LGVKH
>WKHVWDIIPHPEHU@HYHUFRPHWRUHDOL]HWKDWLW>&RXQFLOULQJ@ZDVRXWRIUHVSHFW"´
$GHOHUHSOLHG³1R6KHZDVYHU\VWUDQJH´Ebbs explains that she received a
letter from the woman after a white water canoe trip not associated with
:DSRPHRDQGVDLGWKDW³VKHDJDLQKDGWKHVDPHIHHOLQJWKDWZKLWHPDQZDV
trying to control the water...was not appreciating that this was nature doing its
RZQWKLQJ$QGZKLWHPDQVKRXOGQ¶WWU\WRFRQTXHULW´,Qfurther statements, Ebbs
revealed that her real opinion about Aboriginals was that they should assimilate.
About the Aboriginal woman described in the incidents above, she asserted: ³6R
she had this thing well in-bred. And she turned out to be sort of schizo [sic],
which was very sad. She was the daughter of...the chief of the Curve
,QGLDQV6KHFRXOGQHYHUUHDOO\DVVLPLODWH´155
Hedley G. Dimock, a long time camper at Ahmek in the 1930s, explained
WKDW&RXQFLOULQJLQWKHV³EHFDPHDKRWSRWDWR´DQG'U7D\LQYLWHG
representatives from the Golden Lake tribe to come to camp and meet with
campers who were complaining about Council ring. In the end, they worked out
some kind of compromise.156 It is not clear what followed, but from my
232
experience as a camper at the Taylor Statten Camps in the 1990s, Council ring
was identical in format to the one in the 1930s. Thus, it seems that changes were
made briefly to appease complaints, since the camp had insufficient knowledge
of genuine Native traditions to fall back on. Once the complainers were gone,
Council ring went right back to the traditional style.
These complaints did not inspire contemplation about what Council ring
really represented and what the subsurface reasons were for its presence at the
Taylor Statten Camps year after year. Council ring was a tradition at both Ahmek
and Wapomeo that was part of the root from which the camps were grown. This
tradition was based on the perception of the traditions of another culture and was
adopted by Taylor Statten for his own purposes. Council ring was intact from the
beginning and became so intertwined with Ahmek and Wapomeo that letting it go
meant losing part of the social fabric of the Taylor Statten Camps. This is clearly
problematic and an example of cDPSGLUHFWRU¶VH[HUFLVLQJDVHQVHRISULYLOHJH.
$W+RGJLQV¶:DQDSLWHLWKHUHZDV&RXQFLOULQJEXWWKHUHZHUHQRWRWHP
poles or Aboriginal naming. Bruce W. Hodgins, argued WKDW³FDELQVQDPHGDIWHU
WULEHVLVVRSKRQH\LW¶VEH\RQGEHOLHIEHFDXVHWKHVWDIIGRHVQ¶WKDYHDQ\LGHD
ZKDWWKHGLIIHUHQFHLVEHWZHHQ,URTXRLVSHRSOHDQG$OJRQTXLQ´+RGJLQVEHOLHYHV
that the proximity to Aboriginals in Temagami made the Temagami camps more
sensitive to the people since Bear Island was so close and there was more
interaction with real Aboriginal peoples.157
Around 1978, Wanapitei stopped having Council ring. At this time there
ZDVFULWLFLVPIURPWKH\RXQJHU$ERULJLQDOVDVVRFLDWHGZLWK:DQDSLWHLDQG³LQD
233
YHU\VRSKLVWLFDWHG´ZD\WKH\UHFRPPHQGHGWKDW+odgins re-examine Council
ring. $FFRUGLQJWR+RGJLQV³7KHQH[WJHQHUDWLRQRI,QGLDQVZRXOGQ¶WKDYH
WROHUDWHGLW7KH\FRXOGQ¶WGRDQ\WKLQJDERXWLWEXWWKH\ZRXOG¶YHEHHQYHU\YHU\
FULWLFDO´158 7KHGHFLVLRQWRUHPRYH&RXQFLOULQJ³KDGEHHQVORZO\EXLOGLQJ:H
GLGQ¶WKDYHWRVWRS%XW,NQRZZHZRXOG¶YHDOOEHHQHPEDUUDVVHG´159 During my
interview with Hodgins, about Council ring he explained, ³,UHDOO\IHHOVWURQJO\WKDW
LWLVZURQJQRZEXW,GLGQ¶WWKHQ>SULRUWR@QRUGLG,ZKHQ,ZDVD\RXQJ
DGXOW´160
Despite these incidents, some have argued that Indian lore at camp
elicited interest in and support for Aboriginal communities. Eastaugh suggests
that former campers and staff have gone on to develop an interest in Indian
history. Artists John Hall and Elford Cox pursued Aboriginal arts and crafts.
Murray AGDVKLQ¶V$OJRQTXLQ6\PSKRQ\includes strains of the moving song that
accompanied +LDZDWKD¶V'HSDUWXUH at the end of Council ring.161 According to
Hedley G. 'LPRFN³$JUHDWGHDORIP\LQWHUHVWDVDSURIHVVLRQDOFRQVXOWDQW
working with Indian affairs was derived from feeling so positive and so interested
LQ$ERULJLQDO&DQDGLDQV´'LPRFNZDVa major force in helping Quebec
Aboriginals. He explained WKDW³DJUHDWGHDORIP\ELDVVXSSRUWLQJWKH,QGLDQV
came out of...those early experiences pretending to be Indians, imagining...their
culture, to look at what they were doing, to read some of the old tales of James
Fenimore Cooper, The Last of the Mohicans, The Pathfinder, The Trailblazer´162
7KDWEHLQJVDLG'LPRFN¶V motivation rested in a make-believe world of the
historical Aboriginal depicted in books and at camp.
234
When Mary Northway was a camper at GBC VKH³had never seen an
Indian and far less knew anything of...historical dealings or misdealing with
them.´163 As an adult Northway admitted WKDW³DQWKURSRORJLFDOVWXdy conflicted
rather severely with my early notions of the life of the North American Indian, and
even now I still retain a visual image of an Indian as a fellow clad in a
manufactured blanket´+RZHYHUVKHcontended that ³the enjoyment of the
pseudo-Indian antics was great, and I do not think that myths do children any
harm provided that they can grow from them to accept reality and still look back
on their childhood enjoyments with pleasure.´164 Surprisingly though, Northway
was the person that introduced concern about Aboriginal representation at camp
to the camping community.
In an address given to the Manitoba Camping Association in 1946,
Northway took a stand against inauthentic Indian representation by suggesting
that ³1DWLYH&DQDGLDQV¶ZD\RIOLIHKDVEHHQQRZKHUHPRUHJUHDWO\GLVWRUWHGWKDQ
LQRXUSUHVHQWVXPPHUFDPSV´165 She went and declared:
,VQ¶WLWWRREDGWKDWWKHRQO\FRQFHSWLRQVRPHRIRXUFDPSHUVOLYLQJLQ
haunts so recently inhabited by Indians, have is that Indians were a
people who met on Saturday nights dressed in blankets from Eaton¶VDQG
the Hudson Bay store and engaged in marshmallow eating contests,
singing battles, and a good many athletics derived from some book on
modern UHFUHDWLRQDOJDPHV«:RXOGQ¶WDgeneration of Canadian children
gain more if they learned a little of what we had done to the Indians and
what their present rights and living are? Or are we ashamed of it.166
As previously established, Ahmek Council ring was not based on first-hand
knowledge of First Nations culture. (DVWDXJKRI$KPHNDGPLWV³:HDUHJXLOW\RI
disregarding cultural facts. Indian Lore at summer camp has not limited itself to
archaeological truth. We have stolen the tipi from the people of the plains, the
235
grotesque and marvellously hideous masks of the Iroquois, the birch bark crafts
of the Hurons and the R[h]ythmic design of the Haidas and Kootenay Indians of
WKH:HVW&RDVW´167 In an address given by Northway to the Manitoba Camping
Association in 1946, she suggested that campers be told about the authentic
experiences and struggles of &DQDGLDQ$ERULJLQDOV³, believe we could refrain
from presenting fiction as fact, myth as reality, ZLVKDVDFKLHYHPHQW´6KHGid not
advocate removing Indian lore altogether as she explained: ³/HW¶VKDYHVWRULHV
legends, fantasies presented as story, legend and fantasy, for imagination is one
of the greatest human gifts, but the highest imaginative concepts are always
based on realism and the greatest romance is founded on the knowledge of
WKLQJVDVWKH\DUH´168
Linda M. Gerber asked: ³'RHVDUH-enactment of past cultural patterns do
justice to present day Indians, or does it perpetuate stereotypical images of
primitiveness that interfere with relations between Indians and non-Indians
WRGD\"´169 Gerber sees camp directors DV³JDWHNHHSHUs controlling access into a
QHZDUHDRIDVVRFLDWLRQDOUHODWLRQVKLSV´170 She suggested that a consensus as
WR³,QGLDQRSLQLRQ´DERXWFDPSSURJUDPVFRXOGEHUHDFKHGLI$ERULJLQDOV were
invited to discuss their opinion. Camp programs would then modify their
programs to reflect the wishes of the Native people thereby providing
³OHJLWLPDWLRQLQWKHH\HVRITXHVWLRQLQJ\RXQJFDPSHUV´171 In this way,
Aboriginals would be given a say in determining how their culture is presented to
non-Native youth.172
236
The literature does not address the current opinion of Council ring in the
camping community, but illustrates that, post-WWII, the camp community began
to re-examine the representation of Aboriginal peoples in Council ring and
whether Council ring should be amended or even discontinued. It seems that in
one respect, the attempt to create a unique camp culture based on antimodernism went too far for some. Indian lore and Council ring, in particular,
became contentious in the camping community. While some camps like
Wanapitei and Tanamakoon eliminated Council Ring, other camps, like
Wapomeo and Ahmek, held on to their adopted tradition. The idealized image of
the Aboriginal was an invented RQH7KLVZDVH[HPSOLILHGE\6HWRQ¶VLGHDVRI
primitive life, famous Canadian Aboriginals like Pauline Johnson, Indian lore at
camp, and through camp advertising.
Elements of Aboriginal culture were selectively chosen by camp directors
in order to enhance values deemed important for the creation and maintenance
of a unique camp culture based on an anti-modern premise. Just as Seton used
the image of the Aboriginal to propel his philosophy, so did camp directors. Since
historically, Aboriginals were perceived to be aligned with nature, the wilderness
context of camp plus the anti-modern tenets of camp made the historical
Aboriginal a convenient component of the temporary camp society. Aboriginals
were a direct link to the past and the ideals associated with the perceptions of the
past, which is what camp directors tried to emulate. Sharon Wall and Abigail A.
Van Slyck argue that playing Indian was a form of cultural appropriation in which
the dominant culture selectively exploited and excluded historical context from
237
discourse.173 $ERULJLQDOVZHUHHVVHQWLDOO\³XVHG´DVDQH[DPSOHRIDZD\Rf life
that would entice youth and create a world in which certain ideals could be
fostered.
In Going Native, Shari M. Huhndorf contends that encouraging campers to
play Indian temporarily during the summer emphasized the superiority of the
dominant culture.174 Council ring and other Indian traditions depicted Aboriginal
peoples as primitive or pre-modern, and white people as progressive and
modern.175 During the summer, campers knew that camp was temporary and
while Indian lore was fun, it was not reality. Reinforcing the connection between
Natives and a primitive past contributed to a sense that true Indian culture had
disappeared, just like Hiawatha, and helped to sustain the superiority of the
hegemonic culture in North America.176 In this way, Indian lore at camp helped to
support racial hierarchies, even if this was not the conscious intention of camp
directors.177
238
Endnotes
1
Ernest Thompson Seton, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist: The Autobiography of Ernest Thompson
Seton 1HZ<RUN&KDUOHV6FULEQHU¶V6RQV
2
Seton, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist, 106.
3
Seton, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist, 106.
4
Seton, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist, 106.
5
6KDURQ:DOO³7RWHP3ROHV7HHSHHVDQG7RNHQ7UDGLWLRQVµ3OD\LQJ,QGLDQ¶DW2QWDULR6XPPHU
&DPSV´Canadian Historical Review 8.3 (Sept. 2005): 520-:DOO¶VDUWLFOHXVHV
similar sources and content as WKLVFKDSWHU7KLVFKDSWHUGLIIHUVIURP:DOO¶VDUWLFOHGXHWRWKH
inclusion of data from interviews done by the author, a detailed deconstruction of Council ring,
DQGPRUHRIDIRFXVRQGLIIHUHQFHVLQ,QGLDQORUHDWER\V¶FDPSVDQGJLUOV¶FDPSV
6
Daniel Francis, The Imaginary Indian: The Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture (Vancouver:
Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992), 8
7
Francis, 8.
8
Francis, 221.
9
Don Morrow and Kevin B. Wamsley, Sport in Canada: A History (Toronto: Oxford University
Press, 2005), 15.
10
Morrow and Wamsley, 16.
11
Francis, 221.
12
Francis, 123.
13
Francis, 52.
14
Francis, 59.
15
Marie Battiste and James Youngblood Henderson, Protecting Indigenous Knowledge and
Heritage: A Global Challenge (Saskatoon: Purich Publishing Ltd., 2000), 21, 31.
16
+HDWKHU'XQORS³7KH Role and Image of Wilderness and the Aborigine in Selected Ontario
Shield Camps (MA thesis, Trent University, 1997),154-155.
17
Francis, 123.
18
Francis, 59.
19
Patricia Jasen, Wild Things: Nature, Culture and, Tourism in Ontario, 1790-1914 (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1995), 85.
20
Francis, 59.
21
Francis, 59.
239
22
0DU\(GJDU³$'LVWLQJXLVKHG9LVLWRU´-010/1/5, MSE, TUA.
23
Barb Gilchrist and John Gilchrist, 83-002/005/017, SVRC, TUA.
24
Mary Edgar³$'LVWLQJXLVKHG9LVLWRU´MSE, OCA.
25
0DU\6(GJDU³2XU,QGHEWHGQHVVWR2XU,QGLDQ)ULHQGV´-007/5/5, OCA, TUA.
26
Gilchrist and Gilchrist, SVRC, TUA.
27
Francis, 117.
28
Francis, 117.
29
Francis, 118.
30
Francis, 113-114.
31
Francis, 131.
32
Francis, 138.
33
Francis 132.
34
Francis, 135.
35
Francis, 137, 140.
36
Francis, 123.
37
Francis, 142.
38
Francis, 143.
39
Seton, Trail of an Artist-Naturalist, 106; ³+LVWRU\RI2QWDULR&DPSLQJ´-007/2/11, OCA, TUA.
40
Abigail A. Van Slyck, A Manufactured Wilderness: Summer Camps and the Shaping of
American Youth, 1890-1960 (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2006),
172.
41
Ernest Thompson Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore (Garden City, New York:
Doubleday Press and Co., 1926), 483.
42
Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore, 202-203.
43
Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore, 202-203.
44
Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore, 202, 203, 217, 218.
45
th
Ernest Thompson Seton, Manual of the Woodcraft Indians: The 14 Birchbark Roll (Garden
City, NY: Double Day, Page and Co, 1915), xv.
46
Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore 183.
240
47
Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore 183.
48
Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore, 484.
49
Francis, 146.
50
Philip J. Deloria, Playing Indian (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), 108.
51
³+LVWRU\RI2QWDULR&DPSLQJ´-007/2/11, OCA, TUA.
52
Ernest Thompson Seton, as quoted in Roderick Frazier Nash, Wilderness and the American
Mind (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2001), 148.
53
Seton, Manual of the Woodcraft Indians, xvi.
54
Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore, v, vi; Wall, 520-521; Van Slyck, 172.
55
Ernest Thompson Seton, as quoted in 5REHUW3DJH/LQFROQ³6LGHOLJKWRQ6HWRQ´Hardings
Magazine,1949 Vol. xxcix No. 10, 85-005/1/8, ETS, TUA.
56
5REHUW3DJH/LQFROQ³6LGHOLJKWRQ6HWRQ´ETS, TUA.
57
5REHUW3DJH/LQFROQ³6LGHOLJKWRQ6HWRQ´ETS, TUA.
58
Seton, Manual of the Woodcraft Indians, 3.
59
Nash, 47, 49.
60
John Barry, Environment and Social Theory. (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 55.
61
Francis, 146.
62
Seton, The Book of Woodcraft and Indian Lore, v, vi.
63
Deloria, 115.
64
Deloria, 105, 156.
65
Statten, as quoted in C.A.M. Edwards, Taylor Statten: A Biography (Toronto: Ryerson Press,
1960), 22.
66
Edwards, 85, 88.
67
&KLFN+HQGU\³-RWWLQJVRQD-RXUQH\´-001/1/22, JAE, TUA.
68
Edwards, 94.
69
Ahmek brochure, 1932, Box 1-28, TSCA.
70
Taylor Statten, ³.LQGlLQJ&KDUDFWHULQ&DPS´-019/13/10, OCA Additions, TUA.
71
Adele Ebbs 2, 83-002/010/009, SVRC, TUA.
241
72
Fires of Friendship: Eighty Years of the Taylor Statten Camps (Toronto: The Taylor Statten
Camps, 2000), 24.
73
Ronald H. Perry ed., Canoe Lake Echoes 3.1 (May 1931),82-016/2/8, RHP, TUA.
74
John Latimer, Maker of Men: The Kilcoo Story (Transcontinental Printing, 1999), 176-177,179180,189.
75
-DFN(DVWDXJK³,QGLDQ&RXQFLOULQJ´-010, Heather Dunlop fonds [hereafter HD], TUA
76
Bruce W. Hodgins, interview by author, May 7, 2009, Peterborough, Ont.
77
Hodgins interview.
78
Sue Ebbs, interview by author, June 11, 2009, Bradford, Ont.
79
Harry and Adele Ebbs, 83-002/005/027, SVRC, TUA.
80
Adele Ebbs, 83-002/002/010 SVRC, TUA.
81
Ebbs, SVRC, TUA; Ebbs interview.
82
Mary G. Hamilton, The Call of the Algonquin: A Biography of Summer Camp (Toronto: Ryerson
Press, 1958), 14.
83
Hamilton, 14.
84
Hamilton, 14.
85
Fires of Friendship, 15.
86
+RGJLQV³:DQDSLWHLRQ7HPDJDPL´
87
Latimer, 9.
88
Hamilton, 18-19, 53.
89
0DU\1RUWKZD\³%OXH/DNHDQG5RFN\6KRUHEDQTXHWVSHHFK´0-016/1/35, Northway
Additions [hereafter NA], TUA.
90
GBC brochure 1923, 72-007/1/2, OCA, TUA.
91
Gilchrist and Gilchrist, SVRC, TUA; GBC brochure 1923, TUA.
92
³7KH/DVW&RXQFLO)LUHLQWKH*OHQ´The Scroll, 1924, 72/007/1/3, OCA, TUA.
93
Gilchrist and Gilchrist, SVRC, TUA.
94
6WDWWHQ³.LQGlLQJ&KDUDFWHULQ&DPS´2&$ Additions, TUA.
95
6WDWWHQ³.LQGlLQJ&KDUDFWHULQ&DPS´2&$ Additions, TUA.
96
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
242
97
Van Every Tribal Certificate, 99-1008 Alan Van Every Collection, TUA.
98
Nora Cochrane and Aileen Cochrane, 83-002/007/011, SVRC, TUA.
99
The College Times, (Easter 1924), UCCA, 44.
100
Dunlop, 102.
101
Ahmek brochure, 1937, Box 1-27, TSCA.
102
Hedley G. Dimock, interview by author, May 13, 2009, Milton, Ont.
103
Ahmek brochure, 1937, TSCA.
104
H.G. Dimock interview.
105
H.G. Dimock interview.
106
³1HZ)DFHV´ Canoe Lake Echoes 3.1 (May 1930) 82-016/2/8, RHP, TUA.
107
³'DZHQGLQHRIWKH0RKDZNV´-010/1/2, MSE, TUA.
108
³'DZHQGLQHRIWKH0RKDZNV´06(78$.
109
³'DZHQGLQHRIWKH0RKDZNV´06(78$.
110
³'DZHQGLQHRIWKH0RKDZNV´MSE, TUA.
111
³'DZHQGLQHRIWKH0RKDZNV´MSE, TUA.
112
³'DZHQGLQHRIWKH0RKDZNV´06(78$.
113
(GJDU³2XU,QGHEWHGQHVV´2&$78$
114
Camp Temagami: A Summer Camp for Men and Boys, est. 1900, (pamphlet, text-fiche, 1915).
115
Wanapitei Information Booklet, 1932, 72-007/2/5, OCA, TUA.
116
Wanapitei information booklet, 1932, TUA.
117
Jasen, 176.
118
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
119
Hamilton, 149.
120
Hedley S. Dimock and Charles E. Hendry, Camping and Character: A Camp Experiment in
Character Education (New York: Association Press, 1929), 75.
121
122
Wall, 514.
:-(DVWDXJK³,VWKHUH6WLOOD3ODFHIRUWKH,QGLDQ&RXQFLOULQJ&HUHPRQ\"´-010/1/9, MSE,
TUA.
243
123
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
124
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
125
Latimer, 177
126
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
127
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
128
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
129
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
130
Latimer, 180, 183.
131
Indian Night 1966, 92-000/2/7, Hodgins Collection, TUA.
132
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
133
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
134
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
135
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
136
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
137
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
138
Elizabeth Shapiro, email interview by author, May 3, 2009.
139
Eastaugh, MSE, TUA.
140
Eastaugh, HD, TUA.
141
The Scroll, 1924, 72/007/1/3, OCA, TUA.
142
The Scroll, 1924, OCA, TUA.
143
The Scroll, 1924, OCA, TUA.
144
Mary Northway, 83-002/002/005, SVRC, TUA.
145
Northway, SVRC, TUA.
146
Northway, SVRC, TUA.
147
Northway, SVRC, TUA.
148
Northway, SVRC, TUA.
149
Jack Mosher, ³2OG&DPSHU´7KH$KPHN%RRN(May 31, 1944), TSCA.
244
150
The Scroll, 1928, 72/007/1/3, OCA, TUA.
151
The Scroll, 1928, 72/007/1/3, OCA, TUA.
152
0DU\6(GJDU³7KH8VHRIWKH6\PEROLFLQ&DPSLQJ´-007/5/16, OCA, TUA.
153
Eastaugh, MSE, TUA.
154
Adele Ebbs 2, 83-022/010/009, SVRC, TUA.
155
Ebbs 2, SVRC, TUA.
156
H.G. Dimock interview.
157
Hodgins interview.
158
Hodgins interview.
159
Hodgins interview.
160
Hodgins interview.
161
Eastaugh, MSE, TUA.
162
H.G. Dimock interview.
163
0DU\1RUWKZD\³%OXH/DNHDQG5RFN\6KRUHEDQTXHWVSHHFK´-016/1/35, NA, TUA.
164
1RUWKZD\³%OXH/DNH and Rocky Shore banquet speech,´NA, TUA.
165
0DU\/1RUWKZD\³&DQDGLDQ&DPSLQJ,WV)RXQGDWLRQDQG,WV)XWXUH´DGGUHVVJLYHQWRWKH
Manitoba Camping Association, May 1946, 97-009/1/4, Adele Ebbs Fonds, TUA.
166
Northway, Adele Ebbs Fonds, TUA.
167
Eastaugh, MSE, TUA.
168
NoUWKZD\³&DQDGLDQ&DPSLQJ,WV)RXQGDWLRQDQG LWV)XWXUH´OCA Additions, TUA.
169
/LQGD0*HUEHU³,QGLDQ&XOWXUHLQ&DPS3URJUDPV,WV5HOHYDQFHWRWKH1DWLYH3HRSOHRI
7RGD\´$SU-010/1/9, MSE, TUA; Note: It is not clear in the archives who Linda M.
Gerber is or whom she is addressing.
170
Gerber, MSE, TUA.
171
Gerber, MSE, TUA.
172
Gerber, MSE, TUA.
173
Wall, 516; Van Slyck, 212, 213.
174
Van Slyck, 207.
175
Wall, 532-533.
245
176
Van Slyck, 212.
177
Van Slyck, 212, 213.