Libro ANUARIOMEDIEVAL42/1.indb

Transcription

anuario
de estudios
medievales
anuario
de estudios
medievales
Volumen 42
Nº 1
enero-junio 2012
484 págs.
ISSN: 0066-5061
Volumen 42
Sumario
Barcelona (España)
ISSN: 0066-5061
MONOGRÁFICO:
LA PREDICACIÓN MEDIEVAL:
SERMONES CRISTIANOS, JUDÍOS E ISLÁMICOS EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO
INSTITUCIÓN MILÀ I FONTANALS
CSIC
http://estudiosmedievales.revistas.csic.es
www.publicaciones.csic.es
enero-junio 2012
anuario de estudios medievales Volumen 42 | Nº 1 | 2012 | Barcelona
MONOGRÁFICO:
LA PREDICACIÓN MEDIEVAL: SERMONES CRISTIANOS, JUDÍOS E ISLÁMICOS
EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO
Jones, Linda G., Presentación.
Debby, Nirit Ben-Aryeh, Visual rhetoric: images of Saracens in Florentine churches.
Hanska, Jussi, Preachers as historians. The case of the destruction of Jerusalem in
70 AD.
Jones, Linda G., Islam al-kafir fi hal al-khutba: concerning the conversion of “infidels”
to Islam during the Muslim Friday sermon in Mamluk Egypt.
Muessig, Carolyn, Roberto Caracciolo’s sermon on the miracle of the stigmatization
of Francis of Assisi.
Saperstein, Marc, The quality of rabbinic leadership in the generation of expulsion.
Walker, Paul E., Islamic ritual preaching (khutbas) in a contested arena: Shi‘is and
Sunnis, Fatimids and Abbasids.
Zarri, Gabriella, Predicazione e cura pastorale. I Sermoni della clarissa veneziana
Chiara Bugni (1471-1514).
Bizzarri, Hugo O., Sermones y espejos de príncipes castellanos.
Ilan, Nahem, Between an oral sermon and a written commentary: a consideration of
rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s polemic in his Avot commentary.
Qutbuddin, Tahera, The sermons of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib at the confluence of the core
Islamic teachings of the Qur’an and the oral, nature-based cultural ethos of seventh
century Arabia.
Martín, José Carlos; Iranzo Abellán, Salvador, Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092): estudio de su tradición manuscrita, edición crítica y traducción.
Renedo, Xavier, Tres notes sobre l’Ars predicandi populo de Francesc Eiximenis (autoria, datació i contingut).
Ferragud, Carmel; Olmos de León, Ricardo M., La cetrería en los ejemplos, símiles
y metáforas de san Vicente Ferrer.
Nº 1
CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTÍFICAS
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,661
MONOGRÁFICO:
SERMONES CRISTIANOS, JUDÍOS E ISLÁMICOS EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO
CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTÍFICAS
Volumen 42 Nº 1 enero-junio 2012 Barcelona (España) ISSN: 0066-5061
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES (AEM)
Publicado por la Institución Milà i Fontanals del CSIC
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ISSN: 0066-5061
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ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES
SUMARIO DEL PRIMER FASCÍCULO
Págs.
SUMARIO ................................................................................................................. V-X
PRESENTACIÓN ........................................................................................................ XI
AFILIACIÓN INSTITUCIONAL DE LOS MIEMBROS DEL CONSEJO EDITORIAL ............. XIII-XV
RELACIÓN DE COLABORADORES DEL PRIMER FASCÍCULO ....................................... XVII-XX
TEMAS MONOGRÁFICOS / MONOGRAPHIC SUBJECTS:
LA PREDICACIÓN MEDIEVAL: SERMONES CRISTIANOS, JUDÍOS E ISLÁMICOS
EN EL M EDITERRÁNEO / M EDIEVAL PREACHING : C HRISTIAN , J EWISH AND
ISLAMIC SERMONS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN.
— Linda G. JONES, Presentación ............................................................................ 3-6
— Nirit Ben-Aryeh DEBBY, Visual rhetoric: images of Saracens in Florentine
churches / Retórica visual: imágenes de sarracenos en iglesias florentinas .......... 7-28
— Jussi HANSKA, Preachers as historians.The case of the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD / El predicador como historiador. El caso de la destrucción de
Jerusalén en el 70 DC ............................................................................................. 29-52
— Linda G. JONES, Islam al-kafir fi hal al-khutba: concerning the conversion of
“infidels” to Islam during the Muslim Friday sermon in Mamluk Egypt / Islam
al-kafir fi hal al-jutba: sobre la conversión de los “infieles” al Islam durante el
sermón del viernes en el Egipto mameluco............................................................. 53-75
— Carolyn MUESSIG, Roberto Caracciolo’s sermon on the miracle of the stigmatization of Francis of Assisi / El sermón de Roberto Caracciolo sobre el milagro
de los estigmas de Francisco de Asís ...................................................................... 77-93
— Marc SAPERSTEIN, The quality of rabbinic leadership in the generation of
expulsion / El carácter del liderazgo rabínico en la generación de la expulsión .... 95-118
— Paul E. WALKER, Islamic ritual preaching (khutbas) in a contested arena: Shi‘is
and Sunnis, Fatimids and Abbasids / La predicación litúrgica islámica (jutab) en
un terreno de confrontación: chiíes y suníes, fatimíes y abasíes ............................ 119-140
— Gabriella ZARRI, Predicazione e cura pastorale. I Sermoni della clarissa veneziana Chiara Bugni (1471-1514) / Preaching and pastoral care. The Sermoni of
the Venetian Clarissan nun Chiara Bugni (1471-1514) ......................................... 141-161
— Hugo O. BIZZARRI, Sermones y espejos de príncipes castellanos /Sermons and
Castilian mirrors of princes .................................................................................... 163-181
— Nahem ILAN, Between an oral sermon and a written commentary: a consideration of rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s polemic in his Avot commentary / Entre
sermón oral y comentario escrito: una reflexión sobre la polémica del rabino
Joseph Ben Shoshan en su comentario sobre el Avot ............................................. 183-199
VI
SUMARIO
— Tahera QUTBUDDIN, The sermons of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib at the confluence of
the core Islamic teachings of the Qur’an and the oral, nature-based cultural ethos
of seventh century Arabia / Los sermones de ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib en la confluencia
entre las enseñanzas islámicas del Corán y la ética cultural basada en las tradiciones orales sobre la naturaleza de la Arabia del sigloVII................................... 201-228
— José Carlos MARTÍN, Salvador IRANZO ABELLÁN, Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s.
Vincentio (CPL 1092): estudio de su tradición manuscrita, edición crítica y traducción / Justus of Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092): study of his manuscript
tradition, critical edition and translation ............................................................... 229-251
— Xavier RENEDO, Tres notes sobre l’Ars predicandi populo de Francesc Eiximenis (autoria, datació i contingut) / Three notes on the Ars predicandi populo of
Francesc Eiximenis (authorship, date and content) ............................................... 253-271
— Carmel FERRAGUD, Ricardo M. OLMOS DE LEÓN, La cetrería en los ejemplos,
símiles y metáforas de san Vicente Ferrer /Falconry in the examples, similes and
metaphors of saint Vincent Ferrer .......................................................................... 273-300
BIBLIOGRAFÍA / BIBLIOGRAPHY
NOTAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS
— Juan ABELLA SAMITIER, Selección de documentos de la villa aragonesa de
Sos (1202-1533), por Miguel Á. PALLARÉS JIMÉNEZ ............................................. 303
— Beatriz ARÍZAGA BOLUMBURU, Jesús Á. SOLÓRZANO TELECHEA (eds.), Construir la ciudad en la Edad Media, por Jacobo VIDAL FRANQUET .......................... 303-304
— Rafael BENÍTEZ SÁNCHEZ-BLANCO, Juan Vicente GARCÍA MARSILLA, Norberto PIQUERAS SÁNCHEZ (eds.), Entre tierra y fe. Los musulmanes del reino
cristiano de Valencia (1238-1609), por Ferran ESQUILACHE MARTÍ...................... 304-306
— Ramón CHESÉ LAPEÑA, Col·lecció diplomàtica de Sant Pere d’Àger fins
1198, por Jose Ángel LEMA PUEYO ........................................................................ 306-308
— María Victoria CHICO PICAZA, Laura FERNÁNDEZ FERNÁNDEZ (eds.), II Jornadas complutenses de Arte Medieval, por Laura MOLINA LÓPEZ ........................ 308-312
— Rafael CONDE Y DELGADO DE MOLINA (ed.), De Barcelona a Anagni para
hablar con el Papa. Las cuentas de la Embajada del Rey de Aragón a la Corte
de Bonifacio VIII (1295), por Peter LINEHAN ......................................................... 312
— Luís Vicente DÍAZ MARTÍN, Pedro I el Cruel (1350-1369), por Maria Teresa
FERRER I MALLOL ........................................................................................................ 312-313
— Francesca ESPAÑOL, Francesc FITÉ (eds.), Hagiografia peninsular en els segles medievals, por Diana Lucía GÓMEZ-CHACÓN ................................................. 313-316
— Joan FERRER I GODOY, Diplomatari del monestir de Sant Joan de les Abadesses (995-1273), por Lluís TO FIGUERAS ................................................................. 317-318
— Bruno FIGLIUOLO (ed.), Corrispondenza di Giovanni Pontano, segretario dei
dinasti aragonesi di Napoli (2 novembre 1474-20 gennaio 1495), por Raúl GONZÁLEZ ARÉVALO ...................................................................................................... 318-319
— Jean FLORI, Las Cruzadas, por Máximo DIAGO HERNANDO ............................. 319-320
— Carlos J. GALBÁN MALAGÓN, A Guerra dos Irmandiños (1465-1469), por
César OLIVERA SERRANO ....................................................................................... 320
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. V-X
ISSN 0066-5061
SUMARIO
VII
— Ernesto GARCÍA FERNÁNDEZ, Federico VERÁSTEGUI COBIÁN, El linaje de la
casa de Murga en la historia de Álava (ss. XIV-XVI), por Beatriz MAJO TOMÉ .... 320-322
— Francisco GARCÍA FITZ, La Reconquista, por Máximo DIAGO HERNANDO...... 322-323
— José Damián GONZÁLEZ ARCE, Gremios y cofradías en los reinos medievales
de León y Castilla, Siglos XII-XV, por Germán GAMERO IGEA .............................. 323-324
— Enric GUINOT, Sergi SELMA, Les séquies de l’Horta Nord de València: Mestalla, Racanya i Tormos, por Ferran ESQUILACHE MARTÍ ...................................... 324-325
— Isabella IANUZZI, El poder de la palabra en el siglo XV: fray Hernando de
Talavera, por Ana ECHEVARRÍA .............................................................................. 325-326
— Véronique LAMAZOU-DUPLAN (dir.), Anne GOULET, Philippe CHARON, Le
cartulaire dit de Charles II roi de Navarre, por Íñigo MUGUETA MORENO ........... 326-328
— Antonio MALPICA CUELLO, Rafael G. PEINADO SANTAELLA, Adela FÁBREGAS GARCÍA (eds.), Historia de Andalucía. VII Coloquio, por Raúl GONZÁLEZ
ARÉVALO .................................................................................................................
328-330
— Guillermo NIEVA OCAMPO, Silvano G.A. BENITO MOYA, Andrea NAVARRO
(coords.), Servir a Dios y servir al Rey. El mundo de los privilegiados en el ámbito hispánico (ss. XIII-XVIII), por Margarita CANTERA MONTENEGRO................ 330-331
— Joan PAPELL I TARDIU (ed.), Compendium abreviatum. Còdex del monestir de
Santa Maria de Santes Creus dels segles XV i XVI, de fra Bernat Mallol i fra Joan
Salvador, por Jordi MORELLÓ BAGET .................................................................... 331-332
— Josep PERARNAU I ESPELT, Beguins de Vilafranca del Penedès davant el tribunal d’Inquisició (1345-1346): De captaires a banquers?, por Albert REIXACH
SALA ........................................................................................................................ 332-333
— Elena E. RODRÍGUEZ DÍAZ, Antonio Claret GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ (eds.), La escritura de la memoria: Los Cartularios. VII Jornadas de la Sociedad Española
de Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, por Fermín MIRANDA GARCÍA .............. 333-334
— Saturnino RUÍZ DE LOIZAGA, Iglesias, santuarios y ermitas dedicados a Santa
María en los pueblos de España según documentación de los registros del Archivo Vaticano (siglos XI-XV), por Margarita CANTERA MONTENEGRO ..................... 334-335
— Sant Ermengol, bisbe d’Urgell (1010-1035). Història, art, culte i devocions,
por Montserrat CASAS NADAL................................................................................. 335-336
— Jesús Ángel SOLÓRZANO TELECHEA, Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo: Tratado sobre la división del Reino y cuándo es lícita la primogenitura, por Máximo DIAGO
HERNANDO ................................................................................................................... 336-337
— Guillermo TOMÁS FACI, Libro de rentas y feudos de Ribagorza en 1322, por
Mario LAFUENTE GÓMEZ ........................................................................................ 337-338
— Sandra DE LA TORRE GONZALO, El cartulario de la encomienda templaria de
Castellote (Teruel), 1184-1283, por Guillermo TOMÁS FACI ................................. 338-339
— Laura TRIAS FERRI, Índex lèxic i conceptual dels “Orígenes históricos de
Cataluña” de Josep Balari i Jovany, por Pere J. QUETGLAS ................................. 339
— Marcello VINDIGNI, I Cabrera, conti de Modica tra Catalogna e Sicilia: 13921480, por Alejandro MARTÍNEZ GIRALT ................................................................. 339-341
ISSN 0066-5061
VIII
SUMARIO
RESEÑAS
— Xavier BARRAL I ALTET, Le décor du pavement au Moyen Âge. Les mosaïques
de France et d’Italie, por Francisco de Asís GARCÍA GARCÍA ............................... 343-346
— Gemma Teresa COLESANTI, Una mujer de negocios catalana en la Sicilia del
siglo XV: Caterina Llull i Sabastida. Estudio y edición de su Libro Maestro 14721479, por María del Carmen GARCÍA HERRERO ..................................................... 346-347
— Concepción COSMEN ALONSO; María Victoria HERRÁEZ ORTEGA; María PEGÓMEZ-CALCERRADA (coords.), El intercambio artístico entre los reinos
hispanos y las cortes europeas en la Baja Edad Media, por Elena PAULINO MONTERO ........................................................................................................................ 347-350
LLÓN
— Luisa D’ARIENZO, La presenza italiana in Spagna al tempo di Colombo, por
Raúl GONZÁLEZ ARÉVALO ...................................................................................... 350-353
— Claude DENJEAN, La loi du lucre. L’usure en procès dans la Couronne
d’Aragon à la fin du Moyen Age, por Nicolas PLUCHOT ........................................ 353-354
— Ana ECHEVARRÍA ARSUAGA (ed.), Biografías mudéjares o la experiencia de ser
minoría: biografías islámicas en la España cristiana, por Maria Teresa FERRER I
MALLOL ........................................................................................................................ 354-358
— Lucien FAGGION, Laure VERDON (dirs.), Quête de soi, quête de vérité: du
Moyen Âge à l’époque moderne, por Léonard COURBON....................................... 358-359
— Jon A. FERNÁNDEZ DE LARREA ROJAS, José R. DÍAZ DE DURANA (eds.), Memoria e Historia. Utilización política en la Corona de Castilla al final de la Edad
Media, por Eloísa RAMÍREZ VAQUERO ................................................................... 359-361
— José Ángel GARCÍA DE CORTÁZAR Y RUIZ DE AGUIRRE, Estudios de Historia
Medieval de La Rioja, por Juan José LARREA ........................................................ 361-363
— Josep Maria GIRONELLA I GRANÉS, Els molins i les salines de Castelló
d’Empúries al segle XIV. La mòlta de cereals, el batanatge de teixits i l’obtenció
de sal en una vila catalana baixmedieval, por Albert MARTÍ ARAU ...................... 363-365
— Klaus HERBERS, Pilger Päpste Heilige. Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur europäischen Geschichte des Mittelalters, por Máximo DIAGO HERNANDO .................... 365-367
— José Antonio JARA FUENTE, Georges MARTIN, Isabel ALFONSO ANTÓN (eds.),
Construir la identidad en la Edad Media. Poder y memoria en la Castilla de los
siglos VII a XV, por Eloísa RAMÍREZ VAQUERO ..................................................... 367-369
— Nelly LABÈRE (coord.), Être à table au Moyen Âge, por Fernando SERRANO
LARRÁYOZ............................................................................................................... 369-371
— Miguel Ángel LADERO QUESADA, La Hacienda Real de Castilla. 1369-1504,
por Diana PELAZ FLORES ........................................................................................ 371-374
— Miguel Ángel LADERO QUESADA, Isabel I de Castilla. Siete ensayos sobre la
reina, su entorno y sus empresas, por Isabel GARCÍA CAPARRÓS........................... 374-376
— Carlos LALIENA CORBERA, Eric KNIBBS, El cartulario del monasterio aragonés de San Andrés de Fanlo (siglos X-XIII), por José Ángel LEMA PUEYO ........... 376-378
— Jesús LORENZO JIMÉNEZ, La dawla de los Banu Qasi: origen, auge y caída de
una dinastía muladí en la frontera superior de al-Andalus, por Christine MAZZOLI-GUINTARD ........................................................................................................... 379
ISSN 0066-5061
SUMARIO
— Francesc MASSIP, A cos de rei. Festa cívica i espectacle del poder reial a la
Corona d’Aragó, por Antoni ROSSELL.................................................................... 380-381
— Alicia MIGUÉLEZ CAVERO, Gesto y gestualidad en el arte románico de los
Reinos Hispanos: lectura y valoración iconográfica, por Mª Aitana MONGE
ZAPATA .................................................................................................................... 382-384
— Íñigo MUGUETA, El dinero de los Evreux. Hacienda y fiscalidad en el Reino
de Navarra (1328-1349), por Vicent BAYDAL SALA .............................................. 384-385
— Josefina MUTGÉ I VIVES, El monestir benedictí de Sant Pau del Camp de Barcelona a través de la documentació de cancelleria reial de l’Arxiu de la Corona
d’Aragó, Barcelona (1257-1510), por Araceli ROSILLO LUQUE ............................ 386-387
— José Manuel NIETO SORIA, Conflicto en escenas: la pugna política como representación en la Castilla bajomedieval, por Máximo DIAGO HERNANDO.......... 387-389
— Stéphane PÉQUIGNOT, Au nom du roi. Pratique diplomatique et pouvoir durant le règne de Jacques II d’Aragon (1291-1327), por Maria Elisa SOLDANI ...... 389-392
— Gian Luca POTESTÀ, El tiempo del Apocalipsis. Vida de Joaquín de Fiore, por
Michelina DI CESARE.............................................................................................. 393-394
— Roser SABANÉS, Els concilis ilerdenses de la província eclesiàstica tarraconense a l’Edat Mitjana (546-1460), por Jordi MORELLÓ BAGET ..................................... 394-396
— Philippe SÉNAC, Los soberanos carolingios y al-Ándalus (siglos VIII-IX), por
Máximo DIAGO HERNANDO.................................................................................... 396-397
— Jesús Ángel SOLÓRZANO TELECHEA, Beatriz ARÍZAGA BOLUMBURU (eds.),
La gobernanza de la ciudad europea en la Edad Media, por Máximo DIAGO
HERNANDO ........................................................................................................... 397-399
— Fabrizio TITONE, Governments of the Universitates: Urban Communities of
Sicily in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, por Albert REIXACH SALA ........ 400-403
— María Isabel UBIETO ARTUR, Los Centros de Documentación Histórica y sus
bibliotecas especializadas. La Biblioteca de Antonio Ubieto Arteta, medievalista
aragonés del siglo XX, por Jose A. MUNITA LOINAZ.............................................. 404-405
— Arnau de VILANOVA, Tractatus de Humido Radicali, Michael R. MCVAUGH
(ed.), Chiari CRISCIANI, Giovanna FERRARI (intrs.), Arnaldi de Villanova Opera
Medica Omnia, v. 2, por Carmel FERRAGUD .......................................................... 405-407
RESEÑAS CONJUNTAS
— Cinco libros sobre Jaime I el Conquistador: historiografía, sociedad, iconografía, comercio y legislación, por Luciano José VIANNA ..................................... 409-417
— Corrispondenza degli Ambasciatori Fiorentini a Napoli, por Raúl GONZÁLEZ
ARÉVALO ................................................................................................................. 417-418
— Un nou pas en la recuperació de la documentació altmedieval catalana:
l’edició dels diplomes de l’Arxiu Comtal de Barcelona fins a Ramon Berenguer IV,
por Jesús ALTURO I PERUCHO ................................................................................. 419-430
PUBLICACIONES RECIBIDAS / BOOKS RECEIVED .................................. 433-437
ÍNDICES / CONTENTS........................................................................................ 439
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X
SUMARIO
ÍNDICE ALFABÉTICO DE AUTORES DEL PRIMER FASCÍCULO DE 2012 ....................... 441-448
ÍNDICE DE ILUSTRACIONES DEL PRIMER FASCÍCULO DE 2012 ................................. 449
NORMATIVA DE LA REVISTA AEM / GUIDE TO AEM’S CONTRIBUTORS . 451-459
PUBLICACIONES DEL DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIAS HISTÓRICAS–ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, DE LA INSTITUCIÓN MILÀ I
FONTANALS, CSIC (BARCELONA) ............................................................... 461-463
BOLETÍN DE SUSCRIPCIÓN / SUBSCRIPTION FORM .............................. 465
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, p. XI
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PRESENTACIÓN
El fascículo 42/1 (junio 2012) del “Anuario de Estudios Medievales” da un
paso más en algunas de las restructuraciones ya anunciadas y en la implementación
de algunos de los cambios ya iniciados en el volumen anterior.
En primer lugar, culmina la definitiva implantación del DOI (Digital Object
Identifier). Si, con gran esfuerzo, el fascículo 41/2 (diciembre 2011) ya se migró por
completo a la nueva normativa editorial de la revista –introducida a raíz de la imposición del DOI por parte del Departamento de Publicaciones del CSIC a partir de
2012–, el sacrificio realizado entonces y ahora por los autores de los textos y por la
Unidad de Documentación y Gestión de Publicaciones de la Institución Milà i Fontanals del CSIC ha permitido abrir el año 2012 y estrenar el volumen 42 de la revista
con la inclusión del DOI en cada uno de los artículos.
En segundo lugar, invierte el orden de publicación de los fascículos misceláneo y monográfico que se había mantenido hasta el volumen 41 (2011). En adelante, con el monográfico como primer fascículo anual de la revista, dispondremos
de mayor libertad para que prime su contenido científico, porque no tendremos que
someter obligatoriamente el fascículo monográfico a los condicionantes de la extensión de un fascículo misceláneo inicial. Los monográficos responderán, pues, a
sus propias necesidades. Y, además, ganaremos en flexibilidad de adaptación de los
segundos fascículos, misceláneos, a los límites de paginación anual de la revista.
Como anunciamos en diciembre de 2011, el presente monográfico, coordinado por la Dra. Linda Gale Jones, profesora de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra de
Barcelona y doctora vinculada al Departamento de Ciencias Históricas - Estudios
Medievales de la Institución Milà i Fontanals del CSIC en Barcelona, se consagra a
La predicación medieval: sermones cristianos, judíos e islámicos en el Mediterráneo.
Su imagen de cubierta es un detalle del frontal de la iglesia de Sant Cebrià
de Cabanyes (MEV 32) que el Museu Episcopal de Vic ha tenido la amabilidad de
cedernos. Nos honra poder contribuir, de este modo, a la difusión del rico patrimonio
artístico medieval catalán.
ROSER SALICRÚ I LLUCH
AFILIACIÓN INSTITUCIONAL DE LOS MIEMBROS DEL CONSEJO
EDITORIAL
CONSEJO DE REDACCIÓN
ROSER SALICRÚ I LLUCH (Directora del AEM), Científica Titular, Departamento de Ciencias
Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona.
PERE VERDÉS PIJUAN (Secretario del AEM), Científico Titular, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcíaques,
15. 08001 Barcelona.
Vocales
LOLA BADIA PÀMIES, Catedrática de Filologia Catalana, Departamento de Filologia Catalana,
Facultad de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona, Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes,
585. 08007 Barcelona.
SALVADOR CLARAMUNT RODRÍGUEZ, Catedrático de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Paleografía y Diplomática, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona.
MÁXIMO DIAGO HERNANDO, Científico Titular, Instituto de Historia, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, CSIC. C/ Albasanz, 26-28. 28037 Madrid.
FRANCESCA ESPAÑOL BERTRAN, Profesora Titular, Departamento de Historia del Arte, Facultad
de Geografía e Historia, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona.
ANA GÓMEZ RABAL, Científica Titular, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona.
MANUEL GONZÁLEZ JIMÉNEZ, Catedrático de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia
Medieval, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad de Sevilla. C/ María de
Padilla, s.n. 41004 Sevilla.
MIGUEL ÁNGEL LADERO QUESADA, Catedrático de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. C/ Profesor Aranguren, s.n. 28040 Madrid.
JOSÉ MANUEL NIETO SORIA, Catedrático de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
C/ Profesor Aranguren, s.n. 28040 Madrid.
ANTONI RIERA MELIS, Catedrático de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia Medieval,
Paleografía y Diplomática, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona.
MANUEL SÁNCHEZ MARTÍNEZ, Profesor de Investigación, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcíaques, 15.
08001 Barcelona.
MARÍA ISABEL DEL VAL VALDIVIESO, Catedrática de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia Antigua y Medieval, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Valladolid.
Plaza del Campus Universitario. 47011 Valladolid.
XIV
CONSEJO EDITORIAL
Asesores
Alemania: NIKOLAS JASPERT, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, Historisches Institut-Lehrstuhl Mittelalter II. Universitätsstr. 150 (GA 4/31). 44801 Bochum.
Estados Unidos: THOMAS N. BISSON, Department of History, Harvard University. Cambridge,
MA 02138; DAVID NIRENBERG, Department of History, University of Chicago. 1115
East 58th Street. Chicago, Il. 60637.
Francia: HENRI BRESC, Département d’Histoire, Université de Paris-X Nanterre. 200, Avenue
de la République. 92001 Nanterre; DENIS MENJOT, UMR 5648-CIHAM, Université
Lumière-Lyon 2.18, Quai Claude Bernard. 69365 Lyon Cedex 07.
Gran Bretaña: PETER LINEHAN, Department of History, St. John’s College. Cambridge CB2
1TP; ANTHONY LUTTRELL, ex-miembro de la Universidad de Malta (20, Richmond
Place. Bath BA1 5JY).
Italia: VICENÇ BELTRAN PEPIÓ, Dipartimento di Studi Europei e Interculturali, Facoltà di
Scienze Umanistiche, Università di Roma “La Sapienza”. Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5.
00185 Roma; PIETRO CORRAO, Dipartimento di Storia Medioevale, Istituto di Storia, Facoltà di Scienze della Formazione, Università degli Studi di Palermo. Via
Giovanni Pascoli, 6. 90144 Palermo; LUISA D’ARIENZO, Dipartimento di Studi Storici, Geografici e Artistici, Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, Università degli Studi di
Cagliari. Via Is Mirrionis, 1. 09121 Cagliari; PINUCCIA FRANCA SIMBULA, Dipartimento di Storia, Università degli Studi di Sassari. Viale Umberto, 52. 07100 Sassari.
Portugal: MARÍA HELENA DA CRUZ COELHO, Departamento de História, Arqueologia e Artes,
Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de Coimbra. Largo da Porta Férrea, s.n. 3004530 Coimbra; LUIS MIGUEL DUARTE, Departamento de História e de Estudos Políticos e Internacionais, Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de Porto. Via Panoramica,
s.n. 4150-564 Porto.
España: XAVIER BARRAL I ALTET, Institut d’Estudis Catalans. C/ Carme, 47. 08001 Barcelona; CARMEN BATLLE GALLART, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Paleografía y
Diplomática, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; PRIM BERTRAN ROIGÉ, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Paleografía y Diplomática, Facultad de Geografia e Historia, Universitat de
Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; ASUNCIÓN BLASCO MARTÍNEZ, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios
Árabes e Islámicos, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Zaragoza. C/ Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza; JOSÉ VICENTE CABEZUELO PLIEGO, Departamento de Historia Medieval y Moderna, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de
Alicante, Campus de Sant Vicent del Raspeig, Apartado de Correos 99. 30080 Alicante; MARGARITA CANTERA MONTENEGRO, Departamento de Historia Medieval,
Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. C/ Profesor
Aranguren, s.n. 28040 Madrid; MARIA TERESA FERRER MALLOL, Institut d’Estudis
Catalans. C/ Carme, 47. 08001 Barcelona; ANTONI FURIÓ DIEGO, Departamento de
Historia Medieval, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad de Valencia, Avda.
Blasco Ibáñez, 28. 46010 Valencia; ÁNGEL GALÁN SÁNCHEZ, Departamento de Arqueología e Historia Medieval, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Málaga, Campus de Teatinos, s.n. 29071 Málaga; JOSEP HERNANDO DELGADO, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Paleografía y Diplomática, Facultad de Geografía e
Historia, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; FERNANDO
LÓPEZ ALSINA, Departamento de Historia Medieval y Moderna, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Plaza de la Universidad, 1.
15703 Santiago de Compostela; MARÍA DOLORES LÓPEZ PÉREZ, Departamento de
Historia Medieval, Paleografía y Diplomática, Facultad de Geografía e Historia,
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. XIII-XV
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CONSEJO EDITORIAL
XV
Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; JORDI MORELLÓ BADepartamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i
Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona; JOSEFINA MUTGÉ VIVES,
Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona; PERE ORTI GOST, Departamento de Historia e Historia del Arte, Facultad de Letras, Universitat de Girona. Pl. Ferrater Mora, 1. 17071 Girona; MERCÈ PUIG RODRÍGUEZ-ESCALONA, Departamento
de Filologia Latina, Facultad de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de
les Corts Catalanes, 585. 08007 Barcelona; ELOÍSA RAMÍREZ VAQUERO, Departamento de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Pública de Navarra. Campus de Arrosadía. 31006 Pamplona; MILAGROS RIVERA GARRETAS, Departamento de Historia
Medieval, Paleografía y Diplomática, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universitat
de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; FLOCEL SABATÉ CURULL, Departamento de Historia, Facultad de Letras, Universitat de Lleida. Plaça de Víctor
Siurana, 1. 25003 Lleida; CRISTINA SEGURA GRAÍÑO, Departamento de Historia
Medieval, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
C/ Profesor Aranguren, s.n. 28040 Madrid; CARLES VELA AULESA, Departamento
de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals, CSIC.
C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona; MARIA MERCÈ VILADRICH GRAU, Departamento de Filologia Semítica, Facultad de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona. Gran
Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585. 08007 Barcelona.
GET,
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. XIII-XV
ISSN 0066-5061
RELACIÓN DE COLABORADORES DEL PRIMER FASCÍCULO
JESÚS ALTURO I PERUCHO, Departament de Ciències de l’Antiguitat i de l’Edat Mitjana, Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Campus de la UAB,
Edifici B. 08193 Bellaterra (correo-e: [email protected]).
VICENT BAYDAL SALA, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i
Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e: [email protected]).
HUGO O. BIZARRI, Université de Fribourg, Av. de Beauregard 11, Bureau 3.213. CH-1700 Fribourg. (correo-e: [email protected]).
MARGARITA CANTERA MONTENEGRO, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. C/ Profesor Aranguren, s/n.
28040 Madrid (correo-e: [email protected]).
MONTSERRAT CASAS NADAL, Departament de Filologia Romànica, Facultat de Filologia,
Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585. 08007 Barcelona
(correo-e: [email protected]).
LÉONARD COURBON, CIHAM-UMR 5648, Departement d’Histoire, Faculté de Géographie,
Histoire, Histoire de l’Art et Tourisme, Université Lumière Lyon II. 18 Quai Claude
Bernard. 69635 Lyon Cedex 07 (correo-e: [email protected]).
NIRIT BEN-ARYEH DEBBY, Department of the Arts, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.
PO. Box 653. Beer-Sheva 84105 (correo-e: [email protected]).
MICHELINA DI CESARE, Università la Sapienza de Roma, Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5. 00185 Roma
MÁXIMO DIAGO HERNANDO, Instituto de Historia, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales
(CSIC). C/ Albasanz, 26-28. 28037 Madrid (correo-e: [email protected]).
ANA ECHEVARRIA ARSUAGA, Departamento de Historia Medieval y Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, UNED. Senda del Rey, 7. 28040 Madrid
FERRAN ESQUILACHE MARTÍ, Departament d’Història Medieval, Universitat de València. Avda.
Blasco Ibàñez, 28. 46010 Valencia (correo-e: [email protected]).
CARMEL FERRAGUD, Departament de Salut Pública, Història de la Ciència i Ginecologia, Facultat de Medicina, Universitat Miguel Hernández d’Elx. Ctra. Alacant-València
N. 332, s/n. 03550 St. Joan d’Alacant (correo-e: [email protected]).
MARIA TERESA FERRER I MALLOL, Institut d’Estudis Catalans. C/ Carme, 47. 08001 Barcelona
GERMÁN GAMERO IGEA, Departamento de Historia Antigua y Medieval, Facultad de Filosofía y
Letras, Universidad de Valladolid. Plaza del Campus, s/n. 47011 Valladolid (correoe: [email protected]).
ISABEL GARCÍA CAPARRÓS, Unidad de Documentación y Gestión de Publicaciones, Institución Milà i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
[email protected]).
FRANCISCO DE ASÍS GARCÍA GARCÍA, Departamento de Historia del Arte, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. C/ Portugalete, 34. 28017
Madrid (correo-e: [email protected])
MARÍA DEL CARMEN GARCÍA HERRERO, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios Árabes e Islámicos, Facultad de Filosofía y LeANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. XVII-XX
ISSN 0066-5061
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RELACIÓN DE COLABORADORES
tras, Universidad de Zaragoza. C/ Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza (correo-e:
[email protected]).
DIANA LUCÍA GÓMEZ-CHACÓN, Departamento de Historia del Arte I (Medieval), Facultad de
Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Avda. Profesor Aranguren, s/n, Ciudad Universitaria. 28040 Madrid (correo-e: [email protected]).
RAÚL GONZÁLEZ ARÉVALO, Departamento de Historia Medieval y Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Granada. Campus
Universitario de Cartuja, Calle Profesor Clavera, s/n. 18071 Granada (correo-e:
[email protected]).
JUSSI HANSKA, Institutum Romanum Finlandiae. Passeggiata del Gianicolo 10. 00165 Roma
NAHEM ILAN, Lander Institute, 3 ‘Am ve-’Olamo St. Givat Shaul. Jerusalem 91343 (correo-e:
[email protected]).
SALVADOR IRANZO ABELLÁN, Departament de Filologia Hispànica, Facultat de Filologia,
Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585. 08007 Barcelona
LINDA G. JONES, Universitat Pompeu Fabra. C/ Ramon Trias Fargas, 25-27. 08005 Barcelona
MARIO LAFUENTE GÓMEZ, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios Árabes e Islámicos, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras,
Universidad de Zaragoza. C/ Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza (correo-e:
[email protected]).
JUAN JOSÉ LARREA CONDE, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Moderna y de América,
Facultad de Letras, Universidad del País Vasco. Paseo de la Universidad, 5. 01006
Vitoria-Gasteiz (correo-e: [email protected]).
JOSE ANGEL LEMA PUEYO, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Moderna y de América,
Facultad de Letras, Universidad del País Vasco. Paseo de la Universidad, 5. 01006,
PETER LINEHAN, Department of History, St John’s College. Cambridge, CB2 1TP (correo-e:
[email protected]).
BEATRIZ MAJO TOMÉ, Departamento de Historia Antigua y Medieval, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Valladolid. Plaza del Campus, s/n. 47011 Valladolid
ALBERT MARTÍ ARAU, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
[email protected]).
JOSE CARLOS MARTÍN, Departamento de Filología Clásica e Indoeuropeo, Facultad de Filología, Universidad de Salamanca. Plaza de Anaya, s/n. 37008 Salamanca (correo-e:
[email protected]).
ALEJANDRO MARTÍNEZ GIRALT, Institut de Recerca Històrica-Centre de Recerca d’Història
Rural, Universitat de Girona. Plaça Ferrater Mora, 1. 17071 Girona (correo-e:
[email protected]).
CHRISTINE MAZZOLI-GUINTARD, UFR Histoire, Histoire de l’Art et Archéologie, Département
d’Histoire, Université de Nantes. Chemin de la Censive du Tertre, BP 81227. 44312
Nantes cedex 3 (correo-e: [email protected]).
FERMÍN MIRANDA GARCÍA, Departamento de Historia Antigua, Historia Medieval y Paleografía y Diplomática, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.
Campus de Cantoblanco. 28049 Madrid (correo-e: [email protected]).
LAURA MOLINA LÓPEZ, Departamento de Historia del Arte I (Medieval), Facultad de Geografía
e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Avda. Profesor Aranguren s/n, Ciudad Universitaria. 28040 Madrid (correo-e: [email protected]).
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. XVII-XX
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Mª AITANA MONGE ZAPATA, Departamento de Historia del Arte I (Medieval), Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Avda. Profesor Aranguren s/n,
Ciudad Universitaria. 28040 Madrid (correo-e: [email protected]).
JORDI MORELLÓ BAGET, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
[email protected]).
CAROLYN MUESSIG, Department of Theology and Religious Studies, University of Bristol. 11
Woodland Road. Bristol BS8 1TB (correo-e: [email protected]).
ÍÑIGO MUGUETA MORENO, Departamento de Geografía e Historia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Universidad Pública de Navarra. Campus Arrosadía. 31006 Pamplona (correo-e: [email protected]).
JOSÉ ANTONIO MUNITA LOINAZ, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Moderna y de América,
Facultad de Letras, Universidad del País Vasco. Paseo de la Universidad, 5. 01006
CÉSAR OLIVERA SERRANO, Instituto de Historia, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales
(CSIC). C/ Albasanz, 26-28. 28037 Madrid (correo-e: [email protected]).
RICARDO M. OLMOS DE LEÓN, Departament d’Història de la Ciència i Documentació,
Universitat de València. Av. Blasco Ibáñez, 15. 46010 València (correo-e:
[email protected]).
MIGUEL ÁNGEL PALLARÉS JIMÉNEZ, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas
Historiográficas y Estudios Árabes e Islámicos de la Universidad de Zaragoza. C/
Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza (correo-e: [email protected]).
ELENA PAULINO MONTERO, Departamento de Historia del Arte I (Medieval), Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Avda. Profesor Aranguren
s/n, Ciudad Universitaria. 28040 Madrid (correo-e: [email protected]).
DIANA PELAZ FLORES, Departamento de Historia Antigua y Medieval, Facultad de Filosofía y
Letras, Universidad de Valladolid. Plaza del Campus s/n. 47011 Valladolid (correo-e:
[email protected]).
NICOLAS PLUCHOT, CIHAM-UMR 5648, Departement d’Histoire, Faculté de Géographie, Histoire, Histoire de l’Art et Tourisme, Université Lumière Lyon II. 18 Quai Claude
Bernard. 69635 Lyon Cedex 07 (correo-e: [email protected]).
PERE J. QUETGLAS NICOLAU, Departament de Filologia Llatina, Facultat de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585. 080007 Barcelona (correo-e:
[email protected]).
TAHERA QUTBUDDIN, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of Chicago, Pick Hall
201, 5828 S. University Ave. Chicago, Il 60637 (correo-e: [email protected]).
ELOÍSA RAMÍREZ VAQUERO, Departamento de Geografía e Historia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Universidad Pública de Navarra. Campus de Arrosadía. 31006
Pamplona (correo-e: [email protected]).
ALBERT REIXACH SALA, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institución Milà i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
[email protected]).
XAVIER RENEDO PUIG, Departament de Filologia i Comunicació, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat
de Girona. Plaça Ferrater Mora 1. 17071 Girona (correo-e: [email protected]).
ARACELI ROSILLO LUQUE, Departament d’Història Medieval, Paleografia i Diplomàtica,
Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001
Barcelona (correo-e: [email protected]).
ANTONI ROSSELL, Arxiu Occità (Institut d’Estudis Medievals), Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres,
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Campus de la UAB, Edifici B. 08193 Bellaterra (correo-e: [email protected]).
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XX
MARC SAPERSTEIN, Leo Baeck College. 80 East End Road. London N3 2SY (correo-e:
[email protected]).
FERNANDO SERRANO LARRÁYOZ, Departamento de Ciencias Sanitarias y Médico-Sociales,
Facultad de Medicina, Universidad de Alcalá de Henares. Ctra. Madrid-Barcelona,
Km, 33600. 28871 Alcalá de Henares (correo-e: [email protected]).
MARIA ELISA SOLDANI, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas-Estudios Medievales, Institució Milà i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcíaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
[email protected]).
LLUÍS TO FIGUERAS, Departament d’Història i Història de l’Art, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat
de Girona. Plaça Ferrater Mora, 1. 17071 Girona (correo-e: [email protected]).
GUILLERMO TOMÁS FACI, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Técnicas Historiográficas y Estudios Árabes e Islámicos, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras Universidad
de Zaragoza. C/ Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza (correo-e: [email protected]).
LUCIANO JOSÉ VIANNA, Departament de Ciències de l’Antiguitat i de l’Edat Mitjana, Facultat
de Filosofia i Lletres, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Campus de la UAB, Edifici B. 08193 Bellaterra (correo-e: [email protected]).
JACOBO VIDAL FRANQUET, Departament d’Història de l’Art, Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
[email protected]).
PAUL E. WALKER, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of Chicago, Pick Hall 201,
5028 S. University Ave. Chicago, II 60637 (correo-e: [email protected]).
GABRIELLA ZARRI, Dipartimento de Studi sul Medioeve e il Rinascimento, Università degli
Studi di Firenze, Piazza San Marco, 4. 50121 Firenze (correo-e: [email protected]).
ISSN 0066-5061
TEMAS
MONOGRÁFICOS:
SERMONES CRISTIANOS,
JUDÍOS E ISLÁMICOS
EN EL MEDITERRÁNEO
coordinado por
Linda G. Jones
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 3-6
ISSN 0066-5061
PRESENTACIÓN
El presente fascículo monográfico del “Anuario de Estudios Medievales”
está dedicado al tema de la predicación, los sermones y el papel desempeñado por
los predicadores en las sociedades mediterráneas durante la Edad Media. Más de la
mitad de los artículos reunidos versan sobre distintos aspectos de la predicación y de
los sermones cristianos, así como sobre su impacto en las sociedades y las culturas de
la Península Ibérica, Italia y otros territorios del Mediterráneo. El resto de las contribuciones centran su atención en la tradición homilética de las culturas judía e islámica de la Península Ibérica, Egipto, Iraq y la Península Arábiga. Por un lado, los
artículos muestran una gran variedad de enfoques interdisciplinarios y una notable
sofisticación metodológica; por otro lado, también ponen de manifiesto la atención
que viene prestando la última generación de estudios homiléticos a la perspectiva
comparativa. Debe subrayarse, asimismo, que las diferentes ópticas desde las que se
analiza cada uno de los temas se reflejan en la internacionalidad de los participantes:
el volumen cuenta con la colaboración de especialistas procedentes de España, Italia,
Finlandia, Suiza, Reino Unido, Israel y Estados Unidos.
El hecho de haber dedicado una gran parte de los trabajos contenidos en
este volumen a la predicación islámica y judía responde al deseo de contribuir a la
normalización de los análisis comparados en el estudio de los sermones medievales.
La creciente colaboración entre científicos especializados en la predicación y la homilética judía, cristiana e islámica de la Edad Media se ha manifestado en el paulatino incremento del número de trabajos al respecto aparecidos a partir de la última
década del siglo XX. Un valioso antecedente fue el volumen monográfico publicado
en Francia en los años 1980 sobre la predicación y la propaganda en Occidente y en
los mundos islámico y bizantino1. Hubo que esperar más de una década para encontrar otras aportaciones de similares características: dos libros sobre los sermones
cristianos medievales publicados en 1996 y 2000, ambos editados por Beverly M.
Kienzle2, una de las mayores expertas en el tema. En ellos se incluyen contribuciones
de Marc Saperstein, rabino y profesor del Leo Baeck College, de Londres, y destacado especialista en la predicación judía medieval y moderna, quien colabora también
en el presente volumen. Otro hito importante fue la publicación en 2010 de Charisma
and Religious Authority: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Preaching, coeditado por Katherine Jansen y Miri Rubin; se trata del primer libro que ofrece un análisis temático
y comparativo de la predicación judía, cristiana e islámica3. El presente fascículo
1
G. Makdisi, D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel-Thomine (eds.), Prédication et propagande au Moyen
Âge. Islam, Byzance, Occident, París, Presses Universitaires de France, 1983.
2
B.M. Kienzle (ed.), Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, Lovaina, Fédération Internationale
des Instituts d’Études Médiévales, 1996; eadem (ed.), The Sermon. Typologie des sources du Moyen
Âge occidental, 81-83, Turnhout, Brepols, 2000.
3
Turnhout, Brepols, 2010.
4
PRESENTACIÓN
cuenta con la colaboración de algunos de los científicos que escribieron capítulos en
aquel libro, entre ellos, Marc Saperstein, Gabriella Zarri, profesora de la Università
degli Studi di Firenze en Italia, Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, profesora de la Ben Gurion
University del Negev en Israel y Linda G. Jones, redactora de estas páginas.
En consecuencia, el contenido del fascículo se inscribe en el marco comparativo y multidisciplinar característico de las investigaciones más recientes sobre la
predicación en la Edad Media. Efectivamente, el tema de la predicación se aborda en
estas páginas desde diversos ángulos de estudio y distintas metodologías. Entre los
historiadores, destacan medievalistas como Carolyn Muessig, profesora de la Universidad de Bristol, una de las mayores expertas en el análisis del impacto social de
la predicación monástica, tema al que ha dedicado numerosos trabajos, desde la publicación de su tesis doctoral en 1995 sobre los Sermones feriales de Jacques de Vitry.
Jussi Hanska, profesor de la Universidad de Tempere en Finlandia y vicepresidente
de la International Medieval Sermon Studies Society, es autor de numerosas publicaciones sobre la relación entre los sermones de los frailes mendicantes y la ética social. La Dra. Gabriella Zarri, mencionada anteriormente, es una destacada especialista en el tema de la espiritualidad y la santidad femeninas en la Italia bajomedieval.
Carmel Ferragud Domingo, profesor de la Universidad Miguel Hernández de Elche e
historiador de la ciencia, ha dedicado sus últimas investigaciones a la presencia de la
medicina en los sermones de san Vicente Ferrer. Ricardo M. Olmos de León, alumno
de doctorado de la Universidad Miguel Hernández de Elche, donde prepara su tesis
doctoral sobre la medicina de las aves en los textos de cetrería castellanos bajomedievales, colabora con el Dr. Ferragud en la redacción del artículo incluido en este
fascículo. Paul E. Walker, profesor de estudios islámicos en la Universidad de Chicago, es uno de los mayores expertos en la historia de los fatimíes y autor de numerosas
publicaciones sobre esta dinastía, entre las cuales cabría destacar The Orations of
the Fatimid Caliphs, un estudio sobre el contenido y la retórica de los sermones litúrgicos de los imames chiíes. Linda G. Jones, profesora asociada de la Universitat
Pompeu Fabra y especialista en estudios árabes e islámicos, ha dedicado la mayor
parte de sus investigaciones a analizar diversos aspectos de la predicación islámica.
Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, a la que ya hemos aludido anteriormente, es una renombrada
historiadora del arte y experta en uno de los campos de investigación más novedosos
en los estudios homiléticos: la relación entre el sermón y las artes plásticas.
También participan en este volumen filólogos como Xavier Renedo, profesor de la Universitat de Girona y especialista en literatura catalana y, sobre todo, en
la obra de Francesc Eiximenis. José Carlos Martín, profesor de filología clásica en la
Universidad de Salamanca, es autor de un importante número de ediciones críticas y
estudios sobre las obras de diversos autores hispanos. El profesor Martín ha colaborado en este fascículo con Salvador Iranzo Abellán, doctor en filología clásica por la
Universidad de Barcelona y especialista en latín visigodo. Ambos autores publicaron
juntos La Hispania visigótica y mozárabe. Dos épocas en su literatura, volumen coordinado por la Dra. Carmen Codoñer. Tahera Qutbuddin, profesora de la Universidad
de Chicago, es arabista y se ha especializado, en particular, en la oratoria árabe
compuesta en los primeros siglos del Islam. Nahem Ilan, profesor del Lander Institute en Jerusalén y destacado especialista en literatura hebrea y árabo-judaica, ha
dedicado numerosos trabajos a los sermones medievales en ambas lenguas. Hugo O.
Bizzarri, profesor de filología hispánica de la Universidad de Friburgo, es un renombrado experto en la tradición sentenciosa y cuentística de Castilla.
La colaboración de este nutrido grupo de historiadores, medievalistas, filólogos, hebraístas, arabistas, historiadores de arte e historiadores de la religión perANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. 3-6
ISSN 0066-5061
PRESENTACIÓN
5
mitirá la exploración de un amplio espectro de temas relacionados con los sermones
y los predicadores medievales abordados desde distintas ópticas. El monográfico se
abre con varios trabajos que tratan del uso del sermón como fuente histórica o que se
centran en el papel desempeñado por el predicador o la predicación a la hora de promover o de responder a cambios sociales. La historiadora del arte Nirit Ben-Aryeh
Debby aborda su estudio sobre la imagen de los sarracenos en las iglesias florentinas
a partir de un análisis comparativo, por un lado, de los sermones predicados por
franciscanos y dominicos y, por otro, de la retórica visual plasmada en los frescos
preservados en sus respectivas iglesias. El estudio de la representación del “otro”
en el discurso homilético prosigue con el artículo de Jussi Hanska, cuya exploración
del uso de fuentes históricas sobre la destrucción de Jerusalén en los sermonarios
cristianos redactados en Francia, Italia y Alemania en el siglo XIII desvela una manipulación interesada que buscaba polemizar con los judíos coetáneos. El artículo de
Linda G. Jones aporta una visión contrapuesta a las dos contribuciones anteriores,
al desvelar el insólito papel que desempeñó el sermón del viernes musulmán en la
conversión de los “infieles” al Islam en el Egipto mameluco.
La doble importancia del sermón como fuente histórica y como testimonio
de cambios sociales queda manifiesta en el trabajo de Marc Saperstein. Su análisis
de los sermones del rabino sefardí Isaac Aboab cuestiona la tesis predominante en la
historiografía judía sobre la supuesta falta de liderazgo en las comunidades sefardíes
en vísperas de la expulsión de la Península Ibérica. Carolyn Muessig ha centrado sus
últimas investigaciones en los sermones de los frailes mendicantes. Su contribución,
que aborda la ardua defensa de la autenticidad de los estigmas de san Francisco de
Asís contenida en los sermones del franciscano italiano Roberto Caracciolo, aporta
relevantes novedades sobre la rivalidad entre los franciscanos conventuales y los
observantes. Históricamente, la predicación litúrgica ha desempeñado un papel decisivo en la plasmación de rivalidades sectarias en las sociedades islámicas. El artículo
de Paul E. Walker aborda las estrategias retóricas desplegadas por los predicadores
musulmanes para mostrar el cambio de lealtades políticas de un líder suní a otro chií
en el conflictivo contexto de la confrontación secular entre fatimíes y abasíes. Este
bloque de artículos se cierra con la contribución de Gabriella Zarri, que emplea sus
sólidos conocimientos de la espiritualidad femenina italiana para analizar, esta vez,
la función de la predicación en la cura pastoral ejercida por la abadesa clarisa Clara
Bugni. Su artículo analiza la predicación femenina, un tema tan importante como
poco tratado en la historiografía de los estudios homiléticos.
Viene a continuación un conjunto de trabajos cuyo hilo conductor es la
relación entre el sermón y otros géneros literarios, escritos u orales. El primer estudio es el de Hugo O. Bizzarri, especialista en el estudio de los vínculos retóricos y
temáticos entre el sermón y los espejos de príncipes castellanos. Por su parte, Nahem
Ilan, autor de varios trabajos sobre la homilética árabo-judaica, analiza en su artículo las influencias del sermón oral en los comentarios talmúdicos. Su estudio de los
sermones y de los comentarios sobre el avot del rabino toledano Yosef ben Shosan es
también de relevante interés histórico, pues se sitúa en el contexto del conflicto entre
los rabinos tradicionalistas y los neoplatónicos antinomistas. Por su parte, Tahera
Qutbuddin, que actualmente escribe un libro sobre los sermones del imam Ali ibn Abi
Talib, centra su trabajo en el estudio de la oratoria del imam chií, donde confluyen
las enseñanzas coránicas y la ética cultural asociada con los géneros orales de la
época preislámica.
Finalmente, el monográfico ha reservado su lugar a los trabajos relacionados con la predicación y los predicadores procedentes de la Península Ibérica.
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. 3-6
ISSN 0066-5061
6
PRESENTACIÓN
José Carlos Martín y Salvador Iranzo Abellán nos ofrecen la primera edición crítica,
acompañada del estudio y de la traducción al castellano, del sermón del arzobispo
catalán Justo de Urgel sobre el mártir san Vicentino de Zaragoza. Xavier Renedo,
destacado experto –ya se ha indicado– en la obra de Francesc Eiximenis, centra su
análisis en el Ars praedicandi populo atribuido al escritor franciscano, al tiempo que
reabre el debate sobre las dudas en torno a la autoría del texto. Naturalmente, en esta
sección no podían faltar colaboraciones sobre el carismático predicador valenciano
san Vicente Ferrer. A pesar de la nutrida bibliografía que existe sobre el predicador
valenciano, el trabajo dedicado a su figura aporta novedades y aborda el tema desde
nuevas perspectivas. Así, Carmel Ferragud y Ricardo M. Olmos de León analizan la
función de los exempla en la homilética vicentina a través de la perspectiva original
de las imágenes de cetrería.
En resumen, el propósito de este monográfico ha sido reunir una colección
de trabajos que, en su conjunto, creemos que supondrán una valiosa contribución a
la investigación sobre la predicación medieval. Es de esperar que el enfoque multidisciplinar y comparativo que le hemos dado sirva para estimular la realización de
nuevas investigaciones sobre este tema.
LINDA G. JONES
ISSN 0066-5061
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 7-28
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.01
VISUAL RHETORIC:
IMAGES OF SARACENS IN FLORENTINE CHURCHES1
RETÓRICA VISUAL:
IMÁGENES DE SARRACENOS EN IGLESIAS FLORENTINAS
NIRIT BEN-ARYEH DEBBY
Ben Gurion University of the Negev
Abstract: This paper focuses on the
encounter between the Christian and the
Islamic worlds as it appears in Florentine
churches. It explores images of Muslims
connected to the ideas of mission,
conversion and crusade as they appear in
the oral and visual traditions. Crusading
sympathy in Tuscany, particularly in
Florence, had a long history, going back
to the twelfth century. The role of the
mendicant orders, established in the
great convents of Santa Croce and Santa
Maria Novella, was crucial in winning
sympathy for the crusades. This tradition
continued in the fifteenth century, after
the fall of Constantinople, when Florence
openly voiced support for papal crusading
efforts and participated in fund-raising
for the crusade. The main supporters of
crusade propaganda in Florence were the
Franciscan and Dominican preachers, who
acted as virtual papal envoys, continuing
a tradition of mendicant crusade sermons.
These movements also developed special
types of artworks, either painting or
sculptures in order to disseminate their
religious ideals. The usage of rhetoric
and preaching, the interrelations between
word and image, the artistic and literary
traditions, artworks and sermons will be a
central focus of essay.
1
Resumen: Este artículo se centra en el
encuentro entre el mundo cristiano y el
musulmán tal y como se representa en
las iglesias florentinas. Analiza las imágenes de musulmanes relacionadas con
los conceptos de misión, conversión y
cruzada según su tratamiento en las tradiciones visuales y orales. Existía una larga
tradición de simpatía hacia las Cruzadas
en la Toscana, sobre todo en Florencia,
que se remonta hasta el siglo XII. El papel ejercido por las órdenes mendicantes
establecidas en los grandes conventos de
santa Croce y de Santa María Novella, fue
crucial para fomentar la simpatía hacia
las cruzadas. Esta tradición continuó durante el siglo XV, después de la caída de
Constantinopla, cuando Florencia articuló
explícitamente su apoyo a los esfuerzos
papales en las cruzadas y participó en la
recaudación de fondos para las mismas.
Los principales partidarios de la propaganda para las cruzadas en Florencia fueron los predicadores franciscanos y dominicos, quienes actuaban efectivamente
como enviados papales, continuando una
tradición de sermones mendicantes sobre
las cruzadas. Asimismo, estos movimientos desarrollaron su propio estilo de producciones artísticas, o bien en la pintura
o bien en la escultura, para divulgar sus
ideales religiosos. Este artículo se centrará en el uso de la retórica y la predicación
y en las relaciones entre la palabra y la
imagen, entre las tradiciones artística y literaria, y entre las producciones artísticas
y los sermones.
This article was written with the support of the Gerda Henkel Foundation (Gerda Henkel Stiftung).
8
Keywords: Santa Maria Novella; Santa
Croce; Saracens; crusade propaganda;
Benedetto da Maiano; Andrea da Firenze;
preaching; art.
Palabras clave: Santa Maria Novella;
Santa Croce; sarracenos; propaganda para
las cruzadas; Benedetto da Maiano; Andrea da Firenze; predicación; arte.
SUMMARY
1. Introduction.– 2. Santa Croce.– 3. Santa Maria Novella.– 4. Conclusion.– 5. Bibliography.
1. INTRODUCTION
The Florentine merchant Luca Landucci (1460-1516), an enthusiastic
supporter of Girolamo Savonarola, provides an interesting testimony to the
ambivalence of the Florentines towards the Saracens. In his diary, Luca was often
enthusiastic about crusade efforts in Florence; in 1478, for example, he explained
that fund raising for the crusades was carried out in several churches in Florence,
most notably in the church of Santa Croce where everyone had to lend aid, at the said
churches, to the forces sent against the Turks2. He often expressed hope that Florence
would join forces against the infidels and unbelievers and condemned the cruelty of
the Turks who were putting all the villages to fire and flame, carrying off the girls
and women and selling Christians into slavery3. Elsewhere in his diary, however, he
praised the generosity of the Turkish ambassador to Florence for making a gift of
exotic animals to the city, and described approvingly the festivities and celebrations
to honor him upon his arrival:
The ambassador of the sultan presented to the Signoria the giraffe, lion
and other beasts; and he sat in the midst of the Signoria, on the ringhiera,
he speaking and they thanking him by means of an interpreter. A great
crowd had collected in the piazza that morning to see this. The ringhiera
was decorated with spalliere and carpets, and all the principal citizens
had taken their places upon it. This ambassador remained here several
months and was maintained at our cost and presented with many gifts4.
This duality was typical of the Florentine public opinion.
The following paper analyzes the ambivalent perceptions of Saracens by the
mendicant friars in Florence and focuses on the encounter between the Christian and
Muslim worlds as it appears in Florentine churches in the oral and visual traditions.
The usage of rhetoric and preaching, the interrelations between word and image, the
artistic and literary traditions, works of art and sermons are at its center. The intention
is to examine representations of Saracens in a particular context, that of Italian urban
society in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and especially in the context of
mendicant activity by studying both sermons and art.
The Crusade idea was very much a part of mendicant tradition. Friars
preached fire and brimstone while collecting for the Crusade. St. Giovanni da
Capestrano, for example, a Friar Minor, led an army of untrained Crusaders to
2
3
4
L. Landucci, A Florentine Diary, pp. 32-33.
Ibidem, pp. 26, 183.
Ibidem, p. 44.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.01
VISUAL RHETORIC: IMAGES OF SARACENS IN FLORENTINE CHURCHES
9
successfully relieve Belgrade in 1456. From the second half of the fifteenth century,
the Turkish threat generated much interest in crusading. Historically –as far back as the
twelfth century– Italy was sympathetic to the Crusades, and the mendicant orders were
crucial in arousing that sympathy. Franciscan and Dominican preachers continued the
tradition of mendicant Crusade sermons in the fifteenth century when papal crusading
efforts were thriving. The mendicant movements developed special types of artwork,
including paintings, sculptures and drawings to disseminate their religious ideals5.
By the early sixteenth century an enormous body of printed material
–prophesies, warnings, sermons– was in circulation that informed popular opinion
about the Turks. As the Ottoman Empire advanced westward, from the fourteenth to
the sixteenth centuries, humanists responded on a grand scale, leaving behind a large
body of fascinating yet understudied works. These works included Crusade orations
and histories; ethnographic, historical and religious studies of the Turks; epic poetry;
and even tracts on converting the Turks to Christianity. Nancy Bisaha and Margaret
Meserve have recently offered an in-depth look at the body of Renaissance humanist
works focusing on the Ottoman Empire, Islam and the Crusades. Throughout, these
authors probe the texts to reveal the significant role Renaissance writers played in
shaping Western views of self and other. Medieval concepts of Islam, in which Muslims
were depicted as enemies of the faith, were generally informed and constrained by
religious attitudes and rhetoric. While humanist thinkers of the Renaissance were never
able to progress beyond this stance, these works testify that their understanding, of
secular and cultural issues was remarkably highly complex and marked a watershed
between medieval and modern. Humanist histories of the Turks were sharply polemical,
portraying the Ottomans as a rogue power. But writings on other Muslim polities include
some of the first positive appraisals of Muslim statecraft in the European tradition.
Another challenge of the present paper is to locate the mendicant images within the
context of changing attitudes and the multi-faceted perception of the Ottomans6.
Scholars of history, religion and literature have recently focused a great deal
of attention on medieval and Early Modern conceptions of non-Christian groups. The
source of inspiration for many of these works was Robert Ian Moore’s The Formation
of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950-1250, which
argues that High Middle Ages spiritual and secular authorities strove to unite Christian
society by identifying and humiliating groups considered enemies of the Church7. Art
historians have also contributed to this area of study. An important contribution to
this growing field of literature is Debra Higgs Strickland’s Saracens, Demons and
Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art, which offers a systematic and comparative
overview of the way in which various non-Christian populations were represented in
medieval art. Two other examples are Dana E. Katz’s studies on images of the Jews in
the ducal courts of northern Italy and Sarah Lipton’s monograph on representations of
Jews in the Bible moralisée8.
This paper shall focus on the Franciscan Church of Santa Croce and on the
Dominican Church of Santa Maria Novella, and shall explore images connected to the
5
R.W. Southern, Western Views of Islam; N. Daniel, Islam and the West; B.Z. Kedar, Crusade
and Mission; J.V. Tolan, Medieval Christian Perceptions; J.V. Tolan, Saracens: Islam; E.W. Said,
Orientalism; V. Cantarino, Dante and Islam.
6
N. Bisaha, Creating East and West; M. Meserve, Empires of Islam.
7
R.I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting.
8
R. Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness; S. Lipton, Images of Intolerance; S. Lipton, Where
are the Gothic, pp. 139-177; D.H. Strickland, Saracens, Demons; D. Glass, Portals, Pilgrimage;
G. Ligato, L’ordalia della fede; G. Curzi, Stereotipi, metafore, pp. 534-545.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.01
10
ideas of mission, conversion and crusade. The images discussed include works by Giotto,
Taddeo Gaddi, and Benedetto da Maiano from Santa Croce, and by Andrea da Firenze
from Santa Maria Novella. The themes touched upon are stereotypes and imagination,
racial difference and religious intolerance, and visual and rhetorical propaganda. I will be
using the term “Saracens”, common in the period, which carries a negative association
typical of that time, rather than the neutral “Muslims”, defining a religious group9.
My working assumption is that visual images inspired preaching and viceversa and that the images reflected general ideas and attitudes that the sermons shared,
elaborated upon, or departed from. I suggest that there was reciprocal influence and
interchange between the verbal and the visual images. A related issue might be the
differences and similarities in their imaging. In tandem with the visual tradition,
there was a homiletic tradition. I look at the way in which visual images shaped
the imagination and the distinct pictorial language they employed. I underscore the
importance of images as a way of transmitting messages to various audiences in
diverse physical and historical contexts. My assumption is that visual images of the
period reached a wide range of audiences and made a major impression on the viewer.
One must be aware of the nature of the audience of any particular work of art: was it
viewed in a closed community of friars or in a major church accessible to the laity;
was it reproduced in small prints for personal use or was it a celebrated large-scale
altarpiece. The genre of a work of art sometimes dictated its content and message.
2. SANTA CROCE
Turning to Santa Croce, the monument under discussion is a preaching
pulpit, created by the celebrated Florentine sculptor Benedetto da Maiano, located on
the south side of the church in the third pier of the central nave (fig. 1). It is an octagonal
structure of white gilded marble that includes five narrative reliefs between elegant
fluted colonettes. The narrative panels depict: The Confirmation of the Franciscan
Order, Saint Francis before the Sultan, The Stigmatization of Saint Francis, The
Funeral of Saint Francis, and The Martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco. Below
the narratives are finely carved consoles with small niches containing statues of the
Virtues: Faith, Hope, Charity, Temperance, and Justice. A base with ornamental motifs
and the emblem of the donor, Pietro Mellini, completes the structure. An octagonal
wooden canopy, under which the preacher would have stood, includes a carved
emblem of the Franciscan preacher, San Bernardino set on a blue background10.
Scholars disagree about the dates of the commissioning and construction
of the pulpit. One possibility is the period 1472-1475 supported by Piero Morselli11.
The most recent suggestion proposed by both Doris Carl and Gary Radke, argues
for dating the pulpit to around 1485 on the basis of contracts regarding the tombs
of the Mellinis in the church of Santa Croce and in other churches12. In any case
there is no definitive evidence regarding the exact dates; the design, construction, and
final installation of this exquisite monument might have spanned the entire period
suggested by the scholars, from 1472 to 1487. The length of time is not unreasonable,
given the high costs and artistic complexity of the monument.
9
J.J. Cohen, On Saracens Enjoyment, pp. 113-142.
D. Carl, Il pergamo di Benedetto, pp. 158-167; idem, Franziskanischer Martyrerkult,
pp. 69-91; idem Benedetto da Maiano; G.M. Radke, Geometria e misura, pp. 168-195.
11
P. Morselli, Corpus of Tuscan, pp. 99-100.
12
Cf. D. Carl, Il pergamo di Benedetto; G.M. Radke, Geometria e misura.
10
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Fig. 1. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475 (phot. Alinari).
The choice of a Franciscan cycle for the pulpit is hardly surprising, Francis
being the founder of the monastic order that built Santa Croce as well as the second
name of Pietro Mellini, the lay donor. It was customary for a rich Florentine patron to
contribute a monument connected with at least one of his patron saints. For instance,
Francesco Sassetti chose to decorate a chapel donated by him to the church of Santa
Trinità in Florence with scenes from the life of his patron saint. In Santa Croce, the
story of St. Francis appears in several different media: Giotto’s frescoes in the Bardi
chapel and Taddeo Gaddi’s painted panels for a sacristy cupboard, both dating to the
fourteenth century, and Benedetto da Maiano’s marble reliefs for the pulpit13. Another St.
Francis narrative in Santa Croce is the Vita panel in the Bardi chapel, recently attributed
to Coppo di Marcovaldo14. The painted cycles of Giotto and Gaddi are the artistic source
for many of the motifs shown on the pulpit. Giotto’s cycle was well known and came to
be considered the iconographic prototype for many of the later cycles. Gaddi’s panels,
the majority of which are found in the Accademia in Florence, are less prominent in the
artistic tradition, but they greatly influenced some of the narrative details in Benedetto’s
13
J. Stubblebine, The Relation of the Assisi, pp. 16-40; R. Goffen, Spirituality in Conflict; J. Long,
The Program of Giotto’s, pp. 85-133; L. Bourdua, The Franciscans and Art; W.R. Cook, Giotto and
the Figure, pp. 135-156; A. Ladis, Taddeo Gaddi.
14
M. Boskovitz, The Origins of Florentine, p. 472.
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scenes. In a sense, Gaddi’s cycle was even more important for Benedetto than Giotto’s
because of the similarities of medium and scale: both the sacristy cupboard and the pulpit
are types of church accessory, and both are on a much smaller scale than Giotto’s frescoes.
The painted cycles are the artistic source for many of the motifs shown on
the pulpit. Giotto’s cycle was well known and came to be considered the iconographic
prototype for many of the later cycles. Gaddi’s panels, the majority of which are located
in the Accademia in Florence, are less prominent in the artistic tradition, but they
greatly influenced some of the narrative details in Benedetto’s scenes. Gaddi presents
26 quatrofoils, 13 devoted to the life of Christ and 13 to the life of St. Francis, that date
to around 1335. The aim of the panels was to create a parallel between the life of Christ
and that of Saint Francis, an idea also central to the pulpit’s iconography (see below). In
a sense, Gaddi’s cycle was even more important for Benedetto than Giotto’s because of
the similarities of medium and scale: both the sacristy cupboard and the pulpit are types
of church accessory, and both are on a much smaller scale than Giotto’s frescoes. There
are some points of similarity between Benedetto da Maiano’s pulpit and other painted
cycles of the life of Francis; for example, the cycle that Benozzo Gozzoli painted in the
church of San Francesco at Montefalco in 1452. Gozzoli presented such scenes as the
trial before the sultan, the stigmata, the death and assumption, and the confirmation of
the rule in a similarly decorative style. Another, later example inspired by the pulpit is
Domenico Ghirlandaio’s cycle of frescoes in the Sassetti Chapel in Florence’s Santa
Trinità. Ghirlandaio is often bracketed with Benedetto da Maiano because of the
decorative and narrative qualities of their works. The similarity is particularly striking
in the stigmatization scenes, where both Benedetto and Ghirlandaio emphasize such
picturesque details as animals and people and present an engaging landscape.
In other details of the pulpit narrative, Benedetto da Maiano was influenced
by the Florentine school of painting dominant in the second half of the fifteenth
century; for example, the executioner’s classical pose and intensity of movement
in the martyrdom scene is reminiscent of Luca Signorelli’s forceful protagonists. A
further influence of Florentine art of the period is evident in the careful setting, in
particular, the introduction of fine examples of architecture in the scenes, based upon
Florentine ecclesiastical architecture, notably the Brunelleschian motifs.
In addition to the artistic tradition, the pulpit’s iconography draws on the
historical context and on Franciscan preaching at the time. Scholarship on the image
of Francis and the cycles of his life is vast15. Studies dealing with Franciscan cycles, in
particular the cycle in Assisi and Giotto’s cycle in Santa Croce, have emphasized the
importance of the literary tradition. Two sources for the life of Francis and for Franciscan
iconography, both by Bonaventure take prominence: Legenda Maior (1260-1263) and
the Fioretti di San Francesco (1322-1328)16. These and other hagiographic sources
have been seen as having important links with the artistic tradition of the Franciscan
narrative cycles17. Regarding Benedetto da Maiano’s fifteenth-century pulpit, it is useful
to examine another contemporaneous literary source, namely, the sermons delivered by
Franciscan preachers of the fifteenth century. A possible source of influence might be
the sermons of San Bernardino da Siena (1380-1444), who preached in Santa Croce
in 1424-25 and whose school of followers continued preaching there throughout the
15
R.W. Cook, Images of St. Francis; G. Kaftal, St. Francis; S. Romano, La morte di Francesco,
pp. 339-368; S. Romano, Le storie parallele, pp. 63-81; A. Ladis, Franciscanism, the Papacy, vols.
I-IV; C. Pirovano, Francesco d’Assisi.
16
J.R.H. Moorman, The Sources; C. Frugoni, Francesco e l’invenzione; R.B. Brook, The Image
of St. Francis.
17
B. Cole, Another Look, pp. 48-53.
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fifteenth century. The emblem of San Bernardino appears both on the entrance door and
above the pulpit, hinting at the contribution of Bernardino’s sermons and those of his
successors to the pulpit’s iconography. The emblem of Bernardino, located directly above
the head of the preacher, features the letters IHS (Holy Name of Jesus) surrounded by
rays of light against a blue background. The congregation facing the preacher would see
the emblem in glittering colors; he would thus be speaking under the inspiration (both
physical and spiritual) of Bernardino and his school. Bernardino initiated a cult centered
on this emblem and dedicated entire sermons to it that were followed by scenes of people
kissing the emblem, weeping and hugging one another18. Visual representations of the
emblem were widely dispersed in Siena and can be found in many Franciscan institutions
throughout Italy. Though removed during reconstruction in the nineteenth century,
another representation of the emblem of San Bernardino was on the original façade of the
church of Santa Croce; in 1437, Bernardino had organized a procession through Florence
demanding that his emblem be put there to protect the city from the plague.
The encounter between the Christian and Muslim worlds is relevant in two
scenes on the pulpit: The Trial by Fire before the Sultan (fig. 2) and The Martyrdom of
the Franciscans at Morocco (fig. 3). The former emphasizes the role of the Franciscans
as missionaries and the greatness of Francis, who impressed even the sultan19. John
Tolan recently published St. Francis’s Trial by Fire before the Sultan which is an
innovative treatment of the evolution of the celebrated scene, in the artistic and literary
tradition from its beginnings until modern times20.
Fig. 2. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475:
The Trial of the Sultan (phot. Alinari).
18
D. Arasse, Entre dévotion, pp. 118-139.
D.E. Randolph, The Franciscan Concept.
20
J. Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan; J. Tolan, Il Santo dal Sultano; F. Cardini, Nella presenza
del soldan.
19
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Fig. 3. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475:
The Martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco (phot. Alinari).
According to tradition, Francis followed the crusades to Damietta and had
an interview with al-Kamil, the sultan of Egypt. Bonaventure’s version, presented in
the Legenda Maior in 1260, portrays Francis challenging the sultan and his imams
to an ordeal by fire to establish which religion was more powerful. The Muslims
refused and Francis offered to undergo the ordeal himself. The story ends with alKamil offering rich gifts to Francis, who declined them and left the Muslim court21.
Another version, emphasizing the merits and generosity of the sultan, was offered by
the fioretti (the Little Flowers of the Life of St. Francis) and goes as followed:
And standing before him, St. Francis, taught by the Holy Ghost, preached
the faith of Christ so divinely that for his faith’s sake he even would
have entered the fire. Whereat the Sultan began feeling great devotion
towards him, as much for the constancy of his faith as for his contempt
of the world (for albeit he was very poor he would accept no gift), and
also for the fervour of martyrdom he beheld in him. From that time forth
the Sultan heard him gladly, and entreated him many times to come back,
granting to him and to his companions freedom to preach where so ever it
might please them; and he also gave them a token, so that no man should
do them hurt22.
21
C.T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades; St. Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, pp. 579-580; J. Dalarun,
François d’Assise; I.H. Donat, Cultures italiennes.
22
J.M. Dent, The Little Flowers.
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This much favored version often appears in the popular preaching tradition,
most evidently in the sermons of Bernardino da Siena. Francis’s dramatic encounter with
the sultan became central to the Franciscan legacy and, thanks to Giotto, a frequently
depicted scene. In Santa Croce, it appears in both Giotto’s and Gaddi’s cycles.
In the pulpit relief The Trial by Fire before the Sultan, an arch draws attention
to the sultan, seated at the centre. He wears a dignified gown and his hat is the focal
point, as is typical when portraying Saracens23. He approaches his four well-dressed
imams, who are holding books. Whereas in Giotto’s depiction, the attendants are
moving away in shame, in Benedetto’s version, they are conversing with the sultan.
The Franciscan delegation is off to the side and St. Francis appears small and humble
with a simple halo around his head. The two groups are distinct, the Saracens having
beards and moustaches, but there is also some resemblance between them and even
a sense of dialogue; for example, one of the Franciscans appears to be speaking with
one of the sultan’s attendants. This scene takes place in a fine architectural setting,
based upon Florentine ecclesiastical architecture that includes Brunelleschian motifs,
for example, the throne is fashioned in a Florentine shell niche. The familiar setting
has the effect of reducing the distance between the Florentine spectators and the
Saracens, who are not depicted as foreigners; two attractive balconies with intriguing
spectators complete the setting.
This scene reflects an admiration towards the kind and wise Saracen ruler, a
perception that appears in the Italian literary tradition: in the Novellino, in Boccaccio’s
Decameron and in exempla in Bernardino’s sermons. Furthermore, the possibility of
converting the Saracen ruler gains special significance in the historical context, since
the idea of converting the Ottoman sultan as a solution to the Turkish threat was
discussed among Franciscan circles in the fifteenth century, the most famous and
intriguing example being the Franciscan Pope Pius II’s, Letter to Mehmet, in which
Pius by a variety of arguments, both religious and pragmatic, tried to convert the Great
Turk to Christianity24. The letter goes as follows:
It is a small thing, however, that can make you the greatest and most
powerful and most famous man of your time. You ask what it is. It is
not difficult to find. Nor have you far to seek. It is to be found all over
the world– a little water with which you may be baptized, and turn to
the Christian sacraments and believe the gospel. Do this, and there is no
prince in the world who will exceed you in glory, or equal you in power25.
The fifth scene on the pulpit, The Martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco, is
highly original. According to tradition, Franciscan missionaries went to Morocco in the
thirteenth century to convert the infidels, an initiative that ended in their being beheaded.
The martyrdom in Morocco is a scene rarely found in art. One possibly related depiction
is Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s fresco (ca. 1331) in the church of San Francesco in Siena; but
it has been argued convincingly that Lorenzetti’s fresco represents the martyrdom of the
six Franciscan missionaries at Almalyq in central Asia by the Mongol Khan Ali in 1339
and not the earlier martyrdom episodes in Morocco26. In Santa Croce, although the scene
of the martyrdom does not appear in Giotto’s Bardi chapel, it does appear in Gaddi’s
panel, probably the artistic source for Benedetto da Maiano’s relief.
23
24
25
26
A. Contadini, Artistic Contacts, pp. 1-16.
J. Hankins, Renaissance Crusaders, pp. 111-207.
G. Toaffin, Pio II, pp. 113-114.
M.S. Burke, The Martyrdom, pp. 460-492.
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The martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco is unique in the cycle as a
whole in using the technique of continuous narrative, meaning that the same characters
appear more than once in actions occurring at different moments and are presented
together in a single unified space. The sculptor uses variations in depth to separate
the various moments of action: on the left, the friars awaiting their martyrdom; then
the martyrdom itself, with the friars in the background shown entering a church;
and finally their assumption into heaven. The Franciscan narrative paintings of the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, involved only monoscenic episodes, representing
single moments in the life of Francis, as exemplified in the cycles in Assisi and in
Giotto’s cycle in the Bardi chapel. It was in the fifteenth century that the technique of
continuous narrative was introduced into Franciscan cycles, a further example being
Benozzo Gozzoli’s frescoes in Montefalco (1452), where numerous episodes of the
saint’s life are presented in continuous form, yet with narrative clarity27.
The artist has drawn attention to the Moroccan sultan and his court by placing
a canopy above their heads; while the sultan, with an impressive hat, looks aside and
talks with one of his attendants, another attendant evinces a gesture of horror at the
scene. The focal point of this relief, however, is the figure of the executioner, who
is dramatically beheading the friars. Instead of the benevolent sultan at the centre,
as in the preceding relief, there is a brutal killer with a distorted body. The two halfnaked spectators on the stairs resemble monkeys clinging to bars. Two distinct social
classes among the Saracens are depicted: the common executioner and spectators
versus the more cultured sultan and his attendants, who are nevertheless responsible
for the vicious act. The architecture chosen for this scene is notably different and more
Oriental, thus separating the action from the Florentine context.
There were two famous cases of martyrdom in Morocco in the thirteenth
century: one involving five missionaries sent to Marrakesh in 1220, the other seven
missionaries sent to Ceuta in 1227. Then, in 1227, Brother Elias sent seven friars from
Tuscany to Morocco. They too preached to the Muslims, were arrested, imprisoned
and finally martyred. Part of a letter written from prison to Hugo, a Genoese priest,
has come down to us, which depicts their suffering as imitating the agonies of Christ.
These missionaries were idealized in Franciscan legacy as being devoted to God,
fervent in spirit and wanting with all their energies to convert the Muslims28. The ideal
of mission and crusade was central in Franciscan legacy. In the Morocco episode,
five missionaries were sent to Marrakesh in 1220, traveling through Spain, Castile,
Portugal, and Seville before finally reaching Marrakesh, where they were martyred
because of their persistence in preaching Christianity. Upon seeing the bodies of the
martyred friars, St. Anthony of Padua had a spiritual experience that caused him to
join the Franciscans. The concept of martyrdom was also important for St. Francis.
According to tradition, he followed the Crusades to Damietta and had an interview
with al-Kamil, the sultan of Egypt. Bonaventure’s version, presented in the Legenda
Maior in 1260, portrays St. Francis as challenging the sultan and his imams to an
ordeal by fire to establish which religion was more powerful. The Saracens refused
but St. Francis underwent the ordeal himself and emerged unscathed from the flames.
The story ends with al-Kamil offering the saint rich gifts, which he refused and he
departed from the court. In fact, the stigmatization of St. Francis was considered by
theologians such as St. Bonaventure as a type of martyrdom. Thomas of Celano noted
27
L. Andrews, Story and Space, pp. 9-11; M. Fierro, Decapitation of Christians, pp. 137-164;
I. Monteira, Une iconographie, pp. 165-181; I. Monteira, A. Munoz, F. Villasenor, Destierro físico,
pp. 129-142.
28
D.E. Randolph, The Franciscan, pp. 37-54.
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in his Vita Prima that St. Francis longed for martyrdom but was showered with gifts
and sent back to the Christian side unharmed.
There is a debate as to which of these two cases is represented on the
pulpit. According to a recent interpretation by Doris Carl, the scene represents the
martyrdom of the earlier five missionaries in Marrakesh. Carl bases her claim on the
hypothesis that the figure in the left corner is St. Anthony of Padua29. She therefore
connects the scene to the martyrdom of 1220, after which Anthony saw the relics of
the martyrs and decided to abandon the Augustinian order and join the Franciscans.
Carl, who dates the pulpit to around 1485, argues that in 1481 the Franciscan pope
Sixtus IV had canonized the martyrs of Marrakesh and that this explains their
appearance on the pulpit. She notes that the cult of the martyrs was first venerated
by the Augustinian friars at Santa Cruz, Portugal, and that only with the rise of the
Turkish threat and the massacre in Otranto in 1480, did the Franciscan pope Sixtus
IV canonize these martyrs. In either case, whether it is the Marrakesh or the Ceuta
martyrs we are dealing with, the pulpit’s iconography should be placed in the context
of mendicant crusade-preaching campaigns. The fact that two scenes out of the five
deal with an encounter of Franciscans with the Muslim world, either as missionaries
or as martyrs, also gains special significance in this historical context. The second half
of the fifteenth century, after the fall of Constantinople, is characterized by a call for
a crusade against the Turks. In 1443, an encyclical from Pope Eugene IV appealed to
all prelates to pay a tenth of their income to support the war against the Turks. There
were rhetorical calls by preachers such as Bernardino da Siena and writers advocating
the crusades, without practical results. In 1453, Constantinople fell to the Ottomans,
and Nicholas V issued a bull calling for a crusade against the Turks. Aeneas Sylvius
Piccolomini, who became pope in 1458, taking the name Pius II, initiated a meeting
of the Christian powers in Mantua in 1459 where prospects for a new crusade were
discussed. In 1464, Pius II was issuing additional plans for the crusade against the
Turks. He set out for Ancona but died there before his plans for the crusade were
realized. Pius successors, Paul II and Sixtus IV, were eager to carry on his endeavors,
but no real progress was made. In 1471, the Franciscan pope Francesco della Rovere,
who took the name Sixtus IV, published an encyclical letter urging the united action
of Christendom against the common foe, condemning the Turks and calling for their
destruction. This Christian propaganda for a new crusade met with little response in
the West. In 1472, Sixtus IV corresponded with Lodovico II Gonzaga of Mantua about
how to act against the sultan, and he began recruiting a fleet with the aim of starting a
crusade against the Turks. He tried to raise support for various crusading plans but met
with no success. In 1480 with the Turks invading Rhodes and also Otranto in Apulia,
an atmosphere of fear prevailed in Italy and a league against the Turks that included
Florence was established. In 1481, however, Mohammed II died and the Otranto was
liberated, bringing temporary relief from the pressure30.
Crusading sympathy in Tuscany, particularly in Florence, had a long history,
going back to the twelfth century. Many Florentines throughout medieval times were
active as crusaders, missionaries and pilgrims or at least sympathetic to the crusading
movement. This tradition continued in the fifteenth century, when Florence openly
voiced support for papal crusading efforts and participated in fund-raising for the
29
S.B. McHam, The Chapel of St. Anthony.
F. Cardini, Europe and Islam; K.M. Setton, The Papacy, vol. II, pp. 314-345; H.W. Hazard,
A History of the Crusades, pp. 661-665.
30
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crusade31. The main supporters of crusade propaganda in Florence were the Franciscan
and Dominican preachers, who acted as virtual papal envoys, continuing a tradition
of mendicant crusade sermons32. The genre of crusade sermons also intensified at this
time. An example of mendicant crusade propaganda in the fifteenth century might be
taken from the preaching of the Dominican Observant preacher Antoninus Pierozzi
(1389-1459), archbishop of Florence. In his oration before Pope Calixtus III in 1455,
Antoninus made an impassioned plea for the crusade against the Turks:
All the powers of Italy, thus united (and for this reason the more powerful), unanimous in word and purpose, would be able to move against the
son of perdition, Mahomet, angel of Satan, most impudent dog, violator
of all laws and customs, mystic anti-Christ who fights against everything
Christian, in order to destroy his forces and crush his audacity, and to
eliminate him from the frontiers of the faithful and to recover the territories seized by him and sacked, and especially that once glorious city of
Constantinople now, however, unfortunately captured by him33.
Bernardino da Siena might himself have been associated with crusade
preaching34, and his followers –among them Cherubino da Spoleto, Giacomo della
Marca, Giovanni da Capestrano, Roberto da Lecce and Michele da Carcano– were
all engaged in crusade-preaching campaigns, many of them conducted in Florence’s
Santa Croce. Cherubino da Spoleto delivered crusade sermons in Santa Croce in 1466
and 148235. In 1443, Giacomo della Marca was nominated by Eugene IV as an apostle
for crusade preaching, along with Alberto da Sarteano, who in 1459 and again in
1463-1464 was active on behalf of Pius II in promoting the crusade36. Giovanni da
Capestrano, another crusade preacher, was active mainly in Tuscany in the 1450s
and 1460s raising funds for the crusade; in art, he is represented with a banner of the
crusade. Roberto da Lecce, according to Erasmus, during his sermons would strip
off his habit to reveal the crusader’s livery and armor underneath37. Michele Carcano
was a crusade preacher who in 1459 and 1463 gave sermons on behalf of Pius II and
in 1481 on behalf of Sixtus IV. In Santa Croce he preached on the crusade cause in
1455, 1462, 1466, and 146738. The content of these militant sermons can be shown
to inform the messages of Benedetto da Maiano’s pulpit with its ideas of mission, as
in Francis courageous encounter with the Egyptian sultan and especially regarding
martyrdom, as in the heroic death of the Franciscans in Morocco.
In short, the Saracens are portrayed ambivalently on the pulpit: while there
is admiration for the generous Egyptian sultan, combined with an interest in his and his
courtiers’ exotic appearance, the Saracens in the martyrdom scene are dehumanized
and shown as animals. The central ideas conveyed by the pulpit iconography are a
mixture of mission and martyrdom, conversion and crusade, typical of the Franciscan
heritage and relevant to the political and religious climate following the Ottoman’s
conquest of Constantinople.
31
R. Black, Benedetto Accolti, pp. 270-276; F. Cardini, Il Movimento Crociato; idem, Studi sulla
storia; idem, Toscana e Terrasanta.
32
C.T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades, pp. 111-160.
33
Antoninus, Summa Historialis, f. 299; P. Howard, Diversity in Discourse, pp. 283-307.
34
F. Donati, San Bernardino, pp.130-136.
35
R. Rusconi, Cherubino da Spoleto, pp. 446-453.
36
C. Casagrande, Giacomo della Marca, pp. 214-221.
37
M. Baxandall, Painting and Experience, pp. 48-50.
38
R. Rusconi, Michele Carcano, pp. 742-744.
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3. SANTA MARIA NOVELLA
In the Dominican church of Santa Maria Novella, on the other side of town,
we are confronted with a wealth of images that reflect the complex way the Saracens
were perceived by the Dominicans. The Dominican church of Santa Maria Novella
had begun to assume its present form by the thirteenth century and, from 1311, a
studium was established in the convent39. We find Muhammad in hell (following
Dante’s conception) in Nardo di Cione fresco in the Strozzi Chapel; the threat of
the Turks during the Council of Florence, portrayed in Paolo Uccello’s fresco of the
Flood, in the Green Cloister; and the cruelty of the Saracens, in Filippino Lippi’s
frescoes.
Dominican perceptions of the Saracens and of other minority groups, is
most vividly expressed in Andrea da Firenze’s series of frescoes in the church’s
chapter house, also known as the Spanish Chapel40. The chapel had a dual function:
it was the funerary chapel of the patron and his wife, who are buried there, as well as
a chapter house for the Dominicans friars of Santa Maria Novella. The chapter house
served various purposes in the life of the Dominicans in Santa Maria Novella. It was
where the community met on a daily basis, where the Dominicans conducted their
official ceremonies, where the prior was chosen and important visitors were received.
Thus the frescoes were viewed by the friars on a daily basis, and they were also shown
to distinguished guests on special occasions41.
The fresco decoration was paid for by the Florentine merchant Buonamico di
Lapo Guidalotti. He was a friend of Fra Jacopo Passavanti (1300-1357), the Dominican
writer and preacher sometimes credited with having been chiefly responsible for the
iconographic program of the frescoes. Passavanti was prior of Santa Maria Novella
during the period 1354-1355 and the author of an influential devotional treatise, Lo
specchio della vera penitenza (The mirror of true repentance). It has been suggested
that the treatise anticipated many of the fresco’s details, especially the Via Veritatis
fresco because in the prologue Passavanti explains that his text is based principally on
his Lenten preaching of the previous year in Florence. There has even been speculation
that Passavanti’s portrait is to be found in the figure of the friar listening to a penitent
in the Via Veritatatis fresco42. However, the commission was actually assigned, by
a later prior, Zanobi Guasconi, eight years after the death of Passavanti. Thus the
program was probably devised in the theological school attached to the convent, if not
directly by Passavanti.
The central theme of the series is twofold: first, to commemorate Christ’s
death on the Cross and his subsequent Resurrection and Ascension to heaven;
second, to glorify the Dominican order, mark key activities of the order, and
celebrate such saints as Peter the Martyr. Accordingly, one of the entrance walls
has scenes from the Life of Saint Peter the Martyr, with the Road to Calvary, the
Crucifixion and the Descent into Limbo opposite. Within the chapter house, the
Triumph of Saint Thomas Aquinas appears on the left and on the right the Church
Militant and the Church Triumphant, otherwise known together as the Via Veritatis.
39
R.A. Turner, Renaissance Florence, pp. 79-82; E.H. Welch, Art and Society, pp. 182-184; M.
Mulchahey, First the Bow.
40
L. Marcucci, Andrea di Bonaiuto, pp. 83-85.
41
E. Borsook, The Mural Painters, pp. 51-55; J. Gardner, Andrea di Bonaiuto, pp. 107-138; M.
Meiss, Painting in Florence, pp. 94-104; J. Polzer, Andrea di Bonaiuto’s, pp. 262-289; S. Romano,
Due affreschi del cappellone, pp. 181-213.
42
E. Corbari, Vernacular Theology.
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20
Scenes of the Pentecost, the Navicella, the Resurrection and the Ascension decorate
the vault43.
The Spanish Chapel frescoes include hundreds of figures. What is striking
is that many of them have a foreign appearance. Numerous figures wear Oriental or
Mongol costume, are dark-skinned or have Oriental eyes, have bearded faces and are
wearing turbans or Jewish hats. The intention seems to be to define the identity of the
Christians, and particularly the mission of the Dominican order, in juxtaposition to
other nationalities and religions. The infidels serve a vital role in bringing out their
differences from the Christians and illuminating the superiority of Christianity. The
New Testament scenes on the walls of the chapel, such as the Road to Calvary and the
Crucifixion, exhibit Oriental-looking or bearded characters with Jewish hats mocking
Christ. These figures are the most prominent among Christ’s persecutors. There
seems to be a clear distinction between the European-looking figures shown as the
supporters of Christ and the Oriental or Jewish protagonists shown as his opponents.
The external differences highlight the moral distinction between the pious Christians
and the wicked infidels.
The most celebrated fresco in the cycle and the one that offers the most
complex perception of the Jews is the Via Veritatis (fig. 4). Focusing our attention
for a moment on the lower part of the fresco, we see the black and white dogs,
the domini canes racing to the right, urged on by St. Dominic, who represents the
zeal of the Inquisition. In another group, twelve heretics are having their errors
spelled out by St. Peter Martyr counting them off, point by point, on his fingers.
The ability of Peter Martyr to convert heretics was an admired cult among the
Dominicans. An example to the widespread adoration of the Martyr’s persuasive
talents is an intriguing tale, taken from one of his vitae. It describes the preaching
of St. Peter Martyr directed to a group of heretics in the town of Melano44. The
leader of the heretics, mocking Peter Martyr, is disrupting the sermon, demanding
that the preacher create a cloud to protect the congregation from the heat of the sun,
which is very bothersome. Peter Martyr takes on the challenge. He makes the sign
of the cross from the high pulpit on which he is standing and immediately a cloud
appears, sent by the Lord, and provides shade for the audience until Peter Martyr
has completed his sermon, bringing joy to the believers and much shame to the
heretics.
Whereas Peter uses the power of speech and expressive gestures, St. Thomas
uses the written word as his means of persuasion. Pointing to the text of his opened
book, he is preaching to the disbelievers, including Saracens and Jews (fig. 5).
They respond in various ways, some calmly and reflectively, others with active
discourse. Two kneel submissively before him in prayer, while others seem deeply
affected by his arguments, one ripping his heretical book to shreds. Others, however,
are rejecting his teaching; one man is even covering his ears so as not to hear the truth.
His text: Veritatem meditabitur guttur meum et labia mea detestabuntur impium (My
mouth shall meditate truth; and my lips shall hate wickedness) is taken from Aquinas’
Summa contra gentiles, which borrows from Proverbs (8,7). Here Thomas’ writings
seem more persuasive than Peter’s speech, since none appears to be converted by
the latter, whereas of the men addressed by Thomas some respond in a positive way
and convert. As is typical of medieval iconography, it is rather difficult to distinguish
clearly between the Muslims and the Jews in Thomas’ crowd of unbelievers. Perhaps a
43
D. Norman, The Art of Knowledge, pp. 217-242; G. Leoncini, La pittura del Trecento,
pp. 79-103; R. Salvini, Il cappellone, pp. 89-125; F. Antal, Florentine Painting, pp. 247-251.
44
R. Rusconi, Predicazione e vita, p. 147.
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21
clue to their identity could be their headgear: those wearing an Oriental-looking head
scarf, turban or kaffiyeh could be Muslims, while the bearded figures with the yellow
canonical or the wide-brimmed hats could be considered Jews. Yet the distinction is
not clear-cut45.
Fig. 4. Andrea da Firenze, Via Veritatis, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. Alinari).
Fig. 5. Andrea da Firenze, Via Veritatis: Detail, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. N. Debby).
45
I. D. Kalmar, Jesus Did Not Wear, pp. 3-11
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22
The representation of Thomas Aquinas in the Spanish Chapel conveys the
ideas of mission, and conversion as an option for Muslims and Jews. It especially
highlights the role of the Dominicans as missionaries. Although, modern research
throws doubt on the innovative nature of the Dominican missionary endeavors and the
utility of the Summa contra gentiles as a preaching manual, the fresco celebrates the
ideal. Thomas is depicted in accordance with the legend that Raymond of Penyafort,
the head of the Dominicans, had asked Thomas to compose a work against the errors
of the infidels, by which both the cloud of darkness might be dispelled and the teaching
of the true Sun made manifest. Thomas famously says in the prologue to the Summa
contra gentiles that when debating with the Jews one can use the Old Testament as
a basis of understanding. However, with Muslims and pagans there is no use turning
to a common authoritative text and one must then have recourse to natural reason,
to which all men are forced to give their assent (Book I, Chapter 2). The Summa
contra gentiles, then, was written to expound to unbelievers certain philosophically
compelling arguments, arguments with which all are forced to agree, thus preparing
the way for their assent to the Christian faith. The painted image, then, shows Thomas
as a missionary using the written manual.
The next fresco, The Triumph of Thomas, emphasizes the glory of Dominican
wisdom as personified by Thomas Aquinas, the dominant figure at the center, who is
seated on a throne surrounded by the sacred and profane sciences, the cardinal virtues,
and various prophets and apostles (fig. 6). Aquinas appears at the center of a complex
figural scheme. He is seated upon an elaborate throne at the apex of which appears
a fictive roundel that depicts a half-length female figure representing Wisdom. He is
holding an open book which features a text from the Book of Wisdom. On the base
beneath him crouch the tiny figures of the heretic Muslim and pagan philosophers:
Sabellius, Averroes and Arius, three writers whose teachings were decisively rejected
by the Church. They present a striking antithesis to the triumphant demeanor of the
other figures in the painting, and they appear as intruders in the real space of the
chapter house, reminding us that they are excluded from the intellectual community
of Christians (fig. 7). The overthrow of Averroes by St. Thomas is illustrated in other
fourteenth-century works, of which the most famous is the Glorification of St. Thomas
Aquinas in Santa Caterina in Pisa, attributed either to a follower of Simone Martini.
This iconography was conceived with a specifically didactic message: to celebrate
Saint Thomas Aquinas as a theologian and teacher and, more specifically, to promote
the claim that his writings were divinely inspired and superior to those of nonChristian authors.
The fresco on the vault illustrates the scene of the Pentecost, when the
apostles received the Holy Spirit and were thus able to disseminate their message
in different languages, an apt foreshadowing of the Dominican commitment to
teaching. This scene shows the triumph of Christianity over the heretics. On the
balcony are the Virgin, Christ and the apostles, surrounded by light, with the Holy
Dove above them representing the Holy Spirit; on the ground, in darkness, in front of
the closed door, are gathered the humiliated figures of the heretics, the Muslims and
the Jews. Additional figures are wearing Oriental costume, Eastern Asian headgear
or traditional Jewish hats. In the Ascension of Christ, a similar group of heretics lies
sprawled on the ground with closed eyes, a sign of their blindness to the miracle
occurring in the upper part of the scene. They represent a variety of Oriental figures
one wears a turban, another Mongol hat; and there is a bearded figure wearing a
Jewish hat46.
46
D.H. Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews, pp. 174-175.
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23
Fig. 6. Andrea da Firenze, The Triumph of Thomas, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. Alinari).
Fig. 7. Andrea da Firenze, The Triumph of Thomas: Detail, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. N. Debby).
On the whole, the frescoes deliver similar messages: the willfully unseeing
heretics serve to highlight the truth of Christianity. The Christian reigns triumphant
while the Saracen is subjugated and humiliated. The Saracens are lumped together
with other heretics such as the Jews. Nevertheless, hope exists for their conversion in
Thomas’ missionary activity. The frescoes adopt a theological and intellectual stance.
Thomas wins over Muslim philosophy, but he succeeds only partially in converting
the infidels, including the Muslims.
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24
4. CONCLUSION
In conclusion, both the Dominicans and the Franciscans depicted the
Saracens in degrading manner in order to illustrate the superiority of their orders.
Yet their histories, ideologies and pictorial codes are distinct. The Franciscans were
a missionary order with direct contact with Muslim communities in the East for
centuries; in their pictorial imagery, they offered two options: a positive experience
with a kind Saracen ruler or a violent clash resulting in martyrdom; the Dominicans
as devoted servants of the papacy visualized the encounter as a religious debate and a
rivalry between philosophers. The Franciscans as a popular order closer to the masses
of believers emphasized the fantastic –the trial by fire, the exotic– the figure of the
Sultan, and the violent, the savage death of the missionaries. The Dominicans as an
intellectual elite highlighted their ability to convert the Saracens through theological
arguments and the superiority of scholastic theology over Muslim philosophy. The
meeting between flesh and blood depicted by the Franciscan legacy became that of
ideas in the Dominican heritage.
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Fecha de recepción del artículo: octubre 2011
Fecha de aceptación y versión final: abril 2012
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 29-52
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.02
PREACHERS AS HISTORIANS.
THE CASE OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM IN 70 AD
EL PREDICADOR COMO HISTORIADOR.
EL CASO DE LA DESTRUCCIÓN DE JERUSALÉN EN EL 70 DC
JUSSI HANSKA
University of Tampere, Finland
Abstract: This article studies the uses of
historical sources in thirteenth-century
sermons. As the surviving corpus of the
sermons is vast, one particular Sunday,
namely the 10th Sunday after the Holy
Trinity, which refers to the destruction of
Jerusalem, was chosen for the analysis. In
particular, it will examine the use of the
widely copied model sermon collections.
The author demonstrates that the writers
of these sermons indeed used a wide
selection of historical sources and that
they sometimes had obvious gusto for
historical writing. However, the historical
reliability of the text was always
secondary to the theological purposes.
If theological argumentation demanded
tampering with the historical evidence, it
was done without remorse.
Keywords: historiography; preaching;
13th century; model sermon collections;
the destruction of Jerusalem; Flavius
Josephus.
Resumen: En este artículo, se estudia el
uso de fuentes históricas en los sermones
del siglo XIII. Habida cuenta de la inmensidad del corpus homilético existente, el
análisis se centrará en los sermones pronunciados para un solo domingo –el décimo domingo después de la Santísima
Trinidad– que aluden a la destrucción de
Jerusalén. Para llevarlo a cabo, se examinará el uso de los sermonarios con mayor
difusión. El autor demostrará que los autores de estos sermones emplearon una
amplia selección de fuentes históricas y
que, incluso, pudieron evidenciar un claro
gusto por la redacción histórica. Sin embargo, la fiabilidad histórica de la fuente
siempre fue considerada de menor importancia que los fines teológicos. Si la argumentación teológica requería la manipulación interesada de los hechos históricos,
ésta se hacía sin remordimiento.
Palabras clave: historiografía; predicación del siglo XIII; sermonarios; la destrucción de Jerusalén; Flavio Josefo.
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. The use of historical sources in thirteenth-century sermons.– 2. When? The
dating of the destruction of Jerusalem according to the historical sources.– 3. The founding
of Aelia Capitolina, a chronological mistake?– 4. The description of the siege.– 5. Why? The
motivations for including historical events in sermons.– 6. Conclusions.– 7. Bibliography.
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JUSSI HANSKA
1. INTRODUCTION. THE USE OF HISTORICAL SOURCES
IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY SERMONS
When one is thinking about the sources of medieval sermons, one generally
tends to think of different theological, especially patristic writings. However, closer
examination reveals that among the popular source material of thirteenth-century
preachers were astonishing numbers of texts that can only be described as historic.
The range of these texts varies from history proper to the pseudo-historical narratives
found in different exempla collections.
In the case of the exemplum stories history was conceived as a part of
the complex rhetorical system of convincing audiences. Historical story or anecdote
was not important as such, but rather because of its ability to confirm the message
of the sermon. According to the Artes praedicandi manuals preachers had three
possible ways of arguing their message. They could rely on rationes, auctoritates
and exempla. Rationes, as the name suggests, were means convincing listeners
with reasoning. The accepted auctoritates were the Bible, the Church Fathers, and
in some cases certain classical authors such as Cicero, Aristotle, and Seneca1. The
exempla are a far more complex category. They could include all sorts of narratives
that could be used to convey salutary moral lessons. These were, to give but a few
examples, exempla proper, fabulae, similitudines and, most interestingly from our
point of view, historiae.
Hence, preachers perceived history as one of the subcategories of
exemplum. If one looks into the definition of exemplum given by Jacques Le
Goff, one notices immediately that a short historical narration would be the best
possible exemplum. Le Goff writes that the exemplum is: un récit bref donné
comme véridique et destiné à être inséré dans un discours (en général un sermon)
pour convaincre un auditoire par une leçon salutaire2. Hence a good exemplum
needed to be short, credible, and it was supposed to contain a salutary moral lesson.
Numerous anecdotes of ancient history were often moralising in their very nature.
Therefore they made perfect material for exempla. The idea of historical anecdotes
as exempla was by no means a novelty in the thirteenth century. History had been
presented as a means of moral education in numerous eleventh- and twelfth-century
artes poeticae and artes rhetoricae3. The novelty was that similar rhetorical means
of persuasion were introduced into the sermo modernus in preacher’s manuals
(artes praedicandi).
Yet the role of historical material in the thirteenth-century and later
medieval preaching was much more important than being relegated to exempla
material. As Gilbert Dahan points out, in any medieval exegesis there was an
ongoing conflict between the literal and the spiritual meaning of Scripture, and
during the thirteenth-century the use of historical material in the literal expounding
of the Scripture was particularly fashionable. Even during earlier centuries, the
medieval commentators never neglected the study of the literal sense of Scripture.
In fact, Gregory the Great, who was an advocate of spiritual explanation par
excellence, took the view that exegesis of a Biblical text must always begin from
its literal interpretation4.
1
C. Bremond, J. Le Goff, J.C. Schmitt, L’«Exemplum», pp. 30-31; B. Roest, Reading the Book
of History, pp. 219-220.
2
C. Bremond, J. Le Goff, J.C. Schmitt, L’«Exemplum», pp. 37-38.
3
Päivi Mehtonen, Old Concepts and New Poetics, pp. 64-65, pp. 80-86.
4
G. Dahan, L’exégèse chrétienne de la Bible, p. 239 and p. 280.
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PREACHERS AS HISTORIANS
31
Sermons, especially when written according the more traditional homily
style, were essentially a subcategory of biblical exegesis, and therefore this balancing
between the spiritual and the literal exposition of the biblical text that the preachers
were commenting and expounding upon is evident from the sources. All in all, one
can safely say that the spiritual analysis was considered to be more important, and
more space was given to it. Nevertheless, one still finds sermons that comment upon
their thema text with a highly literal approach, or, one could even say, as historians.
According to Hugues de Saint-Victor († 1141), literal analysis of the text was divided
to three different parts, namely, textual analysis (littera), historical and archaeological
context (sensus), and philosophical and theological approach (sententia)5.
Thirteenth-century preachers had a great variety of standard sources to
help them to reconstruct the sensus, or the historical context of the biblical text they
were preaching about. One of the most important sources was the writings of Jewish
Historian Flavius Josephus, whose corpus provided preachers and commentators
with an alternative source to compare and confirm the writings of the Bible6. As we
shall see below, Josephus was not always quoted directly, but in many cases through
Eusebius of Caesarea’s Historia ecclesiastica.
Several other patristic writers continued to write church histories
according to the model set by Eusebius. The most well-known of them are Socrates
of Constantinople, Sozomen, and Theodoret of Cyrus. Cassiodorus (ca. 485-580)
combined the histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret into a single work,
in Latin, called the Historia tripartita. It became one of the standard historical
sources for medieval writers7. Out of the later histories, it is necessary to mention
three works, namely Petrus Comestor’s († 1178) Historia scholastica, which was
basically a revision of the biblical history from Creation up to the Acts of Apostles,
Vincent de Beauvais’ († 1264) Speculum historiale, and lastly, Jacopo da Varazze’s
(† 1298) Legenda aurea, which included biographies of all the major saints and lots
of historical information about their times, and was consequently an important source
for the sermones de sanctis collections8.
One of the most interesting Sunday Gospel readings from the point of view
of historical information was the pericope for the tenth Sunday after the Holy Trinity
(Parisian or Dominican liturgy) or ninth Sunday after the Pentecost (Franciscan or
Roman liturgy)9. It was Luke’s story of Jesus entering Jerusalem (Luke 19, 41-48)
The reading is divided in two parts. In the first part (verses 41-44) Jesus sees the city
of Jerusalem from the Mount of Olives and cries over it. He makes a short speech in
which he prophesies the future destiny of the city, and tells that it will happen because
Jerusalem had not known the time of its visitation. The latter part of the reading
(verses 45-48) tells how Jesus entered the temple and drove out the moneylenders.
Most of the sermons for this Sunday, as indeed, this article, concentrated only on the
verses 41-44.
The general consensus is that Jesus was referring in his speech to the future
destiny of the city of Jerusalem. The Roman troops besieged and destroyed Jerusalem
5
Ibidem, p. 240.
Ibidem, p. 276.
7
G.F. Chesnut, Eusebius, Augustine, Orosius, pp. 688-689.
8
On Historia scholastica, see G. Dahan, L’exégèse chrétienne de la Bible, p. 277. On Speculum
historiale, see J.B. Voorbij, Les mises à jour de la matière dominicaine, pp. 155-161. On Legenda
aurea, see B. Fleith, F. Morenzoni (eds.), De la sainteté à l’hagiographie.
9
On the Gospel readings according to different liturgical systems, see M. O’Carroll, The Lectionary for the Proper, pp. 79-103.
6
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JUSSI HANSKA
and the Temple of Herod the Great during the rebellion of 66-70 AD. The destruction
of the city in 70 basically finished the rebellion even if the last rebel outpost, the desert
fortress of Masada, was taken only in 73 AD. The main Christian source of the events
was the above-mentioned passage of Saint Luke10. Many other scholars, indeed the
majority of them, however, take the view that Luke wrote his gospel sometime after
the destruction of Jerusalem in 70, either in the late 70s or during the 80s. The most
common arguments for this dating were presented by E. Peretto in the Dizionario
patristico e di antichità cristiane. He states that the ancient tradition, Luke’s prologue,
and Ireneus of Lyon invite us to think that the gospel was written shortly after Saint
Paul’s death that took place in 67. In addition to that, the detailed description of Luke
compared to the more vague allusions of Mark, seem to indicate that it was written
after the destruction of Jerusalem as a prophecy ex eventu11. While there seems to
be no consensus on the dating, it may be underscored that the majority of the most
credible scholars are in favour of the view that the Gospel was definitely written after
the destruction of Jerusalem12.
As the above-mentioned Gospel passage became the standard reading
sometime during the early Middle Ages that was used as a basic text for Sunday
sermons all over Christian Europe, it became increasingly important to find material
that helped preachers to construct the literal exposition of this text. For this purpose,
the most obvious text, and indeed heavily used already during the patristic age, was
Flavius Josephus’ Bellum Iudaicum13. However, as Josephus wrote his work in Greek,
most of the thirteenth-century preachers had to rely on the Latin translations of
Josephus or, as indeed many of them did, Latin translations of Eusebius of Caesarea’s
Historia ecclesiastica14.
How did preachers make use of the historical source materials when
expounding this Gospel reading? What was the tradition on which they were building
their sermons? This article analyses more closely how the writers of the model
sermon collections presented the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD as a historical
event. When exactly did it happen? How was the siege described, and finally, the
key question of any historical analysis, namely, why was Jerusalem destroyed by the
Romans? Historical anecdotes used as exempla will be left out of this article as they
have already received fair share of the scholar’s attention.
10
For a comprehensive modern presentation of the events of the Jewish War and its consequences, see M. Goodman, Rome and Jerusalem, pp. 379-487.
11
E. Peretto, Luca in Dizionario patristico, vol. II, col. 2037.
12
See for example: W. Stegemann, Lukas, col. 492; R. Fabris, Luca, Vangelo di L., vol. II, p. 279.
For the contrary opinion dating Luke before the destruction of Jerusalem, see R.T.A. Murray, Luke,
Gospel, vol. VIII, p. 1070.
13
On the Christian use of Josephus’ writings, see H. Schreckenberg, Josephus in Early Christian
Literature, pp. 3-85; P. Bilde, Flavius Josephus, pp. 16-17.
14
Josephus was translated to Latin twice. The first translation circulated under the name of Hegesippus. It can be dated to the end of the fourth century or to the beginning of the fifth. It is not
exact translation, but rather a Christian re-working of Josephus’s text filled with interpolations and
anti-Jewish tendencies. The writer remains unknown as the Hegesippus must be considered to be a
scribal misspelling of Josephus. The second translation, also dating back to late antiquity, was more
reliable rendition of Josephus’s text. Eusebius of Caesarea’s Historia ecclesiastica was translated in
Latin by Rufinus de Aquileia in the beginning of the fifth century; C. Moreschini; E. Norelli, Manuale
di letteratura cristiana antica, p. 386.
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2. WHEN? THE DATING OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM
ACCORDING TO THE HISTORICAL SOURCES
For historical writing the dating of the events described is essential. Stories
beginning with expressions such as, “a long time ago,” are considered fairy tales, not
histories. From the historical sources we know that the destruction of Jerusalem took
place in year 70 AD. This is, however, not the way it was presented in the sermon
literature where one practically never encounters dates given according to our calendar
system. That was simply not important for the preachers and their audiences. For them
it was necessary to accord the events described a specific place within sacred history,
running from the creation of the world to the second coming and the end of times. In
this linear history, the significant turning point was obviously life of Christ incarnated.
It is within this timeline that the Cistercian preacher, Caesarius von
Heisterbach († sometime after 1240), sets the events in Jerusalem. He writes:
On the fortieth year after the passion of our Lord (which time was given
for the Jews for penance), Caesar Nero sent against the obdurate two
Roman princes, Vespasian and Titus, who would have vengeance for the
blood of Christ, John the Baptist, and both Jameses15.
Thus Caesarius anchors the events of the Gospel reading firstly to the
salvation history by informing that they took place forty years after the passion of
Christ and secondly, to the secular Roman history by mentioning explicitly that they
took place during the reign of Nero, and by naming the Roman generals Vespasian and
Titus who were in command during the Jewish war.
Caesarius clarifies the dating even further by noting that after the death of
Nero, Vespasian returned to Rome to become the new emperor and left his son, Titus,
in command. Finally, in a later passage of his sermon Caesarius also informs his
readers that the siege took place after Easter because the city was filled with pilgrims
who had come there to celebrate Easter according to Jewish custom16.
What then would these dates reveal to the potential audiences of the sermons?
For modern readers familiar with the main events of Roman history, it is easy enough
to calculate that Vespasian’s military operation in the Roman province of Judaea must
have begun before the death of Nero in 9 June 68 and continued at least sometime after
it. Similarly, modern readers, knowing that the operation started before the death of
Nero, although probably not much before, can subtract the aforementioned forty years
from 68 and conclude, taking at face value the information provided by Caesarius von
Heisterbach, that Jesus must have been crucified in 37 or 38 AD.
However, it is very unlikely that the audiences of Caesarius von Heisterbach,
except perhaps some of his fellow monks, would have known his sources or been
aware of Roman history beyond a few morality stories and anecdotes heard from the
pulpit. Therefore we really need to ask: What was the significance of providing these
dating elements for the preachers themselves and for the audiences of their sermons? It
15
Caesarius von Heisterbach, Homilia in domenica undecima, p. 68. “Anno quadragesimo post
passionem Domini, (quod tempus iudaeis ad poenitentiam indultum fuit,) missi sunt contra induratos
duo principes Romani a Nerone Caesare, Vespasianus et Titus, qui sanguinem Christi, Joannis Baptistae, et Jacobi utriusque vindicarent”.
16
Ibidem, pp. 68-69. “Mortuo vero Nerone Vespasianus propter obtinendum imperium Romam
redijt, Tito filio in obsidione relicto (...) ad diem siquidem festum Paschae innumerabilis multitudo
ex diversis ciuitatibus Jerusalem confluxerunt, qui nutu Dei in ciuitate, quasi carcere inclusi, detinebantur”.
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JUSSI HANSKA
is easy enough to understand that the destruction of Jerusalem needed to be presented
as part of the one truly significant history, that is, the great narrative of the history of
salvation. Hence it was dated with respect to the death of Christ by claiming that the
events prophesied by Jesus in the Gospel reading began to come true on the fortieth
year after his death. In fact, the year here is not a very significant detail since some
preachers said that they happened forty-two years after the passion of Christ. For
example, we could consider two model sermons on this Sunday from the first half of
the thirteenth century. The English preacher Odo of Cheriton († 1246/47) wrote his
sermon collection in 1219, and Italian Franciscan Luca da Bitonto’s († c. 1247)
collection can be dated between 1234 and 124317. Both these preachers provide an
interesting exegesis for the 4 Kings 2, 23-24:
And he went up from thence to Bethel: and as he was going up by the
way, little boys came out of the city and mocked him, saying: Go up, thou
bald head; go up, thou bald head. And looking back, he saw them, and
cursed them in the name of the Lord: and there came forth two bears out
of the forest, and tore of them two and forty boys.
Both the preachers explain that the boys mocking the Prophet Eliseus are
the Jews who mocked Jesus on the Cross. The Latin word for the bald head calvus
resembles calvario, the name of the place of execution where Jesus was crucified. The
two bears that came from the forest stand for Vespasian and Titus. The number of boys
torn to pieces stands for the forty-two years after the passion that was given for the
Jews to repent before the destruction of Jerusalem18.
Both these preachers used the German Benedictine monk Walafrid Strabo
(† 849) as their primary source for this exegesis. Walafrid Strabo took his information
concerning the destruction of Jerusalem not directly from Flavius Josephus but from
the Latin translation of Eusebius of Caesarea’s Historia ecclesiastica19. Thus we see
here that in the exegetic tradition of explaining this Gospel reading the novel exegetic
analysis won over chronological accuracy. Eusebius of Caesarea’s Ecclesiastical
History clearly relates (both in the original Greek version and in the Latin translation)
17
A.C. Friend, Odo of Cheriton, p. 647; E. Lombardo, Ecclesia huius temporis, pp. 124-125.
Odo of Cheriton, Sermones dominicales, f. 132r. “Tunc adimpleta [est] maledictio Elisei qui,
cum esset in monte quadraginta duos pueros illudentes ei dixerunt: ‘Ascende calue, ascende calue’ At
ille maledixit eis in nomine Domini. Et egressi sunt duo ursi de saltu et deuorauerunt illos pueros. Hii
pueri sunt iudei qui uero Elyseo illudentes dixerunt: ‘Prophetiza nobis Christe quis est qui te percussit’, et iterum, ‘descendat nunc de cruce et credimus ei’. Per quadragintaduos pueros intelligitur quod
Dominus expectauit per XLII annos, ut penitentiam agerent, sed illis, ne quaqua penitentibus ingressi
sunt duo ursi de saltu et deuorauerunt illos pueros, id est, Titus et Uespasianus de saltu gentilium et
iudeos, ut dictum est, interfecerunt”; Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, ms. 505, f. 204r. “Dati
sunt tamen ad penitentiam XLII anni post passionem Domini, sicut prefiguratum fuit in Helyseo, 4
Regum 2, 23-24: ‘Cui cum ascenderet in Bethel pueri egressi de ciuitate illudebant dicentes: “Ascende calue, ascende calue’ qui maledixit eis et sunt eggressi duo ursi de saltu [et] lacerauerunt ex eis 42
pueros’. Pueri sunt iudei qui illudebant Christo dicentes: ‘Prophetiza quis est qui te percussit’. Item:
‘Descendat de cruce etc.’ ei. In hoc quod 42 ex eis lacerati fuerunt significatur totidem anni quibus
expectati sunt, ut conuertentur. Duo ursi fuerunt principes romani Uespasianus et Tytus”.
19
This is easily seen if one compares Walafrid’s text to existing Latin renditions of Flavius
Josephus and Eusebius. Walafrid’s text is edited in Migne’s Patrologia; Walafridus Strabo, De subversione Jerusalem, in PL 114, col. 965-974. I have collated it with Stiftbibliothek St. Gallen, ms.
Sang. 565, pp. 158-171 and found that the Patrologia edition is fairly reliable and does not include
interpolations or major lacunae. The relevant passage here is PL 114, col. 970; St Gallen, ms. Sang.
565, pp. 170-171.
18
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that the destruction of Jerusalem took place in the second year of Vespasian’s reign
and precisely forty years after crucifixion of Christ. Hence, one cannot but notice that
the time period was lengthened to forty-two years evidently to be able to accomodate
the previously mentioned exegesis of 4 Kings 2, 23-2420.
Whether the thirteenth-century preachers who borrowed from Walafrid
Strabo were aware of this chronological error (he himself certainly was), or whether
they were simply following the tradition without consulting the original sources,
remains unclear. What we do know, however, is that at least Luca da Bitonto did
make some use of the earlier historians since he paraphrases a long passage directly
from Paulus Orosius († not before 418) in the following passage of the very same
sermon:
One reads in the Histories of the Romans that the Jews, when God’s
mercy on them had completely run out, felt that they were threatened
from everywhere with endless evils and were afraid of the signs and wonders. They were deceived by the lots in Mount Carmel prophecying that
military leaders would rise from Judaea and take hold of supreme power.
Hence they started a rebellion and having wiped out Roman garrisons
they also drove back the legate of Syria who had come to their aid and
captured his eagle and massacred his army. Vespasian, on the orders of
Nero, marched against them to Syria with many valid legions and he had
as one of his legates his elder son, Titus. Thus having captured many
towns, he trapped the Jews into besieged Jerusalem where they had gathered for the Easter feast. Having heard of Nero’s death, he was elected as
Emperor by the troops, he left to Rome via Alexandria and left Titus in
charge of the siege. Titus on his part, oppressed the city of Jerusalem with
[a] long and hard siege, [and] eventually broke the walls of the city21.
Using this passage from Orosius to give such a detailed description of the
events preceding the fall of Jerusalem is well beyond the call of duty of an ordinary
preacher. In so doing, Luca of Bitonto reveals himself as an aficionado of historical
narrative. Therefore, it is quite possible that he was actually aware of Eusebius’ dating
for the crucifixion, but nevertheless was carried away with the possibility of using the
appealing exegesis for 4 Kings 2, 23-24.
The odd relationship between, on the one hand, historical chronology and,
on the other hand, liturgical and exegetical needs can also be observed when preachers
discuss the more specific time of the destruction of Jerusalem within the church
20
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica III, 7.3-8; cf. idem, Liber III, Cap. 7, ed. Ausburg, 1506, “Hec
uero omnia gesta sunt secundo anno imperij Uespasiani iuxta ea que ipse Dominus et Saluator noster
Jesus Christus predixerat ... Quadraginta namque post admissum piaculum continuis protracta annis
impiorum pena differtur”. Originally this exegesis came from the letters of Jerome, who obviously
did not agree with the date of passion as provided by Eusebius; Jerome, Epist. CXX, 8.9-10.
21
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, ms. 505, f. 204r-v. “Legitur enim in Ystoriis romanorum quod iudei penitus Dei gratia destituti cum infinitis malis undique premerentur et signis et
portentis exterreantur in Monte Carmelo sortibus decepti fuerunt, qui portendebant exortos a Iudea
duces rerum summam potituros, unde in rebellione accensi extinctis romanis presidiis, legatum Syrie
auxilia ferentem, capta aquila et cesis copiis, fugauerunt. Ad hos igitur Uespasianus a Nerone directus multas et ualidas legiones in Syriam duxit, Tytumque filium suum maiorem inter legatos habuit.
Itaque captis opidis cum iudeos in Ierusalem ad festum congregatos obsidione clausisset, cognita
Neronis morte, imperator a militibus est electus relictoque obsidione Tito, per Alexandriam profectus
est Romam. Tytus uero magna ac diuturna obsidione iudeos premens tandem muros ciuitatis irrupit”.
I have corrected some readings in this passage from the manuscript Padova, Biblioteca Antoniana
417, f. 165v.; cf. Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversus paganos VII, 9.2-5.
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JUSSI HANSKA
year. The Dominican preacher Jacopo da Varazze explains that this particular gospel
reading was placed in the month of August because in that particular month the city of
Jerusalem was first besieged and destroyed by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar,
and then by the Romans22. Thus, we see in this case the historical evidence affecting
directly the liturgical year.
Other preachers, however, provide a rather different, although not
inconsistent, argument for the time of the destruction of Jerusalem. They argue that
it took place in the period following the Easter festivities because it was just that
the Jews should be punished at the same time that they had crucified Christ. Some
preachers, such as late twelfth-century theologian Raoul Ardent († 1200), actually
chose to claim that Jerusalem was really destroyed during the festive season23. In
fact, the Temple was burned in late August and the final resistance within the city was
crushed during the first days of September. Hence the actual destruction took place
months after the Easter season, a fact that, as we have seen from Jacopo da Varazze’s
sermon, was well-known in the Middle Ages and it most likely was known also to
a learned theologian such as Raoul Ardent. Sometimes, being liberal with historical
chronology was accepted if it made the point of the sermon stronger, that is, in this
case, emphasised more the guilt of the Jews and the destruction of Jerusalem as their
punishment.
In this particular case critical issues were at stake. It was already the
interpretation of many early Christian writers that the destruction of Jerusalem and,
more to the point, the destruction of the Temple, was a sign of God marking the
end of the Old Covenant and the beginning of the New where the Christians, and no
longer the Jews, were God’s Chosen People. With the destruction of Jerusalem and
the Temple, the worldly Jerusalem lost its religious significance (although it was later
on partly restored with the pilgrimages to the Holy Land), and the Christian discourse
concentrated on the Heavenly Jerusalem instead of the city of Jerusalem24. Therefore,
it was important for the preachers to show to their audiences that the destruction of
Jerusalem prophesied by Jesus in the Gospel reading was really an essential mile stone
in salvation history. If making that point demanded moving the events few months, it
was well worth the trouble.
3. THE FOUNDING OF AELIA CAPITOLINA, A CHRONOLOGICAL MISTAKE?
Another chronological inconsistency found time and time again in the
thirteenth-century sermons was clearly connected with the unfortunate combination
of the Patristic writers’ need to prove the accuracy of Jesus’ prophecy and their
22
Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, Dominica decima sermo secundus, f. 4r. “Sicut legitur in libro qui dicitur Mitralis, istud evangelium ideo in mense Augusti decantatur quia ciuitas
Hierusalem in illo mense primo a Nabuchodonosor, deinde a romanis destructa fuisse inuenitur”.
Jacopo’s source, a book called Mitralis, refers to Italian liturgist Sicardus da Cremona († 1215) and
his book called Mithrale, seu de officiis ecclesiasticis summa. The first destruction of Jerusalem by
the Babylonians took place in 587 B.C.
23
R. Ardent, Sermones de tempore, Sermo in dominica decima post festum S. Trinitatis, PL 155,
col. 2024. “Haec omnia, fratres mei, quae Dominus praedixit, impleta sunt per romanos principes,
Titum et Vespasianum, quadragesimo anno a passione Domini, et eadem solemnitate, in qua Dominum crucifixerant, subversa est civitas, et de ipsis occisi, tum ferro, tum fame, decies centum millia”.
24
On the early Christian theological debate on the role of Jerusalem, see P.W.L. Walker, Holy
City, Holy Places? See also J. Prawer, Christian Attitudes, pp. 311-315; T. Renna, Jerusalem in
Medieval Thought, pp. 11-12.
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37
careless reading of the primary sources. The errors thus born were circulated by the
later preachers either because of their exaggerated trust in these patristic authorities,
or because, once again, the mistake conveniently strengthened the argument that
needed to be made.
We are here referring to the Homily of Gregory the Great († 604) on the
Luke 19, 41-44. Gregory the Great used as his historical source Eusebius of Caesarea’s
Church History which, firstly, quoting long passages from Flavius Josephus’ Bellum
iudaicum, relates the story of the destruction of Jerusalem. Then in a later chapter,
Eusebius also relates the events that took place during the rebellion of Simon-BarKochba (132-135 AD) culminating in yet another destruction of Jerusalem in 13525.
After that rebellion Emperor Hadrian issued an edict that forbade Jews from entering
the city of Jerusalem or even coming within a distance from where it was possible to
see it. In many patristic sources the two destructions of Jerusalem are presented as
belonging to a same change of events and down playing the time between, namely
more than sixty years.
A good example of this tendency is homily number 39 by Gregory the Great.
He commented on the events of 70 AD in a homily delivered at the Lateran Basilica
in Rome sometime between 590 and 592. He first described quickly the events of
70 AD and then he moved on to describe the actual destruction of the city as it was
outlined in the Gospel text. He does not refer his readers to any historical sources on
the subject, but simply says only that the Gospel words and they shall not leave in
thee a stone upon a stone are confirmed by the fact that the contemporary Jerusalem
(that is, Gregory’s contemporary Jerusalem) was situated in a different place than the
ancient Jerusalem. In Gregory’s time the city centre was located near the place where
Jesus was crucified, whereas in Jesus’ time the executions were carried out outside the
city walls. Therefore, Gregory concluded that the old city had been entirely destroyed
and the new one built in a slightly different place26.
Here Gregory was essentially confusing the events of the two different
Jewish revolts, or he simply concluded that Jesus’ prophecy was only finally fulfilled
with the events of 135. Since he does not mention Hadrian or the Bar-Kochba rebellion
at all, one cannot know which the case was. What is certain is that later commentators
and preachers mixed these two events and presented them as one and the same chain
of events leading to the destruction of Jerusalem in such a manner that there indeed
was not a stone left upon a stone.
One of the most important commentators who followed Gregory’s argument
was Peter Comestor, who wrote his Historia scholastica between the years 1169 and
117327. Peter did not devote much space to the destruction of Jerusalem, but what
he wrote clearly indicates that he built on Gregory the Great’s exegesis28. The most
25
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica III, 7 and VI, 6.
Gregorius Magnus, Homiliae in evangelia, XXXIX, 7-13. “etiam ipsa iam eiusdem ciuitatis
transmigratio testatur, quia dum nunc in eo loco constructa est, ubi extra portam fuerat Dominus
crucifixus, prior illa Jerusalem, ut dicitur, funditus est euersa”.
27
D. Luscombe, Petrus Comestor, p. 119.
28
Petrus Comestor, Historia scholastica, PL 198, col. 1600. “Et, ut appropinquauit Jerusalem,
flevit super civitatem, dicens: ‘Quia si cognovisses, et tu, subaudi fleres, quia circumdabunt te inimici
tui vallo, et non relinquent in te lapidem super lapidem’, quasi dicat: ‘Si cognosceres ruinam tuam
futuram, et causam eius, quae abscondita sunt tibi in hac die, quae ad pacem tibi est, fleres’. Quod
autem illa Jerusalem prior funditus euersa sit, apparet, quia locus Calvariae, qui tunc erat extra eam et
sepulcrum modo sunt in ea. Helius enim Adrianus eam penitus euersam reparavit, mutavitque locum
et nomen, uocans eam Heliam”. I have controlled the PL edition against the Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, ms. Borghes. 62, ff. 144v-145r. It presents almost identical reading of this passage.
26
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famous of the thirteenth-century biblical commentators, the Dominican Hugues de
Saint-Cher († 1263) provided a more detailed version of Gregory’s argument and
gave it some more historical context. He wrote on his Postilla on the Gospel of Luke
commenting on the pericope of the tenth Sunday:
And it happened literally as the Lord had prophesied, for Jerusalem was
totally destroyed, not to be ever built, according to the prophecy of Isaias
5 [,5]: ‘And I will break down the wall thereof, and it shall be trodden
down.’ After the destruction carried out by the Romans, when they had
returned to Rome, the Jews, who had been hiding in caves and forests,
returned to their city, and started to venerate the holy places and rebuilt
them. When the Romans heard of this, they sent Aelius Hadrian, who destroyed it all completely so that there remained not a stone upon a stone,
and the Romans gave an edict that none of the Jews should live in the
inland areas [of the province of Judaea]. Later on Aelius built a modest
little town where the modern city is situated, and called it after his own
name Aelia, and it was known with that name for a long time afterwards.
It is evident that the earlier city was not rebuilt because Aelius built it in
a new place and changed its name. That it is situated in a different place
than the earlier city becomes evident from the fact that the place where
the Lord was crucified and the garden where He was buried are now in
the centre of the city, but at that time they were outside, just like the gallows where the thieves are hanged are in our days similarly outside the
cities29.
Hugues’ narration follows closely what actually happened except in one
small detail. The punitive campaign of Hadrian did not take place immediately after
the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD, but sixty-five years later. This historical
inaccuracy did not seem to bother other thirteenth-century preachers who copied
widely Hugues’ explanation of the events in their sermons. For example, the famous
Dominican preacher Guillaume Peyraut († 1271) and Jacopo da Varazze copied
extensively from the Hugues’ commentaries30.
29
Hugues de Saint-Cher, Postilla in Lucam, f. 248r. “Ad literam factum est sicut Dominus praedixit, quia Hierusalem funditus eversa est, non reaedificanda in aeternum, iuxta vaticinium Esa. 5.b.
‘Diripiam maceriam eius et erit in conculcationem’. Post eversionem quidem Romanorum, postquam
redierunt Romam, Iudaei, qui in speluncis et silvis latuerant, redierunt ad civitatem suam, et coeperunt venerari loca sancta et reedificare, quod audientes Romani miserunt Aelium Hadrianum, qui
funditus eam evertit, ita quod lapis super lapidem non remansit, et datum est edictum a Romanis, ne
quis Iudaeorum intra marinas partes habitaret. Postea Aelius aedificavit modicam civitaticulam ubi
moderna civitas est sita, et a nomine suo Aeliam denominavit, et longo tempore sic dicta est. Constat
ergo primitivam urbem non esse reaedificatam, cum in alio loco Aelius aedificaverit et nomen mutaverit. Et quod in alio loco sita est quam illa primitiva, apparet ex hoc, quia locus in quo crucifixus
est Dominus et hortus in quo sepultus est, modo sunt in medio civitatis, et tunc erant extra, sicut et
patibula furum in quibus rei suspenduntur modo sunt extra civitatem”.
30
Guillaume Peyraut, Sermones de euangeliis dominicalibus, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
ms. Vat.lat. 8605, f. 233v. “Postquam redierunt romani ipsa euersa uideris que in speluncis et siluis
latuerant redierunt Ierusalem et ceperunt uenerari loca sacra et reedificare quod audientes romani miserunt Elium Adrianum qui funditus euertit eam ita quod lapis super lapidem non remansit et datum
est edictum a romanis ne iudeus aliquis in transmarinis partibus habitaret. Post edificauit modicam
ciuitatem iuxta locum ubi esse solebat et a nomine suo Heliam nominauit, et longo tempus sic dicta
est et quia in alio loco Ierusalem sit quam esset tum Dominus fuit crucifixus patet ex hoc quod locus
in quo sepultus est modo modo sit in medio in medio ciuitatis et tunc erat extra et sicut et patibula
malefactorum hodie fuit extra ciuitatem”; Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, p. 215. “Iudei
autem qui in siluis et in speluncis latitauerant redierunt et ciuitatem reedificare ceperunt. Tunc romani
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Sometimes Hugues de Saint-Cher was quoted indirectly. For example,
early thirteenth-century Dominican preacher Ugo da Prato († 1322) was obviously
quoting the same passage of Hugues de Saint-Cher as Guillaume Peyraut and Jacopo
da Varazze31. However, closer analysis of his text reveals that he did not use Hugues
directly, but rather another thirteenth-century commentary on Luke written by another
Dominican preacher, Constantino da Orvieto († 1256)32. Thus we see that either
directly or indirectly, Hugues de Saint-Cher’s gospel commentary greatly influenced
the model sermons on the Dominica decima, especially those of the Dominican
preachers.
All these Dominican preachers were extremely learned men. Guillaume
Peyraut had written several learned tractates, such as the famous Summae de virtutibus
and de vitiis, and a guide to education of royal princes. He most likely entered the
Dominican order in Lyon and studied at the studium there. Lyon was during the
first half of the thirteenth century one of the most important centres of Dominican
preaching and a respectable centre of learning too33. Jacopo da Varazze had a keen
interest in historical writing as he wrote the Chronicle of his home town Genova
(Chronicon Januense) and the histories of the most important saints (Legenda aurea).
Ugo da Prato is less well-known than the other two, but it is known that he studied
theology in the studium of Naples in 1288-128934.
Is it conceivable that none of them would have known the time gap
between the siege of 70 and the Simon-Bar-Kochba revolt? We know that at least
Jacopo da Varazze knew the Latin version of Josephus’ Jewish War and Eusebius’
Historia ecclesiastica since he used both these works as sources in his Legenda aurea.
Therefore, it seems plausible that these preachers considered that the destruction of
Jerusalem in 135 and the edict that forbade the Jews from entering the city were a
fitting way to round up the exegesis of Luke 19, 41-44. Therefore down playing the
historical distance between the two destructions of Jerusalem was a small sacrifice
that needed to be made to keep the story coherent and rhetorically effective.
In fact, we have some evidence of such practise from the preceding century.
German Benedictine abbot Werner von Ellerbach († 1126) claims in his homily for
illuc miserunt Helium Adrianum qui ciuitatem funditus euertit, ita quod lapis super lapidem non
remansit. Iuxta locum tamen illum quandam ciuitatem eis reedificauit, et suo nomine eam Helyam
nominauit. Et longo tempore sic uocata fuit. Quod autem illa ciuitas non sit modo ut prius erat patet,
quia sepulchrum Christi tunc erat extra muros. Modo autem in media ciuitatis est”.
31
Ugo da Prato, Sermones dominicales. Sermo in dominica decima post festum s. trinitatis,
f. 14r. “Post euersionem enim Hierusalem redeuntibus romanis Romam, iudei qui in speluncis et
siluis latuerunt, redierunt et receperant loca sancta uenerari et reedificare. Quod audientes romani miserunt Hierusalem Helium Adrianum qui funditus eam euersit ita quod lapis super lapidem non remansit. Postea dictus Helias edificauit modicam ciuitatunculam non in eodem loco ubi moderna Hierusalem
sita est et a nomine suo Helyam nominauit et longo ipse sic dicta est. Quod patet ex hoc quia locus in
quo crucifixus est Dominus et ortus in quo sepultus est in medio ciuitatis sunt, ante erant extra”.
32
Constantino da Orvieto, Commentarius in Lucam, f. 110r. “Post euersionem enim romanorum
redeuntibus eis iudei qui in speluncis et in siluis fugientes latuerant redierunt ad ciuitatem et ceperunt
uenerari loca sancta et reedificare, quod audientes romani miserunt Helyum Adrianum qui funditus
eam euertit ita quod lapis super lapidem non remansit. Postea Helyus edificauit modicam ciuitatunculam ubi moderna ciuitas sita est et a nomine suo Helyam denominauit et longo tempore sic dicta est,
non tamen in eodem loco quo erat prima ciuitas, quod ex hoc constat quia locus in quo crucifixus est
Dominus et ortus in quo sepultus est modo sunt infra ciuitatem, tunc autem erant extra”. On Constantino da Orvieto and his commentary, see C. Cenci, Il Commento al Vangelo di S. Luca, pp. 103-145.
33
A. Dondaine, Guillaume Peyraut, pp. 170-172, 184, 222-223; D. d’Avray, The Preaching of
the Friars, pp. 147-149.
34
S. Vecchio, Le prediche e la istruzione religiosa, p. 305.
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the tenth Sunday after the Holy Trinity that the Romans would have sown salt to the
ground after the destruction of Jerusalem to make sure that nothing would grow there
anymore –an obvious confusion between the destruction of Carthage after the third
Punic war and the events of 70 AD (none of the historical sources on the destruction
of Jerusalem claims that salt was sown there)35. Making such a mistake seems so far
fetched that clearly Werner von Ellerbach did it on purpose to emphasise the severity
of the destruction of Jerusalem.
4. THE DESCRIPTION OF THE SIEGE
The Gospel text does not provide rich details describing how the city was
actually conquered. The expression circumdabunt te inimici tui vallo et circumdabunt
te et coangustabunt te undique informs the readers that Jerusalem was besieged, while
the rest of the text reveals that after the siege the city was destroyed. We have seen
that the preachers, nearly all those who dealt with the literal interpretation of the text,
specified that the enemies of the Gospel text were Romans and, in most cases, the
names of Titus and Vespasian are also mentioned.
As for the details of the siege, only a few preachers were adequately
informed of them, or thought it necessary to provide their audiences with such details.
Sometimes preachers differed on the exegesis of the siege. Hugues de Saint-Cher
comments on the above quoted passage as follows: thine enemies shall cast a trench
about thee, Bede: Roman princes. Trench, literally, as it is said that the Romans made
three ramparts around Jerusalem to capture the city. And compass thee around, and
keep thee in on every side, so that you are surrounded from every side36.
Thus Hugues’ text is not very informative, but all the same, interesting. It
stands to logic that Jesus’ words were to be interpreted literally to mean ramparts or
siege walls made by the Romans. The problem is, however, that none of the known
sources claims that there were three of them. Flavius Josephus writes about several
siege walls or ramparts that were raised in different stages of the campaign, but nowhere
does he claim that there were three of them altogether37. Similarly, the surviving part
of Tacitus’ Histories only states that since the nature of the ground did not allow a
direct assault, Titus chose to use earthworks to besiege the city38. However, Jerusalem
had three defensive walls and it is possible that Hugues had somehow misunderstood
them to mean aggeres built by the Roman forces.
Another Dominican commentator and preacher, Nicolas de Gorran († 1295),
followed Hugues’ explanation but offered also an alternative one. He wrote:
Thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee, that is, the Roman princes,
a trench, literally, as it is said that the Romans made three siege walls
around Jerusalem to capture the city, or a trench, that is, with an army
placed around the city in the form of a trench, Isaiah 29[,3]: “And I will
35
Wernerus abbas S. Blasii in Silva Negra, Libri deflorationum, PL 157, col. 1094.
Hugues de Saint-Cher, Postilla in Lucam, f. 248r. “Circumdabunt te inimici tui, Beda: Romani
principes. f. vallo, ad literam dicuntur romani tres aggeres fecisse circa Hierusalem capiendam. g. Et
circumdabunt te et coangustabunt te quasi undique eris obsessa”. By Beda, Hugues is referring to his
immediate source, the commentary on Luke by Venerable Bede; cf. Opera. Pars II Opera exegetica.
3 in Lucae Euangelium expositio, pp. 346-347.
37
Josephus, Bellum Iud. V and VI.
38
Tacitus, Hist. V.13.
36
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camp against thee round about, and will lay siege against thee with a
mound etc.” And compass thee around, and keep thee in on every side,
that is, close you in prohibiting entrance, exit, introduction of victuals,
soldiers, and weapons39.
Here Nicolas de Gorran first repeats verbatim the explanation of Hugues
de Saint-Cher, but then adds, as if he was not very convinced by Hugues’ argument,
that it could be that Luke’s words simply meant that the Roman army surrounded
Jerusalem, thus taking the shape of a wall. Nicolas also refers to the grim life in
besieged cities by spelling out explicitly that compassing Jerusalem from every side
meant completely isolating the city from the outer world by stopping anyone entering
from exiting, and especially stopping the transports of victuals and other necessary
things to the besieged city.
The third Dominican commentator of Luke, Constantino da Orvieto, showed
even more awareness of military issues:
Thine enemies, the Roman princes, shall cast about thee a trench, a
trench dug around the city of Jerusalem, And compass thee around with
an army of soldiers posed on all sides of the city, and keep thee in with
war machines placed on every side40.
The novelty in Constantino’s exposition was that he was the only
biblical commentator to mention the war machines used in the siege. Constantino’s
commentary was, as stated before, the principal source for the model sermon
collection by another Dominican, Ugo da Prato. He took the material of Constantino
and clarified it further:
Thine enemies, that is the Roman princes, shall cast a trench about thee,
that is, with a wall made of vallis, that is, of wooden poles, for vallus
means pole, but vallum is a palisade made of poles. For it is said that
Titus and Vespasian had made three ramparts or ditches over and around
Jerusalem, and in the first place they ordered to build a palisade. Similarly they will hem thee in with a army of soldiers posed on all sides of
the city, and keep thee in on every side, that is with war machines and
giant crossbows placed all around41.
39
Nicolas de Gorran, Commentarius in Lucae Evangelium, ms. 525, f. 217r. “Et circumdabunt
te inimici tui, scilicet principes romani, uallo ad litteram, quia tres aggeres dicuntur romani fecisse
circa Ierusalem [ad] capiendam [eam], uel uallo, id est exercitu suo ad modum ualli ordinato Ysa.
29[,3]: ‘Circumdabo quasi sperata in circuitu tuo et iaciam contra te aggerem etc.’ Et conangustabunt
te, scilicet concludendo et prohibendo introitum et exitum et introductionem uictualium, militum et
armorum”. I have collated this manuscript against the Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 682,
f. 120r. and corrected some readings.
40
Constantino da Orvieto, Commentarius in Lucam, f. 110r. “Et circumdabunt te inimici, romani principes, uallo, per fossatum factum in circuitu Ierusalem, et circumdabunt te, per exercitum
bellatorum circumquamque disponitum, et coangustabunt te, per machinas et instrumenta undique
erecta”.
41
Ugo da Prato, Sermones dominicales, f. 14r. “Et circumdabunt te inimici tui, super, romani
principes, vallo, scilicet per cathenationem factam de vallis, id est, de palis ligneis. Nam vallus est
palus, sed vallum est ista cathenatio facta de palis. Tres enim aggeres siue fossata dicuntur fecisse
Titus et Vespasianus super Hierusalem in circuitu eius, et in primo fecerunt vallum. Similiter circumdabunt te per exercitum bellatorum circumquaque dispositum et coangustabunt te undique, scilicet
per machinas et balistas undique erectas”.
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Ugo da Prato was obviously writing his model sermon with a delivery in the
vernacular in mind. Otherwise there would have been no point in explaining carefully
the difference between the words vallum and vallus. Interestingly, despite using
Constantino da Orvieto as his main source, he here refers to Hugues de Saint-Cher’s
commentary, too, by introducing the story about the three ramparts built around
the town. Where Ugo makes a slight mistake, however, is that he claims that these
ramparts were built by Titus and Vespasian, as Vespasian at the time of the siege had
already left to Rome to claim the Emperor’s position.
Ugo seems to be very keen on the military details. A good example of
this particular interest is that he replaces his source with more precise terms when
describing the war machines used by the Romans during the siege. Where Constantino
da Orvieto simply states that the city was also surrounded by war machines (machinas
et instrumenta), Ugo clarifies that there were war machines and giant crossbows
(machinas et balistas).
Also, Jacopo da Varazze shows remarkable interest in the details of the
siege. His model sermon also provides us with a short interpretation of what Saint
Luke might have meant by the term vallo:
What comes to literal interpretation, it is true that the Roman princes,
namely Titus and Vespasian, laid siege to Jerusalem and surrounded it
with three mounds, and over each mound they built a vallum, that is, a
wall made of vallis, that is, of poles42.
Thus, Jacopo da Varazze puts together the words agger and vallum, by
proposing that the Romans first built mounds and above them ramparts made of
wooden poles.
Interestingly, he also explains the difference between vallum and vallus,
which raises the question of mutual dependence between Jacopo’s and Ugo da Prato’s
sermon collections. A brief look at the sermons of these authors reveals that there are
many more common passages. Hence it is clear that one of them borrowed from the
other. As we know that Jacopo da Varazze’s Sunday sermon collection was written
before 1286, and Ugo da Prato’s sermons were most likely written only after 1291, we
can fairly safely conclude that it was Ugo da Prato who copied from Jacopo43.
Flavius Josephus tells that Titus tried to avoid at all cost destroying the
Temple of Herod the Great, but, alas, some soldiers set it on fire accidentally, and
others failed to obey his orders to save it44. Eusebius of Caesarea simply mentions in
passing that the Temple perished in flames45. Historians have argued that Josephus’
version of the destruction of the Temple was meant give a more sympathetic picture of
Titus. In fact, the Romans had destroyed it on purpose to eradicate the Jewish religion.
42
Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, p. 216. “Quantum enim ad litteram, verum fuit quod
Romani principes, scilicet Vespasianus et Tytus Hierusalem obsederunt et circa eam fecerunt tres
aggeres et super aggeres fecerunt vallum, id est, concathenaturam de vallis hoc est de palis”.
43
Jacopo da Varazze gives himself an elenchus of his works in his Chronicon Januense written
in 1293; Jacopo da Varazze, Chronicon Januense, col. 53. It is likely that he lists his works in the
writing order. As Sermones de omnibus evangeliis dominicalibus precedes the Sermones quadragesimales in the list. The dating of Ugo da Prato’s collection is based on the fact, that he seems to refer
to the fall of Acre that took place in 1291; Ugo da Prato, Sermones dominicales, f. 15r. “Temporibus etiam nostris omnes civitates ultramarine christianorum capte et destructe a barbaris nationibus
sunt.” Therefore it is clear that Ugo wrote his sermons after Jacopo da Varazze.
44
Josephus, Bellum Iud. VI, pp. 236-266.
45
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica III, 5.4.
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Indeed, this is the version that was given by the now lost passages of Tacitus’ Historiae
that were quoted by the early Christian writer, Sulpicius Severus († c. 425)46.
Severus’ (or Tacitus’) version of the destruction of the Temple was used by
Paulus Orosius in his hugely popular History against the Pagans47. Orosius was, in
turn, paraphrased by Italian Franciscan preacher Luca da Bitonto in his sermon for the
tenth Sunday. Luca writes:
But to fight the internal fortifications of the Temple where a great multitude of priests and magnates had closed themselves in and continued to
defend it, Titus spent twenty days. He pondered whether he should burn
it or save it as a sign of victory, but eventually he burned it and destroyed
it on the 1002th year from the first day of its existence as it was foretold
by Zechariah 11[,1]: Open thy gates, O Libanus, and let fire devour thy
cedars48.
Here it is interesting to note that Luca da Bitonto uses Orosius’ text rather
freely. Firstly, he adds the detail that the battle over the inner fortifications of the
Temple took twenty days. Such information is not to be found in Orosius nor have
I been able to track any other source for it. The quotation from Zechariah was also
the preacher’s own addition to confirm Orosius’ narrative with biblical authority.
This was typical of preachers because for them the authority of Holy Scripture
was always superior compared with the historical works that could only be used as
secondary sources of information to complete the picture drawn from the biblical
sources.
Another interesting point about Luca da Bitonto’s use of historical sources
is his vagueness in naming them. The first time he quoted (see above footnote 22)
Orosius in this sermon, he referred to it as the Histories of the Romans (Legitur enim
in Ystoriis romanorum). The above presented paraphrasis is presented in the middle
of the text without giving any information on the source. In another passage in the
same sermon, Luca introduces the story of a Jewish woman who during the siege kills
and eats her own son by stating: As Josephus relates (Nam sicut Josephus refert)49.
However, when compared to the different Latin versions of Josephus, it soon becomes
obvious that Luca da Bitonto did not have first hand access to Josephus’ text, but he
took his version of the Jewish woman’s story from the German Benedictine monk
Walafrid Strabo’s tractate De subversione Jerusalem50.
It was a common custom during the Middle Ages to use different
intermediary sources or even florilegiae and still refer to the original work. In this
respect Luca da Bitonto was no exception. Indeed, many other preachers related the
46
Sulpicius Severus, Chron. II 30.6; M. Goodman, Rome and Jerusalem, pp. 420-423; W. Weber,
Josephus und Vespasian, pp. 72-73; B. Isaac, The Invention of Racism, pp. 477-478.
47
Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversus paganos VII.9.5-6. On the Paulus Orosius’ History and
its popularity (more than 200 extant manuscripts), see G.F. Chesnut, Eusebius, Augustine, Orosius,
p. 697.
48
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, ms. 505, f. 207v. “Sed
ad expugnandum templi munitionem quam inclusa multitudo sacerdotum et principum tuebatur, 20
dies Tytus expendit, de quo deliberans an incenderet, an in signum uictorie reseruaret, tandem incendit illud ac diruit millesimo centesimo secundo anno a primo die conditionis sue sicut predictum
fuerat Za. 11[,1]: Aperi Libane portas tuas et comedat ignis cedros tuas”.
49
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, ms. 505, f. 207r. As I
have dealt with this story elsewhere, I will not deal with it any further in this article.
50
Cf. Walafridus Strabo, De subversione Jerusalem, col. 968.
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same story about the Jewish woman Mary who killed, fried, and ate her son. Nearly
without exception, they name Josephus as their source, but in none of the cases I have
seen did they actually use directly Josephus’ even in Latin translation.
5. WHY? THE MOTIVATIONS FOR INCLUDING HISTORICAL EVENTS IN SERMONS
One of the real measure sticks of historical thinking is the ability to
understand the reasons for the historical events. The true historian is never satisfied
with description of what happened, but rather asks the key questions: Why did it
happen? Here the theologically motivated preachers had an advantage as the very
biblical text they were commenting upon was written to answer this question. One has
to remember that Luke, as we have seen, in all likelihood wrote his Gospel soon after
the events of 70 AD. The dating of the Gospel plays a key role when seeking Luke’s
motivation to explain the destruction of Jerusalem.
It is important to understand that the destruction of Jerusalem was not only
a catastrophe for the Jews, but it was also a terrible blow for the Jewish-Christian
community of Jerusalem. It is true that Eusebius of Caesarea claims that the Christian
community of Jerusalem was warned and commanded by an oracle to move to the city
of Pella in Perea (one of the Greek cities of Decapolis in eastern side of river Jordan).
Eusebius writes that by the beginning of the siege, the holy men, that is, the Christians
had altogether deserted Jerusalem and the whole of Judaea so that the judgement
of God might at last overtake them [i.e. the Jews] for all their crimes against the
Christ and his Apostles51. Modern scholars, however, have not accepted Eusebius’
reconstruction and taken the view that the Jewish Christians, even if Josephus does
not mention them, fought alongside the other Jews to defend Jerusalem and perished
with the city. This theory seems to be plausible because the Jerusalem church that had
played a major role in the early decades of Christian movement simply vanishes from
the sources after 70 AD52.
When writing his Gospel Luke had to explain to his readers how the holy
city of Jerusalem came to be destroyed by the Romans, and his answer was because it
had not known the time of its visitation. Luke does not state explicitly what he means
by this visitation, but it is clear enough, and it was clear enough for his contemporary
readers, that he meant the incarnation and preaching and teaching of Jesus among the
Jews53. Such was also the interpretation of numerous early Christian writers54.
With the existing Biblical and Patristic tradition, the thirteenth-century
preachers did not have much space to manoeuvre when explaining the destruction
of Jerusalem. What is interesting, however, is what sources they used to provide
the standard explanation, namely that Jerusalem was destroyed because the Jews
had killed Jesus and some of the leaders of the early Christian movement, such as
Saint Stephen and James the brother of Lord. Caesarius von Heisterbach writes in his
sermon for the tenth Sunday:
51
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica III, 5.3.
S.G.F. Brandon, The Fall of Jerusalem, pp. 170-180.
53
B. Kinman, Jesus’ Entry into Jerusalem, p. 143.
54
For a catalogue of such early sources, see F. Cocchini, Gerusalemme, in Dizionario patristico,
vol. II, col. 1488. Cocchini indicates following sources: Tertullian. Adv. Jud. 13, 26-28; Tertullian,
Marc. 3,23; Origen. Hom. Jer. 13,1; Jerome, Comm. Matth. 23,38; Jerome, Epist. 46,5; John Chrysostom, Hom. Matt. 76,1; Augustine, Civ. 17,10.
52
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45
The illustrious historians Josephus and Hegesippus relate thoroughly in
the order foretold by the Lord how much and what kind of evil thing
came to pass to the city of Jerusalem and its surroundings after the passion and ascension to Heaven of our Saviour. These things happened because it did not know its visitation, that is, the corporal presence of Christ
who saw it fit to teach the sons of Jerusalem with words, example, and
miracles and to entice them away from their sins55.
Here Caesarius von Heisterbach has clearly revealed the role of the historical
sources in his sermon. The historians were useful when one needed to expound with
more details the literal sense of the Gospel reading. Yet they were second hand
sources compared to Holy Scripture, and indeed, Caesarius implies that the historians
were writing according to Jesus’ prediction and he even described the events in the
very order that Jesus had predicted them (eo ordine quo praedicta sunt a Domino).
The reader gets the impression that Caesarius meant to state that the historians were
writing, supposedly without knowing it themselves, under divine inspiration, and
precisely because they would be useful in explaining the Gospel text to ordinary
Christians.
Luca da Bitonto does not emphasise the role of the historians as material
witnesses useful for explanation of the Gospel, but in practise this is evident from his
sermon too. When dealing with the reason of the destruction of Jerusalem he notes
that Luke explains the reason when he writes that Jerusalem did not know the time of
its visitation, and adds: The time of visitation was the time of the Incarnation when the
Orient from on high hath visited us. Then he launches into a series of similitudines all
describing how the Jews rejected this visitation. All these are confirmed with biblical
authorities56. Having proved that the Jews refused their visitation, Luca reveals the
consequences of this refusal by saying:
Because they did not want to receive this salutary visitation, they were
visited in wrath and indignation as the Lord himself says, Jeremiah
11[22-23]: Behold I will visit upon them: and their young men shall die
by the sword, their sons and their daughters shall die by famine. And
there shall be no remains of them57.
Having stated that, Luca moves on to relate the actual siege and destruction
of the city, and this he does mostly by referring to the historian’s writings, albeit
occasionally adding biblical quotations to give more authority to his text. This
passage concerning the consequences of the Jews’ refusal to accept the Lord’s
salutary visitation culminates with the quantitative presentation of the losses the
Jews suffered during and after the siege: Josephus writes that 1,100,000 perished
55
Caesarius von Heisterbach, Homelia in dominica undecima, p. 67. “Quanta vel qualia mala
post passionem Saluatoris, et ascensionem eius in coelum venerunt super Hierusalem, et universos
fines eius; eo quod non cognoverit tempus visitationis suae, id est, praesentia Christi corporalem; in
qua filios eius verbis, exemplo, et miraculis docere, et a peccatis euocare dignatus est; Josephus et
Aegesippus historiographi illustres plenissime descripserunt”.
56
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, ms. 505, f. 206v.
“Tempus uisitationis fuit tempus incarnationis quando visitavit nos oriens ex alto”.
57
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, Assisi, Bibl. Comunale, ms. 505, f. 206v-207r. “Quia uero uisitationem istam salutarem recipere noluerunt, ideo
uisitati fuerunt in furore et indignatione sicut ipse dominus ait, Ier. 11[,22-23]: Ecce ego uisitabo
super eos iuuenes morientes in gladio filii eorum et filie morientur in fame et reliquie non erunt
ex eis”.
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by the sword or hunger, whereas it is told that 90,000 were dispersed [all over the
Empire]58.
As we have seen, Luke and the early Christian writers presented the
destruction of Jerusalem as divine punishment for the Jews because they had killed
Christ and persecuted the Church. In practise this meant that the Romans were only an
instrument of God. However, different preachers present their role differently. Some
claimed that the Romans were really aware of the wrong doings of the Jews towards
Christ and his apostles and decided to avenge this out of their own initiative. Other
preachers took the view that the Romans only served as a part of the divine plan and
their own free will had little or no influence in the matter.
An example of a preacher who presents the Romans as willing to avenge
Christ is the Dominican preacher Antonio Azaro da Parma († after 1314)59. He wrote:
This great evil happened forty years after the ascension of the Lord. Vespasian, namely, who was a great prince in the court of the Roman emperor, wanting to avenge the death of Lord, gathered together a great army
with the blessing of the emperor, and left to destroy Jerusalem, which he
besieged for a long time60 .
Obviously, we know from Flavius Josephus and other sources that in reality
Vespasian did not go to Jerusalem to avenge the death of Christ, but rather on the
orders of Emperor Nero to put down the Jewish revolt.
Antonio Azaro Parmense’s version of the events goes back to an anonymous
eighth-century apocryphal legend concerning the destruction of Jerusalem circulating
under the name Vindicta salvatoris61. In this legend Titus meets a Jew in Libya and
asks him if he knows of some medication that could cure leprosy. The Jew Nathan
responds that he does not, but if Titus had been in Judaea some time before, he would
have seen a man who worked many miracles and cured people who suffered from
leprosy. However, he was crucified on the demand of the Jews. Titus replies to this
lamenting his faith and saying that if he had the Jews who killed Jesus in front of him,
he would kill them all. Once he says this, he is miraculously cured from leprosy, is
baptized and plans his revenge upon the Jews. Together with Vespasian, he raises an
army, sails to Judaea, and besieges Jerusalem62.
However, taking into account Antonio Azaro Parmense’s strong emphasis on
Vespasian, it is likely that he used Jacopo da Varazze’s enormously popular Legenda
aurea as his primary source instead of the original version of Vindicta salvatoris. In
Jacopo da Varazze’s version it is Vespasian, not Titus, who promises to avenge the
murder of Christ. He gathers a great army on the permission of Nero and sails to
58
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, ms. 505, f. 207v.
“Josephus scripsit undecies centena milia gladio et fame perisse, dispersorum uero numerus nonaginta milia hominum fuisse narratur”.
59
On the life and works of Antonio Azaro Parmense, see G. Meersseman, Le opere di fra Antonio
Azaro Parmense, pp. 20-47.
60
Antonio Azaro Parmense, Sermones de tempore, Sermo in dominica decima post festum S. Trinitatis, Brussels, Bibl. Royale, ms. 1958, f. 153 v. “Hoc grande malum factum est post ascensionem
domini anno quadragesimo. Uespasianus enim magnus princeps in curia imperatoris romani, uolens
ulcisci mortem domini congregauit magnum exercitum de uoluntate imperatoris, et uadens ad destructionem Iherusalem obsedit eam longo tempore”.
61
On the origin and dating of the Vindicta Salvatoris, see H. Lewy, Josephus the Physician,
pp. 224-230; S.K. Wright, The Vengeance of Our Lord, p. 29.
62
Vindicta Salvatoris, in Evangelia apocrypha, pp. 471-486.
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47
Judaea63. In either case, re-producing this apocryphal story shows that either Antonio
Azaro Parmense was not familiar with the original sources of the Jewish war (Josephus
or Eusebius’ quotations from Josephus), or he simply decided that in connection with
preaching a colourful story beats dull historical facts. Here it is interesting to note
for the sake of comparison that Jacopo da Varazze himself does not reproduce the
apocryphal material of Legenda aurea in his Sunday sermons, but is content with
using much more reliable sources and providing a historically more accurate picture
of the destruction of Jerusalem.
A good example of the divine plan theory is the second sermon for the tenth
Sunday by Jacopo da Varazze. He writes:
The Romans had this victory, as Augustine says in his commentary on the
Psalms, from God, even if they accredited it to their gods. And Augustine
says in the same source, that in this the Romans were made the instrument of Him enraged, not so as to be the kingdom of Him pacified. They
were made the axes of God with which the Jews were cut down, and the
sticks of God with which they were deservedly whipped. And Augustine
adds that when a father beats his son, he throws the stick he had used to
the fire, and the son will eventually inherit him. Thus those Romans were
destroyed, and many of the Jews have believed and will believe in the
end of the world64.
This paraphrasis from Saint Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos was used
by several other preachers too. Yet Jacopo da Varazze is the only one who actually
continues the paraphrasis until the point spelling out Augustine’s theology concerning
the Jews, namely that they will be saved in the end and thus need to be tolerated
amongst the Christians with certain conditions65. As the sermons for the tenth Sunday
included sometimes anti-Jewish literary topoi, and the whole explanation of the
destruction of Jerusalem put the blame on the Jews, one cannot but wonder whether
this omission of the latter part of the Augustine’s text reflects the anti-Jewish attitudes
of those preachers.
6. CONCLUSIONS
In this article I have analysed the literal explanation of the Gospel text
of Luke 19, 41-44 as it was found in some thirteenth-century sermons. While it is
necessary to keep in mind that the analysis based on the sermons of one single Sunday
periscope does not necessarily provide a reliable picture of preaching on the whole, I
still feel that these sermons give us a rather good indication of the preachers’ attitudes
toward and use of the historical source material as exegetic tools.
63
Jacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, pp. 452-458. Jacopo da Varazze used as his source anonymous apocryphical De ortu Pilati that clearly retells the same story as Vindicta Salvatoris but with
slight changes.
64
Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, p. 215. “Istam autem victoriam, ut dicit Augustinus,
Romani a Deo habuerunt, licet ipsi diis suis ascriberent. Et dicit Augustinus ibidem, quod in hoc
Romani facti sunt instrumentum irati, non [in] regnum placati. Facti sunt securis Dei qua iudei sunt
excisi et virga Dei, qua sunt pro meritis flagellati. Et subdit Augustinus quod pater quando filium uerberat virgam proicit in ignem et filio seruat hereditatem. Sic Romani illi perierunt et multi ex iudeis
crediderunt et in fine mundi credituri sunt”. Cf. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 73.8.
65
On the Augustine’s view on the Jews, see S. Simonson, The Apostolic See and the Jews, pp. 4-5.
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JUSSI HANSKA
Firstly, one is struck by the quality and quantity of the historical material
used in these sermons. The preachers were not satisfied with the usual patristic source
material found in the standard florilegies and glossae. More often than not, they
tried to provide their audiences with further background information on the events
described in the Gospel reading. Sometimes this was done by trying to distil historical
information from the standard sources of the preachers such as Legenda aurea or the
thirteenth-century commentaries on Luke by Hugues de Saint-Cher, Constantino da
Orvieto, and Nicolas de Gorran.
Sometimes they obtained their material from older theological tractates
such as Walafrid Strabo’s De subversione Jerusalem. Occasionally historical material
was borrowed directly from the earlier model sermon collections, as we saw in the
case of Ugo da Prato’s recycling of the material from the earlier sermon by Jacopo
da Varazze. Sometimes the preachers tried to penetrate beneath the language of the
Gospel reading to provide their readers with more accurate information, as in the
case of Jacopo da Varazze explaining the meanings of the words vallus and vallum to
reconstruct just what kind of ramparts the Romans actually built around Jerusalem.
Occasionally they even tried to go ad fontes and quoted or paraphrased
historical works dealing with the destruction of Jerusalem, such as Eusebius of
Caesarea’s Historia ecclesiastica. Perhaps the best example of this was the sermon by
Luca da Bitonto analysed above using long passages from Paulus Orosius’ Histories
against the Pagans. On the other hand, sometimes the preachers wanted to show
themselves even more historically oriented than they really were. In many cases
we find them referring to Josephus’ Jewish War as if they had used it, whereas the
comparison of their texts to the possible sources reveals in most cases that they did not
use Josephus even in Latin translation, but rather opted for later sources circulating
material originating from Josephus.
No matter what sources the thirteenth-century preachers used, it is clear
that they indeed appreciated the historical material in constructing their sermons.
This they did not only because the literal explanation of the biblical texts was quite
fashionable during the thirteenth century, but also because they appreciated good
stories and logical thinking. If someone invented a good historical anecdote, it was
almost certainly accepted into the “canon” of literary topoi that were circulated in
these sermons from one collection to another. A good example is Gregory the Great’s
remark on the new place of the Aelia Capitolina compared to the old location of the
city of Jerusalem that was destroyed in the aftermath of Simon-bar-Kochba’s revolt. It
was repeated in numerous thirteenth-century collections, perhaps not so much because
it proved that Jerusalem was indeed raised to the ground so that there ‘did not remain
a stone upon a stone’, but because Gregory’s argument was so clever.
The fact that the preachers obviously appreciated historical material did not
necessarily make them good historians. As we have seen, some of them were better
and more critical with the use of their sources than others. Two extremes in this sense
are the Italian Franciscan, Luca da Bitonto, who used a wide variety of sources and
furnished a rather reliable picture of the siege and destruction of Jerusalem, and on the
other hand, the Dominican preacher, Antonio Azaro Parmense, who did not hesitate
to make Christian of Vespasian and produced anything but historically reliable
apocryphal stories.
Nevertheless, the thirteenth-century preachers, even those who can be
defined as aficionados of history, were not historians in the modern sense of the word.
The history they were explaining to their readers, and eventually to the audiences of the
sermons delivered by using their model sermon collections, was not the linear history
modern historians are writing, but the history of salvation. In writing this history, it
was important not only to explain the historical background of the Gospel reading, but
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49
also to strengthen the faith of the audiences. Hence, if the historical material could be
edited to give more emphasis on a point the Gospel reading was trying to make, there
was no moral problem doing so. Therefore, it was possible to present together the
destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD and the destruction of Jerusalem which followed
after the Simon-Bar-Kochba revolt. It served to emphasise that Jesus had been right
when predicting that Jerusalem would be destroyed so that “there will not remain a
stone upon a stone.” Thus history remained always subordinate to the queen of the
sciences – theology.
7. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Voorbij, Johannes B., Les mises à jour de la matière dominicaine dans le Speculum
historiale, in Lusignan, Serge; Paulmier-Foucart, Monique (eds.), Lector et
compilator. Vincent de Beauvais, frère prêcheur un intellectuel et son milieu
au XIIIe siècle, Grâne, Créaphis, 1997.
Walker, Peter W.L., Holy City, Holy Places? Christian Attitudes to Jerusalem and the
Holy Land in the Fourth Century, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990.
Weber, Wilhelm, Josephus und Vespasian. Untersuchungen zu dem Jüdischen Krieg
des Flavius Josephus, New York, G. Olms, 1973.
Wright, Stephen K., The Vengeance of Our Lord: Medieval Dramatizations of the
Destruction of Jerusalem, Toronto, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies,
1989 (Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, Studies and Texts; 89).
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.02
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 53-75
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.03
ISLAM AL-KAFIR FI HAL AL-KHUTBA:
CONCERNING THE CONVERSION OF “INFIDELS” TO ISLAM
DURING THE MUSLIM FRIDAY SERMON IN MAMLUK EGYPT1
ISLAM AL-KAFIR FI HAL AL-JUTBA:
SOBRE LA CONVERSIÓN DE LOS “INFIELES” AL ISLAM
DURANTE EL SERMÓN DEL VIERNES EN EL EGIPTO MAMELUCO
LINDA G. JONES
Universitat Pompeu Fabra
Abstract: Ibn al-Hajj al-‘Abdari a Maliki
jurist in Mamluk Cairo, denounced a
religious “innovation” (bid‘a) that had
apparently become current in fourteenthcentury Egypt: “Infidels” would interrupt
the Muslim Friday sermon in order to
profess or reiterate their conversion to
Islam before the entire congregation. Ibn
al-Hajj urged preachers not to tolerate such
interruptions under any circumstances, a
posture that seems at odd with Mamluk
policy of inducing such conversions
especially among the Coptic community.
The Maliki jurist’s legal arguments furnish
new insights into the hitherto unexplored
role of the Friday liturgical sermon in the
conversion to Islam. This article will explain
the legal basis of Ibn al-Hajj’s opposition to
this practice, propose some explanations
for the motivations behind the would-be
convert’s interruption of the sermon, and
relate this phenomenon to the historical
context of tense Muslim-Christian relations
in fourteenth-century Mamluk Egypt.
Resumen: Ibn al-Hayy al-‘Abdari, un jurista malikí en el Cairo mameluco, denunció
una “innovación religiosa” (bid‘a) que se
extendió en el Egipto del siglo XIV. Los “infieles” interrumpían el sermón del viernes,
aparentemente, para proclamar o reiterar su
conversión al Islam ante la congregación. Ibn
al-Hayy instó a los predicadores a no tolerar
dichas interrupciones bajo ninguna circunstancia –postura que parece contradecir a la
política impuesta por los mamelucos de forzar la conversión de los infieles, sobre todo
de los procedentes de la comunidad copta.
Los argumentos legales de Ibn al-Hayy arrojan nueva luz sobre el papel, hasta entonces
ignorado por los estudiosos, del sermón del
viernes en la conversión al islam. El artículo
analiza las bases jurídicas de la oposición manifestada por Ibn al-Hayy hacia esta práctica,
explica los posibles motivos que indujeron a
los conversos a interrumpir el sermón islámico y relaciona este fenómeno con el contexto
histórico de las tensas relaciones entre musulmanes y cristianos en el Egipto mameluco.
Keywords: Friday khutba; preaching
and conversion; Ibn al-Hajj al-‘Abdari;
Mamluks; Mamluk Egypt; bid‘a
(religious innovation); conversion to
Islam; Muslim-Christian relations.
Palabras clave: jutba del viernes; Ibn
al-Hayy al-‘Abdari; mamelucos; Egipto
mameluco; bid‘a (innovaciones religiosas); conversión al islam; relaciones entre
musulmanes y cristianos.
1
This article is based partly on a conference paper that I delivered at the Annual Meeting of the
American Academy of Religion, San Francisco, California, USA in November 2011. The article
forms part of my activities as research professor associated with the Medieval History program of the
Institució Milà i Fontanals (Barcelona) of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas via the
research project “La Corona de Aragón en el Mediterráneo medieval: interculturalidad, mediación,
integración y transferencias culturales” (MICINN HAR 2010-16331).
54
LINDA G. JONES
SUMMARY
1. Introduction.– 2. A review of the scholarly literature on preaching and conversion to Islam.–
3. The strange case of the conversion of the “infidel” during the Friday sermon.– 4. Islamic
legal procedures concerning the conversion to Islam.– 5. The Friday khutba: piety or spectacle?
Toward an understanding of the motivations of the convert.– 6. The fourteenth-century: the age
of conversions in Mamluk Egypt.– 7. Concluding remarks.– 8. Bibliography.
1. INTRODUCTION
Ibn al-Hajj al-‘Abdari (d. 1334), a Maliki jurist resident in Mamluk Cairo,
denounced a practice that had apparently become current in Egypt whereby an
“infidel” would interrupt the Muslim Friday sermon (khutbat al-jum‘a) in order to
profess his conversion to Islam before the entire congregation. For Ibn al-Hajj this was
an intolerable “innovation” (bid‘a) from established custom that no preacher should
allow. The reasons for Ibn al-Hajj’s objections to this practice will be examined in
detail in what follows. It should be noted here at the outset that this statement, buried
among the countless deeds that the Maliki jurist condemned in his compendium on
innovations in Islamic ritual practices2, provides a rare glimpse of the relationship
between Islamic preaching and the conversion of “infidels” to Islam under the
Mamluks.
The significance of Ibn al-Hajj’s testimony resides in the fact that while
scholars of the Mamluk period agree that the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
witnessed a pronounced increase in the documented cases of conversions, especially
of Coptic Christians to Islam, these authors invariably speak of forced conversions
under the threat of death, physical violence, or social pressures stemming from
institutionalized forms of humiliation3. Their works say nothing about conversions
that may have resulted directly or indirectly from Islamic preaching. Admittedly, as
we shall see in the forthcoming discussion, Ibn al-Hajj does not portray the conversion
of the “infidel” to Islam as a direct response to the preaching of the liturgical preacher
(khatib). Rather, he tells us that these conversions are taking place fi hal al-khutba,
that is, “during the sermon” while the preacher is speaking. Nevertheless, Ibn al-Hajj
furnishes evidence directly linking conversion to Islam to the preaching event and this
is important because in so doing, he provides us with another mode of explaining the
phenomenon beyond the classic coercion thesis advocated by scholars such as Donald
P. Little, Nehemia Levtzion, or Ira Lapidus4.
For all that, by labeling these incidences as “innovations”, Ibn al-Hajj
makes clear his disapproval of the conversions occurring under these circumstances.
The purpose of this article is to explain the nature of Ibn al-Hajj’s objections to
the conversion of “infidels” during the Friday sermon from a legal perspective,
to propose some explanation for the motivations behind the would-be convert’s
interruption of the khutba, and to relate this phenomenon to the historical context
of fourteenth-century Mamluk Egypt, a period characterized by social tensions
involving religious minorities, the Mamluk authorities, and the larger Muslim
2
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal al-shar‘ al-sharif.
See, for example, D.P. Little, Coptic Conversion to Islam; N. Letvzion, The Conversion of
Egypt; I. Lapidus, The Conversion of Egypt to Islam; R. Irwin, The Early Mamluk Sultanate. This
thesis of coercion posed by earlier scholars has been challenged and nuanced in the more recent
scholarship, as will be discussed in greater detail in Part 3, below.
4
See note 3, above.
3
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ISLAM AL-KAFIR FI HAL AL-KHUTBA
55
population. In particular, there is evidence to suggest that converts were capable
of exploiting the Islamic legal exigency of voluntary conversion to their advantage
by staging public conversions to Islam and then publicly reverting to their former
religion, at least in the case of the Coptic Christians of Egypt. I would argue that
the “infidel’s” public confession of his conversion to Islam during the Friday
khutba was a response to the pressures exerted by the Mamluks and the ‘ulama’
upon religious minorities, particularly the Coptic Christians, to convert to Islam
during this period. I further hypothesize that the discrepancy manifested in Ibn
al-Hajj’s text between the alleged motives of the neophyte for interrupting the
sermon and Ibn al-Hajj’s interpretation of these motives reflects Muslim anxieties
about the sincerity of the wave of conversions of Coptic Christians to Islam during
this century.
The interpretation of Ibn al-Hajj’s text requires a two-fold process. In
the first place, the text must be examined in light of Muslim jurisprudence on
the subject of the conversion to Islam in order to understand the legal bases of
his argument. Given that Ibn al-Hajj was a Maliki jurist, I consulted the relevant
Maliki legislation on this topic, highlighting al-Umawi’s Kitab al-Watha’iq, as
an example. Secondly, I draw upon the existing scholarship on the situation of
religious minorities under the Mamluks in order to gain insights into the possible
historical and socio-political circumstances that induced “infidels” to publicly
display their conversion to Islam and into the reasons for Muslim suspicion of
such conversions. Before proceeding to analyze Ibn al-Hajj’s text in greater depth,
a brief word is in order concerning the problems surrounding the scholarship on
preaching and conversion in Islam.
2. A REVIEW OF THE SCHOLARLY LITERATURE
ON PREACHING AND CONVERSION TO ISLAM
The use of preaching as an instrument of religious conversion in
the Christian tradition is well known and has been the subject of numerous
investigations. Robert I. Burns characterized the thirteenth century as the “dream
of conversion” due to the flourishing of preaching campaigns of the mendicant
friars aimed at converting Muslims in the Iberian peninsula and North Africa5.
Various scholars have studied the royal licenses that the Crown of Aragon granted
to mendicant preachers in the fourteenth century to proselytize Jews and Muslims
living under Christian rule in the peninsula6. As is well known, the energetic and
deliberately polemical content of the sermons of the famed Dominican preacher
St. Vincent Ferrer (d. 1419) as well as other contemporary orators, among them
the Franciscan mendicant Pere dez Quo and Mestre Nicolau Grau, often resulted in
pogroms against those communities7.
5
R.I. Burns, Christian-Islamic Confrontation.
The subject of the licenses issued to the mendicants to preach to Jewish and Saracen minorities
has been treated by J. Riera i Sans, Les licènces reials per predicar; M.T. Ferrer i Mallol, Frontera,
convivencia y proselitismo; M.D. Johnston, Ramon Llull and the Compulsory, pp. 5-37.
7
On the anti-Jewish discourse in the sermons of Vincent Ferrer, see M.A. Sánchez, Predicación
y antisemitismo, pp. 195-203. On the preaching of Mestre Nicolau Grau, see J. Maiz Chacón, Los
judíos de Baleares, p. 55; on Pere dez Quo, see A. Rubió i Lluch, Documents per l’història, p. 81.
On the conversion of Jewish women to Christianity in the Crown of Aragon, see P. Tartakoff, Jewish
Women and Apostasy.
6
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LINDA G. JONES
By contrast, although conversion to Islam in the premodern period has
been analyzed from many perspectives by social historians8, some of whom have
acknowledged the role played by Sufi mystic and ascetic popular preachers in bringing
new converts to Islam, no concrete details are forthcoming in the scholarly literature
about the nature of preaching to non-Muslims, much less about the content of such
sermons. This is because, as far as I am aware, there is no documented evidence of
sermons that were targeted specifically at converting non-Muslims. The available
evidence mostly furnishes fleeting glimpses of this process. One manuscript preserved
in the Paris National Library9, contains an extract from a collection of hortatory
sermons, Rawd al-fa’iq fi l-mawa‘iz wa l-raqa’iq, by Shu‘ayb al-Hurayfish (d. 1398),
an Egyptian Sufi preacher known for his sermons on ascetic and mystical themes10. The
homiletic fragment narrates the conversion of several Spanish monks to Islam at the
hand of the celebrated twelfth-century Andalusi Sufi mystic and preacher, Abu Madyan
Shu‘ayb al-Ansari (d. 1198)11. Although I have not been able to consult this manuscript,
it is significant to point out that al-Hurayfish was also a resident of Mamluk Egypt
and hence a witness to the tensions between the Muslim and Christian communities
of the time. His compendium of homilies mostly contains pious exhortations, stories,
exempla, and legends about Muhammad, the scriptural prophets, and other heroes from
the early period of Islamic history. The survival of an independent narrative from this
collection concerning the conversion of Christian monks at the hands of a twelfthcentury Sufi saint could indicate that this legend circulated independently and was held
in special consideration within a historical climate in which “the dream of conversion”
of Christians was being vigorously pursued by the Mamluks and the Muslim ‘ulama’.
More often one encounters generic reports of Muslim preachers who
claimed to have converted scores or hundreds of unbelievers. A typical example is
seen in the figure of Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 1200), a charismatic Iraqi popular preacher and
Hanbali jurist, who boasted to having personally converted to Islam more than one
hundred thousand men12. Unfortunately, Ibn al-Jawzi provides no further details as to
how he managed this feat. There is nothing in his writings to suggest that he launched
preaching campaigns aimed specifically at proselytizing non-Muslims. Rather, the
impression one obtains from reading such works as his preaching manual, Kitab alQussas wa-l-mudhakkirin (“the book of hortatory preachers and storytellers”), or
the various biographical accounts about this preacher is that his sermons, which he
preached in public squares, simply attracted large crowds of people, Muslim as well
as non-Muslims13.
8
The classic studies include R. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam; N. Letvzion, Conversion to Islam;
L. Poston, Islamic Da‘wah in the West. These studies deal with the social and historical aspects of
Muslim missionary activities but say nothing about the role that preaching or sermons might have
played in this regard. Regarding the conversion of Coptic Christians to Islam, see M. Brett, The
Spread of Islam; I. Lapidus, The Conversion of Egypt; J.R. Zaborowski, The Coptic Martyrdom; and
T. el-Leithy, Coptic Culture and Conversion.
9
S. al-Hurayfish, Rawd al-fa’iq, Bibliotèque Nationale de Paris, Manuscrits orientaux, ms. 782,
n. 2, f. 64.
10
On this figure see W.M. Brinner, The Significance of the Harafish, pp. 190-215; J. Berkey,
Popular Preaching, p. 18. For the biography of Shu‘ayb al-Hurayfish, see Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani,
Inba’ al-ghumr, vol. IV, p. 63.
11
On Abu Madyan’s preaching, see V. Cornell, The Way of Abu Madyan.
12
M.L. Swartz, Ibn al-Jawzi’s Kitab al-Qussas, p. 231.
13
For biographical notices of Ibn al-Jawzi, see Ibn Rajab, Dhayl ‘ala tabaqat al-Hanabila,
pp. 399-434; Ibn al-Kathir, al-Bidaya, pp. 28-30; and Ibn al-‘Imad, Shadharat al-dhahab, pp. 29-30;
and the introduction by M.L. Swartz in his Ibn al-Jawzi’s Kitab al-Qussas, esp. pp. 20-98.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.03
57
Here it is important to distinguish between the homiletic tradition of socalled “popular” hortatory preaching and storytelling, which was associated mostly
(although not exclusively) with ascetics and Sufi mystics, and the tradition of
canonical mosque preaching (khitaba), which is enshrined in Islamic law and has
a fixed place in Islamic ritual14. The textual evidence of liturgical preaching aimed
at converting non-Muslims is even scarcer than that for hortatory preaching.
A remarkable comment preserved in Inquisition records from late fifteenth-century
Aragon reveals the measures that at least one Muslim liturgical preacher took to ensure
that his message reached Christian ears. Yuçe de la Vaçía was a Mudejar preacher
who, despite his disadvantaged sociopolitical circumstances, apparently harbored
dreams of proselytizing the Christians to convince them to change their religion. The
Inquisition accused Yuçe de la Vaçía of inviting the Christians into the mosque to
listen to him preach and the records cite him as boasting that he used to preach in the
mosque with the doors wide open in the hopes that the Christian passers-by would
be enticed by his sermons15. Though short on detail, the accounts about the hortatory
preachers Ibn al-Jawzi and Abu Madyan and the liturgical preacher Yuçe de la Vaçía
coincide in showing the preacher taking an active role in pursuing the conversion of
unbelievers to Islam.
The aforementioned statement by Ibn al-Hajj allows us to consider
the relation between Islamic preaching and religious conversion from another
perspective. The text depicts the Friday sermon as the preferred venue and occasion
for “infidels” to publicly declare their conversion to Islam. Yet in contrast to the cases
mentioned previously in which the preacher took the initiative in the conversion
process, in the example to be analyzed here, it is the “infidel” who seeks out the
preacher in order to convert before him while he is on the pulpit delivering the
sermon. As we shall see in further detail in the following section, Ibn al-Hajj regards
these unsolicited interruptions of the Friday worship as controversial from a juridical
point of view. Upon first glance, the Maliki jurist’s objections might seem adverse
to the policies of the Mamluk authorities who were exerting great pressure upon the
Coptic population, and particularly the Coptic elites, to convert to Islam during this
very period16. While I have not located in the Madhkal any statements by Ibn al-Hajj
indicating that he either supported or disagreed with the Mamluk regime’s initiatives
to foster the conversion of “infidels” to Islam, it is clear that he strongly opposed
the circumstances in which these conversions were taking place in the midst of the
Friday communal worship.
14
On the distinction between the two homiletic genres, see L.G. Jones, The Power of Oratory, in
press; and J. Pedersen, The Islamic Preacher. The historiography on popular preaching is extensive
in comparison with the studies devoted to the liturgical khutba. On the former, see J. Pedersen, The
Criticism of the Islamic Preacher; M.L. Swartz, The Rules of the Popular, pp. 223-239; idem, Arabic
Rhetoric, pp. 39-65; J. Berkey, Popular Preaching; idem, Storytelling, Preaching; C. Taylor, Saints,
Ziyara, Qussas; and L.G. Jones, Witnesses of God. For the medieval mosque sermon, see S.D. Goitein, The Origin and Nature, pp. 111-125; L.G. Jones, The Power of Oratory; idem, Some Methodological Considerations; N.M. al-Maktabi, Khasa’is al-khutba wa-l-khatib; and T. Qutbuddin, Khutba.
15
M.J. Viguera, Sermones aljamiados, pp. 3-4. On the trial of Yuçe, see A. Labarta, M. García
Arenal, Algunos fragmentos aljamiados, p. 129.
16
For background on the situation of Coptic Christians in Egypt during the Mamluk period, see
C. Petry, Copts in Late Medieval Egypt; R. Irwin, The Early Mamluk Sultanate; and T. el-Leithy,
Coptic Culture and Conversion.
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LINDA G. JONES
3. THE STRANGE CASE OF THE CONVERSION OF THE “INFIDEL”
DURING THE FRIDAY SERMON
The Introduction to the noble law based upon the four methods (Madkhal
al-shar‘ al-sharif ‘ala l-madhahib al-arbi‘a) is a legal tract condemning religious
innovations composed by the Egyptian Maliki jurist Ibn al-Hajj al-‘Abdari17.
“Innovation” (bid‘a, pl. bida‘) is a non-Quranic concept that is applied in general
to anything that is novel and without precedent. In Islamic juridical terminology
bid‘a refers to any belief or practice that does not have a precedent in the time of
the Prophet Muhammad18. Al-Shafi‘i (d. 820), the founder of the eponymous Sunni
school of law, was among the first of the Muslim jurists to distinguish between good
and bad innovations. He established the principle that a deviant innovation is that
which contradicts the Qur’an, the Sunna or “established customs” of Muhammad and
the early Muslim community of Medina, the consensus (ijma‘) of that community, or
the traditions (athar) traced to one of Muhammad’s Companions or Followers, while
a praiseworthy innovation is that which is introduced for the welfare of the Muslims
and which does not contravene any of these sources of Islamic law19.
A further development occurred in the thirteenth century when jurists such as
the Shafi‘i faqih Ibn ‘Abd al-Salam (d. 1262) and the Maliki faqih al-Qarafi (d. 1285)
classified the bida‘ according to the five legal categories of forbidden (muharrama),
reprehensible (makruha), neutral (mubaha), recommended (manduba), and obligatory
(wajiba) 20. There is evidence in the Madkhal that Ibn al-Haj subscribed to this system
of classifying innovations because there are certain bida‘ that he deemed praiseworthy.
For instance, he argued that the novelty of increasing the number of muezzins who
performed the call to prayer from one to four was commendable because it had been
introduced in response to the growing number of Muslims and because it occurred
during Muhammad’s lifetime and met with his approval21. He used similar logic to
mosques, arguing that it was a praiseworthy innovation (“bid‘a mustahsana”) because
as greater numbers of people entered the mosque they would not know the direction of
prayer were it not for the mihrab22.
Most often, however, when Ibn al-Hajj qualifies an act as an innovation tout
court or when he uses the expression, “recent innovations” (bida‘ muhadditha) or the
analogous verbal phrases, al-bida‘ allati uhdithat or al-bida‘ allati ahdathuha (“the
innovations that were introduced recently” or “that they introduced recently”), his
position is condemnatory. Invariably, he calls for these acts to be censured, avoided,
or forbidden. Ibn al-Hajj counted his brief section “On the conversion of the infidel
to Islam during the [Friday] sermon” (fasl fi islam al-kafir fi hal al-khutba) among
the categories of such innovations that should be reproved and forbidden. It is also
worth noting that this segment forms part of a larger chapter discussing the things that
the prayer-leader (who is also the khatib) should avoid and the recent innovations
introduced by the preachers, muezzins, or other mosque personnel in the mosques on
17
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal al-shar‘ al-sharif. For a brief biography of Ibn al-Hajj, see F.S. Colby,
The Rhetoric of Innovative Tradition, p. 34.
18
On the concept of bid‘a, see J. Robson, Bid‘a, p. 1199a; M. Fierro, Kitab al-Bida‘, pp. 92-93;
and J. Berkey, Tradition, Innovation.
19
J. Robson, Bid‘a, Encyclopaedia of Islam, p. 1199; M. Fierro, Kitab al-Bid‘a, p. 95.
20
M. Fierro, Kitab al-Bid‘a, p. 95.
21
See A. al-Wansharisi, Kitab al-Mi‘yar, vol. II, p. 473, who cites Ibn al-Hajj to justify his opinion.
22
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal, vol. II, p. 272.
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Fridays. The censurable innovations of the preachers that he mentions immediately
prior to the discussion of the conversion of the infidel include wearing black clothing
or bearing black symbols while delivering the khutba23, grasping the liturgical sword
or staff in his left hand upon ascending the pulpit, when the established practice (alsunna) is to use the right hand24, striking each step of the pulpit with the sword or
staff as he ascends25, covering the pulpit with prayer rugs for the Friday sermon, and
having the ruler sit upon the pulpit while the khatib is pronouncing the sermon26. Ibn
al-Hajj vigorously denounced all of these innovations not only because they had no
precedent in the deeds of the Prophet, the Rightly Guided Caliphs, the Companions,
or the pious forefathers27, but also because they exhibited signs of ostentation (jahr),
affectation (tasannu‘), and hypocrisy (nifaq) in one’s piety. In his opinion, the truly
pious khatib should adopt “a state of humility and humbleness” (hal al-khushu‘
wa-tadarru‘) precisely because these are the affective states that he should induce in
his audience28. Bearing these antecedents in mind, let us now consider the details of
the passage in question:
And it is incumbent upon [the khatib] to avoid the innovation (al-bid‘a)
that some of them commit [whereby] the infidel (al-kafir) comes before
the khatib and converts to Islam in his presence on a day other than a
Friday, and then returns [the subsequent Friday], coming before the
khatib again while he is on the pulpit to profess his conversion in front
of the congregation, and the khatib interrupts his khutba because of this.
And this causes a tumult in the mosque, which is far removed from such
things. Since [the infidel] had already converted previously, [the khatib]
is not permitted to interrupt the prescribed order of the khutba on account
of this since he (the convert) was already a Muslim. Hence there is no
justification for his renewing his conversion to Islam at that time in order
to make his conversion conspicuously known (li-yashtahira islamahu)
among the Muslims so that they would recognize him for this and he
would not return to his previous state of infidelity prior to his conversion29.
An analysis of Ibn al-Hajj’s argument reveals a number of grounds for his
objections to the public conversion of infidels during the khutba. First of all, it was a
gratuitous gesture since we are told that the individual had already come before the
khatib previously and converted to Islam. This means, as Ibn al-Hajj indicates, that the
person was already a Muslim. Second, it follows that the convert was committing an
innovation in Islamic law by reiterating his conversion in public since the law calls for
no such second order conversion whether in public or private. As we shall see in the
following section, Maliki law merely stipulates that an individual who has converted
under duress has up to three days to recant his or her conversion without incurring a
legal penalty.
Third, Ibn al-Hajj particularly condemned the convert’s interruption of
the Friday khutba in order to profess his conversion. He decried the scandal and
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
Ibidem, p. 266.
Ibidem, p. 267.
Ibidem.
Ibidem, p. 268.
Ibidem.
Ibidem.
Ibidem, p. 271.
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LINDA G. JONES
tumult produced by the infidel’s conduct because it disturbed the solemn and tranquil
atmosphere that should reign in the mosque at all times since the mosque is a sacred
space and a house of prayer. Indeed, this seems to have been a general concern of the
Maliki jurist, judging from Ibn al-Hajj’s repeated complaints that “nowadays” one
could hardly hear the sermon due to the ruckus and the din caused by the people’s
untoward behaviour in the mosques30.
Moreover, Ibn al-Hajj especially condemned the convert for deliberately
choosing the time of the Friday khutba in order to make his conversion conspicuously
known among the Muslims. As J.C. Vadet and other scholars have observed, Ibn
al-Hajj’s legal reasoning was heavily influenced by the famed Ashari theologian alGhazali’s (d. 1111) concept of niyya or “intention”31. Al-Ghazali maintained that an
act of worship consists of two parts: the first is the attitude of the body, the second
the intention of the heart, but it is the second that is the most important. That is, the
underlying intention of an act determines whether it is a sincere and authentic display
of piety or mere hypocrisy (nifaq)32. Time and again we see Ibn al-Hajj applying
the principle of niyya explicitly or implicitly to his justifications for condemning
conspicuous and gratuitous ritual acts that he deems to be motivated by selfish desires
(e.g., to draw attention to the self, to inflate the ego) or by personal gain rather than
by true sentiments of piety and a sincere yearning to draw nearer to God. According
to this logic, the infidel’s deliberate interruption of the khutba in order to make his
conversion conspicuously known comes under the category of what Ibn al-Hajj
criticized as jahr or ostentation in one’s piety.
Ibn al-Hajj provided other examples of jahr in his complaints about the
innovations taking place in the mosque not only during the Friday communal worship
but also on other festival occasions, particularly the two canonical feasts and the
celebrations throughout the month of Ramadan. For instance, he reproved those who
wilfully drew attention to themselves by uttering aloud the blessing upon the Prophet
Muhammad upon entering and exiting the mosque33. Above all, he singled out for
criticism those who used the occasion of the liturgical sermon to make a show of their
piety. Such was the case of the Mamluk rulers who would ascend the pulpit along
with the khatib during the two canonical festivals and remain sitting there while he
delivered the sermon. Ibn al-Hajj further complained that on these feast days the entire
pulpit would become filled up with the muezzins and others pressing up against [the
khatib and each other]34. This constituted an innovation because there was no legal
precedent from the time of Muhammad or the first four caliphs for anyone to be on the
pulpit other than the khatib during the delivery of the khutba. In order to discourage
such unseemly spectacles of ostentatious piety, Ibn al-Hajj urged preachers to strive
to shorten their sermons on these holidays, saying that prolonging the khutba on the
two feast days was even more reprehensible than [so doing] on Fridays. The Maliki
jurist’s reasoning is somewhat hyperbolic considering that whereas there are explicit
30
For example, Ibn al-Hajj disagreed with the position of the Shafi‘i jurists of Egypt who permitted the audience to respond audibly to the khatib during the sermon. He countered that the proper
conduct was to respond “secretly to oneself (sirran fi nafsihi)” and he regretted that “nowadays” the
noise in the mosque from people shouting during the khutba was such that “the khatib could no longer be heard above their uproar criticized”. See Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal vol. II, pp. 269 and 223. For the
same reason, he objected to the custom of applauding during the sermon. Ibidem, p. 223.
31
J.C. Vadet, Ibn al-Hadjdj, p. 779b. See A.H. al-Ghazali, Al-Ghazali on Intention.
32
Cited in Vadet, Ibn al-Hadjdj.
33
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal vol. II, pp. 234-235.
34
Ibidem, vol. II, p. 287.
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directives in Islamic law to keep the khutba short and lengthen the ritual prayer during
the Friday communal worship35, there are no similar statements indicating the duration
of the khutba on the two canonical festivals or other occasions36. In a similar vein,
Ibn al-Hajj objected to the neophyte’s interruption of the Friday khutba in order to
publicly renew his conversion to Islam because it was motivated by a self-interested
desire to make a spectacle of his new status as a Muslim.
Furthermore, it is significant that Ibn al-Hajj’s criticisms did not apply only
to those persons who had previously converted to Islam. For he went on to add that,
If we considered that he had converted to Islam right now (al-ana), then
the khatib must order him to leave the mosque and likewise he should
order whoever from the among Muslims accompanied him to leave with
him in order that he cleanse himself ritually (hatta yaghtasila) since he is
in a state of major ritual impurity.
His legal opinion was that the convert must perform the major ritual
cleansing (ghusl) for the sake of Islam and that the fulfilment of the minor ablution
(wudu’) alone before performing the ritual prayer would be insufficient37. Here we see
that the fourth reason for Ibn al-Hajj’s objections to this innovation also concerns the
conduct of the preacher. As indicated in the passage cited above, Ibn al-Hajj insisted
that the [khatib] is not permitted to interrupt the prescribed order of the khutba
on account of [the infidel’s conversion]. This implies rather that the khatib should
continue with his oration and then lead the communal prayers as normal. In sum, it
would seem then that Ibn al-Hajj takes the position that the khatb should not interrupt
the flow of the Friday ritual in order to accommodate the conversion of infidels to
Islam under any circumstances.
It may be noted in passing that Ibn al-Hajj’s judgment that the appropriate
conduct of the khatib in such circumstances is to avoid interrupting the khutba
for the sake of the unbeliever’s conversion contrasts with the opinion of his near
35
For instance according to Sahih Muslim, vol. IV, The Book of Prayer (Kitab al-Salat), chapter
159, n. 1889: “I have heard the Messenger of Allah (may peace be upon him) as saying: The lengthening of prayer by a man and the shortness of the sermon [are] the sign of his understanding (of
faith). So lengthen the prayer and shorten the sermon, for there is charm (in precise) expression”.
36
Precisely for this reason some ‘ulama´ and Muslim rhetoricians posited that the other subgenres of the khutba could be longer. In his anthology of Arabic prose, the twelfth-century Andalusi
belletrist Abu l-Qasim al-Kala‘i cited the well-known hadith tradition, “The Messenger of God imposed upon us brevity in the sermon and prolixity in prayer”, yet he deduced that this condition did
not apply to the other liturgical sermons: “As for the other types of khutab, perhaps prolixity is what
is required of them, although there is no legal prescription for this. One could put forth the report
about Qays b. Kharija and his oration [which lasted] virtually from sunrise until sunset”. See A.Q. alKala‘i, Ihkam san‘at al-kalam, p. 167. The Cordoban rhetorician Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi (d. 940) classified
khutbas according to two broad sub-genres: “long ones and short ones”, citing the marriage khutba as
a typical example of the former. Surviving manuscripts of sermons for the two canonical festivals and
marriage orations are considerably more extensive in length than the typical Friday khutbas. See L.G.
Jones, The Power of Oratory (in press); Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi, al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 54.
37
Ibidem, vol. II, p. 223. Here Ibn al-Hajj is aware that his opinion dissents from the opinion
“of some” that the minor ablution alone would be sufficient. While the condition of being an infidel
renders one impure according to Islamic law, it is worth recalling that Muslims may also become
impure and be required to perform the major cleansing. Ibn Qasim quotes Malik b. Anas as saying
that the Christian who converts to Islam, the Muslim who has fainted and come to, and the Muslim
woman who is menstruating must all perform the major ablution before they can perform the ritual
prayer. Ibn Rushd, Kitab al-Bayan wa-l-tahsil, vol. II, pp. 165-167, cited in A. Fernández, Cuestiones
legales, p. 456. On the performance of wudu‘, see M. Katz, The study of Islamic ritual, pp. 106-145.
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LINDA G. JONES
contemporary, Ibn al-‘Attar, a Shafi‘i scholar and preacher residing in Mamluk Syria.
Ibn al-‘Attar not only argued that the khatib must indeed interrupt the Friday khutba
if an unbeliever comes before while he is on the pulpit and expresses the desire to
convert to Islam; he upped the ante by warning that the preacher who failed to do so
placed himself in danger of committing the sin of unbelief by aiding and abetting the
individual to remain in his state of infidelity38. Ibn al-‘Attar’s opinion, preserved in
his manual for liturgical preachers, provides independent corroboration that the same
phenomenon that Ibn al-Hajj described of “infidels” interrupting the Friday sermon to
convert to Islam was occurring simultaneously in other regions of the Mamluk state.
Juridical complaints regarding the proper response of the khatib to such
interruptions of the Friday sermon could stem from the tensions surrounding the
convert’s status as a free agent, insofar as, theoretically at least, Islamic law emphasizes
the voluntary nature of conversion39. The problem, according to Ibn al-Hajj, is that the
convert who interrupts the Friday khutba in order to publicly renew and advertize his
conversion consciously exceeds the boundaries of what the law requires to validate his
conversion for his own personal benefit. A concomitant difficulty not mentioned by
Ibn al-Hajj but which also must be considered is the possibility that the Friday sermon
could be used as forum in which the neophyte could publicly recant his conversion,
alleging coercion. Potentially, then, the latitude that the Law accords to convert poses
problems for the receptor community and its principal representatives, in this case,
the khatib.
4. ISLAMIC LEGAL PROCEDURES CONCERNING THE CONVERSION TO ISLAM
In order to more fully understand the rationale behind Ibn al-Hajj’s objections,
a word is in order about the Maliki legal prescriptions concerning the conversion of
non-Muslims to Islam. To begin with, in the text described above, we have seen that
Ibn al-Hajj began by arguing that the infidel’s public conversion during the Friday
sermon was unnecessary because the individual had already professed his acceptance
of Islam before the khatib in private on an earlier date. This first act of conversion in
the presence of the khatib prior to the Friday prayer echoes the established procedures
according to Maliki law. The scholar Montserrat Abumalham has studied notary
forms from medieval Andalus, which were used in the process of conversion. The
neophyte was required to sign such a form in the presence of valid witnesses and a
Muslim authority40. Of particular relevance is the emphasis that Maliki law places on
the voluntary and self-conscious nature of the conversion experience. A model of an
affidavit for the conversion of a Jew to Islam provides a typical example41:
The convert, So-and-so (son of So-and-so), being of sound mind and
body, firmly resolved in his mind, and having complete mental faculties
and juridical capacity, hereby testifies (…) that he abandons the Jewish
religion, rejecting it, and embraces Islam of his own free will. He knows
that God Almighty and Sublime admits no other religion nor derives
38
Ibn al-‘Attar, Adab al-khatib, p. 144.
Here I am deliberately leaving aside the situation of forced conversion, which has a different
dynamic and is irrelevant to the analysis of the texts under discussion.
40
M. Abumalham, La conversión según formularios, pp. 73-75, 77.
41
The text, Kitab al-Watha’iq wa-l-sijillat, a collection of notary forms by Muhammad al-Umawi,
a 10th century Cordoban Maliki jurist, has been edited by P. Chalmeta and F. Corriente.
39
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satisfaction from any other religion, and that this one, Islam, abrogates all
previous laws. [The convert] bears witness that there is no god but God,
who has no partners, and that Muhammad, may God bless him and grant
him salvation, is His servant and Messenger and the last of the prophets,
and that Moses and Ezra, along with the other prophets, are His servants
and messengers. He also bears witness that in the eyes of God the only
religion is Islam. He has performed the major ritual cleansing (ghusl) in
order to embrace Islam, the ritual prayer, and the minor ablution. He accepts all the laws of Islam and its pillars (…) in their totality42.
The statement pertaining to the official in whose presence the conversion
takes place likewise verifies that the conversion was carried out “voluntarily” (ta’i‘an),
“willfully” (aminan), “without coercion” (ghayr mukrihan), “without fear” (wa-la
mutakhawwifan amran), and “without the expectation of any compensation” (wa-la
mutawaqqa‘ shay’an). The final paragraph testifies that the convert has acknowledged
having understood everything completely and has accepted all his obligations43.
Several observations may be drawn from a reading of this conversion
form. All three sections of the testament address the voluntary nature of conversion.
The candidate manifests the sincerity of his testimony by confirming that he is “of
sound mind and body” (fi sihhatin min ‘aqlihi wa-badanihi), “firmly resolved in his
mind” (thabatan dhihnihi), “willing” (raghbatan fi-hi), and “juridically capacitated”
(jawazan amrihi) to renounce his former religion and embrace Islam in its totality44.
Both the convert and the presiding official must testify that the convert has
“completely understood” and “accepted” the implications of his actions. The convert
is thus conscious of and responsible for his conversion. It is also noteworthy that
after the neophyte professes the creed of submission to Islam and testifies that it is
the only religion in the eyes of God, he concludes with a prayer of thanksgiving to
God for having “inspired him” in his conversion (wa-hamida Allah ‘ala ma alhamahu
ilayhi min-hu)45. The prayer constitutes a further proof of the sincerity of the convert,
declares his allegiance to the new religion, and sanctifies his conversion by qualifying
it as a product of divine inspiration.
Although the conversion contract demands that the neophyte perform the
ritual prayers in their prescribed moments46, there is no requirement or expectation
that the conversion itself had to be timed to coincide with any specific occasion,
such as the Friday communal worship. At the heart of Ibn al-Hajj’s complaint about
infidels interrupting the Friday khutba, whether to gratuitously renew or to profess
their conversion, is the suspicion that they are moved by a premeditated desire
to strategically time the event to cause the maximum impact among the Muslim
community. Hence his insistence that “there is no justification” for the individual to
convert to Islam at that time in order to make his conversion conspicuously known
(li-yashtahira islamahu) among the Muslims so that they would recognize him for
this. The reasons for his suspicions become clearer bearing in mind that the Friday
sermon formed an integral part of the obligatory Friday communal worship, and thus
the convert would have been assured the presence of a critical mass of the Muslim
42
M. Abumalham, La conversión, pp. 72-73; al-Umawi, Kitab al-Watha’iq, pp. 309-310. I am
grateful to the anonymous reviewer for making the Arabic text available to me.
43
M. Abumalham, La conversión; M. al-Umawi, Kitab al-Watha’iq, pp. 309-310.
44
M. al-Umawi, Kitab al-Watha’iq, p. 309.
45
Ibidem.
46
M. Abumalham, La conversión, p. 76.
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LINDA G. JONES
community47. As will be recalled from the discussion in the previous section, most
of the innovations taking place in the mosques of Egypt that evinced what Ibn alHajj called jahr (ostentation), tasannu‘ (affectation), and nifaq (hypocrisy) in one’s
piety occurred during the Friday communal worship or other communal festivals48.
Seen in this light, the neophyte’s conduct constitutes a subversive and immoral act
because he disrupted the Friday khutba in the quest to conspicuously publicize his
conversion49.
5. THE FRIDAY KHUTBA: PIETY OR SPECTACLE?
TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE MOTIVATIONS OF THE CONVERT
Up until now our attention has focused on Ibn al-Hajj’s assessment of
the would-be convert’s motivations. At this point one must attempt to explain what
motivated these incidences from the perspective of the convert. What could have
prompted non-Muslims to interrupt the Friday khutba in order to profess their
conversion to Islam? Ibn al-Hajj’s point is well taken: if an unbeliever had already
come before the khatib to convert to Islam in private, what would inspire him or her
to return and interrupt the sermon on Friday in order to publicize the conversion?
While we obviously cannot know the convert’s true aims based upon Ibn al-Hajj’s
skewed judgment, one phrase in the Maliki jurist’s text seems to provide a clue. Ibn
al-Hajj further accused the convert of seeking to publicize that he would not return to
his previous state of infidelity prior to his conversion. As noted, Maliki law accords
the convert who apostasies up to three days to repent without incurring the penalty
of apostasy. The law further recognizes that an individual might formally convert
but subsequently claim to have been coerced, in which case his conversion could be
rendered legally invalid50. Hence the convert’s public reaffirmation of his conversion
in the mosque on Friday during the khutba before the entire community could have
been a strategy to forestall accusations of apostasy or suspicions of insincerity or
lack of conviction. Yet in so doing, the neophyte conferred a novel purpose upon the
khutba by making it a showcase to prove the sincerity of his conversion to Islam, and
it is this novel intention to which Ibn al-Hajj objects.
Another possible answer, at least in the case of Christian converts, might
be an attempt to emulate the customs of the Coptic Church regarding baptism. Coptic
ecclesiastical legislation stipulates that the baptism ritual take place publicly in church
because it is through this rite that the individual is formally incorporated into the body
of Christ, which is composed of all the members of the Christian community. Moreover,
the central act of baptism is the full immersion of the neophyte in the consecrated
water of the baptismal font, which is located in the church. It is also preferable that the
ritual be conducted immediately prior to Mass, so that the candidate may subsequently
receive communion. The Coptic Church adheres to the doctrine forbidding rebaptism,
based upon the Nicene-Constantinopolitan creedal statement, We confess one baptism
for the remission of sins, and the Apostolic Canon 47, which stipulates that a bishop
or presbyter who knowingly rebaptizes someone who was rightfully received baptism
47
Juridically the Friday khutba falls under the category of a “collective duty” (fard kifa’i) as
opposed to an “individual duty” (fard ‘ayn), meaning that a sufficient number of adult males of the
community must attend in order to comply with the exigencies of the law.
48
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal, vol. II, pp. 268-269 and 287.
49
Ibidem, pp. 267-269, among others.
50
Ibidem, p. 76.
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should be deposed51. This would suggest that Ibn al-Hajj’s “infidel” –assuming that
he was a Copt– was not substituting a Coptic custom for a Muslim one in seeking
to repeat his conversion. It is more plausible to assume that a Coptic convert might
consider the profession of the Muslim faith before the congregation during the Friday
khutba to be necessary not in order to make the conversion into a public spectacle,
but rather because this was the normative procedure in the Coptic Christian tradition.
Specifically, the convert might have regarded this gesture as analogous to the Christian
practice of performing the baptism immediately before the Mass, given that the khutba
immediately precedes the Friday ritual prayer, a ritual whose central place in Islamic
practice is analogous to the Christian Mass.
Still another parallel might be found in a post-baptismal rite unique to the
Coptic Church known as the loosening of the girdle in which, among other things, the
priest says prayers of thanksgiving and absolution, recites certain biblical passages
(1 Corinthians 10, 1-4; Psalms 32, 1-2; Matthew 3, 1-6), and again immerses the
newly baptized person in water, along with his girdle and baptismal clothing, which
are subsequently disposed of in the sea. This ritual likewise takes place publicly in
the church and the congregation even participates by singing Psalm 150 prior to the
immersion of the neophyte52. It is true that the ritual loosening of the girdle occurs eight
days after the baptism, while Ibn al-Hajj implied that the infidel went to the mosque
to reconfirm his conversion on the first Friday following his private conversion before
the khatib. Nevertheless, it is possible that the traditional post-baptismal custom of the
loosening of the girdle might have served as a model for a Coptic convert to Islam to
go to the mosque to publicly proclaim his conversion after having converted before
the preacher in private.
Finally, there may indeed have been a subversive intention underlying the
infidel’s actions, whether in the deliberate interruption of the khutba or in the act of
repeating his conversion. As we have seen, the Coptic Church forbids the rebaptism
of persons if the original baptism was properly administered. In such cases, to repeat
the baptismal ceremony would be considered an act of sacrilege on the part of both the
presiding priest as well as the neophyte. Hence rather than confirm the conversion, the
infidel’s true purpose in interrupting the Muslim Friday khutba in order to reiterate the
alleged embracing of Islam may have been to undermine his conversion for the benefit
of the Coptic community. The intention, in this case, would be to ease the way toward
a subsequent reversion to Coptic Christianity. Alternatively, it is also possible that
non-Muslims felt compelled by political and social circumstances to publicize their
conversion to Islam during the prime-time of the Friday khutba in order to assuage the
doubts and suspicions of the Muslim authorities and the wider community regarding
their true motives for converting. The irony here, as we shall see in the following
section, is that these doubts and suspicions arose and, in fact, were engendered by the
pressures on the part of the Mamluk regime and the religious establishment to coerce
the Coptic Christians to convert to Islam53.
6. THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY: THE AGE OF CONVERSIONS
The fourteenth century was a difficult period for relations among the Mamluk
regime, the larger Muslim population, and the minority populations of Christians and
51
52
53
Cited in Archbishop Basilios, Baptism, pp. 336a-339a.
Archbishop Basilios, Baptism, Liturgy, pp. 339a-342b.
D.P. Little, Coptic Conversion to Islam, pp. 552-569.
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Jews54. In its worst manifestation, a wave of violence between Christian and Muslim
communities resulted in the destruction of numerous churches and the conversion of
many others into mosques55. There is some evidence that the destruction or confiscation
of churches and monasteries was meted out as punishment for subversive acts on the
part of the Coptic community that challenged the preeminent status of Islam and the
Muslims with respect to the dhimmis. In one incident, which took place in 1378, some
decades after the death of Ibn al-Hajj, a Coptic church was demolished because the
congregation stubbornly persisted in ringing the church bells during the delivery of
the Friday khutba in order to drown out the sound of the preacher’s voice56. Scholars
generally agree that during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the Mamluk regime
perpetuated or tolerated the use of violence and persecution aimed especially at Coptic
elites in order to intimidate them into converting to Islam. The Mamluks believed that
these conversions would encourage the broader Coptic population of Egypt to follow
their example57. Elites were targeted in particular in order to curtail the power and
influence that Christian officers of the state had gained under previous regimes dating
from the Fatimid period onward58.
The reasons for the deteriorating situation of religious minorities under
the Mamluks are well known and need only be summarized here. First of all, it is
generally agreed that the brutality of the Crusaders during the thirteenth century had
hardened the position of the Muslim rulers and the populace against the Christians
in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine59. Whether founded or not, the then ruling Ayyubids
accused the Oriental Christians were colluding with the Franks. As a result, many
Coptic churches and monasteries were destroyed. For example, according to Jason
Zaborowsky, the early years of the reign of Saladin (r. 1169-1189) were characterized
by harsh reprisals against this community. In addition to the aforementioned
destruction of religious edifices, crosses were removed from church cupolas, Coptic
religious processions were banned, and Copts were restricted to riding donkeys rather
than horses60. As reflected in the Coptic and Ayyubid sources, the political situation of
the Copts gradually improved under Saladin’s reign as the Copts distanced themselves
theologically from the Frankish Roman Catholics and sided with Saladin in repulsing
the Crusader threat, going as far as to assert that God aided Salah al-Din (Saladin)
in granting him victory and triumph over the enemies of his religion and his state61.
Nevertheless, Muslim suspicions against the Coptic community were not
definitively quashed. Further violent reprisals occurred during the sieges of Damietta
in 1219 and of Fustat in 124262. These same accusations of collusion between the
Egyptian Copts and the Franks re-emerged after the Mamluks seized power in 1250.
54
T. el-Leithy, Coptic Culture; K. Stilt, Islamic Law in Action.
K. Stilt, Islamic Law in Action, pp. 111-113.
56
J. Berkey, The Muhtasibs of Cairo under the Mamluks, p. 262, citing A. al-Maqrizi, Kitab
al-Suluk li-ma‘rifa duwwal al-muluk, Cairo, Maktabat al-Kulliyat al-Azhariyah, 1972, vol. III,
pp. 340-341.
57
D.P. Little, Coptic Converts to Islam, pp. 153-161; L.S. Northrup, Muslim-Christian Relations;
C. Petry, Copts in Late Medieval Egypt, pp. 613a-635b; and T.G. Wilfong, The Non-Muslim Communities, p. 184.
58
J. Berkey, Mamluk Religious Policy, p. 8.
59
For a fuller account of the complexities of Muslim-Christian relations during the Ayyubid period, see J. Zaborowsky, Coptic Martyrdom.
60
J. Zaborowsky, Coptic Martyrdom, p. 164.
61
Ibidem, pp.168-169.
62
C. Hillenbrand, The Crusaders, p. 414.
55
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One contemporary Mamluk authority testified that he personally heard that the
Copts had written to the Frankish Christians bragging that they need not attack the
Muslims since they (i.e., the Copts) are ourselves fighting them night and day, we
are taking their possessions and attacking their women, we are running their country
and weakening their soldiers63. Taqi al-Din al-Maqrizi (d. 1442), the famed Egyptian
historian, further accused the Copts of sabotaging the land tenure system (iqta‘), which
was the basis of the revenues to finance the army64. The fact that the deterioration of
the position of the Coptic Christians worsened during the Mamluk period, even after
the capture of Acre and the defeat of the last Crusader foothold in the Holy Land in
1291, lends further credence to the influence of the Crusades in the persecution of
Oriental Christians under Mamluk rule65.
Secondly, one must look to the origins of the Mamluks to understand the
historical context of the increased pressures placed upon religious minorities to
convert to Islam. As a caste of foreign slave soldiers of mostly Circassian descent,
the Mamluk rulers needed to consolidate their leadership among the Muslim populace
once they overthrew the last Abbasid caliph in Egypt in 1249/1250 and sought to
govern in their own name. Although their spectacular defeat over the Mongol armies
in 1250 lent them political legitimacy, the basis for the caliphate did not rest upon
military might alone. Donald P. Little, R. Stephen Humphreys, Jonathan P. Berkey and
others have shown that the Mamluks reinvented themselves as the patrons of Sunni
Islam, supporting religious and legal institutions, as well as providing generous pious
endowments (awqaf) for the support of Sufi mystic lodges, the upkeep of the shrines
of saints associated with “popular” forms of Sunni religiosity, and the building and
maintenance of mosques66.
A concomitant of the Mamluks’ ardent defence and patronage of Sunni
institutions was the reinforcement of Islamic legislation with respect to the treatment
of religious minorities regarding matters such as the sumptuary laws and the reduction
of the holding of court positions by non-Muslims. For example, the Mamluk historian
al-Maqrizi records that in 1301, the Mamluk regime issued a decree requiring religious
minorities to be distinguished by the color and size of their turbans: the Samaritans
should wear red, the Jews should wear yellow, and the Christians should wear blue67.
The size of the turbans of non-Muslims also had to be significantly smaller than that
of the Muslims68. Subsequent decrees issued in 1354, 1401, and 1419 aimed at Jewish
and Christian women ordered them to wear one white shoe and one black shoe69 and
prohibited them from using the public baths with Muslim women70.
Such discriminatory policies helped foster a climate encouraging the Copts
to convert to Islam. And yet, as Carl Petry and Tamer el-Leithy have pointed out,
conversion to Islam in and of itself did not suffice to assuage the misgivings Muslims
63
Ibidem, p. 417.
Ibidem, p. 417. For a general overview of the system of iqta‘, see C. Cahen, Ikta‘, pp. 1088a1091b. With respect to the Mamluks, see I. Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies, pp. 292-293;
R. Irwin, Mamluks and Crusaders; and A. Levanoni, Rank and File, pp.17-31.
65
C. Hillenbrand, The Crusaders.
66
D.P. Little, Religion under the Mamluks, pp.165-181; R.S. Humphreys, The Expressive Intent,
pp. 69-117; and J. Berkey, Mamluk Religious Policy.
67
68
N. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands, pp. 273-274; N. Stillman, The Non-Muslim Communities,
p. 209.
69
70
N. Stillman, The Non-Muslim Communities, p. 209.
64
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harbored toward this collective. Arabic biographical dictionaries from the Mamluk
period abound with entries dedicated to Muslims of Coptic origin who despite having
been born Muslim or even having fathers and grandfathers who had converted to
Islam, were nevertheless referred to systematically in the literature as “the Copt”
(al-Qibti)71. The labelling of these Muslims with epithets such as “the Copt” or “the
convert” long after their conversion to Islam had taken place shows the difficulties
of assimilation and acceptance experience by members of the Coptic community.
Petry neatly summarizes the prejudices and suspicions Muslims harbored against
the Copts: They were routinely depicted as having a natural aptitude for accounting
and administration, but also as having an inclination toward treachery, dishonesty,
guile, and, above all, spiritual ambiguity72. The alleged penchant of the Copts toward
treachery, dishonesty, and guile fuelled the general perception among the Muslims
that their conversion to Islam was insincere and motivated by self-interests to improve
their status within society or, worse still, to place themselves in a better position to
compete with or inflict harm among the Muslim community and its rulers. Petry
further observes that:
Several writers of the Mamluk era claimed that a Muslim of Coptic descent was potentially a false Muslim. Even worse, he was suspected of
converting to the majority faith, admittedly often under duress, in order
to aggrandize his own position at the expense of his “genuine” Muslim
colleagues. Indeed, such a person was frequently accused of converting
in order to blaspheme against Islam and to lead true believers astray.
Such a false Muslim was always, it was alleged, on the verge of retrogressing to Christian practices73.
A prime example of this mistrust on the part of the Muslims is seen in
the statement of the abovementioned Mamluk governor who accused the Copts of
sabotaging the land tenure system. Tellingly, he went on to warn that the enemy is in
your state; it is the Christians. Do not trust those who convert to Islam: Even if they
do, it is for another reason. Their faith is hidden in their hearts like fire in ashes74.
Given the generalized nature of the negative sentiments and suspicions toward
Muslim converts of Coptic descent, it is likely that the Maliki jurist Ibn al-Hajj was
aware of these stereotypes and perhaps even shared them. Certainly his consideration
of the “infidel’s” interrupting the Friday khutba as a manifestation of jahr (ostentation
in piety) tallies with the general Muslim views summarized by Petry regarding the
accusations that Copts were converting to Islam in order to aggrandize [their] own
position.
Such Muslim resentment and suspicion toward Coptic converts to Islam were
further enhanced by the large number of appointments of people from this collective
to serve in positions in the Mamluk government. Carl Petry’s exhaustive survey of
biographical dictionaries from the Mamluk era reveals that Muslims of Coptic origin
engaged in relatively important financial, fiscal, and secretarial activities and served
as military, court, and executive officers75. It is true that they were mostly barred from
appointment to the highest positions in these sectors of the administration and were
71
72
73
74
75
C. Petry, Copts in Late Medieval Egypt, p. 2/618b.
Ibidem, p. 1/618a.
Ibidem.
C. Petry, Copts in Late Medieval Egypt, pp. 1-4/618a-619b.
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69
banned from access to offices in charge of the welfare of the Islamic community as
well as from participating in the religious establishment as jurisprudents, judges, and
so forth. Nevertheless, many were able to amass considerable fortunes and enjoyed the
protection and patronage of the Mamluk regime oftentimes over the express objections
of the ‘ulama’76. Nor must one forget that it was precisely in the fourteenth century
when the Mamluk regime responded to the growing resentment toward religious
minorities among the ‘ulama’ and the wider populace and ordered various purges of
non-Muslims from the administration. Wertmuller, citing Yaacov Lev, believes that
such policies encouraged the wave of mass conversions to Islam among the Coptic
community during this century77 and, I would add, increased the suspicions on the part
of the Muslim community that these conversions were opportunistic and insincere.
Again, it is reasonable to suppose that as a jurist Ibn al-Hajj would have been aware
of this situation as well.
Additionally, one must be cautious not to exaggerate the impact of the
discriminatory legislation against religious minorities or converts to Islam. It is
important to observe, as Marina Rustow and Tamer el-Leithy recently have argued,
that the dhimmis were capable of appealing to Muslim rulers and judges (qadis) both
to settle internal disputes with in their communities and also to improve their situation
with respect to the Muslim majority78. Of special significance are the findings of
Tamer el-Leithy’s study on Coptic conversion to Islam. Exploring the issue from the
perspective of the Christian community and employing Christian as well as Muslim
legal and religious sources, el-Leithy found that many Coptic converts to Islam
likewise harbored doubts about the authenticity of their conversion, doubts that were
exacerbated by Muslim reluctance to accept them as real Muslims. As proof he also
refers to the evidence from contemporary Mamluk Arabic biographical dictionaries,
citing the often pejorative use of nicknames such as “the Copt” or “the convert” when
referring to Muslims of Coptic ancestry79.
Even more significantly, el-Leithy demonstrates how Coptic converts were
able to work the system to their advantage, that is, to manipulate the laws on Islam
regarding conversion so as not to prejudice their Coptic relatives or their property.
Such was the case concerning what el-Leithy refers to as the single generation
conversion ruse, which allowed individual converts [to maintain] their progeny as
non-Muslims while remaining within the framework of Islamic law80. Although Islamic
legislation on conversion varies among the Sunni legal schools, the law regulates the
conditions under which the conversion of one individual will or will not affect the
status and inheritance rights of other members of the household. For instance, under
the Mamluks immediate family members of a convert were not legally obligated to
also convert to Islam. It is interesting to note in this regard that a hadith preserved
by al-Bukhari indicates that the minor child of an individual who converted to Islam
must follow the parent, whether father or mother, in embracing the new religion81. Yet
76
Ibidem, p. 2/618b.
K.J. Werthmuller, Coptic Identity, p. 76; Y. Lev, Persecutions and Conversion, pp. 73-91.
78
M. Rustow, At the Limits, pp. 133-159; T. el-Leithy, Coptic Culture.
79
T. el-Leithy, Coptic Culture. El-Leithy discusses this in part two of his dissertation, where
he argues that epithets such as “the Copt”, which biographers applied to Muslims of Coptic origin,
“constitute a discursive response” to the converts’ practices of resistance against Muslim rejection or
suspicion of their conversions. I have not been able to consult el-Leithy’s dissertation, but rather the
abstract provided by the online institution, ProQuest.
80
Ibidem.
81
Cited in Y. Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion, p. 113.
77
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LINDA G. JONES
as Islamic law developed, juridical opinions were divided over whether the children
of converts could inherit their parent’s property if they had not converted to Islam.
There are legal precedents that deny the children the right to inherit unless they also
convert, precedents that allow them to inherit while remaining in their traditional
religion, and still other precedents that allow them to inherit only on the condition that
they convert to Islam, otherwise the inheritance must go to the Muslim community82.
The possibility that a Muslim Copt might not be able to pass on his inheritance to the
Coptic members of his or her household could have been a strong incentive for the
reversion to Christianity.
El-Leithy identified a veritable “culture” of conversion and reversion to
Christianity during the Mamluk era, illustrating that many individuals purposefully
converted and reverted publicly with the intent of attaining martyrdom at the hands
of the Muslim authorities. This practice gained sufficient fame to warrant the
creation of a new Coptic ritual, the Rite of the Jar, to celebrate the apostate’s return
to the Christian community83. Jason Zaborowsky furnishes additional evidence
that many Coptic Christian elites reacted against the pressures to convert and
assimilate into Islamic culture by first converting and then denying having done
so. Under Islamic law this constitutes apostasy and Zaborowsky shows that the
sultans took the initiative in actively pursuing and punishing those culpable. He
identifies of a pattern of action whereby the sultan would first attempt to bribe the
apostate to reconvert to Islam, the apostate would then resist and insist upon dying
as a Christian. The sultan would then offer the apostate choice of life in enforced
exile if only he would pronounce the Islamic testimony of faith (shahada), which
would be followed by further resistance by apostate. The latter would finally be
executed by beheading and his body hung in public. Finally, members of the Coptic
community would go to recover the body. Zaborowsky posits that this pattern, which
characterizes Coptic martyrdom narratives from the thirteenth century onward, also
reflects Ayyubid policies84.
The salient point is that the evidence that Muslim Copts purposefully
transformed their conversion and apostasy into a public spectacle in defiance of
Islamic law and the sensibilities of the Muslim community brings us back to the
complaints articulated by Ibn al-Hajj at the beginning of this article. Although
it cannot be shown that Ibn al-Hajj was aware of the public reversions to Coptic
Christianity, his criticism that the “infidel” elected the time of the Friday khutba
in order to make his conversion conspicuously known among the Muslims so that
they would recognize him for this and he would not return to his previous state
of infidelity prior to his conversion85 accords with el-Leithy and al-Zaborowsky’s
findings. Indeed, it is tempting to see in the converts’ interruption of the sermon
in order to insist that they would not return to “the previous state of infidelity” an
allusion to a strategy invented by sincere converts to distance themselves from the
public apostasies being staged by certain Muslim Copts yearning for the glory of
Christian martyrdom.
82
Ibidem.
K.J. Werthmuller, Coptic Identity, p. 78. For a fuller discussion of this rite, see J. Zaborowsky,
Coptic Martyrdom, pp. 184-185; and especially L.S.B. MacCoull, The Rite of the Jar.
84
J. Zaborowsky, Coptic Martyrdom, p. 179.
85
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal, vol. II, p. 271.
83
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71
7. CONCLUDING REMARKS
The long-time Muslim suspicions regarding the sincerity and opportunism
of Muslims of Coptic descent, coupled with the disturbing spate of public reversions
to Christianity throughout the Mamluk period provide the most plausible context for
the religious innovation whereby “infidels” would deliberately interrupt the Friday
sermon in order to either profess or reaffirm their conversion to Islam. Although
numerous scholars have treated the topic of Coptic conversion to Islam in recent years,
virtually nothing has been said about the role of the preaching event in the Islamization
process. Ibn al-Hajj’s testimony provides unexpected insights into the relationship
between the Friday sermon and the conversions taking place in fourteenth-century
Mamluk Egypt. Ironically, however, the scenario that the Maliki jurist describes is far
removed from that of spontaneous conversions in response to the rousing sermons of
a charismatic khatib, much less that of a concerted preaching campaign orchestrated
by the Mamluk regime. And yet, the Friday khutba, given its central role in Muslim
worship and the assurance of the mass attendance of the community by virtue of its
status as a collective obligation (fard kifaya), served as the ideal venue and occasion
for the convert to “make conspicuous” his conversion to Islam, whether in an attempt
to prove his sincerity in this regard or, on the contrary, to recant his conversion and
stage a stunning reversion to his original religion. The juridical objections offered
by Ibn al-Hajj to such interruptions under any circumstances were motivated not
only by the desire to guarantee the solemnity of a key Islamic ritual. The foregoing
discussion of the historical context in which these conversions were taking place,
a context characterized, on the one hand, by the social and political pressures that
Coptic Christians faced to convert and assimilate into Muslim culture and, on the
other hand, by their resistance to such pressures, also offers sufficient grounds for
deducing that these factors influenced Ibn al-Hajj in seeking to safeguard the khutba
from being manipulated by would-be converts for their own self-interests. While not
denying the real dangers Coptic Christians faced in being forced to choose between
conversion and social disgrace, violence, or even death, the case under study has
demonstrated that converts could also exercise agency in the conversion process and
even use Islamic legislation in this regard to their advantage. Perhaps what Ibn al-Hajj
feared most was the (relative) empowerment of the convert.
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de la Laguna” 17 (1999), pp. 759-764.
al-Wansharisi, Abu l-‘Abbas Ahmad b. Yahya, Kitab al-Mi‘yar al-mughrib wa-l-jami‘
al-mu‘rib ‘an fatawa ahl Ifriqiya wa-l-Andalus wa-l-Maghrib, Muhammad
Hajji (ed.), Rabat, Nashr Wizarat al-Awqaf wa’l-Shu’un al-Islamiyya, 1981,
11 vols.
Werthmuller, Kurt J., Coptic Identity and Ayyubid Politics in Egypt, 1218-1250, Cairo,
American University of Cairo Press, 2010.
Wilfong, Terry G., The Non-Muslim Communities: Christian Communities, in Petry,
Carl F. (ed.), Egypt, I: Islamic Egypt: 640-1517. The Cambridge History,
Cambridge - New York, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 175-197.
Zaborowski, Jason R., The Coptic Martyrdom of John of Phanijaoit: Assimilation and
Conversion to Islam in Thirteenth-Century Egypt, Leiden, Brill, 2005.
Fecha de recepción del artículo: marzo 2012
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 77-93
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doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.04
ROBERTO CARACCIOLO’S SERMON
ON THE MIRACLE OF THE STIGMATIZATION OF FRANCIS OF ASSISI1
EL SERMÓN DE ROBERTO CARACCIOLO
SOBRE EL MILAGRO DE LOS ESTIGMAS DE FRANCISCO DE ASÍS
CAROLYN MUESSIG
University of Bristol
Abstract: Roberto Caracciolo (d. 1495),
a relatively unknown Franciscan friar
in present day scholarship, was one of
the greatest preachers of his generation.
A favorite among popes, he was held in
such high esteem that in his mid-20s he
was invited to preach for grand occasions
such as the canonization of Bernardino
da Siena. His sermon on the stigmata of
Francis of Assisi tells us a good deal about
the late medieval Franciscan view of the
Poverello’s reception of the five wounds
of Christ. This paper will examine
Roberto Caracciolo’s understanding of
the stigmatization as a miracle. It will
assess how he fashioned his argument
to dispel doubt from the minds of those
who questioned the authenticity of an
event that purported to transform the skin
and bones of Francis of Assisi into the
crucified likeness of Christ. Ultimately,
it will consider the exceptional esteem
in which Roberto and his contemporaries
held both Francis of Assisi and the miracle
of his stigmatization.
Keywords: Francis of Assisi; miracles;
stigmata; preaching; Roberto Caracciolo.
Resumen: Roberto Caracciolo (m. 1495),
fraile franciscano relativamente poco conocido en la actualidad entre los estudiosos, fue uno de los más grandes predicadores de su generación. Favorecido por
los papas y tenido por ellos en gran estima, con apenas veinticinco años fue invitado a predicar en ocasiones tan importantes como la canonización de Bernardino
de Siena. Su sermón sobre los estigmas de
Francisco de Asís ilustra detalladamente
la visión que, durante la Baja Edad Media,
tenían los franciscanos de cómo recibió el
Poverello las cinco llagas de Cristo. El
objetivo concreto de este artículo consiste
en examinar la opinión de Roberto Caracciolo acerca de los estigmas, considerados
por él milagrosos. Se observará también
cómo Caracciolo elaboró su argumentación para disipar las dudas de quienes
cuestionaban la autenticidad de un suceso que pretendía transformar la piel y los
huesos de Francisco de Asís en la imagen
de Cristo crucificado. Por último, se examinará el excepcional aprecio que Roberto y sus coetáneos sentían por Francisco
de Asís y el milagro de sus estigmas.
Palabras clave: Francisco de Asís; milagros; estigma; predicación; Roberto Caracciolo.
1
I would like to thank the Leverhulme Trust and the University of Bristol Research and Conference Fund for their generous support during my study leave in 2010-2011 which enabled me to
carry out research for this article. I am also grateful to the three anonymous assessors and to Linda
Jones who took the care and time to read and make invaluable suggestions for the improvement of
this article.
78
CAROLYN MUESSIG
SUMMARY
1. Introduction.– 2. Background: Roberto Caracciolo.– 3. The Sermones de sanctis of Roberto
Caracciolo: dispelling doubts about the stigmata.– 4. The miraculous process: validating the
authenticity of the stigmata.– 5. Bibliography.
1. INTRODUCTION
There are thousands of extant homilies on saints from the Middle Ages
contained in sermones de sanctis collections2. Many of these deal primarily with
saints from the New Testament and early Christian era, in particular martyrs. There
are medieval sermons, however, which also deal with “modern” saints3. One of the
most preached about contemporary saints of the later medieval period was Francis of
Assisi (c.1181-1226). In some sermons dealing with the Poverello one finds detailed
information concerning the miracle of the stigmata4. This is not entirely typical as
sermones de sanctis normally emphasized the moral characteristics of a holy person
such as honesty, bravery, steadfastness and selflessness. These virtuous ideals were
meant to serve as models of holiness for the Christian community to emulate, while
de-emphasizing the more spectacular aspects of a given saint’s miraculous career. As
Michael Goodich has argued, the tendency to focus on the moral quality of a person’s
holiness rather than on his or her astonishing feats was an attempt to play down
miracles because claims of the wondrous had critics not only among unbelievers but
also among believers5. However, sermons which treat the stigmatization of Francis
of Assisi offer a major exception to this general rule in that they dwell more on the
miraculous associated with Francis rather than on his saintly qualities. The Franciscan
Roberto Caracciolo (1425-1495) provides a useful and succinct example of how
a sermo de sanctis focused on the miraculous qualities of Francis’s reception of the
five wounds of Christ. This article will, therefore, assess what pastoral literature can
tell us about attitudes toward the miraculous in relation to the conceptualization and
understanding of stigmatization in the later Middle Ages.
2. BACKGROUND: ROBERTO CARACCIOLO
Roberto Caracciolo was one of the most successful preachers of his
generation. Born in 1425 in Lecce, he was educated by the Conventual Franciscans
and then joined the Observant branch of the order, only to defect to the Conventuals
2
Several can be found in J-B Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones.
G. Ferzoco, Sermon Literature, pp. 103-125; idem, The Context of Medieval Sermon, pp. 279-291.
4
See Saint Bonaventure, Sermons Diversis, vol. II, sermon 58, p.783. See also Bernardino da
Siena, De stigmatibus sacris gloriosi Francisci, Tome 5, pp. 204-230. For examples and discussion
of non-Franciscan sermons on the stigmata, L.-J. Bataillon, Les stigmates de saint François,
pp. 341-347.
5
Goodich explains: “Sermones de sanctis almost invariably focus on the moral virtues of the
saint as an example to believers, and deemphasize the supernatural. The often blatant absence of
references to miracles, even in sermons dealing with contemporary saints, indicates the clear desire
to encourage believers to think more about the exemplary quality of the saint, than about the alleged
supernatural powers, which critics such as Guibert of Nogent, Erasmus, Thomas More and others,
not to speak of heretics and nonbelievers, regarded with skepticism or even disdain”. M. Goodich,
Miracles and Wonders, p. 31.
3
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ROBERTO CARACCIOLO'S SERMON
79
definitively in 14526. His toing and froing from the Conventuals to the Observants
caused tensions to escalate between these two branches of the Franciscan order. Indeed,
some of the conflict was exacerbated by Roberto’s invective against the Observants
when, for reasons not entirely clear, in 1451 he began to perceive his confreres as
obstacles to his preaching activities7. Although he ultimately chose to stay with the
Conventuals, he developed his image in the likeness of the stellar Observant preachers
that sprouted from that branch of the Franciscans, most notably Bernardino da Siena
(d. 1444)8.
Although he had never seen Bernardino preach, Roberto adopted the great
preacher’s sermons as a template for his preaching style9. Indeed, from the outset
of his ecclesiastical career he demonstrated great prowess as a preacher. In his midtwenties he delivered the official eulogy for the canonization of Bernardino da Siena in
145010. For the grand occasion of the canonization of another Sienese saint, Catherine
of Siena, in 1461 Pope Pius II invited Roberto to preach in the Dominican church
of Santa Maria Sopra Minerva in Rome, where the new saint’s tomb was located11.
Throughout his life he preached up and down the Italian peninsula educating audiences
in the Christian faith12. Generally, his preaching style was remarkable for its gestures
and impersonations13. He also was known for his ability to reduce his audience to tears
through the drama of his words and actions14. Like his role model Bernardino da Siena,
Roberto presented his sermons in a simplified structure that made them easy to recall15.
Throughout his ecclesiastical career he remained in great favor with the
papal curia, culminating in Pope Sixtus IV’s appointment of Roberto as bishop of
Aquino in 1475. Thus, although little studied by contemporary scholars, Roberto
was one of the most popular preachers of his generation. From among the top 50
bestselling authors of all time between the years 1455-1500, Roberto ranked 45th
on the strength of the brisk sales for his sermon collections. In fact, he produced
several sermon collections, which circulated throughout Europe and are extant in over
100 manuscripts and numerous printed editions16. Therefore, Roberto’s sermon on
the stigmatization of Francis offers an opportunity to consider a prevalent fifteenthcentury view on the subject preached by one of the most persuasive and influential
preachers of the second half of the fifteenth century.
6
For an overview of Roberto Caracciolo’s life and works see: See S. Bastanzio, Fra Roberto
Caracciolo da Lecce; B. Roest, M. van der Heijden (eds.), Franciscan Authors, 13th-18th Century. See also Z. Zafarana, Caracciolo, Roberto, pp. 446-452; A. Zawart, The History of Franciscan
Preaching, pp. 295-298; Caracciolo also figures in B. Roest, Franciscan Literature of Religious
Instruction, pp. 62-64.
7
Regarding the beginning of his disenchantment with the Observants, see S. Bastanzio, Fra Roberto Caracciolo, pp. 34-35. See also O. Visani, Roberto Caracciolo e i sermonari.
8
O. Visani, Un imitatore di Bernardino da Siena, pp. 213-228.
9
Ibidem, pp. 213-214.
10
S. Bastanzio, Fra Roberto Caracciolo da Lecce, p. 30.
11
Roberto Caracciolo had been given the responsibility to preach the sermon on the day of Catherine of Siena’s canonization. See G. Cappelluti, S. Caterina da Siena, p. 505, n. 21.
12
For example of the sorts of sermons he preached see O. Visani (ed.), Roberto da Lecce.
13
In one Good Friday sermon he provided detailed stage directions, and it seems that while preaching, he acted out all the roles. For further discussion see K.L. Jansen, Preaching as Playwriting,
p. 245.
14
S. Bastanzio, Fra Roberto Caracciolo da Lecce, pp. 206-207.
15
O. Visani, Un imitatore di Bernardino da Siena, pp. 217-218. For Bernardino of Siena’s use of
artes praedicandi, see C. Delcorno, L’‘Ars praedicandi’.
16
See M. Milway, Forgotten Best-Sellers, p. 131.
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CAROLYN MUESSIG
3. THE SERMONES DE SANCTIS OF ROBERTO CARACCIOLO:
DISPELLING DOUBTS ABOUT THE STIGMATA
Roberto wrote a sermones de sanctis collection entitled Sermones de
Laudibus Sanctorum. It was first published in Naples and Venice in 1489. It is in this
collection we find his De sacris admirandis stigmatibus seraphici Francisci, that is, his
sermon on the stigmata of Francis17. The sermon was written sometime between 1482
and 148918. The sermon’s theme is: Galatians 6, 17: I bear the stigmata of the Lord
Jesus Christ on my body19. Roberto did not have much to choose from for a biblical
thema, as this is the only use of the term “stigmata” in the New Testament. What one
first notes about Roberto’s text is the defensive tone it takes from the outset in order
to substantiate the authenticity of the event. André Vauchez has demonstrated that
reports of the stigmatic miracle met initially with immediate and vociferous criticism
and, in some cases, outright disbelief and hostility. Vauchez clearly illustrated that the
validity of this miracle, although papally approved in the early years after Francis’
death by Pope Gregory IX (1227-1241), was deemed heretical by some ecclesiastical
leaders such as the thirteenth-century Bishop of Olomouc in Bohemia –also known as
the Cistercian Robert of England20.
The defensive tone of Roberto’s sermon, written more than two hundred
years after the initial criticisms surrounding the reports of Francis’s reception of the
five wounds, indicates that hesitation persisted toward accepting this as an authentic
miracle. As Jean-Claude Schmitt has argued the notion of “belief” in general was
an ongoing activity that was inseparable from doubt21; this is clearly demonstrated
in the varying perceptions that people held regarding the miracle of the stigmata.
Furthermore, some of Roberto’s defensiveness can also be explained by the heated
debate that raged between the Dominicans and Franciscans in the second half of
the fifteenth century regarding the stigmata. In general, Franciscans claimed that
only Francis bore the stigmata while the Dominicans argued that numerous people,
especially Catherine of Siena (d. 1380), had stigmata22. Roberto at once aimed to
dispel doubt over the miracle and establish Francis as a rare, indeed unique, example
of a stigmatic saint:
God the Father chose Blessed Francis not only because of Francis’s evangelical doctrine and his perfection in life, but so with this wondrous sign
he would excite the heart of humanity to desire eternal life. This same
man for two years bore visibly the picture of the cross on his hands and
feet and side. And just as the apostles with great virtue rendered testimony of Jesus Christ’s resurrection, so too Francis in himself in his own
body demonstrated most splendidly the reawakened Christ. But many
17
See Robertus Caracciolus de Licio, Sermo XLXIII de sanctis admirandis stigmatibus seraphici
Francisci, ff. 149va-153ra.
18
The sermon contains numerous references to “Sanctus Bonaventura”. See for example, Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo, XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150va. Bonaventure was canonized in 1482
and the collection was first printed in 1489.
19
The Vulgate reads: “Ego enim stigmata domini Iesu Christi in corpore meo porto”.
20
A. Vauchez, The Stigmata of St Francis, pp. 66-67. This is a translation of A. Vauchez’s Les
Stigmates de Saint François et leurs detracteurs.
21
J.-C. Schmitt, Ghosts in the Middle Ages, p. 7. See also J. Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, p. 17.
22
For further discussion on the intensity of this argument between the Franciscans and Dominicans see C. Muessig, The Stigmatic Debate. See also Catherine of Siena, in C. Muessig, G. Ferzoco,
B. Kienzle (eds.), A Companion to Catherine of Siena.
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when they hear these things, either they do not wish to believe it or they
have grown used to it as something trivial and not to be wondered at.
Wherefore, so that the rarity of such a matter be made known with devotion to the faithful and so that the temerity of the curious is curtailed,
I have decreed in this sermon to treat [tractare] the sacred stigmata of
Francis23.
The sermon proceeds using a clearly organized structure consisting of
the aforementioned introduction, three distinct chapters and a conclusion24. Each
chapter considers an aspect of the “mystery” of the stigmata: chapter one explains
the “truth” (veritas) of how the stigmata were impressed on Francis’s body; chapter
two explains the “sublimity” (sublimitas) of the miracle; chapter three considers
the “appropriateness” (congruitas) of the stigmata regarding the person of Francis,
the place it was received and the way it was received via the seraph. The scholastic
division of the sermon and Roberto’s aim “to treat” the subject do not mean, however,
that it was directed only to learned Franciscans attending studia for their religious
formation. Many Franciscans upheld strong pedagogical ideals in relation to preaching
and teaching; for these Franciscans, education was something for all –and preaching
was a tool that could combat ignorance. In this case, Roberto was intent on relaying
the meaning and purpose of Francis’s stigmata to the Christian community at large in
an accessible and straightforward manner25.
In establishing “the truth” of the stigmata, Roberto first sets out to build a
case for the authenticity of the marks on the Poverello’s body. The five wounds of
Francis, he argues, should not be compared to fables like the Minotaur, the Centaur,
or, the Pegasus26. Disbelievers might say that if ancient myths were made up, why
couldn’t Francis’ stigmata also be someone’s invention27? The first weapon Roberto
uses to combat such attitudes is the listing of various ecclesiastical authorities that
explicitly support and recognize Francis’ miraculous reception of the five wounds. In
his arsenal of ecclesiastical sources to convince doubters, Roberto first mentions the
Legenda maior and Legenda minor by Bonaventure of Bagnoregio (1217-1274), the
Minister General of the Franciscans (1257-1274) and then later Cardinal Bishop of
23
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo, XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150ra: “Elegit pater omnium
Deus beatum Franciscum qui non solum euangelica doctrina vitaque perfectione sed mirabili signo
stigmatum excitaret hominum corda ad desiderium eterne vite. Duobus quidem annis picturam crucis
in manibus pedibus et latere visibiliter tulit. Et sicut apostoli virtute magna reddebant testimonium
resurrectionis Iesu Cristi ita Franciscus in seipso in proprio suo corpore Christum resuscitatum luculentissime demonstrabat. Sed plerique dum hec audiunt vel credere nolunt franciscum signo crucifixi
fuisse insignitum vel quid leue et non admirandum id asseuerant. Quapropter vt nouitas tante rei cum
deuotione fidelibus inotescat reprimatur que temeritas curiosorum in hoc sermone de sacris Francisci
stigmatibus tractare decreui”.
24
For a general discussion of how Roberto generally structured his sermons see O. Visani,
Un imitatore di Bernardino da Siena: Roberto Caracciolo, pp. 218-219.
25
This view was held in particular by Bernardino of Siena and other Observant Franciscans. As
mentioned earlier Roberto, although he was a Conventual, at one time had counted himself among
the Observants. Furthermore, he modeled his preaching style on the Observant Franciscan preacher
Bernardino da Siena. For a discussion of the Observant Franciscan view of preaching and education
see B. Roest, Rhetoric of Innovation, pp. 132-135.
26
In making this argument Roberto refers to Augustine’s De civitate Dei, Book 18, Chapter 13,
where these myths and others are discussed as being invented when judges began to rule the Hebrews.
27
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, ff.149v-153r, at 150rb: “Si igitur
ista et alia huius excogitari potuerunt, quid mirum inquiunt increduli si de Francisco aliquis fingendo
et mentiendo dixerit quod in manibus pedibus et latere plagas quasi crucifixus habuit?”.
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CAROLYN MUESSIG
Albano (1273-1274)28. After 1266, these two legendae became the touchstone for the
understanding of Francis’s religious character, including the nature of his stigmata.
That these legendae became the dominant indicator of Franciscan identity is greatly
owing to Bonaventure’s directive as Minister General to have all other biographies of
Francis destroyed29. In this sermon, Roberto relied prodigiously upon Bonaventure’s
legendae to make his case for the unusual Franciscan miracle. He also relied on
Bonaventure’s saintly reputation to assist in the authentication of Francis’s stigmata.
Bonaventure had been canonized in 1482, only a few short years before the first printed
edition of the Sermones de laudibus. Roberto himself had given the canonization
sermon to celebrate this event. Still fresh in the minds of Roberto’s contemporaries,
Bonaventure’s canonization would no doubt enhance the explanations that he offered
on the stigmatization of Francis. And just in case Bonaventure’s new status as saint and
his past role as cardinal had slipped the mind of Roberto’s audience, the consummate
preacher reminded them that the former Minister General was called: Saint Bonaventure,
Cardinal Bishop of Albano, a man of outstanding sanctity who wrote elegant legenda
about Saint Francis in which he spoke expansively about his stigmata30.Furthermore,
Bonaventure was thought to be the author of the Meditationes vita Christi, one of the
top 50 bestsellers of the fifteenth century. Although this work is now recognized as a
Pseudo-Bonaventure piece, in the fifteenth century Bonaventure’s reputation was no
doubt enhanced by his alleged authorship of the Meditationes31.
In addition to Bonaventure’s legendae, liturgical hymns celebrating the
stigmatization of Francis and papal bulls are evoked by Roberto as clear indictors
of the authenticity of the Poverello’s five wounds32. Popes who receive honorable
mention as keen supporters of the miracle are Gregory IX (1227-1241); Alexander
IV (1254-1261); Nicholas III (1277-1280); and Benedict XII (1334-1342)33. Roberto
skillfully follows these references with an exemplum taken from Bonaventure’s
Legenda maior about Pope Gregory IX’s own initial doubt of the genuineness of
Francis’s wounds. In a dream, the pope is confronted by a stern Francis who orders
the pontiff to gather up in a cup the blood continuously spurting from the Poverello’s
side. From that time onwards, we are told, Pope Gregory became a firm believer in the
stigmata and rebuked anyone who doubted the wounds34.
After establishing the textual authorities, Roberto provides a list of
eyewitnesses whose testimonies attest to the truth of the stigmata35. Generally,
28
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150rb: “Nam sanctus Bonauentura Cardinalis episcopus Albanensis vir eximie sanctitatis legenda sancti Francisci eleganter scripsit
in qua diffuse loquitur de stigmatibus illis”. Cited in Legenda Doctoris Seraphici S. Bonaventurae
Legenda Maior, vol. VIII, pp. 565-579.
29
For this point and a general overview of Bonaventure’s life see S. Botterill, Bonaventure, Saint.
For a more detailed discussion see F. Uribe, Il Francesco di Bonaventura.
30
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150rb: “Nam sanctus Bonauentura Cardinalis episcopus Albanensis, vir eximie sanctitatis legendam sancti Francisci eleganter scripsit
in qua diffuse loquitur de stigmatibus”.
31
See M. Milway, Forgotten Best-Sellers, p. 142.
32
In the sermon two hymns are mentioned: Plaude turba paupercula and Decus morum, dux
Minorum. For the office of stigmatization of Francis see G.M. Dreves (ed.), Analecta Hymnica Medii
Aevi, pp. 100-102. For the English text of the office of the stigmatization of Francis see R.J. Armstrong et al. (eds.), The Prophet, pp. 665-670.
33
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150vb.
34
Bonaventura, Legenda maior, p. 550; For the English translation see Bonaventure, The Major
Legend of St Francis in R.J. Armstrong et al. (eds.), The Founder, p. 651.
35
See M. Bihl, De Quodam Elencho Assisano.
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eyewitnesses were a vital link in the chain of the validation of miracles. Canonization
processes are perhaps the best-known example of where a hierarchy of witnesses
was interrogated to provide the details of the lives of potential saints in order to
verify their holiness36. However, there was no canonization process for Francis as he
was declared a saint in 1228 more by acclamation than by procedure, even though
formal papal processes were normally required by this time37. Hence, any formal
assessment of the miracles of Francis did not undergo the usual rigors of papal
investigation38. But Roberto used Bonaventure’s Legenda maior and Legenda minor
as a basis for eyewitness accounts as there are numerous references in these works
which allude to people having seen the wounds39. Roberto tells us that the immediate
inner circle of Francis, including Brothers Illuminato, Leo, Rufino and Pacificus,
swore on the Bible that they themselves had seen the stigmata. Also, more than 55
other Franciscan brothers and Clare of Assisi, along with her religious sisters of
San Damiano and numerous priests, testified that out of affection and devotion they
kissed Francis’ wounds. The lay people of Assisi saw the stigmata too; one citizen
of Assisi, a doubting but well educated knight named Jerome touched them, upon
which he became a staunch believer, strengthening his own faith and those around
him40.
In some sources, the testimony of eyewitnesses who had seen the wounds
is presented as equally as important as the actual moment of stigmatization. For
example, a number of late medieval chronicles when referring to Francis’s stigmata
underline not so much the moment of the miraculous occurrence, but the individuals
who saw later and touched the wounds41. Thus the inclusion of eyewitnesses was a
crucial component in Roberto’s evolving argument to validate in the minds of his
audience the authenticity of the stigmata. What mattered both in his sermon and in the
chronicles was not the witnessing of the actual event, but the reports of individuals
who said they saw and touched the wounds; such reports were presented by Roberto
36
For further information on canonization processes see A. Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later
Middle Ages.
37
A.M. Kleinberg, Prophets in Their Own Country, p. 146.
38
For a comprehensive account of the function canonization processes see A. Vauchez, Sainthood
in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 481-534.
39
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150vb. The accounts of eyewitnesses taken almost word for word from the following sections of Bonaventure, Legenda maior,
Chapter 13, par. 8, p. 544.
40
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, 150vb; see Bonaventure, Legenda
maior, Chapter 15, par. 4, p. 548.
41
Here are a few examples of chronicles that underline the significance of eyewitness accounts:
Thomas Ebendorfer, Chronica pontificum Romanorum, p. 421: “Hic canonisavit sanctam Claram
Assisi multis miraculis clarificatem, que et asseruit se vidisse stigmata Christi in corpore beati Francisci”; Joannes de Winterthur (Joannes Vitoduranus, ca. 1302-1348), Die Chronik des Johannes von
Winterthur, F. Baethgen, C. Brunn (eds.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica: “Anno MCCXXX
beatus Franciscus contuens in aere seraphim in cruce ex tunc in palmis latere et pedibus effigiem
plagarum Christi tulit usque ad felicem exituum suum, multis utriusque sexus videntibus illa in eo
Christi stigmata’ p. 4.; Thomas Paviensis (Thomas Tusci, ca. 1212-ca. 1284), Thomae Tusci Gesta
Imperatorum et Pontificum, E. Ehrenfeuchter (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica, p. 492. “Hic
est ille Pacificus, qui corpore beatissimi viri Francisci adhuc in carne viventis sacra illa stigmata omni
mundo miranda videre promeruit. Hic ille Pacificus est, qui laterale vulnus in parte quadam deceptione pia sed devotione per maxima contrectavit. Hic ille Pacificus est, qui adhuc deditus vanitati duos
gladios sibi connexos ad modum crucis de ore patris sanctissimi predicantis exire conspexit, quo
miraculo territus est conversus et Francisci factus est imitator precipuus. Non igitur magnum fuit si
crucem nuci connatam invenit, qui amator vehemens crucis fuit”.
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as sound evidence. However, to underline that the wounds were divinely impressed,
Roberto adds that various cures occurred among sick individuals and livestock when
they came in contact with Francis’s stigmata –sure proof that the wounds were made
by the hand of God and not man42.
4. THE MIRACULOUS PROCESS: VALIDATING THE AUTHENTICITY
OF THE STIGMATA
The next step in Roberto’s pastoral lecture on the stigmatization shifts from
trying to prove the reality of the stigmata to a discussion of the actual miraculous
process of Francis’s reception of the five wounds. Benedicta Ward has noted that
the tendency to dissect the miraculous process emerges in the late twelfth and early
thirteenth centuries. This development of investigating the validity of miracles existed
side by side with another understanding of the miraculous which was held by monastic
communities, especially within the Cistercian order. Cistercians were not concerned
with proofs for miracles, rather they thought of miracles as learning experiences
normally sparked by visions or contemplation that led to the transformation of a person
into a more Christ-like individual. Thus, while some skeptics concerned themselves
with a clear discussion regarding the causes of miracles, for the Cistercians what
mattered was not physical evidence that a miracle actually occurred, but interior
improvement of the self. In essence, the primary importance of Cistercian miracle
collections was their didactic nature that encouraged moral perfection43. As we will
see, Roberto’s sermon indicates both his concern to establish the soundness of the
miracle and to demonstrate that Francis had undergone an interior transformation
toward a more perfect self.
Roberto is keen to demonstrate to skeptics how the miracle of the
stigmatization might have occurred. But he is also equally eager to discount theories
which he held to be worthless. Roberto’s first step to scrutinize the miraculous event
was an attempt to dismantle a widely held theory on Francis’ stigmatization with which
he disagreed. Some theologians and preachers had posited that Francis’s stigmata
were brought on by his vigorous imagination whereby the saint perfectly recalled
the passion of Christ to the point that he transformed his body into the object of his
contemplation, that is, Christ crucified. In other words, some held that because Francis
had mediated upon Christ’s suffering so intently, through the power of his mind he
was able to bring about the appearance of the wounds on his body. Thus, the stigmata
were effected through natural causes. The idea that flesh could be transformed into the
object of its imagination had its theoretical foundation in a number of sources, such as
Augustine’s Against Julian, and in Avicenna’s writings on the soul and imagination.
However, the use of this theory to explain the stigmatization was made in a sermon
by Jacopo da Varazze (d. 1298), the Dominican preacher and author of the Legenda
aurea44. Jacopo da Varazze’s hypothesis implied that the reception of the stigmata
42
These miracles included the warding off of plague and the rescue of individuals from certain
death. Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150ra-rb. They are found in Bonaventure, Legenda minor, Chapter 6, lections, 4-6, p. 574. The power of wounds of holy men to heal
can be seen as early as the sixth century when the wounds of stylite monks, which occurred through
years of extreme ascetic punishment, were thought to cure the sick. See C. Cremonesi, The Meaning
of Illness in F. Jullien, M.-J. Pierre (eds.), Monachismes d’orient.
43
See B. Ward, Miracles in the Middle Ages, pp. 154-155.
44
See Jacobus da Voragine, Sermo 3: De stigmatibus sancti Francisci, vol. II, pp. 322-323.
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was not a supernatural event because it was carried out through the natural powers
of the imagination. Roberto, on the other hand, aimed to establish that the reception
of the stigmata was a pure work of divine omnipotence surpassing the bounds of the
natural45.
To counter Jacopo’s argument, which was widely known46, and to explicate
that the stigmatization was entirely effected through divine agency, Roberto relies
on the authority of Thomas Aquinas, ironically (and possibly deliberately) another
Dominican. In particular, he turns to the Summa theologiae 3.13.3, where it is argued
that the imagination can alter the interior disposition of the person, that is the heart,
by leading individuals to act in certain ways. But imagination, Thomas continues, in
no way is able to transmute the shape of a hand or foot as it has no natural relation to
parts of the body. Roberto, concludes, therefore, it would be impossible for Francis’
imagination to cause the stigmata as it would have no relation to his exterior body and
hence would be unable to change its form47. At the core of the stigmatization, was a
larger debate of the nature of the miracle: some theologians argued that the role of
human imagination with God’s assistance could effect the five wounds, while others
posited that it was a stupendous incident transcending any connection with the natural
world48.
Roberto relies on Bonaventure’s Legenda maior to describe how the nails
that pierced the Poverello’s hands and feet were actually made from Francis’ flesh and
bones, although having the appearance of real nails:
The heads of these appeared on the inner side of the hands and the upper side of the feet and their points on the opposite sides. The heads of
the nails in his hands and feet were round and their points, which were
hammered and bent back, emerged and stuck out from the flesh. The
bent part of the nails on the bottom of his feet were so prominent and
extended so far out that they did not allow the sole of his feet to touch
the ground49.
The nails made of the saint’s flesh and their unusual protrusion from the
saint’s hands and feet lead Roberto to conclude that they could only be made by
divine power50. It is also posited that the stigmatization had to be a miracle because
Francis would otherwise not be able to endure the severe pain in both body and
45
For further discussion see C. Muessig, The Stigmata Debate in Theology, pp. 484-486. Jacopo
da Varazze's thesis was quickly adopted by other preachers. For example Giordano da Pisa in a sermon preached on 30 November 1304 discusses the possibility of the mind transforming the body into
a stigmatic reality. See S. Serventi (ed.), Giordano da Pisa, Avventuale fiorentino 1304, pp. 112-113,
and C. Muessig, The Stigmata Debate, p. 486, where I discuss this in more detail.
46
C. Muessig, The Stigmata Debate, pp. 484-487 and p. 495, note 36.
47
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 151ra.
48
See A. Boureau, Miracle, volonté et imagination.
49
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, 151vb: “In manibus eius et pedibus
apparere ceperunt signa clauorum ipsorum capitibus in interiori parte manuum et superiori pedum
apparentibus, et eorum acuminibus existentibus ex aduerso. Erantque clauorum capita in manibus et
pedibus rotunda et nigra, ipsa vero acumina oblonga, retorta et repercussa, que de ipsa carne surgentia, carnem reliquam excedebant. Siquidem repercusso ipsa clavorum sub pedibus adeo prominens
erat et extra protensa, ut non solum plantas solo libere applicari non sineret”. Bonaventure, Legenda
minor, Chapter 6, Lectio 3, p. 576. Translation from Bonaventure, The Minor Legend of St Francis,
Chapter 6, Lesson 3, p. 710.
50
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 151vb: “virtute divina mirifice
fabre facti”.
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mind resulting from the constant flow of blood and his vivid memory of the Lord’s
passion51.
Roberto not only articulated a clear analysis of the process of the miracle of
stigmatization, but he also pushed the argument further by attempting to demonstrate
that Francis’s reception of the five wounds of Christ was among the greatest of God’s
wondrous acts. To address this point Roberto employs verbatim another argument
by Thomas Aquinas, this time from the Summa theologiae 1.105.8. Here, Thomas
posited that a thing is called a miracle by comparison with the power of nature which
it surpasses. Nature can be surpassed in regard to substance, such as the glorification of
the human body. These observations provided in the Summa theologiae give Roberto
ample support to claim that the stigmatization is among the greatest of all miracles
because the sudden transformation of bone, blood and sinew into the stigmata as
shown in the nails of the hands and feet of Francis demonstrated the great power of
the divine in that the body acted beyond its nature. Furthermore, in this transformation
Francis’s body was glorified by taking on the wounds of Christ. Roberto concludes:
The stigmatization of Francis is a work of such quality that nature did not
effect it, nor is it able to effect it; it seems because of the substance of the
deed, it is counted among the greatest miracles of God52.
Roberto could not prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that the miracle had
taken place, as miracles were the works of God not man, thus its exact nature was
impossible to articulate53. The only thing a witness could do was validate perceptions
of what was believed to be miraculous. For example at the canonization process
of Bernardino of Siena (1447), the magister and medicus Pax Antonii de Aquila
testified that he kissed the corpse of Bernardino and that it did not emit any foul odor,
validating claims that the great preacher’s body was indicating signs of sanctity54. In
a like manner, Roberto did all he could do as a preacher and theologian to established
that what happened to Francis of Assisi was none other than a miracle, whether the
audience believed it or not was a matter of faith55.
After discussing the supernatural quality of the event, Roberto leads the
argument away from the power of the miracle toward the implications that it had for
Francis in the unfolding of Christian history. Roberto is careful to show that Francis
is not similar to Christ in nature, but when compared to others he had a superior
similitude to Christ in the very fact that he bore the stigmata in his body. This is based
51
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 151vb: “Ostendimus quod stigmata Fransisci fuerunt miraculosa ratione vite non enim potuisset per naturam vivere duobus annis
beatus Franciscus plagatus in quinque locis spasmosis ex quibus continuo fluebat et sanguinis cum
dolore vehementissimo non solum corporis immo et cordis ex memoria passionis dominice”.
52
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 152ra: “Cum ita que stigmatizatio Francisci sit opus tale quale neque natura fecit neque facere potest videret quod propter substantiam facti sit connumeranda inter maxima miracula Dei”.
53
See Troilus Malvetius, Tractatus, XIV, f. 101v and 102v: “witness testimony relies upon the
senses natural to man; but since a miracle is beyond nature, man cannot testify to it. Rather, a witness
testifying about miracle is not describing it as a miracle (non deponit de eo, prout est miraculum),
but is testifying about that from which it can be shown to be a miracle (sed prout ex eo probatur
miraculum)”, as cited and translated in R.C. Finucane, Authorizing the Supernatural, p. 299, note 37.
54
C. Piana, I processi de canonizzazione; Bonaventure, Legenda Doctoris Seraphici, vol. V,
pp. 402, 405, and 407. See also J. Ziegler, Practitioners and Saints.
55
For a consideration of how miracles were viewed in the Middle Ages see S. Justice, Did the
Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?
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on a belief held by Roberto –as well as a number of Franciscans– that only Francis had
ever borne the miraculous signs of Christ’s wounds on his body56. Furthermore, the
geographical location where the miracle happened is likened to a sacred place equal
to those found in the Bible; like Moses who received the law on Mount Sinai, and like
Christ who on Mount Tabor was transfigured, Francis received the sign of the passion
on Mount La Verna57. Roberto indicates that La Verna has a distinct, supernatural
quality about it owing to a momentous event in the history of Christianity:
On Mount La Verna the sign of the passion was fixed onto Francis. As
this mountain indeed is separated from the others, it is important to note
that Francis was entirely alone from the honor of worldly company. And
being elevated, it is also important to point out that blessed Francis was
elevated to the contemplation of divine things and the love of heavenly
goods. This mountain is opened up in several places where it seems that
it was cut rather violently and that this was not naturally made. It is possible that these rocks were cut the very moment when Jesus the son of
God was suffering on the cross58.
This passage has strong resonances with the Vitae Beati Francisci ad Vitam
Domini Iesu by the Franciscan Bartholomeo da Pisa (d. 1401), a colossal work which
draws copious parallels between the lives of Francis and Jesus. Referring to Matthew
27, 51, Bartholomeo conjectures that the rocks that were split upon Jesus’s death
included the rocks at La Verna, which were ripped to create the perfect setting for the
stigmatization of Francis59. This creates a strong typological connection between the
events surrounding Francis’s stigmatization and the life of Christ as narrated in the
New Testament.
Although it is not explicitly stated in the sermon, the implication of
Francis’s stigmatization makes him superior to other saints for Roberto leaves no
doubt that Francis had been deified. He makes abundant use of Bonaventuran texts
which allude to the deification of the Poverello60. Relying on the Legenda minor,
56
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 152rb: “Est similitude corporalis
in manibus pedibus et latere miraculose signatis, et hoc usque nunc convenit soli Francisco”.
57
Ibidem, f. 152vb.
58
Ibidem, f. 152vb: “In monte Alverne consignatus fuit signis passionis Franciscus. Ille si quidem
mons separatus est ab aliis ad innuendum quod Franciscus penitus fuit alienus ab honore mundanorum. Est insuper elevatus ad significandum quod Beatus Franciscus elevatus erat ad contemplationem divinorum et amorem bonorum celestium. Et ad hoc ille mons in plerisque locis apertus vbi
scissure videntur quasi violenter non naturaliter facte possibile esset ut tempore illo ita eveniret quod
petre ille scisse sunt patiente in cruce Iesu filio Dei”.
59
Bartoleomo da Pisa (also known as Bartolomeo de Rinonich), De Conformitate Vitae Beati
Francisci, p. 387. “Mons iste Alvernae a Deo fuit beato Franscisco praeparatus ut in ipso stigmatizaretur. Hic mons altitudine est procerus; est enim valde altus et a corruptione aeris mundus et sincerus,
ab aliis montibus totaliter separatus, et passionis Christi signis specialiter praedotatus. Nam tempore passionis ut patet in Evangelio petrae scissae; quod singulari modo in monte isto apparet. Nam
divisus est a capite usque deorsum. Partes eius, ut patet cernentibus, scilivet saxa, ab invicem sunt
divisa. Et praefata Omnia impressioni stigmatum fuerunt apta. Eius altitudo correspondet mentali
elevatione, quae exigitur in tali stigmatizatione”. See also O. Schmucki, The Stigmata of St Francis
of Assisi, p. 162.
60
The term deification is ambiguous. From the twelfth century onward, Bernard of Clairvaux had
the greatest influence in shaping the meaning of this term, which was the conformity of the human
person through Christ not via nature but through love. For an excellent treatment of the term and
its theological meaning in the medieval western tradition see S. Botterill, Dante and the Mystical
Tradition.
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Roberto explains that the Poverello was interiorly inflamed by the “seraphic ardor”,
liquefied by the fire of love and then impressed with the likeness of Christ crucified61.
It is worth noting that Roberto’s role model, Bernardino of Siena, in his sermon
on the Poverello’s stigmata described Francis as being deified62. Furthermore,
Roberto explains the seraphic mode in which Christ appeared to Francis in order to
stigmatize him as apposite:
And nobody should be troubled by the apparition of Christ, who wished
to be seen at once in the seraphic species and also as the crucified one, as
an apparition of this kind suits such a mystery. Indeed, in this new way
Francis had to be crucified and thus he had to be inflamed with seraphic
love63.
In this regard, like the Cistercians who looked at inner transformation as
an indicator of the miraculous, Roberto emphasizes that Francis had been changed
interiorly as a result of the stigmatization. However, although the very title of the
sermon refers to Francis as seraphic, nowhere in the sermon does one detect the
apocalyptic associations that Bonaventure made between Francis and the Angel of the
Sixth Seal of the Apocalypse64. Nor does he echo Bernardino of Siena, who claimed
that Francis belonged to the seraphic order after the stigmatization65. However,
Roberto does present Christ’s appearance to Francis as historically significant in his
association with the event to New Testament accounts of the resurrected Christ. He
puts it on a par to an apostolic occurrence whereby he integrates Francis’ vision into
a cluster of biblical examples such as the disciples who met Christ as a pilgrim on
the road to Emmaus (cf. Luke 24, 13-27), Mary Magdalene who encountered Christ
thinking him to be a gardener (cf. John 20, 15), Stephen who saw him in the sky
standing on the right hand side of God (cf. Acts 7, 55) and Paul who experienced
him as a bright light on the road to Damascus (cf. Acts 9, 3). Francis follows in this
list as one who loved Christ so much that the Lord appeared to Francis in a crucified
form66.
61
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 153ra: “Disparens igitur visio
post archanum ac familiare colloquium mentem ipsius seraphico interius inflammavit ardore carne
vero crucifixo conformi exterius insignivit effigie tanquam si ad ignis liquefactiva virtutem preambulum sigillativa quedam esset impressio subsecuta”. This corresponds verbatim to Bonaventure,
Legenda minor, Chapter 6, Lectio 2, p. 576. For an English translation see, Bonaventure, The Minor
Legend of St Francis, Chapter 6, Lesson 2, p. 710.
62
Bernardino da Siena, Sermo LIX: De Stigmatibus, p. 211, lines 8-10: “Quia igitur corpus beati
Francisci fuit sic figuratum specie crucifixi, signum est quod caro illius fuit purissima et anima quasi
puritate deificata”.
63
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 153ra: “Nec titubare quispiam
debet de apparitionem Christi qui in specie seraphi et veluti crucifixus videri voluit quam huiusmodi
apparitio conveniebat tali mysterio. Novo quippe modo crucifigendus erat Franciscus atque ardore
seraphico debebat inflammari”.
64
Bonaventure, Legenda maior, prol. I, p. 504. See also D. Burr, Mendicant Readings of the
Apocalypse, p. 97.
65
Bernardino da Siena, Sermo LIX: De Stigmatibus, p. 207, lines 2-5.
66
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 153ra: “Discipuli euntes in
Emaus viderunt illum in specie peregrine, et Magdalena quasi hortulanum inspexit et Stephanus
veluti stantem a dextris Dei agnovit, et Paulus ingenti lumine decoratus intuitus est ita Franciscus
regem celorum et dominum glorie veluti crucifixum sibi apparentem adoravit”.
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The words alter Christus sometimes used in Franciscan sources to describe
Francis are not explicitly used by Roberto67. In fact, the sermon does not discuss in any
deep detail Francis’ qualities68. Roberto does, nevertheless, suggest that astounding
holiness and saintliness were recognized as belonging to Francis as result of his five
wounds:
O happy eyes of Blessed Francis that merited still in this mortal life to
rejoice in such a vision. O ears of Blessed Francis that alertly heard the
calling of the Redeemer of the world. O body of Francis, replete in every
elegance, in which miraculously the wounds of Christ were renewed.
These stigmata are therefore to be venerated as the mirror of immortality,
the hope of future life, the reaffirmer of faith and the most valid testimony of our Lord Jesus Christ. These stigmata Francis proffers; he shows
them to Christ while interceding for the faithful. For the Mother of God
shows her heart and breasts, the Son his side and wounds, and Francis
his holy stigmata. To those seeking and invoking him, he bestows desired
favors and, finally, grace in present and future glory. Amen69.
As this quote reveals, Roberto presented part of the miraculous aspect of the
stigmata as its signifying power because it reminded and thus reinforced the miracle
of Christ’s Resurrection. The function of a miracle as a sign leading individuals to
strengthen their faith had a long tradition70. But in the case of Francis’s stigmatization,
we see this miracle not only presented as something to enhance faith in the wonders
of Christianity, but also as an indicator of Francis’s power as an intercessor. Roberto
clearly made Francis’s mercy comparable to that of Mary and Jesus71. Francis’s
wounds, therefore, not only functioned to remind the viewer of the power of Christ,
but they underlined the supremacy of Francis over other saints. Therefore, Roberto’s
sermon endeavored to dispel not only the doubt surrounding the unusual miracle of
the stigmatization, but also to accentuate the implications of the miracle itself whereby
Francis, through the honor of his five wounds, was princeps of saints on a par with the
Virgin Mary and second only to Christ.
67
Although the concept was implied in Bonaventure’s legenda, he never used the words alter
Christus as a description of Francis. The concept was articulated in the fourteenth-century Actus
beati Francisci et sociorum eius and completely developed by Bartholmeo da Pisa in his De Conformitate. For further discussion see H.W. van Os, St Francis of Assisi.
68
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo LXV, De tribus excellentis beati Francisci, ff. 153rb-157ra. But
it should be noted that Francis’ saintly merits are discussed in the next sermon in the Laudibus collection.
69
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 153ra: “O felices oculi qui
meruerunt adhuc in hac ita mortali tali visione gaudere. O aures beati Francisci que a redemptore
mundi vigilanter vocari se perceperunt. O corpus omni mundicia repletum in quo mirabiliter Christi
vulnera sunt renovate. Hec igitur sunt illa stigmata speculum immoralitatis spes vite future refirmitas
fidei et Domini nostri Iesu Christi validissimum testimonium, hec sunt colenda. Hec sunt que Franciscus offert, ostendit Christo dum pro fidelibus intercedit. Mater quidem Dei ostendit pectus et ubera, Filius latus et vulnera, et Franciscus sua sacra stigmata. Quibus intervenientibus eum invocantibus
impetrat exoptata beneficia et tandem gratiam in presenti et in future gloriam. Amen”.
70
See R. Garland, Miracles in the Greek, p. 94.
71
The lines: “Mater ostendit filio pectus et ubera. Filius ostendit patri latus et uulnera”, appear
in Ernaldus Bonaevallensis, Libellus de laudibus Beatae Mariae virginis PL 189, col. 1726C-D.
Ernaldus Bonaevallensis, also known as Arnald of Bonneval, was a twelfth-century Cistercian abbot.
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Fecha de recepción del artículo: enero 2012
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 95-118
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doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.05
THE QUALITY OF RABBINIC LEADERSHIP
IN THE GENERATION OF EXPULSION
EL CARÁCTER DEL LIDERAZGO RABÍNICO
EN LA GENERACIÓN DE LA EXPULSIÓN
MARC SAPERSTEIN
Leo Baeck College - King’s College, London
Abstract: Not a few Jewish historians
have strongly criticized the spiritual and
intellectual leaders of Spanish Jewry in the
years leading up to the expulsion of 1492,
as expressed by the following statement in
a 1995 academic book by Norman Roth:
“An important characteristic of fifteenthcentury Spanish Jewry was the almost
complete lack of leadership”. This article
will challenge some of the underlying
assumptions of this claim, especially
pertaining to the failure of these leaders
to foresee and prevent the expulsion, and
the charge of intellectual mediocrity in
the areas of Jewish law, philosophy and
Kabbalah (Jewish mysticism). Passing
briefly over the best-known Jewish leader
of the generation, Don Isaac Abravanel,
about whom much has been written,
the second part of the article will focus
on Rabbi Isaac Aboab, based largely on
material from his sermons, much of which
remains in unpublished manuscripts.
Keywords: Aboab; Abravanel; backshadowing; “conversos”; disputed question;
expulsion;
inquisition;
kabbalah;
martyrdom; Netanyahu; philosophy;
response; Seneor; sermons; syllogism;
Spanish Jewry.
Resumen: Algunos historiadores judíos
han criticado duramente los líderes espirituales e intelectuales de los sefardíes en
los años previos a la expulsión de 1492,
como pone de manifiesto Norman Roth en
una publicación de 1995: “Una característica importante de los sefardíes del siglo
XV fue la falta casi total de liderazgo”.
Con el fin de cuestionar algunos de los
presupuestos subyacentes, este artículo
pone en tela de juicio algunas de las asunciones fundamentales de esta afirmación,
especialmente en lo que respecta al supuesto fracaso de esos líderes en prever
y prevenir la expulsión, y a la acusación
de mediocridad intelectual en los ámbitos
de la ley, la filosofía y la cábala judías.
Después de un breve acercamiento al líder judío más conocido de esa generación,
Don Isaac Abravanel, sobre quien ya se ha
escrito mucho, la segunda parte del artículo se centra en el rabí Isaac Aboab, basándose sobre todo en sus sermones, muchos
de los cuales proceden de manuscritos todavía sin publicar.
Palabras clave: Aboab; Abravanel; conversos; disputas; expulsión; inquisición;
cábala; martirio; Netanyahu; filosofía;
responsa; Seneor; sermones; silogismo;
sefardíes.
SUMMARY
1. Introduction.– 2. Criticism of pre-1492 Spanish Jewish leadership.– 3. Reassessing the quality of Rabbinic leadership.– 4. The sermons of Isaac Abaob.– 5. Conclusions.– 6. Bibliography.
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MARC SAPERSTEIN
1. INTRODUCTION
Traditional Jewish discourse has often been overly generous in describing
spiritual leadership. Often it borders on hagiography, liberally bestowing superlatives
to the point where all praises seem debased. By contrast, much modern Jewish
historiography has been extremely critical of Jewish leaders in the Middle Ages. Thus
we learn from Graetz that after the death of Maimonides, the Jews stood without a
leader, and Judaism without a guide, leaving the Jewish people helpless against the
onslaught of the 13th-century papacy, spearheaded by Innocent III. And if Graetz
is old-hat, consider the following astonishing passage by an eminent historian of
medieval Europe, Norman Cantor:
There was one courtly, rabbinical, literary, mercantile elite, and all Jews
beside this immensely wealthy, prominent, fortunate, learned elite were
the silent exploited masses. Exploited and repressed, I think, not only
by the Gentiles, but also by the dominant court Jews. Every time I read
or hear about medieval Jewry, I think of Hannah Arendt’s Eichmann
in Jerusalem and her unforgettable picture of how the Jewish masses
of Hungary were sold into Nazi gas chambers by the Budapest Jewish
community leaders, so many of whom survived to become American
business men or indeed Israeli officials. (...) The rich, well-born and
learned Jews often survived even pogroms and moved easily on to havens
in other countries, while the masses in bad times sank even further into
poverty, misery, and martyrdom1.
From their rhetoric and substance, one would be hard-pressed to prove that
these lines were written by a professional historian. But rather than linger on this
overblown picture and its highly problematic use of an analogy with the Holocaust,
I prefer to approach the question of Jewish leadership by focusing on a specific
historical setting: the generation of the expulsion from Spain, about which a relatively
recent work has asserted, An important, and hitherto little-emphasized, characteristic
of fifteenth-century Spanish Jewry was the almost complete lack of leadership2.
2. CRITICISM OF PRE-1492 SPANISH JEWISH LEADERSHIP
Several leading modern historians, mostly from a previous generation,
have subjected the leaders of Spanish Jewry during its last generation on the Iberian
peninsula to a two-pronged attack. The first charge impugns their perspicacity and
their political judgment. Given all the warning signs, how could they not have foreseen
the approaching disaster of 1492? As Benzion Netanyahu put it,
1
N. Cantor, Aspects of Jewish, p. 182. Cantor returned to this theme in his monumental compendium of misinformation, N. Cantor, The Sacred Chain, pp. 180-181: “By the second quarter of the
thirteenth century the days of Ashkenaz were numbered. Anyone could see the future was gloomy,
indeed hopeless (…). Ashkenazi rabbinate did nothing (...). It is the syndrome of waiting quietly for
the holocaust. Thus the Orthodox rabbinate failed to exercise leadership on behalf of the Jews in
thirteenth-century Ashkenaz as they were to do again in twentieth-century Poland. Meanwhile the
rabbinate drugged itself into comfort with the narcotic of the Cabala, an otherworldly withdrawal
into astrology and demonology”. For the earlier passage, see H. Graetz, History of the Jews, vol. III,
p. 495.
2
N. Roth, Conversos, p. XVI, and see also similar formulations on pp. 53, 278, 302-303.
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common sense, it would appear, should have indicated to the Jews that,
with such a fierce campaign being conducted against the Marranos in the
name of their Jewishness, the Jews could not possibly escape involvement.
But the Jews seem not to have sensed this (...). The blindness manifested
by the Jews in the Diaspora for developments laden with mortal danger
is nothing short of proverbial3.
In less value-laden terms, Haim Beinart wrote –whether in surprise or
dismay– that few Jewish leaders showed any premonition of the approaching danger4.
These are fine examples of what Michael Bernstein has called (in a literary context,
particularly with regard to the Holocaust) “backshadowing,” defined as,
a kind of retroactive foreshadowing in which the shared knowledge of
the outcome of a series of events by narrator and listener is used to judge
the participants in those events as though they should have known what
was to come5.
Second, there is a charge of general intellectual mediocrity. According to
some modern experts, this was a generation that produced no shining stars in any field of
Jewish cultural endeavor6. Spanish rabbis of this generation made no contribution to the
responsa literature, we are told by Menachem Elon, because the progressively worsening
political situation, the persecutions and riots (...) prevented the creation of questions
and responsa under such conditions. Julius Guttmann reached a similar conclusion
from his own perspective: The frightful pressure under which Spanish Jewry, the
foremost bearers of Jewish philosophy, lived during the fifteenth century precluded any
productive or original philosophic work. As for Kabbalah, the generation of 1492 shows
the dynamic, creative energies of earlier centuries spent; in Gershom Scholem’s words,
the literature of the fifteenth century [in Spain] reflects an unmistakable flaccidity of
religious thought and expression7. The conclusion suggested by these evaluations seems
unavoidable: the generation of the expulsion, in facing its crisis, had the misfortune of
being served by mediocre leaders who were simply not up to the challenge.
3
B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 45; B. Gampel has raised this issue in his own context
in The Last Jews on Iberian Soil, pp. 1-2, p. 210 n. 40.
4
H. Beinart, Order of the Expulsion, p. 87. Beinart goes on to note one exception, R. Judah ibn
Verga, who “expressed his foreboding with a symbolic act” according to Shevet Yehudah, chap. 62,
p. 127. But his translation of the passage in that article obscures the fact that Judah’s symbolic act is
said to apply to three categories of conversos, not of Jews; furthermore, this kind of foreknowledge
claimed in a later text –“before the Inquisition came, he knew all it would do”– is always suspect of
being a “prophecy after the fact”.
5
M. Bernstein, Foregone Conclusions, p. 16 (italics in original).
6
“There is, therefore, no question but that the fifteenth century saw a complete breakdown and
virtual collapse of the high level of Jewish learning which had characterized Spanish Jewry from the
earliest days” (N. Roth, Conversos, p. 13), but contrast the detailed information on pp. 53-54. Yom
Tov Assis recently articulated what he calls “the view held by most scholars” as follows: “The last
century of Jewish life in Spain was on the whole a period of decline... Many leaders were either dead
or baptized. Inevitably, the years following the massacres were very meager in literary production.
Apart from poetry and ethics, many themes of Jewish learning were almost completely neglected
during the years after 1391”. Y.T. Assis, Spanish Jewry, p. 309 (I am indebted to an anonymous
reviewer of this article for this reference).
7
M. Elon, Ha-Mishpat ha-Ivri, vol. II, p.1235; J. Guttmann, Philosophies of Judaism, p. 275;
G. Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism, p. 244. Contrast the much more positive assessment
by Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 426.
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It is not my primary purpose either to polemicize against scholars, such
as those mentioned in the previous paragraph whose work I deeply admire, or to
defend the rabbinic leaders of Spanish Jewry, but rather to examine the basis on which
the charge of mediocrity has been leveled. For it seems to me that it is based on
assumptions that are fundamentally unhistorical. Let us consider each of the charges
in turn.
3. REASSESSING THE QUALITY OF RABBINIC LEADERSHIP
The accusation of political obtuseness, an inability to see the handwriting
on the wall, a blindness (...) for developments laden with mortal danger, sounds more
like the representation of the Diaspora experience in radical Zionist ideology than a
proper historical assessment. It is always easy to read history backward: from what
eventually happened to what should have been obvious. Before the fact, even the most
astute and canny contemporary observers, faced with contradictory indicators and
questionable precedents, confront an opaque wall. What seems so clear in retrospect
appears at the time to be open-ended, ambiguous, and obscure.
Should Jewish leaders have seen the expulsion coming? The evidence
indicates that virtually everyone in Spain, including powerful courtiers and influential
churchmen, were taken by surprise. At the very least, it is clear that the Catholic
Monarchs carefully concealed their intentions until the last moment, permitting Jews
in Granada and the surrounding territories conquered to remain in their places until
December 8, 1494, and signing four-year contracts with Jewish tax farmers in January
of 1492. Indeed, one reconstruction suggests that the King and Queen themselves
decided hastily, only a couple of months before the Edict was issued8. If on January 1,
1492, Ferdinand and Isabella had no concrete plans to expel the Jews from Spain, or
deliberately disguised those plans, why should the Jewish leaders be condemned for
not having foreseen it?
Historical precedent? We neatly group the medieval expulsions from
Western Europe into a series: England in 1290, France in 1306, perhaps in 1322, and
in 1394, Spain in 1492. The Jews of Spain knew about these earlier expulsions. But
it was apparently only after their own that they began to recognize a pattern9. Before
the fact, they understandably –and perhaps quite properly– thought of themselves in
a totally different category from their Ashkenazi colleagues. For whether we look at
total population, political influence, access to the court, social integration and prestige,
longevity of presence in the land, there were ample grounds to support the claim that
Spanish Jewry was uniquely rooted in the Iberian peninsula and would not suffer the
fate that had befallen the communities to the north.
8
On the Capitulations of Granada specifying the terms of surrender, see O.R.Constable, Medieval
Iberia, p. 349, par. 4. On the four-year contract, see S.W. Baron, History of the Jews, vol. XI, p. 238
and p. 403, n. 59 (suggesting the possibly duplicitous intent). For the argument that the monarchs
decided upon the expulsion precipitously, see S. Haliczer, The Castilian Urban Patriciate, pp. 35-58.
There is a division among historians rather analogous to the “intentionalist” and “functionalist” interpretations of the Nazi “Final Solution,” but even from the intentionalist position, it does not follow
that the intentions of the rulers should have been obvious.
9
The expulsion from France in 1322 has been called into question; see E.A.R. Brown, Philip V,
Charles IV, pp. 294-329. Concerning knowledge of earlier expulsions, see M. Saperstein, A Sermon
on the Akedah, 1996, pp. 259-260. For the pattern of expulsions recognized after the fact, see I. Abravanel, Commentary on the Torah, vol. III, 262b-263a, on Deuteronomy chap. 28; J. Hacker, Kroniqot
Hadashot, p. 201 n. 1; Y. Yerushalmi, Zakhor, p. 59.
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What about the local expulsions on the Iberian peninsula? Netanyahu
himself, discussing the expulsion from Andalucía in 1483, refers to Ferdinand’s
abilities at concealment and subterfuge whereby the King and Queen appeared as
if they came to the rescue of the expelled and supported their claims and financial
interests10. But rather than taking this as evidence that the naive Jews were duped by
the duplicitous Ferdinand, it may be taken to indicate that the monarchs themselves did
not view this as the first step leading to the general expulsion, but rather as a tactical
decision to solidify support in the South. When in 1486, local officials expelled the
Jews from Valmaseda, Rabbi Abraham Najara wrote in protest to the Monarchs, who
responded with an order to permit the Jews to return11. There is no reason why this
rabbi, or other contemporary Jewish leaders, should have seen the Crown as already
plotting the end of Spanish Jewry12.
Should they not have seen, as Netanyahu argues, that the establishment of
the Inquisition and the fierce campaign being conducted against the Marranos in
the name of their Jewishness pointed to a clear and present danger for themselves?13
But it was not at all clear and present, and Spanish Jewry’s regnant “theory” of the
Inquisition, which Netanyahu contemptuously dismisses, was not implausible.
Whether one understands the Inquisition primarily as a religious institution or as a
social and political one, it was plausible to interpret it as devoid of direct threat to the
Jewish community14.
Religiously, it attacked the “Jewishness” of the Marranos only because they
were defined as Christians. The “Jewishness” of the Jews was in a totally different
category, protected by long-standing Church doctrine. It was not generally argued
that Judaism is by its very nature a pollution of Spanish culture, only that contact with
Jews could influence the “conversos” in a negative way15. The solution seemed to be
in the direction of segregation, or at worst punishment of specific communities of
10
B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 48, p. 277, n. 32b.
S. Haliczer, Castilian Urban Patriciate, p. 55, based on L.Suarez, Documentos, pp. 313, 317319. Cf. also H. Beinart, The Expulsion of the Jews, pp. 21-22, on the role of Abraham Seneor in
reversing this expulsion.
12
Cf. also C. Carrete Parrondo, Sefarad 1492, pp. 49-54.
13
B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 45. “Common sense,” we are told, should have led the
Jews to foresee the danger. It is rather extraordinary how none of the Jews then living, according to
Netanyahu, seem to have had any “common sense”.
14
The scholarly dispute over the nature of the Inquisition is, of course, integrally bound up with
the dispute over the nature of the “conversos”. For reviews of the literature, see B.A. Lorence, The
Inquisition and the New Christians, pp. 13-72; J. Kaplan, Ba’ayat ha-Anusim pp. 117-44; J. Martínez
de Bujanda, Recent Historiography of the Spanish, pp. 221-247; and, in a more popular form,
A. Gopnik, Inquiring Minds, pp. 70-75. For a political interpretation of Inquisition, see B. Netanyahu, The Marranos of Spain, p. 4, and in exhaustive detail, idem, Origins of the Inquisition, e.g.
pp. 918-920; E. Rivkin, How Jewish Were the New Christians, vol. I, p. 108; M. Cohen, Towards a
New Comprehension, pp. 31-32.
15
Stronger attacks against Jews and Judaism were, of course, in circulation; a blatant example is
Alonso de Espina’s Fortalitium Fidei. See Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 283-290;
B. Netanyahu, Origins of the Inquisition , pp. 814-847; A. Meyuhas Ginio, The Fortress of Faith,
pp. 215-237; S. McMichael, The End of the World, pp. 224-273. It should be noted, however, that this
book, completed in 1460, was printed outside of Spain (Strassburg, by 1471, Basel, ca. 1475, Nuremburg, 1485, Lyons, 1487). Even sophisticated Jewish leaders might not have known of it until quite
late, if at all. (Netanyahu’s conclusion that for Espina, “mass extermination” and “annihilation” was
the “preferred solution to the Jewish problem in all the countries of Christendom” (ibidem, p. 835) is
yet another instance of his projecting back on the fifteenth century the experience of the Holocaust,
not to speak of pushing sources considerably beyond what they say).
11
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Jews that had encouraged “conversos” to Judaize, not in total expulsion. The assertion
in the edict of expulsion that the Inquisition could never accomplish its task so long as
Jews remained on Spanish soil could hardly have been anticipated.
Socially, the same is true: the Inquisition attacked “conversos” accused
of “Judaizing” because, as Christians, they were theoretically entitled to advance in
Spanish society in accordance with their merits, thereby threatening the established
centers of “Old Christian” power. But the Jews themselves did not constitute such a
threat; their influence in Spanish society was not growing but waning at the time of
the expulsion16. It was not argued that Jews per se were taking over Spanish society
and had to be stopped.
For both of these reasons, it was plausible for Jewish leaders to perceive
the Inquisition as not constituting a direct threat. Just as some “conversos” favored
establishment of the Inquisition in their belief that it would separate the genuine New
Christians from Judaizing heretics, so Jews were not necessarily indulging in selfdelusion when they concluded that their position was not affected by it. So long as
they did not violate the ground rules of toleration by inducing conversion to Judaism,
so long as they obeyed the law of the land by testifying before the Inquisition when
summoned17, they had no obvious reason to fear that they would be the next object of
attack18.
And what if these Jewish leaders had been able to “foresee” the expulsion?19
What could they have done? Call for mass emigration in 1491, or 1480? Even in
the unlikely case they would have been heeded, the result would not have been
significantly different: a shift in Jewish population to new arenas. Was there anything
Spanish Jewish leaders could have done to prevent the expulsion? Despite their
resources, the influence of Jewish courtiers was limited. Abravanel describes his
efforts to convince the Catholic Monarchs to revoke the Edict, and it is difficult to
imagine what more could have been attempted: Christian allies in the court were
mobilized, a vast sum of money was pledged, various kinds of appeals were made20.
At the same time, other leaders were acting to facilitate the large-scale emigration
16
This has been persuasively argued by S. Haliczer in The Expulsion of the Jews, pp. 39-47.
On the Jewish obligation to testify before the Inquisition: S.W. Baron, History of the Jews, vol.
XIII, p. 37.
17
18
Making an explicit analogy, Netanyahu similarly condemns the Jews of Germany for
having “failed to foresee Hitler’s rise to power at any time during the period preceding that
rise” (B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 45). It is here that the author’s revisionist Zionist
subtext becomes most apparent. One might have thought it was time to stop blaming Jewish
leaders for unprecedented disasters they were powerless to prevent. Note the quotations from
Abravanel and Arama cited by B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 276, n. 27, and used
to document their “blindness” to the approaching tidal wave. To the contrary, they may serve
to indicate that there was no good reason to suspect that the position of Spanish Jewry. Cf.
B. Gampel, The Last Jews on Iberian Soil, p. 2. Netanyahu’s condemnation of Spanish Jews
for not being prophets –for having “failed to notice (…) the mountainous wave which was
approaching to overwhelm them” (1968, p. 45)– is no more convincing as history than it is as
metaphor: those living by the seashore cannot see a tidal wave until it is too late.
19
For a possible adumbration of a disaster lying ahead, see the passage in a sermon by Shem Tov
ibn Shem Tov quoted in M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 82. But this passage expresses deep
skepticism about the ability of the Jewish courtiers to accomplish anything significant on behalf of
their people. Needless to say, later accounts of “premonitions,” such as the passage cited above in
n. 4, and the story that Isaac de Leon appeared to his widow in a dream a year before the expulsion
and ordered that the cemetery in which he was buried be plowed over, have no evidentiary value for
the period before 1492. See J. Ha-Kohen, Emeq ha-Bakha, p. 99.
20
See B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, pp. 54-55, with references to the sources.
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through negotiations in Portugal and Istanbul. There is little that suggests a paralysis
of leadership at this crucial juncture. And if, as Haliczer has argued, the Catholic
Monarchs themselves were pressed to expel the Jews by powerful social forces they
could not successfully resist21, then the relative impotence of the Jews would have
been even more pronounced.
The star witness in the case for the failure of leadership has been Abraham
Seneor. One can hardly imagine a more devastating image than that of the most
powerful Jewish courtier in Spain, Rab de la corte and chief judge of the aljamas
of the Jews in Castile, accepting baptism with his illustrious son-in-law under the
sponsorship of the king, queen, and a leading cardinal. Perceived as having committed
the ultimate betrayal, it is not surprising that Seneor would be described by historians
as not among the pious and a man of no great stature (...) disliked by the leading Jews
of Spain especially because of his religious laxity and meager scholastic attainments22.
But these negative accounts are based on post-expulsion sources23. If we
look carefully at documents written before the conversion, we find a rather different
picture: a Jewish leader described by his contemporaries as the enduring scepter
of Judah, our exilarch, who was not afraid to use his considerable influence in the
court on behalf of his people. Baer concludes that He faithfully exercised his political
functions so as to promote the welfare of his people for sixteen years, and up to
the very day of his baptism (...) worked untiringly for the sake of the Jewish cause.
Together with Abravanel, he tried to persuade the monarchs to revoke their edict. And
one tradition, recorded by Capsali, maintains that he converted because of a threat by
the queen that the alternative would be a bloodbath against the Jews24. If this is true,
then the act might legitimately be understood as the ultimate self-sacrifice. If not, then
21
See the article cited above in n. 8.
For the negative evaluations of Seneor, see Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 314;
B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 52. For a thorough and balanced treatment of Seneor in historical context, see E. Gutwirth, Abraham Seneor, pp. 169-229. The characterization of Seneor as “chief
judge”, cited above, appears in a document on p. 200; cf. pp. 208-217 on the nature of this position.
22
23
The main source states that Isaac de Leon, in a pun on Seneor’s name, called him Sone or,
hater of light, “for he was a heretic, as is proven by eventual apostasy;” see A. Marx, Expulsion
of the Jews, p. 250, and idem, Studies in Jewish History and Booklore, New York, 1944, p. 85;
Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 314; H.H. Ben-Sasson, Dor Golei Sefarad al Atsmo,
p. 458, n. 105. Cf. the attack, made in a polemical context, by Judah ben David Messer Leon,
cited in H. Tirosh-Rothschild, Between Worlds, p. 103. See also J. Hacker, Kroniqot Hadashot,
p. 222 and n. 131; this source explains the motivation not as philosophical skepticism but as
the “evil inclination”. The disparity probably indicates that in the absence of solid information
about the circumstances of conversion, writers used the opportunity to blame it on whatever
factors they wanted to criticize. The propensity to resort to negative plays on the names Seneor
and Meir (ibidem, p. 228) also suggests a lack of substantive information.
24
For the letter praising Seneor from 1487, see Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 315;
Ben-Sasson, Dor Golei Sefarad, pp. 205-206; cf. also the description cited by Ben-Sasson there on
p. 207. Baer’s positive description of Seneor’s activities: A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 314, 341342, 400-402; cf. also M. Kriegel, La prise d’une décision, pp. 56-57. In his comprehensive review
of Seneor’s career, Gutwirth gives a more nuanced assessment of Seneor’s representation of Jewish
issues in the political arena, suggesting that in some cases Seneor may have been acting to defend
the interests of his own economic and social class rather than the Jewish community as a whole
(pp. 218-219). But a main thrust of his article is to criticize the tendency to evaluate Seneor’s entire
career retrospectively in light of the conversion (p. 228). For the exculpatory interpretation of Seneor’s apostasy, see E. Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, p. 210; Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II,
p. 436; B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel , p. 281 (buried in n. 71); S.W. Baron, History of the
Jews, vol. XI, p. 240. Note also E. Gutwirth, Abraham Seneor, p. 206, on Seneor’s behavior soon
after the edict was proclaimed, plausibly indicating an initial intention to leave Spain.
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the decision reflects the psychology of an 80-year old man faced with expulsion from
the only country he knew. Yet it also shows that he was not universally disliked, for
if he were, how could a tradition like this have been circulated and given credence?
The only thing that might have prepared Spanish Jewry for the disaster of
1492 was a total abandonment of its historical and political traditions, an attempt to
forge broader alliances with those social elements whose interests were opposed to the
unification of the kingdoms, centralization of power, the suppression of religious and
political liberties. Perhaps someone might have foreseen that the strong centralized
state could be a greater source of danger to the Jews than forces from which Jews
were ordinarily protected by royal authority. Some passages in the later writings of
Abravanel might perhaps suggest this insight, achieved in retrospect25. But it was an
insight that would not be fully confirmed until our own century. To blame fifteenth
century Spanish Jews for not foreseeing the unprecedented is an exercise not in
historiography but in polemic26.
Turning to the second charge, of intellectual mediocrity, we find here
too a number of historical problems. First, there is an issue of selection. It is never
superfluous to repeat the reminder that our evaluation of the leaders of Spanish Jewry
is based almost entirely on those who wrote books. In the late fifteenth century,
in the infancy of printing, no “book” written by a contemporary Jew in Spain had
widespread influence on Spanish soil27. The Jews in the generation of the expulsion
were influenced not by what their leaders wrote, but by what they heard them say, and
this is, for the most part, lost to the historical record28. In every Jewish community
of Spain, sermons were delivered each Sabbath during the crucial years leading
25
On the royal alliance as the axiom of Jewish political ideology and behavior, see Y.H. Yerushalmi, The Lisbon Massacre of 1506, esp. pp. 38-39. Abravanel’s arguments that a king is not necessary,
and that the best government is provided by those appointed to positions of authority for limited
periods of time, who make decisions in large groups, and who are divided into groups that have
specialized authority and function, all lead to the goal of preventing the concentration of power and
ensuring that it will be exercised only in the most diffuse manner. Perhaps this reflects the conclusion
that the Jews had been sacrificed to the interests of centralism in Spain and that kings could be a
source of danger as well as of protection.
26
Cf. Peter Gay’s formulation about German antisemitism during the Wilhelmian decades, Freud,
Jews and Other Germans, pp. 169-170, concluding: “To reproach Germany’s Jews of that [Wilhelmian] epoch with failing to see what was, after all, scarcely visible or wholly invisible is an exercise
in the unhistorical”.
27
The Hebrew books printed in Spain were classical texts, not the works of contemporary writers.
See P. Tishby, Defusei Eres [Incunabulim] Ivriyim, p. 522 and bibliography on p. 530, and more
generally, Israel Ta-Shma, Li-Yedi’at Matsav Limmud ha-Torah, vol. II, p. 263. (The situation was
different in Italy, where Judah Messer Leon’s Nofet Tsufim, published at Mantua in 1475 or 1476,
became the first Hebrew work printed during the lifetime of its author; see I. Rabinowitz, The Book
of the Honeycomb’s Flow, p. XXX.) Books written by the leaders of Spanish Jewry were printed in
the sixteenth century in countries to which the Jews had immigrated. These books cannot therefore
be taken as clear evidence of their authors’ influence in Spain itself.
28
Occasionally we encounter reports in a written work of what an author remembers having heard
from his teacher, a preacher, etc. I. Abravanel, Ateret Zeqenim,, p. 12b: “I heard a man who thought
himself to be wise, and is so considered by our masses, preach to a large audience” (I am grateful to
Eric Lawee for this reference); Commentary on the Torah (above, n. 9), 2:253b on Exodus chapter 25,
citing things he heard from Joseph ibn Shem Tov. I. Caro, Toledot Yitshaq, p. 40a, citing his brother
Ephraim. Abraham Saba, Tseror ha-Mor, Genesis, p. 24b, citing Isaac de Leon. I. Aboab, Nehar
Pishon, p. 16d, citing Joseph Jeshua (cf. Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 248); I. Aboab,
Be’ur Perush ha-Ramban la-Torah (see below, p. 106), Genesis, 6b, 12a, 20b, 36d; Exodus 17b, 19b
etc., citing his unnamed teacher (Isaac Canponton?). J. Yabetz, Or ha-Hayyim, p. 21a, citing Joseph
Hayun: see J. Hacker, R. Yosef Hayun, p. 275. Abraham Saba reported a sermon (including the open-
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to the summer of 1492. Of these thousands of sermons, many were undoubtedly
uninspired, conventional, hackneyed, devoted to standard conceptual and exegetical
problems bearing no direct relevance to the period. But there were undoubtedly some
that attempted to interpret the bewildering events of the present, to provide guidance,
encouragement, comfort to Jews faced with staggering uncertainties.
To mention only some of the material we know from contemporary reports:
a rabbi named Levi ben Shem Tov of Saragossa delivered three sermons in 1490
exhorting his people to obey the edict compelling Jews to testify about Judaizing
“conversos” before the Inquisition; Rabbi Solomon of Albarracin, banished from his
own city because of his sermons, preached so powerfully in Teruel that he dissuaded
Jews from converting and convinced them to leave Spain; Abraham Saba preached a
sermon on the destiny of the Jewish people and Christendom at a gathering of sages
in Castile, and they praised it; Abraham Zacuto delivered a eulogy for his teacher
Isaac Aboab in Portugal, in February of 149329. Such material, of obvious importance
in evaluating the leadership of Spanish Jewry, was never written in a form intended
for future readers. Without it, assessment of the “quality of leadership” is bound to be
precarious.
Our data is limited not only by what was written, but by what has been
preserved. It stands to reason that a generation disrupted by the cataclysm of a sudden,
unexpected universal expulsion will lose a greater proportion of its manuscripts than
a generation living in quiet times. Despite the concerted effort by the Spanish émigrés
to save their books, the extant literature of the period is filled with references to books
that have been lost, either in Spain or in Portugal30. How much do we know of Ephraim
Karo, father of the author of the Shulhan Arukh? He died at a relatively early age; but
his teachings are cited by his brother Isaac and by his son Joseph, who apparently
had access to written material, a collection of legal decisions or responsa that is not
known to be extant31. Indeed, there is a whole list of distinguished rabbis and heads of
ing biblical verse) delivered generations earlier by Hasdai Crescas during a drought, see E. Gutwirth,
Towards Expulsion, p. 61.
29
Levi ben Shem Tov, see M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 85, n. 12; Rabbi Solomon of
Albarracin, Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 436 citing A. Floriano, La aljama de judios de
Teruel, p. 17f; A. Saba, Tseror ha-Mor, Genesis, end of Va-Yishlah, p. 50a; cf. Exod. p. 29b, Deut.
p. 6d; A. Zacuto, Sefer Yuhasin ha-Shalem, p. 226a. Jacob Yabetz refers to his own sermons, none
of which have been preserved: J. Yabetz, Hasdei Ha-Shem, pp. 22-23; the work was written in the
second year after expulsion.
30
On the effort to save books and the inevitable loss nevertheless, see J. Hacker, The Intellectual
Activity of the Jews, p. 106. For material written but lost, see M. Benayahu, Derushav she-le-Rabbi
Yosef ben, pp. 51-52 on the lost works of Garçon and pp. 42-43 on the lost sermons of Abraham
Shamsulo and of Shem Tov Gamil (or Jamil) of Tudela (on the latter, see J. Toledano, Me-Kitvei
Yad, pp. 403-409; E. Gutwirth, De Castellnou a Tlemcen, pp. 171-182, with further references n. 6).
Abraham Saba describes three of his works, including commentaries on the Torah and Scrolls and
Avot, lost in Portugal; see Dan Magor, Le-Toldotav shel R. Avraham Saba, pp. 227-228; A. Gross,
Iberian Jewry, pp. 8-9. Abravanel refers to his lost work Mahazeh Shaddai; see B. Netanyahu, Don
Isaac Abravanel, p. 85. For lost works by the courtier, philosopher and preacher Joseph Isaac ibn
Shem Tov, see H. Wolfson, Isaac ibn Shem Tob’s Unknown, p. 490. Inquisitional documents refer
to the burning of some 6000 volumes on Judaism and sorcery at Salamanca in 1490; many of these
were presumably written by Jews. E.N. Adler, Lea on the Inquisition, p. 527. Abraham Saba, in the
passage noted above, describes a confiscation of all Jewish books in Lisbon at the time of the forced
conversion of 1497. A source cited by Hacker, above, speaks of Kabbalistic manuscripts that “sank
in the sea”.
31
On Ephraim Karo, see R.J.Z. Werblowsky, Joseph Karo, p. 85; B. Landau, Le-Toledot, p. 19,
n. 5.
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academies about whom hardly anything is known, either because they did not write at
all or because their books have been lost32.
This is probably the reason why the generation of the expulsion made little
contribution to the established corpus of responsa literature. One may doubt that
it is, as Elon suggests, because the challenges of the times made it difficult for the
rabbis to concentrate: since when do hard times, or even persecution, prevent Jews
from writing she’elot and teshuvot? Nor can the problem be the ability of the rabbis.
Could a generation of halakhists whom Joseph Karo spoke of with deep respect have
been unable to produce responsa? It seems far more likely that the texts of responsa
written by the Spanish rabbis simply did not reach the centers of Italy or the Ottoman
Empire where they could be collected, organized, printed, and incorporated into the
recognized body of precedents33.
Similarly, the upheaval caused by the expulsion is undoubtedly responsible
for the loss of communal registers and minute books pinqasim, which are such a
valuable source of information about the leadership of communities in Italy, Poland,
Amsterdam, and elsewhere. Spanish pinqasim are known only from occasional
references in other literature –a loss of enormous historical magnitude34.
There is a second fundamental problem with the assessments of intellectual
mediocrity cited. Scholars in our time writing histories of Jewish philosophy or
Kabbalah can readily identify those who appear to be the truly profound, probing and
original minds, who blaze new paths for others. It does not at all follow, however,
that these individuals are necessarily the most effective religious leaders of their
own generation. Those who centuries later appear to be the deepest thinkers of an
age may have had little to say to most of their contemporaries. Ordinary Jews need
leaders who can make ideas accessible to them, relate them to the structure of their
traditional values and apply them to the array of contemporary challenges. This is not
an exaltation of mediocre minds; it is, rather, a suggestion that leadership in a specific
historical context may require abilities and qualities different from those that impress
intellectuals of a later age, and that brilliance may lie in communicating with a wide
audience as well as in exploring uncharted territory35.
32
See the document published by Alexander Marx (above n. 23), pp. 250, 254, 259-261, nn. 1121. Paramount among them is Isaac de Leon, renowned as Talmudist, Kabbalist, and public figure,
but known primarily because of brief citations by others and mention in the celebrated Inquisitional
trial of Alfonso de la Cavalleria: J.H. Weiss, Dor Dor ve-Dorshav, vol. V, pp. 234-235; A. Marx,
Expulsion of the Jews, p. 260 n. 15; Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 374-375, 491-492
n. 17; M. Idel, Iyyunim be-Shitato, p. 262; I. Ta-Shma, Li-Yedi’at Matsav Limmud, pp. 271-273;
cf. A. Zacuto, Sefer Yuhasin, p. 76b; J. Ha-Kohen, Emeq ha-Bakha, p. 99 (see above, n. 19). Some
additional material about the Spanish rabbis is provided in eulogies by Joseph Garçon: see, e.g.,
Benayahu, Derushav she-le-Rabbi Yosef ben Meir, pp. 118-120, on Samuel Franco and pp. 122-123
on Jacob ibn Habib; J. Hacker, Li-Demutam, pp. 47-59. Also A. Gross, Centers of Study and Yeshivot,
vol. I, pp 399-410; D. Boyarin, Ha-Iyyun ha-Sefaradi; and I. Ta-Shma, Li-Yedi’at Matsav Limmud,
pp. 261-278b on these scholars and the Castilian academies in general.
33
See the discussion of Aboab’s responsa below.
34
E.g. Shiv’ah Einayimm (Leghorn, 1745), p. 56b, “It is written in the book of minutes called
registo (sic)”.
35
Some combined effective leadership with profundity: Maimonides and Crescas are paramount
examples. Yet their influence as leaders was not because of their technical philosophical work. It was
not Crescas’s critique of Aristotle that made him such an important leader for Aragonese Jewry in the
generation of 1391, but rather his efforts to reconstruct the devastated aljamas and possibly his preaching; see Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 83-85, 110-130. (Indeed, the power of Crescas’s
philosophical thought was not appreciated by Jewish philosophers even two or three generations
later; see the words of Shem Tov ibn Shem Tov cited by H. Wolfson, Crescas’ Critique of Aristotle,
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Conscious of these considerations, we can begin to evaluate the quality of
leadership by criteria appropriate to the historical setting. What we should expect
from religious leaders is not the ability to foresee the future or chart new intellectual
paths, but rather the ability to address the cultural, intellectual, ethical and spiritual
problems besetting their people in a manner that both demonstrates the relevance of
the common tradition to these issues and strengthens a commitment to this tradition.
By this measure, I believe there is abundant evidence that Spanish Jewry in its final
generation produced figures of considerable stature.
It is hard to conceive of any definition of leadership that would exclude
Isaac Abravanel from the very highest level. He is one of the handful in Jewish
history who combines political influence at the pinnacle of what was possible for
Jews, deep concern for the welfare of his people, and prolific writings of major
cultural significance. His literary oeuvre can be seen as a summation of the entire
cultural tradition of Sephardic Jewry in Spain, cutting across the lines of philosophy,
Kabbalah and Talmudism to forge a comprehensive yet accessible synthesis. Because
Abravanel is so well known, detailed investigation of others is at present a more
important task36.
The thought of certain figures –Isaac Arama, Abraham Bibago, Abraham
Shalom, and Abraham Saba– has been investigated in monographic studies37. But even
within the limitations of those who wrote substantial extant works, there are other
leaders –Isaac Aboab, Shem Tov ibn Shem Tov, Joel ibn Shu’eib, Isaac Karo, Joseph
Yabetz, and Israel the author of the sermon manuscript called “Dover Meisharim”–
who warrant more detailed and comprehensive investigation than has been given
them. I will illustrate with the example of Isaac Aboab.
4. THE SERMONS OF ISAAC ABOAB
Aboab’s stature as one of the most important Talmudists in the generation
of the expulsion is attested by many. Himself one of the outstanding disciples of Isaac
Canponton, his own disciples included Jacob Berab, Joseph Fasi, Moses Danon, and
Abraham Zacuto. Joseph Karo’s maggid singles out Aboab’s yeshivah as pre-eminent
in the recent past, promising Karo that your academy will be even greater than that of
My chosen one, Isaac Aboab; Levi ibn Habib, rabbi of Jerusalem and fierce opponent
of Berab, described Aboab as the greatest of his generation38. Aboab’s commentary on
Orah Hayyim of the legal code Arba’ah Turim was an important source for Karo, who
refers in his own commentary to a question disputed in the Aboab yeshivah. He also
p. 33, and D. ben Judah Messer Leon, cited by H. Tirosh-Rothschild, Between Worlds, p. 286, n. 25).
Therefore, the absence of a thinker of the stature of Crescas in the generation of the expulsion does
not necessarily mean that the quality of leadership was mediocre.
36
The substantial literature on Abravanel, in addition to Netanyahu’s biography, need not be
reviewed here, but note especially the important work of J.-C. Attias, Isaac Abravanel) and of
E. Lawee, Isaac Abravanel’s Stance, with reference to earlier articles. On the tendency to incorporate
both philosophy and Kabbalah, see S. Regev, Ha-Mahshavah ha-Ratsiyonal-Mistit ba-Hagut Yehudit, pp. 155-189.
37
S. Heller-Wilensky, Yitshaq Arama u-Mishnato; C. Pearl, The Medieval Jewish Mind; A. Lazaroff, The Theology of Abraham Bibago; H. Davidson, The Philosophy of Abraham Shalom; A. Gross,
Iberian Jewry.
38
For the view of Aboab by Karo’s “maggid”, see Maggid Meisharim, p. 2b; quoted in L. Jacobs,
Jewish Mystical Testimonies, p. 113. She’elot u-Teshuvot ha-RaLBaH, Lemberg, 1865, 2: 24d,
no. 122 end.
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wrote a commentary on Yoreh De’ah and Novellae on the Talmudic Tractates Betsah,
Ketubot and Kiddushin39.
In addition, we are told that he wrote responsa in the thousands and myriads:
he made them proliferate, but we do not know who will gather them40. Two of these
responsa were published in the eighteenth century (at the end of Shiv’ah ‘Einayim.
Both deal with a trustee who sold the portion of a house belonging to orphans, who
in turn challenged the validity of the sale when they reached maturity. Aboab shows
considerable independence in his decision, writing,
The Talmudic statement [b. Gittin 52a] that trustees may not sell real estate
applied to their time, when real estate was the basis of their livelihood,
and their primary responsibility pertained to it. Today, however, when
our livelihood is based primarily on moveable property, which is better
than real estate in every respect, and it is well known in our time that
there is no work more demeaning than [that involving] real estate [cf. b.
Yebamot 63a], we should change the law in accordance with the place
and the time... In this position of mine, I do not rely on anyone else, for I
have not found it in any other decisor. However, together with my other
arguments, this is what the law should be41.
Even if such independence of legal reasoning was relatively unusual in his
work, if the actual number of his responsa was anywhere near 1000, the loss of such
a substantial corpus has deprived us of what would undoubtedly be a major resource
for Spanish Jewish life in its final generation.
Aboab’s interests and talents were considerably broader than the world of
the Talmud and Jewish law. His biblical commentary –a supercommentary on Rashi
and Ramban– enters fully into the arena of biblical exegesis42. One could not prove
from this work that the author was a distinguished halakhic authority at all, nor could
one document a solid grounding in either philosophy or Kabbalah. It shows little in
the way of an intellectual agenda, other than to guide the reader through some of the
problems in the classic commentaries of the two masters. More than anything else, it
gives the impression of Torah study “for its own sake.”
39
For Aboab’s halakhic works, see J. Weiss, Dor Dor ve-Dorshav, vol. V, p. 235; M. Elon, HaMishpat ha-Ivri, p. 1080, n. 276 and p. 1091 n. 117; Jacob Katz, Halakhah ve-Kabbalah, p. 41,
n. 28 and p. 61; and the relatively recent publications of his works: Shitat ha-Qadmonim al Masekhet
Betsah, end of introduction; Tur ve-Shulhan Arukh, Orah Hayyim, Hilkhot Shabbat, p. 2. On an important work that emerged from his academy, see D. Boyarin, Mehqarim be-Farshanut ha-Talmud,
pp. 165-184, esp. p. 171, n. 31.
40
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, esp. the introduction by Solomon ben Mazal Tov, p. 2b, alluding to
Ps. 39:7. The statement may imply that unlike most collections of responsa, based on copies made
by the author (or an amanuensis) before they were sent, in this case the collection of copies had been
lost and all that existed were the originals sent to many different questioners who were, after the
expulsion, widely dispersed.
41
Shiv’ah ‘Einayim, Leghorn, 1745, pp. 54a-58b; quotation from p. 55a. Cf. the use of this responsum by Gutwirth, Abraham Seneor, p. 214.
42
This work was first published at Istambul in 1545. The 1972 Encyclopedia Judaica article (2:93) by
Zvi Avneri (reproduced without change in Encyclopedia Judaica, 2nd. edition, 2007, 2:267-268) states
that while the supercommentary on Ramban (Nahmanides) has been printed, Aboab’s supercommentary
on Rashi has been lost. This statement seems to me to be based on a misreading of the introduction to
Nehar Pishon, in which Solomon ben Mazal Tov mentions among Aboab’s works “his commentary
on the commentary of … Rashi z” l [his memory for blessing] on the Torah and on the commentary of
… Ramban z” l on the Torah”. The printed work reveals that it is as much a discussion of Rashi as of
Ramban; it is probable therefore that the above statement does not refer to two separate works but to one.
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Particularly important for our purposes are Aboab’s sermons43. To be sure,
the evidence of his preaching is less than ideal. Most of the material preserved in the
book published as Nehar Pishon is a summary, apparently written by the preacher’s
son from his father’s notes and from notes taken by disciples, and not a full transcript
of anything that was said44. Unlike the sermons of Aboab’s younger contemporary
Joseph Garçon45, these sermons are not identified by date or place of delivery, only
by the Torah lesson, life cycle, or holiday occasion. Nevertheless, we get from these
texts clear evidence that Aboab took preaching as a serious responsibility, reflecting
on the techniques and conventions of the art, occasionally preaching twice on the
same Sabbath (at morning and afternoon services), delivering wedding sermons and
eulogies as well as the expected sermons for the Sabbaths immediately preceding
Passover and the Day of Atonement46.
Some of these sermons seem to be intended for the broadest kind of audience.
Consider the following passage from a manuscript sermon on the lesson Be-Shallah:
There are many obstacles that hinder a person from studying God’s
Torah, as is known, but I will subsume them under two categories. The
first is the magnitude and the extent of Torah. People say, “How long
will it take me to read every verse in the 24 books [of the Bible], and
the entire Mishnah, and the entire Talmud, totaling 60 tractates?” This
consideration keeps people from studying. God therefore said to Israel
that Jews should always study Torah, for its reward is sustained and
established by God even for one who reads only a single book. That is
why the Sages said, “It is not incumbent upon you to finish the task”
[Avot 2,16], meaning, even if you have read only a little, I will give you
your reward, unlike laborers who are not paid until they finish the job47.
Rather than the conventional complaint about the decline in the standards of
Torah study, here we find a rabbinical scholar reaching out to the simple Jew, showing
empathy for the difficulties and frustrations of Torah study, and encouraging those
43
The collection of Aboab’s sermons called Nehar Pishon (derived from Gen. 2,10-11) was first
published in Istanbul, 1538 and then in Zolkiew, 1806 (subsequent references, unless otherwise indicated, are to the latter edition). In both of these editions, the sermons are arranged in what seems
to be a totally random order. By contrast, in London MS Or. 10701, they are arranged in the order of
the Torah lessons, with the sermon on Genesis 2:10-11, which provides the title for the collection,
coming first. This manuscript contains nothing that is not in the printed edition, and lacks some
material that is in the printed edition (see below, n. 68); furthermore, the manuscript contains some
passages with obvious textual errors. It is not easy to imagine why a printer using a manuscript with
sermons in an intelligible order would have jumbled the order to produce what we have in print. The
relationship between the MS and the editio princeps still needs clarification. Oxford Bodleian MS
952, by contrast, contains important homiletical material that is not in the printed edition.
44
On the sermons as copied by Aboab’s disciples, see Jacob b. Isaac Aboab’s statement on the
final page of the Zolkiew edition; cf. M. Pachter, Sifrut ha-Derush p. 15. There are, however, internal
indications that the apocopation was the work of the preacher himself (e.g. I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon,
pp. 27c, 33a).
45
See the articles by Benayahu and Hacker cited above (notes 30 and 32), and M. Saperstein,
Jewish Preaching, pp. 199-216.
46
For sensitivity to homiletical art, see I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, 5b [reshut] 28a, 38d; London MS
fol. 102b; I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 13b [reasons for silence]; cf. M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching,
pp. 63-64. Preaching twice on the same Sabbath: idem, Jewish Preaching, p. 31. Some indications
of having addressed an actual audience remain in the written text: I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, pp. 23c,
23d, 38d, 40d.
47
Oxford Bodleian MS 952, f. 7b.
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who will never be scholars to set reasonable goals and find satisfaction in what they
are able to achieve.
Or the following passage, in which Aboab is discussing the actions of
Jacob’s sons following the rape of Dinah:
It is human nature that when people quarrel, whether over words or
deeds, and come for reconciliation between themselves, if they are truly
sincere, they will say, “Even though this and that occurred between us,
and such and such happened, it makes no difference.” If the reconciliation
is insincere, they say, “Never mention again what happened,” while
the aggrieved party holds on to his anger and bides his time until an
opportunity comes for revenge. So it was with the sons of Jacob. They
calculated to themselves how it would be possible to take vengeance
against Shechem. When Shechem and his father Hamor came to ask for
Dinah, they said, “Even though you have done this shameful thing to
our sister, we will overlook this insult and give her to you in marriage,
provided that you circumcise every male.” That is why they believed
them. And this is the meaning of the verse, The sons of Jacob answered
Shechem and his father Hamor with guile (Genesis 34,13). What was the
guile? That they said, that he defiled their sister Dinah (ibid.) [implying
sincere reconciliation], and subsequently killed them48.
Here we have an insight of some psychological depth, expressed in a form
that any listener can understand and identify with, used to explain a problematic verse.
As in the previous passage, it is a preaching style intended to endear the preacher with
a popular audience.
On the other hand, some of the printed sermons seem to have been
addressed to rather sophisticated and learned audiences. The level of philosophical
material in some of these sermons can be quite high. Elsewhere I have published
a passage in which Aboab cites Thomas Aquinas’s Commentary on Aristotle’s
Metaphysics, in which Aquinas identifies a problem in Ibn Rushd’s commentary49.
According to Steinschneider, this work by Thomas was translated into Hebrew by
Abraham Nahmias, apparently in 1490 in the city of Ocaña50. If so, it appears that
Aboab, who lived not far from Ocaña in Guadalajara, acquired a manuscript of
the translation, studied at least part of it, and incorporated a section of it into his
sermon between the completion of the translation in 1490 and his death in 1493.
The entire passage seems more characteristic of a lecture at the University of Paris
than the conclusion of a sermon by a Spanish Talmudist, a rather amazing clue to
the expectations of at least one kind of Jewish audience and the intellectual breadth
of an important rabbi.
48
Ibidem (from a different sermon). See I. Abravanel, Commentary on the Torah, vol. I, p. 348,
question 6, on the problem in Gen. 34,13 and the inadequacy of the conventional interpretations. Like
Aboab (and like A. Saba, Tseror ha-Mor, Genesis, p. 48b), Abravanel interprets the last phrase of the
verse not as the Torah’s explanation of the reason for the guile, but as the content of what they spoke;
his understanding of the “guile” is different from Aboab’s (p. 352b-53a).
49
Nehar Pishon, p. 32d, cited in M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, pp. 79-80. For
the substance of this passage, see T. Aquinas, Commentary on the Metaphysics, vol. II, p. 556, on
Metaphysics 10:1034b-1035a, paragraph 624. Cf. A. Bibago’s discussion in a sermon from about the
same time of the dispute between Ibn Sina and Ibn Rushd on the origin of forms, which he relates
to a dispute in the aggadic (rabbinic lore) literature over the creation of the angels: A. Bibago, Zeh
Yenahamennu, p. 6d.
50
M. Steinschneider, Die hebraeischen Uebersetzungen, p. 485.
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More significant than the mere citation of these authors is the way they are
used. Occasionally, Aboab will refer to an extreme philosophical idea that cannot be
accepted. He argues against the “philosophizers” (perhaps referring to Gersonides)
who deny God’s knowledge of particulars51, and refers with disdain to the destroyers
of our religion who teach that after death the soul will be unified with the Active
Intellect or with God52. For the most part, however, Aristotle and other philosophers
are cited by Aboab (and the other contemporary Spanish preachers whose works we
know) not in order to refute them, or to contrast their teachings with those of Torah.
On the contrary, they are usually cited as established truths, self-evident principles,
universally accepted doctrines, that can be used as building blocks for subsequent
assertions53.
Where there is an apparent contradiction between the Torah and philosophical
truth, Aboab often sets out to resolve it.
It is said that this Torah lesson about the creation of the world is
contradicted by principles derived from reason and logical demonstration;
therefore we will speak at greater length in order to show that the subject
of the parashah agrees with the intellect and science54.
He realizes that material in the Torah that appears to contradict reason –for
example the use of anthropomorphic and anthropopathic language about God– may
make it more difficult for thinking Jews to believe, and that these problems must be
addressed and resolved in philosophical terms55.
Also noteworthy is his use of philosophical tools, particularly drawn from
philology and logic, to solve exegetical problems. For example, noting the redundancy
of an extra verb “to be” at the end of Leviticus 27,10 Aboab begins,
To resolve this puzzle, you should know that there are two terms in the
language of the Christians that the translators did not know how to render
properly until recently. The first is in their language ente and in ours it
is nimtsa; the second in their language is essentia and in ours heyot. In
addition, you should know that things that exist (nimtsa’im) can exist in
reality or in the imagination56.
51
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 17a.
Ibidem, p. 23b: such unification would submerge the individual identity of the soul.
53
For examples, see M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, pp. 80-82.
54
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 5a. Cf. Abraham Bibago’s sermon on creation, published as Zeh
Yenahammenu (above, n. 49). After arguing that it is permissible to discuss the matter in public
(p. 2c), he launches a strong attack against the “Averroist” double-truth position, which he identifies
with “Christian scholars”: “They state the arguments against (creation ex nihilo) and resolve the
problem by saying that they are true, but in the way of nature; however, faith is above nature. This is
foolishness, for we cannot say ‘Two is half of four in nature, but above nature two is more than four’.
Faith does not pertain to matters that are beyond any doubt impossible” (p. 4b). Also, the passage
from Shem Tov ibn Shem Tov cited in M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, pp. 80-81.
55
“There are things in the Torah that may lead a man to have doubts about the existence of God,
heaven forbid” (I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 38d).
56
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 2d. On Aquinas’s De Ente et Essentia, see J. Bobik, Aquinas On
Being and Essence. This passage is extraordinary in reflecting from the pulpit on problems of philosophical translation from Latin into Hebrew. Cf. Steinschneider, Die hebraeischen Uebersetzungen,
pp. 484-485 for the terminology reflected here (“ha-heyot u-vi-leshonam essentia (...) ha-nimtsa uvi-leshonam ens”). For an alternative (Italian) tradition, in which metsi’ut is used as a translation for
essentia, see G. Sermoneta, Un Glossario filosofico ebraico-italiano del XIII secolo, pp. 256-257. For
52
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This distinction enables the preacher to explain both the strange wording of
the verse and a statement of Maimonides about it.
Philosophy influences not just the content but also the modes of thought
and forms of argumentation in some of Aboab’s sermons. Like other contemporary
preachers, he will resort to the use of syllogisms to set forth his argument, a homiletical
technique about which Hayyim ibn Musa had complained decades earlier57. Many Jews
apparently found this mode of thinking that many found convincing, and that could
be readily followed in an oral discourse. Clearly a new manner of Jewish preaching,
it reveals the influence of Aristotle’s works on logic that had recently been translated
into Hebrew. Like other Jewish preachers of his age, Aboab also used in his sermons
the form of the “disputed question,” one of the characteristic modes of medieval
scholastic discourse, a striking innovation in Jewish homiletics. Aboab employs the
disputed question form in discussing repentance, a particularly problematic doctrine
in the generation of the expulsion, investigating in one sermon whether repentance is
efficacious and in another whether repentance is a root of the Torah58. This scholastic
form of argumentation also seems to have had a genuine appeal for many Jewish
listeners, and Aboab shows how it was accommodated naturally into Spanish Jewish
preaching.
Aboab was not averse to discussing Kabbalistic material in his sermons.
The limited evidence for the use of Zoharic quotations and Kabbalistic doctrines
in public preaching at this time has led some scholars to conclude that with rare
exceptions Kabbalah was not incorporated into sermons before the late sixteenth
century59. Aboab provides another example indicating that this generalization may
reflect the paucity of the sources rather than the realities of pulpit discourse. Thus he
cites the Midrash ha-Ne’elam on Genesis 4,12 (Cain’s punishment) and on Leviticus
4,22 (the sin of the nasi), summarizes Kabbalistic interpretations of Genesis 32,26
(the wounding of Jacob) and Numbers 12:3 (Moses’ humility), presents a Kabbalistic
understanding of the sefirotic significance of repentance and a Kabbalistic explanation
of why the new month is not mentioned on Rosh Hashanah60. There is no indication
that the discussion of such material from the pulpit is in any way daring. It is rather a
way of enriching the preacher’s presentation.
a broader discussion of Christian influences, see D. J. Lasker, The Impact of Christianity on Late Iberian Jewish Philosophy, pp. 175-190, and A. Ackerman, Jewish Philosophy and the Jewish-Christian
Philosophical Dialogue, pp. 371-390. Cf. also the example of Aboab’s use of technical logic, citing
Aristotle and Ibn Rushd, in a eulogy, cited in M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, pp. 81-82.
57
For examples of syllogisms in the sermons of Aboab and contemporaries, see ibidem, pp. 8384; for ibn Musa’s complaint, see the passage cited in M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, pp. 386.
58
On the form of the disputed question, see M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn,
pp. 84-86, with references to Aboab in p. 85, and an example pp. 311-317.
59
See references, idem, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, p. 299, n. 17. Israel Bettan had already
noted Kabbalistic references in Arama: I. Bettan, Studies In Jewish Preaching, pp. 184-185 n. 145.
60
Oxford Bodleian MS 952 f. 20b, anf f. 16b (see M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn,
pp. 328, 315); I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, pp. 41d, 49b-c; Oxford MS. f. 17b (M. Saperstein,Your Voice
Like a Ram’s Horn, p. 318), 21a (ibidem, p. 329). To be sure, mere citations from the Zohar do not in
themselves make the case for the dissemination of Kabbalah in sermons, as the Zohar was sometimes
quoted as just another work of midrash. This cannot be said, however, about a passage such as the
final passage cited above: “The answer to this, according to the masters of true doctrine (hakhmei
ha-emet), is that Rosh Hashanah is the sefirah Malkhut, and on it we pray that that sefirah will be
complete, for then it sits in judgment. That is why we do not mention the new month on Rosh Hashanah, for the new month teaches about the effluence that Malkhut receives from the sefirot above it,
and then we do not know what will be” (Oxford MS, fol. 21a). Aboab also quotes from the Kabbalist
Joseph Gikatila, Sha’arei Orah (M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, pp. 320, 330).
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Despite the rather theoretical nature of the material cited thus far, Aboab
was by no means oblivious to problems of social import. His awareness of tensions
between Christians and Jews is reflected in several passages. The Gentiles vilify us
and say, “You have no share in the world to come” a remark that appears to cause
special hurt61. They want us baptized62. Predictably, Aboab found little to praise in the
Christian religion, conceding that they shared with Jews the goal of worshipping the
true God, but insisting that they err in the means and paths they take, making light
darkness and darkness light63. At the same time, Jews should be careful to avoid
behavior that might engender Christian contempt for Judaism.
Since we live among the Gentiles, we must be careful in speaking with
them that your “Yes” means yes and our “No”, no, careful not to trick
them or to do them any injustice or wrong, for this is how our Torah and
our God are forgotten in their speech64.
He was not afraid to speak out about social justice among Jews. Discussing
the problem of loans to the poor in the context of the Biblical legislation (Deut. 15,79), he makes a specific contemporary application:
This problem pertaining to loans has arisen many times, especially where
I live. Because the Torah forbids the taking of interest when a loan is
given to a Jew, no one wants to lend to him. Since the impoverished Jew
cannot get an interest-bearing loan as a Gentile can, he cannot find the
money he needs, and he dies of hunger. Thus the commandment turns
into a transgression. I am tempted to say that it should be considered a
greater sin for someone to refuse to make the loan than it is for someone
to make the loan and take interest, for in the first case there is danger and
in the second there is not (...) I have dwelt at length on this because I see
wretched Jews crying out and not being answered, because of our sins,
in this time of dearth65.
This is a rather extraordinary passage. Jewish ethical and homiletical
literature is filled with denunciations by moralists of businessmen who fail to observe
properly the prohibitions against loans on interest; rabbis frequently emphasize the
seriousness of these laws and urge that Jews consult with competent authorities who
will keep them from improper loans66. Rarely do we find a leading rabbinic figure
saying, in effect, that the transgressions entailed in taking interest are less serious than
depriving the poor of what they need to survive. While some Jewish lenders might
conceivably have endorsed this position allowing them to take interest, in violation
of a Torah commandment, it is extremely unlikely that the potential profit from small,
61
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 45d.
Ibidem, p. 34c. Elsewhere, Aboab refers to Christians as “our enemies”, or “those who hate
us”: p. 31b-c.
63
Ibidem, p. 8b.
64
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 55a. The phrase nishkah toratenu ve-elokenu be-fihem at the end
is somewhat strange; it seems to suggest the idea of hillul ha-Shem: that unethical behavior on the
part of Jews will discredit the Torah and the reputation of God as worshipped by Jews in the minds
of Christians.
65
Oxford MS, f. 16a; M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, pp. 313-14. For possible
datings of the reference to “this time of death”, see ibidem, p. 295, n. 9.
66
See examples in M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, pp. 101, 138-39.
62
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risky loans to the poor would have generated support for Aboab’s position from a
powerful wealthy class of Jews. This statement rather bespeaks a leader of deep social
consciousness and the courage to resist possible criticism from other rabbis.
In short, the works of Aboab, and especially his sermons, provide evidence
of a rabbi who could draw on all the intellectual resources of contemporary Jewish
culture –expertise in Jewish law, biblical study, philosophy, Kabbalah, and social
consciousness– and bring them together in communicating with his people. But what
about the great historical issues of the day? Here we are likely to be disappointed. As
is characteristic of the genre, what we find is general and allusive rather than concrete
and specific. The assertion that the present generation, “because of our sins”, cannot
see God’s providence as the generation of Moses did67 may well fit the dark months of
1492, but it is too commonplace a sentiment to have historical value.
A parable cited from Midrash on Psalms states, “A father and son were
walking on a road. The son, tired and weak, asked the father if they were
far from the city [their destination] or near it. The father said, ‘Remember
this sign: when you see a cemetery, that will indicate that we are near the
city...”. Thus when we see calamities draw near, it is a sign of the coming
of the Messiah.
This has been cited by historians as an example of an immediate response
to the expulsion, and indeed it may be. But the messianic dimension is almost entirely
absent in these sermons. If the passage is indeed authentic and not a later interpolation,
it may be nothing more a topos of response to sorrow68.
There are also references to martyrdom. In one sermon, Aboab says:
The soul that does not cleave to its body does not feel it when they
separate it from that body, for it is cleaving to God. That is why man has
been compared to an upside-down tree with its roots above. One should
therefore cleave to God, cleave to one’s true root, and then he will not
feel it even when they take his life69.
This appears to express the tradition that the martyr feels no pain despite the
tortures of execution, a tradition known in this generation from the somewhat later
“Megillat Amraphel”70. Yet in a different passage the preacher seems to be clarifying
his position and repudiating the radical claim:
67
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 17a.
Ibidem, p. 9a; cf. M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 84, with references in n. 9. The context
is the response by Cain to God’s pronouncement of his punishment; on the motif of Cain in this
generation, see ibidem, p. 202 and n. 5. The passage containing the parable is not in the London
MS of Aboab’s Nehar Pishon. If the manuscript is primary, then those who brought the sermons to
press might have added it as a response to the expulsion. It is also possible that the manuscript was
written later and the passage removed because the expulsion did not lead to the messianic advent as
anticipated.
69
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 23c. The comparison of the human being with the tree, transforming the
rhetorical question of Deut. 20:19 into a proposition (cf. M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 371, n. 25),
is superimposed on the Kabbalistic motive of the inverted tree as a symbol of the sefirotic realm and therefore related to the supernal anthropos. Cf. the source cited by M. Idel, Kabbalah: New Perspectives, p. 57.
70
G. Scholem, Haqirot Hadashot , p. 153; Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 430-431. The
idea that the martyr feels no pain is attributed to Meir of Rothenburg by his disciple in Sefer Tashbetz;
see G. Scholem, Haqirot Hadashot , pp. 441-442, and D. Tamar, Le-Ma’amaro shel MaHaRaM , 33
(1958), pp. 376-377 and 34 (1959), p. 397; Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 508, n. 4 notes
68
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This is like someone who accepts death as a martyr. There is no doubt
that he will feel distress at the time he is being put to death, for the body
is affected by it. But insofar as he imagines that by this death he attains
true communion [with God], his mind will rejoice71.
Without information about the date or circumstances of delivery, it is
impossible to be certain what resonance these passages about martyrdom would have
had among the listeners who heard them. They indicate, however, that the experience
of the martyr was being addressed as an actual issue at a time when Jews could witness
the burning of those relaxed into the arms of the secular powers.
5. CONCLUSIONS
Was the vision of a man like Isaac Aboab inadequate to the great historic
challenges of his age? His extant writings provide little clear evidence of a profound
mind or a charismatic personality72. He did not have the stature of Samuel ibn
Nagrela or Moses Maimonides, who could both dominate their specific environment
and produce work of enduring value. These writings do, however, suggest a leader
of considerable talent, rooted in Spain yet capable of leaving it as an old man and
preparing the groundwork for accommodation elsewhere73; expert in the traditional
Talmudic literature but fascinated by philosophy and open to the teachings of
Kabbalah; capable of communicating to Jews who lacked more than a rudimentary
Jewish education and to the most sophisticated intellectuals; passionate about both the
nuances of halakhic interpretation and the large issues of social responsibility. How
many others, who are little more than names to us or whose names we do not even
know, were leaders of similar caliber gracing the Spanish Jewish communities during
their final decades? That is a question to which historians may never be able to give a
fully adequate response.
6. BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES:
Aboab, Isaac, Be’ur al Perush ha Ramban la-Torah, in Otsar Mefarshei ha-Torah,
2 vols., Jerusalem, [s.n.], 1973.
Aboab, Isaac, Commentary on the Tur, Orah Hayyim in Tur ve-Shulhan Arukh, Orah
Hayyim, Hilkhot Shabbat ... im Be’ur Hadash mi-Ketav Yad MoHaRY
Aboab, Montreal - Brooklyn, Hadrat Qodesh, 1991.
the Christian analogues of this doctrine; cf. also R. Fox, Pagans and Christians, pp. 438, 473, and A.
Drage, J. Tabor, A Noble Death, p. 138.
71
Oxford MS. f. 20a; M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Ram’s Horn, p. 325.
72
Note, however, the legendary account of the impression he made on the king of Portugal, reported by R. Joseph b. Moses Trani, She’elot u-Teshuvot, part 2, no. 16; and cf. M. Joseph Bin Gorion,
Mimekor Yisrael, vol. II, pp. 793-794.
73
Our knowledge of Aboab’s efforts to negotiate entry for Jewish refugees into Portugal is based
on Immanuel Aboab’s account of his family’s traditions in his Nomologia; the passage is quoted by
M. Kayserling, Geschichte der Juden in Portugal, pp. 108-109; cf. M. Orfali, Ba-Ma’avaq al Erkah
shel Torah, p. 262. There does not seem to be more contemporary corroboration for this. Undoubtedly, the eulogy of his disciple Abraham Zacuto would have clarified matters.
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Aboab, Isaac, Nehar Pishon (Sermons), British Library MS Or.10701 (Gaster 1398).
Aboab, Isaac, Nehar Pishon (Sermons), Zolkiew, 1806
Aboab, Isaac, Novellae on Tractate Betsah, in Shitat ha-Qadmonim al Masekhet
Betsah ... im Hiddushei Rabbenu Yitshaq Aboab, Jerusalem, Mekhon Hatam
Sofer, 1959.
Aboab, Isaac, Qetsat Prashiyyot (Sermons), Oxford Bodleian MS 952.
Aboab, Isaac, Responsa in Shiv’ah Einayim, Leghorn/Livorno, 1745.
Abravanel, Isaac, Ateret Zeqenim,Warsaw, 1894,
Abravanel, Isaac, Commentary on the Torah, 3 vols., Jerusalem, B’nei Arbel, 1964.
Aquinas, Thomas, Commentary on the Metaphysics of Aristotle, 2 vols., trans. John
P. Rowan, Chicago, H. Regnery, 1961.
Bibago, Abraham, Zeh Yenahamennu, Salonika, 1522.
Capsali, Elijah, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, 2 vols., Jerusalem, Mekhon Ben Tsevi, 19751977.
Caro, Isaac, Toledot Yitshaq, Riva di Trento, 1558.
Ha-Kohen, Joseph Emeq ha-Bakha, Cracow, Faust’s Buchhandlung, 1895.
Saba, Abraham. Tseror ha-Mor, Tel Aviv, Offset Brodi-Katz, 1975.
Trani, Joseph ben Moses, She’elot u-Teshuvot, al Sefer Arba’ah Turim, Tel Aviv,
Sifriyati, 1959.
Yabetz, Joseph ben Hayyim. Hasdei Ha-Shem, Jerusalem, Hayyim Tsukerman, 1934.
Yabetz, Joseph ben Hayyim, Or ha-Hayyim, Ferrera, 1554.
Zacuto, Abraham, Sefer Yuhasin ha-Shalem, Jerusalem, [s.n.], 1963.
SECONDARY WORKS:
Ackerman, Ari, Jewish Philosophy and the Jewish-Christian Philosophical Dialogue
in Fifteenth-Century Spain, in Frank, Daniel H.; Leaman, Oliver (eds.),
Medieval Jewish Philosophy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,
2003, pp. 371-390.
Adler, Elkan Nathan, Lea on the Inquisition of Spain, “The Jewish Quaterly Review”
20 (1908), p. 527.
Assis, Yom Tov, Spanish Jewry: From Persecutions to Expulsion (1391-1492),
“Studia Hebraica” 4 (2004), pp. 309-317.
Attias, Jean-Christophe, Isaac Abravanel, La mémoire et l’espérance, Paris, Cerf,
1992.
Avneri, Zvi, Aboab, Isaac II, in Encyclopedia Judaica, Jerusalem, Keter, 1973,
vol. II, p. 93.
Baer, Yitzhak, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, 2 vols., Philadelphia, Jewish
Publication Society, 1961.
Baron, Salo W., A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 18 vols. Philadelphia,
Jewish Publication Society-New York, Columbia University Press, 19521983.
Beinart, Haim, Order of the Expulsion from Spain, in Crisis and Creativity in the
Sephardic World, 1391-1648, Benjamin Gampel (ed.), New York, Columbia
Beinart, Haim, The Expulsion of the Jews from Spain, Oxford, Littman Library, 2002.
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doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.06
ISLAMIC RITUAL PREACHING (KHUTBAS)
IN A CONTESTED ARENA:
SHI‘IS AND SUNNIS, FATIMIDS AND ABBASIDS1
LA PREDICACIÓN LITÚRGICA ISLÁMICA (JUTAB)
EN UN TERRENO DE CONFRONTACIÓN:
CHIÍES Y SUNÍES, FATIMÍES Y ABASÍES
PAUL E. WALKER
University of Chicago
Abstract: In circumstances of political
and religious conflict, the Islamic ritual
sermon could be traumatic, especially
when such sermons signaled a change in
allegiance from a Sunni to a Shi‘i ruler (or
vice versa). For more than two centuries
the Ismaili Fatimids confronted the Abbasids, each claiming for itself the right
to be in invoked in the official sermon in
the congregational mosques. One dramatic example of this change of loyalty is
illustrated by a verbatim copy of what the
preacher said on the occasion. This text,
together with a few others that have been
preserved, offer an opportunity to analysis this genre of preaching in a contested
arena.
Keywords: Islamic sermons; khutba; Ismaili Fatimids; caliphate; Arab-Islamic
rhetoric.
Resumen: En contextos de conflicto político y religioso, el sermón litúrgico islámico podía ser traumático, sobre todo
si aludía a cambios de lealtad de un líder
suní a otro chií (o viceversa). Durante
más de dos siglos los fatimíes ismailíes
se enfrentaron a los abasíes, reclamando
respectivamente para sí el derecho a ser
invocados en los sermones oficiales en
las mezquitas. Un ejemplo dramático de
este cambio de lealtades queda ilustrado
en una copia literal de lo que dijo el predicador en aquel momento. Ese texto, junto
con otros pocos que se han conservado,
permite analizar este tipo de predicación
en un terreno de confrontación.
Palabras clave: sermones islámicos; jutba; fatimíes ismailíes; califato; retórica
árabo-musulmana.
SUMMARY
1.– Introduction.– 2. Signaling changes in political allegiance in the khutba.– 3. Rhetoric and
rhetorical strategies in the Fatimid khutba.– 4. Blessings and curses in the khutba.– 5. Conclusions.– 6. Appendix: Qirwash’s khutba.– 7. Bibliography.
1
This paper draws on and depends in part on my volume of collected Fatimid sermons, P.E.
Walker, Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs. The thirteen khutbas included there are numbered from 1 to
13 and the numbers cited here below in the notes are to them as they appear in that book.
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PAUL E. WALKER
1. INTRODUCTION
In the era of dueling caliphates, a period of intense political and religious
rivalry, especially between the Sunni Abbasids and the Ismaili Shi‘i Fatimids, a most
public act in support of one over the other took place during in the Friday sermon,
the khutba. Although not required by Islamic law, it had long become a fixed custom
to ask, as a key part of these khutbas, for God to bestow His favors and benedictions
upon the current ruler, the one recognized in that particular locale. Any change
or alteration in that request, particularly an omission of a name or substitution of
another, was noted and commented upon. It most often implied a switch of allegiance,
religious or otherwise. Medieval chroniclers record such events carefully. It is in fact
one of the surest methods of tracking where and when a given town moved from one
political camp to another. The inscriptions on coins likewise indicate these shifts, but
less immediately. In times of frequent alteration, the weekly sermon and its invocation
offers the most accurate evidence of what precisely happened.
2. SIGNALING CHANGES IN POLITICAL ALLEGIANCE IN THE KHUTBA
For the two and a half centuries (909-1171) that the Fatimids, first from
North Africa and then from Cairo, were locked in a bitter conflict with their Baghdad
rivals, the issues at stake were as much religious –Sunni versus Shi‘i Islam– as political
and territorial, a matter of which party possessed the sole right to govern the Muslim
community. Normally, within the domain of one, the Friday sermon was common
routine, a ritual unexceptional in every way. However, for those rare moments of
change, when the preacher invoked the name and titles of the enemy power instead
of the one formerly recognized, all present would have noticed and reacted, with
word of what occurred spreading rapidly far beyond the location of the mosque in
which he preached. If the new language also signaled a conversion from Sunnism
to Shi‘ism (or vice versa) on the part of the local governor, those in attendance
–the audience– might or might not have acquiesced, but about that in most cases we
know little or nothing. Our sources follow the sentiments of rulers and occasionally
comment on the person whose task it was to deliver the sermon but not ordinary
people. Nonetheless how could these preachers, the khatibs, whose profession was the
composition and pronouncement of the Friday khutba, so readily switch from one side
to the other? Were they not religiously bound to a doctrine that precluded, or at least
made impossibly difficult, such alteration, especially in so short a period?2
Relatively rapid back and forth variations were, to be sure, quite exceptional
and most likely occurred in border towns and cities. A good example is Aleppo, and
some other locations in Syria, which fell between the two Islamic empires. Mecca
and Madina also witnesses years of turmoil both at the advent and the waning of
Fatimid influence in the Hijaz, when competition on the part of the caliphs for
acknowledgement from the local elite resulted in frequent alterations. However a
most dramatic instance of this kind of switching, and perhaps the best known of them,
took place in the year 401 (1010-1011), when the semi-independent ‘Uqaylid ruler
of northern Mesopotamia, Qirwash b. al-Muqallad, rather abruptly proclaimed his
allegiance, not to the Abbasid caliph in nearby Baghdad, as was previously the case
with him, but to the more distance Fatimid al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah in Egypt. Qirwash
2
Most of the material presented in this article provides the perspective of the Shi‘i Fatimids.
For the Sunni view, one might see, for example, M.J. Viguera Molins, Los predicadores de la corte.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.06
121
had thus now become a subject of the caliph of Cairo; he had in effect instituted an
appeal, a da‘wa, on behalf of his former master’s great rival. It was cause for anguish
and apprehensive reproach in the east and for pride and celebration in the west. The
two sides made as much of the event as they could.
The public manifestation of the change, as was typical of the times, occurred
in the next subsequent Friday khutba, this one delivered appropriately in Qirwash’s
capital Mawsil. The ‘Uqaylid ruler simply handed his khatib the text of the sermon for
the occasion and the man dutifully read it to the assembled worshippers. In the weeks
that followed a similar message was heard in the congregational mosques of other
cities belonging to Qirwash, among them al-Anbar, al-Mada,in, Qasr ibn Hubayra,
and probably Kufa as well. Quite suddenly, and most likely unexpectedly, Iraq outside
of, but nevertheless all around, Baghdad had gone over to the Fatimids. The Sunni
caliphate was surely in mortal danger of a Shi‘i take over.
That it did not happen is due less to the actions undertaken by the rightly
alarmed Abbasid caliph than by his much more powerful sponsor, the Buyid amir
Baha, al-Dawla. The Sunni caliph had no army himself and he could only employ
a sort of moral persuasion that would prove effective solely on those already loyal
to him. One was the famous theologian Abu Bakr al-Baqillani, whose anti-Ismaili
proclivities were well known. But even al-Baqillani could do no more than appeal to
Baha, al-Dawla. The Buyids, who were inclined to Shi‘ism on their own, nonetheless
saw Qirwash’s act as a challenge to them as well as to the Abbasids. The amir ordered
100,000 dinars to be spent either on a military option or as a bribe. Whichever one it
was, it worked and Qirwash reversed himself. The khutba in his lands quickly reverted
and once again called for God’s blessing to fall on al-Qadir in Baghdad. The matter
was therefore soon resolved in favor of the Abbasids.
In all, this incident represents therefore but a brief interval, ordinarily hardly
worth more than a passing mention. The rivalry between the two caliphates was by
then old. Even so, while not itself a lasting stage in this competition, an unexpected
benefit of Qirwash’s declaration of 401 is that a verbatim copy of the actual text of
the khutba he issued for the occasion survived. And, most curiously, it was carefully
preserved by the anti-Ismaili Baghdadi historian Ibn al-Jawzi, and from him by the
much later Egyptian Ibn Taghri Birdi3. For a vehemently anti-Fatimid writer to include
this khutba, which is clearly Shi‘i as well as pro-Fatimid, in its entirety, is at the least
curious. But beyond that what is odder even still is that it is the sole complete example
of a standard Friday khutba on behalf of the Fatimids to reach us4.
The historians of medieval Islam regularly report changes of allegiance that
were announced in the Friday sermon, but they seldom tell us more about what was
actually said in the process. They do not, as a general rule, comment of the body of the
sermon. They are interested in politics not in the subtleties of expression or nuances of
doctrine. Therefore to learn more it is essential to have available to us whole texts, at
best verbatim copies of at least some of the khutbas, perhaps representative samples.
Although all but unique, Qirwash’s declaration of 401 provides, therefore, just about
the only evidence of this kind we have. This one sermon must stand for the rest of
which there would have been thousands and thousands.
Sunni historians, principally Ibn al-Jawzi and Ibn Taghri Birdi, also
had a hard time making sense of this incident, even though they provide far more
details about it than any other sources. Both historians insist that the inhabitants
3
Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam, vol. VII, pp. 248-251; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zahira, vol.
IV, pp. 224-227.
4
For an English translation of the full text see the appendix at the end of this paper.
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PAUL E. WALKER
of Mawsil agreed to the change with the positive response of an enslaved flock,
while concealing their true aversion and disgust, and both marvel at how easily
the khatib, who had previously pronounced the sermon in the name of the Abbasid
caliph, al-Qadir, would acquiesce in the change, which amounted to converting
from Sunni to Shi‘i Islam. They offer a list of rather sumptuous new accoutrements
–by implication a bribe– bestowed on him for the occasion. The list is clearest in
Ibn Taghri Birdi. But one explanation for Qirwash’s having bestowed what amounts
to a khil‘a, a formal robe of honor, on his khatib is that the Fatimid colors were
white whereas those of the Abbasids were black. Accordingly, the qaba, dabiqiyya,
a tunic of dabiqi linen, mentioned by him would have been white to symbolize the
change officially5.
Thus these Sunni authorities are convinced that the new khutba disgusted
the audience who heard it, in part thereby indicating that they had decidedly not
agreed to become Shi‘is. Also they hint that the preacher went along with the change
in response to a bribe. However neither claim is likely to have been as totally valid
as these authors insist. Their words have the feel of Abbasid propaganda against the
Fatimids, which is, in many other situations, reasonably easy to spot. Still, although
we are fortunate enough to have the whole text of the sermon, we have no sure way
of learning the exact religious sentiments of either the khatib or the populations of
Mawsil in 401. The audience for Qirwash’s declaration was likely mixed, some
leaning toward the Shi‘a, others against them, just as similarly would have been true
even in Egypt or North Africa when they were both Fatimid territories.
Another case of major importance is the first Friday sermon following the
Fatimid conquest of Egypt. For it, although the whole text does not exist, the crucial
portion has come down to us. Ibn Taghri Birdi, the same historian mentioned above,
reports that, immediately after seizing control, Jawhar cut the khutba for the Abbasids
and prohibited the wearing of black, replacing it with white. He commanded that the
khutba everywhere have added to it:
O God, bless Muhammad, the chosen, ‘Ali, the approved, and Fatima,
the chaste, and al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the two grandsons of the messenger, from whom God has removed impurity and purged of all sin.
Bless the pure imams, the forefathers of the Commander of the Believers,
al-Mu‘izz li-Din Allah6.
The message, clear to all, is unmistakably Shi‘i. Yet another account relates
a portion of the first khutba delivered in Fustat.
When it was Friday with ten days left in Sha‘ban, Jawhar went down with
the army to the Old Mosque [in Fustat] for Friday prayers. Hibat Allah b.
Ahmad, the deputy of ‘Abd al-Sami‘ b. ‘Umar al-‘Abbasi [i.e. the khatib
of that mosque] gave the khutba wearing white7.
5
In addition he was given a yellow turban, pants of red brocade and red shoes. See A. Metz,
Renaissance of Islam, p. 325.
6
The date for the first use of the new formula was Friday the 8th of Dhu’l-Qa‘da (according to
Ibn Khallikan). Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zahira, vol. IV, p. 36; al-Maqrizi, Itti‘az al-hunafa,,
vol. I, p. 117.
7
The name al-‘Abbasi “the Abbasid” indicates that this man was a member of the Abbasid family
and thus a relative of the Abbasid caliph. Jawhar confirmed him as the khatib of the mosque of ‘Amr
in Fustat and he held that post at least until 365.
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When he reached the prayer portion (the second khutba), he read the
following from a written note:
O God, bless Your servant and Your deputy, the fruit of prophecy, scion of
the rightly guided guiding family, the servant of God, the Imam Ma‘add Abu
Tamim al-Mu‘izz li-Din Allah, Commander of the Believers, just as You
blessed his pure forefathers and his predecessors, the rightly guided imams.
O God, raise high his rank and advance his word, make his proofs clear,
bring the community together in obedience to him and their hearts loving
friends of his, make guidance follow his sanction, have him inherit the
eastern parts of the land and its west, have him be master of the beginning
of things and their outcomes, for truly You speak and Your word is the
truth. “We had written in the Psalms after the remembrance that the
servants of righteousness shall inherit the earth” [21: 105].
Your religion has been subject to vexation. When that which is sacred
to You was defiled, jihad on Your behalf extinguished, pilgrimage to
Your house and visitation of the tomb of Your messenger (…) disrupted,
he made his preparations for the jihad, got ready everything necessary
and sent the armies to support You. He expended funds in adherence
to You, taking pains to please You, to curb those who are foolish and
restrain those who are arrogant, to cause the truth to appear and the false
to come to nothing. So, O God, support the armies that he has sent and the
detachments that he charge with fighting the polytheists, contending with
the heretics, defending the Muslims, building up of the border territories
and the holy places, eradicating injustice, suspicions and greed, and
spreading justice throughout the nations.
O God, make his banners stand high and prominent, his armies dominant
and victorious; plant righteousness through him and by his hand; and
grant us through him supreme protections8.
Whereas the briefer phrases were to be included in all khutbas everywhere
in the newly conquered territories, the longer version applied to a specific event and
depended on having a written text for the khatib to read. The source suggests, in any
case, that the preacher delivered his regular khutba for the first of the two halves of
the sermon and referred to the written text only for the second. What has reaches us is
the latter –i.e. written– portion only.
The holy cities of the Hijaz possessed huge symbolic significance to the
rival caliphates. The caliph could claim ultimate supremacy only if he controlled
them. The Fatimids obtained recognition in Mecca and Madina with the advent of
the caliph al-Mu‘izz in Egypt. The khutba there named them thereafter until the proAbbasid Seljuks grew powerful enough to contest it. As with other cities and regions,
however, the khutba in Mecca and Madina could revert even then9. Aleppo in northern
Syria witnessed frequent changes of allegiances throughout the 5th/11th century. The
Zirids in North Africa likewise both renounced their recognition of the Fatimids
and returned to it on several occasions, beginning in the mid-5th/11th century and
continuing onward to the time of al-Amir in the early part of the next.
Nor were khutbas accorded this level of political importance solely within
the lands of Islam. An interesting case is that of Constantinople and the Byzantine
8
al-Maqrizi, Itti‘az al-hunafa’, vol. I, pp. 114-115.
Various medieval chronicles preserve details of these changes back and forth. See my Orations
of the Fatimid Caliphs, p. 8, note 11 and the references there.
9
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empire. Fatimid relations with the Byzantines continued, at times with animosity and
other periods with peace, for two centuries or more. In the year 378/988, a treaty
concluded with Byzantium stipulated, among other provisions, that the khutba said
in the mosque of Constantinople name the Fatimid caliph al-‘Aziz as the Muslim
supreme authority10. It is difficult to imagine that the congregation of Muslims in the
Byzantine capital was large enough to be significant. However, renewals of this treaty
maintained that provision. In 418/1027, a treaty with the Emperor made sure that
khutbas in the lands of the Byzantines were to name only the Fatimid al-Zahir. The
mosque in Constantinople is to reopen, it says, and in exchange al-Zahir will permit
the reopening of the Church of the Holy Sepulcre in Jerusalem (both were evidently
closed in the period prior to this)11. Three decades later, in 447/1055, this stipulation
remained in effect (or had been renewed in subsequent treaties), when an ambassador
from the Seljuk sultan Tughril Beg arrived in Constantinople and asked if he could
use its mosque. The Emperor granted him permission. The man went to the mosque
on Friday to say his prayer and while there also gave a khutba in the name of the
Abbasid caliph al-Qa‚im. At the same time the qadi Abu ‘Abdallah al-Quda‘i, who
was the official representative of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir, happened to be in
Constantinople on behalf of his own master. He reported this breech of the treaty to
Cairo, whereupon al-Mustansir revoked its provisions and ordered that all the goods
and possessions in the Holy Sepulcre be seized by the government, leading predictably
to a serious deterioration of relations with the Byzantines12. Yet it is unclear if the
Byzantines fully appreciated how a small gesture on their part –allowing a visitor to
use the mosque– could cause such an aggressive reaction elsewhere. Or how easily
one Muslim could violate standing policy by his choice of a simply benediction in a
Friday sermon.
Changing the khutba might come with other symbolic measures as well
beyond the naming of the new ruler and altering the color of the preacher’s robes. In
450/1058, when the amir al-Basasiri captured Baghdad on behalf of the Fatimids, he
had the khutba read in the name of al-Mustansir in all its mosques and the musalla (the
festival grounds) one by one. Al-Maqrizi reports that, on the Feast of the Immolation
(id al-nahr), he smashed the minbar (pulpit) in the masjid (mosque) in Baghdad and
built a new one, stating this [old] minbar is sinister; from it hatred of the family of
Muhammad has been proclaimed13.
But the other side could be equally as vociferous. A case in point involves
the Zirids. They were theoretically vassals of the caliph in Cairo. The Sanhaja Berbers
from which tribe these rulers came were not, however, ever converted to Ismailism.
Most remained Maliki Sunni even while supporting, at first loyally, the Fatimid cause.
Thus they were partisans of the Fatimid caliphate politically, but not religiously. alMu‘izz b. Badis, the Zirid ruler, preserved the trappings of continued allegiance,
notably the khutba, until 440/1048-49. In that year he cut his ties to Cairo for the first
time. The Maghribi (Sunni) historian Ibn ‘Idhari reports that he ceased the khutba
in favor of the lord of Egypt and burned the banners of the Fatimids. He also quotes
from the poet Ibn Sharaf al-Qayrawani, who was extremely well connected at the
Zirid court and lived contemporary to the event14. He offers a detailed account of
10
Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zahira, vol. IV, p. 152.
al-Maqrizi, Itti‘az al-hunafa‚, vol. II, p. 176.
12
Ibn Muyassar, al-Muntaqa min Akhbar Misr, p. 14.
13
al-Maqrizi, Itti‘az al-hunafa,, vol. II, p. 254.
14
On this man see “Ibn Sharaf al-Kayrawani” by Ch. Pellat in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd.
edition.
11
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this al-Mu‘izz’s switching the khutba to the Abbasids, thereby putting an end to the
da‘wa of the Fatimids. The reason given by him is that, following the departure of
the caliph from the Maghrib in the middle of the previous century, the appeal of the
Fatimids –recitation of their names from the minbars– was resented so strongly that
fewer and fewer attended the Friday service, leaving the mosques empty. After many
years the Zirid ruler finally, according to this view, came to agree with his subjects,
broke off the khutba in their favor, and divorced himself from them. On top of that he
ordered his khatib, commencing with the khutba of the next ‘id al-adha, to insert into
the khutba a cursing of the Fatimids. Ibn Sharaf preserved a copy of the portion that
contained this curse and we have it even now15.
It is worth wondering again, as the medieval authors often do, how the same
khatib could, after perhaps years of calling upon God to bless the Fatimid caliphs,
suddenly recite a string of curses against them, asking that God do the same. But
this problem occurred often enough as we have seen. In the obituaries of famous
preachers, their biographers might note, as in one example, that ‘Abd al-Karim b. alHusayn Abu’l-Barakat, a well-respected preacher, had said the khutba in Damascus
for both the Abbasids and the Fatimids16. And, as with Qirwash’s khatib in 401 and the
example here for the Zirids, there are many more like him17.
Most khutbas were never copied; and it is probable that on the vast majority
of occasions the preacher spoke extemporaneously, perhaps embellishing a memorized
sermon, or elements thereof. Famous khatibs –those noted for their rhetorical skills
and eloquence– did in certain instances assemble collections of their work in book
form, providing in turn models for others in the profession. However, it is difficult
now to determine which of them might have been originally actually read in a mosque
rather than composed solely for the book. Thus, while such books of sample sermons
may have value as literature, they tell us little about historical events. Under such
conditions, the survival of a verbatim copy of Qirwash’s khutba is extraordinary.
We may have the copy of Qirwash’s khutba because it was not merely a
written text, which seems to have been a basic requirement for survival, but because
copies of it circulated to the other cities of his domain. The same khutba was likely
used in al-Anbar, Qasr and al-Mada,in, and perhaps elsewhere in towns unnamed in
our reports. Obviously agents of the Abbasid caliph obtained an example of it, which
thus made it available to later historians such as the Baghdad-based Ibn al-Jawzi.
The one portion of the first khutba in Egypt similarly survives because it began as a
written text.
Within their own domain the Fatimids ruled a diverse population; their subjects
belonged to a complete array of Islamic sects and schools. Even the chief justices, men
who had ultimate responsibility for the khutba and the khatibs employed under their
supervision, were frequently not Ismaili. Many judges were Maliki or Hanafi, in other
words, Sunnis18. Yet a basic stipulation of holding such offices required acceptance of
the khutba that was said in the name of the Fatimid caliph. Muslims attending Friday
15
Ibn ‘Idhari, al-Bayan al-mughrib, pp. 277-278. The curse is fairly elaborate and full of invectives, given that al-Mu‘izz and the Zirids were later to revert to the Fatimids on more than one occasion.
16
Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zahira, vol. V, p. 138.
17
Not all khatibs so readily acquiesced. In 401 when the change of the da‘wa first reached alAnbar and was presented to the resident khatib, rather than accept, he fled from there to Kufa to avoid
it (Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam, vol. VII, p. 251).
18
A notable example is Ibn Abi’l-‘Awwam, mentioned later, who was Hanafi, but there were
many others.
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services anywhere within the empire would hear the preacher ask God to bestow His
blessings on these Ismaili imams. The average citizen need accept what he heard only
passively. Even so he could not escape at least a basic level of recognition of those
who ruled over him without fleeing or hiding, and there is little evidence of that, not
withstanding the resistance in the Maghrib cited above. Many other parts of the Fatimid
Empire accepted their rule without protest. These caliphs enjoyed considerable support
and evident loyalty from all their subjects. Willingness to listen to that khutba would
have constituted a minimal requirement for citizenship within their territory.
The Friday sermon is a required element in Islamic ritual; it is universally
acknowledged by Muslims and performed in every weekly service as part of the
community’s congregational worship. Its origin is extremely old, going back to the
practice of the Prophet, perhaps even earlier. Many of the provisions for it are common
to the several madhhabs, including the Shi‘a. The Fatimids were no exception19.
Typically, the ordinary sermon, which precedes prayers, is delivered by a professional
preacher. Under the Fatimids khatibs (the Arabic plural is khutaba,) were government
officials employed by the judiciary. Although the Fatimids continued to maintain
the da‘wa, its teaching and proselytizing organization, which was likewise a bureau
of the government, the khutba was not the responsibility of the chief da‘i or of his
missionaries. Apparently the da‘i, who as members of the da‘wa were the agents for
the religious appeal of the Fatimid imams, did not deliver such sermons. Thus there
was a distinction in this regard between the khatib, the preacher, and the da‘i, even
though both were agents of the government. One obvious difference is that preaching
was considered a public activity open to a wide and diverse audience, whereas the
da‘wa was restricted to a smaller group consisting solely of those who had sworn an
oath of religious devotion to the imam.
A late source reports that the salary allocated for individual khatibs was ten
to twenty dinars per month20, which is a not inconsiderable amount, and indicates how
important they were21. A passage from a section of al-Qalqashandi’s manual of chancery
practice includes the text of a decree of appointment for a judge under the Fatimids. One
paragraph in it is devoted to the role of the khatibs whose job he is to supervise:
The khatibs are the knights of the minbars, the tongues of those assembled,
the spokesmen of the sacred rituals, and the leaders of the congregations.
They are the emissaries of the heart to its lofty station by means of the ears,
its purifier that makes hearts overcome its illnesses. His warfare drives away
the satans of the communities when they commit aggression against them.
He gives expression to guidance and uses his eloquence to the utmost to lead
them rightly. He perfects the articulation of the letters so that they serve to
enable their fulfillment and manifestation. His exhortation unties from the
hardened eyes the knots that bind them and he calls to the rusted hearts until
his cry unleashes their tears. He wears proudly the robes of high dignity so
that minbars appear properly dressed because of him. His sermons nourish
the souls when they come to him seeking assistance and appealing for help22.
19
For some indication of Fatimid doctrine in regard to the khutba, see Qadi al-Nu‘man’s, Da‘a,im
al-Islam, part one, pp. 182-187, English translation, vol. I, pp. 227-233.
20
al-Maqrizi, Itti‘az al-hunafa,, vol. III, p. 340.
21
There is unfortunately little specific discussion of the appointment of individuals to the office of
khatib, the khataba. But see Orations of the Fatimid Caliph, p. 6, n. 8, for some references.
22
This document was written by Qadi al-Fadil on behalf of the final Fatimid caliph al-‘Adid for
the appointment of a judge who is not named (al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-a‘sha, vol. 10, pp. 424-434);
the paragraph about the khatib is found on pp. 432-433.
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Just as they would have been in other regions of the Islamic world, these
“knights of the minbar”, whether Ismaili or not, were, under the Fatimids, men of
distinction and religious probity.
Other occasions for the khutba include the two ‘id festivals: ‘id al-fitr,
breaking of the fast following the close of Ramadan, and ‘id al-adha (also called ‘id
al-nahr) the feast of sacrifice on the 10th of Dhu’l-Hijja. Khutbas may be a part of
rituals for special purposes such as an eclipse, a drought, or an appeal for a jihad. A
festival khutba, which, in contrast to that of Fridays, follows prayers, conforms to the
occasion of it, featuring instructions to the congregation on the stipulations for either
the zakat al-fitr (alms due at the breaking of the fast) or for proper and acceptable
sacrifice (i.e. what animals may be slaughtered and how)23. This later type of khutba
was, in Fatimid lands, the responsibility of the imam-caliph in person, who delivered
it personally whenever possible. Luckily more examples of it, although even so few
enough, survive.
With the addition of some dozen of this type, the material for analysis
becomes that much richer, although not precisely of the same order as the common
Friday sermon, which is therefore different in many respects. Even so the rhetoric in
them and its use can tell us a great deal about how the imam-caliph sought to engage
an audience often at odds with him. The festival sermon could thus also involve a
contested arena, though seldom as dramatic as that of Qirwash. A major exception
comes from early in the reign when the future caliph al-Qa,im preached the sermon
to a hostile Egyptian crowd during a military incursion. That text which survives
provides some of the most vehement denunciations of Fatimid enemies to appear in
the surviving literature.
Many of the reports we have provide detailed descriptions of the festival
itself, but not necessarily joined to a copy of the text, which rarely exists. The first of
those in Egypt is a nice example of such detail.
On the day of fast-breaking [in 362], al-Mu‘izz rode in procession to
the musalla of Cairo that Jawhar had constructed for the ‘id prayer (…).
al-Mu‘izz approached in full attire24 with his banners and coverings. He
prayed with the people the prayer of the ‘id at full length and completely,
reciting for the first, after the Surat al-Fatiha, “Has the story of the overwhelming event reached you” [88: 1] 25. Following the recitation, he pronounced the takbir, bowed for a long time, and prostrated at length (…).
Qadi al-Nu‘man relayed the takbir from him. In the second he recited,
after the Fatiha, the Surat al-Duha [no. 93] and said the takbir following
the recitation. This was the prayer of his grandfather ‘Ali b. Abi Talib. He
held the bowed position and the prostration in the second also at length
(…). When he had completed the prayer he mounted the minbar greeting
the people on the right and the left. Next he unfurled the two banners that
were on the minbar and he delivered the khutba with them to the front of
23
On the role of the khutba in Islamic ritual, see “Khutba” by A.J. Wensinck in the Encyclopaedia
of Islam, 2nd edition, and for the Shi‘i (Fatimid) rules for it according to the imams, see the section
on ritual prayer in Qadi al-Nu‘man’s Da‘a,im al-Islam, particularly Arabic pp. 182-187, translation
pp. 227-232.
24
The attire of the imam on these occasions was highly important if only for ritual purposes. Note
the hadith quoted from the imams by Qadi al-Nu‘man in the Da‘a’im al-Islam (translation pp. 228
and 230) to the effect that the imams on Friday and the two festivals should wear their finest. Requirements of royal prestige obviously added another dimension.
25
On the recitation of this passage as well as other details of the ‘id prayer see the hadith of Ja‘far
al-Sadiq related by Qadi al-Nu‘man in his Da‘a,im al-Islam, vol. I, p. 186, translation vol. I, p. 232.
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him. On the highest step of the minbar, there was a heavy brocaded cushion for him to sit on between the two khutbas. He began the sermon with
“In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate”. With him on the
minbar were Jawhar, ‘Ammar b. Ja‘far, and Shafi‘, the bearer of the royal
parasol. Then he commenced with “God is great, God is great”, opening
with this. He preached so eloquently the people cried. His khutba was
humble and submissive.
When he had completed the khutba, he departed with his troops, followed
by his four sons wearing armor and helmets riding on horses in the finest
attire. Two elephants preceded him26.
The record for the reign of his grandson al-Hakim, to cite another example,
is spotty and uncertain; no copies of what he said in any of his khutbas survive. Even
so one account from the year 395 offers the following description of one such event:
The Mosque of Rashida was fitted out and the caliph rode to it on the
feast of fast-breaking, wearing a plain yellow robe with an indeterminate
turban on his head, which had been wrapped on his head with a hanging
tail and with a jewel between his eyes27. In front of him in the procession were six horses bearing saddles studded with jewels, six elephants
and five giraffes. He prayed with the people the‘id prayer and preached
to them. In his khutba he cursed his enemy oppressor as was his due and
those who would spread false rumors about him. The commander of the
armies and the chief judge climbed the minbar with him28.
Most reports of this type are important less for what they say about the
giving of the khutba than for the information they provide about the procession to the
place where it was given. Obviously the ceremony on these occasions needed to be
as elaborate as possible. The number and type of animals was one key element. From
only a few years before, an account of the Zirid ruler’s procession to the musalla in
387 describes him as wearing the finest attire and being preceded by an elephant, two
giraffes and “a gleaming white camel the like of which had never been seen before”29.
There are also descriptions of family members and other notables who walked behind
the caliph and in what order. However, as interesting as these ceremonies might be,
it is the language of the actual khutba, its rhetoric, that concerns us here. How, in
a situation fraught with potential conflict between Sunni and Shi‘i, did the speaker
convey his message? Was the Shiism of the dynasty obvious and always present?
3. RHETORIC AND RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN THE FRIDAY KHUTBA
Whoever delivers the Friday khutba, or that of the two ‘id festivals, must
assume the responsibility of employing terms and phrases aimed at a broad audience,
the rhetoric, in other words, of public address. To understand fully what might have
been involved, we ought to have a much larger sample of these sermons. But, although
26
This account is from al-Maqrizi’s Itti‘az al-hunafa, (vol. I, pp. 137-138) but ultimately from
Ibn Zulaq. In al-Maqrizi’s notes from Ibn Muyassar’s History of Egypt (Akhbar Misr, A.F. Sayyid
edition, pp. 159-160) the same passage appears, indicating that this work was his source for it.
27
P. Sanders, Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Cairo, p. 25.
28
al-Maqrizi, Itti‘az al-hunafa,, vol. II, p. 58.
29
Ibn ‘Idhari, al-Bayan al-mughrib, vol. I, pp. 238-239.
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the evidence is not as plentiful as we might want, what we do have is all the more
precious for its rarity. If we cannot expect definitive answers, we nonetheless have
important material to investigate in the sermons that survive.
The Fatimid caliphs obviously always guarded carefully what they said,
but perhaps no more so than on the occasions of the khutbas just described when they
spoke before an audience that may well have included a vast array of their subjects,
representing many different religious inclinations –Sunnis and Shi‘is of various
kinds– and also a variety of ranks: men of the elites from both the military and the
bureaucracy, merchants, religious scholars, and the common folk among them. These
rulers knew well that the audience for such khutbas likely consisted both of their
most loyal subjects and at the same time others less attached, possibly some who
harbored grave doubts about them, even hostility. The surviving khutba by al-Qa,im
in Alexandria in 302 acknowledges such conditions forthrightly. The future imam
even anticipated the resistance and possible enmity of the Egyptians to himself and
his dynasty30. The ceremonial khutba was open at least theoretically to all Muslims,
not simply to Ismaili believers, and the person speaking had to take that fact into
account in choosing his words. The sermon for the festival, moreover, was delivered
at the musalla, which was always a large open space designed to accommodate the
maximum number of worshipers at one time. The Friday khutba given inside a mosque
naturally limited the size of the audience. No so that of the‘id.
With crowds so large it is fair to ask how many could actually hear what
was said. Even in a mosque that may have been a problem. The congregation was
under strict rule to maintain absolute silence. A hadith on the authority of Ja‘far alSadiq states clearly When the imam stands up to deliver his sermon, it is obligatory
for the congregation to observe complete silence31. Nevertheless, in the open air of the
musalla32, surely only those close to the minbar heard the words of the imam directly.
Perhaps the same was true in the largest congregational mosques. But this difficulty
was in part overcome by having a series of voices relay the message out beyond the
reach of the speaker’s own immediate circle.
It is likely that those allowed to be close to the imam had a special claim to
this privilege, either through rank or proven loyalty. From the descriptions provided
by eyewitnesses from the last phase of Fatimid rule, it is clear that the protection of
the caliph was taken seriously whenever he appeared in public. The occasion of the
khutba required careful control of exactly who came into close proximity to him. One
note indicates that no one outside of the governing elite was admitted to the ceremony
without being vouchsafed by the chief da‘i. That stipulation would appear to confine
the scope of the public audience –that is, those from outside the government– to
Ismailis. Only Ismailis would have had access to the da‘i. This condition, however,
may have applied more to the Friday khutba that the caliph gave in Ramadan in a
mosque than to the festivals. In any case there is no comparable evidence about such
a restriction from the earlier periods.
One important detail in two of the khutbas from North Africa, however,
features a direct appeal by name to the Kutama Berbers, who must therefore have
constitute a major portion of the audience at the time. The first instance is particularly
30
For more detail about what he said on that occasion see below.
Qadi al-Nu‘man, Da‘a,im al-Islam, vol. I, pp. 182, 186, translation vol. I, pp. 227-228, 231.
32
The Imam Ja‘far had stated that “The prayers on the two festivals should be offered neither
under a roof nor in a house. For the Messenger of God used to go out of [Madina] until the horizon
would come into view [far away from habitation] and place his forehead on the bare earth”, Qadi
al-Nu‘man, Da‘a,im al-Islam, p. 185, translation, p. 230.
31
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striking. It occurs in the khutba read to the army during Abu Yazid’s siege of alMahdiyya in Rajab 333 (March 945). In the name of al-Qa,im, the judge al-Marwadhi
praises the Kutama, whose forefathers had performed so gloriously both in keeping the
rights of the Fatimid line safe when it had been forced into hiding and in fighting for its
return to triumphal victory. You were the cache where God placed this Muhammadan,
Fatimid, mahdist right [to the imamate] until He caused it to triumph. You are, it goes
on to say, like the apostles of Jesus and the Ansar of Muhammad. The appeal here is
so specific we must conclude that the audience on that occasion was predominantly
if not exclusively Kutama Berber. The second instance is the festival sermon for the
‘id al-fitr of 336, again at al-Mahdiyya. In it al-Mansur addresses part of his remarks
to the Kutama, noting effusively God’s favors to them and thus their special status in
the Imam’s eyes, and how pleased he is with them and their devotion to the Fatimid
dynasty.
An element in the rhetorical strategy of these khutbas may have involved
the use of phrases that a Sunni audience would understand differently from the Shi‘a.
For example the commonly employed words ‘Ali waliy Allah (“ ‘Ali is the waliy of
God”), which eventually appeared on all Fatimid coins and is quite standard in Shi‘a
discourse of every type, is readily taken by Sunnis to mean “‘Ali is the friend of God”.
Ordinarily, because this sense of the word waliy, which is perfectly valid for it, is not
objectionable, it causes no resistance or hostility on their part. For the Shi‘a, however,
it means more than ‘friend’. ‘Ali was, in their view the ‘guardian’ (waliy, in a different
sense) of God’s community on earth. He was thus the agent of God with exclusive
authority to act as regent for the Muslims; he is their guardian.
One good example, albeit by mistake, of how Sunnis might misread the
words of a Fatimid khutba occurs with the line in Qirwash’s Friday sermon about
God, who, by His light, caused the rising of the sun of truth from the west. Islamic
messianic speculation, even among Sunnis, regarded the signal for the end of time as
the rising of the sun from its place of setting, in other words of time being made to
reverse course or to cease altogether. With the Shi‘a, in expectation of the return of
this or that imam, who had temporarily gone into occultation, such speculations are
more pronounced. The doctrine of several early Shi‘i sects included a rising of the
imam from the west, from where he will restore true Islam and reclaim his rightful
position as head of the Muslim community. The Fatimids, who had first attained power
in the Maghrib, i.e. in the west, naturally made the most of this concept. They were,
beginning with al-Mahdi, but subsequently collectively, the embodiment of such
messianic aspirations. With their rising to the imamate in the westernmost region of
the Islamic realm, these speculations had become a reality. But, in at least one major
source that reports these opening words of Qirwash’s khutba –Ibn al-Athir’s early
7th/13th century universal history, al-Kamil fi’l-ta,rikh– some copies have changed
the word west to Arabs, which in Arabic script is quite easy: instead of al-gharb (the
west), read al-‘arab (the Arabs), the difference is a dot above the Arabic letter ® or ª33.
Thus the key phrase would have the sun of truth rising from the Arabs, which would
sound quite reasonable to a Sunni audience.
To bear witness or testify that Muhammad was the prophet and messenger
of God is a standard feature of the khutba in general. Most of the attributes ascribed
to Muhammad in Fatimid khutbas, moreover, agreed well with such statements in
those not by them. What is different and uniquely Fatimid is the reference to him
as the grandfather, e.g. of the current caliph, or, as it most often appears, as “our
33
Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-ta,rikh, vol. IX, p. 223. This edition, in fact, prefers the reading al‘arab, listing al-gharb in the notes as an alternate given by one of the manuscripts.
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grandfather”, as in the invocation of God’s blessings on “our grandfather” (jiddina).
The meaning, of course, is ancestor or forefather, but it carries a special connotation
in conjunction with references to ‘Ali b. Abi Talib, who is always called “our father”
(abuna, abina).
4. BLESSINGS AND CURSES IN THE FATIMID KHUTBA
References and characterizations of ‘Ali are particularly important as a sign
of the ancestral lineage of the Fatimids and of the Shi‘i assertion of legitimacy for its
imamate. ‘Ali bears the title Commander of the Believers, which, for the Shi‘a, applies
to him alone among the companions of the Prophet since they do not recognize any
of the others as valid successors to the imamate. In his position as heir to the Prophet,
both physically and spiritually, he carries also the title of Legatee (in Arabic wasi). In
Qirwash’s khutba he is called the Lord of the Legatees (sayyid al-wasiyin). Another
appellation denotes his close family relationship to Muhammad, which for the Shi‘a
means, in reference to ‘Ali, brother. For them the Prophet had adopted him as his own
brother. He was, moreover, in the same position as had been Aaron with respect to his
brother Moses. The Prophet had stated, according to a hadith of special importance to
the Shi‘a, that, ‘Ali is to me as Aaron was to Moses.
Here follow some examples from the khutbas:
and bless the first to respond to him [i.e. the Prophet], ‘Ali, the Commander of the Believers and Lord of the Legatees, the establisher of excellence and mercy, the pillar of knowledge and wisdom, the root of the
noble and righteous tree generated from the sacred and pure trunk. And
[blessings be] on his successors, the lofty branches of that same tree, and
on what comes from it: the fruit that grows there34.
God bless our grandfather, Muhammad, the guide to the shinning path,
and our father, the Commander of the Believers, ‘Ali b. Abi Talib, his
brother and son of his paternal uncle, whom he sanctioned for the position of executor, and the chaste imams among the descendants of both,
the clear evident proofs of God to His creatures35.
And bless, O God, our father, the Commander of the Believers, ‘Ali b.
Abi Talib, who held the place with respect to him that had Aaron with
Moses, the one who spoke to God36.
From a brief mention of a ritual of mutual cursing which is apparently what
is taking place in Qur,an 3:61,
If any one disputes this with you after the knowledge has come to you,
say, “Come, let us gather our sons and your sons, our women and your
women, ourselves and yourselves; then let us pray and invoke the curse
of God on those who lie”.
an entire tradition developed around the implied story of Muhammad having brought
under his cloak on that occasion his immediate family members. They were the
ashab al-kisa, (the Companions of the Cloak). The question then became who exactly
34
35
36
Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs, Qirwash’s khutba (n. 11).
Ibidem.
Ibidem, Khutba of al-Amir (n. 12).
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belonged to this set. For the Shi‘a this has never been much of a question since they
include only the Prophet, ‘Ali, Fatima, al-Hasan and al-Husayn. The non-Shi‘a
dispute the matter and they have alternate interpretations of the tradition37. However,
in the Fatimid khutbas, as one would expect, the Shi‘i point of view prevails, as in the
following passages from them.
O God, bless Your servant and Your messenger with a perpetually perfect
blessing, increase him with an honor to his honor and a nobility to his
nobility. Bless also all of the Companions of the Cloak (ashab al-kisa,),
the pure ones, the immaculates: ‘Ali, the Commander of the Believers,
Fatima the radiant, mistress of the women of the two worlds, and alHasan and al-Husayn, the two most noble and most righteous, and [bless]
the rightly guided imams among the progeny of al-Husayn, the luminaries of guidance, the full moons of the darkness, the masters of mankind,
friends of the Most Merciful, the proofs of times, and pillars of the faith38.
the rightly guided (mahdist) imams among his noble and chaste progeny
who have been chosen for the caliphate and approved for the imamate, confirming their proof in the testament of the messenger, making obedience to
them necessary in the revelation, after His conferring excellence on them
over the world through the parentage of Muhammad, the lord of the messengers, and ‘Ali, the most excellent of the legatees, those whose mother
was the mistress of women, the fifth of the Companions of the Cloak39.
The third caliph al-Mansur speaks of Fatima as the radiant, mistress of the
women of the two worlds or, the radiant, mistress of the women of the two worlds,
and in yet another khutba, in reference to his own father and grandfather, the imams
al-Qa,im and al-Mahdi, he calls her Fatima, the radiant virgin40, your mother. In a
sermon by the fourth caliph al-Mu‘izz the rightly guiding imams are those whose
mother was the mistress of women, the fifth of the Companions of the Cloak. Similar
characterizations appear in the khutbas of al-Amir well over a century later41.
In Fatimid era khutbas both Hasan and Husayn are cited as imams and
members of the five Companions of the Cloak, although they make quite clear that
the imamate continued after them solely among the descendants of Husayn. Some
examples:
al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the two most noble and most righteous, and
[bless] the rightly guided imams among the progeny of al-Husayn, the
luminaries of guidance, the full moons of the darkness, the masters of
mankind, friends of the Most Merciful, the proofs of times, and pillars
of the faith42.
al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the two lords of the youth among the people of
paradise; and the imams from the progeny of al-Husayn, the chaste ones,
37
For additional information, see the articles in the Encyclopaedia of Islam. 2nd. edition, on
“mubahala” by W. Schmucker, “Ahl al-kisa,” by A.S. Tritton, and “Ahl al-bayt” by I. Goldziher,
C. van Arendonk and A.S. Tritton.
38
From the khutba by al-Mansur on the ‘id al-fitr 335 (Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs, n. 5).
39
From the khutba by al-Mu‘izz on the ‘id al-nahr 341 (Ibidem, n. 9).
40
“Virgin” here means “immaculate” (al-Batul), untainted by menstrual impurity.
41
“And [bless] our mother Fatima, the radiant and chaste”; “[Bless] our mother Fatima, the radiant, nurturer of the prophecy singled out for revelation and nobility of character and honor”.
42
From the khutba by al-Mansur on the ‘id al-fitr 335 (Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs, n. 5).
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the remainder of the messenger of God and his fruit, his two heirs, his
proof to the servants, the mountains of religion, lords of the believers and
saints of the worlds43.
Clearly the imams after al-Husayn are his offspring, not those of al-Hasan.
However the individual imams are seldom mentioned by name in the surviving
khutbas, even those prior to the period of concealment which commenced with
Isma‘il, the son of Ja‘far al-Sadiq, or with his son Muhammad b. Isma‘il, who was
actually the first never to have appeared in public. In Qirwash’s sermon they are in all
simply the righteous imams, the best and most excellent, those of them that stood forth
and appeared and those of them that were concealed and hidden. In the first khutba
by al-Mansur he calls his grandfather al-Mahdi, the son of the Rightly Guided Ones
(al-Mahdiyyin), the noble son of the most noble without going further into the matter.
That seems to have been, to judge from these khutbas, the preferred policy for public
pronouncements. Only in a khutba of al-Amir are any of them cited by name. There
he refers to the imams prior to al-Mahdi as:
‘Ali b. al-Husayn Zayn al-‘Abidin, and Muhammad b. ‘Ali Bakir ‘Ulum
al-Din, and Ja‘far b. Muhammad al-Sadiq al-Amin, and the true imam
Isma‘il, and Muhammad his son, possessor of the nobility of the authentic caliphate, and those who had all excellences and superiority, and
[bless] the imams who were concealed from their enemy who opposed in
his actions, all of them in like manner.
whom he contrasts with the piercing stars of truth, the suns rising from the places of
setting. The latter he names one by one starting with al-Mahdi.
However, it was evidently customary practice to cite each of the preceding
imams by name back from the current caliph to al-Mahdi, the founder of the dynasty
(but not further back). Ibn al-Tuwayri a source from near the end of the Fatimid era
suggests as much. In one of the two khutbas of al-Amir, this caliph lists all of those
who came before him from al-Mahdi through al-Musta‘li, his own father. All those
up to the reign of al-Hakim are named likewise in the khutba of Qirwash. Since the
full name of each caliph contained the word Allah, as in al-Mansur bi-Nasr Allah or
al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, in the sermon where the name appears as part of a request
addressed directly to God for Him to bless each of the imams so named, the proper
form requires a personal pronoun, thus al-Mansur bi-Nasrika (The One who is
victorious through Your support, rather than The One who is victorious through the
support of God) or al-Hakim bi-Amrika (The Ruler by Your Command rather than The
Ruler by the Command of God).
From the medieval period until now it has been customary to call the dynasty
of Ismaili imams the Fatimids. But the history of this term is not yet clear. Did, for
example, the earliest caliphs of this line refer to themselves by that name? The Spanish
scholar Maribel Fierro published in 1996 an important study of this problem and of
the use in general of the terms al-fatimi (Fatimid) and al-ƒatimiyyun (the Fatimids)44.
Although she carefully surveyed many of the major sources, she found little evidence
of these terms in works written by adherents of the dynasty. Further investigation
by others since has turned up more information. These terms do, in fact, appear but
more so, and more often, in the later phases of this rule. By the end of the dynasty it
43
44
Khutba of al-Mansur on the ‘id al-adha in the year 335 (ibidem, n. 6).
M. Fierro, On al-fatimi and al-fatimiyyun.
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PAUL E. WALKER
was fairly common to call it al-dawla al-fatimiyya (the Fatimid state or the Fatimid
dynasty), and thus later authors grew quite accustom to this term.
Nevertheless, it is strikingly rare in the earliest documents produced by
those who held positions of authority in the government, including most particularly
the imams in their public pronouncements and declarations. The khutba would have
been a natural occasion for its use. Yet only one of those we now have contains the
word in a form that suggests an appropriate meaning. In a khutba that al-Qa,im
dictated for his chief judge to read to the army in 333, while al-Mahdiyya remained
under the siege of the Kharijite forces of Abu Yazid, his words addressed to the
Kutama appeal to them as the depository where God put the rights of the Fatimid
line until it could be revealed once again. You were the cache, it states, where God
placed this Muhammadan, Fatimid, mahdist right [to the imamate] until He caused it
to triumph and raised it high again. The Arabic reads for the key terms: al-haqq almuhammadi al-fatimi al-mahdi. Therefore it is certainly technically correct to say that
the Fatimids called themselves Fatimid from quite early. It would not have been used
in this fashion otherwise. The terms al-imam al-fatimi and al-fatimiyyin also appear
in early pro-Fatimid poetry45.
Significantly, however, it appears in this one instance joined by two other
adjectives, Muhammadan and mahdist (al-muhammadi and al-mahdi), either or both
of which have the same claim to apply to the dynasty. The latter term al-mahdi or its
plural al-mahdiyyun/al-mahdiyyin, moreover, was, to judge from the khuhbas and other
surviving documents, the standard way these early Fatimids referred to themselves.
The phrase khulafa, al-rashidin al-mahdiyyin “the rightly guided mahdist caliphs” was
a part of the very first Fatimid khutba. Al-Qa,im in 302 asked for God’s blessings on
al-khulafa, al-rashidin al-mahdiyyin. In al-Mansur’s first khutba he uses the words ibn
al-mahdiyyin “son of the mahdis” for his grandfather. Later in the same sermon he cites
al-hudat al-mahdiyyin (“the rightly guided guides”). In a subsequent khutba he speaks
of al-Mahdi as warith fadl al-a,imma al-mahdiyyin min aba,ihi al-khulafa, al-rashidin
the inheritor of the excellence of the mahdist imams from his forefathers, the rightly
guided caliphs. In the same sermon he calls al-Mahdi the distinguished offspring of
the rightly guided imams (najib al-a,imma al-mahdiyyin). The phrase al-a,imma almahdiyyin becomes standard in subsequent khutbas. And it appears regularly in many
contexts –documents and khutbas– throughout the Fatimid period46.
Many of the khutbas feature condemnations of various enemies of the
Fatimids. The very earliest text requests God to:
grant him [the Imam] victory over Your apostate enemies (a,da,ika almariqin), and heal through him the breasts of the believers, conquer
through him the easts of the land and its wests as You promised him,
support him against the iniquitous rebels.
Those who oppose the Fatimid cause are in fact enemies of God. In the
earliest sermon by al-Mansur he says:
Bring down upon his [meaning his father, al-Qa,im’s] enemies, in the
east and the west, on land and on the sea, the most severe assaults and
45
See M. al-Ya‘lawi (Yalaoui), al-Adab bi-Ifriqiya fi’l-‘ahd al-fatimi, pp. 37 and 139. These two
references were brought to my attention by Tahera Qutbuddin.
46
One other term that might have been considered is “Ismaili” (Isma‘ili). However, it appears no
where in the khutbas and is exceedingly rare in Fatimid era literature as a whole.
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retributions that You have done or caused to occur with any of those
who were enemies of Yours, with destructive misfortune, dishonoring
exemplary punishments; destroy them by annihilation and burn them in
the fire of hell.
The first khutba by al-Qa,im deals with specific dynastic opponents, here
the Abbasids and the Umayyads. Responding to the situation in which he was at the
time having invaded Abbasid Egypt, al-Qa,im castigates both the rulers in Baghdad
and also their predecessors, the Umayyads. Although he does not say so in this khutba,
descendants of the Umayyads he denounces were still governing Spain and portions
of far western North Africa. They thus remained to be overcome and defeated just like
the Abbasids.
The lying apostate community, reneging on its intentions, deviating from
the command of their Lord, suppose that it has been correct in what it
claims about its caliphs whom they insist are the caliphs of the Lord of
the worlds, such as a youth not yet mature, like the boy lacking knowledge, or like the child who, according to their claim, governs Islam. And
yet among them women bring them wine from every valley and region
on the backs of horses and in the bottoms of ships. As God the exalted
said: “They take their priests and monks as lords besides God” [9: 31].
They spend the funds of orphans and the poor, wrongly on their part and
unjustly, for singing lute players, skilled tamburists, and ma‘zatanists47,
and talented drummers. You have seen their governors of cities, how one
of them mounts the wooden pulpit of the Prophet’s minbar to preach to
the people but he does not preach to himself. Rather he descends from
that position and inquires of those in that land for male and female singers, tamburists, ‘ud players, thieves, short change artists, and shavers of
weights so that those can be brought to serve him. God curses the unjust
and prepares for them a blazing fire. That man is someone who neither
commands the good nor prohibits the bad.
So much for the Abbasids. For the Umayyads he names specific names.
O God, curse Your enemies, the people who disobey You among the ancients and the later comers: the nation of Noah in the two worlds –truly
they were an impious group and ‘Ad and Thamud, and the Associates of
al-Rass48, and the tyrants of the tribe of Umayya and tribe of Marwan,
and Mu‘awiya b. Abi Sufyan, who took from Your servants the rightful
share of dinars and dirhams, and waged war with them against the Emigrants and Helpers. Curse ‘Amr b. al-‘As, [Here he lists fourteen more],
and those who were faithless and deviant, the apostates, transgressors
and heretics, and those who put off [acknowledging ‘Ali’s succession]
and those who refrained from going to war under the Commander of the
Believers.
It should be noted that this list, by including the names of certain Umayyads
or Umayyad supporters and not others, suggests that the enemies named are worse
than those not mentioned. Al-Qa,im likely knew what he was doing. He did not for
47
Players of the short-necked lute.
For the meaning, identity and significance of those named here and in the following passage,
see the notes to this “khutba” in part two of Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs.
48
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example explicitly condemn Abu Bakr or ‘Umar, the two earliest caliphs whom the
Shi‘a generally castigate vehemently, or the third caliph ‘Uthman, who was himself
an Umayyad and usually considered an enemy. To invoke the curse of God on any
of these three in Egypt at the time of this khutba would have provoked a strongly
negative reaction. In contrast the men named, who al-Qa,im likens to a set of enemies
cited in the Qur,an (the nation of Noah, ‘Ad, Thamud, and the Associates of al-Rass),
were not even remotely as well regarded.
5. CONCLUSIONS
The public face of Shi‘ism, as it appears in the few sermons to reach us
from the Fatimid period, suggests that, even in situations fraught with partisan conflict
and the potential for violent opposition, the preacher held to a fairly clear message.
Thus despite some evidence of caution and the use of rhetorical strategies designed
to bridge sharp divides of doctrine, the words spoken, most particularly in the request
for God to bestow His favor on the Ismaili imams, consistently upheld the Shi‘i
position against that of the Sunnis and of the Fatimids of North Africa and Egypt
in direct opposition to the Abbasids of Baghdad. The enemies of a dynasty could be
castigated, even cursed, from the pulpit; asking for God to bless one party might be
pared with another request for Him to condemn the other. And one individual khatib
may have uttered sentiments of support or those of rejection and aversion, both for
and against the same ruler barely more than a week apart. But it is less obvious that
he managed the switch on his own rather than depend on a precise written text in all
likelihood produced by an authority higher than himself, which was handed to him for
the occasion. Written copies are, moreover, apparently a key to the survival of any of
the sermons. If a khutba did not originate as a written document, no exact notion of
what was said in it has come down to us. That rule applies also to those by the caliphs.
6. APPENDIX: QIRWASH’S KHUTBA
God is great, God is great; there is no god but God.
For Him is the praise of those who are, by His light, above the floods of fury,
who, by His power, burst asunder the pillars supporting idols, who, by His light, cause
the rising of the sun of truth from the west, who, by His justice, blot out the tyranny
of injustice and break, by His might, the back of inequity so that matters revert to
their original state and truth returns to its owners. Distinct in His essence, alone in
His attributes, manifest in His signs, solitary in His indications, time passes by Him
not so that the seasons preceded Him and forms do not resemble Him so that places
contain Him. Eyes do not see Him so that tongues can describe Him. His existence is
prior to all existences; His goodness surpasses all goodness. His oneness is fixed in
every intellect; His presence exists in every vision. I praise Him with what is required
of His grateful friends, the highest of praise for Him. I implore Him to do as He wills
and wants. I acknowledge about Him what His most sincere friends and His witnesses
acknowledge. I bear witness that there is no god but God, alone, no partner does
He have; this is testimony unadulterated with the filth of idolatry or afflicted with
delusions of doubt. It is free of deceit; it consists solely of obedience and submission.
I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and His messenger, may God
bless him. He chose him and selected him for the guidance of the people and for the
upholding of the truth so that the message and guidance away from error arrives.
The populace was at that time heedless and astray from the path of truth because of
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following personal whims. He saved them from the worship of idols and commanded
them to obey the most Merciful so that the proofs of God and His signs were upheld.
He brought to perfection his words by the delivery of them49, may God bless him,
and bless the first to respond to him, ‘Ali, the Commander of the Faithful and Lord
of the Legatees, the establisher of excellence and mercy, the pillar of knowledge and
wisdom, the root of the noble and righteous tree generated from the sacred and pure
trunk. And [blessings be] on his successors, the lofty branches of that same tree, and
on what comes from it: the fruit that grows there.
O people, “fear God with the piety He is due” [3: 102]; seek His reward:
beware of His punishment. You have seen what was recited to you in His book. God
the exalted said: “the day We summon all the people by their imam” [17: 71] and He
said: “O you who believe, obey God and obey the messenger and obey those with
command among you” [4: 59]. So beware, beware, O people, it is as if the present
world were leading you to the next. Its conditions have become clear, the pathway
looms up, interrogation is its reckoning and entry is according to its book: “thus
whosoever does an atom’s weight of good he will see it; whosoever does an atom’s
weight of bad he will see it” [99: 7-8]. Climb aboard the ship of your salvation before
you founder; “hold fast to the rope of God altogether, do not scatter” [3: 103]. Know
that He knows what is in your souls, so beware of Him50. Return to God with the
best of returns, respond to the summoner51 who is the gateway of compliance, before
“you yourself should say, Ah, woe is me, I neglected my duty to God and am now
among those who scoffed; or should say, alas, if God had guided me I would have
been among the God-fearing; or should say, upon seeing the punishment, O that I
could have another chance that I might be among those who do good” [39: 56-58].
Be on your guard against heedlessness and indifference before that remorse, and the
sorrow, the hoping for another chance, the begging for redemption, and “it is too late
to escape” [38: 3]. Obey your imam and you will be well guided; cling to the holder
of the covenant and you will be led on the right way. He has shown you knowledge
by which you are led rightly and the path by which you are guided. May God make
us and you those who follow His wish; He makes faith his provision. He inspires
him with his piety and good sense. May God the most magnificent grant us and you
forgiveness, and for all Muslims the same.
[Then he sat and rose again and said:]
Praise be to God who is the most glorious and who is the creator of
mankind, who determines the divisions though He is [Himself] matchless in eternity
and perpetuity, who causes the dawns to break, who creates phantoms and makes
spirits. I praise Him as the first and the last. I testify that He is the outward and
the inner. I seek His aid as the divine power. I request His support as the victorious
guardian. And I testify that there is no god but God, alone, who has no associate,
and that Muhammad is His servant and His messenger, this testimony from one
who affirms His absolute oneness in true faith and who confesses to His divinity
willingly, knowing the demonstration of what He summons to and understanding the
truth of the proofs for Him. O God, bless your radiant guardian and your greatest
friend, ‘Ali b. Abi Talib, the father of the rightly guided imams. O God, bless the two
pure grandsons al-Hasan and al-Husayn and the righteous imams, the best and most
49
50
51
Qur,an, vol. 6, p. 115.
Qur,an, vol. 2, p. 235.
Qur,an, vol. 46, p. 31.
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excellent, those of them that stood forth and appeared and those of them that were
concealed and hidden52. O God, bless the imam who is “The One rightly guided by
You” [al-Mahdi bi-llah], and who conveyed Your commandments and made manifest
Your proofs and who took up the cause of justice in Your lands as the guide for Your
servants. O God, bless “The one who takes charge by Your order” [al-Qa,im bi-amr
Allah] and “The one who is victorious through Your support” [al-Mansur bi-nasr
Allah], these two who expended themselves for Your satisfaction and waged holy war
on Your enemies. O God, bless “The one who makes strong Your religion” [al-Mu‘izz
li-din Allah], warrior in Your cause who revealed Your authentic signs and prominent
proofs. O God, bless “The one who is mighty because of You” [al-‘Aziz bi-llah] by
whom the land is cleared and by whom the servants are guided. O God, extend all of
Your blessings and the most perfect of Your favors to our lord and master, the imam
of the age, fortress of the faith, head of the Aliid da‘wa and prophetic religion, Your
servant and guardian on Your behalf, al-Mansur Abu ‘Ali al-Hakim bi-amr Allah,
Commander of the Believers, just as You blessed his rightly guided forefathers and
as You ennobled Your saints who were rightly guided. O God, bear in mind what You
have appointed him to do and safeguard him in what You observe of him. Favor him
in what You bring to him; support his armies; raise high his banners in the east of the
land and its west, for indeed You are capable of all things.
[Source: Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam, 7: 248-51; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum
al-zahira, 4: 224-27]
7. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Islam” 20 (1996), pp. 130-161.
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2nd. edition, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1960-2004.
Golmohammadi, J., minbar. 2, Encyclopaedia of Islam. 2nd. edition, Leiden, E.J.
Brill, 1960-2004.
Ibn al-Athir, ‘Izz al-Din Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali, al-Kamil fi’l-ta’rikh, Carl Johan Tornberg
(ed.), Leiden, 1867; reprinted Beirut, Dar Sadir, 1965-67.
Ibn ‘Idhari, Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Marrakushi, Kitab al-Bayan almughrib fi akhbar al-Andalus wa’l-Maghrib, George S. Colin; É. LéviProvençal (eds.), Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1948, vol. I.
Ibn al-Jawzi, Abu’l-Faraj ‘Abd al-Rahman, al-Muntazam fi ta’rikh al-muluk wa’lumam, Haydarabad, Matba‘t Da’irat al-Ma‘arif al-‘Uthmaniyya, 1939.
Ibn Khallikan, Ahmad b. Muhammad, Wafayat al-a‘yan, Ihsan ‘Abbas (ed.), Beirut,
Dar al-Thaqafa, 1968, 8 vols. (English translation of M. de Slane, 4 vols.,
Paris, Oriental Translation Fund, 1842-1871).
Ibn Muyassar, Taj al-Din Muhammad, al-Muntaqa min Akhbar Misr, Ayman Fuad
Sayyid (ed.), Cairo, Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire,
1981.
Ibn Sa‘id, ‘Ali b. Musa al-Maghribi, al-Nujum al-zahira fi hula hadrat al-Qahira,
al-qism al-khass bi’l-Qahira min Kitab al-Mughrib fi hula al-Maghrib,
Husayn Nassar (ed.), Cairo, Matba‘at Dar al-Kutub, 1970.
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This is a reference to those imams in the Ismaili line –usually said to be three between Muhammad b. Isma‘il b. Ja‘far al-Sadiq and al-Mahdi– who went into hidden to avoid Abbasid persecution.
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Ibn Taghri Birdi, Jamal al-Din Abu’l-Mahasin, al-Nujum al-zahira fi muluk Misr
wa’l-Qahira, Cairo, 1929-49; Cairo, Matba‘at Dar al-Kutub, 1963-1971.
Ibn al-Tuwayr, Abu Muhammad ‘Abd al-Salam, Nuzhat al-muqlatayn fi akhbar aldawlatayn, Ayman Fuad Sayyid (ed.), Beirut, Franz Steiner Verlag, 1992.
Ibn Zafir, Jamal al-Din ‘Ali, Akhbar al-duwal al-munqati‘a, André Ferré (ed.), Cairo,
Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire, 1972.
al-Jawdhari, Abu ‘Ali al-Mansur, Sirat Ustadh Jawdhar, M. K. Husayn; M. ‘Abd alHadi Sha‘ira (eds.), Cairo, Dar al-Fikr al-‘‘Arabi, 1954; French transation
of M. Canard, Vie de l’ustadh Jaudhar, Alger, La TypoLitho et J. Carbonel,
1958.
al-Maqrizi, Taqi al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad, Itti‘az al-hunafa’ bi-akhbar al-a’imma
al-fatimiyyin al-khulafa’, vol. I, Jamal al-Din al-Shayyal (ed.); vols. II-III,
Muhammad Hilmi Muhammad Ahmad (ed.), Cairo, 1967-1973.
al-Maqrizi, Taqi al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad, al-Khitat (al-ma‘ruf bi’l-mawa‘iz
wa’l-i‘tibar bi’dhikr al-khitat wa’l-athar), Bulaq, 1853, 2 vols. New edition
A. F. Sayyid, London, al-Furqan Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2002-2004,
5 vols. (unless otherwise noted all references are to this edition).
al-Maqrizi, Taqi al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad, Kitab al-Muqaffa al-kabir, M. alYa‘lawi (ed.), Beirut, Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1991, 8 vols.
Metz, Adam, The Renaissance of Islam, S. Kh. Bukhsh; D. S. Margoliouth (trads.),
London, Luzac and Co., 1937.
al-Musabbihi, al-Mukhtar ‘Izz al-Mulk Muhammad, al-Juz al-arba‘un min Akhbar
Misr, part 1 (historical section), Ayman Fuad Sayyid; Th. Bianquis (eds.),
Cairo, Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire, 1978.
al-Nuwayri, Shihab al-Din Ahmad, Nihayat al-arab fi funun al-adab: al-Juz althamin wa’l-‘ishrun, Muhammad Muhammad Amin; Muhammad Hilmi
Muhammad Ahmad (ed.), Cairo, Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1992.
Pedersen, J., minbar. 1. and Khatib, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd. edition, Leiden,
E. J. Brill, 1960-2004.
Pellat, Ch., Ibn Sharaf al-Kayrawani, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd. edition, Leiden,
E. J. Brill, 1960-2004.
al-Qalqashandi, Shihab al-Din Ahmad, Subh al-a‘sha fi sina‘at al-insha, Cairo, alMu’assasa al-Misriyya al-‘Amma lil-Ta’lif wa’l-Tarjama wa’l-Tiba‘a wa’lNashr, 1912-1938.
Qadi al-Nu‘man, Da‘a’im al-Islam, A. A. A. Fyzee (ed.), Cairo, Dar al-Ma‘arif, 19511961; translation of Fyzee and I. Poonawala, New Delhi, Oxford University
Press, 2002-2004, 2 vols.
Sanders, Paula, Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Cairo, Albany, N.Y., State
University of New York Press, 1994.
Schmucker, W., mubahala, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd. edition, Leiden, E. J. Brill,
1960-2004.
Tritton, A. S., Ahl al-kisa’, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd. edition, Leiden, E. J. Brill,
1960-2004.
Viguera Molins, María Jesús, Los predicadores de la corte en Saber religioso y poder
político en el Islam: Actas del Simposio Internacional (Granada, 15-18
octubre 1991), Madrid, Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional,
1994, pp. 319-332.
Walker, Paul E., Exploring an Islamic Empire: Fatimid History and Its Sources,
London, I. B. Tauris, 2002.
Walker, Paul E., Orations of the Fatimid caliphs: festival sermons of the Ismaili
imams: an edition of the Arabic texts and English translation of Fatimid
“khutbas”, London, I. B. Tauris, 2009.
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PAUL E. WALKER
Wensinck, A. J. Khutba, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 19602004.
al-Ya‘lawi (Yalaoui), Muhammad, al-Adab bi-Ifriqiya fi’l-‘ahd al-fatimi, Beirut, Dar
al-Gharb al-Islami, 1986.
Fecha de recepción del artículo: diciembre 2011
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 141-161
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
PREDICAZIONE E CURA PASTORALE.
I SERMONI DELLA CLARISSA VENEZIANA CHIARA BUGNI
(1471-1514)1
PREACHING AND PASTORAL CARE.
THE SERMONI OF THE VENETIAN CLARISSAN NUN CHIARA BUGNI
(1471-1514)
GABRIELLA ZARRI
Università di Firenze
Riassunto: Si analizzano i Sermoni della
clarissa veneziana Chiara Bugni (14711514) a partire dalla recente edizione
dal Libro della beata Chiara, composto alla metà del Cinquecento. I Sermoni
documentano la prassi della predicazione
dell’abbadessa all’interno del monastero
e sono distinte dalle visioni e rivelazioni
affidate alla Vita composta dal confessore.
Si conferma così una duplice funzione della predicazione femminile: quella profetica, rivolta all’esterno, e quella ex officio
di carattere esortativo e pastorale.
Abstract: This article analyzes the Sermons of the Venetian Clarissian nun Chiara Bugni (1471-1514) based on a recent
edition of the Libro della beata Chiara,
composed in the mid-sixteenth century.
The sermons document the practice of the
preaching of the abbess of the monastery
and they are distinct from the visions and
revelations affirmed in the Vita composed
by her confessor. This confirms a double
function of feminine preaching: that of
the prophetess, oriented outward, and that
of an ex officio kind of a hortatory and
pastoral character.
Parole chiave: scrittura monastica; biografia e rivelazione; predicazione femminile ex officio.
Keywords: monastic writing; biography
and revelation; extra-official women’s
preaching.
SOMMARIO
1. Premessa.– 2. Il Libro della beata Chiara.– 3. Chiara Bugni e la Vita composta da Francesco
Zorzi.– 4. La predicazione ex officio.– 5. Il testamento spirituale.– 6. I Sermoni di Chiara Bugni
alle consorelle: il fondamento della carità.– 7. I Sermoni di Chiara Bugni alle consorelle: la
pazienza e l’umiltà.– 8. I Sermoni di Chiara Bugni alle consorelle: l’ubbidienza.– 9. Il congedo
di Chiara Bugni: la predicazione femminile.– 10. Bibliografia.
1
Abbreviature utilizzate: ASV = Archivio di Stato di Venezia; Libro = Libro della beata Chiara.
142
GABRIELLA ZARRI
1. PREMESSA
Per secoli ignorata dall’Ordine religioso a cui si era consacrata, dimenticata
perfino nell’ambiente cittadino in cui era vissuta, la clarissa Chiara Bugni è ritornata
recentemente alla memoria come protagonista di una vicenda mistica e intellettuale
che molto ha da dirci sulla religiosità del primo Cinquecento veneziano. Professa nel
monastero del Santo Sepolcro di Venezia, fondato da diverse nobildonne sfuggite alla
presa di Negroponte da parte dei Turchi nel 1470, visse nascostamente per un quindicennio fino a quando il confessore non rivelò i doni mistici di cui Chiara Bugni era
stata insignita. Tra il 1507 circa e il 1511 tutta Venezia seguì con partecipazione ed
interesse il gran mistero che si svolgeva tra le mura monastiche. L’eccessivo rumore
provocò l’intervento di un visitatore dell’ordine francescano che impose alla clarissa
il silenzio e la carcerazione nel monastero. Dopo tre anni la mistica morì lasciando
dietro di sé una duratura fama di santità.
Gli studi sulla clarissa veneziana hanno ricevuto impulso nell’ultimo trentennio sulla scia dell’interesse per la dottrina e le opere del teologo francescano
Francesco Zorzi, Guardiano del monastero di San Francesco della Vigna e direttore
spirituale delle monache del Santo Sepolcro, e nell’ambito delle ricerche sulla santità femminile e sul fenomeno delle “sante vive” nel primo Cinquecento2. Da questo
congiunto interesse sono scaturite indagini importanti tanto sul piano dell’approfondimento filosofico che documentario. La vita di Francesco Zorzi, teologo cabalista,
autore di opere che ebbero fama europea nel secolo XVI e oltre, è stata puntualmente
ricostruita da Saverio Campanini3 e la biografia di Chiara Bugni ha avuto una propria
collocazione all’interno della storia complessiva della comunità monastica in cui era
vissuta attraverso la pubblicazione del Libro della beata Chiara, opera che segna una
tappa miliare nella conoscenza della vita religiosa del primo Cinquecento4.
2. IL LIBRO DELLA BEATA CHIARA
Prima della pubblicazione del Libro della beata Chiara, la vita e i sermoni
di Chiara Bugni erano conosciuti tramite una edizione seicentesca5 e un testimone manoscritto conservato nel convento veneziano di San Francesco della Vigna6. A questi
testi fanno riferimento gli studi fin qui prodotti e sopra citati. Il lungo lavoro di ricerca
condotto in relazione all’edizione di questo manoscritto ha fatto emergere nuovi testimoni e in particolare ha portato alla luce il Libro della beata Chiara, confezionato
nella seconda metà del Cinquecento dal confessore del monastero, il sacerdote fiorentino Andrea Pillolini, in collaborazione con le monache. Composto tra il 1562 e
2
Si citano i primi saggi di riferimento su Francesco Zorzi e Chiara Bugni: C. Vasoli, Intorno a
Francesco Giorgio Veneto, pp. 129-403. Per i rapporti con Chiara Bugni: idem, Un “precedente”
della Vergine Veneziana, pp. 203-225; G. Zarri, Le sante vive, p. 96 e rispettive note; eadem, Madri
dell’anima, vol. XVII, pp. 415-435.
3
F. Zorzi, L’armonia del mondo, pp. 11-43; cf. anche G. Busi, Francesco Zorzi. Un metodico
sognatore, pp. 161-186.
4
L’edizione critica del Libro è in: R. Mueller, G. Zarri (eds.), La Vita e i Sermoni di Chiara
Bugni. Nelle pagine che seguono riporto alcune informazioni più ampiamente espresse nel saggio
introduttivo a questa edizione: G. Zarri, Chiara Bugni e Francesco Zorzi suo biografo, pp. 11-39.
5
Marco da Lisbona, Croniche de li Ordini instituiti, parte IV, tomo III.
6
Questo manoscritto è stato oggetto della tesi di laurea di Stefania Cavalli, che ne ha condotto
l’edizione. S. Cavalli, Beata Chiara Bugni.
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PREDICAZIONE E CURA PASTORALE
143
il 1563, il libro contiene la traduzione della vita di Chiara Bugni tratta dagli appunti
latini di Francesco Zorzi, le Esortazioni, o sermoni, dati dalla mistica alle consorelle
e trascritti da una monaca di nome Augustina, infine una seconda vita di Chiara Bugni
compilata all’interno del monastero. Più completo rispetto agli altri testimoni e primo in ordine di tempo, il Libro della beata Chiara, ora conservato al Museo Correr
di Venezia, appare anche più consono ad illustrare un peculiare esempio di scrittura
monastica condotta da più persone e su diversi registri.
Basilare resta la vita del primo biografo, il colto Francesco Zorzi, che consegna un testo incompiuto ma già organizzato per essere completato con immagini
e figure. L’andamento diaristico della biografia lascia supporre che essa fosse stata
compilata durante la vita della Bugni o almeno poco tempo dopo la sua morte. Il progetto non fu tuttavia portato a compimento per il mutare degli interessi del teologo o
forse per il mutare dei tempi. Certo la stesura di questo testo deve collocarsi in data
anteriore al 1540, anno di morte dello Zorzi. I diversi decenni trascorsi tra questo
primo resoconto delle visioni e miracoli della clarissa e la compilazione del Libro ora
edito sono carichi di eventi sconvolgenti per la città di Venezia e per l’intera cristianità. Lo stesso biografo, noto per cultura e santità di vita nei primi decenni del Cinquecento, a metà secolo risulta ormai autore sospetto di eresia e i suoi testi maggiori
saranno di lì a poco sottoposti a emendazione e posti all’indice7. Ciò non impedisce
che all’interno del monastero egli goda ancora di grande rispetto e autorità e Andrea
Pillolini ne traduce fedelmente lo scritto inserendolo in una compilazione che non ha
soltanto uno scopo edificante, ma è probabilmente pensata in funzione di una auspicata canonizzazione di Chiara Bugni.
A glorificare la mistica clarissa concorrono dunque la fama in vita, la biografia di un teologo illustre, le parole della santa raccolte e trascritte dalle consorelle
ed infine un nuovo ritratto elaborato all’interno del convento, mettendo a frutto le
informazioni mancanti nella prima biografia e le virtù e miracoli della beata filtrati
attraverso l’esperienza delle consorelle e tramandate nella seconda biografia.
Il Libro della beata Chiara appare dunque l’espressione più compiuta della
continuità della fama di santità della Bugni all’interno del convento e della volontà di
promuoverne il culto; e al tempo stesso rappresenta un esempio singolare di scrittura
conventuale comunitaria in cui concorrono, con unità d’intenti e pari dignità, noti
teologi, colti sacerdoti e monache acculturate.
In questo breve saggio non si potrà dar conto di tutti gli aspetti del Libro
che presentano interesse dal punto di vista storico. Accenneremo alla vita scritta da
Francesco Zorzi e approfondiremo maggiormente i Sermoni di Chiara Bugni, ma vorremmo ugualmente sottolineare la cornice in cui questi testi vengono inseriti.
Le estese ricerche condotte da Reinhold C. Mueller sull’ambiente e le figure
che circondano Chiara Bugni forniscono nuova luce sull’origine del monastero veneziano del Santo Sepolcro e sulle prime fondatrici8. Esse confermano tuttavia le asserzioni con cui si aprono le prime pagine del Libro della beata Chiara: il racconto della
fondazione del monastero. La vita della monaca illustre in santità non viene in questo
scritto composito proposta e rappresentata come un unicum avulso dal contesto in cui
opera: essa viene inserita nel tessuto vivente di una comunità che la eleva ad esempio
di virtù e di dottrina presentandola tuttavia come la parte di un tutto. Nel redigere Il
libro della beata Chiara la comunità del Santo Sepolcro intende fare memoria della
propria origine ed identità, con lo scopo di consegnare questa memoria alle consorelle
che si affilieranno al convento.
7
8
C. Vasoli, Nuovi documenti sulla condanna all’indice, pp. 55-78.
R. Mueller, Ambienti ecclesiastici e laici, pp. 63-122.
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GABRIELLA ZARRI
Come avviene anche in altri casi, e in particolare nei monasteri osservanti,
a partire dalla metà del Quattrocento le monache acquistano maggiore coscienza della propria identità, contrassegnata da una più rigorosa disciplina, e intraprendono la
stesura di cronache monastiche il cui fine è quello di fare memoria del proprio modus
vivendi e delle religiose che vivono santamente9. Tra le cronache italiane più significative per continuità e ricchezza di particolari si segnalano il Memoriale di Monteluce,
delle clarisse perugine10, e quello di Santa Lucia di Foligno, culla dell’osservanza
francescana nell’Italia centrale11.
Non mancano cronache monastiche anche nell’ambiente veneziano. Tra
queste spicca per originalità e per intento polemico quella del Monastero delle Vergini. Composta negli anni Venti del Cinquecento per rivendicare i privilegi delle
nobili professe che si oppongono alla riforma imposta dal Patriarca Antonio Contarini, il testo è redatto in latino e corredato da ricche miniature. Diversa per scopi,
dichiaratamente volti a contrastare vita comune e clausura, ma ugualmente diretta
a trasmettere monumento della nobiltà del monastero e della cultura delle professe,
la cronaca del monastero delle Vergini partecipa di un comune intento di lasciare
memoria dell’istituzione e del suo peculiare modo di vivere12. Come diversi studi
recenti hanno rilevato, la conservazione e trasmissione della memoria di un monastero nell’età rinascimentale non è solamente affidata al ricordo delle donne illustri
per santità ma è accompagnato da un preciso riferimento all’istituzione e a quanto
in essa appare peculiare. Nel Libro della beata Chiara il ricordo della vita santa di
Chiara Bugni è strettamente connesso con la disciplina e l’osservanza del monastero.
Alle Esortazioni, ossia Sermoni, della abbadessa morente sono affidate le parole che
fondano l’edificio spirituale della comunità. Carità, umiltà e obbedienza sono le virtù
che le professe debbono osservare per vivere in pace e nella grazia del Signore. Le
esortazioni pronunciate dalla beata in punto di morte sono il lascito che le consorelle
raccolgono dalle labbra di Chiara Bugni e che trasmettono in scritto a coloro che verranno negli anni a seguire. Non è presente nel testo il ricordo delle altre professe del
Santo Sepolcro morte in concetto di santità. E’ noto infatti che Beatrice Venier, una
delle fondatrici del monastero, era ritenuta beata al pari della Bugni. La sua influenza spirituale non aveva tuttavia raggiunto la fama di Chiara, la cui vita miracolosa
aveva attratto l’attenzione di principi, alti prelati e città. Il ricordo della Venier avrà
ugualmente un posto di prestigio nella memoria del monastero, ma sarà destinato ad
un luogo diverso: il Catastico delle possessioni del convento13. Finalizzato a lasciare
testimonianza della fondazione e ampliamento dell’istituto conventuale, il libro del
Catastico si apre infatti con la biografia della Venier, una delle prime professe che
era convissuta con Chiara in unità d’intenti e santità di vita. Comprenderemo meglio
i motivi della fama di santità di Chiara Bugni addentrandoci brevemente nell’analisi
della vita della clarissa tramandataci da Francesco Zorzi, francescano dell’Osservanza e curatore spirituale del convento.
9
Su queste tematiche véase da ultimo: G. Zarri, N. Baranda Leturio (eds.), Memoria e comunità
femminili.
10
U. Nicolini (ed.), Memoriale di Monteluce; G. Zarri, R. Chiacchella (coords.), Memoriale di
Monteluce, vol. II.
11
Ricordanze del Monastero di Santa Lucia.
12
G. Zarri, Venetian Convents, pp. 37-56; K. Lowe, Nuns’ Chronicles.
13
ASV, Santo Sepolcro, b. 1, reg. A, Catastico dei Beni. Sulle fonti relative a Beatrice Venier si
veda il puntuale intervento di S. Rauch, La Vita della beata Chiara Bugni, pp. 3-26.
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3. CHIARA BUGNI E LA VITA COMPOSTA DA FRANCESCO ZORZI
La santità di Chiara Bugni appariva particolarmente significativa agli occhi
dei contemporanei per la singolarità delle grazie che le erano state concesse e per la
missione a cui si diceva chiamata in un alternarsi di visioni ed ostensioni di oggetti
materiali di origine sacra che conferivano alla religiosa un segno inequivocabile di
predilezione divina e di santità. Di nobile famiglia, Chiara nacque a Venezia nel 1471.
Entrò nel 1489 nella comunità di terziarie francescane del Santo Sepolcro, fondata
nel 1481, che divenne di clausura nel 1499, sotto la direzione dei Francescani Osservanti. Nel 1504 venne eletta abbadessa, carica che detenne fino al 1511, anno in cui
il provinciale dell’ordine vietò la sua rielezione. Durante il suo ufficio si erano infatti
manifestati alcuni dei più importanti prodigi che la riguardavano e un Commissario
visitatore, inviato dai superiori dell’ordine nello stesso 1511 si dimostrò scettico nei
confronti dei fenomeni ritenuti miracolosi e deprecò il singulare et peregrinum genus
vitae14 della clarissa, obiettando che la quiete del convento era perturbata per l’eccessiva frequenza delle visite. A Chiara venne dunque imposto il silenzio e la carcerazione; fu costretta infatti a vivere in abdito domus recessu ab hominum Sororumque
conspectu semotam15. Pochi anni dopo, nel giorno delle Stigmate di san Francesco, il
17 settembre 1514, Chiara Bugni morì lasciando nel dolore le consorelle che continuarono a prestare fede alla sua santità e al suo insegnamento. La vita di astinenza e
le visioni della clarissa erano di fatto state divulgate in città fin dal 1507 e divennero
presto note, tanto che lo stesso Marin Sanudo, senatore della Repubblica e storiografo,
diede spesso ragguaglio nei suoi Diarii degli eventi che riguardavano la donna e il
monastero16. Quanto sappiamo di lei, tuttavia, si deve quasi interamente alla leggenda
agiografica composta da Francesco Zorzi.
Quali erano le rivelazioni della clarissa che tanto avevano interessato il colto biografo e avevano destato scalpore nell’ambiente cittadino? Quali potevano essere
stati i motivi che avevano spinto Francesco Zorzi ad annotare quelle visioni e ad abbandonare successivamente il proposito di comporre una biografia della Bugni? Senza
dubbio l’interesse del teologo ha una motivazione culturale e speculativa in ordine al
problema allora scottante della profezia vera e falsa, intorno a cui si concentravano le
riflessioni dei domenicani savonaroliani e di filosofi eclettici come Giovan Francesco
Pico; e certo non poteva mancare il tentativo di interpretare in senso cabalistico le
manifestazioni che riguardavano la mistica clarissa. Tuttavia i fenomeni mistici che
concernevano Chiara Bugni erano strettamente connessi con temi e problemi, quali la
stigmatizzazione e i miracoli eucaristici, che nei primi due decenni del Cinquecento
attiravano l’attenzione dei teologi e dell’ “intellighenzia” religiosa e laica di diversi
paesi europei. Prima di indicare alcuni possibili spunti interpretativi concernenti i
fenomeni mistici di Chiara Bugni, è opportuno esaminare il racconto che Francesco
Zorzi ne fornisce con ricchezza di particolari.
Le prime visioni della clarissa veneziana riportate nella Vita del teologo
francescano risalgono all’anno 1503 e si infittiscono tra il 1506 e il 1507, per poi
diradarsi lentamente. Hanno il carattere di rivelazione iniziatica. Più volte Chiara asserisce di essere tenuta al segreto, anzi una volta afferma esplicitamente: Sappi, figliuolo mio, come li doni divini vengono con tal conditione, che essendo tenuti secreti,
14
L. Wadding, Annales minorum, vol. VII, pp. 541-548: citazioni a p. 547.
Ibidem.
16
Sulla vita e l’ambiente della monaca rinvio al saggio di R. Mueller, Ambienti ecclesiastici e
laici, pp. 63-122.
15
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si conservano, et manifestati si perdono17. Nonostante ciò, la mistica rivela a poco a
poco i doni che le sono stati dati, premurandosi di dichiarare di farlo con il consenso di
Dio, fino a pretendere che siano pubblicati, cioè resi pubblici, dallo stesso Francesco
Zorzi18.
In questo graduale processo di disvelamento, la Bugni alterna reticenze con
manifestazioni di impazienza, che ricalcano le invettive profetiche di Geremia, come
quando scrive lettere per ingiungere ai francescani di predicare l’annuncio della redenzione del mondo19. Quanto al carattere di segretezza, questo è mantenuto dallo
stesso Zorzi e forse imposto dalle autorità ecclesiastiche, data la straordinarietà degli
eventi e delle manifestazioni miracolose che coinvolgono la clarissa e il monastero.
Nella primavera del 1507 il Cardinal Domenico Grimani, Protettore dell’ordine francescano, è incaricato di compiere una visita al monastero del Santo Sepolcro
per accertarsi della veridicità dei fatti che avvengono in quel luogo, e poco tempo
dopo la visita i “misteri” concernenti la monaca vengono divulgati in città. Sotto la
data 15 aprile 1507 Marin Sanudo sintetizza con precisione i doni celesti ricevuti da
Chiara Bugni:
L’abbadessa dil Sepulcro, qual non manza, vive di comunion, à auto
sangue, late, aqua di Cristo in una impoleta, sì che è santa. El cardinal
Grimani, suo protetor, quando el fu qui a Venecia, fo nel monasterio per
veder, sì come ho scripto di sopra20.
Dalla testimonianza del cronista apprendiamo dunque che suor Chiara vive
in completa astinenza e si ciba solo di eucarestia; ha inoltre ricevuto dal cielo sangue
e acqua di Cristo e latte della Vergine divise in diverse ampolle. Le annotazioni di
Marin Sanudo sono l’unica testimonianza esterna alla biografia fino ad ora reperita.
Per addentrarci nei misteri di Chiara occorre dunque affidarci alle parole di Francesco Zorzi.
Il teologo francescano compone in un tutto armonico l’esperienza mistica
della donna, raccontando come dopo la conversione, avvenuta ascoltando una predica, Chiara entrò in monastero e qui iniziò una vita di austerità e penitenza, descritta
secondo la tipologia trasmessa dalla leggenda agiografica di Caterina da Siena: la
religiosa digiuna costantemente e vive solo di eucaristia, è unita in matrimonio con
Cristo, è gratificata di visioni, ha spirito di profezia e fa miracoli.
Eletta abbadessa nel 1504, già in fama sanctitatis, la Bugni fu insignita
dei doni più straordinari proprio nel periodo del suo ufficio. Compì alcune guarigioni
servendosi anche di un fazzoletto bagnato nel “misterioso liquore” che le era stato
inviato dal cielo21, ma è soprattutto in occasione della comunione che ella poté godere
dei maggiori doni mistici. Quasi sempre dopo la comunione era soggetta ad estasi che
duravano interi giorni. Quando non le era consentito ricevere il sacramento, invece, si
scioglieva in lacrime. Nonostante avesse una profonda devozione all’eucarestia, era
17
Si cita dal Libro edito in: R. Mueller, G. Zarri (eds.), La Vita e i Sermoni di Chiara Bugni: Libro,
f. 13r, p. 155.
18
“Sopra le tue spalle, fra Francesco, da Dio ti è imposto questo (…). Tu predicherai in piazza di
San Marco. Quivi fa di bisogno che tu mostri questo celeste thesoro. Io te lo darò sopra la fede tua
acciò che tu facci quello che ha ordinato l’altissimo Idio”. Libro, f. 80r, p. 207.
19
Ibidem, ff. 111r-v, p. 231.
20
M. Sanudo, I Diarii, VII, col. 42.
21
Guarisce una consorella inviandole una mela da mangiare, guarisce anche il nipote di fra Francesco: Libro, ff. 15r-v, pp. 156-157.
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tentata sulla realtà della transustanziazione e un giorno le apparve il Bambino Gesù
sopra la patena22.
Fino a questo punto la rappresentazione agiografica della clarissa veneziana non si discosta molto da quella di Caterina da Siena; si deve soltanto notare una
maggiore rilevanza data alla devozione eucaristica, in conformità con la tradizione di
Chiara d’Assisi e di altre sante clarisse del secolo XV, come Caterina de’ Vigri23. Nel
racconto dello Zorzi, tuttavia, si riscontrano alcune lacune proprio in corrispondenza
dell’evento più clamoroso che riguarda direttamente la Bugni e che era stato divulgato
dallo stesso Marin Sanudo: il dono da parte di Cristo di alcune gocce del suo sangue
racchiuse in una ampolla. A questo proposito la leggenda contiene però la descrizione
dell’estasi in cui Chiara Bugni riceve la rassicurazione da parte del Salvatore stesso
che in quell’oggetto materiale trasmessole misteriosamente non vi è inganno, ma che
quel sangue le è stato dato per la remissione dei peccati di coloro che avranno fede.
Nella medesima visione vi è anche l’avvertimento di Cristo che per quel dono la religiosa è destinata a patire fino alla morte24.
Siamo dunque in presenza di una imitatio Christi completamente realizzata
da parte della mistica, che è chiamata per questo a una “morte vicaria”, in sostituzione
e ripetizione di quella di Cristo stesso. Di lì a poco infatti ci verrà detto dall’agiografo
che Chiara ha una piaga nel costato che sanguina.
Il testo della precedente visione contiene anche alcuni elementi fondamentali per comprendere la missione di Chiara Bugni. Come nuova Maria Maddalena, la
vergine veneziana ha il compito di annunciare per prima al mondo la misericordia di
Dio; tale misericordia si manifesterà nella sofferenza di Chiara per la salvezza della
umanità. Ella sarà tramite della illuminazione del mondo per il sangue che le è stato
donato: il mondo sarà illuminato per questo sangue25.
Una serie di fatti miracolosi si sussegue con rapidità intorno al sangue ricevuto dalla Bugni dal cielo. Esso bolle nell’ampolla e aumenta di volume; nel sangue
si deposita un liquore che viene posto in più ampolle custodite in un oratorio; un giorno, destatasi da un’estasi, la clarissa corre all’oratorio e vede le ampolle sparse d’un
qualche sudore di latte et quel liquore se n’era ridotto al fondo26; qualche tempo dopo
ancora, il liquore di balsamo sale alla superficie del sangue; nel mezzo dell’ampolla
si forma uno splendore in forma di croce e Chiara e le sorelle vedono alcune gocciole
che uscivano dal collo della ampolla27.
A questo punto il significato simbolico del sangue di Cristo che aumenta di
volume, che produce balsamo e latte, da cui si distaccano alcune gocciole per uscire
dal vaso di ampolla –simbolismo che rinvia tanto ai sacramenti dell’Unctio battesimale,
crismale e sacerdotale, quanto al fatto biologico della generazione– si mescola al significato del sangue che esce dal costato di Chiara. La piaga laterale della mistica è infatti
esaminata dai confessori, il suo sangue è rosso e profumato, non coagula, guarisce dalle
malattie, anch’esso è raccolto in una ampolla28. Ora Chiara è diventata non solo un alter
Christus, ma anche un secondo san Francesco, come lui insignita del dono delle stigmate.
Non procederò oltre nella descrizione dei fenomeni mistici di Chiara per la
cui esposizione e interpretazione rinvio al saggio introduttivo citato, vorrei soltanto
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
Libro, f. 24v, p. 164.
Tra i molti studi recenti, v. C. Leonardi (ed.), Caterina Vigri.
Libro, f. 26r-v, pp. 165-166.
Ibidem, ff. 26v-27v, p. 166.
Ibidem, f. 32v, p. 171.
Ibidem, f. 35v, p. 173.
Ibidem, ff. 41r-43r, pp. 177-178.
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ricordare che la Vita di Chiara Bugni composta da Francesco Zorzi elegge la monaca
veneziana a testimone esemplare della ormai centenaria discussione teologica sul significato del sangue fluente e delle stigmate, riportata alla luce da un pregnante saggio
di Caroline Bynum29; discussione rivitalizzata nel primo decennio del Cinquecento
dal caso controverso delle stigmate di Lucia da Narni, terziaria domenicana protetta
dal duca Ercole I d’Este30.
Le trasformazioni che il sangue di Cristo subisce nelle ampolle dove Chiara
lo aveva riposto e l’ulteriore dono fatto alla monaca del latte della Vergine Maria completano il discorso teologico relativo al sanguis Christi collegandolo alle conoscenze
scientifiche del tempo relative alla generazione. Poiché si credeva che il corpo umano
fosse generato dal sangue di donna, Giovanni da Capistrano argomentava che il corpo
di Cristo fosse stato formato dal puro sangue mestruale del grembo di sua madre: ciò
implicava dunque la conferma della dottrina dell’Immacolata Concezione. Come affermavano anche altri teologi, il pretium della redenzione era il sangue uterino di Maria. L’idea, tratta dalla teoria fisiologica, che il feto fosse formato dal sangue femminile divenne nella spiritualità del tardo medioevo una comune immagine di salvezza31.
Anche nello specifico aspetto della connessione tra sangue e generazione,
che accompagnava il dibattito teologico medievale sul sangue di Cristo, possiamo
riconoscere molti dei fenomeni attribuiti alla Vergine veneziana. Certamente i misteri
di Chiara Bugni presentati da Francesco Zorzi in forma di visione avevano una forte
valenza spirituale, ma toccavano anche dottrine su cui occorreva esercitare cautela
e discernimento. Comprenderemo allora meglio di quanto si sia fatto fino ad ora il
noto episodio in cui fu implicato un predicatore vicino a Chiara Bugni e Francesco
Zorzi: il canonico lateranense Pietro da Lucca che nel 1511 venne sottoposto a una
processo di fronte a diversi prelati e teologi per aver predicato a Mantova che Cristo
era stato concepito nel cuore e non nel grembo della Vergine Maria. Accusato di predicare false dottrine, egli si giustificò dicendo che aveva sostenuto quella tesi come
semplice opinione pia e devota, avendola appresa da una donna ritenuta santa32. Sarà
forse stato anche il clamore suscitato da questo evento mantovano che avrà influito
sulla decisione dei superiori dell’ordine francescano di intervenire disciplinarmente
contro Chiara Bugni? La data del processo contro Pietro da Lucca e quella della visita
del Commissario francescano al monastero del Santo Sepolcro coincidono: oltre non
è possibile andare.
Certo occorrerà ricordare che alla stessa data anche a Bologna una pia donna guidata spiritualmente da Pietro da Lucca professava dottrine e manifestava fenomeni mistici analoghi a quelli di Chiara Bugni: si trattava di Elena Duglioli dall’Olio
su cui ci siamo in altre occasioni soffermati33.
Tutti i misteri di Chiara Bugni possono essere interpretati come episodi che
rientrano a pieno titolo nel dibattito teologico qui sommariamente ricordato e vengono presentati a conferma e difesa della piena unità di umanità e di divinità del sangue
di Cristo donato dal cielo alla Vergine veneziana, finalizzato ad essere esposto alla
adorazione dei fedeli per procurare loro misericordia e salvezza.
Se l’aspetto teologico e devozionale che abbiamo sopra esposto costituisce
il tessuto connettivo che consente di dare spiegazioni razionali alle visioni e ai molti
29
C. Walker Bynum, Wonderful blood.
Cf. A. Matter, G. Zarri, Una mistica contestata.
31
C. Walker Bynum, Wonderful blood, pp. 158-159.
32
Il primo a segnalare l’episodio è stato D. Cantimori, Le idee religiose del Cinquecento,
pp. 7-53.
33
G. Zarri, Le sante vive, pp. 165-196.
30
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misteri presenti nella Vita di Chiara Bugni composta da Francesco Zorzi, che cosa
rimane delle precedenti interpretazioni che rinviavano quasi esclusivamente alla cultura ermetica e cabalistica del francescano veneziano? Molto probabilmente la Vita si
dovrà interpretare usando diverse chiavi di lettura. Pur considerando che l’interpretazione teologica relativa al sanguis Christi appare ora convenientemente esplicativa,
resto nella convinzione che Francesco Zorzi avesse identificato in Chiara Bugni la
Madre di una rigenerazione universale e di una Concordia mundi che nel secondo
decennio del Cinquecento, per i rapidi mutamenti politici e culturali, era destinata ad
allontanarsi sempre più34.
4. LA PREDICAZIONE EX OFFICIO
Le Esortazioni di Chiara Bugni trascritte da suor Augustina e inserite nel
Libro della beata Chiara ci introducono alla duplice tematica storiografica della scrittura femminile e della predicazione delle donne, su cui ho avuto occasione di soffermarmi in studi precedenti35, ma possono anche offrire nuova documentazione alla
pratica del sermo monasticus nelle istituzioni religiose medievali e rinascimentali.
Un’analisi dei Sermoni ci consente di esaminare dall’interno la cultura delle clarisse
e di saggiarne tanto la formazione umanistica e letteraria quanto la profondità scritturistica e teologica; ci autorizza inoltre a ribadire la netta distinzione, sostenuta nei
saggi sopra citati, tra annuncio di tipo profetico e predicazione ex officio, intendendo
con questa espressione l’insegnamento impartito dalla Abbadessa, in virtù del proprio
ufficio, all’interno delle mura monastiche.
Molte delle rivelazioni di Chiara Bugni raccolte e trascritte dal confessore
fra Francesco Zorzi erano all’insegna della passione di Cristo e della croce. Come
in altri famosi casi della mistica italiana o straniera, tra Chiara e Francesco si era instaurato un rapporto particolare: solo lui era in grado di “notare” le rivelazioni della
donna; in sua assenza queste venivano disperse36.
Nel complesso degli scritti rimasti, e in particolare nel Libro della beata
Chiara, si può riscontrare una netta distinzione tra rivelazioni e sermoni. Le prime
sono tutte annotate nella vita scritta dallo Zorzi e ai secondi è riservato uno spazio a
parte, essendo stati riportati di seguito alle pagine che contengono vita e rivelazioni.
Questa netta ripartizione tra visioni, che contengono annunci profetici e verità rivelate, e esortazioni, che impartiscono insegnamenti alla comunità monastica, ha lo scopo di differenziare la qualità e la funzione della predicazione femminile, riservando
l’annuncio profetico ai fedeli e discepoli esterni al monastero e indirizzando i sermoni
all’interno del chiostro37.
Ciò che accomuna i sermoni di Chiara Bugni con quelli della più antica
consorella Caterina de’ Vigri è il fatto che siano stati dati in punto di morte38. Quando
34
Su Chiara Bugni come Madre della rigenerazione universale della chiesa rinvio al saggio di chi
scrive: Madri dell’anima: Chiara Bugni, Elena Duglioli e la rigenerazione della chiesa, che utilizza
come fonte il manoscritto di San Francesco della Vigna trascritto nella tesi di Cavalli, ora superato
dalla edizione critica del Libro della beata Chiara.
35
G. Zarri, Predicatrici e madri spirituali, pp. 159-177; eadem, Places and Gestures of Women’s
Preaching, pp. 177-193. Anche questi due saggi utilizzano come fonte la trascrizione di S. Cavalli.
36
Tra i molti studi, si veda: G. Barone, J. Dalarun (eds.), Angèle de Foligno.
37
Ho approfondito questo tema nel saggio: G. Zarri, Predicatrici e madri spirituali.
38
Ho sviluppato il confronto nel saggio ibidem (pp. 165-167). Nel recensire gli autografi e gli
scritti di Caterina Vigri, Silvia Serventi accetta come autentici i sermoni di Caterina pervenuti in
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la monaca veneziana si ammala, infatti, fa chiamare le sorelle e dà loro una serie di
esortazioni che paiono costituire una regola di vita. Tanto in Chiara che nella bolognese Caterina de’ Vigri c’era forse il ricordo e l’esempio di san Francesco, che in
punto di morte volle lasciare il suo testamento spirituale. Nel caso della Bugni, si può
parlare infatti di un particolare lascito della madre abbadessa morente: una sorta di
ordinamento della comunità disegnato sulla base di una riflessione sui voti e le virtù
essenziali per conservare l’osservanza della regola monastica. Occorre infatti notare
che i Sermoni della clarissa veneziana furono dettati in un periodo in cui le Costituzioni della comunità di recente fondazione erano in via di elaborazione. Esse vennero
infatti approvate nel 1517, dopo la morte di Chiara Bugni.
In questa breve analisi non esaminerò le Esortazioni dal punto di vista della
scrittura femminile; intendo invece situare il testo all’interno della discussione sulla
predicazione delle donne nell’età medievale e rinascimentale39, con particolare riferimento alla tradizione del sermo monasticus. Per quanto attiene l’aspetto letterario,
mi limiterò ad osservare che i Sermoni di Chiara Bugni mostrano una approfondita
padronanza della Sacra Scrittura e una non superficiale conoscenza dei Padri della
Chiesa.
Oltre alle citazioni esplicite dei Vangeli e delle lettere apostoliche, dei salmi
e di altri libri dell’antico testamento, le Esortazioni dell’abbadessa del Santo Sepolcro
alle consorelle sono intessute di riferimenti impliciti che costituiscono il tessuto connettivo dei diversi discorsi. Tra le autorità più frequentemente citate figurano i principali Padri e dottori della Chiesa, come Agostino, Ambrogio, Giovanni Crisostomo,
Gregorio e Cassiodoro, ma sono presenti anche i fondatori degli ordini religiosi, con
il richiamo alle regole di Benedetto e Francesco. Un posto privilegiato nelle citazioni
occupano l’agostiniano Girolamo da Siena e la clarissa Caterina Vigri, ma non mancano riferimenti diretti alle sequenze e agli inni liturgici o i richiami a versi danteschi
e a proverbi popolari40.
In sintonia con una buona conoscenza dei testi sacri e degli autori cristiani,
anche la forma letteraria delle Esortazioni di Chiara Bugni presenta aspetti pregevoli.
Colpisce particolarmente una specifica attenzione all’andamento retorico del discorso, in gran parte basato sulla ripetizione della parola chiave che costituisce il thema
del sermone. In analogia con il noto passo della lettera paolina contenente l’elogio
della carità, la clarissa veneziana fonda l’efficacia retorica del suo discorso sul progressivo ampliamento del concetto che intende sottolineare partendo sempre dalla
iterazione della parola chiave. Si veda ad esempio come Chiara sviluppa il thema della
pazienza tessendo l’elogio della “tribulatione”:
La tribulatione è una bevanda salutifera et un’herba molto buona, più
di tutte l’herbe del Paradiso. La castiga il corpo, il qual nondimeno in
breve tempo si ha da risolvere in putredine, et rinfresca l’anima molto
più nobile et che sempre ha da vivere. La tribulatione è una verga piena
d’amore et paterna castigatione de’ miei eletti. La qual cognoscendo, il
mio profeta David disse: “La tua verga et il tuo bastone m’hanno consolato” (cfr. Sal. 23, 4). La tribulatione tira et spigne a Dio la persona, o
trascrizione seicentesca e recentemente pubblicati. Cf. C. Vigri, Laudi, trattati e lettere; C. Vigri,
I Sermoni.
39
Tra gli studi più importanti: B. Mayne Kienzle, P. Walker Berkeley (eds.), Women Preachers
and Prophets; J.A. Kay McNamara, Sisters in Arms; K.L. Jansen, The Making of the Magdalen;
B. Roest, Predicazione femminile, pp. 119-154.
40
Ringrazio Silvia Serventi per la lettura dei Sermoni di Chiara Bugni e per le competenti osservazioni e suggerimenti.
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voglia o no, et chi non ha provato le tribulationi et le tentationi, ditemi di
gratia, che cosa sa costui?41
Altrettanto avviene per l’elogio della carità:
La charità fraterna è un ligame di pace, la qual sola nutrisce la concordia nella sua habitacione et conserva l’unità christiana fra le sorelle.
La charità è la madre della mansuetudine et madre generosa della pietà
chatolica. La charità fraterna è spaventevole a’ demoni, perché la fa vittoriose tutte quelle delle quali abbraccia la camera del cuore. La charità
spegne l’incendio della libidine et cuopre ogni multitudine di peccati.
La charità fa che la monaca sia molto chara a Dio et la fa compagna de’
santi angeli. La charità conserva la Chiesa nella unità de’ santi, fuor della
quale nessuna conseguisce la salute eterna. La charità fraterna compone i
costumi di quelle che stanno ne’ monasteri et fa che Idio habita nel mezzo
delle monache. La charità non fa dispiacer ad alcuna, ma a tutte porge
aiuto per compassione. La charità scaccia ogni vitio, perché ell’è sola nutrice di tutte le virtù. La charità conserva la reformatione della fraternità,
nel vigore di quelle che stanno ne’ monasteri, et opera una gran salute
dell’anime. La mutua charità conferma l’ubbidienza et fa la correttione
fraterna fruttuosa. La charità nutrisce la vera concordia fra le sorelle et
conserva la castità bene odorifera, così delle menti come de’ corpi. La
charità fa che le monache, nella casa di Dio, siano d’un medesimo animo
et in ogni buona opera lodevolmente concorde42.
La formula iterativa del thema si ripete anche nei sermoni sulla umiltà e
l’ubbidienza, costituendo una caratteristica peculiare della scrittura di Chiara Bugni
che assume una dignità letteraria superiore a quella di altre scrittrici coeve. Per quanto
attiene le modalità espressive della scrittura si può notare ancora l’uso frequente delle
forme dialogiche, tipiche della civiltà della “conversazione”, qui adoperate anche in
stretta connessione con il concetto di “conversatio” monastica.
5. IL TESTAMENTO SPIRITUALE
Nel Libro della beata Chiara le Esortazioni dell’abbadessa sono poste di
seguito alla biografia incompiuta di fra Francesco Zorzi e sono inserite all’interno del
racconto degli ultimi anni di vita della mistica. La parte del manoscritto che riproduce
i sermoni inizia con un capitolo dal titolo: Questo che segue è della morte della beata
Chiara43. E’ proprio in questo capitolo che apprendiamo della visita di un Commissario nel monastero del Santo Sepolcro e della proibizione dei superiori dell’Ordine
francescano di rieleggere abbadessa Chiara Bugni dopo il settennato già espletato.
Conosciamo inoltre la motivazione addotta per l’introduzione dei provvedimenti restrittivi nei confronti della mistica visionaria: il commissario rimprovera Chiara Bugni
di questo suo voler vivere a suo modo e le ingiunge di rinchiudersi dentro il monastero
ché tu non habbi a conversar con l’altre, et quivi vivi a tuo modo et fa le tue discipline
et i tuoi digiuni; o veramente provediti d’andare ad habitar fuori di questo luogo44.
41
42
43
44
Libro, f. 128r, p. 245.
Ibidem, ff. 135v-136r, p. 251.
Ibidem, f. 125r, p. 243.
Ibidem.
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Secondo la testimonianza del Libro della beata Chiara, l’imposizione del
carcere comminato alla abbadessa venerata nel monastero e nell’intera città appare
determinata da motivi disciplinari, specialmente dallo scarso rispetto per la regola
francescana. Non si fa menzione delle grazie mistiche e delle rivelazioni lasciate trapelare dai confessori e contenute nella Vita di Francesco Zorzi che avrebbero potuto
essere considerate sospette dal punto di vista dottrinale. E’ certo comunque che la
monaca trascorse nel silenzio gli ultimi anni della vita accettando con spirito di rassegnazione la condanna imposta, considerata come una prova. E’ in questa occasione
che Chiara tesse l’elogio della pazienza e introduce una pregnante riflessione sulla
tribolazione come martirio e via di salvezza:
La tribulatione è una via stretta, la qual fortemente perviene per insino a
esse porte del cielo. Essa porta la persona alla compagnia de’ martiri, essa
riporta la laude et la palma di tutti gl’ inimici, essa veste l’anima d’una
veste di rosado et di purpura. Essa fa le ghirlande, over le corone di rose,
et fa li scettri di palme verdi45.
Relegata in un luogo separato del monastero e privata del contatto con le
altre sorelle, suor Chiara trascorse tre anni in penitenza, senza poter comunicare le
rivelazioni che continuava a ricevere dal cielo a causa dell’assenza del confessore fra
Francesco Zorzi:
Et così gli fu consegnato un luogo secondo il suo volere, dove quivi si fece
un letticello di tavole con una stuora sotto et con un zocco di legno per capezzale. Et in quel luogo stette rinchiusa circa dua anni, dove hebbe di bellissime revelationi, le quali, per non esser stato fra /130r/ Francesco Giorgi
nella città, non sono state notate. Et veramente essa poteva dire con san
Paulo: “Vidi et audivi arcana Dei que non licet homini loqui” (1 Cor. 2, 9)46.
Secondo la testimonianza del Libro, durante il periodo di prigionia le rivelazioni della clarissa cessarono e lasciarono il posto alla predicazione che ella cominciò ad
impartire in punto di morte. Le Exortationi sono il lascito spirituale della mistica, che agli
occhi delle consorelle riveste ancore l’ufficio di abbadessa, e le sue parole costituiscono
un insegnamento per vivere santamente in comunità e per raggiungere la salvezza:
Sorelle mie dilettissime, sentendomi horamai mancare tutti gli spiriti et
cognoscendo che egli è venuta la fine della vita mia, che poco debba star
con voi et che il mio Signore mi vuol cavar di queste tenebre et condurmi
alla sua luce inaccessibile, amandovi come mie proprie figliole, vi ho
fatto chiamare per ricordar alle charità di vostre alcune cose molto necessarie, le quali, se osserverete et farete il debito vostro, et vi farete degne
di vita eterna. Et quel medesimo precetto ricorderò a voi, che dette il nostro Signore a’ suoi discepoli quando disse: “Hoc est perceptum meum, ut
diligatis invicem, sicut dilexi vos” (Gv. 13, 34)47.
L’esordio solenne della mistica morente, che richiama il primo precetto
evangelico, si completa immediatamente con il riferimento alla lettera paolina che tesse l’elogio della carità e si sviluppa in un incalzante susseguirsi di esortazioni all’amo45
46
47
Ibidem, f. 129r, p. 246.
Ibidem, ff. 129v-130r, p. 246.
Ibidem, f. 130v, p. 247.
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re reciproco. Nella prima esortazione e in tutte quelle successive il thema del Sermone
è direttamente rapportato alla vita monastica, così che si può legittimamente affermare che la predicazione di Chiara Bugni è indirizzata esclusivamente alle consorelle e
costituisce un insegnamento impartito ex officio. Ad un pubblico più vasto e non solo
cittadino erano invece rivolte le visioni e rivelazioni che costituivano una sorta di predicazione profetica mediata attraverso la parola e la scrittura del confessore.
6. I SERMONI DI CHIARA BUGNI ALLE CONSORELLE: IL FONDAMENTO DELLA CARITÀ
La carità è il fondamento della vita monastica. Nel suo primo Sermone
Chiara Bugni propone la differenza tra amore e carità e parla a lungo della carità tra
le monache, che sono invitate a comportarsi come “ministre di Dio”. La monaca non
deve amare i prossimi per affetto di parentado et di carne, come fanno i pagani, ma
ama così il nimico come l’amico48. Questa prima affermazione, seguita dalla constatazione che vi sono molti che amano malamente perché vogliono tanto bene a qualcuno
che perdono l’amor di Dio49, mostra in modo esplicito che la beata Chiara basa il
proprio insegnamento sulla esperienza di Madre abbadessa e che i suoi sermoni hanno
il fine di promuovere la concordia nel monastero, spesso turbato da lotte di fazione o
di “partiti” tra le monache50.
Altro esempio di amore sbagliato è quello eccessivo o quello “particolare”.
Il primo è stolto, il secondo pericoloso. Le monache non debbono amare impudicamente e lascivamente perché nulla giova la verginità corporale se non vi è quella
mentale51. Anche l’invidia si oppone alla carità ed è espressione di amore di sé. Parentado, amicizie particolari, invidie e mormorazioni sono le cause più frequenti di
discordia tra le monache. Solo la pratica della carità fraterna consente il superamento
di questi ostacoli.
Il quadro della vita monastica che emerge indirettamente dal sermone di
Chiara Bugni sulla carità mette a fuoco aspetti solitamente taciuti dalle fonti interne
del monastero, che tendono a porre in evidenza la nobiltà e la santità della istituzione,
e aprono uno spiraglio sui rapporti tra le monache e la loro vita di relazione. Particolarmente significative appaiono le diverse declinazioni della carità fraterna: la carità è
un legame di pace, è madre della mansuetudine, spegne l’incendio della libidine52, fa
che la monaca sia cara a Dio, conserva la chiesa nella unità, ha compassione di tutti,
scaccia ogni vizio e nutre la virtù, conserva la reformatione della fraternità, scaccia l’odio e l’invidia, è ministra della giustizia e conserva la disciplina regolare nel
monastero, conserva la mente pura, non biasima la povertà, non cerca i diletti della
carne, ama la purità, non giudica, ma corregge umilmente il prossimo. In sintesi si
può affermare che:
La charità fraterna è adempimento della legge, perché tutto quello che ci
vien comandato, dopo il culto di Dio, si refferisce alla dilettione del prossimo. Di qui il santo amator di Christo disse: “Quello che ama il prossimo
ha adempiuto la legge”53.
48
49
50
51
52
53
Ibidem, f. 131r, p. 247.
Ibidem, p. 248.
Cf. L. Arcangeli, Ragioni politiche della disciplina monastica, pp. 165-187.
Libro, f. 132r, p. 248.
Ibidem, f. 135v, p. 251.
Ibidem, f. 137v, p. 252.
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Dopo aver enunciato brevemente le caratteristiche principali della carità
fraterna, la santa monaca riprende le sue affermazioni soffermandosi su alcuni aspetti
particolari, come quello della amicizia delle monache e della concordia; ricorda infine
che non gioverà alla salute praticare astinenze e rinunciare ai patrimoni familiari se
non si consegue la carità fraterna.
Come il primo, il secondo e il terzo sermone hanno l’obiettivo di indicare
le virtù che sono alla base della vita spirituale, ma anche di una serena convivenza
tra le monache: la pazienza e l’umiltà. Queste virtù rinviano infatti ai fondamenti
dell’imitazione di Cristo, e al tempo stesso favoriscono la reciproca sopportazione e
comprensione.
7. I SERMONI DI CHIARA BUGNI ALLE CONSORELLE: LA PAZIENZA E L’UMILTÀ
Il sermone sulla pazienza è impartito da Chiara alle sorelle il giorno dopo
aver pronunciato quello sulla carità. La condizione di debolezza fisica in cui si trova
la mistica fa sì che ella debba riposarsi dopo aver sostenuto una lunga conversazione.
Lo confessa la monaca stessa: Et havendovi assai sufficientemente parlato di questa
santa charità, piglierò licenza dalle charitadi vostre di riposarmi alquanto, per sentirmi un poco stracca54. Come in questo caso, anche successivamente, l’insegnamento
di Chiara Bugni viene impartito in giorni diversi, quasi a prolungare la conversazione
tra sorelle e allontanare il momento del distacco.
Il sermone sulla pazienza si sviluppa dalla constatazione che questa virtù
è particolarmente necessaria alle religiose che, come dice san Paolo, siamo fatte uno
spettacolo a tutti gli huomini (1 Corinti 4,9)55. A proposito del richiamo paolino, si
osserverà in premessa che qui e in tutti i Sermoni la citazione biblica è resa al femminile: segno evidente che l’enfasi del discorso è rivolto all’uditorio specifico delle
monache a cui la predicazione è indirizzata. Si dovrà rilevare inoltre che la clarissa
veneziana è attenta a contestualizzare i suoi discorsi, non soltanto sotto il profilo del
pubblico, ma anche del clima culturale del tempo. Ella sa bene che al suo tempo la
vita religiosa gode di scarsa considerazione e che le suore vengono beffeggiate, così
da dover ricorrere alla paziente sopportazione. Del resto lo stesso Cristo Salvatore
fu beffeggiato e deriso e può fornire l’esempio più significativo della virtù della pazienza. Questa si manifesta prima di tutto nella mancanza di superbia e nell’amore
della povertà.
Dopo aver proceduto ad alcune esemplificazioni, Chiara Bugni riassume il
suo insegnamento indicando una vera e propria classificazione della virtù della pazienza. Il primo grado è quello di coloro che non cercano volontariamente l’avversità
e che si rattristano quando questa si presenti loro, però dopo una prima ribellione la
sopportano pazientemente. Il secondo grado è di coloro che, pur non cercando di patir
mali, sopportano il male come dono mandato da Dio. Il terzo grado della pazienza è
il più perfetto e comprende quelle monache che si offrono spontaneamente alla derisione e alle avversità: come accade per il martirio, anche la virtù della pazienza può
essere di due specie, a seconda che l’avversità sia ricercata o accettata.
Come i Martiri, anche i Confessori che non hanno subito la morte ma accettato la persecuzione possono costituire un esempio da imitare.
Terminata l’esortazione alla penitenza Chiara Bugni congeda le sue consorelle e le invita ad ascoltare il giorno seguente la predica sulla umiltà, virtù necessaria
54
55
Ibidem, f. 142v, p. 256.
Ibidem, f. 143r, p. 256.
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quanto la pazienza a quelle monache che veramente vogliono vivere in santa pace nel
monastero56.
L’umiltà può essere considerata fondamento stabile di tutte le virtù, perché
riconosce la condizione di peccato in cui la creatura è caduta, e continua a cadere
facilmente, e non si insuperbisce. Con espressione icastica Chiara Bugni definisce
l’umiltà come la “scala del cielo”; essa è tanto necessaria alla professione monastica
che senza questa virtù non ci si può salvare. La santa abbadessa conduce questa riflessione applicandola alla realtà culturale e sociale dei monasteri rinascimentali, abitati
per lo più da professe nobili, fiere dall’appartenenza a casati illustri:
La monaca gonfiata d’animo et superba, non è serva di Christo, ma del
diavolo et non harà parte con Dio in cielo, ma co’ demoni nell’inferno
senza fine sarà tormentata. Imperò che Christo, maestro et precettor
dell’humiltà, detesta et maledisce tutti li superbi, et non riceve in sua
compagnia se non gli humili, miti et mansueti57.
Sulla contrapposizione del binomio umiltà-superbia si sviluppa successivamente il sermone di Chiara Bugni, che si conclude con la visione del giudizio e il
premio riservato agli umili:
L’humiltà in cielo senza fine sarà coronata et la superbia patirà
nell’inferno, in perpetuo, un cruciato inestimabile co’ dimoni. L’humiltà
coronata con Christo regnerà in cielo et la superbia, dispregiata, sarà cruciata nelle pene col diavolo58.
In questo contesto i superbi condannati al fuoco eterno comprenderanno
l’errore fatto nel beffeggiare le umili monache durante la loro vita e dovranno riconoscere che le religiose hanno scelto la parte migliore:
Et vedendo i superbi et arroganti condennati all’inferno tanta gloria delle
persone humili, le quali esse dispregiorno nel mondo, si maraviglieranno in tanta subitatione de’ santi, et si turberanno con uno spaventevole
timore, per l’angustia dello spirito gemendo et dicendo nel furor della
superbia: “Queste son quelle monache povere et humili, già vestite di
panni vili, separate dalle maritate, astenendosi dal mangiar carne et da
ogni spurcitia di carne, le quali qualche volta noi le dileggiassimo et se ne
ridavamo noi insensati. Noi pensavamo che la fine loro fusse una pazzia
et la fine loro fusse senza honore. Ecco come hora sono computate, fra i
figliuoli di Dio, et la loro sorte è fra li santi”59.
8. I SERMONI DI CHIARA BUGNI ALLE CONSORELLE: L’UBBIDIENZA
Nel quarto sermone, dedicato all’ubbidienza, la clarissa veneziana morente riprende e illustra un altro dei capisaldi della vita monastica. Non mi dilungherò
nella illustrazione della importanza di questa virtù, a cui Chiara Bugni dedica diverse
pagine. Mi limiterò a sottolineare che la mistica ribadisce a più riprese la necessità
56
57
58
59
Ibidem, f. 158r, p. 268.
Ibidem, f. 166r, p. 274.
Ibidem, f. 169v, p. 276.
Ibidem, ff. 170r-v, pp. 276-277.
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che l’ubbidienza sia volontaria. E’ infatti la rinuncia al libero arbitrio e la soggezione
totale alle superiore e alle ufficiali del convento che rendono virtuosa la vita monastica. Questa rinuncia fa sì che l’ubbidienza possa essere definita un martirio senza
spargimento di sangue60.
Dalla esortazione sull’ubbidienza ricaviamo il complesso semantico dei
termini che accostano la professione monastica alla vita apostolica e cioè a quell’insieme di concetti e pratiche che possono suggerire la eventuale partecipazione delle
donne al munus sacerdotale. Fin dall’esordio la Madre venerata dalle consorelle afferma solennemente che il suo ufficio comporta la “cura pastorale” delle monache e a
questo ufficio elle vuole rimanere fedele fino alla morte:
Et però, havendo io a satisfar all’uficio della cura pastorale, spesso vi
soglio ammonire all’osservanza della disciplina regolare, né mai da qui
indietro vi mancherà la parola salutifera della salute per fin che lo spirito
mio viverà et persevererà nella prigione di questa carne61.
La monaca viene definita da Chiara Bugni “soldata di Christo”, secondo la
metafora che paragona la vita spirituale ad un combattimento. Nei testi dell’epoca la
figura paolina della milizia viene usata più spesso per designare l’identità maschile
del monaco, essendo più consona alle donne l’immagine della sponsa Christi62. Tra
le monache, l’abbadessa riveste il ruolo particolare di vicaria di Christo nel monasterio63, o addirittura di vicaria di Dio64 ed è per questo che la virtù dell’ubbidienza
conduce alla perfezione, in quanto espressione della volontà di Dio mediata attraverso
i superiori ecclesiastici. E’ interessante notare che nell’ordinamento monastico che
regola la convivenza di donne professe l’abbadessa è designata come vicario di Cristo
allo stesso modo dei sacerdoti. In questo caso, il ruolo della monaca non pare avere
bisogno di mediazioni maschili.
In qualità di vicaria di Cristo nel monastero, l’abbadessa deve sempre essere
ubbidita, indipendentemente dalla sua bontà o miseria; l’ubbidienza le è dovuta da
tutte le suore non per il suo merito ma per il nome di Cristo. Le consorelle debbono
però prestare particolare attenzione ai suoi ammaestramenti:
La sua dottrina ti sia la regola del vivere et la sua santa conversatione ti
sia esempio d’un ammaestramento molto puro. Perché ell’è amica di Dio
et vicaria di Christo in terra; nel primo merita che tu l’ami, nel secondo
che tu l’obbedisca in tutte quelle cose ch’essa ti comanda65.
Se poi accadrà alle monache di avere un’abbadessa rozza, ignorante o
non troppo idonea, la professa stia attenta a non disseminare quello che lei fa
o che dice, ma pensi che i suoi peccati meritano che ella abbia una badessa disutile66.
60
Ibidem, f. 182r, p. 285.
Ibidem, f. 177r, p. 282.
62
Sull’identità di genere dei religiosi, mi permetto di rinviare a: G. Zarri, Religious Institutions,
pp. 193-212; eadem, La vita religiosa, pp. 103-151. In prospettiva diversa cf. anche A.J. Schutte,
Between Venice and Rome.
63
Libro, f. 179v, p. 284.
64
Ibidem, f. 177v, p. 282.
65
Ibidem, ff. 179v-180r, p. 284.
66
Ibidem, f. 179r, p. 284.
61
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Vediamo dunque quali sono i requisiti e le competenze dell’abbadessa, la
figura femminile più prossima al sacerdote e al vescovo. Requisiti prioritari sono l’anzianità nella professione e la conoscenza della Sacra Scrittura, la mansuetudine e la
modestia, la capacità di giudicare e di usare misericordia:
Ma ci sia una dona vecchia di costumi, erudita nelle scritture divine, che
camini con lo spirito nella vera conversatione della santità, pia, mansueta, tranquilla di mente et discreta, la qual sappia giudicare le cattive e, a
quelle che hanno buon volere usar miseratione67.
La fedeltà al voto fatto dalle monache al momento della professione è garanzia di perfezione e di salvezza. I fedeli cristiani si possono salvare vivendo rettamente secondo il Vangelo, ma le religiose non si salveranno se non osserveranno fino
alla morte la regola del proprio ordine. Tramite l’ubbidienza alla abbadessa la monaca
potrà camminare sicuramente e se persevererà insino alla fine combattendo et vincendo, gloriosamente sarà coronata68.
L’esortazione alla virtù della ubbidienza si accompagna all’invito di compiere un esame di coscienza circa l’osservanza dei voti e si conclude con un elogio
per l’attenzione con cui le monache del Santo Sepolcro hanno seguito l’insegnamento
della loro madre morente. Infine la considerazione della stanchezza delle consorelle
spinge Chiara Bugni ad interrompere il sermone. Ella pensa che le compagne hanno
assistito a una predica molto lunga e le ringrazia per averla ascoltata in così profondo
silenzio che non s’è udita pur una di voi sputare, né forbirsi il naso69; conclude infine richiamando uno dei tratti propri della disciplina monastica: la meditazione della
parola di Dio:
Vostro uficio sarà, come nell’altro sermone vi dissi, fare come il bue, ruminare quelle cose dette di sopra e pensarle molto bene, perché m’è parso
avervi detto tutto quello che fa a proposito dell’ubbidienza70.
Andrà notato che nelle parole di Chiara Bugni citate in questo sermone
ricorrono due termini propri della tradizione monastica: la conversatione, il cui ambito semantico si estende dalla parola detta in comunità alla vita vissuta insieme, e la
ruminatio della parola di Dio, che bene esprime la forma e lo scopo della meditazione
della Sacra Scrittura: un ripensamento individuale e interno della parola di Dio che
viene mangiata e si trasforma in vita.
9. IL CONGEDO DI CHIARA BUGNI: LA PREDICAZIONE FEMMINILE
I primi sermoni dettati alle compagne da Chiara Bugni erano indirizzati alla
riflessione sulla disciplina monastica e sul modo di perseguire la salvezza individuale.
Trascorsi tre giorni dall’inizio della predicazione, le consorelle si avvicinano ancora
all’abbadessa ammalata e le chiedono una riflessione sulla morte. Chiara non lo nega,
sapendo che presto lascerà coloro che le sono state sottoposte e hanno condiviso con
lei la vita comune. Il sermone sulla morte è un’occasione per parlare della resurrezio67
68
69
70
Ibidem, f. 178r, pp. 282-283.
Ibidem, f. 184r, p. 287.
Ibidem, f. 185r, p. 288.
Ibidem, f. 185v, p. 288.
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ne di Cristo e del corpo e per prendere definitivo congedo dalle sorelle che assistono
al conferimento del viatico e della estrema unzione alla Madre morente.
E’ proprio in quest’ultimo discorso che viene toccato il problema della predicazione femminile nell’ambito dei doveri abbaziali. Qui si esplicita compiutamente
il senso del sermone come conversatio tra fratelli, poiché le monache intessono con
l’abbadessa un dialogo intenso. Il discorso inizia con una perorazione di Chiara sulla
morte, che si presenta letterariamente molto bella ed è ricca di citazioni indirette della
Sacra Scrittura:
Ecco ch’io mi spoglio questo vestimento ch’è mortale, acciò che io me ne
vesta d’uno immortale. Per insino a hora io sono stata in peregrinaggio,
horamai io ritorno alla mia patria. Ecco che io piglio il palio per il quale
ho combattuto nel monasterio. Ecco che io tocco il porto, il quale con
tanto desiderio io ho desiderato71.
A queste parole rispondono le sorelle, piangendo:
Chi haveremo più noi che ci consoli, ci ammaestri et ci insegni? (...).
Voi eravate la nostra cara madre, la nostra maestra, il nostro refugio, la
nostra consolatione et un essempio d’innocentia (…). Horamai verremo
a niente, saremo come pecore senza pastore (...). Non sarà chi ci consoli,
rimarranno orfane le vostre figliuole et patiranno la fame come cani, andandovi cercando per tutto e non vi trovando72.
Di rimando l’abbadessa consola le consorelle e ricorda loro la storia del
popolo d’Israele. Dopo la morte di Mosè, Dio elesse Giosuè “per guida e diffensore
al populo suo” e avendo portato Elia in cielo con un carro di fuoco lasciò al suo popolo Eliseo come profeta sopra lo quale si riposò lo spirito doppio di Elia73. Come
ha fatto con Israele, il Signore invierà anche alle monache veneziane qualcuno in
grado di prendere il posto della mistica visionaria e che avrà i requisiti dell’abbadessa santa:
Il Signore sarà la parte della vostra heredità et del vostro calice, et esso
vi restituirà la vostra heredità et vi susciterà un’altra Madre, alla quale
darà il verbo di predicarvi il vangelo; et essa camminerà senza macchia
et opererà la giustitia74.
Prima di congedarsi dalle compagne di vita, Chiara Bugni cerca di frenare
la commozione del momento e il dolore del distacco ricorrendo alla consolante realtà
della istituzione monastica, che garantisce la continuità degli uffici e la trasmissione
dei carismi. Ogni abbadessa, e non soltanto colei che gode fama di santità, ha il compito di insegnare e predicare alle monache nel contesto della quotidiana conversatio.
Nel passo citato appare pienamente chiarito il senso della predicazione femminile all’interno delle comunità regolari: un insegnamento “in forma di sermone”,
condotto da coloro che esercitano un ufficio al servizio delle sorelle, rivolto in primo
luogo alle monache, negli spazi comuni del monastero, quando non addirittura al letto
di morte dell’abbadessa.
71
72
73
74
Ibidem, f. 194r, p. 294.
Ibidem, f. 194v, p. 295.
Ibidem, f. 195v, p. 295.
Ibidem, f. 195v, p. 296.
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In conclusione, la Vita e le Esortazioni della clarissa Chiara Bugni possono
essere considerate a mio parere un caso esemplare per illustrare il doppio binario della
predicazione femminile: quella profetica, affidata alle rivelazioni e alle visioni, rivolta al
pubblico dei fedeli e per lo più mediata da un confessore che ne garantisce l’autenticità e
l’ortodossia; e quella “in forma di sermone”, riservata all’insegnamento interno alla comunità e trasmessa ex officio alle monache nell’ambito della “conversazione” monastica.
10. BIBLIOGRAFIA
Arcangeli, Letizia, Ragioni politiche della disciplina monastica: Il caso di Parma tra
‘400 e ‘500, in Zarri, Gabriella (ed.), Donna, disciplina, creanza cristiana
dal XV al XVII secolo. Studi e testi a stampa, Roma, Edizioni ai Storia e
Letteratura, 1996, pp. 165-187.
Barone, Giulia; Dalarun, Jacques (eds.), Angèle de Foligno. Le dossier, Roma, École
Française de Rome, 1999.
Busi, Giulio, Francesco Zorzi. Un metodico sognatore, in Idem, L’enigma dell’ebraico nel Rinascimento, Torino, Aragno, 2007, pp. 161-186.
Cantimori, Delio, Le idee religiose del Cinquecento. La storiografia, in Cecchi, Emilio; Sapegno, Natalino (eds.), Storia della letteratura italiana. Il Seicento,
Milano, Garzanti, 1967, pp. 7-53.
Caterina Vigri, I Sermoni, introduzione e commento di Gilberto Sgarbi con un saggio
di Enzo Lodi, Bologna, Barghigiani, 1999.
Caterina Vigri, Laudi, trattati e lettere. Edizione critica a cura di Silvia Serventi, Firenze, Sismel, 2000.
Cavalli, Stefania, Beata Chiara Bugni (1471-1514), monaca del monastero del Santo
Sepolcro a Venezia. Edizione critica della vita, tesi di Laurea Università di
Venezia, anno accademico 2000-2001, relatore prof. Reinhold Mueller.
Jansen, Katherine L., The Making of the Magdalen. Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University
Press, 1999.
Kay McNamara, J.A., Sisters in Arms.Catholic Nuns through Two Millennia, Cambridge - London, Harvard University Press, 1996.
Kienzle, Beverly M.; Walker, Pamela J. (eds.), Women Preachers and Prophets throught Two Millennia of Christianity, Berkeley - Los Angeles - London, University of California Press, 1998.
Leonardi, Claudio (ed.), Caterina Vigri: la santa e la città : atti del Convegno,
Bologna, 13-15 novembre 2002, Firenze, Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo,
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Lowe, Kate J.P., Nuns’ Chronicles and Convent Culture in Renaissance and CounterReformation Italy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003.
Marco da Lisbona, Croniche de li Ordini instituiti dal P. san Francesco, parte IV,
vol. III, raccolto principalmente dal M.R.P. Bartolomeo Cimarelli, Napoli,
Novello De Bonis, 1680.
Matter, E. Ann; Zarri, Gabriella, Una mistica contestata. La Vita di Lucia da Narni
(1476-1544) tra agiografia e autobiografia. Con l’edizione del testo, Roma,
Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2011.
Mayne Kienzle, Beverly; Walker Berkeley, Pamela (eds.), Women Preachers and Prophets throught Two Millennia of Christianity, Los Angeles - London, University of California Press, 1998.
McNamara, Jo Ann K., Sisters in Arms. Catholic Nuns through Two Millennia, Cambridge - London, 1996.
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Mueller, Reinhold C.; Zarri, Gabriella (eds.), La Vita e i Sermoni di Chiara Bugni clarissa veneziana (1471-1514), Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2011.
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Sermoni di Chiara Bugni, Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2011,
pp. 63-122.
Nicolini, Ugolino (ed.), Memoriale di Monteluce: cronaca del monastero delle clarisse di Perugia dal 1448 al 1838, Santa Maria degli Angeli (Assisi), Porziuncola, 1983.
Rauch, Simone, La Vita della beata Chiara Bugni: formazione e tradizione dei testimoni, in Mueller, Reinhold C.; Zarri, Gabriella (eds.), La Vita e i Sermoni
di Chiara Bugni, Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2011, pp. 3-26.
Ricordanze del Monastero di Santa Lucia OSC in Foligno: cronache 1424-1786. Introduzione, trascrizione, note, indici a cura di Sr. A. Emmanuela Scandella
OSC; appendice su altri monasteri OSC in Umbria a cura di P. Giovanni
Boccali OFM, Assisi, Porziuncola, 1987.
Roest, Bert, Predicazione femminile nel tardo medioevo tradizione francescana, “Studi Francescani” 62 (2004), pp. 119-154.
Sanudo, Marin, I Diarii, Venezia, Tipografia del commercio di Marco Visentini, 18791903, vol. VII.
Schutte, Jacobson, Anne, Between Venice and Rome: the Dilemma of Involuntary
Nuns, Kirksville, Truman State University, 2010.
Vasoli, Cesare, Intorno a Francesco Giorgio Veneto e all’Armonia del mondo, in Vasoli, Cesare, Profezia e Ragione. Studi sulla cultura del Cinquecento e del
Seicento, Napoli, Guida, 1979, pp. 129-403.
Vasoli, Cesare, Un “precedente” della Vergine Veneziana. Francesco Giorgio Veneto
e la clarissa Chiara Bugni, in Leather Kuntz, Marion (ed.), Postello, Venezia e il suo Mondo, Firenze, Olschki, 1988, pp. 203-225.
Vasoli, Cesare, Nuovi documenti sulla condanna all’indice e la censura delle opere di
Francesco Giorgio Veneto, in Stango, Cristina (ed.), Censura ecclesiastica
e cultura politica in Italia tra Cinquecento e Seicento, Sesta giornata Luigi
Firpo: atti del Convegno, 5 marzo 1999, Firenze, Olschki, 2001, pp. 55-78.
Wadding, Luca, Annales minorum seu trium ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum,
Romae, Ad Claras Aquas (Quaracchi), 1931, vol. VII, pp. 541-548.
Walker Bynum, Caroline, Wonderful blood: theology and practice in late medieval northern Germany and beyond, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania, 2007.
Zarri, Gabriella, Le sante vive. Cultura e religiosità femminile nella prima età moderna, Torino, Rosenberg & Sellier, 1990.
Zarri, Gabriella, Religious Institutions and Social Discipline: The Reform of the Regulars, in Brown, Judith C.; Davis, Robert C. (eds.), Gender and Society in
Renaissance Italy, Essex, Addison Wesley Longman, 1998, pp. 193-212.
Zarri, Gabriella, La vita religiosa tra rinascimento e controriforma. Sponsa Christi:
nozze mistiche e professione monastica, in Mattews Greco, Sara; Brevaglieri, Sabina (eds.), Monaca moglie serva e cortigiana. Vita e immagine delle
donne tra rinascimento e controriforma, Firenze, Morgana Editrice, 2001,
pp. 103-151.
Zarri, Gabriella; Baranda Leturio, N. (eds.), Memoria e comunità femminili: Spagna
e Italia, secc. XV-XVII - Memoria y comunidades femmininas: España e
Italia, siglos XV-XVII, Firenze, Firenze University Press - UNED, 2011.
Zarri, Gabriella; Chiacchella, Rita (coords.), Memoriale di Monteluce. Cronaca del
Monastero delle clarisse di Perugia dal 1839 al 1927, vol. II, Santa Maria
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Zarri, Gabriella, Predicatrici e madri spirituali. Il carisma, lo spazio, il pubblico, in
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Mueller, Reinhold C.; Zarri, Gabriella (eds.), La Vita e i Sermoni di Chiara
Bugni, Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2011, pp. 11-39.
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Fecha de recepción del artículo: enero 2012
Fecha de aceptación y versión final: marzo 2012
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 163-181
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.08
SERMONES Y ESPEJOS DE PRÍNCIPES CASTELLANOS1
SERMONS AND CASTILIAN MIRRORS OF PRINCES
HUGO O. BIZZARRI
Université de Fribourg
Resumen: Con este estudio se propone el
autor destacar la evolución del discurso
político en los espejos de príncipes castellanos. En este sentido se puede observar
que, si bien en los tratados de origen árabe
los catálogos de vicios y virtudes ocuparon un puesto considerable, estos listados se volvieron aún más importantes en
los tratados de fuentes occidentales y se
transformaron en su marca distintiva. Ello
permitió un acercamiento aún más estrecho entre discurso político y religioso, en
especial favoreció el cruce de dos géneros
literarios: el de los espejos de príncipes
con el de los sermones.
Palabras clave: espejos de príncipes; sermones; discurso religioso.
Abstract: This essay describes the
evolution of the political discourse in the
Castilian mirrors of princes. In fact it can
be observed that, even if the catalogues
of vices and virtues were already
considerably important in the treaties of
Arabic origin, these lists became even
more relevant in the treaties of western
sources and became their distinctive mark.
This allowed the bringing together of the
political and the religious discourse and
it especially contributed to the mixing of
two literary genres: the mirrors of princes
with the sermons.
Keywords: mirrors of princes; sermons;
religious discourse.
SUMARIO
1. Introducción.– 2. Espejos de príncipes y discurso religioso.– 3. Espejos de príncipes y los
tratados de vicios y virtudes.– 4. El discurso religioso en los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV.–
5. La reafirmación del discurso en la Baja Edad Media.– 6. Conclusión.– 7. Bibliografía citada.
1. INTRODUCCIÓN
En 1390, en Pamplona, el rey de Navarra, Carlos III, hizo pública su
obediencia al Papa aviñonés Clemente VII. En esa ceremonia don Pedro de Luna,
el futuro Benedicto XIII, pronunció un sermón en el que fundamentó la decisión
del monarca. Su editor moderno, H. Lapeyre, calificó a este texto como un temoinage historique2, pues documenta un paso importante de España en la contienda
del Cisma. Por mi parte, considero además a este sermón como un precioso testi1
Una primera versión de este trabajo fue leída como conferencia en el International Medieval
Sermon Studies Society XVIIth Symposium (Salamanca, 16-20 de julio de 2010).
Abreviaturas utilizadas: c = copla; cc = coplas.
2
H. Lapeyre, Un sermon, p. 45.
164
HUGO O. BIZZARRI
monio del acercamiento de discurso político y religioso en el entorno monárquico
castellano.
Las crónicas non son muy perceptivas a hacer mención de sermones pronunciados ante los monarcas; sin embargo, la Crónica de Juan II no calla un incidente
que involucra a San Vicente Ferrer en su paso por Ayllón (Segovia), en 1411: muchas
predicaçiones dixo en Ayllon e muchos dias estovo en la corte del rei frai Biçente,
predicando e dexando dotrina3. Las crónicas no sienten necesidad de consignar muchos otros oficios religiosos a los que asistían los reyes, pues formaban parte de la
vida cotidiana del monarca. Pero el fanatismo que despertaba San Vicente Ferrer hizo
imposible que el cronista callara sus prédicas. El discurso religioso invadía muchas
facetas de la vida medieval y el ámbito político no le era indiferente.
Numerosos trabajos se han publicado sobre la historia del Derecho español,
especialmente de los primeros códigos, entre los que los fueros, el Espéculo y las Partidas juegan un papel fundamental4. Ellos nos muestran que la redacción de un código
jurídico propiamente hispánico no fue sino un largo proceso de escritura y reescritura
de textos, pero también que la secularización del derecho canónico dejó impregnada
su huella en el discurso legal. Un caso similar nos plantean los “espejos de príncipes”
castellanos. Sus diferentes modelos, las diversas formas que tomaron en muchos manuscritos, muestran que ellos también se vieron sometidos a un proceso de escritura
y reescritura. La falta de un molde preciso que caracterice al “espejo de príncipes”,
factible de ser escrito en prosa o en verso, en un estilo arabizante o escolástico, como
discurso organizado o como simple lista de sentencias o ejemplos, facilitó no sólo su
constante metamorfosis, sino también su pervivencia.
Desde la publicación del estudio pionero en el ámbito hispánico de José
Manuel Nieto Soria5, se han ido estudiando las imágenes de representación del poder,
su simbología, su aporte a la formación del estado moderno, la sacralización del poder, entre otros tantos temas6. No faltan útiles panoramas que trazan la tradición de los
especula castellanos7, aunque todos ellos son parciales. Todos estos panoramas por
su naturaleza historicista no solucionan un problema de base: ¿cuáles son las claves
de organización y de exposición de un “espejo de príncipes”? Tratando de solucionar
este interrogante, hace años ensayé una explicación encontrando en la difusión del
postulado pseudo-aristotélico de la trifuncionalidad de la ciencia política (es decir,
su división en ética o monástica, económica y política) una clave de organización
que se conocía ya desde la traducción de la económica de Pedro Gallego, pero que
se patentizó, finalmente, con el tratado de Egidio Romano, que ya aparece citado en
Juan Manuel y que tradujo y glosó fray Juan García de Castrojeriz para el rey Pedro
3
Véase P. Cátedra, La predicación, p. 308; idem, Sermón, sociedad y literatura, p. 134. El episodio es también recordado por Alfonso Álvarez de Villasandino en un poema dedicado al obispo de
Palencia, Sancho de Rojas, contenido en el Cancionero de Baena (n. 159), para que interceda ante el
rey y le pague los favores que le hizo.
4
Por ejemplo, los de A. García Gallo, El “Libro de las leyes” e idem, Nuevas observaciones; o
los trabajos de J. Craddock ahora reunidos en el volumen Palabra de rey.
5
Me refiero a sus Fundamentos.
6
De lo cual son reflejo los volúmenes de J.M. Nieto Soria, Ceremonias de la realeza e idem, El
conflicto en escenas, los de Genet y Vincent, État et Église y A. Rucquoi, Genèse médiévale. Un
valioso antecedente fue el estudio de M. García Pelayo, El reino de Dios.
7
F. Rubio, De regimine principum; H.L. Sears, The “Rimado de Palacio”; B. Palacios Martín, El
mundo de las ideas políticas; J.M. Nieto Soria, Les Miroirs; M.A. Pérez Priego, Sobre la configuración literaria; D. Nogales Rincón, Los espejos de príncipes; H.O. Bizzarri, A. Rucquoi, Los espejos
de príncipes; y M. Haro Cortés, Literatura de castigos.
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SERMONES Y ESPEJOS DE PRÍNCIPES CASTELLANOS
165
I8. Hoy pienso que no puede ser la única clave, fruto, naturalmente, del multifacetismo
del género.
Lo que presento a continuación es un ensayo de explicación de la conformación del discurso de los “espejos” desde el punto de vista de su tradición discursiva.
Lo que me pregunto es si hay un tipo de discurso con el que se identifiquen los “espejos de príncipes” como sí los hay para otras tradiciones9.
2. ESPEJOS DE PRÍNCIPES Y DISCURSO RELIGIOSO
Ambas tradiciones tienen un punto en común: ellas se vieron de alguna manera comprometidas en la renovación cultural que se produjo en los siglos XII y XIII
en la que la Universidad jugó un papel importante. El discurso religioso para entonces
tenía una larga tradición: desde el mandato de Cristo a sus apóstoles de salir y predicar el Evangelio (Marcos 16, 15), la homilía se había configurado como un género
propio. Pero, como bien se ha destacado, hasta el siglo XIII era un discurso dejado al
libre arbitrio, a la libre inspiración –y por qué no– a la capacidad del orador10. En el
siglo XIII, sin embargo, se reorganizó el discurso religioso y se estableció el sermón
como una pieza de retórica. Ese sermón propio de las universidades estuvo pautado
por normas fijas, por una estructura que era necesario seguir11. El predicador contaba
ahora con una serie de textos auxiliares que le servían para componer su sermón: las
artes praedicandi, manuales de retórica sagrada que incluían muchos modelos de
sermones, y las distinctiones, repertorios de citas bíblicas, ejemplos y auctoritates. De
esta forma, el sermón se transformó en un discurso retórico que osciló entre prédica
oral y discurso escrito. Las órdenes mendicantes lo consideraron un arma esencial de
la reforma de las costumbres de los clérigos, como se había propuesto en el IV Concilio de Letrán (1215). La prédica “efectiva” de la que nos dan cuenta la gran cantidad
de reportationes que guardan los manuscritos medievales dio paso a la utilización del
sermón como manual de lectura, es decir, la reunión en volúmenes de sermones que
nunca se habían pronunciado12. Pero el sermón universitario no se quedó en el ámbito
monacal y académico. También se instauró como instrumento de las costumbres de
los laicos. De esta forma, gracias a los sermones ad status las órdenes religiosas que
estaban en el entorno de la corte expandieron su influencia a palacio13.
El discurso político también se benefició de la reforma impulsada en las
universidades. La ya antigua tradición de “espejos de príncipes” encontró en el ámbito
universitario un impulso renovador14. Él también se transformó en un tipo de discurso más elaborado: el entretejido de sentencias bíblicas, de auctoritates y de ejemplos hizo que los llamados “medios auxiliares de la predicación” fueran herramienta
indispensable para la elaboración de estos tratados. El magister universitario, entre
cuyas funciones estaban tanto la de enseñar y disputar como la de predicar, cultivó
8
H.O. Bizzarri, La estructura; idem, El concepto de ciencia política; idem, El surgimiento.
Según han demostrado los diversos trabajos del volumen de D. Jacob y J. Kabatek, Lengua
medieval.
10
Como bien ha demostrado F. Rico, Predicación y literatura.
11
É. Gilson, Michel Menot; M. Zink, La prédication; J. Longère, La prédication; B.M. Kienzle,
The Sermon.
12
J. Leclerq, Les sermons. Un caso en Castilla nos lo presenta el manuscrito BUS 1854 editado
por M.A. Sánchez Sánchez, Un sermonario.
13
Remito al trabajo de M. Corti, Structures idéologiques.
14
W. Berges, Die Fürstenspiegel; J. Miethke, Las ideas políticas.
9
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HUGO O. BIZZARRI
ambos géneros, el sermonístico y el político, pues en el fondo ambos tenían puntos
en común15. Juan de Salisbury con su Policraticus impuso un modelo que influyó
directa o indirectamente en otros “espejos de príncipes”16. El modelo más perfecto lo
estableció, sin embargo, Egidio Romano con su De regimine principum librii III. Pero
estos, como otros tantos tratados en los que circuló el pensamiento político de la Edad
Media, no se pueden entender sin ese contacto con la universidad.
3. ESPEJOS DE PRÍNCIPES Y LOS TRATADOS DE VICIOS Y VIRTUDES
El tercer elemento que jugó un papel importante en la elaboración de un
discurso de los “espejos de príncipes” al que quisiera hacer referencia son los listados
de vicios y virtudes. Sabemos que en la Edad Media circularon dos matrices de listas de pecados (un listado septenario y otro octonario)17. Sin embargo, esas listas se
presentaban como repertorios abiertos, es decir, permitían a cada autor completar o
modificar dicho listado. Newhauser señaló que los tratados de vicios y virtudes sirvieron para componer colecciones de sermones, exempla y florilegios18. Por lo que puedo
advertir en la literatura española, ellos también sirvieron para articular los “espejos de
príncipes”. Y no creo que en esto España sea una excepción, si bien la particular situación de la Península Ibérica, cruce de caminos entre Oriente y Occidente, permitió
la existencia de más listados.
Trazar la evolución de un género como el de los “espejos de príncipes”
hispanos tropieza con un grave problema: la dificultad de describir una línea evolutiva clara y con ello una periodización19. Para el caso de los “espejos de príncipes”
castellanos no es fácil establecer la datación cronológica de las obras, aún de forma
aproximada: muchas de ellas debemos situarlas grosso modo dentro de una misma
corriente, aunque no sepamos qué texto precede a cuál. Si bien hay excepciones, como
los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV o el Libro de los doze sabios, la mayoría de ellos
están tan encerrados en sí mismos que no hacen alusiones externas que nos permitan
fecharlos. Es el caso del pseudo-aristotélico Poridat de las poridades. No hay ningún
indicio claro que permita determinar su fecha de composición. Su primer editor, Lloyd A. Kasten, conjeturó que, si dos de sus manuscritos son del siglo XIII y ellos presentan grandes diferencias, sería éste un indicio de que la obra hubiera sido traducida
del árabe a mediados de dicha centuria, tal vez a finales del reinado de Fernando III o
a comienzos del de Alfonso X20. La obra debe agruparse junto a otras de procedencia
árabe que se traducían en el mismo período. Pero no se puede ir más lejos. Este tratado
consta de un prólogo, en el que se narra el origen del libro (la expedición de Yahaya
15
P. Glorieux, L’enseignement au Moyen Âge; P. Delhaye, Enseignement et morale.
W. Berges, Die Fürstenspiegel, pp. 131-143; P. von Moos, Geschichte als topik.
17
Una lista de ocho pecados tuvo su origen en los monasterios de Egipto en el siglo IV y fue recogida por el monje Evagrius (gula, lujuria, avaricia, codicia, ira, pereza, vanagloria, soberbia). Ella
pasó luego a Casiano (ca. 360-433/35) y a Gregorio Magno quienes la difundieron a toda la Edad
Media. Pero Gregorio Magno, si bien sigue a Casiano, instituyó un segundo modelo: el listado septenario. Modificó el esquema octonario colocando un pecado (la soberbia) como raíz de todos los otros
(Moralia in Job, 31, 45, 87-91). Esto reforzó la imagen de los pecados como una familia y la idea
de la comunicación entre ellos. Véase R. Jehel, Die Geschichte des lasterschemas; C. Casagrande,
S. Vecchio, I sette vizi capitali.
18
R. Newhauser, The Treatise, p. 84.
19
Para una tradición del género remito a los trabajos citados en la nota 7.
20
Pseudo-Aristóteles, Secreto de los secretos. Poridat de las poridades, pp. 10-11.
16
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ibn al-Batrik al palacio de Hermes Trismegisto) y las cartas cruzadas entre Alejandro
Magno y Aristóteles cuando el filósofo se excusa de no socorrer a su discípulo que
ha conquistado Persia. Luego le siguen ocho capítulos en los cuales se dan consejos
para el buen gobierno del reino, pero también consejos medicinales, de numerología
mágica y hasta un lapidario. Todos saberes que son útiles para el gobierno del reino.
El primer capítulo describe cuatro tipos de reyes, que se determinan a partir
de un vicio y una virtud: el franco para sí y para su pueblo, el escaso para sí y para
su pueblo, el escaso para sí y franco para su pueblo y el franco para sí y escaso para
su pueblo. Es la diferente combinación de este vicio y esta virtud la que determina la
tipología de monarca. Pero hay un elemento que no debe faltar en el buen monarca: el
“seso”, es decir, la inteligencia; él es el comienzo de todo buen gobierno y de la fama
(“nombradía”) del rey. Es el deseo de fama inmerecido el que desencadena una lista
de pecados:
Onde el primer grado de seso es nonbradia, [e por el rregno uiene amor
de la nonbradia], e si la demandar omne sin so derecho uiene por ella
enbidia. E por la enbidia uiene la mentira. E la mentira es rrayz de las
maldades. E por la mentira uiene la [mestura]. E por la [mestura] uiene la
malquerencia. E por la malquerencia uiene el tuerto. E por el tuerto uiene
el departimiento. E por el departimiento uiene odio. E del odio uiene
baraia. E de la baraia uiene enemiztad. E de la enemiztad uiene lit. E la lit
es contraria al iuyzio e desfaze el pueblo e uençe la natura. E la contraria
de la natura es danno de todas las cosas del mundo21.
El “amor a la nombradía” es una forma de mencionar la vanagloria, y de ella
viene la envidia y la mentira. El tratado nos presenta un modelo generativo de vicios:
el encadenamiento de un vicio hacia el otro es claro y directo. Todo esto coincide con
el modelo gregoriano. En el texto hasta se elige un “superpecado” (la mentira). No
obstante, la obra está lejos de la tradición gregoriana. La vanagloria dispara una serie
de calamidades, entre ellas “la mentira”, raíz de todos los males. Es aquí evidente la
idea de ilación de los pecados, no de familiaridad, y que uno de ellos dispara todos los
demás hasta llegar a la destrucción del mundo.
La obra, sin embargo, no está escrita como un listado de vicios y virtudes
que hay que enseñar al rey. Ello será característico de los tratados de raíces occidentales. Por eso, sus capítulos discurrirán sobre la forma de impartir justicia, sobre el
ejército y la guerra, sobre numerología mágica, sobre fisonomía y el estudio de las
piedras. En muchos pasajes la obra no parece ser sino una acumulación de consejos
como si se tratase de un florilegio:
Alexandre, nunqua digades de si en las cosas que dixieredes de no. E
nunqua digades de no en las cosas que dixieredes de si. E todauia pensat
en las cosas que ouieredes de dezir o de fazer, e de guysa que non semeie
aliuiamiento en uuestro dicho ny en uuestro fecho. Ny fiedes por seruicio
si non poor omne que ayades prouado por leal e por uerdadero. E guardat
uuestro cuerpo e uuestro auer. E guardat uso de las cosas ueninosas ca
muchas uezes mataron los omnes buenos con ellas (p. 117).
No faltan tampoco pequeñas historias con las que se ejemplifican algunos
preceptos. Así, en la advertencia contra el veneno se coloca el ejemplo de la mujer
alimentada con veneno (cap. 2), para demostrar el poder de la astronomía, los dos
21
Ibidem, pp. 110-111.
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HUGO O. BIZZARRI
ejemplos de los estremonianos (cap. 3) o sobre la caballería el ejemplo de los caballeros que van a lidiar (cap. 7).
La construcción de un “espejo de príncipes” estructurado sobre la base de
vicios y virtudes es más propio de la tradición occidental. El Libro de los doze sabios
es un precioso ejemplo de mezcla de elementos orientales y occidentales en un mismo
“espejo de príncipes”. La obra fue compuesta hacia 1237 por Fernando III y completada a comienzos del reinado de Alfonso X, hacia 125522. Ella posee 66 capítulos y
parece haber sido compuesta en diferentes momentos23. Un primer núcleo de la obra
lo constituyen sus primeros veinte capítulos que son anunciados en el prólogo. Esa
primera sección funciona como un tratado de “vicios y virtudes”: lealtad, codicia,
esfuerzo, sabiduría, castidad, templanza, saña, largueza, avaricia, amistad, enemistad,
piedad, crueldad, justicia, codicia. Se trata de vicios y virtudes que se pueden hallar en
un príncipe, por eso rompe el molde habitual. Por momentos se observa que el autor
trabaja sobre la base de opuestos: si habla en un capítulo de la amistad, en el próximo
lo hace de la enemistad; si habla en otro de la piedad, en el siguiente de la crueldad.
Pero vemos ahora que la serie de vicios y virtudes no es un listado enunciado en el interior del texto, sino que él estructura la primera parte de este tratado, la más orgánica.
Muchos de sus capítulos están dispuestos como una sucesión de sentencias
o dichos, que cada uno de los filósofos expone sobre el tema propuesto. Hay, sin embargo, capítulos que no hacen esto. Ellos desarrollan más bien un discurso, aunque en
definitiva nunca se alejan de la forma expositiva del consejo:
Non dexes de fazer bien mientras podieres, que del mundo non te quedara al synon el nonbre de las bienaventuranças e de las conquistas, e las
buenas obras que te salvaran el alma. E lo al, como sueño pasara ante dy
(p. 110).
Hay capítulos que mezclan ambas formas expositivas como si se tratase de
una acumulación de cosas. Estas diferencias me han sugerido que posiblemente la
obra se nos haya conservado con diversos estados redaccionales, consecuencia de su
tradición manuscrita24.
Otro tanto pasa en otra obra del período, Flores de filosofía, también a medio camino entre Oriente y Occidente. Se trata de un pequeño tratado de 38 capítulos
con un pequeño prólogo en el que se dice que la obra fue compilada por una reunión
de sabios, pero que luego fue Séneca quien la finalizó25. La ficción no deja de representar la técnica de trabajo de los talleres del rey Alfonso: el grupo de sabios coordinados por el monarca26. En este caso, la obra presenta dos catálogos, uno de vicios y
virtudes y otro sólo de virtudes. El primero, como en el Libro de los doze sabios, se
halla en la sucesión de capítulos: el amor a Dios, lealtad, justicia e injusticia, braveza,
esfuerzo y desmayamiento, sabiduría, el uso de la palabra (custodia linguae), paciencia, sufrimiento, buen talante, buenas maneras, nobleza, cortesía humildad, orgullo,
concordia (avenencia), esfuerzo y cobardía, riqueza y pobreza, honra de los parientes,
mesura, mansedad y braveza, seso, osadía, codicia, saber y voluntad. Los capítulos
22
La fecha fue propuesta por J.K. Walsh (ed.), Libro de los doze sabios, pp. 23-33; F. Gómez
Redondo, Historia de la prosa, pp. 241-260, ha puesto reparos a estas fechas, pero véanse ahora las
consideraciones de H.O. Bizzarri, Le croissement de cultures.
23
H.O. Bizzarri, Consideraciones; idem, La idea de Reconquista.
24
Ibidem.
25
Para la tradición de Séneca en España, véase K.A. Blüher, Séneca en España.
26
Según estableció G. Menéndez Pidal, Cómo trabajaron.
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169
mismos se desarrollan sobre una oposición. Cada vicio o virtud es definida a través de
la confrontación con su opuesto. Por ejemplo, en el mismo capítulo se habla de la justicia y la injusticia (cap. 6), del esfuerzo y del desmayamiento (cap. 10), del esfuerzo
y de la cobardía (cap. 24), de la riqueza y de la pobreza (cap. 26), de la mansedad y
de la braveza (cap. 30), etc.
La obra presenta una mezcla de vicios y virtudes cortesanas y eclesiásticas.
A la nobleza, cortesía y braveza propias de una sociedad feudal, añade otras de medios
religiosos como la humildad, la codicia y el uso de la palabra, disciplina esta última
en desarrollo en medios monacales a partir del siglo XII27. Pero lo que prima son los
vicios y virtudes de una sociedad señorial.
El segundo listado se halla en el cuento de los capítulos II y III, donde se
presenta el ejemplo del rey y el predicador. Un rey sale de caza y se encuentra con un
predicador. Absorbido por su ejercicio, el rey indica al predicador que no tiene tiempo
de oír su sermón. El predicador le advierte que si Adán perdió el paraíso por sólo un
pecado, Dios no querrá acoger a aquél que cometió tantos. El rey se quedó pensando
en estas palabras durante todo el día. A la vuelta de la caza, encontró un físico trabajando frente a unos orinales a quien le preguntó si tenía una medicina para curar sus
pecados. Esa medicina conforma el capítulo III. Ella está constituida por una lista de
virtudes: humildad, caridad, temor a Dios, vergüenza, obediencia, esperanza en Dios,
mesura, amor verdadero, perdón, sabiduría, vencimiento de la voluntad y deseo de las
buenas obras. El relato retoma la idea de las pasiones como una enfermedad, especialmente porque ellas estaban enlazadas a los pecados28. Se trata ahora de un listado
de virtudes cuyo origen es claramente clerical. El lector de este manual encontrará
muchas de ellas analizadas en el interior del tratado.
Sin embargo, la influencia oriental es aún fuerte. Por eso, si bien sus capítulos
presentan un discurso más elaborado que se vale de conectores y giros para su ilación,
es evidente que éste logra su articulación sobre la base del entretejido de sentencias:
Sabed que paciencia es que non peche omne mal por mal en dicho nin en
fecho, e que non muestre sanna nin mala voluntad, nin tenga mal condesado en su coraçon por cosa que le fagan, nin que le digan. E de la paciencia son dos maneras, la primera es: que sufra el omne a los que son
mayores que el, la segunda: que sufra a los menores que el. E por esto
disen que, quando vno non quiere, dos non varajan. E sabed que nunca
barajan dos buenos en vno, mas en dos malos fallaredes baraja, e quando
barajan [vn] bueno e [otro] malo, amos a dos son contados por eguales. E
por ende deue omne dar pasada a las cosas, sy non, nunca sera paciente29.
Hasta este momento los “espejos de príncipes” compilados en los reinados
de Fernando III y Alfonso X, a medio camino entre tradición árabe y occidental, se
constituyen como tratados de vicios y virtudes, con una organización cada uno particular. Podríamos decir que cada tratado establece su sistema de vicios y virtudes, cada
obra su particular universo de virtudes. Ya he dicho que, si bien existían dos modelos
de listas de pecados, el de Casiano y el de San Gregorio, cada autor podía elaborar el
suyo propio. Y esa posibilidad fue utilizada por los compiladores de estos espejos. La
evolución de la política castellana hizo que no tardaran los caminos de los “espejos de
príncipes” y de la predicación en cruzarse.
27
28
29
Como han demostrado C. Casagrande, S. Vecchio, I peccati della lingua.
Véase para ello S. Vecchio, Passions de l’âme et péché capitaux.
Flores de filosofía, pp. 39-40. La cursiva es mía.
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HUGO O. BIZZARRI
4. EL DISCURSO RELIGIOSO EN LOS CASTIGOS DEL REY DON SANCHO IV
La llegada al trono de Sancho IV (1284-1295) significó la instauración definitiva de la clerecía en el poder. Ello se refleja claramente en las obras literarias y
en las monumentales impulsadas por el monarca30. Sancho IV fue un hombre de una
gran piedad, pero la clerecía fue quien le ayudó a llegar al poder y eso el monarca lo
recompensó rodeándose en la corte de las personas que le habían sido fieles en sus
momentos difíciles31. La orden de los franciscanos tendrá un papel destacado junto
al monarca32. Todo esto hace que la visión del rey vuelva hacia una cultura eclesiástica de fuentes latinas. Tampoco estuvieron ausentes en el período textos de fuentes
francesas, tal vez conocidos gracias a los prolongados, necesarios (y accidentados)
contactos diplomáticos con el país vecino33.
Precisamente en Francia el discurso político experimentaba un cambio
abrupto. En 1282 Egidio Romano terminaba su De regimine principum para el rey
Felipe. Y poco después Henri de Gauchi realizaba la primera de las ocho traducciones
al francés que se hicieron de este tratado34. La obra unía dos corrientes que estaban
en pugna en las universidades francesas: la de los teólogos y los nuevos textos aristotélicos. No voy a expandirme sobre este tema, pero sí decir que el tratado de Egidio
se une a esa corriente de expurgación de textos de Aristóteles que trataba de hacer
asimilable las enseñanzas del Filósofo a una ortodoxia cristiana.
Es muy difícil decir si la obra de Egidio influyó sobre los Castigos del rey
don Sancho IV, sea en su versión latina o francesa. Recordemos que el De regimine
principum era lectura obligatoria para la orden de los agustinos, lo cual impulsó su
difusión35. Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV es un testimonio de la apropiación que
hizo el discurso político del religioso. La consecuencia es la creación de un discurso
escolastizante. Pero también la obra refleja la situación política de la Castilla del rey
don Sancho IV: la influencia creciente en la corte del clero.
Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV fueron compuesto hacia 1292, año
importante para Sancho: el rey se afirma en su trono, impone su autoridad y obtiene una de las batallas más importantes frente a los moros, la toma de Tarifa. No
sabemos, sin embargo, en qué estado redaccional dejó el rey su tratado. Muchos
accidentes internos indican que mientras algunos capítulos fueron perfectamente
terminados otros quedaron en redacciones intermedias. Lo cierto es que esta nueva
clerecía propone un nuevo “espejo de príncipes”, centrado ahora de lleno en una
tradición occidental. La obra comporta 50 capítulos y está escrita como los consejos
que un padre da a su hijo. Evidentemente, la tradición catoniana y la salomónica
han jugado aquí un papel importante en la conformación de la forma expositiva,
pero tal vez también hayan sido conocidos los Enseignements del rey San Luis a sus
hijos. El tratado está escrito para su hijo, el futuro Fernando IV, entonces de siete
años de edad. Pero no hay que buscar una estrecha vinculación biográfica, como ha
querido ver la crítica en alguna ocasión: lugar común de los “espejos de príncipes”
era el de dedicarlo al hijo del monarca, aunque el tratado sirviera de lectura al rey
o a la nobleza.
30
F. Gutiérrez Baños, Las empresas artísticas.
M. Gaibrois de Ballesteros, Historia; J.M. Nieto Soria, Sancho IV.
32
Esta relación fue planteada por H.O. Bizzarri, Castigos del rey don Sancho IV, pp. 67-70.
33
Remito para todo esto a la monografía de H.O. Bizzarri, Castigos del rey don Sancho IV.
34
S.P. Molenaer (ed.), Li livres du gouvernement des rois. Sobre estas traducciones, véase ahora
la tesis inédita de N.-L. Perret, Il n’est seigneur.
35
Según indica F. Lejard, Gilles de Rome, p. 430.
31
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Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV, pese a su aparente sujeción a una ortodoxia, es una obra eminentemente innovadora. Desecha la estructura de catálogo de
vicios y virtudes para buscar una nueva organización, ahora la concepción aristotélica
trifuncional de la ciencia política, es decir, la división en tres partes de la disciplina:
ética, económica y política. Es por eso que los primeros dieciocho capítulos se dedican a la ética o formación moral del individuo, los capítulos 19 a 21 al gobierno de la
casa o económica, mientras que el resto se dedica a lo que en las nuevas teorías era
la política, la relación con los súbditos y el gobierno del estado. Este sistema trifuncional es el mismo que presenta Egidio Romano, aunque no le hacía les falta a los
intelectuales de Sancho IV leer esta obra para aprenderlo, pues era una concepción
suficientemente ya difundida36.
Hay muchos elementos que acercan este tratado político al ámbito de la predicación. Por ejemplo, el uso de preceptos bíblicos. El tratado presenta como nunca
su discurso basado en citas bíblicas. No es de extrañar, pues como bien ha indicado
Ullmann en varios de sus trabajos, la Biblia, en especial los proverbios y los Evangelios, ofrecieron el sostén ideológico del discurso político en la Edad Media37. Por tanto,
siendo los Castigos un tratado en que el clero tiene tanta importancia, es obvio este
uso preeminente de citas y pasajes bíblicos. Si en el prólogo se comenta el pasaje del
Génesis sobre la caída es porque este relato sobre la transgresión de un orden impuesto
por Dios justificaba en la tratadística política medieval la existencia de leyes. Si en el
capítulo 10 se comenta el pasaje del tributo al César (Mateo 22, 15-22) es porque este
pasaje en la tratadística medieval servía para reflexionar sobre la división de poderes.
Junto a ellas, hallan lugar las citas de auctoritates: San Agustín, Casiodoro,
Boecio, San Cesario, es decir, lo que en el lenguaje universitario se consideraba los
antiqui, pero también los moderni, como Pedro Lombardo, Graciano y San Bernardo.
Todo esto inserta a este “espejo de príncipes” en la corriente del Policraticus de Juan
de Salisbury, de los tratados de Santo Tomás y de Egidio Romano.
Podríamos hasta decir que hay capítulos escritos utilizando las técnicas de
los sermones. Por ejemplo, el capítulo IX, dedicado a hablar de la justicia. Se inicia
con una cita bíblica a manera de thema del capítulo: Dize el rey Salamon: Amad justiçia vos que judgades la tierra tomada de Salomon 1:1 e inmediatamente añade otra
a manera de prothema: Derecho judgad a los fijos de los omes (p. 120). Se desarrolla
así un largo capítulo que utiliza de la enumeratio y ejemplos bíblicos. Uno de ellos
es el famoso pasaje de las dos mujeres que se aparecen ante Salomón reclamando la
maternidad de un niño, o el juicio que dio Dios sobre Sodoma y Gomorra, el castigo
de David por tomar la mujer de Urías, el juicio de Judas por la traición que hizo a
Cristo, el juicio de Dios sobre Nerón por la muerte de San Pedro y San Pablo. El capítulo finaliza con una frase a manera de clausio: Todas las cosas se gouierrnan e se
mantienen por justiçia, e sin ella non se farie nada (p. 129). Ofrecí aquí un ejemplo in
extremis, pero hay otros que no se acercan tanto a esta estructura.
Hay recursos propios de la exégesis bíblica. Por ejemplo, en el comentario
de las sentencias. El capítulo VIII sobre la Fe se inicia también con una sentencia
tomada esta vez de los Decretales: Creed firme mente e abierta mente que vno sólo
es verdadero Dios, perdurable, grande e non mouedizo, firme, del qual puede omne
contar conplida mente (p. 115). Esto da pie para hacer una larga explicación sobre la
Trinidad. El pasaje se completa con otras citas bíblicas y con una auctoritas de los
moderni: el Papa Inocencio y hasta de Pedro Lombardo.
36
H.O. Bizzarri, La estructura de “Castigos e documentos del rey don Sancho IV”; idem,
El surgimiento de un pensamiento.
37
W. Ullmann, The Bible and Principes; idem, Principios de gobierno; idem, The Papacy.
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HUGO O. BIZZARRI
Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV no dejan de lado la alegoría bíblica,
pero hay dos técnicas que no quisiera pasar por alto. Una es la utilización del recurso
de la “plática”38. Este recurso otorgaba al discurso la vivacidad de la lengua hablada.
Por ejemplo, en el capítulo X cuando comenta el pecado original, retrata el momento
en que Dios se dirige a Adán y éste toma conciencia del pecado:
Oyo la boz de Dios que le llamo entre los arboles del parayso, e le dizie:
¿O eres Adam? Como quien dize: ¿O eres o do estas tu que erraste? (...) E
dixo Adam entonçe: ‘Sennor, oy la tu boz que me llamauas e houe grand
miedo e quisierame asconder si pudiera (p. 131).
El capítulo 21 cuando habla de la virginidad aconseja no tener relaciones
con una judía, pues ellas son del linaje que crucificó a Jesús. Recuerda aquel momento
de una forma viva:
Menbrarte deue commo los judios dixieron a grandes bozes: ‘¡Cruçificalde! ¡Cruçificalde! e la su sangre sea derramada e esparzida sobre nos
e sobre nuestros fijos’ (p. 201).
El recurso acercaba el sermón al teatro, por eso era muy utilizado en la homilía pública. Los autores de los Castigos se sirven de él para romper la monotonía
que imponía a esta prosa escolastizante la sucesión de citas bíblicas y patrísticas.
El segundo recurso que creo que el o los autores de los Castigos toman de
la predicación es el de hacer frecuente alusión a escenas de la realidad cotidiana. Así
tienen lugar muchas comparaciones que hacen más concretos conceptos abstractos.
Una, por ejemplo, era frecuente entre los predicadores: la desnudez con que viven las
aves en contraposición a los bienes que desvelan el sueño de los hombres. Ello da pie
a una escena costumbrista:
Mas el omne non acaesçe así, que quando se ha a echar a la noche desnuda los pannos e guardalos, e cuydalos guardar para si, e guardalos para
otri. E el aue desque vee la claridat del dia non se detiene para vestir nin
para calçarse, mas sacudese del suenno que ha dormido e buela e va su
via. E el omne no faze asi, que en la mannana aura pereza de se leuantar
e de se acomendar a Dios. E demas desto auerse ha de vestir e de calçar
(p. 328).
En esta misma dirección debe interpretarse el ejemplo protagonizado por
Juan Corvalán sobre la guerra entre Francia y Aragón ocurrida en 1285 y que el propio
protagonista cuenta a don Sancho (cap. 19). El ejemplo recuerda la técnica del audivi
de los predicadores.
Todos estos recursos muestran cómo el discurso político se iba apropiando
del religioso39. El objetivo era claro: el nuevo entorno clerical de Sancho IV quería
crear una imagen del monarca que se opusiera a la que ofrecían los “espejos de príncipes” del rey Alfonso X, la imagen del rex christianissimus.
Estos lazos se iban a profundizar en el futuro y los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV jugaron también aquí un papel protagónico. La obra fue reelaborada dos veces
38
P. Cátedra, Sermón, sociedad y literatura, pp. 219-222; H.O. Bizzarri, La palabra del predicador.
39
Remito para otros aspectos a H.O. Bizzarri, Castigos del rey don Sancho IV: una reinterpretación, pp. 47-70; Ch. Moreno, La inserción de los exempla.
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en el siglo XIV. Una de ellas, contenida en el manuscrito de la Biblioteca Nacional de
Madrid 6559, amplifica el tratado con capítulos de la glosa al Regimiento de Príncipes
de Egidio Romano, hecha por fray Juan García de Castrojeriz, más otros elementos;
entre ellos una serie de capítulos (caps. 83 a 88) tomados de un sermonario. El discurso político ya estaba preparado para incorporar no sólo el recurso de la prédica,
sino sermones en su totalidad40. La otra reelaboración, contenida en el manuscrito de
la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid 3995, reformula más profundamente el texto: reescribe las frases, parte erróneamente los capítulos, latiniza los nombres de personajes
bíblicos, adiciona de forma asistemática algunas citas en latín, especialmente bíblicas, y hasta una vez traduce al latín un refrán. Además, uno de sus manuscritos está
iluminado con 22 ilustraciones, la mayoría de ellas ilustrando escenas bíblicas que
representan preceptos políticos41. Esta reformulación del viejo texto no es extraña. La
adición de citas latinas en el proceso de transmisión de los “espejo de príncipes” ya
se había dado en otras obras, como el Libro de los doze sabios. Pero los Castigos se
acercan a un período humanista que no hace extraña esta latinización. Por otra parte,
es necesario pensar que la obra se difundió entre círculos religiosos conectados con la
realeza, como el monasterio de las Huelgas en Burgos42.
5. LA REAFIRMACIÓN DEL DISCURSO EN LA BAJA EDAD MEDIA
En los siglos XIV y XV ésta será una tendencia que se profundice43. El “espejo de príncipes” más importante de este período lo constituye la glosa y traducción
que fray Juan de Castrojeriz hizo del De regimine principum de Egidio Romano. El
tratado es de trascendental importancia para la historia de las ideas políticas, pues no
sólo ofrece la síntesis de ideas cristianas y aristotélicas, sino también la concepción
trifuncional de la ciencia política aplicada ahora a un manual para el príncipe y para
toda la sociedad. Sin embargo, desde el punto de vista expositivo poco agregó a esta
corriente que comento, pues el tratado de Egidio y la glosa de Castrojeriz se vuelcan
más hacia una prosa escolastizante, en la que el comentario de auctoritates, antiqui
y moderni, es la forma única de razonamiento. Al comienzo del libro se explica que
Gil de Roma compuso este texto por mandado del rey Felipe de Francia a cuyo ruego
el compuso este libro de los dichos de los filosofos e principalmente de Aristoteles44.
Y como la ciencia que va a enseñar trata de aspectos morales sobre los cuales no hay
certeza se valdrá de “figuras”, es decir, comparaciones, y de “ejemplos”. Estas “figuras” y “ejemplos” serán multiplicados por García de Castrojeriz en sus glosas. Es por
eso que este tratado retoma la forma expositiva del comentario de auctoritates, como
se hacía en la escuela, pero no las técnicas de una oratoria sermonística. Lo único que
de ella adiciona Castrojeriz es la extrema utilización de exempla.
Hay otros tratados del período que, sin embargo, sí se valen de la retórica
sermonística. Por ejemplo, fray Juan de Alarcón en su tratado Libro del regimiento
40
Sobre esta versión y sus amplificaciones véase la tesis de A.M. Marín Sánchez, La versión
interpolada, pp. 65-173.
41
Ellas fueron estudiadas por H.O. Bizzarri, Del texto a la imagen.
42
Desconocer este proceso llevó a M.A. Sánchez Sánchez a creer que los capítulos de los Castigos son verdaderos sermones en su trabajo Notas sobre los “Castigos”.
43
La imitación de sermones se transformó en los siglos XIV y XV en una práctica común en
toda Europa, especialmente en Inglaterra y Francia, como han estudiado S.L. Gilman, The Parodic
Sermon y M. Jones, The Parodic Sermon.
44
J. Beneyto Pérez, Glosa castellana, p. 5.
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HUGO O. BIZZARRI
de los señores dedicado a don Álvaro de Luna45. El propósito de esta obra es enseñar
cómo, a pesar de los peligros que para el alma trae el ejercicio del gobierno, el regidor
puede servir a Dios y, en consecuencia, conseguir el premio divino. Es la única forma
de agradecer a Dios que ha decidido honrar al condestable colocándolo en tan alto
lugar de la sociedad:
E por cierto, yo e todo otro omne que la Santa Escriptura lee, o algo
della entiende, devemos tanto bien a Dios sentir, que tiene poder e puede
querer de vos e de otros semejantes que en esta vida ensalzo, ensalzarvos
en la otra e llevarvos a la gloria, para que por vosotros non quede, esforzandovos de trabajar e deseandole servir e poniendolo en obra (p. 156).
El ejercicio del poder es, por tanto, un servicio a Dios. Las seis partes en que
se divide este tratado intentan describir el regimiento del reino como un “arquetipo
divino”. Los tres primeros libros de este tratado se ocupan de mostrar la relación que
el poder tiene con Dios; la cuarta y la quinta explica los pecados que nacen del poder
y cómo Dios soporta a los que en ellos incurren; la sexta trata de los arrepentidos y
cómo ellos deben buscar a Dios. Fernando Rubio señaló en este tratado la influencia
de Egidio Romano, aunque, confiesa, que el texto recuerda una lectura lejana del
escritor agustino46. Efectivamente, pocos elementos comunes podemos señalar con la
obra de Egidio o su traducción castellana. Más bien su estructura y estilo se colocan
en la línea de los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV, aunque esto tampoco implique una
influencia directa de una obra sobre la otra.
La retórica sermonística ha dejado aquí una vez más una honda huella no
sólo en el uso de citas bíblicas, de auctoritates y ejemplos sagrados, sino en el desarrollo mismo del tema de los capítulos. Daré como ejemplo el capítulo 9 de su Libro I
en el que expone cómo los que bien han regido su reino y su cuerpo ganan el Paraíso.
El capítulo comienza con una cita de San Agustín: Según dize Sant Agustin, el que
bien se ha en el regimiento de Dios aca le dio e bien govierna la gente que le encomendo fazelo Dios digno de lo meter despues en el regno que le prometió (p. 169).
A esta primera cita que a modo de thema esboza La temática del capítulo, le sigue una
segunda cita bíblica (Mateo 25, 21-23) que juega a manera de prothema: Alegrate,
buen siervo e fiel, sobre pocas cosas que te di fuiste fiel e leal, agora sobre muchas te
costituire; entra en el gozo de tu Señor (p. 169). La cita bíblica le da apoyo doctrinal
para para sustentar la hipótesis de San Agustín: los fieles a Dios están a su lado. Una
segunda cita bíblica, esta vez atribuida a San Pablo le hace volver sobre un tema tópico de los “regimientos de príncipes”, a saber, el duro oficio de gobernar al pueblo:
E por cierto, razon sera que escansen de sus trabajos, ca como dize Sant
Pablo, trabajo es regir conpaña e gente e servir a muchos, ca propiamente
cada uno que a otros rige e es señor, si bien lo faze, mas que ellos trabaja,
ca tiene de proveer a cada uno, de oirlo e soportarlo e contentarlo, e soportar a cada uno su vicio e tacha, e quasi en tantas partes se parte quantas
son aquellos de quien tiene cargo (p. 169).
A continuación enumera los seis males que presenta el poder temporal y
de los cuales el regidor se debe cuidar. Al finalizar esta exposición de males coloca
el ejemplo de Alejandro Magno y el hijo de un rey que no quería gobernar para tener
45
46
Véase el texto en F. Rubio, Prosistas, pp. 156-216.
Idem, De regimine principum, p. 654.
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175
tiempo para preparar su alma para la muerte. La historia es una de las tantas referidas
a Alejandro Magno en las que el héroe se encuentra con personajes sabios que desprecian el mundo y sus riquezas, a las cuales fueron muy afectos los predicadores47.
Finalmente, hay una frase de cierre a manera de clausio que sintetiza el propósito del
capítulo y que retorna al thema: De todos estos peligros e enojos es aquel regno quito,
el qual aquellos a quien Dios los regimientos tenporales encomienda, despues desta
vida, los mete e faze gloriosamente regnar por siempre (p. 170).
El tratado utiliza, pues, los mismos recursos retóricos que los Castigos del
rey don Sancho IV, con la sola excepción de la “plática” que Juan de Alarcón excluye.
Las partes 4-6, dedicadas a la reflexión sobre la relación del hombre con los pecados y
a demostrar cómo Dios soporta por divina gracia los pecados del hombre están constituidas por capítulos que se pueden asimilar a sermones destinados a la lectura. Sin
embargo, si bien la impronta religiosa es fundamental, el catálogo de vicios y virtudes
no juega aquí ningún papel.
Es en el campo de la lírica donde se va a imitar más fielmente el estilo de los
sermones. Fernán Pérez de Guzmán dirige al rey y a los nobles un Dezir, “letradamente fundado”, para demostrar que nadie escapa a la muerte48. La retórica sermonística
deja aquí su huella no tanto a nivel de la expresión como en la estructura del poema.
La primera copla introduce el thema del poema basándose en Génesis 3: 19: el hombre
es formado del polvo y al polvo volverá:
Tu, omne que estas leyendo
este mi simple dietado,
e non çesas presumiendo
como vives muy honrado,
miembrate que eres formado
de muy vil composiçion
e sin toda escusaçion
e ella seras tornado (c. 1).
La copla 2 agrega otra cita a manera de prothema: segund curso mundano,
/ non has siempre de durar / nin puedes trashumanar / de los otros la tu mano (c. 2).
Luego siguen una serie de coplas que presentan un desfile de personajes famosos de
la Biblia y la Antigüedad. Cada copla ofrece grupos de personajes que están relacionados entre sí para finalmente decir que vencedores y vencidos, ninguno de ellos ha
sobrevivido. Doy como ejemplo una copla:
Etor, el noble troyano
que fue tan firme guerrero,
e Archiles, el greçiano,
venturoso cavallero,
Ulixes, varon tortero,
que fizo tan cruel guerra,
ya son fechos polvo, tierra,
segund testo verdadero (c. 5).
Las cinco últimas coplas funcionan a manera de clausio proponiendo huir
de la riqueza, inclinarse a amar a Dios y dar limosna.
47
El relato no lo encuentro ni en Valerio Máximo ni mencionado por G. Cary, The Medieval
Alexander, pp. 143-162, ni por M.R. Lida de Malkiel, La leyenda de Alejandro, pp. 182-197.
48
Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena, n. 572.
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HUGO O. BIZZARRI
En 1475 o 1476 fray Íñigo de Mendoza dedica un Sermón trobado al rey
Fernando el Católico, poema en el que insta al monarca a tomar la lanza y acabar con
los rebeldes. Se trata de un poema laudatorio al nuevo monarca que une el reino de
León, Castilla, Aragón y Sicilia. Por ello, puesto que ha alcanzado más alto estado
que ningún otro monarca español anterior, se ve necesitado de una doctrina política:
Quanto mas alto se enpina
la cumbre de estado grande,
tanto mas y mas aina
es necesaria dotrina
con que rija y con que mande,
que si no mentio Platon
y verdad dixo Boecio,
sera prospera nacion
la que rige discrecion,
al contrario la quel necio;
lo mismo dixo Vejecio (c. 2)49.
El poema sigue a rajatabla la forma de un sermón. Parte de una sentencia
bíblica: Jugum meum suave est (Mateo 11, 30), incluye una oración, divide el thema
en partes y finaliza con su clausio50. Como es común en los sermones, el autor divide
su tema en tres partes. Se vale para ello de las tres metáforas que le sugiere el thema.
En la primera (cc. 14-25) desarrolla la metáfora del yugo que lleva el buey; por tanto,
insta al monarca a dominar el reino con mano fuerte:
Esforçad, rey esforçado;
tomad lança en la mano;
sujuzgad vuestro reinado,
pues teneis tan bien parado
lo divino y lo humano:
lo divino porque vos,
aunque puesto en tierna hedad,
sois un rey mucho de Dios;
lo humano porque las dos,
gran justicia y libertad,
fundada sobre verdad (c. 18).
La segunda parte del sermón (cc. 26-34) toma la metáfora de la melena del
buey que hace más suave el yugo que debe llevar. Por eso, propone al monarca que
procure la voluntad de los sojuzgados:
Teniendo Dios soberano
infinito el poderio,
gobierna el linaje humano
con una tan blanda mano
que non fuerça el albedrio;
pues si Dios omnipotente
pone el yugo sobre blando,
quanto mas de gente en gente
se debe muy mansamente
executar lo del mando,
las voluntades del ganado (c. 29).
49
Cito por fray Íñigo de Mendoza, Cancionero, pp. 299-318.
Para un análisis de las metáforas contenidas en el poema en relación al mundo animal, remito
al trabajo de A.I. Carrasco Manchado, La metáfora animal.
50
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177
La última parte (cc. 35-50) habla de las coyundas con que se deben atar los
bueyes. En esta parte, Mendoza intensifica el desarrollo de la batalla animalística del
buey y su forma de sojuzgarlo. De esta forma, propone dominar a los rebeldes:
Si quereis bien gobernalles
poned freno al que es brioso
y espuelas al perezoso,
que sabed que los vasallos
se rigen como caballos (c. 49).
El poema posee una doble clausio. Una copla que denomina “Fin del sermón” (c. 51) en la que Mendoza pide al monarca que piense en la gloria eterna y un
“Utículo” (cc. 52-54) en el que expresa su confianza en que el rey logrará la unidad
de España.
Pero tanto este poema, como el Dezir de Fernán Pérez de Guzmán, excluyen
de su contenido la temática de vicios y virtudes. Su autor no quiere escribir verdaderamente un sermón, pero halla en esta forma una manera de autenticar más fácilmente
un discurso partidista. Es curioso observar que cuanto más los autores del siglo XV
imitan la forma del sermón, tanto más descartan el esquema de vicios y virtudes.
6. CONCLUSIÓN
Como se puede ver de lo que he expuesto, los “espejos de príncipes” se han
valido de más de una forma expositiva. De la misma manera que no hay un molde
general que determine la forma de un “regimiento”, tampoco hay una única forma de
modo expositivo. Los primitivos “espejos de príncipes”, enraizados en una tradición
oriental, se valieron por sobre todo de la técnica de la acumulación de sentencias y la
ilación de pecados. Pero a partir de la reforma política llevada a cabo por Sancho IV
el molde occidental de estos tratados hizo que en ellos se aplicaran técnicas expositivas en algunos casos escolastizantes, especialmente aquellos que siguieron la huella
de Egidio Romano, y en otros la retórica sermonística, como hicieron los Castigos
del rey don Sancho IV. Ella no se va a limitar a valerse de una serie de técnicas, sino
también a copiar la forma y estructura de los sermones. Es evidente que la retórica de
este “espejo de príncipes” refleja una infiltración en el poder de las órdenes religiosas
que ahora aplicaban sus técnicas de persuasión en un tratado destinado a educar al
príncipe y a la nobleza. Pero lo que era a finales del siglo XIII una consecuencia de
una situación política, en el siglo XV se transformó en moda literaria. Es por eso que
la estructura de los sermones y sus técnicas van a ser imitadas en poemas que dirigen
mensajes al monarca. Pero estos poemas estarán vacíos de su antiguo contenido: el
comentario de vicios y virtudes, para reducirse a poemas escritos ad hoc.
El discurso político de tono escolastizante fue buscando nuevas formas de
expresión y ello lo llevó a cruzarse con el discurso religioso y a apropiarse de sus
formas argumentativas. Si bien en el aspecto dogmático, los “espejos” presentan un
mensaje uniforme que pone de relieve ciertos elementos que se reorganizan según el
momento histórico, en el aspecto discursivo muestran una constante búsqueda, sin
llegar nunca a tener una identidad propia. Es evidente que no hay un estilo único para
los “espejos de príncipes”: ellos supieron evolucionar atendiendo a los cambios de la
política. Lo que intentado explicar aquí es una de sus tantas búsquedas: la que lo llevó
a imitar la retórica sermonística.
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HUGO O. BIZZARRI
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Sánchez Sánchez, Manuel Ambrosio, Un sermonario castellano medieval. Estudio y
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 183-199
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doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.09
BETWEEN AN ORAL SERMON AND A WRITTEN COMMENTARY:
A CONSIDERATION OF RABBI JOSEPH BEN SHOSHAN’S POLEMIC
IN HIS AVOT COMMENTARY1
ENTRE SERMÓN ORAL Y COMENTARIO ESCRITO: UNA REFLEXIÓN
SOBRE LA POLÉMICA DEL RABINO JOSEPH BEN SHOSHAN
EN SU COMENTARIO SOBRE EL AVOT
NAHEM ILAN
Lander Institute, Jerusalem
Abstract: Rabbi Joseph ben Shoshan lived
in fourteenth-century Toledo. His Hebrew
commentary to tractate Avot has rarely
been studied, but there is solid evidence
for it stemming, at least in part, from oral
sermons. This paper identifies the evidence, analyzes it, and focuses specifically on
several of his polemics with the “wouldbe philosophers”. This term refers to the
antinomian neo-Platonists, whose stance
threatened not only the leadership and
authority of the Jewish community, but
its very existence. The article employs a
multi-disciplinary interpretation of the
text –linguistic, literary and ideological–
situating it in its historical context.
Keywords: Hebrew commentary; Kabbalah; Maimonides; polemics; sermons; Joseph Ben Shoshan.
Resumen: El rabino Yosef ben Shoshan
vivió en Toledo en el siglo XIV. Su comentario en hebreo sobre el tratado Avot
apenas ha sido estudiado. Sin embargo,
existen evidencias sólidas que apuntan a
su derivación, al menos parcial, de sermones orales. Este artículo identifica y analiza dichas evidencias, centrándose, sobre
todo, en su polémica con los “llamados
filósofos”. Este término alude a los neoplatonistas antinomianos, cuya postura no
solo amenazaba el liderazgo y la autoridad de la comunidad judía, sino su propia
supervivencia. El presente trabajo se basa
en una lectura multidisciplinaria del texto
–lingüística, literaria e ideológica–, insertándolo en su contexto histórico.
Palabras clave: comentario hebreo; cábala; Maimónides; polémica; sermones;
Yosef ben Shoshan.
SUMMARY
1. Introduction.– 2. Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s works.– 3. Avot commentaries as a distinct
literary phenomenon.– 4. Between preacher and commentator.– 5. The oral element in Ben
Shoshan’s Avot commentary.– 6. Identifying the “philosophizers”.– 7. Conclusion.– 8. Bibliography.
1
I wish to thank my friends Michael Glazer, Zeev Gries, Michael Shmidman and Ronny Weinstein who read an initial draft of this article and commented on it, thereby helping me improve it.
I thank also my daughter, Seraya Ilan-Birnboim, for her translation of the article, and Rabbi Yehonatan Chipman for his editing thereof. A brief version of this paper was presented at the International
Conference on Sephardic Jewry Between Edom and Kedar, honoring Prof. Yom Tov Assis, Hebrew
University of Jerusalem, February 27, 2012.
Abbreviations used: IMHM = Institute of Microfilmed Hebrew Manuscripts.
184
NAHEM ILAN
1. INTRODUCTION
Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan (ca. 1310-ca. 1380) was a prominent scholar
from Toledo whose work has hardly been researched2. Michael Shmidman was the
only one to discuss him in his doctoral dissertation and in two subsequent articles
derived from it, in which he treated specific elements in Ben Shoshan’s Commentary
on Avot3. Shmidman mostly discussed the ideological aspects of Ben Shoshan’s
polemic against Maimonides and against the philosophizers (mitpalsefim) of his time4.
But while this is indeed a typical characteristic of the commentary, there are many
other aspects that need to be discussed in order to fully appreciate it and properly
integrate it into the array of fourteenth and fifteenth century Spanish commentaries5.
In his dissertation, Shmidman collected the few available extant remnants
concerning Ben Shoshan’s biography6. Part of the difficulty in reconstructing his life
stems from the simple lack of information, but it is also difficult because another
figure bearing the same name, Don Joseph Ben Shoshan, lived in Toledo some 150
years prior to the one discussed in this article, overshadowing him7. It is noteworthy
that our Ben Shoshan was a Kabbalist and included some Kabbalistic comments in
his Avot commentary8.
The Avot commentary contains certain indications that, at least in part, it
was based upon oral sermons. This is particularly so regarding his polemic with the
“philosophizers”. If my hypothesis is correct, by this term he referred to a circle of neoPlatonic and antinomian scholars who threatened not only the community’s leaders
and their authority, but the very existence of the community itself. This was a slippery
2
A. Hershman, Rabbi Yizhak Bar Sheshet, pp. 58-59, where he quoted Ribash’s responsum §157,
p. 128, where he describes Don Joseph ibn Shoshan as a “talmudist, philosopher, Kabbalist and a
great pietist”, pp. 158-159.
3
M. Shmidman, Dissertation; idem, On Maimonides’ ‘Conversion’ to Kabbalah; idem, Radical
Theology.
4
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, pp. 19-122. And see below regarding the identity of the “philosophizers”.
5
For example: its sources and the way they are used; reflection of his biography in the Commentary; Ben Shoshan’s literary taste; the Commentary’s rhetoric and its meaning; the literary structure.
6
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, pp. 11-18.
7
S. Finn, Knesset Israel, p. 510, distinguished well between the two, allocating an entry to each
in his book. This was later discussed by Schloessinger, Schoshan; Hacohen, Otzar Hagedolim,
pp. 309-310 (the former) and 310 (the latter). On the earlier Joseph Ben Shoshan, see also S.D. Luzzatto, Almanzi, Avnei Zikaron, p. 69; Brody, Poems and New Letters, pp. 8-9; S.T. Gaguine, Keter
Shem Tob, vols. I-II, p. 215; vol. III, p. 225, n. 25; J. Yahalom, N. Katsumata (eds.), Judah Alharizi,
Tahkemoni, p. 548, poem 56; p. 592, poem 168. The first Joseph Ben Shoshan built a spectacular
synagogue in Toledo’s Jewish quarter which, after the 1391 pogroms, was converted to a church. It
is still standing today under the name of Santa Maria La Blanca. A literary reflection of that event is
found in a lamentation published by C. Roth, A Hebrew Elegy, esp. p. 131, section 2; 142, 1. 38. As
great a scholar as the late Shmuel Verses (1915-2010) did not refer to Ben Shoshan’s commentary.
See Verses, Studies (doctoral dissertation). For decades, only the first, introductory chapter was available to readers. A copy of Verses’ dissertation is found in the National Library and in the Mt. Scopus
Library in Jerusalem. After his death, his nachlass was given to the National Library, including one
full version of the dissertation. There are many differences between the first chapter and the full dissertation. A comparative consideration reveals what Verses omitted from this chapter, which seems to
be a second, amended version, especially in light of to the pencil deletion marks on the dissertation.
However, the single chapter includes several clarifications that are missing from the dissertation.
Substantial differences also exist in the table of contents of the dissertation (pp. 1-4) vs. that of the
single chapter (pp. 2-3).
8
For example, p. 3 (in his father’s name), p. 79.
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BETWEEN AN ORAL SERMON AND A WRITTEN COMMENTARY
185
slope, as the antinomian approach was very appealing to anyone who wished to decry
observance of the commandments, on the one hand, and those who believed they had
achieved a notion of God through intellectual experience, on the other hand. When
certain members of the community, particularly some of the more educated ones,
openly ceased observing the commandments, this posed a threat to medieval Jewish
society, which was by definition a voluntary one. By behaving thus, they undermined
and practically ruined the authority of the rabbinic leadership.
This article is based upon an interdisciplinary reading –linguistic, literal and
ideological– setting the text in its historical context.
2. RABBI JOSEPH BEN SHOSHAN’S WORKS
Three decades ago, Kasher and Blecherowitz published Ben Shoshan’s
Avot commentary9 basing their work upon a single manuscript10. However, that work
survived in three additional manuscripts, copied in Spain and in its cultural milieu
during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a fact implying that it was well known
in the area and was in demand even after the expulsion from Spain11. Moreover, a
summary of it was preserved in an additional manuscript12. This finding suggests how
well the commentary was received, so much so that whoever summarized it thought
it would be valuable to a less educated public than the original target audience; hence
he simplified and summarized it according to his taste and needs. To the best of my
knowledge, this summary was never been studied.
In the Avot commentary, Ben Shoshan mentions another of his works,
Shushan Edut13, a polemic against the Aristotelian approach to eternity a parte ante14.
This work remains to be discovered. There is also a commentary for Song of Songs
attributed to him15.
9
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s Commentary.
London - British Library, Add. 26922, copied in Salonika in 1534; in the IMHM of the National
Library in Jerusalem, F 5453, below: S.
11
The manuscripts, in chronological order, are: (1) Paris Bibliotheque Nationale, Heb 455, copied
in Ocaña in 1488, IMHM mark F 5072 (below: A). (2) Paris Bibliotheque Nationale, Heb 769/17,
copied in Tunis in 1496 by a Spanish exile, IMHM mark F 24845 (below: T). (3) Moscow Russian
State Library Ms. Gű nzburg 943, IMHM mark F 48286, ca. fifteenth to sixteenth centuries (below:
M). Only after a systematic review will it be possible to clearly determine the exact relations among
these, and whether or not they are close copies made from the same original manuscript, reflecting
the literary taste of a specific group, or whether there are significant differences indicating different
sources (perhaps a draft and a final version?) or widespread dissemination thereof. These important
questions are beyond the scope of this article.
12
Oxford-Bodleian Library Ms. Mich. 265, IMHM mark F 18373, dated 16th century.
13
This phrase is a hapax legomenon, appearing only in Ps 60: 1. In the King James Version (1769)
the form is Shushaneduth. In KJV from 1611 it is given as Shushan-Eduth, as it is in Webster’s Bible
and in the Jewish Publication Society Bible.
14
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s Commentary, p. 60.
15
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, pp. 14-15, suggests that the attribution is incorrect, stemming from
the initials K”U. There is indeed a commentary to Song of Songs attributed to Joseph Ben Shoshan:
New York –Jewish Theological Seminary– Lutzki 1058, IMHM mark F 24260. According to the
catalogue entry there, this manuscript is dated to the 16th century in cursive Spanish script. It is written in Hebrew and contains 12 leaves (1a-12b). One cannot determine which of the two Joseph Ben
Shoshans is the author or whether it is perhaps by a third person of the same name. I have found at
least two references that suggest an approach similar to that of “our” Joseph Ben Shoshan, the Avot
commentator: (a) on the words avert your eyes from me (Cant 6:5) he wrote that “The great ones, who
10
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NAHEM ILAN
3. AVOT COMMENTARIES AS A DISTINCT LITERARY PHENOMENON
Commentaries to the Avot tractate and to the extended version, Pirkei
Avot, have been written since the thirteenth century, constituting a popular literary
genre. At times these served not only as commentary but also as polemic, as I have
shown elsewhere16. Due to its educational and hortatorical nature17, many of the Avot
commentaries were essentially popular ethical literature18. Indeed, Joseph Dan, who
has dealt extensively with medieval Jewish ethical literature, considers the Avot
commentaries as one of the most common expressions of this genre19. There is ample
evidence of weakness in and disrespect towards observance of the commandment
in fourteenth century Spain, as a result of the dissemination of simplified and
abbreviated versions of many of the major Jewish literary compositions of the twelfth
(i.e., Maimonides 1138-1204) and thirteenth centuries, in order to make them more
available and accessible to the Jewish masses20.
As I have shown in the past, Avot commentaries generally stemmed from oral
sermons that were later recorded in writing. This was a well-recognized phenomenon
in Spain from the fourteenth century onward. In some commentaries it is fairly easy
to identify their oral origin, mostly due to linguistic and stylistic indications21. In this
article I wish to examine a polemical commentary in order to reveal and identify its
oral origins. This finding is significant for understanding the social processes in the
Jewish society of Toledo and its surroundings during the second half of the fourteenth
century.
4. BETWEEN THE PREACHER AND THE COMMENTATOR
As a general rule, every preacher-commentator operates on a continuum,
one pole being the text he is interpreting, the other being the time and place where
are compared with the eyes, are those secretly opposed (!) to God’s Torah, because they pretend to
be righteous but disobey God’s commandments, and they are the reason the exile continues (7b); (b)
On the words your eyes are pools in Heshbon (7:5) he writes, “meaning, the great ones are like the
pool that swallows everything, in the same way as robbers and thieves. In Heshbon –meaning they
make themselves seem good and important, Heshbon meaning importance (9b)”. I intend to research
this commentary in the near future. This manuscript merits a comparison with the Torat Hesed by
Rabbi Joseph Yabetz, which includes numerous quotes from Rabbi Joseph Shoshan’s Song of Songs
Commentary, so as to determine the author’s identity.
16
N. Ilan, Canonization.
17
M. Lerner, Tractate Avot.
18
See N. Ilan, Genre (in progress).
19
J. Dan, Ethical Literature, col. 625, section (9). Dan did not characterize or analyze the Avot
commentaries. Zeev Gries discussed this enormous task in his article, “Rabbi Yisrael of Koznitz”. In
Appendix 1: “To the History of Avot Tractate Commentaries” (pp. 163-164), Gries offered several
important comments that assist in integrating Ben Shoshan correctly into the commentary continuum. On p. 163 he states that most commentators did not deal with the comparison of the various
versions or the determination of an authentic one. Ben Shoshan did so in ten different places
(pp. 9, 15, 20, 55, 68, 72, 74, 94, 128, 133), being manifestly critical. His erudite language and phrasing indicate that his work was directed at an educated audience.
20
C. Horowitz, Jewish Sermon, pp. 13, 16, 17; J.D. Galinsky, On Popular Halakhic Literature.
21
N. Ilan, Dissertation, esp. p. 52, n. 48; pp. 80-85; idem, Shabbat Kallah Sermon.
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he works as a preacher, as well as the nature of his community22. Between those
two poles there is an inevitable, irresolvable tension. We often find aspects of both
commentary and preaching in the same work, and only the significance of each
of them determines its nature. When the work’s nature is clear, although it may
occasionally deviate from it, it is only natural to ask what caused the author to depart
from his usual way. It would seem likely that most deviations are from commentary
to preaching and not vice versa. The reason for this is that the preacher has no real
interest in or intention of interpreting the sacred text before him; the text is merely
the platform upon which he constructs his theme, and he has no real commitment or
obligation to the literal meaning of the verse or text. The commentator, by contrast,
may in a moment of enthusiasm, distress, or other emotional reaction, leave aside
his exegetical task and allow his heart to be heard; elements in his immediate
environment or in his spiritual and intellectual world may lead him to act like a
preacher for a certain time. These deviations are often an expression of distress:
either that of the commentator-preacher, of his public/congregation, or both. In such
instances, the text that was originally being interpreted and explained has become a
means of establishing an independent argument, and is used as support, or even as a
mere literary ornament. The focus shifts from the text to a specific phenomenon or
event in the preacher’s and community’s lives. I believe this is the case with Rabbi
Joseph Ben Shoshan’s Avot Commentary.
The Avot commentaries are an example of a wider phenomenon –the
development of the oral sermon, followed by the written sermon, in thirteenth– and
fourteenth-century Spain23. Dan has shown that this literary and social phenomenon
began developing because of a tendency to turn inwards, relying on traditional Jewish
resources, unlike the trend within Muslim society, which borrowed from external
philosophical resources from the Hellenistic tradition. At this time educated elites
who shared an interest in these ideas formed themselves into various groups and
conducted internal debates and polemics24.
5. THE ORAL ELEMENT IN BEN SHOSHAN’S AVOT COMMENTARY
The recording of oral sermons in writing was an attempt to grant them
eternity, a declaration that they have a value beyond the specific occasion on which
they were initially delivered. No wonder, therefore, that the text undergoes some
major changes when transformed from an oral sermon to a written text25.
In two instances in Ben Shoshan’s Commentary he clearly stated that he
writes from memory, without having the source in front of him. His exact phrases
were: and I do not remember the phrasing26 and if these are not the exact words, this
22
The phenomenon of wandering preachers developed later, especially in Eastern Europe –see
M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 47; idem, Attempts to Control the Pulpit, p. 100. In this context,
Gries’ criticism of Saperstein’s book is important, as Saperstein did not attribute enough importance,
and hence did not discuss thoroughly, the phenomenon of the Sabbatian preachers and wandering
pietists; see Z. Gries, Between History and Literature, esp. pp. 117-119.
23
C. Horowitz, Jewish Sermon, pp. 22-35. On Kabbalistic elements in sermons, see ibidem,
p. 30, n. 57.
24
J. Dan, Introduction, pp. 232, 236-239; idem, Background, pp. 243, 260, 263-264; idem, Literature, pp. 35, 40.
25
M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, pp. 79-89. Important insights may be found in Z. Gries, Homiletical Literature. Cf. M. Shmidman, Shem Tob, esp. p. 282, n. 34.
26
Ibidem, p. 130.
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NAHEM ILAN
surely is the main idea27. These phrases are typical oral expressions, which are at times
spontaneous or rushed. They are not suitable to written expression, which allows for
a second look and exact quotation.
In a different instance, Ben Shoshan deviates significantly from his path of
commentary. When discussing the Mishnah, Everything is anticipated, and permission
(i.e., free will) is granted, and the world is judged with goodness, and all is judged by
the majority of (a person’s) deeds (3.20)28, he engages in an open, profound polemic
with Maimonides, which continues for eighteen pages29. This polemic is dual-faceted:
Ben Shoshan is strongly criticizing Maimonides and some of his opinions (regarding
the subjects of creation, free choice, Divine providence, reward and punishment),
and at the same time explains that his deep disagreement stems from the misuse of
Maimonides’ opinions by the “philosophizers” of his own day. More than a century
separated between Maimonides’ death (1204) and Ben Shoshan’s birth (ca. 1310),
during which Maimonides’canonical status as a halakhic authority had become firmly
established. Even those who disagreed with him could not ignore him. Ben Shoshan’s
main argument is that even if Maimonides was a decent faithful man, the fourteenthcentury “philosophizers” who learned from his work corrupted it. Therefore
Maimonides bears at least some vicarious liability, to use current legal terms.
After briefly explaining the expression “by the deed”30, Ben Shoshan
apologized for criticizing Maimonides. Due to the importance of this apology, I will
quote it in full and analyze it31.
(1) Said Rabbi Joseph ibn Shoshan: I said I will watch my ways from sinning
with my tongue (Ps 39:2) even to write in a book with ink, for who am I and what is my
life (1 Sam 18:18) to talk about a matter of which the master of spiritual assignment, a
river flowing wisdom (Prov 18:4), R. Moses Ben Maimon, of blessed memory, spoke.
And even to thank and praise, and all the more so to argue the way I perceive matters,
how do I dare and jump to speak my words. And Heaven forbid that I argue, but I
would only fall flat and say: Would that I could kiss the floor around his feet and say
to him, My father, this is Torah and I need to learn [from you]32. But since I have
not merited to do so, and I see that heresy is constantly spreading, and the Torah is
degraded in the eyes of cursed evil people who err in its commandments and who
deviate from its ways, going astray after Aristotle.
(2) I call to witness heaven and the earth33 that once, on the eve of the
Sabbath, two students came to me, [who were] disciples of a noted and respected
person34. And they found me with the Pentateuch closed [in front of me], and asked
me what I had been doing, and I told them I had just finished studying the weekly
27
Ibidem, p. 153.
There are many versions to it, see S. Sharvit, Tractate Avoth p. 138, n. 15.
29
Ibidem, pp. 76-94.
30
Ibidem, pp. 79-80.
31
Ibidem, pp. 80-81. I have added punctuation to make the reading easier, and also divided the
text into numbered paragraphs to facilitate the subsequent discussion. The version is based on Paris
Bibliotheque Nationale Heb. 455 (A), which is 46 years earlier than the manuscript used by Kasher
and Blecherowitz and in my opinion is better. There is a clear link between manuscripts T and A.
32
According to the Babylonian Talmud, Berakhot 62a, Megilla 28a.
33
The expression is common in the Midrash and Talmud. See, for example, b. Yevamot 16a,
‘Arakhin 16b.
34
The Hebrew term is .KABW MJFOF. I do not know the meaning of this expression. To date it is
not mentioned in the Hebrew Academy’s historical dictionary. I thank my friend Dr. Uri Melammed
for bringing this to my attention.
28
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portion, and they stuttered to one another. I made an expression as if to ask why they
were stuttering, and they answered that they were surprised that a wise man such
as myself was engaged in doing so, and I chastised them as much as I could. And
their teacher was out of town at the time, and for his honor I kept my silence until he
returned. And when he returned I told him of that incident, and he imposed upon them
the ban if they would remain in town, and so they left. And this happened outside the
kingdom of Castile35.
(3) And when I went to Castile and I happened to be in a certain city, there
was a certain youth from a big city and he ridiculed the honor of the Torah, using harsh
words and rude gestures. And I told this to a certain person who could have chastised
him, but he did not do so36.
(4) And when I saw the extent to which the reins were loosened, and those
errants who loosened wished to draw support and help from certain matters and
reasons they found in the writings of the above-mentioned rabbi of blessed memory in
his commentaries, in them was fulfilled the saying: [When] a disciple is mistaken –his
teacher is blamed37. Nevertheless, I would have held back my heart from thinking and
my tongue from speaking against the words of the Rabbi, of blessed memory, until I
remembered that my entire life I have heard them saying in Tulaitula (i.e. Toledo) that
they had seen a missive written by the Rabbi, of blessed memory, in which he said
as follows: Towards the end of my days a certain man came to me and said certain
things that made sense. And if this had not happened when I was elderly, I would have
changed many of the rationales given in my work. And everyone was talking about
that the things which made sense as referring to words of Kabbalah38. For in all the
writings of the Rabbi, of blessed memory, there is neither mention nor even a hint of
Kabbalah, but the Rabbi of blessed memory attempted with all his might to reconcile
between the principles of religion and philosophy. And wherever he did not find a
compromise between them he wrote that the philosophers were mistaken. In any event,
this missive allows room to investigate certain distinctions in the arguments presented
by the rabbi, and those who wish to draw distinctions may argue that Perhaps these
criticisms that I make of the Rabbi’s works are among those things of which the Rabbi
wrote that he would have changed them.
35
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, p. 69.
This phrase is common in the rabbinic lexicon; see, e.g. b. Sanhedrin 103a. This story may also
be found in M. Shmidman, Dissertation, p. 70.
37
This is not a common rabbinic phrase, and was first remarked upon at the end of R. Margalioth,
Essay, p. 98, albeit there it says “a wandering student – associates it to his rabbi” Rabbi Abraham’s
work was originally written in Arabic and, as the original is not extant, we cannot know for sure
which Arabic word was translated here as “wrong”. In any case, there is a significant difference
between EQFJ (wrong, mistaken) and EQFW (wandering, vagabond, vagrant). About this idiom see
Rashi at Num 31:21.
38
During the Middle Ages through to the thirteenth century, the word EMBt was the translation
of the Arabic word naql, and its only meaning was “tradition”. It was only from the fourteenth century onward that it was used in its contemporary meaning of Jewish mysticism. Its occurrence here
is among the earliest in this meaning. See also in his commentary: “and if the late Rabbi of blessed
memory opened his honorable eyes to Kabbalah, he would not have had the doubts he did” (44, l.
3-4); “And the Kabbalists have a highly respected reason, and it is mysterious, I may not explain it”
(62, l. 5 from the bottom); “And this is the Kabbalists’ opinion” (75, l. 5); “Kabbalists always talk
only about the created Glory, but they do not relate at all to the special substance” (84, l. 9-10); “Great
scholars of our people and spiritually loyal to God escaped from this notion and denied it completely,
and they are those tended towards philosophy (mehqar) and not toward Kabbalah, especially the
great Rabbi Maimonides of blessed memory” (122, l. 16-18). Ben Shoshan used the word Kabbalah
in both senses, and he once even used it to refer to prophecy (136, l. 4).
36
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NAHEM ILAN
(5) And I am a worm son of a whale, a fox son of a lion, a mosquito son of
an eagle39, and in his day (i.e., that of my father) there was no Kabbalist to compare
to him. And even though my honored father passed away in my youth, nevertheless
[I heard] some ancient things that escaped his lips, of blessed memory. And after his
ascent I studied many of the tractates he wrote in his hand concerning Kabbalistic
matters, and there are many hints there concerning the intent of the Torah and the
prophets. Until finally I attained a certain measure [of understanding], sufficient to
sense those rationales that the Rabbi of blessed memory said he wanted to replace, as
aforementioned. And after this entire apology I swear by God to anyone who reads
this work that my meaning in what I write about the arguments of the late Rabbi of
blessed memory is for Heaven’s sake only, with no mixture of any other intention.
And being a fool of all men40, I do not exclude myself from what our sages said: judge
every man favorably (Avot 1.6), and add to this warning my oath here.
These five paragraphs deserve a thorough review. The first is phrased in
a manner common in other medieval works41, which repeats itself in other places
in the Commentary discussed here42. Ben Shoshan clearly and elaborately states his
inferiority to Maimonides, portraying himself as a student before his rabbi, who wishes
to clarify some of the latter’s arguments, as demonstrated in the fourth paragraph. This
submissive tone recurs in the fifth paragraph as well. Some of the expressions are
conventional, yet I believe that their usage is not a pose but rather expresses his own
sense that the confrontation is not between equals. The final sentence of this paragraph
is lacking in a predicate, beginning with the words But since I have not merited to
do so, from which that referred to is missing. I suggest reading this as reflecting
an originally oral form of expression, in which there is sometimes a difference
between the psychological and grammatical predicate. A speaker often thinks faster
than he speaks, affecting the coherence of his sentences, so that he may decide in
mid-sentence to rephrase or to switch to another idea. Such is the case here. If my
assumption is correct, this sentence was written out of great excitement –highly likely
given the context– and was not properly edited. Despite its being in written form, this
sentence undoubtedly preserves its original oral nature. This occurs only rarely in Ben
Shoshan’s Commentary, and finding it here fits well with my thesis.
39
In Bar-Ilan University’s Responsa CD (version 19, spring 2011) there are nine occurrences of
this phrase, all later than Ben Shoshan. The source is b. Bava Kamma 117a, where it says “a lion that
you said became a fox”.
40
Based on Proverbs 30, 2.
41
See, for example, Rabbi Israel Israeli of Toledo’s Avot commentary on Rabbi Zaddok’s dictum,
“and do not make them a crown to brag with” (Avot 4.5). The quote is taken from manuscript OxfordBodleian 2354 (Opp. Add. Qto. 126), 114b. The bold words were in Hebrew in the original Judeo
Arabic text. The translation is mine:
ֹ‫'וראיית רייס אל מפסרין ז"ל כא ֹץ טולא פי האדהי )!( אל משנה בכלאם פיה תווביך ותקריע לבעץ‬
‫גדולי ישראל מן אל אעצאר אלדי תקדמת אל אן ואניא ואטנב פי האדל חצר חתא פאק פיה אל חד ואגלב‬
‫ ואני‬.‫ מואפקה למדהבה יקפ עליהא מן שא אל נצר פי שרחה להאדל מסכתא‬,‫מן מעשיות מן אל תלמוד‬
‫ אלא אנא‬,‫ פכייפ אנדפה לל תעורוץ )!( אלא האדל פן‬,‫ תולעת ולא איש‬,‫ קטן השועלים‬,‫בער ולא אדע‬
.‫ וכבוד הרב עומד במקומו׳‬,‫ראיית אן אדכל האדל מדכל אל כטה כדי ללמד זכות על הראשונים פאקול‬
“I saw the head of commentators of blessed memory go into depth on this Mishnah, in a manner of
speaking that holds rebuke and reprimand to some of Israel’s greatest of previous and current generations. He carried on in this speech until he’d gone too far. He brought tales from the Talmud that
suit his method, and whoever wants to review the commentary to this tractate will find them. And
I am a fool who does not know, the smallest of fox, a worm and not a man. How dare I stand against
his [words] this way?! But I saw fit to meddle in this approach to speak favorably on the first. That is
why I will speak, and the honor of the Rabbi of blessed memory still stands”.
42
Ibidem, pp. 36, 81, 84, 85, 86, 118, 134.
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The second paragraph begins with an oath, after which the author relates an
episode that happened to him personally. Its background is the Jewish law requiring
one to read the weekly Torah portion twice in Scripture (i.e., the Hebrew original)
and once in translation (i.e., Onkelos’ Aramaic Targum)43. The outcome of the story
teaches us at least four things: (a) an attitude of disrespect [or even contempt] towards
this law, which was meant to inculcate a minimal level of understanding [or, better,
knowledge] of the weekly portion among the general community, which could not
devote time during the week for a thorough study of the portion44, (b) that this disrespect
for the commandments was not limited to Castile where Ben Shoshan lived; he visited
other places in Spain, where he was also considered a scholar45. (c) The rabbi of these
two students took drastic measures against them, presumably because he identified
with Ben Shoshan’s criticism; (d) The threat of the ban reveals that rabbi’s limited
power as he could not deal directly with the stance expressed by those two students.
This episode neither adds nor diminishes to Ben Shoshan’s polemic with
Maimonides and the “philosophizers”. Rather, it is about sharing a personal experience,
indicative of Ben Shoshan’s general feeling of frustration and anger at attitudes of
43
The source is b. Berakhot 8a-b, where Rav Huna bar Yehuda said in the name of Rabbi Ami that
“whoever completes his portions with the public, his days and years are prolonged”; cf. Maimonides,
Mishneh Torah, Laws of Prayer 13.25. In the Zohar, Terumah, II:132b, the commandment received a
mystic meaning as a tool for the operation of the divine powers, see Gershom Scholem, Elements of
the Kabbalah, p. 124. A popular echo of the meaning attributed by the Kabbalists to this commandment may be found in R. Bahya Bar Asher’s Torah Commentary, in discussing the verse, “Ataroth,
Dibon, Jazer, Nimrah, Heshbon, Elealeh, Sebam, Nebo and Beon” (Num 32:3).
44
Rabbi Yaacov Ben Abba Mari Anatoly, who lived in thirteenth-century Provence, and later in
his life in Naples, Italy, wrote harsh words regarding disrespecting this commandment. His book,
Malmad Hatalmidim (Lyck, Schnellpressenbruck von Rudolph Siebert, 1866) is a collection of
mostly ethical sermons. At the end of his introduction, he wrote: “And counting the commandments
is that which is required, not writing or anything else, and this is the sum of goodness in Israel, when
God remembered His people. But when they returned to their misbehavior, God caused the wandering in the exile until we became known among the Gentiles for [not knowing] the wisdom and
commandments that are in the Bible, since we do not learn what to answer the heretic as our Sages
exhorted us. And the heretics say that we eat the shell while they eat the fruit, namely, that they try
to investigate and understand the Bible according to their belief, and constantly preach in public,
until they uphold the lie as if it were truth for a long time, and we almost turned away from the truth
given to us by God. And this is because of our laziness in reading the Torah, reading it weakly like
young boys, without understanding or investigation, until [even] the rabbis among our people rely
upon reading the Bible portion twice and once in translation, as we were commanded by the Sages.
But it was not reading alone that was meant by this, but their intention was that one review the Torah
carefully every Shabbat and holiday, for these are days on which everyone is free to investigate and
understand and learn and teach, and that was the meaning of sanctifying these days. And this is not
what we do. But when we read the portion we swallow the words as if eating a bitter thing and it is
disrespectful that we do so. And we thereby recite in vain one of the blessings of the Torah that was
inserted into the order of prayer that testifies to this, namely: ‘May God make the words of Torah
delicious in our mouths’. And it is known that one who eats a delicious dish always tastes it, and
does not just swallow it without feeling its flavor, and this is what is said in the blessing, ‘that we and
our offspring and our offspring’s offspring shall all know Your name’. But knowing God’s name is
impossible when we read in such a way. Alas, our blessing is in vain, and our prayer is vain, and the
sanctification of those days is wrong [as they do it] only to fill our bellies and desecrate our souls”
(p. 9 [unnumbered])”. Compare Abraham Shalom’s words in Neve Shalom: “reading alone, without
understanding, if a person does so all of his days he will not complete it, unlike what many of the
common people might think, that when they cry out loudly with the cantillation notes even though
they understand nothing, their reward is great”. Cited in Breuer, Keep your Children from Higgayon,
p. 256. I thank Prof. Michael Shmidman for sharing this quote with me.
45
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, p. 117, n. 207; see also note 2 above.
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contempt towards religious piety within the community. Such a move is typical of the
oral sermon, in which there is a dimension of intimacy between the preacher and his
congregation, particularly when the former enjoys authority, standing and experience
with that congregation.
The third paragraph relates a more severe incident than does the previous
one. First, it refers to a space in which Ben Shoshan felt at home, as we may infer
from the tale, even though it did not occur in Toledo itself. Second, the cursing
person did not just use swear words, but added to them vulgar physical gestures.
Third, and worst, Ben Shoshan approached the authoritative figure within the
town and the latter avoided assuming the responsibility Ben Shoshan thought he
ought to.
This instance likewise does not contribute to Ben Shoshan’s principled
polemic with Maimonides and with the “philosophizers”. Rather, these two stories
reveal something of his emotional world and experiences, but it is evident from
the Commentary that his beliefs are based upon a very learned and well-reasoned
theoretical position. One may indeed argue that part of Ben Shoshan’s approach
stemmed, not from an intellectual analysis of the matters in question, but from
certain experiences that seem to have been extremely meaningful and influential for
him. In either event, those two anecdotes are not part of an organized presentation
and reasoned analysis of differing approaches, but an expression of excitement and
distress. Such anecdotes are more appropriate in an oral sermon, which may often
begin with a personal story used by the preacher to teach the lesson he wishes to
infer therefrom.
The fourth paragraph continues the personal touch, incidentally confirming
the fact that Ben Shoshan lived in Toledo. He makes it very clear from his words that
he intends to confront Maimonides’ approaches, but also demonstrates his hesitation
at doing so. He then cites an oral tradition he knew from childhood in his town (my
entire life I have heard them saying in Tulaitula), according to which in his old age
Maimonides tended towards Kabbalah and thought that some of the rationales he
gave for the commandments ought to have been altered. According to that tradition,
the only reason he did not pursue that change was his advanced age. Ben Shoshan
seems to be aware of the problematic nature of this alleged report: neither he nor
anybody he knew had actually seen the missive in question. However, Ben Shoshan
nevertheless prefers to assume that, in arguing with Maimonides, he was addressing
those rationales that Maimonides himself had considered changing; hence he was
not objecting to Maimonides, but was rather promulgating the latter’s “amended”
approach. The tone is clearly one that is trying to be both clever and apologetic, one
which I believe is also characteristic of an intimate conversation between a preacher
and his audience.
In the fifth paragraph Ben Shoshan again humbly presents himself as nothing
but a diminished version of his late father, who passed away when Ben Shoshan was
still young. He nevertheless enjoyed certain opportunities to learn some Kabbalah
from his father, whom he considered an authority in the field (in his day there was no
Kabbalist comparable to him), particularly from those manuscripts of his which he
studied after his death46. Based upon what he heard and read, Ben Shoshan believed
he knew what things Maimonides would have changed! However, he still feared
someone might attribute to him improper motives, which is why he took an oath that
my meaning in what I write about the arguments of the Rabbi of blessed memory is for
Heaven’s sake only, with no mixture of any other intention.
46
In five other places he repeats explanations he heard from his father: pp. 3, 18, 62, 101, 149.
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The internal structure of these five paragraphs is also deserving of note.
The first paragraph and the end of the fifth paragraph exemplify a common rhetorical
feature in rabbinical writing, in terms of both language and content, in which the
preacher starts with a declaration of his modesty and submissiveness. The second and
third paragraphs are different, in that there Ben Shoshan shared certain disturbing
personal experiences with his audience. These two paragraphs stand out in terms of
both style and content from everything that precedes or follows them in the entire
Commentary47. They also differ from the two anecdotes included that divide the
Commentary and which serve a didactic function48. The fourth paragraph and the
beginning of the fifth present the reader with the theoretical foundations upon which
Ben Shoshan bases his arguments against Maimonides, from which he was inspired
to maintain the polemic notwithstanding his own inferiority. The authenticity of the
rumor that in his old age Maimonides turned to Kabbalah is at best doubtful, as
I demonstrated above and as Shmidman has observed49; hence Ben Shoshan needed
to refer to a more substantial source, such as his father. However, these sources and
their authenticity cannot be dismissed, as Maimonides’ words at the beginning of the
Introduction to his Avot Commentary (The Eight Chapters) were a significant part of
Ben Shoshan’s cultural heritage: Hear the truth from [he] who says it50 –that is, the
important thing is what is said, not who says it.
It would appear that the five paragraphs discussed here, which are the first of
eighteen pages of profound polemic with Maimonides, preserve echoes of the original
oral nature of the commentary, which was hitherto only known in its written version.
Ben Shoshan did not state that the Commentary had derived from oral sermons, but
I believe that a careful reading and attention to the irregularities of style and content
lead to the conclusion that these are remnants of oral sermons.
This finding fits well with the nature and essence of any sermon: it often refers
to contemporary problems that preoccupy the preacher and his audience. The danger
posed by the “philosophizers” was so great that it was only natural that it be of concern to
Toledan preachers of the fourteenth century –all the more so in the case of a scholar and
community leader such as Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan, whose influence was felt throughout
Castile and beyond the kingdom. The Avot tractate served as an excellent starting point for
sermons and Ben Shoshan’s Commentary fits this tendency and reaffirms it51.
In addition to all that has been said thus far, I wish to add another criterion
suggested by Joseph Dan. He believed that:
As the didactic element in a commentary lessens, it testifies to a deeper
unity between the preacher and his audience, and a feeling of folk popular intimacy between them. As the aesthetic element lessens and the
didactic element intensifies, it indicates an ideological gap between the
preacher and the audience, which carries a social meaning as well: the
preacher represents an ideology, usually an elite one, which aspires to
convince and influence the masses52.
47
On the importance and meaning of a stylistic exception in a polemic context, see E. Reiner,
Overt Falsehood and Covert Truth.
48
Ibidem, pp. 17, 101. In both he states he heard them from his father.
49
See M. Shmidman, Conversion (n. 3 above).
50
Maimonides, Eight Chapters, p. 5, n. 9.
51
On Avot Tractate as the main foundation for sermons in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Spain,
see N. Ilan, Canonization, p. 68-70, where I refer to Ben Shoshan’s polemic with the “philosophizers”.
52
J. Dan, Notes.
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NAHEM ILAN
Like every generalization, this one also needs to be examined so as to
determine whether it is valid in every case. I believe that in the case of Ben Shoshan
it is justified. Based on this criterion it is obvious that Ben Shoshan addressed his
words in-house, preaching to the convinced, and that they were indeed spoken in an
intimate setting, as the didactic element is insignificant. It is a tough, challenging text,
written in a poetic language and hiding many surprises. These are all expressions of
the aesthetic element, as Dan explained53.
This trend is reconfirmed by the ending of his commentary to a worthy
disagreement (5:18): He who seeks the repentance of the evildoers, may He be
blessed, will change their hearts and ours to believe in Him and His Torah and to
choose the path of faith54. Ben Shoshan clearly shares here his inability to deal with
the evil “philosophizers”. In his view, God alone is able to change their hearts. It is
impossible, though, for him to say this to his opponents. His limitations can only
be acknowledged among those who support him. Moreover, Ben Shoshan contrasted
the evildoer’s hearts to our hearts. Who is this collective we to whom Ben Shoshan
was addressing himself? I argue that it refers to his audience; indeed, I believe that
the context here not only allows for this option, but demands it, as I have explained.
Finally, the phrase the path of faith is taken from the biblical verse, I have chosen
the way of truth: thy judgments have I laid before me (Ps 119:30, KJV), which is
counterpoised to another verse from that same psalm: I hate vain thoughts: but thy
law do I love (v. 113), which Ben Shoshan read regarding the “philosophizers”55. This
reading was not unusual, since Rabbi Joshua Ibn Shueib used it in a similar manner:
and whoever has faith in his heart and his heart does not hold a grudge
will believe that God creates new things in the land as the times require.
And concerning this David said, “I have chosen the way of truth”–meaning, I forever chose to believe what is accepted by belief, and did not only
follow my eyes and mind. And why will we make riddles and fables to
take the words of Torah and the Sages outside of their meaning?56
6. IDENTIFYING THE “PHILOSOPHIZERS”
Yitzhak Baer was the first to write about the “Averroistic aristocracy” but did
not identify its members, and his discussion remains general57. Shmidman discusses
the “philosophizers” minimally, but does not identify them either58. He also argued that
Ben Shoshan was the only fourteenth-century opponent of philosophy to distinguish
between radical and moderate philosopher groups59. This statement needs to be
revised thanks to the research of Dov Schwartz, who revealed a group of intellectual
53
J. Dan, Status, p. 144.
55
Ibidem, pp. 2, 77.
56
Z. Mezger, Ibn Shueib, p. 132
57
Baer used the term “Averroistic aristocracy” in the Hebrew version of his book, p. 141. It is
missing from the corresponding place of the English version. See Y. Baer, History of the Jews in
Christian Spain, p. 236. See also in the English version pp. 240, 241, 263, 290, 360; vol. II, pp. 52,
137, 144.
58
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, pp. 68-73.
59
Ibidem, p. 71.
54
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Neoplatonists in Spain, “after which the antinomian tendency became a real threat”60.
Schwartz demonstrated that these intellectuals were influenced by the philosophy of
Ibn Rushd (Averroes), interpreting the legal parts of the Torah allegorically; the result
was contempt towards the commandments61. The two anecdotes included by Ben
Shoshan in his Commentary demonstrate how severe this contempt was.
Schwartz also showed that:
The approach towards “devotion” or “attachment [to God]” on the part
of some of this group’s members had radical implications for the validity
of religious law and its fulfillment. Their basic axiom is impressive in its
simplicity and radical nature: the purpose of the Law is to bring about
constant devotion; from the point that a person achieves that end, there
is no need for him to observe the Law. Not all members of the group carried this perception to this logical conclusion, but some of them clearly
hint at it62.
Ben Shoshan differed from members of this group, as they disagreed with
the Kabbalah while he embraced it63. He refers to the “philosophizers” in a score
of different places in his Commentary, and thoroughly portrays their methods and
approaches:
Those who count on their vain thoughts and rely on their wisdom and
believe whatever they want and mock those who believe in prophecy and
tradition64 and who deviate from the way of the mind65.
The outcome was, of course, contempt towards the commandments:
And he who is not fearful of sin does not learn to do and does not study
for Heaven’s sake, so for him it will be enough to engage in dialectics and
to behave arrogantly towards his peers, and he will not take notice of the
principle of punctiliousness in observance66.
60
D. Schwartz, Fourteenth-Century Neoplatonic Circle. An important criticism of this was published by Ben-Shalom. Schwartz mentions Ben Shoshan in one footnote only (p. 23, n. 22), probably because he based his research on significant philosophical texts, and not on Avot commentaries,
which are by nature more popular. J. Dan, The Thousand Year Epic, pp. 27-28, mentioned the “scholastic linkage” as a typical characteristic of the transition from Muslim culture to Christian cultural
influences beginning in the thirteenth century. See also n. 22 above.
61
D. Schwartz, Circle, p. 18. “Jewish Averroism” started in Spain in the middle of the thirteenth
century; see Idel, Outlines, pp. 208-209. At pp. 211-212 he referred to the “philosophizers” from
a different perspective than that of Ben Shoshan. For more on the “philosophizers”, see J. Hacker,
Bibago, pp. 151-158.
62
D. Schwartz, Circle, p. 193. See also what he quoted from Rabbi Shmuel Ibn Carca on p. 195.
On the application of the ideal of intellectual devotion in the ascetic ethics, see Schwartz, Ethics and
Asceticism.
63
D. Schwartz, Circle, pp. 37, 41-45.
64
I believe “Kabbalah” here means tradition; see n. 38 above.
65
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s Commentary, pp. 2-3.
66
Ibidem, p. 70. At the beginning of the paragraph analyzed above, Ben Shoshan criticized the
“damned evil people who have disobeyed the commandments” (p. 80). In a different context he
criticized the “‘philosophizers’ of our people who seek excuses on the commandments” (p. 153).
I discussed this in my paper, N. Ilan, Canonization, p. 70. I believe they were looking for excuses
not to observe the commandments, not because they believed the commandments themselves were
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NAHEM ILAN
He believed that their main fault was to overemphasize learning from books
rather than by listening to an authoritative, suitable teacher67. This naturally meant
that they were lacking a reliable tradition:
And this is the way of the philosophers who are wandering off the way of
the intellect, because he who wishes to climb the steps it will reveal the
nakedness of his mind and the nakedness of his deeds68, as happened to
the philosophers, and that happened because they have no one to count
on, and they have no known way, but they each choose their own way as
they wish69.
Ben Shoshan specifically criticized those who did not study enough70 yet
considered themselves serious, mature scholars.
7. CONCLUSION
In much of his research, Joseph Dan argues that the scholarly discussions of
thirteenth-century Spain were not limited to an intellectual, economic or governmental
elite, which were always of narrow compass. Rather, according to Dan, this was a
widespread phenomenon. An intellectual elite challenges not only its members, but
also those who wish to be affiliated with it71. It is therefore a phenomenon that spreads
far beyond the scholarly or political elite, and was common in the synagogues. All of
this is reflected in Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s Avot commentary.
His work is an interesting and important one on a number of levels.
Shmidman discussed its theoretical importance over three decades ago. I have
demonstrated here that a careful use of philological and literary tools, while taking the
historical context into consideration, is useful in revealing that the original shape and
form of the polemic parts are characteristic of oral sermons. Thus, the Commentary
joins many other commentaries on Avot that likewise stem from oral sermons. This
finding is well understood, considering the special status enjoyed by the tractate Avot
since its inclusion in the Jewish Prayer Book72. More commentaries have been written
about Pirkei Avot than on any other Mishnaic text, second only to the weekly Torah
portion in the wealth of its secondary literature. The reason is obvious: these texts
were accessible, and thus familiar, to the entire congregation, thereby justifying the
effort to expound upon them, as they were read repeatedly in the synagogues. Ben
Shoshan’s Commentary is also helpful in attempting to follow in the footsteps of his
polemic with the “philosophizers” who posed a strategic threat to Jewish communities
unnecessary, but because they believed that they, the “philosophizers”, were beyond the need to
observe them.
67
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s Commentary, p. 13. There is a profound disagreement in Jewish culture in this regard. See J. Ahituv, By Books and Not Writers.
68
Inspired by Exodus 20:23.
69
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan’s Commentary, p. 32. Close to it: “to
stay away from the ways of ‘philosophizers’ who count on their opinions and rely on their wisdom
and deny”, cf. J. Ahituv, By Books and not Writers.
70
71
Typical examples of this are the many works by ultra-Orthodox people that use numerous
footnotes. They include only citations, and it is obvious that they do so in order to give their work
an academic touch.
72
I discussed this at length in my article N. Ilan, Canonization.
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197
in fourteenth and fifteenth-century Spain. Ben Shoshan’s Commentary is an early one,
which sheds light on the development of polemic and the limited ways to deal with
the antinomian threat.
8. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ahituv, Joseph, By Books and not by Writers, in Ahituv, Joseph, On the Verge of
the Transformation, Jerusalem, Ministry of Education and Culture, 1995,
pp. 99-119 (Hebrew).
Anatoly, Rabbi Yaacov Ben Abba Mari, Malmad Hatalmidim, Lyck,
Schnellpressendruck von Rudolph Siebert, 1866 (Hebrew).
Baer, Yitzhak, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, vol. I, Philadelphia - Jerusalem,
The Jewish Publication Society, 1992.
Ben-Shalom, Ram, Review, “Zion” 64 (1999), pp. 235-242 (Hebrew).
Breuer, Mordechai, Keep your Children from Higgayon, in Gilat, Yitschak; Stern,
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doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.10
THE SERMONS OF ‘ALI IBN ABI TALIB:
AT THE CONFLUENCE OF THE CORE ISLAMIC TEACHINGS
OF THE QUR’AN AND THE ORAL, NATURE-BASED CULTURAL
ETHOS OF SEVENTH CENTURY ARABIA1
LOS SERMONES DE ‘ALI IBN ABI TALIB:
EN LA CONFLUENCIA ENTRE LAS ENSEÑANZAS ISLÁMICAS DEL CORÁN
Y LA ÉTICA CULTURAL BASADA EN LAS TRADICIONES ORALES
SOBRE LA NATURALEZA DE LA ARABIA DEL SIGLO VII
TAHERA QUTBUDDIN
The University of Chicago
Abstract: Sermons attributed to ‘Ali ibn
Abi Talib (c. 600-661, first Shi‘a imam
and fourth Sunni caliph) promoted core
Qur’anic doctrine and ethics through an
aesthetic steeped in the oral, nature-based,
poetic culture of seventh-century Arabia.
Using traditional Arabian metaphors of
camels, watering holes, and pithy, rhythmic, orality-grounded cadences, ‘Ali
urged his audience to worship the One
God, follow the guidance of His prophet
Muhammad, shun worldliness, perform
good deeds, and prepare for the imminent
hereafter. Through a close reading of his
most celebrated discourses, this paper explores these teachings and their religious
and cultural underpinnings.
Keywords: ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib; Islam;
Qur’an; Arabia; sermons; orality; natureimagery; hereafter; consciousness of God;
piety.
Resumen: Los sermones atribuidos a ‘Ali
ibn Abi Talib (c. 600-661, primer imam
chií y cuarto califa suní) fomentaron las
doctrinas y la ética coránicas fundacionales mediante una estética oratoria, imbuida de la cultura poética oral basada en
metáforas de la naturaleza, característica
de la Arabia del siglo VII. ‘Ali utilizaba
metáforas tradicionales de camellos y
abrevaderos, junto con expresiones rítmicas y lacónicas llenas de cadencias de
la oralidad, para instar a los oyentes a
adorar al Dios único, seguir la dirección
de su profeta Muhammad, rehuir las cosas mundanas, practicar las buenas obras
y prepararse para la inminente vida en el
más allá. A través de un análisis pormenorizado de sus discursos más célebres, este
artículo explora dichas enseñanzas y sus
bases religiosas y culturales.
Palabras clave: ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib; islam;
Corán; Arabia; sermones; oralidad; imágenes de naturaleza; el más allá; temor a
Dios; piedad.
1
I would like to thank the Carnegie Corporation of New York for supporting my research on this
topic through a grant as Carnegie Scholar (2008-2009), and the Franke Institute for the Humanities
at the University of Chicago for support as a Franke Fellow (2006-2007). The views expressed here
are solely my responsibility.
I have transliterated all Arabic names and terms, except for the few used frequently in this paper:
‘Ali, Muhammad, Shi‘a, Sunni, Qur’an, and Shari‘a.
202
TAHERA QUTBUDDIN
SUMMARY
1. Introduction.– 2. Historical context of ‘Ali’s sermons.– 2.1. Cultural and topographical background of pre-Islamic Arabia.– 2.2. ‘Ali’s life and career in early Islamic Arabia and Iraq.– 2.3.
Transmission and authenticity of ‘Ali’s sermons.– 3. Content and style of ‘Ali’s sermons.– 3.1.
Oral aesthetics.– 3.2. Themes and genres.– 4. Sermons: texts and analyses.– 4.1. Sermon 1: Praise
of God.– 4.2. Sermon 2: A camel caravan journeying to the hereafter.– 4.3. Sermon 3: Death as a
predator.– 4.4. Sermon 4: Censure of the world and terrors of the grave.– 4.5. Sermon 5: Be you children of the hereafter! A political and military context.– 4.6. Sermon 6: Metaphors of horse-racing
and trade.– 4.7. Sermon 7: What is piety?.– 5. Concluding remarks and postscript.– 6. Bibliography.
1. INTRODUCTION
Arguably the most famous orator in Islam, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (c. 600-661)
was an exemplar par excellence of a distinctive blend of Islamic and Arabian discourse2.
The first Shi‘a imam and the fourth Sunni caliph, he preached Qur’anic doctrine and
ethics through an aesthetic steeped in the oral, nature-based, poetic culture of seventhcentury Arabia. Using pithy, rhythmic cadences, and traditional metaphors of camel
caravans and waterholes, he urged his audience to worship the One God, follow the
guidance of His prophet Muhammad, shun worldliness, perform good deeds, and get
ready for the imminent afterlife. This paper explores ‘Ali’s most celebrated sermons
to highlight his key teachings and their religious and cultural underpinnings.
2. HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF ‘ALI’S SERMONS
2.1. Cultural and topographical background of pre-Islamic Arabia
On the eve of Islam, the million square miles of the Arabian Peninsula’s arid
wilderness were dotted with shrine-based towns watered by permanent wells, such
as the Prophet Muhammad’s birthtown Mecca, and settlements around oases, such
as the destination of his migration, Medina. Flanked by the Persian and Byzantine
empires, the inhabitants of the Peninsula led camel caravans through its parched
wastes to trade in those lands. Their society was tribal, where security was maintained
by alliances and mutual threat of blood revenge. It was chiefly nomadic, with most
tribes migrating with the seasons from one watering place to the next. Although a few
Jewish and Christian tribes lived in parts of the Peninsula, most of the inhabitants of
the region worshipped nature deities or ancestral idols.
The Arabians assiduously cultivated the art of the spoken word –the
eloquently, metaphorically, rhythmically, appositely spoken word. They were avid
connoissers of poetry, viewing their odes (qasida) as the pinnacle of high culture3.
2
On the significance, typology, terminology, sources, structure, and style of early Arabic oratory,
see T. Qutbuddin, Khutba: The Evolution. There are several Arabic monographs on the early oration,
including Darwish, al-Khataba fi sadr al-islam; al-Hawi, Fann al-khataba; al-Nuss, al-Khataba al‘arabiyya fi ‘asriha l-dhahabi; and Ramadan, Ta’rikh al-khataba wa-ashhar khutab al-rasul wa-lsahaba (fuller list in ibidem, p. 78, n. 8). In Western languages, Dähne, Reden der Araber, discusses
the political speeches of the Arabs. Accolades to ‘Ali’s eloquence have been compiled by al-Khatib
in Masadir, vol. I, pp. 43-47, 87-99.
3
Much secondary literature has been produced on the pre-Islamic ode. See, for example,
S. Stetkevych, The Mute Immortals Speak; A. Jones, Early Arabic Poetry; and M. Sells, Six Classic
Arabian Odes.
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THE SERMONS OF ‘ALI IBN ABI TALIB
203
These odes consistently referenced natural elements vital to their existence: water
imagery, including word pictures of rain and waterholes, abounded, as did allusions
to the camel, and descriptions grounded in warfare and hunting. The chief mode of
formal communication used by the political, juridical, and spiritual leadership was the
oration, rousing warriors to battle, legislating on civic and criminal matters, and –for
orators of pious counsel– warning of the transience of human life. The orators used
the same imagery as the poets (in fact, some orators were also poets), except that they
harnessed it to different topics and distinct purposes. The early Islamic sermons would
be produced against the backdrop of this society.
2.2. ‘Ali’s life and career in early Islamic Arabia and Iraq
‘Ali was the cousin, ward, and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, married
to the Prophet’s daughter Fatima, and father of the Prophet’s only grandsons Hasan
and Husayn. Shi‘a Muslims believe him to be Muhammad’s designated successor, in
both his spiritual and temporal roles, and thus the first “Imam” (divinely appointed
leader) of the Muslim community after the Prophet. Sunni Muslims revere him as the
last of the “Rightly Guided Caliphs”, the first four successors to the Prophet’s position
as head of the community4.
‘Ali was born in Mecca, and was about ten years old when, in around 610,
Muhammad began calling to Islam. He is said to have been the first male to accept
the Prophet’s summons, and in 622, he followed Muhammad to Medina, having
discharged the Prophet’s trusts in Mecca. Well known for his piety, service to Islam,
and valor in the early battles, he was also revered for his deep personal loyalty to the
Prophet, and his unbending sense of justice and probity. By the time Muhammad died
in 632, almost the whole of the Arabian Peninsula was Muslim, and the first three
caliphs after him conquered large parts of the Levant, Egypt, Iraq, Persia, and Central
Asia.
‘Ali became caliph in 656. Almost immediately, three successive groups
of rebels from within the Muslim community challenged his authority. ‘Ali,
supported by the people of Kufa and Medina, personally fought them in three
major battles: (1) The Battle of the Camel in 656 outside the Iraqi camptown of
Basra against the Prophet’s widow ‘A’isha, the Prophet’s Companions Talha and
al-Zubayr, and the Basrans (the battle is named after the camel ‘A’isha rode onto
the field); (2) the Battle of Siffin in 657 in northwest Syria against the governor
of Damascus, Mu‘awiya, and the Syrians; and (3) the Battle of Nahrawan in 658
near Kufa against a group of defectors from his own forces called the Kharijites.
Soon afterwards in 661, ‘Ali was assassinated by a Kharijite while praying in the
mosque in Kufa.
‘Ali delivered a few orations at the time of his investiture in Medina, many
orations on the battlefields of Iraq and Syria, and the majority in his new capital, Kufa.
The trials he faced through his youth, and the tribulations he encountered during his
caliphate, profoundly affected the themes and modes of his preaching.
4
See ‘Ali’s literary biography and further references in T. Qutbuddin, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib. An important primary source is al-Tabari, The History of al-Tabari: vol. XVI: The Community Divided, and
vol. XVII: The First Civil War. The Shi‘a view is supported and documented by W. Madelung, The
Succession to Muhammad, the Sunni view by A. Afsaruddin, Excellence and Precedence.
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2.3. Transmission and authenticity of ‘Ali’s sermons
‘Ali lived in a primarily oral society. Writing was known in his time, but
its use was spare and intermittent, and it was not until paper-making techniques
were introduced into the Arabian Peninsula in the mid-eighth century that it became
widespread. In this regard, the Qur’an is a special case, because it was arguably
committed to writing sooner5. But all other verbal materials from the period, including
poetry, prophetic hadith, historical reports, and sermons, were for the most part
transmitted for a century or more by word of mouth.
The lengthy period of oral transmission left room for fabrication, incorrect
transcription, and erroneous communication, so the authenticity of the sermons
attributed to ‘Ali in our corpus is uncertain, the reservation applying to full sermons,
as well as to lines and words within them6. Nevertheless, the existence of the early
oratorical genre is affirmed by an indigenous system of continuous oral transmission.
Mary Carruthers has shown that many oral societies had prodigious memories that
they relied on to transmit lengthy pieces of their artistic verbal production7. Gregor
Schoeler has demonstrated that the early Muslims increasingly engaged in scholarly
note-taking alongside oral transmission8. The legitimacy of the genre is further
corroborated by strong representation of oratorical materials within the earliest
written sources, and by the fact that a few extant eighth century papyri preserve some
orations9. It is conceivable, then, that the texts recorded in the sources are remnants
–albeit imperfect ones– of the early oratorical tradition.
‘Ali was an important figure in the early Islamic community, and he
preached often and in different contexts to large public audiences. The Muslims had
good reason and ample opportunity to remember and pass on his teachings. Several
hundred sermons are credited to him in historical and literary sources, including the
works of al-Minqari (d. 827), al-Jahiz (d. 869), Ibn Qutayba (d. 889), al-Baladhuri
(d. 892), Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih (d. 940), al-Tabari (d. 923), al-Qadi al-Nu‘man (d. 974),
and al-Zamakhshari (d. 1144), and in dedicated medieval anthologies of his words
such as al-Sharif al-Radi’s (d. 1015) Nahj al-balagha (The Path of Eloquence), and
al-Qadi al-Quda‘i’s (d. 1062) Dustur ma‘alim al-hikam (A Treasury of Virtues)10. The
sermons in my selection are drawn from early sources, comprising various genres of
works, and transmitted through multiple independent chains of narrators. In terms of
their themes, imagery, and even some key utterances, they are likely to be the gist of
‘Ali’s teachings11.
5
See J. Burton, The Collection of the Qur’an.
Some texts are attributed in the sources to more than one person.
7
See M. Carruthers, The Book of Memory.
8
See G. Schoeler, The Genesis of Literature, and idem, The Oral and the Written.
9
Cf. 8th century Arabic papyri edited by N. Abbott, in Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri, vol. III,
pp. 43-78. See also remarks on the early recording of ‘Ali’s sermons by ‘A.Z. al-Khatib, Masadir,
vol. I, pp. 51-52.
10
Versions of texts cited in more than one source usually contain variants arising from the nature
of oral transmission.
11
For more on the transmission of ‘Ali’s sermons and compilations of his words, see T. Qutbuddin, “Introduction” in the edition of Q. al-Quda‘i’s Dustur.
6
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3. CONTENT AND STYLE OF ‘ALI’S SERMONS
3.1. Oral aesthetics
Walter Ong has demonstrated that in an oral culture, all thought and verbal
expression is essentially mnemonic12. He argues that to retain carefully articulated
thought, you have to do your thinking in rhythmic patterns shaped for ready, oral
recurrence. Among the characteristics of orality, Ong includes pithy sentences,
repetition, additive rather than subordinative phrases, aggregative rather than analytic
expositions, an agonistic tone, testimonial citation, and closeness to the human
lifeworld. To this list, we can add emphatic verbiage, rhetorical questions, and
dignified yet simple language. Features of orality are observable in Biblical psalms
and sermons, Greek and Balkan epics, and Zulu panegyrics13, and they are clearly
discernible in the Arabic orations attributed to ‘Ali14.
In addition to their mnemonic grounding, orality-based stylistic implements
form an intrinsic component of ‘Ali’s persuasive tool-box. The purpose of sermonizing
is to make an audience believe in the validity of a course of action, a mode of behavior,
a way of thought, or a type of doctrine. Together with rational argumentation, ‘Ali
attempted to stir the hearts and minds of the early Muslims through artistic techniques
of ‘tacit’ persuasion15.
3.2. Themes and genres
‘Ali’s preaching focused on four major themes: (1) A call to the worship of
God and testaments to Muhammad’s messengerhood; (2) repeated reminders of the
transience of human life; (3) scathing censure of this world with a view to reducing
worldly aspirations; and (4) urgent exhortations to lead a pious life and prepare for
the hereafter.
These themes were presented through manifold subthemes, including: praise
of God (tahmid), affirmations of his oneness (tawhid), and appeals to Him for guidance
and forgiveness; injunctions to God-conscious piety (taqwa, henceforth translated
either as ‘consciousness of God’, or ‘piety’), obedience (ta‘a), and pious deeds (‘amal);
laudations of Muhammad as a model to be followed; directives to take guidance
from the Qur’an; warnings of the approach of death, conveyed through metaphors of
predatory beast and camel-driver, and the remaining days of one’s life portrayed as
the last few drops of water in an emptied vessel; reminders about generations past and
the terrors of the grave; images of the progression of human life in this world as a
horse-race and as a journey by camel-caravan; injunctions to prepare provisions (zad);
comparisons of deeds to trade, in a commercial, profit-and-loss frame; allusions to this
12
W. Ong, Orality and Literacy, pp. 34-57. Ong’s work has been criticised as too starkly binary,
for its presentation of an inexorable linear progression of humanity from aural to visual, and for its argument that critical thinking is contingent upon writing. Notwithstanding these valid critiques, I find
his characteristerization of orally based thought to be valuable and pertinent to the discussion here.
13
The oral productions of these communities have been studied by several scholars including
Ruth Finnegan, Susan Niditch, Michael O’Connor, Milman Parry, Albert Lord, John Foley, and Eric
Havelock.
14
Although we know that ‘Ali was literate –he was one of the scribes of the Prophet who wrote
down verses of the Qur’an as they were revealed– his employment of orthographic notation would
have been limited within the practice of the society he lived in.
15
For an analysis of ‘tacitly persuasive’ techniques, see R. Lanham, Analysing Prose.
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world as a beautiful, unfaithful temptress; and a starkly dichotomous presentation of the
base, unstable world, and the sublime, permanent hereafter. These themes, subthemes,
and metaphors are present in different combinations in ‘Ali’s sermons. The selection of
images in any single sermon is often ad hoc, with one image frequently giving way to
another apparently unconnected one; what ties them together is their single purpose of
promoting the hereafter-focused message of the sermon.
The interpenetration of themes also manifests on a broader level, with much
mixing and merging of oratorical genres, all denoted by the Arabic term khutba:
Pious sermons were colored by a historical context, political speeches and battle
orations were permeated by pious counsel, and the ritual Islamic sermons for Friday
and Eid prayer combined injunctions to godliness with administrative and military
instructions. ‘Ali’s khutbas are thus sermons, political speeches and battle orations
rolled into one, addressing both material and spiritual issues, yet always underpinned
by pious counsel. His teachings are universal, yet they are also grounded in the
literary, societal, and topographical context of Arabia, and in the religious, political,
and historical environment of early Islam.
4. SERMONS: TEXTS AND ANALYSES
In the following pages, I translate and analyze the full texts of seven sermons
attributed to ‘Ali are translated and analyzed, each section focusing on different
themes and distinct metaphors.
4.1. Sermon 1: Praise of God16
A sermon ‘Ali preached in a Friday service upon first arriving in Kufa after
the Battle of the Camel is held together by its typical articulation of the orator’s and
audience’s relationship to God. It is permeated by various references to the Deity:
praise of God; the Islamic testimonial to His oneness; injunctions to be conscious
of Him, fear His punishment, and be sincere in performing good deeds for Him; and
entreaties to Him for salvation in the hereafter.
The sermon begins with a typical formula of praise17:
God be praised! I praise Him, implore His aid, and beseech His guidance. I seek protection in Him from error. ‘Whomsoever God guides, no
one can lead astray, and whomsoever He leads astray, no one can guide
aright’18. I bear witness that there is no god but God, One, He has no partner. I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and messenger, whom
He selected for His work, and privileged with prophecy. He is the most
noble among God’s creatures, and the most beloved of them to Him. He
conveyed his Lord’s message, sincerely counseled his community, and
responsibly discharged his duties.
The first sentence echoes the opening line of the Qur’an “God be praised!”
(al-hamdu li-llah). The phrase would gradually come into regular use in the opening
lines of most Muslim prayers, contracts, letters, books, speeches, and sermons. This
16
N. al-Minqari, Waq‘at Siffin, p. 10; also in A.H. al-Dinawari, al-Akhbar, pp. 219-220; and Ibn
Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, vol. III, pp. 103-104.
17
On the opening praise formula and its use in Islamic verbal productions as a locus of relationships, see A. Qutbuddin, Tahmid: A Literary Genre; idem, A Literary Analysis of Tahmid.
18
Modified quote from Qur’an, al-Ra‘d 13:23, al-Zumar 39:23 and 26, al-Ghafir 40:33.
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line is followed by four verbal clauses imploring God for guidance and aid. Next is
a modified quotation from the Qur’an, Whomsoever God guides, no one can lead
astray, and whomsoever He leads astray, no one can guide aright. This is followed by
a declaration of God’s oneness using the Islamic testimonial of faith There is no god
but God, with a familiar two-part Qur’anic tag One19, He has no partner20.
In other sermons attributed to ‘Ali, the doctrine of God’s oneness is fleshed
out in logical, theological detail, the Creator presented as a being above description,
beyond imagination, from whom all attributes are to be negated21. Yet elsewhere,
praise of God is contextualized to the historical situation, such his words I praise God
in every circumstance in the opening lines of a sermon delivered just before the Battle
of the Camel22. In our sermon here, the praise formula is presented in its standard,
generic form, a form recorded also in the opening lines of sermons attributed to the
Prophet Muhammad and several of his Companions23. This formula is still recited
verbatim at the beginning of many sermons across the Islamic world24.
The testimonial of faith follows with a formal declaration of Muhammad’s
messengerhood, Muhammad is His servant and messenger, and a few spontaneous
lines exalting him. In light of their close personal relationship, and ‘Ali’s commitment
to the Islamic message, it is to be expected that the Prophet would figure prominently in
‘Ali’s discourse. In addition to the standard affirmation of Muhammad’s messengerhood
in the opening lines of this and other sermons, ‘Ali often urged his audience to follow
his example in order to lead a godly life25; he also referenced other prophets, including
Moses, Jesus, David, and Solomon, as paradigms for good26. Here Muhammad’s role
of guide is presented implicitly through his messengerhood for the Divine Guide.
The sermon continues with another emblematic opening feature, enjoining
the audience to piety:
I counsel you to piety: piety is the best counsel any of God’s servants
ever gave to another: it brings you closest to God’s pleasure, and leads
to the best outcome in the hereafter. You have been commanded to piety,
and created to be good and obey Him. Beware of what God has warned
you of, for He has warned you of a severe punishment. Fear God from
your heart.
19
Qur’an, al-A‘raf 7:70, al-Ghafir 40:12.
Qur’an, al-An‘am 6:163.
21
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 1, pp. 34-36, sermon 90, pp. 188-208, sermon 82, pp. 160-76; see also
al-Wasiti, ‘Uyun al-mawaiz; al-Zamakhshari, Rabi‘ al-abrar; I.S. al-Harrani, Tuhaf al-‘uqul; and Q.
al-Quda‘i, Dustur.
22
Safwat, Jamhara; after Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, vol. I, pp. 309-311. Cf. other contextual praise
openings of ‘Ali’s sermons in al-Radi, Nahj, sermons #100, 111, 176, 188, pp. 222, 358-359, and 388.
23
The opening praise formula is cited almost verbatim in three sermons attributed to Muhammad,
in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 148 (after al-Tabari, Ta’rikh); Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 155 (after Ibn
Hisham, al-Sira; al-Jahiz, al-Bayan; al-Tabari, Ta’rikh; Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd; al-Baqillani, I‘jaz;
Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh); Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 152 (after al-Baqillani,
I‘jaz). See the formula also in sermons by Abu Bakr, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 184 (after Ibn
‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd); ‘Uthman, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 275 (after al-Tabari, Ta’rikh; and
Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil ); Ash‘ath ibn Qays, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 358 (after Ibn Abi l-Hadid,
Sharh); and Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 189 (after Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd).
24
This opening is used, for example, in contemporary Friday sermons in India (cf. M. Thanvi,
Khutubat al-ahkam, p. 219) and Turkey (cf. Turkish Diyanet ministry, Hutbe Dualari).
25
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 104, p. 228; #156, p. 317; #196, p. 425; and passim.
26
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 158, pp. 318-323.
20
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Piety is a fundamental injunction in the Qur’an, occurring no less than 116
times27, and it is a common directive in the Prophet’s sermons28 and in all forms of
Islamic preaching. In fact, the Arabic verbal noun taqwa, along with its imperative
form, is among the most frequently occurring lexemes of this type of sermon. The
stock phrase used here –I counsel you to piety (usikum bi-taqwa l-lah)– is a regular
exhortation. Occurring at the top of this sermon’s body right after the formulaic
opening, the directive frames the entire piece, and underpins all its other pious themes.
Orators commonly expounded a rationale for piety. Not only did they
instruct their audience to practice it, they told them why they should do so, their
reasons including gratitude for God’s bounties, protection from the vicissitudes of this
world, and salvation in the afterlife. Here, ‘Ali tells his audience that piety brings you
closest to God’s pleasure, and leads to the best outcome in the hereafter.
The directive to piety is conjoined with a charge to obey God, another
common theme in the Qur’an (occurring 33 times)29, and a frequent command
in prophetic hadith and early Muslim preaching. Moreover, the linkage here –and
elsewhere in ‘Ali’s sermons– echoes the Qur’an’s recurrent association of the two
concepts30.
The orators’ injunctions to obey God (and to be pious) are simultaneously
general and particular, for their subtext is a charge to perform acts of obedience,
namely, to observe the strictures of the Shari‘a, or God’s Law. Conversely, disobedience
to God is often mentioned in the sense of sinning, or going against the regulations
of the Shari‘a. The connection is made explicit through juxtaposition as the sermon
continues, the directions to piety and obedience followed immediately by instructions
to perform virtuous deeds and to fear God’s punishment:
Perform virtuous deeds without desiring praise: Whosoever performs
deeds for one other than Him –God hands him over to that other. Whosoever performs deeds sincerely for God– He will ensure for him a goodly reward. Fear God’s punishment, for “He has not created you without purpose, and has not left you, in any of your affairs, loose without
direction”31. He has labelled your traces, knows your deeds, and decreed
your lifespans.
These commands are given weight with a modified quotation from the
Qur’an, saying He has not created you without purpose. The theme of purposeful
creation is common for ‘Ali, and it is reported that he rarely ascended the pulpit without
saying these words at the beginning of every sermon32. The line is in conversation
with the pre-Islamic negation of an afterlife, also signaled in the Qur’an in verses
27
Qur’an, al-Baqara 2:197, 237, al-Ma’ida 5:8, al-A‘raf 7:26, Muhammad 47:17, and passim.
Eg., Safwat vol. I, p. 148 (after al-Tabari, Ta’rikh), idem, p. 156 (after Ibn Hisham, al-Sira
al-nabawiyya).
29
Qur’an, Al ‘Imran 3:32, 132, al-Nisa’ 4:59, Taha 20:90, and passim.
30
Qur’an, al-Anfal 8:1, al-Zukhruf 43: 63, al-Shu‘ara’ 26:126 and passim.
31
Qur’an, al-Mu’minun 23:115, al-Qiyama 75:36.
32
al-Zamakhshari, Rabi‘ vol. I, p. 39: “O people! Be conscious of God. ‘Man has not been created
without purpose, such that he waste his time in this world. He has not been left loose, such that he
fool around.’ The world that he finds so beautiful is no substitute for the hereafter that he finds ugly.
The complacent man who obtains the highest honors of this world is not equal to one who attains
the lowliest share of the hereafter”. Also cited in S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 63, pp. 134-135; and Ibn
Hamdun, al-Tadhkira, vol. I, p. 88.
28
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such as this one: They say, once we’ve died and become dust, are we to return?33 Life
in this world is not jest and play, cautions ‘Ali; it is serious business and there will be
an accounting. Indeed, God has labelled your traces, knows your deeds, and decreed
your lifespans.
Transitioning from this line which hinted at imminent death, the next section
warns explicitly of the certain end of this world:
Do not be deceived by this world, for she is a great deceiver of her people: one who is deceived by her is truly deluded. All things in her will
perish. “The hereafter is life, if only they realized it”34.
Characterizing the world as a deceiver, ‘Ali declares all things in her will
perish. With its use of the word “perish” (fana’), the assertion has clear Qur’anic
resonance35.
The body of the sermon ends here with a verbatim quotation from the
Qur’an declaring the hereafter to be the abode of life. Citation of a verse or two from
the Qur’an is a common though not requisite feature of the sermons attributed to
the first century of Islam. It would become more frequent, even de rigueur, in later
sermons36. In early orations, Qur’an citations often came at, or towards the very end,
of the sermon –as in this one– casting a retroactive seal of divine authority upon the
orator’s teachings.
The sermon concludes with a prayer to God:
May God grant me the stations of the martyrs, the companionship of
the prophets, and the life of the blissful. Truly, we are all for Him, and
because of Him.
Like the themes and vocabulary items in the earlier sections of the sermon,
these concepts and terms too are firmly grounded in the text of the Qur’an37.
Because of the nature of oral transmission, most oratorical texts in our
sources are fragmentary. Often the formulaic beginning and ending are missing;
sometimes other parts are omitted as well. At times we are told of the elision; often we
are not38. This sermon is the only full piece in our selection. With a distinct beginning
comprised of formulaic praise of God and invocations for the Prophet Muhammad,
a body with ‘Ali’s typical sermonizing themes (including censure of the world, an
urging to prepare for the hereafter, be conscious of God, and perform good deeds),
and a distinct ending comprised of prayer, the text exemplifies the standard structure
of the early Islamic sermon.
33
Qur’an, al-Mu’minun 23:82, and passim.
Qur’an, al-‘Ankabut 29:64.
35
Qur’an, al-Rahman 55:26.
36
Ibn al-‘Attar summarized in his handbook Adab al-khatib the rules for the contents of a Friday
or Eid sermon, and included among them mandatory citation of Qur’anic verses, with specific verses
to be cited (pp. 127-129).
37
Qur’an, al-Nisa’ 4:69 (prophets and martyrs in paradise), al-Baqara 2:156 (all of us are “for
God”).
38
Conversely, some texts that are presented in the sources as one sermon might actually be pieces
from several distinct sermons stitched together by the redactor.
34
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4.2. Sermon 2: A camel caravan journeying to the hereafter39
In another of his earliest sermons as caliph, ‘Ali used the image of a traveler
to convey the passage and purpose of life. Combining some of the major topics of his
counsel within the complex rubric of one of his favorite metaphors, he presented the
progression of human life in this world in terms of the perilous wilderness navigated
by the traveler to arrive at water40. The guide is God’s Book which demarcates good
and evil. The path is constituted by the mandatory religious duties of Islam (and more
broadly, performance of pious deeds and maintaining the law). Sins are the burden that
slows you down. Repentance lightens this load. The progression of human life in this
world is as a camel caravan. The driver of the caravan is death. And the destination
is heaven.
In the opening lines of this sermon we see both general religious teachings
(God’s guidance, good and evil) and specifically Islamic motifs (Qur’an, Islamic
praxis, and the Garden):
God revealed a book to guide you, in which He distinguished between good
and evil. So be good and shun evil. Undertake mandatory religious duties
assiduously for God, and He will ensure your admission into His Garden.
Packaged in an Arabian travel image, these lines contain layers of explicit
and implicit referencing. There is an overt mention of a guide God revealed a book to
guide you. Another version of the sermon also contains an unambiguous mention of
a path, Take the path of goodness, and you will be rightly guided. Shun the course of
evil, and you will fulfil your purpose41. In our version, a path is implied through the
motif of the guide and through the sermon’s other path-relevant images. Also evoked
subtly, in the reference to the mandatory duties of Islam (al-fara’id), is the word
‘Shari‘a,’ originally meaning “a wellworn path to a watering hole”, the watering-hole,
the travellers’ destination, being the Garden of Paradise.
The images of a ‘path’ and a ‘guide’ have clear resonance in the oft-cited
verse in the prayer-like first sura of the Qur’an, Guide us to the Straight Path42.
The Qur,an itself was deeply infused with the oral, nature-based flavors of Arabian
society, and ‘Ali’s imbibing of the cultural vocabulary is as much, if not more, from
the Qur’anic exposition, as it is from the poetic tradition directly.
The next section moves into a different theme, namely, directions for
maintaining a law-abiding society:
God has made certain things inviolable; they are not unknown to you.
He has given highest priority to the sanctity of Muslim (life and property) over all other sacrosanct things. He has bound all Muslims firmly
together with ropes of sincerity and the declaration of God’s oneness. A
Muslim is one from whose tongue and hand all Muslims are safe, except
when there is just cause. It is unlawful to harm a Muslim except when
there is just cause.
39
al-Tabari, Ta’rikh, vol. IV, p. 436; A Community Divided, pp. 15-16; the sermon, with minor
variants, is also reported in S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 165, pp. 341-42 (some of the lines in the piece
are also reported in ibid., sermon 21, p. 79); Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, vol. III, p. 85; Ibn Kathir, alBidaya, vol. VII, p. 227; A. al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-A‘sha, vol. I, p. 258.
40
See also the traveler image in S. al-Radi, Nahj sermon 98, p. 220; sermon 86, p. 179.
41
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 165, pp. 341-342.
42
Qur’an, al-Fatiha 1:5.
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This theme is also underpinned, albeit lightly, by the travel image, with the
path to heaven being embodied in the Divine Guide’s directives. ‘Ali asserts that the
law is God’s domain, and that it has been clearly explained (presumably through the
Qur’an and Muhammad’s practice or sunna incidentally, another word meaning path).
The subsequent declaration, He has given highest priority to the sanctity of Muslim
(life and property) over all other sacrosanct things, echoes Islam’s challenge against
the state of affairs in pre-Islamic Arabia, where security was maintained by mutual
threat of blood vengeance and collective liability43. Where, if one member of a tribe
was killed by a member of another tribe, any members of the victim’s tribe could, in
retaliation, kill any member of the assailant’s tribe. Muhammad prohibited this system,
and instituted laws maintaining the sanctity of innocent life and property. Punishment
in Islam was not to be random, but rather, it was to be meted out only with just cause
and regulated by God’s law. Muhammad, in what is termed his Farewell Sermon on
Mount ‘Arafat, cancelled all cases of blood retaliation outstanding from pre-Islamic
times44. And Qur’anic verses laid down rules for paying blood money, sentencing a
murderer, determining the cause of death, and eye-witness testimony45. ‘Ali’s sermon
explains the etymology of the word ‘Muslim’ on this basis: that a Muslim is one from
whose harm other Muslims are safe (salima, which has the same consonant root as
Muslim: s-l-m). This line is ascribed in some sources to the Prophet46; perhaps ‘Ali is
quoting Muhammad here.
The earlier musings on the personal quest for salvation and piety are
combined here with injunctions about societal welfare maintained according to God’s
laws. Furthermore, a theological substratum is applied to the legal prescription: It
is their sincere belief and their declaration of the monotheistic creed of Islam that
“firmly binds” (note the tent reference) the Muslims together as a community.
The succeeding section opens with a warning of impending death:
Hasten to acknowledge the affair that is common to all, yet personal to
each one of you: death. People have gone before you, and the Hour drives
you from behind. Lighten your burden of sin so you can catch up. Those
who have gone before await the arrival of those who are yet to come.
The theme of human mortality was prominent in early Arabic orations of
pious counsel. Rooted in the desert dweller’s deep consciousness of cosmic cycles,
sermons attributed to pre-Islamic Arabians focused on nature imagery and death.
A famous oration ascribed to the Christian bishop Quss b. Sa‘ida (d. c. 600) is an
apposite example (and one of the few oratorical remnants accredited to pre-Islamic
times), with Quss declaring, He who lives dies. He who dies is lost forever. Everything
that could happen will happen. Firm signs; rain and plants; (…) stars that come and
go; seas that do not dry out; a sky-roof elevated; an earth-bed laid out47. The advent
of Islam brought a radical shift. In the theistic vision of Muhammad and the Qur’an,
43
See discussion of pre-Islamic blood-vengeance and relevant anecdotes and poetry in S. Stetkevych, The Mute Immortals Speak, pp. 55-83.
44
Ibn Hisham, al-Sira, vol. IV, p. 448.
45
Qur’an, al-Nisa’ 4:92-93.
46
Cited in a large number of hadith works including Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, vol. II, p. 1163. See
also in Cleary, The Wisdom of the Prophet, p. 38; after al-Bukhari, Sahih; and al-Nawawi, Riyad
al-salihin.
47
al-Jahiz, al-Bayan, 1:308-9. See also the death-themed oration of Ma’mun al-Harithi in Safwat
1:39 #455, after al-Qali, al-Amali.
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the earlier themes and images were directed into a piety-based mode of preaching,
and warnings of the coming end were used as a spur to urge the audience to prepare
for the eternal hereafter. Pre-Islamic reminders of the relentless approach of death
proliferate in ‘Ali’s sermons, but he channels them into an Islamic consciousness of
life after death.
In this sermon, ‘Ali weaves the death theme into the framing travel imagery,
through a personification of death as a caravan driver steering his herd to the afterlife.
The camel was an intrinsic part of the desert dweller’s existence. Domesticated
around 1000 BCE, this animal became a cornerstone of existence in the Arabian
Peninsula. Being able to go without food or water for days or even weeks, and having
a sturdy set of extremities, stretched out footpads that would not sink into the sand,
it was a beast of burden ideally adapted to traverse the arid wastes of the Peninsula.
It was an important means of transport, perhaps the only one, for the horse, although
useful in battle, was not really suitable for long desert journeys. Sometime between
500 and 100 BCE the northern Arabs developed a new saddle, better balanced for
wielding a lance, and providing support for bigger loads. The camel breeders began
to control the caravan trade, and the camel almost completely replaced the wheel.
From then on, camel caravans regularly cut across the arid wastes of the Peninsula
to trade in neighboring lands48. Being a vital component of Arabian life, the caravan
was an image that would resonate with ‘Ali’s audience. A picture with which men
and women, young and old, were intimately familiar, it formed a potent physical
representation for abstract ideas. ‘Ali took advantage of that resonance to convey to
his audience the importance of staying on the path of truth and following the guidance
of the Qur’an; and in this section, acknowledging the presence of death in their midst
–a very personal presence– as a camel driver relentlessly pushing forward his beasts,
letting none get away.
The audience was also aware of the sluggish progress made by a heavily
loaded pack of camels versus the swiftness of one which travelled light. Accordingly,
‘Ali instructed his audience to lessen their burden, so that they could catch up with
those who had gone before. For the earlier travelers had already reached the alighting
station of the hereafter and were in anxious anticipation of the latecomers’ arrival.
‘Ali charged them to repent of their errant ways, to shed the heavy load of their sins,
to become better people, so they could attain paradise, and in it, the companionship of
the pious folk who had preceded them there.
In addition to resonating with the Arabian lifestyle, the camel and caravan
imagery also had tremendous cultural significance. The first of a pre-Islamic Arabic
ode’s typical three part structure, the love prelude, began with the poet weeping over
the lost beloved who had journeyed away from him, as in the celebrated ode by Imru’
al-Qays (d.c. 540): It is as though I –on the day they loaded their camels near the
tribe’s acacia trees– were peeling bitter colocynth-onions49. The middle section of the
ode was customarily focused on the poet’s own voyage, often made on a camel, as
in the ode by another famous poet, Labid (d.c. 661), who describes his desert travels
on a journey-worn mare, worn to a remnant, with sunken loins, and a sunken hump50.
Usually the camel in the poems was a literal figure; sometimes it stood in figuratively
for the poet himself. In ‘Ali’s sermons of pious counsel, the literary theme of the
camel caravan was directed into the metaphorical mold of a different kind of journey,
a spiritual passage.
48
49
50
See R. Bulliet, The Camel and the Wheel.
al-Zawzani, Sharh al-Mu‘allaqat, p. 12.
Labid, Mu‘allaqa, in M. Sells, Desert Tracings, p. 37.
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The last part of the sermon comes back full circle, to once again direct the
audience to virtue:
Be conscious of God in your dealings with His servants and His lands,
for you are responsible for your deeds, even those pertaining to the earth
and to cattle. Obey God, do not disobey Him. If you see good, grasp it. If
you see evil, shun it. “Remember the time when you were few in number
and vulnerable in the land”51.
The section opens with a familiar injunction, Be conscious of God in your
dealings with His servants and His lands. Consciousness of God is presented in many
sermons (as in Sermon 3) as the best of provisions for the journey to the hereafter52,
based on the Qur’anic verse: Gather provisions –and know that the best of provisions
is Consciousness of God53. In this sermon, the connection is not made directly, but the
audience– one well-versed in the Qur’anic text, and frequently exposed to oratorical
expounding on taqwa as provisions –would comprehend the reference.
A link that is made explicitly here is the connection between individual piety
and community-oriented living. It builds on the earlier theme of society and law, and
emphasizes accountability for one’s deeds, and for one’s dealings with others, with all
God’s creation, not just people. The sermon continues with the familiar association
between Consciousness of God, obedience, doing good deeds and rejecting evil. It
closes with a verse from the Qur’an that reminds the audience that their prosperity
and security is a gift from God.
4.3. Sermon 3: Death as a predator54
‘Ali frequently used striking images of predator and prey to present some of
his main themes, as in the following sermon:
Get your supplies together –May God have mercy on you!– for the call
has come to depart. Minimize your inclination toward the world, and see
that you leave it with good provisions from your present life. Ahead of
you is a tough ascent, and stations that are fearsome and alien, through
which you must pass and at which you must alight.
You should know that death’s gaze is zooming in on you. It is as though
you are already warding off its unsheathed claws, and that already its
horrific affairs and feared calamities are upon you. So cut off all links to
this world and prepare provisions of piety.
In keeping with the characteristics of oral-period verbal production, ‘Ali
described the abstract idea of death using graphic images rooted in the human lifeworld
51
Qur’an, al-Anfal 8:26. The verse continues: “and were afraid that people would wipe you out,
whereupon He gave you refuge, strengthened you with His aid, and provided you with goodly sustenance. Will you not be grateful?” ‘Ali’s citation of part of the verse would evoke the remainder of
the verse for the audience.
52
See for example a speech by ‘Umar II, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 209; after Ibn ‘Abd
Rabbih, al-‘Iqd.
53
Qur’an, al-Baqara 2:192.
54
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 202, pp. 435-36; also reported with some variants in al-Tawhidi, alBasa’ir, vol. II, p. 63; al-Abi, Nathr al-durar, vol. I, p. 23; Q. al-Quda‘i, Dustur, no. 4. 6.
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of this culture. Death is portrayed in this sermon as a ferocious animal, such as a lion
making ready to sink his claws into its prey, or an eagle, its talons unsheathed, fast
homing in. In Sermon 2, we saw ‘Ali’s portrayal of death as a camel-driver. Elsewhere
he embodied it as the destroyer of pleasures (hadim al-ladhdhat) and –reflecting the
desert dweller’s acute awareness of the value of pure water– the turbidifier of desires
(mukaddir al-shahawat)55. In this sermon, he personifies death as a predator closing
in for the kill. The abstract concept of death is given a physical form that would
resonate with the audience, a form that simultaneously implies death’s immutable
power and the immediacy of its arrival. Nature images provided some of the most
effective tools for the orator in his address to dwellers of the desert. ‘Ali, to be sure,
had grown up in Mecca and Medina, which were among the few scattered settlements
in the Arabian Peninsula at the time, and the four years of his caliphate were spent
in the new Iraqi camptown of Kufa. But these settlements were simpler and closer
to nature than the sumptuous urban centers of later Islamic civilization, and life here
was a far cry from ninth-century Baghdad, tenth-century Cairo, or eleventh-century
Cordoba; lions thrived in Arabia and Iraq during ‘Ali’s time56. Moreover, the image of
death as a predator was also a typical motif in the poetic tradition that ‘Ali inherited.
It was particularly common in the genre of elegy, which usually prefaced praise of the
deceased with gnomic pronouncements on death. A good example is a line by Abu
Dhu’ayb al-Hudhali (d. c. 649) in a poem mourning the death of his five young sons:
When death sinks its claws into you, no amulets will avail57.
The pre-Islamic image of death as predator is married in this sermon to
the Islamic advocacy of preparing for the hereafter. In Sermon 2, the allusion to
provisions was implied by its urging to piety within the context of a travel metaphor.
Here, predicated on warnings about the fearsome stages of death, an explicit directive
is given, not once, but three times: Get your supplies together (…) see that you leave
[the world] with good provisions from your present life (…) prepare provisions of
piety. So what constitutes provisions for the hereafter? As the last line explains, they
are to be gathered by eschewing materialism and practising piety.
4.4. Sermon 4: Censure of the world and terrors of the grave58
A common theme in ‘Ali’s discourses is condemnation of the world, as a
way to caution against worldliness59. Another is ubisunt questions, (Latin: ‘Where are
55
S. al-Radi, Nahj, testament #227, p. 474; see also sermon 98, p. 220.
The ninth-century Abbasid writer al-Jahiz writes in his Kitab al-Hayawan that lions proliferated even in his time on the banks of the Euphrates, especially in the environs of Kufa and Mosul.
News reports indicate that lions were sighted in Iraq as late as 1914. (cf. Khalaf-von Jaffa, The Asiatic
or Persian Lion).
57
A.Dh. al-Hudhali, Diwan, p. 147. For an analysis of early Arabic ‘borrowing’ metaphor, see
Heinrichs, Hand of the Northwind. The poetic genre of elegy and the sermon of pious counsel have
other features in common as well, including musings on death, and laments on the fickleness of this
world.
58
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 223 p. 470; also in al-Dinawari, al-Mujalasa, vol. I, p. 364; al-Ghazali,
Ihya’, vol. III, pp. 212-213; Ibn ‘Asakir, Ta’rikh, vol. XLII, p. 500; Ibn al-Jawzi, Sifat al-sifwa, vol.
I, p. 322; al-Nuwayri, Nihaya, vol. V, pp. 249-250; al-Suyuti, Jami‘, hadith #8609, vol. XVI, p. 444;
al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, Kanz, vol. XVI, p. 84.
59
Censure of the world is present in many sermons by other early orators as well. See for example
sermons by ‘Umar II, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, pp. 205-206 (after Ibn al-Jawzi, Sirat ‘Umar ibn
‘Abd al-‘Aziz); Sulayman ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 200 (after Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd; Ibn Qutayba, ‘Uyun, and al-Jahiz, al-Bayan); al-Hasan al-Basri in Safwat, Jamhara, vol.
56
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they?’) underscoring for listeners their impending end, and urging them to ponder the
fate of past generations. This sermon combines both themes.
The sermon begins with a harsh description of the deficiencies and dangers
of this world:
It is an abode encircled by trials and known for deceit. Its conditions do
not remain stable, and those who alight in it are not safe from its changing conditions and shifting times. Life in it is base and security not to be
found. Its people are targets whom it shoots at with its arrows, and kills
with its death.
The opening statement contains four key motifs: The world is a place of
tribulation, where humans are continually beset by trials; its conditions constantly
change, thus it is inherently unstable; life in it is vile and sordid; and it is a temporary
abode, inevitably ending in death60.
‘Ali frequently presents the world’s forbidding aspects metaphorically.
In this sermon, he personifies the world as an archer whose arrows target humans,
striking them down at every stage, and inevitably killing them off, one by one. In other
sermons, he describes it as a green and lush garden, appealing to the senses, yet in
reality a ghoulish, carnivorous eater of humans61, and as a cadaver, over which people
are fighting like dogs over a smelly carcass62.
Often, ‘Ali personifies the world as a beautiful but deceitful temptress. He
warns of its dangers using the vocabulary of sensual love. In one sermon, he advises
his audience to reject the world in full censure, for she has rejected all who loved
her with passion63. Elsewhere, he addresses the world directly, I have divorced you
thrice!64 In this sermon, we see nothing obviously gendered, but given ‘Ali’s frequent
explicit descriptions, we can read woman-metaphor beneath his lines It is an abode
(…) known for deceit. This reading is also supported by the poetic and grammatical
conventions of ‘Ali’s time. In pre-Islamic and early Islamic custom, the ode’s beloved
was typically portrayed as disloyal, and this characterization is extended to the
oratorical image of the grammatically feminine world.
After the opening admonition regarding the wickedness of the world, the
sermon segues into a warning of imminent death, with a reminder of past generations
who are no more:
Servants of God! You should know that you, along with the world that
you are in, are treading the path of those who went before. They were
longer lived than you, more flourishing of abode than you, and had lon-
II, p. 489 (after al-Jahiz, al-Bayan); and Qatari ibn al-Fuja‘a in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 454 (after
al-Jahiz, al-Bayan; al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-A‘sha; Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd; Ibn Qutayba, ‘Uyun).
60
Two additional motifs, not mentioned in this sermon, are an integral part of ‘Ali’s censure of the
world more widely: The world is tainted –never fully clean and wholesome, some bad always mixed
in with any good; and it is of little worth: in one sermon, he says, “Let this world be smaller in your
eyes than shreds from the pods of a spiny acacia tree, or wool fluff falling from a pair of shears”. (S.
al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 32, p. 101).
61
S. al-Radi Nahj, sermon 110, p. 243.
62
Ibidem, sermon 149, p. 303.
63
Ibidem, Nahj, sermon 32, p. 101. See also sermon 98, p. 220.
64
Ibidem, Nahj, saying 77, p. 641. According to Islamic law, a man and woman may divorce and
remarry each other up to three times. After the third divorce, they may not marry each other ever
again. For details, see A. Layish, “Talak”.
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ger lasting monuments than you. Their voices have become silent, their
breath stilled, their bodies decomposed, their abodes abandoned, and
their traces gone. They have exchanged fortified palaces and cushioned
seats for propped up stones, for prepared graves, whose courtyard is
built upon ruination and shored up with dirt, whose dwelling is near,
yet whose resident is far, far away. They live with the people of a locale
who take no comfort from one another, people who have no labor yet
are completely preoccupied, people who do not find solace in a homeland nor visit as neighbors, even though they live in close proximity
and their residences are next to each other. But how would they visit?
Decay has crushed them with its chest, and rocks and earth have eaten
them up!
In many sermons by ‘Ali and other early Islamic orators65, long strings
of ubisunt questions aggressively ask audience members where powerful Arabian
tribes like ‘Ad, Thamud, and Tubba‘ have gone, the Pharoahs, the Amalekites, even
the prophet-king Solomon, directing them to take a lesson from the past. The ubisunt
instructs them to take heed from rulers who exchanged jeweled thrones for hard
earth, and from the example of their own fathers and mothers whose bodies now
decompose in the soil. The aforementioned pre-Islamic orator Quss is reported to
have declaimed to his fellow tribesmen, O people of Iyad! Where are Thamud and
‘Ad? Where are your fathers and grandfathers?66 There are also poetic referents for
the theme. The pre-Islamic poet al-Aswad ibn Ya‘fur al-Nahshali (d. c. 600) laments
What can I hope for, when the tribe of Muharriq has departed from their homes, as
have Iyad? (…) the winds have blown dust over the site of their abodes (…) They
used to live there in luxury (…) Indeed, all pleasures will one day turn to decay67.
Other famous pre-Islamic poets such as al-A‘sha (d. before 629), Tarafa (d. c. 550),
Labid, and Zuhayr (d. 609), stress the inevitability of death, and they mention the
end of the selfsame ‘Ad, Thamud, and Tubba‘68. The Qur’an declares that it was
God who destroyed these peoples, and He did so because of their disbelief, in verses
such as the following: ‘Ad and Thamud did not believe that the great calamity would
come. As for Thamud, they were destroyed by an earthquake. And as for ‘Ad, they
were destroyed by a fierce and raging wind (…) Do you see any from among them
now?69 Later ascetic poetry would pick up this theme, a prime example being the
Abbasid poet Abu l-‘Atahiya, who would write lines such as Give birth for death,
and build for destruction. For whom do we build, when we’re going unto dust, just as
we were created from it?70 In this sermon, ‘Ali changes the mode of the ubisunt from
questions to declarations. Outlining a stark contrast between the earthly pomp of
those peoples with their current somber state and emphasizing their utter loneliness,
he warns the audience to take heed.
65
Cf. other ubisunt segments in ‘Ali’s sermons: S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 223, pp. 470-471; sermon 180, pp. 363-370. Ubisunt sermons by other early orators include: Abu Bakr in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 182 (after al-Tabari, Ta’rikh); Abu l-Darda’, in Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd, vol. III, p.
109, and al-Jahiz, Bayan, vol. III, p. 136; ‘Uthman in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 270 (after a-Tabari,
Ta’rikh); and al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 299 (after Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd),
‘Umar II (Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd, vol. IV, p. 84).
66
al-Jahiz, al-Bayan, 1:308-309.
67
al-Aswad ibn Ya‘fur, Daliyya, text from Mufaddal al-Dabbi, Mufaddaliyyat, vol. I, pp. 445-446.
68
Cf. M.C. Lyons, Identification and Identity, pp. 2-3.
69
Qur’an, al-Haqqa 69:4-8; see also Ibrahim 14:9-17, al-Hajj 22:42-45, and passim.
70
Abu l-‘Atahiya, Diwan, p. 46.
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Frequently, this kind of reminder in early Islamic sermons is conjoined with
macabre descriptions of the terrors of the grave. The orator ‘answers’ his own questions
by a detailed account of the rapid and gross putrefaction of the human corpora, replete
with horrific images: Maggots tearing into their skins, storms obliterating their traces,
rosy hues becoming pale71. Here, ‘Ali personifies decay as a beast that has crushed the
dead with its chest, and he embodies rocks as a monster that has eaten them up. This
graphic depiction is commensurate both with the close-to-nature lifestyle of its people
and the oral milieu of ‘Ali’s time.
He ends the sermon by personalizing the lesson, connecting the people in
front of him to those who have passed away:
Beware! It is as though you have come to what they came to, as though that
same bed has claimed you, and that same resting place has enveloped you.
How will it be with you, when all affairs end, and all graves are emptied?
“Each soul will be tried for what it did in past times. They will be returned
to their true master, and will not find there the lies they had spun”72.
As they died, so shall you. The terrors they faced, you shall face too. The
Qur’anic verse cited at the end about the return unto God and the coming judgment
implicitly enjoins: Repent of your sins before it is too late.
But why such strong, and what some might characterize as pessimistic,
language? I would argue that the language is not pessimistic but realistic. The
following report may be cited in explanation73:
‘Ali was following a bier in a funeral procession when he heard a man
laugh. He said:
We behave as if death is written for people other than us, duties are incumbent upon people other than us, and those we see die are travelers
soon to return. We carry their bodies to the grave and consume their
wealth. Then we forget every counselor, and shrug off every calamity.
This quotation brings us to the heart of the matter, indicating ‘Ali’s purpose
in dwelling so often and so lengthily in his sermons on death: It behooves us as
intelligent beings to prepare for what comes after; to think long term, really long term.
Human nature is such that we prefer not to ponder unpleasant things. We see death all
around us yet refuse to grapple with the reality of our own imminent end. The early
Islamic sermons –with their horrific images of bodies decaying in the soil and souls
being punished for evil deeds– attempt to shake up the complacent masses who are
lulled by their base and mundane routines into a dangerous oblivion of the inevitable
end; to frighten them into taking heed while there is yet time.
Many of ‘Ali’s death-themed sermons are set in the context of his battles. In
one ubisunt passage, he mentions his companions who were killed at Siffin, including
the fiercely loyal ‘Ammar ibn Yasir. That sermon is in part eulogy to him: All humans
die, even the mightiest of them, but the pious –such as ‘Ammar– attain the everlasting
delights of heaven74.
71
See Q. al-Quda‘i, Dustur, 2.14, 3.1.
Qur’an, Yunus 10:30.
73
S. al-Radi, Nahj, saying #123, p. 653. This text is ascribed in some sources to the Prophet; see
for example, A.T. al-Makki, Qut al-qulub, vol. I, p. 139.
74
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 180, p. 369.
72
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Thus the point of the censure is not to blame the world itself, but to warn
against worldliness. In one often-cited sermon, ‘Ali turns the censure around75:
O you who reproach the world, yet are deceived by her deception, and
tricked by her falsehoods! Do you choose to be deceived by the world then
censure her? (…) When did she lure you or deceive you? Was it by the
destruction of your fathers through decay? Or by the lying down of your
mothers under the earth? (...) Indeed, the world is an abode of truth for the
one who is true to her, an abode of well-being for the one who understands
what she means, an abode of wealth for the one who takes provisions from
her, an abode of counsel for the one who takes counsel from her. She is the
mosque for God’s loved ones, the prayer place for God’s angels, the place
of descent for God’s revelation, the place of trade for God’s saints –in her
they earn God’s mercy, and through her they profit and enter Paradise.
‘Ali reminds the listener that the world is neither good nor bad in and of
itself, but that both the good and bad of this world are with reference to its people. The
world presents both possibilities; you choose your own path in it and are responsible
for your deeds. The apparent contradiction in ‘Ali’s characterization of the world –one
harshly negative, one highly positive– is resolved by examining the purpose of the
characterizations. In both, the goal is to motivate the audience to prepare for the hereafter.
4.5. Sermon 5: Be you children of the hereafter! A political and military
context76
A sermon ‘Ali delivered immediately after his entrance into Kufa
following the Battle of the Camel presents pious counsel in a historical frame. It
combines references to military and administrative issues, with assertions about his
righteousness, and advice about prioritizing the hereafter by not holding back from
fighting for truth.
After the formulaic praise section (that the narrator mentions but does not
cite), the body of the sermon begins with direct reference to the recent events leading
up to the battle:
People of Kufa! You have God’s favor through Islam as long as you
do not deviate and change things. I called you to the Truth and you answered, but then you began to deviate from the accepted practice and
changed things. Lo! God’s favor for you is manifest in legal rulings and
distribution of state stipends. You should be a model for those who answer and enter the path you have entered into.
Alluding to the community’s recent pledge of allegiance to his caliphate, he
says, I called you to the Truth and you answered. Then he talks about their ‘changing
things’, likely an intimation of the reneging on the pledge by the leaders of the Camel
75
I.S. al-Harrani, Tuhaf al-‘uqul, pp. 186-188 and al-Radi, Nahj, saying #132, p. 655-657; also cited in al-Ya‘qubi, Ta’rikh, al-Mas‘udi’s Muruj, al-Safadi, al-Wafi bi al-Wafayat, Ibn Manzur, Mukhtasar Ta’rikh Dimashq, Ibn Hamdun, al-Tadhkira, Ibn Abi al-Isba‘, Tahrir al-tahbir fi sina‘at al-shi‘r
wa al-nathr, Ibn Ma‘sum, Anwar al-rabi‘ fi anwa al-badi‘, and Ahmad al-Hashimi, Jawahir al-adab.
76
N. al-Minqari, Waq‘at Siffin, pp. 3-4; also cited in S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 43, p. 116; Ibn
Qutayba,‘Uyun, vol. II, p. 381; al-Mas‘udi, Muruj, vol. II, p. 414; and Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Tabsira, vol.
I, p. 156. A similar oration is attributed to ‘Ubada ibn al-Samit (Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 261, after
al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Sham).
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group, the people of Basra, some of the Kufans who took their side, and the Iraqis or
Medinese who sat on the sidelines without coming to his aid.
Following on from chastising those who “changed things” ‘Ali warns them
in the next section against wordliness, and urges them to be mindful of the hereafter.
The most fearful thing I fear for you is twofold: following desires and
prolonged yearning: As for following desire, it stops you from the Truth.
As for prolonged yearning, it makes you forget the hereafter. Lo! This
world is journeying in retreat and the hereafter is journeying forward.
Each of the two has children. Be you children of the hereafter! Today is
action and no reckoning; tomorrow is the reckoning and no action.
Cautioning the audience against closing their eyes to the inexorably
approaching end, he castigates them for following their “base desires”, and having
“prolonged hopes”–extensive worldly ambitions based on the complacent belief that
they would live forever– (the converse is an urging to “short hopes” mentioned in
other sermons). The journey metaphor is used yet again, with the world portrayed as
a caravan that is going away, and the hereafter as another that is arriving at your door.
Another version of this sermon adds a second figurative layer, Lo! This
world has turned away in speed, and nothing remains of it except a residue, like the
residue in a vessel which a pourer has emptied77. Water images would be particularly
resonant in this arid landscape, and they abound in pre-Islamic poetry and oratory
as well as in the Qur’an; more often there, it manifests in metaphors of rain and
waterholes. In the above line, a totally commonplace water-based illustration culled
from everyday life portrays the idea of life having almost run out.
Kinship imagery is also applied, with the audience urged to be children of
the hereafter (another version of the text also adds the inverse, do not be children of
this world, and it continues with a personification of the world and the hereafter as
‘mothers’, for each son will be returned to his mother on the Day of Resurrection).
Elsewhere in his sermons, ‘Ali declares that the world is but a “passing place” “the
hereafter is your home”, and “it is for the afterlife that you have been created”.
The sermon concludes with ‘Ali praising God for granting him victory over
his enemies:
Praise be to God, who aided his friend and thwarted his enemy, who gave
victory to the truthful and righteous and disgraced those who broke and
cancelled the pledge. [Kufans!] Cleave to piety, and obey the one who
obeys God from among the family of your Prophet. They are worthier
of your obedience in all things that they obey God in, than those who
make false claims and challenge us, those who appropriate the honor
that is ours, reject our commands, wrest from us our right, and drive us
away from it. They have tasted the evil consequences of their misdeeds,
and “they will soon meet with utter disillusion”78. Lo! Several men from
among you sat back from coming to my aid; I serve them warning. Disassociate from them and chastise them harshly until they repent, so that
“God’s army”79 may be known.
77
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 43, p. 116; this version only records the universally themed section of
pious counsel, and not the concretely historical sections preceding and following it.
78
Qur’an Maryam 19:59.
79
Qur’an al-Ma’ida 5:56.
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Here, ‘Ali emphasizes his legitimacy as part of the “family of the Prophet”
and urges his audience to obey him, connecting this obedience with obedience to God.
He warns them not to be taken in by false claimants, and ends with a return to berating
those among the Kufans who had refused to come to his aid.
4.6. Sermon 6: Metaphors of horse-racing and trade80
This is one of ‘Ali’s most widely cited sermons, striking for metaphorical
underpinnings of horse-racing and trade, and its presentation of this world and the
hereafter as diametrical opposites. Using orality-based techniques of rhythm and
antithetical parallelism, it highlights the sordidness of this world, and the sublimity of
the heavenly abode.
The opening lines of the sermon set up a dichotomy between this world and
the next:
The world has turned back and proclaimed its departure. The hereafter
has come forward and announced its arrival.
The dichotomy frames the sermon and permeates its lines: The world will
soon be as though it never was, and the hereafter will shortly be all that matters. By
the proximate positioning of the two statements, the purpose behind the condemnation
of this world is clarified: to energize the audience to think beyond the end of this life,
and to prepare for the inevitable hereafter. ‘Ali’s frequent comparisons of the impure,
unstable, and transient world with the pure, stable and eternal hereafter (as in Sermon
4), are present here in an implicit substrate, reinforcing the contrast.
The sermon continues with a horse-racing metaphor:
Today is the day of training and tomorrow is the race. Lo! These are your
days of hope; coming right behind them is death. Whosoever performs
good deeds during his days of hope, before the arrival of his death, will
profit from his deeds and be unharmed by his hopes. Whosoever falls
short during his days of hope, before the arrival of his death, will lose his
deeds and be harmed by his hopes. Lo! Perform good deeds from love
as you perform them from fear. Lo! I have not seen the like of paradise,
he who desires it sleeping; nor the like of hellfire, he who runs from
it sleeping. Lo! Whomsoever right does not benefit, wrong will harm.
Whomsoever guidance does not put on the straight path, error will drag
to destruction.
Like camels, horses in ‘Ali‘s time were an integral part of the fabric of
Arabian society. The pre-Islamic Arabians and the early Muslims keenly valued their
steeds, which they used mainly for raiding and warfare. Horses were also a prominent
theme in Arabic poetry, where their speed was vaunted, as in the famous horsedescription passage of the aforementioned master poet Imru’ al-Qays, like a boulder,
80
al-Jahiz, Bayan, vol. II, pp. 52-53; also in Ibn al-Mubarak, Kitab al-Zuhd, vol. I, p. 86; Ibn
Abi Shayba, Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 100; Ibn Hanbal, Fada’il al-sahaba, vol. I, p. 530; Ibn Qutayba,
‘Uyun, vol. II, p. 256; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Qisar al-amal, vol. I, p. 26 and vol. I, p. 50; al-Thaqafi,
Gharat, vol. I, p. 633; Ibn Abi ‘Asim, al-Zuhd, vol. 1, p. 130; al-Ya‘qubi, Ta’rikh, vol. II, pp. 208-9;
I. S. al-Harrani, Tuhaf, p. 113; Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd, vol. IV, p. 65; al-Mas‘udi, Muruj, vol. II,
p. 414; al-Baqillani, I‘jaz, vol. I, p. 146; S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 28, pp. 93-94; Ibn Hamdun, alTadhkira, vol. I, p. 63; Khwarizmi, Manaqib, p. 262.
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hurled down by the flood from above81. However, the pre-Islamic poetic tradition does
not appear to have connected the theme of horses to competing in life’s racetrack.
Like his co-opting of the camel-caravan metaphor to fit his journey-of-life theme, ‘Ali
drew on the image of the charger to serve the cause of pious counsel.
The image of a race track is common in ‘Ali’s sermons. A metaphor for
the arena of life, the chargers stand in for humans who compete either in doing good
deeds or evil ones (another version adds a further statement, The prize is paradise,
or the end is hellfire82). Racing towards a finish line has clear resonance with the
Qur’anic verse: Race toward your Lord’s forgiveness and a paradise whose breadth
is as the breadth of the sky and the earth83. A few sentences later, ‘Ali personifies
‘error’ as a runaway horse dragging a fallen rider, whose foot is stuck in the stirrup,
to his end, Whomsoever guidance does not put on the straight path, error will drag
to destruction84.
Servicing the same theme of piety, ‘Ali employs the metaphor of trade, of
buying and selling, profit and loss. One who performs good deeds will profit from
his deeds on Judgment Day, the prize being paradise. One who falls short in leading
a pious life will lose his deeds, and the punishment will be hellfire. This allusion
references the Qur’an, which presents the term ‘loss’ alongside the term ‘deeds’ in
four different verses, for example, in the sura of the Cave: Say: Shall we inform you
of those who are the worst losers in terms of deeds?85
The sermon ends with ideas we have encountered before, reminders about
the looming journey to the afterlife, injunctions to gather provisions for it, and
warnings against worldly hopes:
Lo! You have been commanded to depart and guided toward provisions.
Truly, the most fearful thing I fear for you is twofold: following your
desires and prolonging your yearnings.
Another version adds the following end-line86: Take in the world, from the
world, provisions with which you can nourish yourselves tomorrow.
We see in this sermon (and in ‘Ali’s sermons generally) an abundance
of audience engagement features: direct address, emphatic structures, rhetorical
questions, and prescriptive phrases. Together, these elements create a dense web
pulling in the audience towards participation in the speech act –and thus the persuasive
goal– of the orator. Moreover, the sermon’s simple elegance is apparent in its apposite
positioning of words, careful selection of pronouns, and fitting juxtapositions.
Stemming from its oral nature and function of persuasion, the intense rhythm of the
classical Arabic oration is one of its hallmark characteristics. Framed in antithetical
parallelism, and enriched by rhyme and repetition of key terms, this sermon displays
the key mnemonic characteristics of orally based expression. Its parallelism brings a
strong acoustic resonance into a semantic frame of antithesis. Moreover, the stylistic
81
al-Zawzani, Sharh al-Mu‘allaqat, p. 44.
83
Qur’an, al-Hadid 57:21.
84
Elsewhere in his sermons, ‘Ali compares sins to “recalcitrant steeds mounted by sinners, their
reins loose, galloping with their riders into hellfire”; and he likens piety, in a parallel antithesis, to “a
docile steed, mounted by the God-conscious, reins firmly in their hands, delivering them to paradise”
(S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 16, p. 68).
85
Qur’an, al-Kahf 18:103; see also al-Ma’ida 5:5&53 and al-Zumar 39:65.
86
82
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features of the sermon are harnessed to the goal of convincing the audience to prepare
for the hereafter. Concurrently with the logically persuasive content of the sermon,
‘Ali’s tacitly persuasive aesthetics skillfully delineate a contrast between this world
and the next, today and tomorrow, good and evil, guidance and error, leaving the
audience starkly reminded of the transience of this world, and the necessity for each
individual to utilize his or her time in it to the fullest, in order to ensure salvation in
the ensuing eternity.
4.7. Sermon 7: What is piety?87
There is nary a sermon by ‘Ali that is devoid of injunctions to reject worldliness
and be pious. But what does piety entail exactly? In this sermon, ‘Ali describes in detail
the high moral characteristics, the conviction in belief, the hereafter-focused aspirations,
and the entirely godly way of life, of those who truly deserve the epithet.
The world is journeying in retreat and the hereafter is journeying forward. Each of the two has children: Be you children of the hereafter. Be
you not children of this world.
The pious are those who take the earth as a sleeping place, dust as bedding, and water as perfume.
Whosoever longs for the garden of paradise will refrain from indulging base desires. Whosoever fears the fires of hell will retreat from that
which is forbidden. Whosoever rejects worldliness will make light of
calamities.
There are those who worship God as though they see the people of paradise enjoying eternal life in paradise, and the people of the fire being
tortured in the fire.
After proclaiming in the opening lines the imminence of the hereafter
and the importance of preparing for it88, the sermon gets into specifics of piety. The
pious –the word used here is zahidin (verbal noun zuhd), literally, those who reject
worldliness– are described as living simple lives. Explaining their motivation to be
good, ‘Ali says the world has no value in their eyes, they fear the fires of hell89.
The sermon continues with particulars of the virtuous character of the truly
pious –chastity, simplicity, kindness, and patience– as well as their conviction in the
coming reality of the hereafter, and their rapt communion with God; all traits enjoined
time and again in the Qur’an:
87
Ibn Qutayba, ‘Uyun, vol. II, pp. 380-381; also in al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 191, pp. 413-418, sermon 86, pp. 179-183; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Tawadu‘, vol. I, p. 52; Abi Nu‘aym, Hilyat al-awliya’, vol.
I, p. 79, vol. VI, pp. 52-53, and vol. VI2, p. 306; Ibn ‘Asakir, Ta’rikh, vol. IV2, p. 493; al-Qurtubi,
al-Jami‘, vol. I, p. 230; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya, vol. VII, p. 6.
88
We have encountered these lines almost verbatim in Sermon 5; it is possible that ‘Ali used
similar phrases in different sermons, or perhaps they are variant reports of the same sermon.
89
Advocating zuhd elsewhere, ‘Ali explains that it is comprised of ‘shortness of hopes’ in wordly
things, gratitude for God’s bounties, and restraint when tempted by sinful acts; even if you cannot
achieve all of this entirely, he says, at the very least stay away from ‘the forbidden things’, presumably from acts considered major sins, such as murder, stealing, alcohol, and adultery (S. al-Radi,
Nahj, sermon 80, p. 158).
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223
Their malice is never feared. Their hearts are sorrowful, their persons
chaster, and their needs few.They patiently endure these few days here,
awaiting the long comfort of the hereafter.
In the night, they stand before God in prayer, tears pouring down their
cheeks, imploring God: O Lord! O Lord! In the daytime, they are kind,
wise, good, and pious.
The final section likens them to arrowshafts:
Arrow shafts. One who sees them thinks them ailing, but they do not ail.
He says, “They are crazy!”, but they are crazed only by something immensely grave.
Used for hunting, in battle, and for the traditional maysir gambling game in
pre-Islamic times, arrow shafts were made from slender sticks of wood. Unlike the
oratorical image of the archer which was used to convey deadly intent, the picture of
arrow shafts in sermons and poetry signified extreme hunger and resultant emaciation.
The famous Ode in L attributed to the pre-Islamic brigand-poet Shanfara (d.c. 550)
likened the gaunt wolves of the wilderness (themselves a metaphor for himself and his
bandit companions) to arrow shafts. Another association that could be at work here is
the disdain of worldliness said to be espoused by Shanfara’s ode. The second Sunni
caliph ‘Umar is reported to have said Teach your children Shanfara’s ode in L, for it
teaches good character90. In ‘Ali’s sermon, arrow shafts are a metaphor for the pious,
their bodies thin, presumably from long fasting (a sister act of worship to the lengthy
prayers mentioned earlier in this sermon), and from a denunciation of base desire, a
‘shortness’ of material aspitations.
Several lines of this sermon are part of a much longer sermon attributed
to ‘Ali in the Nahj al-balagha characterized as “The Hammam Sermon”, which, the
compiler’s subheading informs us, contains a description of the pious91. It begins with
a general statement. The pious in this world are people of good moral character. Then
it provides a list of their traits: They “speak the truth”, “dress simply”, and “walk
humbly”. They possess strength in religion, maturity with gentleness, belief with
conviction, passion for knowledge, and moderation in wealth. They are kind to their
fellow humans, for they forgive those who have oppressed them, give to those who
have refused them, and are compassionate to those who shun them. They are dignified
in times of calamity, patient in times of misfortune, and grateful to God in times of
ease. These, again, are characteristics praised frequently in the Qur’an.
5. CONCLUDING REMARKS AND POSTSCRIPT
‘Ali’s sermons are a stellar example of the nascent Islamic oratorical tradition,
showcasing the blending of the Arabian cultural ethos into the core teachings of the
Qur’an. The nature-grounded imagery of the pre-Islamic poetic tradition that constitutes
90
al-Tughra’i, Lamiyyat al-‘ajam, cited in Abu Naji, al-Shanfara, p. 119; the line is attributed to
Muhammad in some late sources, eg., al-Nahwi, Sharh Lamiyyat al-‘arab.
91
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 191, pp. 413-418. He reports that a devout man named Hammam came
to ‘Ali and said “Describe to me the God conscious, such that I actually see them.” ‘Ali demurred,
saying at first only “Be conscious of God, Hammam and perform good deeds, for “God is with those
who are conscious of Him and perform good deeds” (Qur’an al-Nahl 16:128). When Hammam insisted, ‘Ali delivered a long sermon detailing the virtues of the pious.
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TAHERA QUTBUDDIN
the metaphorical base of ‘Ali’s sermons (and of the Qur’an itself) was harnessed to
the spiritual purposes of the Islamic sermon. Pre-Islamic orators of pious counsel had
reminded their audiences of the imminence of death. With the coming of Islam, we
see a mixing of the old and the new. ‘Ali’s sermons remained entrenched in the earlier
death-focused tradition, but they added a clearly Islamic dimension to this theme by
presenting the transience of life on earth as the impetus to reject worldliness and prepare
for the hereafter. Seamlessly combining the images, vocabulary, and contexts unique to
his cultural, religious, and topographical terrain, with the spiritual and social teachings
of the Qur’an, ‘Ali produced a distinctive Arabian-Islamic mode of preaching.
The blend of interlinked themes and images prominent in ‘Ali’s preaching
continued through the medieval period. Over the centuries, intellectuals and laymen
studied his words, and orators and litterateurs emulated his style and motifs. Muslim
preachers and scholars often drew on his Arabian nature metaphors, and sometimes
even used his exact language. An early example is the eighth century scribe ‘Abd
al-Hamid al-Katib. Even though he was chancery official for the fervently anti-‘Alid
Umayyads, when this ‘father of Arabic prose’ was asked: ‘What enabled you to master
the science of eloquence, what formed your training in it?’ he replied, ‘Memorizing
the words of ‘Ali’92. The famed tenth century Syrian preacher Ibn Nubata al-Fariqi had
learned by heart the entire contents of the Nahj al-balagha compilation, and ‘Ali’s
teachings on piety permeated his sermons93. Most of the eight hundred sermons of
the eleventh century Cairene Fatimid scholar al-Mu’ayyad al-Shirazi opened with
warnings of imminent death and injunctions to prioritize the next world, and they
explicitly referenced ‘Ali’s exhortations94.
The relevance of ‘Ali’s sermons continues in modern times. In the
nineteenth century, the Egyptian Sunni reformist Muhammad ‘Abduh urged all
students of eloquence and ethics to study ‘Ali’s discourses95. In the twentieth century,
the Fatimid-Tayyibi Indian religious leader and scholar Tahir Sayf al-Din composed
counsel poems in the Gujarati language with identical censures of the world and
injunctions to perform good deeds, attributing these teachings to ‘Ali96. In the twentyfirst century, the Nahj al-balagha is a required component in the Twelver-Shi‘ite
seminary curriculum. Not only their highest-ranked clergy Khamenei and Sistani,
but all their preachers in Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and elsewhere, have studied it and
memorized sections, and they quote it in their own writings and sermons. And like the
few examples named above, many, many Muslim preachers –of diverse affiliations,
in distant parts of the Islamic world, and at different times– echoed and continue
to echo ‘Ali’s mode of persuasion, with urgently personalized reminders of human
mortality, couched in Arabian metaphors, framing injunctions to be conscious of God
and prepare for the imminent hereafter.
92
al-Jahshiyari, K. al-Wuzara’, p. 82. Elsewhere ‘Abd al- Hamid’s reply is reported as: “I
memorized seventy sermons of ‘Ali, and they flowed and flowed” (Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, vol. I,
p. 44). For ‘Abd al- Hamid’s epistles, see ‘Abd al- Hamid, ‘Abd al-Hamid ibn Yahya al-Katib wa-ma
tabaqqa min rasa’ilih.
93
Ibn Taghribirdi, al-Nujum, vol. IV, p. 150, in the year 374 A.H. (985 C.E.) in his obituary notice
for Ibn Nubata; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, vol. I, p. 24. For Ibn Nubata’s sermons, see Ibn Nubata,
Sharh Khutab. Note that Ibn Nubata was a contemporary of the Nahj’s compiler al-Radi, and perhaps
his teacher as well.
94
See al-Mu’ayyad, al-Majalis, vol. I: majlis 13, p. 53, majlis 84, p. 411-412, majlis 11, pp. 4344; vol. II: majlis 1, p. 3; majlis 2, pp. 10-11.
95
‘Abduh, Introduction to his commentary on al-Radi, Nahj, pp. 22-23.
96
Sayf al-Din, Nasihat: Allah ta‘ala no hamd tu karjē’ and “Biradar tu nasihat sun.
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JUSTO DE URGEL, SERMO DE S. VINCENTIO (CPL 1092):
ESTUDIO DE SU TRADICIÓN MANUSCRITA, EDICIÓN CRÍTICA
Y TRADUCCIÓN1
JUSTUS OF URGEL, SERMO DE S. VINCENTIO (CPL 1092):
STUDY OF HIS MANUSCRIPT TRADITION, CRITICAL EDITION
AND TRANSLATION
JOSE CARLOS MARTÍN
Universidad de Salamanca
SALVADOR IRANZO ABELLÁN
Universitat de Barcelona
Resumen: Este artículo contiene la primera edición crítica del Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092) de Justo de Urgel (s. VI).
Esta edición ha sido elaborada a partir del
estudio de todos los manuscritos conservados: Lérida, Archivo Capitular, Roda
35 y Barcelona, Biblioteca de Cataluña
729-V y 729-VII. Se incluye asimismo
una traducción del texto.
Abstract: This paper offers the first critical edition of Sermo de s. Vincentio
(CPL 1092) of Justus of Urgel (VIth
Century). This edition is based on the
study of all surviving manuscripts: Lérida, Archivo Capitular, Roda 35 and
Barcelona, Biblioteca de Cataluña 729V and 729-VII. Spanish translation is
added.
Palabras Clave: Hispania; visigodos; homilética; hagiografía; Jaume Pasqual.
Keywords: Spain; Visigoths; homiletics;
hagiography; Jaume Pasqual.
SUMARIO
1. Justo de Urgel y el Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092).– 2. La tradición manuscrita.– 3. Edición crítica.– 4. Traducción.– 5. Apéndice.– 6. Bibliografía citada.
1 Este artículo se inscribe en las líneas de investigación de los proyectos FFI2009-09134,
SA261A11-1 y FFI2008-00948/FILO, así como del Grupo de Investigación ATAEMHIS y del Grupo de Investigación consolidado Glossarium Mediae Latinitatis Cataloniae, reconocido y financiado
por la Generalitat de Cataluña (2009SRG705).
Abreviaturas utilizadas: BHL = Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina; CC CM = Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis; CC SL = Corpus Christianorum Series Latina; CPL = E. Dekkers, A.
Gaar, Clavis Patrum Latinorum; CSEL = Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum; ICERV
= J. Vives, Inscripciones cristianas de la España romana y visigoda; PL = J.P. Migne, Patrologia
Latina; PLS = A. Hamman, M.-L. Guillaumin, Patrologiae Latinae Supplementum.
230
JOSÉ CARLOS MARTÍN; SALVADOR IRANZO ABELLÁN
1. JUSTO DE URGEL Y EL SERMO DE S. VINCENTIO (CPL 1092)
Apenas se tienen noticias de la vida del obispo Justo de Urgel. Su ascensión
al episcopado de esta ciudad puede situarse entre los años 517 y 531, mientras que su
muerte tuvo lugar con posterioridad al año 5462.
Un poco más de cincuenta años después del fallecimiento de este ilustre
prelado, Isidoro de Sevilla le dedicó una de las entradas de su De uiris illustribus
(CPL 1206)3. En ella (cap. 21), el hispalense atribuye a este escritor una única obra, un
comentario al Cantar de los Cantares, conocido hoy como Explicatio mystica in Cantica canticorum (CPL 1091) y transmitido en compañía de dos cartas, una al obispo
Sergio de Tarragona y otra a un diácono de nombre Justo4.
Sin embargo, la tradición manuscrita ha conservado un segundo opúsculo
bajo el nombre de este mismo autor: un sermón en honor del mártir hispano Vicente
de Zaragoza5, víctima de las persecuciones del emperador Diocleciano (284-305).
Esta obrita acostumbra a citarse como Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092) y ha planteado algunos problemas de paternidad6.
En efecto, Linage Conde ha propuesto como autor más probable de esta
homilía al hermano de Justo, el obispo Justiniano de Valencia, citado también por
Isidoro de Sevilla en su De uiris illustribus (cap. 20) como autor de un Liber responsionum ad quemdam Rusticium de interrogatis quaestionibus de carácter catequéticodoctrinal7. En contra de la atribución de este escrito a Justo de Urgel señala Linage
Conde que en la Explicatio mystica in Cantica canticorum aquél se sirve de la versión
jeronimiana de las Sagradas Escrituras, mientras que en el sermón las citas bíblicas
proceden de una Vetus Latina8. Asimismo, según este estudioso, algunas expresiones
del texto, como “gerimus”, “noster in officio” y la referencia a la “gubernatione” de
la ciudad de Valencia, lugar de martirio del santo, llevan a pensar en el obispo de
esta ciudad como autor del sermón. A ello se sumaría el hecho de que en el epitafio
conservado de Justiniano de Valencia (ICERV 279) se conserva la noticia de que éste
honró las festividades de la iglesia predicando al pueblo, que escribió un gran número
de obras de utilidad para las generaciones venideras y sintió una especial veneración
por san Vicente, lo que añade otro argumento en favor de atribuir al obispo valenciano
el sermón que nos ocupa9. De acuerdo con esto, la atribución de esta obra a Justo de
2
Sobre este autor y su producción escrita pueden consultarse los trabajos de J. Vilella, Los concilios, pp. 22-27; y S. Iranzo Abellán, Justo de Urgel, en M.A. Andrés Sanz, et al., La Hispania,
pp. 60-63.
3
Edición de C. Codoñer, El “De uiris illustribus”, p. 145.
4
Edición y estudio de estos textos en R.E. Guglielmetti, Giusto d’Urgell.
5
Vincentius diac. Caesaraugustanus m. Valentiae (BHL 8627-8655d).
6
Sobre esta homilía, véase, además del artículo de Iranzo Abellán citado en la n. 2: Z. García
Villada, Un sermón; B. de Gaiffier, Sermons latins, esp. pp. 278-280; C. García Rodríguez, El culto,
pp. 273-274 y p. 277; F.J. Tovar Paz, Tractatus, p. 197; U. Domínguez del Val, Historia, pp. 331-332
y 349-350; V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 159-163.
7
A. Linage Conde, Tras las huellas, pp. 207-212. Favorable a la tesis de este estudioso se muestra
R.E. Guglielmetti, Giusto d’Urgell, pp. XI-XIII.
8
Señala, no obstante, la invalidez de este argumento R.E. Guglielmetti, Giusto d’Urgell, p. XIII, n.
22 y pp. XVI-XVII, quien advierte sobre el uso en el comentario de Justo de Urgel tanto de la versión
jeronimiana de la Biblia como de la Vetus Latina.
9
Edición y estudio de la inscripción en J. Gómez Pallarès, Poésie épigraphique, pp. 143-148;
idem, Poesia epigràfica, pp. 172-176. Los versos que aquí interesan son los v. 4-6 “ornabit festa dictis predicans in populis. / Virgines instituens monacosque guuernans, / scripsit plura posteris profutura” y los vv. 10-12: “Hic Vincentium gloriosum martirem Christi / sat pio quem coluit moderamine
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JUSTO DE URGEL, SERMO DE S. VINCENTIO (CPL 1092)
231
Urgel por la tradición manuscrita conocida se explicaría fácilmente por la semejanza
entre los nombres de los dos hermanos: Justo y Justiniano.
Creemos, no obstante, que los argumentos aducidos contra la atribución de
este sermón a Justo de Urgel son de carácter interpretativo y, en consecuencia, subjetivo, y se enfrentan al hecho objetivo e incontrovertible de que los tres manuscritos
conocidos del sermón, dos de ellos perdidos, pero de los que existen copias, atribuyen
este opúsculo al obispo de Urgel10. Por ello, y sin rechazar la posibilidad de que algún
día se descubran nuevos elementos que obliguen a cambiar la paternidad de esta homilía, lo más prudente es seguir refiriéndose a ella bajo el nombre de Justo de Urgel.
2. LA TRADICIÓN MANUSCRITA
La única edición existente se debe al erudito español J. Villanueva y data
de 182111. La noticia que éste da de los manuscritos utilizados en la edición es la
siguiente12:
Sermo Sancti Iusti Urgellensis episcopi in natale Sancti Vincentii martyris. Ex cod. lection. eccl. Rotens. MS. sec. XI. ineun.: tum ex binis
breviar. eccl. Cardon. sec. XII. MSS.
Una descripción más pormenorizada de estos ejemplares se lee al comienzo
del volumen de su Viage literario que incluye la edición del texto, dice así13:
uiuens, / hunc deuotus moriens reliquid eredem”. Estos últimos versos se refieren tanto al mártir
como a un monasterio consagrado a él, probablemente el que más tarde habría de llamarse San Vicente de la Roqueta, donde Justiniano habría sido abad, véase C. García Rodríguez, El culto, p. 261;
J. Corell, F. Grau, L’epitafi, en especial. pp. 15-16; J. Gómez Pallarès, L’epitafi, p. 68 (quien sigue la
tesis de Corell y Grau). Otro estudio en V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 133-136.
10
También M.C. Díaz y Díaz, Escritores, pp. 80-81, sigue creyendo que la atribución del sermón
a Justo de Urgel es la más probable.
11
J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. X, pp. 219-221 (= PLS 4,237-238). Véase asimismo
R. Chabás, Episcopologio valentino, pp. 140-141, n. 20, donde se reproduce el texto de Villanueva.
Esta reproducción se caracteriza, sin embargo, por diversas erratas y algunas correcciones a fin de obtener un latín más cercano a los usos clásicos, como “acceperad” > “acceperat” o “ipsis deseruientes
quibus consumi poterat elementis” > “ipsis deseruientibus quibus consumi poterat elementis” (corrección, no obstante, que ya propone Villanueva en su edición) y “quodamodo” > “quodammodo”.
12
J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. X, p. 216.
13
Ibidem, pp. 12-13. Del leccionario de Roda se ocupa además este mismo estudioso en su Viage literario, vol. XV, pp. 173-175. Además, a los dos breviarios de Cardona se refiere asimismo
J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. XII, p. 93. Pero resulta desconcertante que un poco antes, en ese
mismo vol. XII, en las pp. 92-93, se refiera a un leccionario del s. XIII que dice haber encontrado en
la biblioteca de Jaume Pasqual en Bellpuig de las Avellanas junto con los dos breviarios de Cardona:
“leccionario fol. ms. saec. XIII, falto en muchas partes; pero por fortuna conserva el sermón de san
Vicente mártir predicado por san Justo, obispo de Urgel, con el epígrafe entero. Este códice, que fue
de la parroquia de Forés, diócesi de Tarragona, es ya el tercero en que he hallado esta obrita inédita,
de que hablé en los correos anteriores”. Este códice parece perdido, véase I.M. Puig Ferreté, M.A.
Giner Molina, Index codicològic, p. 44, n. 138 (referencia a la noticia del vol. XII de Villanueva), y
la sección Concordança dels còdex conservats actualment (a cargo de J. Alturo Perucho, M.A. Giner
Molina), p. 157, n. 138, donde este ejemplar no es identificado con ningún manuscrito conocido. A.
Velasco González, Jaume Pasqual, p. 91, n. 172, apunta la posibilidad de que este volumen llegase
a manos de Pasqual a través de Ramón Rovira, rector de Forés, con quien aquél mantuvo correspondencia.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
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Mas yo puedo presentar a los eruditos otra obrilla de este doctor, inédita
hasta ahora que yo sepa, y es un sermón predicado por él en la solemnidad de S. Vicente M.; el cual he hallado en dos códices de estos archivos.
El primero es un breviario de la iglesia de Cardona, que hoy está en el
monasterio de Bellpuig de las Avellanas, adonde se lo llevó y depositó el
P. D. Jaime Pascual, individuo de aquel monasterio. Está escrito a principios del siglo XIII o a fines del anterior. Hállase en él el oficio propio de
S. Vicente M. tal cual lo tiene hoy mi orden de Predicadores; sino que las
seis primeras lecciones tienen este título: Passio sancti Vincentii archidiaconi, et martyris Christi, edita a dompno Prudentio: Princ. Quoniam
nobilem beati Vincentii triumphum &c. La lección VII es del evangelio,
la VIII y IX son del sermón sobredicho, con este título: Sermo sancti Iusti
Urgellen. episcopi. Grande fue el gozo que tuve con este hallazgo y con
el de algunos fragmentos del mismo escrito que hallé en algunas hojas
sueltas de otro breviario, donde igualmente se atribuye al mismo padre...,
cuyo lenguage en nada desdecía del que usaron los PP. de nuestra iglesia
goda. En este estado llegué a la iglesia de Roda en Aragón, donde entre
otras cosas preciosas de que hablaré algún día dándolo Dios, conservan
un códice santoral o leccionario fol. vit. MS. en carácter gótico cursivo,
lo más tarde a principios del siglo XI, que solo contiene sermones en las
fiestas de nuestra Señora, actas de los mártires primitivos, y de solos
tres confesores, es a saber, S. Bricio, S. Martín y S. Nicolás. En este
libro pues, entre varios sermones para la fiesta de S. Vicente, titular de
la iglesia, se halla entero y mucho más completo que en aquel breviario
el sobredicho sermón con este epígrafe: Sermo sancti Iusti, Urgellensis
episcopi, in natale sancti Vincentii martyris.
Así pues, el principal testimonio que sirvió de base a la edición de Villanueva fue un santoral o leccionario de la iglesia de Roda de Isábena (Huesca) ejecutado en el s. XI. Además de este leccionario, durante su viaje Villanueva encontró
dos breviarios que transmitían algunos pasajes del sermón de Justo de Urgel, uno de
ellos mutilado y del que no se conservaban más que algunos folios sueltos. Como se
ha visto, en los prolegómenos de su edición, Villanueva añade que los dos breviarios
procedían de Cardona y los fecha en el s. XII. Estos dos breviarios de la iglesia de Cardona, conservados en esos momentos en el monasterio de Bellpuig de las Avellanas,
transmitían un oficio dedicado a san Vicente en el que se habían copiado en las lecciones VIII y IX algunos pasajes del sermón de Justo de Urgel. Uno de estos breviarios,
al menos, recogía este oficio bajo el título, según Villanueva, de “Sermo sancti Iusti
Vrgellen. Episcopi”.
El códice de Roda de Isábena, el único conocido que transmitía el texto
completo del sermón de san Vicente, se creyó perdido durante largo tiempo. Así, por
ejemplo, Díaz y Díaz, cuando elaboró su famoso Index, no pudo identificarlo14. Esto
explica, sin duda, que durante los dos siglos que han pasado desde el descubrimiento
de Villanueva el sermón no se haya editado de nuevo. Sin embargo, este ejemplar
existe todavía, es el actual Lérida, Archivo Capitular, Roda 35 (olim 18), un leccionario para el ciclo santoral fechado, en efecto, a finales del s. XI, que transmite el sermón
de Justo de Urgel en el f. 37ra-vb15.
14
M.C. Díaz y Díaz, Index, p. 5, n. 10: “ed. ex lectionario eccl. Rodensis s. XI et duobus breviariis
ex Cardona quorum unus mutilus erat, alter in Bellpuig de les Avellanes adservabatur. codd. hos recognoscere non valui”. También lo creía perdido A. Linage Conde, Tras las huellas, p. 209.
15
La identificación se encuentra en I.M. Puig Ferreté, M.A. Giner Molina, Index codicològic,
p. 164, n. 512 (se debe a J. Alturo Perucho y M.A. Giner Molina). Sobre este manuscrito, véase J.-R.
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Este códice recoge un amplio expediente dedicado a san Vicente mártir en
los ff. 30r-41r, cuyos contenidos describimos a continuación:
- ff. 30rb-34rb, Passio s. Vincentii (BHL 8627-33, en concreto BHL 86288631): « Passio beatissim Vincentii leuite et martyris qui passus est in Valentia ciuitate
sub Daciano preside die XI k. februarii»16;
- f. 34rb-va, Aimoin de Saint-Germain († post 896), De translatione s. Vincentii martyris (BHL 8644-45), lib. 2,1-11: «De miraculis sancti Vincentii martyris.
Quedam mulier iam diu occulis prececa cum adducta uenisset statim se ante sancti
reliquias Vincentii humo prosternit ac magnis fidisque precibus per beati martyris
preclara suffragia lumen sibi donari poposcit... his lacrimarum uocibus superna, que
non dormitat, ad miserendum (corr. en miserandum) excitata clementia continuo obtinendum magni agoniste precibus fide parentis posse uidendi puelle restituit»17;
- ff. 34vb-35va, Agustín de Hipona, Sermo 276 In festo martyris Vincentii,
III (CPL 284): «Sermo beati Augustini episcopi de passione sancti Vincentii martyris.
In passione que nobis hodie recitata est, fratres karissimi, euidenter ostenditur iudex
ferox, tortor cruentus, martyr inuictus... sed in his et huiusmodi omnibus nichil est
aliud nisi preciosa semper in conspectu domini mors sanctorum eius, cui est honor et
imperium cum patre et spiritu sancto in secula seculorum. Amen»;
- ff. 35va-37ra, Ps. Leandro de Sevilla, Sermo in natali s. Vincentii (CPL
1185) (= Ps. Agustín de Hipona, Sermones de sanctis, Sermo 188 In festo S. Vincentii [PL 39,2095-98]): «Cunctorum licet dilectissimi gloriosas martyrum passiones
quos distincta regionibus loca meruerunt una fides faciat omnibus indiscreto honore
uenerabiles... sciens quod de contemptu presentis uite gloria surgit beatitudinis eterne, prestante domino nostro Ihu Xpo qui uiuit et regnat deus in secula seculorum.
Amen.»18;
- f. 37ra-vb, Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092);
- ff. 37vb-39rb, en un tipo de letra más pequeña y que parece de otra mano,
pero contemporánea de la precedentte, otra versión de la Passio s. Vincentii (BHL
8627-33, en concreto BHL 8628-30), de la que sólo se ha copiado el comienzo: «Passio beati Vincentii leuite et mris Xpi, qui passus est in Valentia ciuitate sub Daciano
preside, XIº kalendas febroarii. <P>robabile satis est ad gloriam Vincenti martyris
quod descriptis passionis ipsius gestis titulum inuidit inimicus. Vnde reddimus (corr. en
creddimus) fide plena relationem gestorum que litterarum apicibus annotari iudex non
inmerito noluit quia uictum se erubescebat audiri. Naturalis siquidem prouidentia est
male errantium auferre de medio testimonum probitatis. Sed quoniam nobilem martyris triumphum noticie fidelium tradere disponimus, dignum est ut et generis ipsius
nobilitas breuiter intimetur. Extitit enim patre Euticio progenitus, qui fuit Aggressi
nobilissimi consulis filius. Mater uero eius Enola ex Osca urbe noscitur procreata...
Nam quos iubes deos confiteri, idola sunt lignea et lapidea. Tu illorum testis tuque
Barriga Planas, El Manuscrit 18; J. Janini, Manuscritos litúrgicos, pp. 149-150, n. 563; S. Zapke,
Sistemas, pp. 197 y 219; y M. Bernadó, Leccionario, pp. 322-323.
16
Ed. de V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 186-226, quien no incluye, sin embargo, el presente ejemplar
entre los testimonios utilizados; véase ibidem, pp. 151-182, en esp. pp. 184-185 para la lista de los
ejemplares consultados con vistas a la edición del texto. El manuscrito de Lérida transmite el pasaje
del cap. 25 lín. 257-261 que Saxer considera dudoso por faltar en los mejores manuscritos (véase
ibidem, p. 224).
17
Edición. de V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 317-353 (estudio en las pp. 257-292).
18
Sobre esta obra, citada con frecuencia como el sermón Cunctorum, véase B. de Gaiffier, Sermons latins, pp. 280-286.
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234
mortuorum fias mortuus pontifex. Ego quoque uni et uiuo sacrifico deo, qui est benedictus in secula »19;
- f. 39v, dos líneas añadidas por una mano bastante más tardía, Juan Beleth
(† ca. 1182), Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis, cap. 163 «De festo beati martini. <D>e
beato Martino sciendum est quod dicitur par apostolis non pro suscitacione mortuorum ut quidam pictant, cum idem alii martires fecerunt»20;
- ff. 40r-41r21, Haimón de Auxerre, Homiliare seu Homiliae ad plebem in
euangelia de tempore et sanctis (ed. PL 118,11A-816B), hom. 4 De sancto Laurentio martyre (PL 118,763B-765C): «Hortaturos dominus discipulos ad martirium suae
passionis exemplum promisit...»22.
En cuanto a los breviarios de la iglesia de Cardona conservados a comienzos del s. XIX en el monasterio de Bellpuig de las Avellanas que transmitían diversos
pasajes del sermón de san Vicente de Justo de Urgel en las lecciones VIII y IX de un
oficio dedicado a este mártir, éstos siguen desaparecidos y quizás se hayan perdido
para siempre23. No obstante, en los once volúmenes manuscritos del s. XVIII conocidos
como Sacrae antiquitatis Cataloniae Monumenta, compilados por Jaume Pasqual y
custodiados en la actualidad en Barcelona, en la Biblioteca de Cataluña, bajo la signatura 729, se han conservado tres detalladas descripciones de lo que parecen ser dos
breviarios diferentes de Cardona que contenían el citado oficio de san Vicente24. Se
trata, en concreto, de los volúmenes 729-V, ff. 22r-27r (esp. ff. 22v-23v) y ff. 34r-37v
(esp. ff. 34r-35v), y 729-VII, ff. 141r-161v (esp. ff. 144v-147r)25. Las tres noticias
19
Ed. de V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 300-315 (sin que el editor utilice el presente testimonio). El
texto del códice de Lérida llega hasta el cap. 11 de esta edición.
20
Ed. de H. Douteil, Iohannis Beleth.
21
Esta identificación se basa en la descripción de J.-R. Barriga Planas, El Manuscrit 18, p. 19,
porque no hemos llegado a ver esta parte del manuscrito.
22
Sobre este autor, véase R.E. Guglielmetti, Haimo Autissiodorensis mon., en esp. pp. 221-226
(sobre la presente obra, sin que se recoja el ms. de Lérida en el elenco de los códices conservados); y
M.-H. Jullien (ed.), Clavis, pp. 266-360 (pp. 350-355 para la presente obra).
23
Fueron numerosas las vicisitudes que sufrió la biblioteca de Bellpuig desde la disolución de
la abadía en el año 1835. A la destrucción y pérdida de parte de los fondos, se sumó también su
dispersión. A este respecto, véase P. Freedman, F. Sabaté, Jaume Caresmar, especialmente pp. 2833. Queremos dejar constacia aquí de nuestro agradecimiento a Robert Porta, director del archivo
del monasterio de Bellpuig de las Avellanas, y a Maite Pedrol, directora del Archivo Comarcal de
la Noguera (Balaguer, Lérida), pues nos informaron cumplidamente de que no existe rastro de los
breviarios en estos centros. Por desgracia, el libro de A. Velasco González, Jaume Pasqual, no arroja
más luz al respecto.
24
La pista que nos llevó finalmente a la identificación de estos manuscritos está en A. Linage
Conde, Tras las huellas, p. 207, n. 14: «Es conocida la dispersión de los manuscritos de Bellpuig, y
sobre todo de las copias para allí sacadas en el XVIII por los PP. Caresmar, Martí y Pasqual. Pero de
éste quedan muchas en la Biblioteca Central de Cataluña, Ms. 729 (10 vol.), con más de una transcripción de nuestro “sermo”, según nos dice Anscari Mundó».
25
Sobre estos once volúmenes de Barcelona, Biblioteca de Cataluña, 729-I a 729-XI, véase el
artículo sin nombre de autor Els manuscrits; y, sobre todo, X. Mir, Sacrae Cataloniae, un estudio inédito que contiene la mejor descripción existente de los Sacrae antiquitatis Cataloniae Monumenta,
disponible únicamente en la Sala de Reserva de la Biblioteca de Cataluña y que descubrimos gracias
a la amabilidad de Anna Gudayol Torelló, Jefe de la Sección de Manuscritos de esa misma biblioteca,
a quien deseamos expresar aquí nuestro agradecimiento por la asistencia prestada durante nuestro
trabajo en la Biblioteca de Cataluña; Inventari de manuscrits (páginas encuadernadas bajo este título,
pero no se trata de una verdadera publicación, es un manual de consulta de la Sala de Reserva de la
BC), pp. 279-280. Carece de interés la noticia recogida en la Guía de la Biblioteca Central, p. 83.
Desgraciadamente algunos de los volúmenes que constituían los Sacrae antiquitatis Cataloniae Mo-
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235
reproducen los pasajes del sermón de san Vicente recogidos en el oficio consagrado
a este santo.
La primera de estas noticias, 729-V, ff. 22r-27r, es una carta de J. Pasqual al
cabildo de la iglesia de Urgel fechada en 179626. Pasqual ingresó en 1759 en el monasterio de Santa María de Bellpuig de las Avellanas, de canónigos regulares Premonstratenses y dependiente del obispado de Urgel. Allí fue un asiduo colaborador de Jaume
Caresmar († 1791), abad en dos períodos de Bellpuig de las Avellanas (1754-1757 y
1766-1769) y su maestro, en su labor de recuperar y conservar el patrimonio cultural
de Cataluña. Fue abad de ese mismo cenobio de 1789 a 1792. Murió en 180427. En
esta carta, además de dar noticia del breviario perdido de Cardona, Pasqual copia
íntegramente en los ff. 24v-25r el texto del sermón de san Vicente de Justo de Urgel
conservado en el leccionario de Roda citado más arriba.
Reproducimos a continuación esta noticia, ff. 22v-23v:
/22v/ «Sin embargo, el año pasado de 83 hallé yo en Cardona dos pequeños trozos de un Sermon de San Justo, colocados en el rezo Ecclesiastico,
que manifestaban con evidencia haver conocido los antiguos otras obras
de nuestro Santo, y el aprecio que hacian de ellas. Este fue el principio de
mi descubrimiento, que me lleno de satisfaccion entonces, llegando ella a
su cumulo quando algunos años despues, tuve la fortuna de hallar entero
el mismo Sermon en el archivo de la Santa Iglesia de Roda. El asunto
es de la mayor importancia, por lo que pide de suyo ser tratado con individualidad, escrupulosidad y detencion: y asi confio no le sera a V.S.
molesta la relacion exacta que voy a hacer del modo, y circunstancias que
ocurrieron en los dos lances insinuados.
«Hallandome yo de proposito examinando los tres archivos de la antigua
Villa de Cardona, logré descubrir en el de los R. R. clerigos de la Parroquial Iglesia de S. Miguel dos antiguos Breviarios en pergamino, ambos
muy abultados, sin principio, ni fin, y sin cubierta, de cosa de palmo de
alto, y poco mas de medio de ancho, que sin duda havian servido antiguamente al uso de aquella Iglesia. Uno de los dos (con todas las señas de
mas antiguo, pues parece escrito en el siglo XIII lo mas tarde) despues de
10 hojas, que contienen los psalmos, Rezo ferial, Letania de los Santos,
y el Kalendario (en el qual gran parte de los dias del anyo está sin Santos) se lee este titulo de letra colorada; no gotica, sino monacal, pero del
mismo tamanyo de la demas del libro==
«In nomine Iesu-Christi. Incipit Breuiarium secundum ordinem Beati Ruphi compilatum quomodo unusquisque ad sacros promotus per totum annum tam diebus ferialibus quam festivis suum officium debeat celebrare.
«Despues de 170 hojas en que se trata del rezo en las solemnidades de
los misterios, (no está el de Corpus Christi) Dominicas etc. sigue este
titulo igualmente de letra colorada: Festivitatum. In primis S. Stephani
protomar. etc.
numenta parecen haberse perdido si se tiene en cuenta la noticia de F. Martorell Trabal, Manuscrits,
que en las pp. 210-211 hace referencia a un volumen que no hemos podido localizar. De acuerdo con
P. Freedman, F. Sabaté, Jaume Caresmar, p. 22, se habrían perdido tres de estos volúmenes, quedando así reducidos de catorce a once.
26
Esta carta ha sido editada por P. Pujol Tubau, El sermó.
27
Véase E. Corredera, La escuela, pp. 81-98; J. Mercader Riba, Historiadors, pp. 6-35; P. Freedman, F. Sabaté, Jaume Caresmar (con bibliografía). Sobre J. Pasqual pueden consultarse asimismo
E. Corredera, Pascual, Jaime; E. Zaragoza Pascual, Pasqual i Coromines, Jaume; A. Velasco González, Jaume Pasqual.
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«Siguen luego los rezos del Apostol S. Juan, Inocentes, S. Thomas
Obispo, y martir, las Octavas, y los de los santos del mes de Enero, en
que se gastan 18 hojas, hasta llegar al dia de S. Vicente Martir, en que
todo el oficio es proprio, Invitatorio, Himnos, antifonas etc. (La Iglesia
Monasterial, hoy colegiata insigne secular, /23r/ matriz entonces de todas
las de Cardona, estaba, y es aun dedicada a S. Vicente) Las 6 liciones del
primero, y segundo Nocturno son todas sacadas de las actas del martirio
de S. Vicente; esto es de las publicadas por el P. Mº. Florez en el Tom.
8 de su España Sagrada, con este titulo en la primera, de letra colorada:
Passio S. Vincentii Archid. et mart. X edita a Dompno Prudencio quae
celebratur XI. Kal. Februarii.
«La VII Licion es Homilia de S. Geronimo Presbitero sobre el Evangelio = Amen amen dico vobis, nisi granum frumenti etc. = Granum frumenti se ipsum Dominus dicebat mortificandum infidelitate Judaeorum
etc. La Licion VIII (sin que se note ella) como en las demas, tiene este
titulo: Sermo S. Justi Vrgellen. Episcopi
«y luego ímediatamente:
«Gloriosissimi Vincentii martiris disseminatas toto orbe victorias, Fratres karissimi nunquam silere, at tamen in die assumptionis ejus oportet
ubique predicare. Qui licet precipuus Christi amicus ab omnibus christianis cum reliquis martiribus pro sancta sit confessione colendus, est tamen
nobis quadam vernula et gentili pietate cojunctus, eo quod sit noster ex
genere, noster ex fide, noster in stola, noster in gloria, noster in officio.
R. Gloriosus Dei amicus Vicentius inter tormentorum supplicia stetit imperterritus ac demum triumfali morte insignis etc.
«Lectio VIIII. Hunc conspicimus in vestimentis, hunc gerimus in meritis.
Hunc urbs nostra protulit Hunc ce˛lestis Ierusalem pro totius orbis gubernatione suscepit. O gloriosa mors quae ad tantam dirigit vitam. O vita
vivificans propter quam haec contemnitur vita. Hostendis Domine quem
admodum apud te vivant, in quibus ita vivis ut mori nec mortui possint.
Quos ita glorificas, ut etiam defuncti per te vivificare mortuos possint.
«R. O quam gloriosum virum beatissimum Levitam etc. W. etc.
«Imediatamente despues de este Responsorio proprio del martirio de S.
Vicente, como los demas, sigue = De letra colorada = (despues de Te
Deum) In laudibus A.
«Es imponderable el consuelo que tuve con este inesperado hallazgo. Imediatamente pasé a comunicarlo con algunos amigos instruidos, para que
acompañandome en la satisfaccion me ayudasen a consultar los autores
antiguos, los de Bibliothecas, o en fin las memorias ecclesiasticas que
nos quedan, por si pudiesemos hallar rastro de algun sermon de S. Justo
obispo de Urgel, siendo indubitable, en fuerza del Breviario de Cardona,
que nuestros mayores de la media edad conocieron, y tuvieron el de S.
Vicente Martir por obra genuina de nuestro Santo Pontifice Justo, una vez
que no tuvieron reparo en darle lugar, baxo el respetable nombre del Santo
en el Breviario de una orden tan extendida y famosa como la de los Canonigos Regulares de S. Rufo, /23v/ que en nuestra provincia tenia muchas,
y muy principales Iglesias, como la de S. Vicente de Cardona, S. Adrián
de Besos (en que professó y fue Prelado S. Olaguer Obispo de Barcelona, y Arzobispo de Tarragona), S. Maria de Besalú, S. Maria de Terraza,
S. Miguel de Escornalbou, S. Rufo de Lerida etc., y a mas, las Iglesias
Cathedrales de Vique, Tortosa, y la Metropolitana de Tarragona, para las
quales, y demas de aquella orden, se formó el Breviario. Hicieronse con
actividad las diligencias en varios archivos, pero todas en vano, a pesar de
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237
las fundadas esperanzas que nos prometia lo reducido de las dos liciones,
que obligaba a mirarlas como pequeñas ramas, cortadas de arbol entero,
a mayor, quiero decir, de los Leccionarios de Choro, en que se daban con
toda extension, segun la practica constante de las Iglesias en los tiempos
antiguos, manifestada en el nombre mismo de Breviario.
En la misma carta, un poco más adelante, Pasqual vuelve a facilitar la fecha
en la que localizó los dos pequeños trozos del sermón de Justo de Urgel e incluso indica el año en que descubrió el texto completo en el códice de Roda (1789):
/f. 24r/ Entre estas, y otras dificultades, que resultaban de los dos fragmentos de aquel Sermon, fluctué desde el anyo de 83 hasta el de 89, en
que haviendome nombrado el Cabildo de la Sta Iglesia de Roda Comisionado, juntamte. con el Dr. Dn. Franco. Periz, Doctoral de la misma, para
tratar amigablemente con el Cabildo de Lerida sobre los derechos de concathedralidad que pretendia poner en claro la de Roda, tuve proporcion
para examinar, mas de espacio, que otras dos veces, el precioso archivo
(aunque en extremo desarreglado) de esta Sta Iglesia, en los 5 meses que
duró la comisión.
Las otras dos descripciones de un breviario de Cardona también del s. XIII
con este mismo oficio de san Vicente son sendas cartas sin nombre de remitente ni
de destinatario y carentes asimismo de datación, copiadas en los Sacrae antiquitatis
Cataloniae Monumenta, 729-V, ff. 34r-37v y 729-VII, ff. 141r-161v. En la primera
de ellas, el autor dice ser un con-canónigo de Jaume Caresmar, ms. 729-V, f. 36v28:
Confieso Illmo. Sor. que nunca tomé por mi asunto la Biblioteca Catalana,
por saber que lo era de un con-canonigo mío, el Dor. D. Jayme Caresmar,
y así aunque he visto y manejado infinidad de codices cuya observacion
podia ser util a aquella idea, he pasado comunmente de corrida por ellos,
aunque a menudo daba con nombres de autores desconocidos por mí,
contentandome con notarlos senzillamente.
Por otro lado, el hecho de que se mencione a Miguel Llisterri al comienzo
de la carta, permite fechar ésta con anterioridad a la muerte de este erudito, acaecida
el 5 de mayo de 178929, ms. 729-V, f. 34r:
Dueño y muy Sr. mio: al paso que devo estar sumamente agradecido al
Amigo Fr. Miguel Llisterri por haver sido causa que V. S. I. se dignase
honrarme con su carta, me es muy sensible no poder llenar las esperanzas
que hizo concebir a V. S. I. aquel Religioso, asegurando tener yo notados
varios escritos y autores de españoles de que no hace mencion D. Nicolas
Antonio en su Bibliot. Hisp. Vetus. Olvidaria sin duda aquel mi amigo de
lo que le escrivi cosa de tres años hace; esto es: que se me havia traspapelado u perdido un quaderno que tenia recogido de observaciones sobre la
Bibliot. de D. Nicolás Antonio junto con otro de memorias que me havía
prestado el referido Fr. Llisterri, a no ser que pensase haver yo recobrado
mi quaderno de la misma manera que el suyo.
Además, dada la estrecha relación de M. Llisterri con Rafael Lasala y Locela, obispo de Solsona (1773-1792) y antes de eso obispo auxiliar de Valencia (17671770) y gobernador eclesiástico de esa misma diócesis (1770-1772), hombre de letras
28
29
Esta primera carta está copiada, según parece, de forma incompleta.
Véase J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. IX, pp. 40-41.
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238
y amante de la Antigüedad, podría hacer suponer que fue él el destinatario de esta
misiva30.
Sea como fuere, este canónigo regular de Bellpuig de las Avellanas, autor
de la carta conservada en el ms. 729-V, ff. 34r-37v, es, sin duda, asimismo el autor de
la segunda carta citada, redactada en esta ocasión en catalán (ms. 729-VII, ff. 141r161v). Así lo prueba, a nuestro juicio, la estrecha semejanza existente entre las dos
descripciones ofrecidas del breviario de Cardona, que coinciden con frecuencia literalmente en sus expresiones. Veamos algunos ejemplos:
a)
ms. 729-V, f. 34r: «En un rincón del
archivo de la Iglesia Parroquial de San
Miguel de la Villa de Cardona, o de la
Comunidad de Presbiteros de ella hallé un Breviario sin cubiertas y medio
carcomido que segun todas las señas
fue peculiar del Monasterio de Canonigos Regulares de S. Vicente, ahora
Colegiata secular de la misma villa de
Cardona.»
ms. 729-VII, f. 144v: «Despues de
las noticias que acabo de donarli del
insigne Martirologi Serratexense no
li desagradaran a V. M. las que li vull
comunicar tambe tretas del Breviari de
Cardona, ço es de aquell llibre ranci y
mal carat que trobí en un racó del Arxiu de la Rev. Comunitat de Preveres
de la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Miguel
de la dita Vila.»
b)
ms. 729-V, f. 34v: «Como el glorioso
martir S. Vicente era y es en el dia el
Patrono y Titular de la Iglesia Monasterial, rezaban de el con octava y officio propriode manera que Asi las antifonas
como las liciones eran proprias del
Santo. El Invitatorio era: Laudemus
Christum Regem martirum qui Beatum
Levitam Vincentium sui nominis confessorem hodie suscepit in gloria feliciter triumfantem. Venite adoremus etc.
Siguen las tres antifonas proprias del
primer Nocturno y luego: Passio sancti
Vincentii Archidiaconi edita a dompno
Prudentio, que celebratur .XI. Kal. Februarii.»
ms. 729-VII, f. 146r: «En lo die de eix
glorios sant (que celebraba la Iglesia
de Cardona ab octava) son proprias
totas las antifonas y lliçons. Començá
aixis: Invitatorium. Laudemus Christum Regem martirum qui beatum Levitam Vincentium sui nominis confesorem hodie suscepit in gloria feliciter
triumfantem. Venite. Despues de las
tres antifonas proprias del 1. Nocturno
diu: Passio sancti Vincentii Archidiaconi et martiris Christi edita a dompno
Prudentio que celebratur XI kals. Februarii.»
30
Sobre la relación entre M. Llisterri y R. Lasala, véase J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. IX,
p. 40. Sobre R. Lasala, véase además A. Manrique, Lasala y Locela, Rafael; V. León Navarro, Rafael
Lasala; y E. Bartrina, Lasala i Locela, Rafael.
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c)
ms. 729-V, f. 35r: «Lec. II. A quo et
sanctitate insignis Diachonii artem
suscepit etc. Lec III. Igitur cum apud
Cesaraugustanam Civitatem etc. Siguen las antifonas propias del segundo
Nocturno y luego: Lec. IIII. Ecce iam
in sublime agor et ipsos principes tuos
etc. Lec. V. Cum tam crudeliter sevit
Christi servum etc. Lec. VI. Sanctus
Vincentius denuo subridens ait etc.
Despues se continuan las antifonas
proprias del tercer Nocturno, concluidas las quales, sin titulo alguno dice: In
illo tempore dixit Iesus Discipulis suis,
secundumsic Ioannem, amen amen dico
vobis, nisi granum frumenti cadens in
terram mortuum fuerit ipsum solum
manet etc. Omilia B. Iheronimi Pbri.
granum frumenti etc.»
239
ms. 729-VII, f. 146v: «Lec. II - A quo
et sanctitate insignis diachonii autemartem
suscepit etc. Lec. III - Igitur cum
apud Cesaraugustanam Ciuitatem etc.
Lec. IIII - Ecce iam in sublime agor et
ipsos principes tuos etc. Lec. V - Cum
tam crudeliter sevit. Christi servum etc.
Lec. VI. Sanctus Vincentius denuo subridens ait etc. Despues se segueixen
las antifonas proprias del tercer Nocturno y luego sens titol diu: In illo tempore dixit Iesus Discipulis suis (secundum Ioannem) Amen amen dico vobis,
nisi granum frumenti cadens in terram
mortuum fuerit, ipsum solum manet
etc. Omilia B. Iheronimi Pbri. granum
frumenti etc.»
A la semejanza de la descripción se añade el hecho de que las versiones de
los pasajes del sermón de san Vicente reproducidas en estas dos cartas son idénticas y
contienen variantes propias que distinguen este códice del mencionado por J. Pasqual
en la carta que dirigió al cabildo de la iglesia de Urgel. Éstas se encuentran en la lección VIIII. Reproducimos a continuación el texto de esta lección en las versiones de
J. Pasqual (ms. 729-V, ff. 22r-27r) y del anónimo autor de estas cartas (ms. 729-VII,
ff. 141r-161v):
729-V, f. 23r: «Lectio VIIII. Hunc
conspicimus in vestimentis, hunc gerimus in meritis. Hunc urbs nostra protulit. Hunc ce˛ lestis Ierusalem pro totius
orbis gubernatione suscepit. O gloriosa
mors quae ad tantam dirigit vitam. O
vita vivificans propter quam haec contemnitur vita. Hostendis Domine quem
admodum apud te vivant, in quibus ita
vivis ut mori nec mortui possint. Quos
ita glorificas, ut etiam defuncti per te
vivificare mortuos possint.
729-VII, f. 146v: «Lec. VIIII. Hunc
conspiscimus in vestimentis, hunc
gerimus in meritis. Hunc urbs nostra
protulit. Hunc celestis Ierusalem pro
totius orbis gubernatione suscepit. O
gloriosa mors que ad tantam dirigit vitam. O vita vivificans propter quam hec
contempnitur vita. Hostendisti, Domine, quemadmodum apud te vivant in
quibus ita vivis ut mori nec in ortum
possint. Quos ita glorificas ut etiam defuncti per te vivificare in ortum possint.
Rs.
Este segundo breviario de la iglesia de San Miguel de Cardona estaba sin
cubiertas y medio carcomido (ms. 729-V, f. 34r) y podría ser el códice al que pertenecían las hojas sueltas halladas por Villanueva varias años después en Bellpuig de
las Avellanas.
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240
La descripción completa que ofrece el autor de la carta del ms. 729-V, ff.
34r-35v (= ms. 729-VII, ff. 144v-146v), es la siguiente:
/34r/ Illmo. Señor.
«Dueño y muy Sr. mio: al paso que devo estar sumamente agradecido al
Amigo Fr. Miguel Llisterri por haver sido causa que V. S. I. se dignase
honrarme con su carta, me es muy sensible no poder llenar las esperanzas
que hizo concebir a V. S. I. aquel Religioso, asegurando tener yo notados
varios escritos y autores de españoles de que no hace mencion D. Nicolas
Antonio en su Bibliot. Hisp. Vetus. Olvidaria sin duda aquel mi amigo de
lo que le escrivi cosa de tres años hace; esto es: que se me havia traspapelado u perdido un quaderno que tenia recogido de observaciones sobre la
Bibliot. de D. Nicolás Antonio junto con otro de memorias que me havia
prestado el referido Fr. Llisterri, a no ser que pensase haver yo recobrado
mi quaderno, de la misma manera que el suyo. Pero no sucedió asi I. Sª.;
mis notas no han comparecido, por mas que las he buscado, y con esto
tengo la pena de no poder servir a V. S. I. enviandole mi quaderno, como
lo huviera executado sin dilacion.
«Es verdad que desde entonces comuniqué al dicho mi amigo el descubrimiento que hice en Cardona de una obra de nuestro S. Justo obispo de
Urgel, absolutamente desconocida, no solo de D. Nicolás Antonio, pero
de quantos han tratado de nuestros Padres españoles que yo sepa, pero
aunque no es despreciable la noticia, no da ella bastante fundamento a
la proposición de mi Amigo. Sin embargo, así porque creo no disgustará
ella a V. S. I., como porque puedo comunicarla con individualidad y exactitud, voy a comunicarla aquí.
«En un rincón del archivo de la Iglesia Parroquial de San Miguel de la
Villa de Cardona, o de la Comunidad de Presbiteros de ella hallé un Breviario sin cubiertas y medio carcomido que segun todas las señas fue
peculiar del Monasterio de Canonigos Regulares de S. Vicente, ahora
Colegiata secular de la misma villa de Cardona, de la que era miembro
la de San Miguel, y con eso usarian del mismo Breviario los ministros
de esta. Los Canonigos de Cardona eran de la Congregacion /34v/ de S.
Rufo, y por eso, despues de el Calendario se lee así: In nomine I. Christi.
Incipit Breviarium secundum ordinem S. Ruphi compilatum, quomodo
unusquisque ad sacros promotus per totum annum tam diebus ferialibus
quam festivis suum officium debeat celebrare. Hice juicio por la letra y
otras circunstancias haverse escrito aquel Breviario en el siglo XIII por
lo menos, en el cuerpo de él no se halla mención de la Fiesta del Corpus
Christi, antes en el lugar a que correspondía, o despues de la Fiesta de la
Sma. Trinidad, se pone esta rubrica: In tota ista ebdomada cotidie cantatur
et legitur totum de Trinitate, y luego siguen las Dominicas post Pentdespues
de Pentecostes, el rezo propio del Corpus se halla despues de los Comunes y de letra diferente, seña evidente delo que arguye haverse escrito antes
de la extension de la solemnidad del Smo. Sº.
«Como el glorioso martir S. Vicente era y es en el dia el Patrono y Titular
de la Iglesia Monasterial, rezaban de el con octava y officio propriode manera
que
Asi las antifonas como las liciones eran proprias del Santo. El Invitatorio era: Laudemus Christum regem martirum qui Beatum Levitam
Vincentium sui nominis confessorem hodie suscepit in gloria feliciter
triumfantem. Venite adoremus etc.
«Siguen las tres antifonas proprias del primer Nocturno y luego: Passio sancti Vincentii Archidiaconi edita a dompno Prudentio, que celeANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. 229-251
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
241
bratur .XI. Kal. Februarii. Qum sic nobilem B. Vincentii triumphum
noticie fidelium tradere disposuimus, dignum est ut generis ipsius
nobilitatem inmitemussic. Extitit enim patre Euticio progenitus, qui
fuit Agressi nobilissimi consulis filius. Mater vero eius Enola ex Osca
urbe noscitur procreata. Hic a pueritia studiis literarum traditus, superna providente clementia, que sibi eum previdebat vas eleccionis
futurum, gemina scientia sub Valerio Cesaragustesic antistite efficacissime claruit. Rs. /35r/
«Lec. II. A quo et sanctitate insignis Diachonii artem suscepit etc.
Lec III. Igitur cum apud Cesaraugustanam Civitatem etc. Siguen las
antifonas propias del segundo Nocturno y luego: Lec. IIII. Ecce iam
in sublime agor et ipsos principes tuos etc. Lec. V. Cum tam crudeliter
sevit Christi servum etc. Lec. VI. Sanctus Vincentius denuo subridens
ait etc.
«Despues se continuan las antifonas proprias del tercer Nocturno, concluidas las quales, sin titulo alguno dice: In illo tempore dixit Iesus Discipulis suis, secundumsic Ioannem, amen amen dico vobis, nisi granum
frumenti cadens in terram mortuum fuerit ipsum solum manet etc. Omilia
B. Iheronimi Pbri. granum frumenti etc.
«Imediatamente: Lec. VIII. Sermo sancti Iusti Vrgellensis episcopi (letra
colorada). Gloriosissimi Vincentii martiris disseminatas toto orbe victorias, fratres karissimi, nunquam silere at tamen in die assumptionis eius
oportet ubique predicare, qui licet precipuus Christi amicus ab omnibus
Christianis cum reliquis martiribus pro sancta sit confessione colendus
est tamen nobis quadam vernula et gentili pietate coniunctus eo quod sit
noster ex genere, noster ex fide, noster in stola, noster in gloria, noster
in officio. Rs.
«Lec. VIIII. Hunc conspicimus in vestimentis, hunc gerimus in meritis. Hunc urbs nostra protulit. Hunc celestis Ierusalem pro totius orbis
gubernatione suscepit. O gloriosa mors que ad tantam dirigit vitam. O
vita vivificans, propter quam hec contempnitur vita. Hostendisti Domine
quemadmodum apud te vivant in quibus ita vivis ut mori nec in ortum
possint quos ita glorificas ut etiam defuncti per te vivificare in ortum
possint. Rs.
«Estas dos ultimas licionesdel rezo de S. Vicente o esos dos pasages del sermon
del Sto. martir trabajado por S. Justo obispo de Urgel, nos aseguran que
en el tiempo de la formacion del Breviario Cardonense no era sola la
obra sobre los Cantares la conocida por de S. Justo obispo de Urgelx
(en el margen se añade: xcomo en nuestros dias). V. S. I. sabrá dar a la
noticia aquella estimacion que se merece, y atinar la fuerza de aquella
expresion sobre la patria de S. Vicente en boca de S. Justo: Hunc urbs
nostra protulit; /35v/ y no menos la de: eo quod sit noster ex genere, esto,
sin hablar del autor de las actas, o pasion del Sto. martir: edita a Dompno
Prudencio. Si esas preciosidades merecen la atencion de V. S. I. podre yo
regocijarme nuevamente del hallazgo.
A juzgar por el contenido de ambas cartas anónimas, su autor (un con-canónigo de J. Caresmar) bien pudo ser el propio Jaume Pasqual.
Por último, para concluir con las noticias referentes a los breviarios, al
margen de los textos citados del manuscrito 729, la Biblioteca de Cataluña conserva con la signatura Ms. 9253/3 una carta original del propio Pasqual escrita el
26 de agosto de 1786 desde el monasterio de las Avellanas. En ella el erudito de
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242
Bellpuig menciona explícitamente que tiene en su poder el Breviario de la Iglesia
de San Miguel de Cardona31:
/2r/ Luego que puga comodamt. penso posarme a extractar lo Breviari
que tinch de la Iglesia de St Miquel de Cardona, y l’ missal antich que
tinch de V.M.; de que penso traurer no pocas noticias curiosas. A son
temps ja li participaré las resultas, ajundant Deu. It. Vale.
3. EDICIÓN CRÍTICA
Estudiada la tradición manuscrita del Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092) de
Justo de Urgel, proponemos a continuación una nueva edición de esta obra, para la
que se tendrán en cuenta todos los ejemplares indicados en este trabajo, si bien la base
de ésta será el códice de Roda del s. XI32:
C = Barcelona, Biblioteca de Cataluña, 729-V, f. 35 (= 729-VII, f. 146v), s.
XVIII (copia de un breviario de Cardona de los ss. XII-XIII descrito por un con-canónigo de J. Caresmar, probablemente el propio J. Pasqual)
P = Barcelona, Biblioteca de Cataluña, 729-V, f. 23r, s. XVIII (copia de un
breviario de Cardona de los ss. XII-XIII descrito por J. Pasqual)
R = Lérida, Archivo Capitular, Roda 35 (olim 18), f. 37ra-vb, s. XI (leccionario de Roda base de la edición de J. Villanueva)
31
La reciente obra de A. Velasco González, Jaume Pasqual, p. 53, n. 65, informa de que en
abril del 2009 la Lliberia Antiquària Delstres de Barcelona puso a la venta esta carta de Pasqual.
No obstante, no señala que la misiva fue adquirida por la Biblioteca de Cataluña, donde se conserva
actualmente con la signatura 9253/3. Hemos podido localizarla gracias a una indicación del propio
Alberto Velasco González y a la ayuda de Anna Gudayol. El documento no solo menciona el Breviario de San Miguel y un misal, sino también el Martirologio de Serrateix y la carta de población
de Cardona. Dado que se trata de un texto inédito, hemos creído oportuno ofrecer una transcripción
al final de este trabajo.
32
Transcribimos todas las “e˛” del manuscrito R por “e”.
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5
10
15
20
243
Sermo sancti Iusti Vrgellensis episcopi in natale sancti Vincentii
Gloriosissimi Vincentii martiris disseminatas toto orbe uictorias, fratres
karissimi, ad profectum ecclesie nunquam silere, attamen in die assumptionis eius
oportet, adiuuante domino, uberius predicare. Qui licet precipuus Christi amicus ab
omnibus christianis cum reliquis martiribus pro sancta sit confessione colendus, est
tamen nobis uernula quadam et gentili pietate coniunctus, eo quod sit noster ex
genere, noster ex fide, noster in stola, noster in gloria, noster in officio, noster in
tumulo, noster in patrocinio. Hunc conspicimus in uestimentis, hunc gerimus in
meritis. Hunc urbs nostra protulit, hunc celestis Iherusalem non solum pro huius
urbis, sed etiam pro totius orbis gubernatione suscepit. O gloriosa mors, que ad
tantam dirigit uitam! O uita uiuificans, propter quam hec contempnitur uita!
Ostendisti, domine, quemadmodum apud te uiuant in quibus ita uiuis ut mori nec
mortui possint, quosque ita glorificas ut etiam defuncti per te uiuificare mortuos
possint. Ecce quomodo triumphant qui te confesso mortem exceperunt ut te
inuocato mortem expellant, nec tantum hanc, quae ex pena illata est, mortem
corporum, quantum illam, quae ex peccato uenit, animarum. Nichil impossibile tuis
per te, quibus summum posse est. Tu es qui eos et inuictos effecisti ut uincerent et
uictores suscepisti ut tecum in perpetuum regnent.
Videte, fratres, et ammiramini sanctissimi martiris mirabile initium et
gloriosissimum finem. Cum suo duce processit in prelio nec expectato duce prior
arma iecit in aduersarios. Sciebat enim scriptum: Regnum celorum uim patitur et uiolenti
diripiunt illum. Acceperad etiam in corde suo illum spiritualem ignem, de quo
dominus dixit: Ignem ueni mittere in terram et quid uolo nisi ut ardeat? Non diffisus de
9 celestis Iherusalem: cf. Hebr. 12,22
13-14 per – possint: cfr Ioh. 5,21; Rom. 4,17
21-22 regnum – illum1: Matth. 11,12 23 ignem – ardeat: Luc. 12,49
6-8 noster – patrocinio: cf. Prud. perist. 4,97-104 11 uita uiuificans: Aug. c. Maximin.
2,23,7 lin. 301-2 || propter – uita2: Aug. nat. et grat. 70,84 15-16 mortem1 – animarum: Aug.
pecc. mer. 1,2,2
Traditio textus: C (usque ad lin. 14 «possint») P (usque ad lin. 14 «possint») R
1 urgellensis C P Villanueva, urgell [—] tantum legitur in R || in – uincentii om. C P 2
uincentii: uincenti P || disseminatas: dissemitas R1
3 ad – ecclesie om. C P
4 adiuuante
1
6 uernula quadam: quadam uernula C
domino om. C P || uberius: ubique C P 5 sit om. R
P 7-8 noster5 – patrocinio om. C P 9 iherusalem: ierusalem C P 9-10 non – etiam om. C
P 11 contempnitur: contemnitur P 12 ostendisti: hostendisti C, ostendis P 13 mortui: in
ortum C || quosque: quos C P || mortuos: in ortum C 22 illum1: illud Villanueva || acceperad:
acceper R1
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244
uictoria, festinauit ad pugnam. Ferebat enim arma non carnalia, sed potentia deo.
25 Habebat enim gladium spiritus, quod est uerbum dei. Loricam spei et galeam salutis
assumpserat. Gestabat etiam scutum fidei, in quo posset omnia nequissima diaboli tela
extinguere. Talibus munitus armis processit ad prelium et nouo genere uicit, quia nouo
ordine dimicauit. Et cum soleat in certamine grauiter quisque percussus uirtute
minui, hic plagis suis magis magisque confortatus est. Et quotienscumque percussus,
30 totiens contra aduersarium uehementior est effectus, donec eum suis uulneribus
sauciaret suaque morte prosterneret. O felix anima, que tantis corporis sui
cruciatibus uinci non potuit, quae ad suum conditorem corpore occiso extimplo
uictor perrexit!
Sed nec in ipso corpore, quantum uolebat, preualere permissus est inimicus.
35 Proiecit quidem illud feris et uolatilibus deuorandum, sed ipsis, quibus membra
carpenda proiecta sunt, ab ipsis obsequia iniuncta, deleta non sunt. Inmutata est
natura ferox in bestiis rationis ignaris. Que utinam mutaretur in hominibus pessimis!
Lupus reflexa ceruice ieiunus regreditur, coruus siccis faucibus perseuerat et adhuc
diabolus comenta crudelitatis excogitat. Mergi mandat in fluctibus, quem in terris
40 superare non ualuit. Sed numquid qui omnia creauit, ubique adesse non potuit?
Ecce mergitur, nec demergitur. Precipitatur in equore et ipsis deseruientes, quibus
consumi poterat, elementis tumulatur in littore.
Quis non resuscitandum credat in gloria, qui tanta protegitur gloria? Quis non
gloriosum auertat spiritum, cuius tam gloriose defensari conspicit corpus
45 exanimatum? Que omnia in profectibus suis precessisse leta nunc credat et
ueneretur ecclesia. Renascatur quodamodo in eius meritis quae eum genuit
spiritualibus sacramentis et eius proficiat precibus, pro cuius est perornata uirtutibus,
per Ihesum Christum dominum nostrum. Amen.
24 arma – deo: II Cor. 10,4 25 gladium – dei ... galeam salutis: Eph. 6,17 || loricam –
salutis: I Thess. 5,8 26-27 scutum – extinguere: Eph. 6,16 40 qui – creauit: cfr Eccli. 18,1;
Eph. 3,9; Hebr. 3,4
31-32 tantis – potuit: Aug. cur. mort. 8,10 35 proiecit – deuorandum: Pass. s. Vincent.
(BHL 8627-33) 21 35-38 sed – perseuerat: Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8627-33) 22 38 reflexa
ceruice: cfr Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8628-31) 22 39-40 mergi – ualuit: Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL
8628-31) 23 lin. 220 + 225
41 ecce – demergitur: Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8628-31) 24 lin.
240-1 + 25 lin. 246-7 41-42 precipitatur – littore: Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8628-31) 25 43-45
quis1 – exanimatum: Aug. serm. 276,3
Traditio textus: R
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4. TRADUCCIÓN33
Sermón de san Justo, obispo de Urgel, para la festividad de san Vicente.
En beneficio de la iglesia no deben silenciarse nunca, queridísimos hermanos, las victorias del gloriosísimo mártir Vicente, conocidas en todo el orbe, no
obstante, con la ayuda del Señor, deben predicarse en mayor medida en el día de su
muerte. Aunque este amigo especial de Cristo ha de ser venerado por todos los cristianos en compañía de los restantes mártires por la santa confesión de su fe, no obstante,
está unido a nosotros por una especie de amor que nace de un mismo origen y linaje,
pues es nuestro por su progenie, es nuestro por su fe, es nuestro en su estola, es nuestro en su gloria, es nuestro en su ministerio, es nuestro en su sepulcro, es nuestro en
su patrocinio34. Lo recordamos en sus ropajes, lo celebramos en sus méritos. Nuestra
ciudad lo produjo35 y la Jerusalén celeste lo acogió no sólo para que rigiese esta ciudad, sino todo el orbe. ¡Oh muerte gloriosa que conduce a tan alta vida! ¡Oh vida vivificadora por la que se desprecia esta vida! Has mostrado, Señor, de qué modo viven
junto a ti aquellos en quienes vives de tal modo que ni siquiera muertos pueden morir
y a quienes glorificas de tal modo que, incluso habiendo fallecido, pueden gracias a ti
dar vida a los muertos. He ahí que aquellos que, por confesarte, padecieron la muerte
triunfan de tal modo que, tras invocarte, alejan de sí la muerte, y no sólo la muerte de
los cuerpos, que es debida a la pena sufrida, sino también la de las almas, que procede
del pecado. Nada es imposible por tu mediación a los tuyos, que disfrutan del mayor
poder. Tú eres quien hiciste que resultasen invictos para que venciesen y quien los
acogiste como vencedores para que reinasen contigo por siempre.
Ved, hermanos, y admirad el extraordinario inicio y el gloriosísimo fin de
este santísimo mártir. Se presentó en el combate en compañía de su general y arrojó
el primero sus armas sobre los adversarios, sin aguardar las órdenes de su general.
Sabía, en efecto, que está escrito: El reino de los cielos sufre violencia y los violentos
lo arrasan. Había acogido además en su corazón ese fuego espiritual del que dijo el
Señor: He venido a traer el fuego sobre la tierra, así que ¿qué otra cosa puedo querer,
sino que ésta arda? Sin desconfiar de la victoria, se apresuró a la lucha. Llevaba, en
efecto, armas no carnales, sino poderosas en Dios. Tenía, en efecto, la espada espiritual, que es la palabra de Dios. Se había puesto la coraza de la esperanza y el casco
de la salvación. Sujetaba también el escudo de la fe, con el que podía apagar todos los
abominables dardos del diablo. Protegido por tales armas avanzó a combatir y venció
de un modo nuevo, pues luchó de una forma nueva. Y aunque todo el que es golpeado
gravemente en la batalla acostumbra a ver disminuido su valor, éste adquirió más y
más brío por sus heridas. Y cuantas veces fue golpeado, otras tantas veces mostró un
mayor ardor contra el adversario hasta abatirlo con sus propias heridas y doblegarlo
con su propia muerte. ¡Oh alma dichosa, que no pudo ser vencida por las contusiones
tan graves de su cuerpo, que, tras la muerte de su cuerpo, de inmediato se dirigió vencedora en busca de su creador!
33
Existe una traducción catalana, obra de J. Fàbregas en A. Pladevall, et al., Escrits, pp. 211-213.
Probablemente todas estas expresiones no hacen más que desarrollar la expresión precedente
“est tamen nobis uernula quadam et gentili pietate coniunctus”, recogida de nuevo al comienzo de
estas repeticiones retóricas: “noster ex genere”. Según esta interpretación, el adjetivo “noster” no se
referiría, en consecuencia, a ninguna ciudad en concreto, sino al origen hispánico del santo, y opone
el culto que le debe la iglesia de Hispania frente al de la iglesia universal, al que se alude al comienzo
del sermón. Esta interpretación solventa fácilmente los problemas planteados por estas líneas a los
estudiosos.
35
Esto es: lo convirtió en mártir.
34
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Pero ni siquiera se permitió al enemigo llevar a cabo sobre el cuerpo de
aquél todo lo que deseaba. En efecto, lo arrojó a las fieras y las aves para ser devorado,
pero aquellos a quienes se arrojaron sus miembros para que los destrozasen, mostrándoles sus respetos, no los mancillaron36. En las bestias carentes de razón se mudó su
naturaleza feroz. ¡Ojalá pudiese cambiarse ésta en los hombres malvados! Un lobo
se retira en ayunas tras volver su cuello, un cuervo se mantiene allí a su lado, pese a
tener seca la garganta, y el diablo trama ya nuevas crueldades. Manda que sea sumergido en las aguas aquel a quien no pudo derrotar en tierra. ¿Pero acaso aquel que creó
todo lo que existe no pudo estar en todas partes? He ahí que es arrojado al agua, pero
no permanece sumergido. Es arrojado al mar y, poniéndose a su servicio los propios
elementos por los que podía ser destruido37, es enterrado en la costa.
¿Quién no ha de creer que debe resucitar con gloria quien es protegido por
una gloria tan grande? ¿Quién no ha de advertir que está destinado a la gloria el espíritu de aquel cuyo cuerpo exánime ve que es defendido tan gloriosamente? Que todo
esto ocurrió en el pasado en su beneficio ha de creerlo y venerarlo ahora dichosa la
iglesia. Que renazca, por así decirlo, por sus méritos aquella que lo engendró con los
sacramentos del Espíritu y que se beneficie por las súplicas de aquel de cuyas virtudes
se ve adornada38, por nuestro señor Jesucristo, amén.
5. APÉNDICE
Carta original de Jaume Pasqual al rector de Bergús escrita el 26 de agosto
de 1786.
Localización: Barcelona, Biblioteca de Cataluña, Ms. 9253/3
/1r/
«Avellanas 26 de Agost de 86.
«Amich y Dueño: Fins ara no havia perdut las esperanças de tornar al
Mon(asti)r de Serrateix, en termes que no pocas vegadas havia pensat
respondrer a sa ultima desde alli, sols eran las ganas, y las diligencias que
practicaba per posarme en estar de poder fer eixa nova empreza y aixis
veurer lo cap del fil del precios martirologi que cada die me enamora mes
en los pochs extractos que men’ portí; pero la malaltia sobrevinguda a est
nostre Sr. Abat, mes de un mes ha, de tercianas de tan mala casta, ques’
resisteixen a la quina, y a qualsevol altre remey, quel’ tenen actualment en
un estat deplorable, me desbaratan tota altra idea que no sia componible
ab lo estarme al seu costat. Se añadeix a aixó lo aconsellarli los metges la
muda de ayres, que practicará luego ques’ trobia un poch animós; y com
vol que jo l’acompañia, etc. Me es sensible aqueix accident, per qualsevol
36
Frase quizás no muy conseguida en latín. Entendemos que la forma “ipsis” (lín. 35) funciona
como un dativo agente del verbo “deleta non sunt” (lín. 36), cuyo sujeto es el sustantivo “membra”
(lín. 35) de la oración de relativo precedente. Por otro lado, la construcción de ablativo agente “ab
ipsis” (lín. 36) la ponemos en relación con el participio de perfecto “iniuncta” (lín. 36), que puede entenderse como un acusativo absoluto. Otra interpretación en A. Pladevall, et al., Escrits, p. 212: “Va
llançar el cos perquè fos devorat per les feres i ocellots; però aquells mateixos als quals foren llançats
els membres perquè els prenguessin no van destrossar els dons offerts” (en cursiva la traducción de
la expresión latina “obsequia iniuncta”).
37
Llama la atención ciertamente el uso de la forma “deseruientes”, probablemente un acusativo
plural, en la construcción de ablativo absoluto “ipsis deseruientes (...) elementis” (lín. 41-42).
38
No se refiere el autor aquí a ninguna iglesia en particular, sino a la iglesia universal.
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part quel miria: peró no te remey: Deu ho disposa; facias la sua voluntat
s(antissi)ma. Si mon nou passeig se hagués verificat, no hauria jo deixat
de donar una vista a Bergús y tal vegada per la proxima Festa major, que li
desitjo felicissima y plena de consols. Prou hi pensaba. Paciencia.
«G(raci)as al S(eñ)or sem’ han desvanescut las funebres especies de la
Hermita, que de tal manera, que rara vegada me molestan. La carta de
V.M. ajuda molt a aixó, com jam’ prometia, pero principalm(en)t lo haver
escapat de un perill /1v/ que miraba com a imminent, capaç de llançar a
terra totas mas ideas literarias, y l’ curs de mas ocupacions genials, ha
acabat de posarme en tranquilitat; verificantse novam(en)t en mi, quel’
S(eño)r, si mortifica, vivifica tambe. Ajudiam’ V.M. a donarli g(raci)as, y
a encomanar a ell a est Sr Abat, puig si una vegada ell queda restablert,
penso poder empendrer, de bo de bo, mas consabudas tareas. Deus dirigat. En quant a mi, me trobo robustissim, y sens que hi pugan res las
tercianas, que tant molestan a tants de estos paissos.
«V.M. pensa quel Sr. Zárate desistirá de sas dos empresas contra lo Capitol, al veurer los animos y constancia de sos Individuos: Jo penso que
V.M. s’engaña, ja perque latere dolet, que diu V.M., y ja perque de la una
sola pretensió lin’ han de resultar 750 u annuals de benefici, segons li
digué lo Arrend(ado)r de Calaf. Aixó es molta cosa. Ell es tiesso y Vizcahi. Lo temps ho dirá. Jo conech als Gascons (digué un sabi cardenal poch
despues de la elecció de Clement V) ell ha elegit ha Aviñó tardará a veurer
la Ciutat de Roma, y així fou. Los Gascons son especie de Vizcahins etc.
Ha! sil’ coneguessen com jo! Importa molt quels Canonges facian un cos,
y ferm. No dich mes, perque no pensás V.M. quem’ mou la passionota.
«Suposo que V.M. tindria alguns bons ratos ab F. Miquel. Com si aquell
Sr. Illm hagués esperat la mia ausencia per passar a Cardona. Sem’ feu
sensible la noticia, ho confesso. Y de unió que? Res men’ diu Fr. Miquel.
Deu sab lo que convé. V.M. estiga cert que nom’ olvidaré ja may de sos
favors y bon affecte, ni tampoch del que dech als Srs Cardonins. Mania
sens reserva a son Amich de cor.
«Jaume Pasqual
«A(mi)ch Sr. R(ect)or de Bergús.
/2r/
«Si V.M. pogués lograr de Mn Sarrigó quem’ fes una copia puntual del
Instrument de població de Cardona, que ell compongué sobre de una tela,
a mas instancias, li estimaria molt, puig mereix publicarse sicut jacet.
Jo penso que ell a ratets ho podria fer, de esta manera, copiantlo de la
mateixa manera que está, no sols cada lletra, pero fins donant mostra
dels llochs gastats, y que no poden llegirse, deixant fins aquells rastres de
lletras ques’ veuhen en alguns passatges. Creguia que seria una gran obra,
y ab que acabariam de evidenciar al publich quant malam(en)t publicaren
eixa pessa singular y apreciabilissima los monjos mauros. Jo confio que
V.M. ho procurará per lo lustre quen’ pot resultar a Cardona.
«Luego que puga comodam(en)t penso posarme a extractar lo Breviari
que tinch de la Iglesia de St Miquel de Cardona, y l’ missal antich que
tinch de V.M.; de que penso traurer no pocas noticias curiosas. A son
temps ja li participaré las resultas, ajundant Deu. It(erum) Vale.
Otra mano ha añadido con una letra de mayor tamaño y con tinta más
oscura en el f. 1r:
«Nº 24: Breviari de St. Miquel: no es retornat». (Anotación que quizá se
hizo en el lugar de destino).
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248
6. BIBLIOGRAFÍA CITADA
FUENTES ANTIGUAS CITADAS:
Aug. c. Maximin. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., Contra Maximinum haereticum
Arianorum ep. (CPL 700), Hombert, P.M. (ed.), Sancti Aurelii Augustini,
pp. 489-692.
Aug. cur. mort. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., De cura pro mortuis gerenda (CPL
307), Zycha, J. (ed.), Santi Aureli Augustini, pp. 621-659.
Aug. nat. et grat. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., De natura et gratia (CPL 344), Urba,
C.F.; Zycha, J. (ed.), Sancti Aureli Augustini, pp. 231-299.
Aug. pecc. mer. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., De peccatorum meritis et remissione
et de baptismo paruulorum (CPL 342), Urba, C.F.; Zycha, J. (ed.), Sancti
Aureli Augustini, pp. 1-151.
Aug. serm. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., Sermones (CPL 284), Sermo 276, PL 38,
cols. 1255-1257.
Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8627-33) = Passio s. Vincentii (BHL 8627-8633), Fábrega
Grau, Á. (ed.), Pasionario hispánico, vol. II, pp. 187-196.
Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8628-31) = Passio s. Vincentii (BHL 8628-31), Saxer, V. (ed.),
Saint Vincent, pp. 186-226.
Prud. perist. = Prudentius, Liber peristefanon (CPL 1443), Cunningham, M.P. (ed.),
Aurelii Prudentii, pp. 251-389.
BIBLIOGRAFÍA GENERAL:
Andrés Sanz, María Adelaida; Codoñer, Carmen; Iranzo Abellán, Salvador; Martín,
José Carlos; Paniagua Aguilar, David, La Hispania visigótica y mozárabe.
Dos épocas en su literatura, Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca - Universidad de Extremadura, 2010.
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 253-271
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doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.12
TRES NOTES SOBRE L’ARS PREDICANDI POPULO
DE FRANCESC EIXIMENIS (AUTORIA, DATACIÓ I CONTINGUT)1
THREE NOTES ON THE ARS PREDICANDI POPULO
OF FRANCESC EIXIMENIS (AUTHORSHIP, DATE AND CONTENT)
XAVIER RENEDO PUIG
Universitat de Girona
Resum: Tot i que l’Ars predicandi populo només és atribuïda a Eiximenis en un
dels tres manuscrits que l’han transmès,
no hi ha cap dubte que és obra seva. En
són una prova fefaent, en primer lloc, les
remissions internes que es fan a aquesta
obra des de les planes del Terç i del Dotzè
del Crestià, i, en segon lloc, la presència
d’un volum de sermons autògraf que començava amb l’Ars en l’inventari de la biblioteca d’Eiximenis fet poc després de la
seva mort. Cal situar la redacció de l’Ars
i de la col·lecció de sermons que encapçalava abans de l’inici de l’enciclopèdia del
Crestià (1379) a causa de la complexitat que comportava la redacció d’una
col·lecció de tres o fins i tot quatre volums
de sermons. Per una sèrie de raons codicològiques i formals cal excloure de l’Ars el
capítol De consiliis circa predicacionem,
que en realitat no és obra d’Eiximenis.
Abstract: In spite of the fact that the Ars
predicandi populo is attributed to Eiximenis
in only one of the three extant manuscripts,
there is no doubt that it is one of his works.
First of all, the internal references to this
treatise in the pages of Terç and Dotzè del
Crestià are an irrefutable testimony and,
secondly, the presence of an autograph
volume of sermons which begins with the
Ars in the inventory of the Eiximenis library
made shortly after his death. The writing
of the Ars and the collection of sermons
which introduces it must be dated prior to
the beginning of the Crestià encyclopedia
(1379) because of the complexity that
entailed the writing of a collection of three
perhaps four volumes of sermons. Due to a
series of formal and codicological reasons
it must be concluded that the chapter
entitled De consiliis circa predicacionem
cannot be attributed to Eiximenis and thus
be excluded from the Ars.
Paraules clau: Francesc Eiximenis; Ars
predicandi populo; de consiliis circa predicacionem; sermons; art de la memòria.
Keywords: Francesc Eiximenis; Ars
predicandi populo; de consiliis circa
predicacionem; sermons; art of memory.
SUMARI
1. Francesc Eiximenis, autor de l’Ars predicandi populo.– 2. Sobre la datació de l’Ars predicandi populo.– 3. Uns consells circa predicacionem que no són d’Eiximenis.– 4. Conclusió.– 5.
Bibliografia citada.
1
Aquest treball forma part del projecte de recerca FFI2011-27844-C0302, finançat pel Ministeri
de Ciència i d’Innovació. Agraeixo a Marco Pedretti (UdG) l’atenta lectura de les primeres versions
d’aquest article i les observacions que m’ha fet arribar.
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XAVIER RENEDO PUIG
Francesc Eiximenis no va ser només un dels autors més prolífics i més llegits
de les lletres catalanes medievals: va ser també un predicador de prestigi i un teòric
de la predicació. Per desgràcia de moment encara no hem pogut localitzar, llevat d’un
fragment descobert per J. Perarnau, cap dels diversos volums de sermons que va deixar
escrits, però per sort s’ha pogut rescatar de l’oblit l’Ars predicandi populo, la seva contribució a la teoria de la predicació2. Devem al pare Martí de Barcelona, entre moltes
altres coses, en primer lloc el redescobriment de l’Ars predicandi, una obra fins aleshores
desconeguda de tothom, almenys en el món dels especialistes en Eiximenis i en literatura
catalana medieval i, per tant, no recollida, ni tan sols de passada, en els primers grans
repertoris d’obres d’Emili Grahit i de Jaume Massó i Torrents3. El pare Martí va descobrir
una còpia de l’obra en un manuscrit del segle XV, custodiat a la biblioteca Jagel·lònica de
Cracòvia, i en va donar la primera notícia en un article publicat l’any 19254. En segon lloc
li devem també la publicació, onze anys més tard, d’una edició crítica de l’Ars predicandi, basada en el manuscrit polonès, però tenint també en compte, gràcies als treballs de
Harry Caplan, les lliçons de dos nous manuscrits: un de la Biblioteca Vaticana i un altre
de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Budapest. El manuscrit de Cracòvia és, però, l’únic
a atribuir l’obra a la mà d’Eiximenis en una rúbrica introductòria:
Incipit Ars predicandi populo edita a reuerendo magistro Francisco Echimenis, ordinis minorum, conuentus Gerunde, prouincie Barchinone5.
Ni en el manuscrit de Budapest ni en el de la Biblioteca Vaticana, en canvi,
el nom d’Eiximenis no apareix enlloc. En el primer l’Ars predicandi comença amb les
paraules següents: Modus predicandi sequitur. Iesus Christus tocius ecclesie pastor6,
mentre que en el segon text comença així:
Jhesus christus totius nature humane pastor et pater superdulcissime, ut
in mundo nomen tuum sic clarificatum, manifestum, predicatum, cognitum et dilectum, Jncipit opus quoddam in quo agitur de fine Christi
doctrine et predicationis, juxta processum causarum7.
Malgrat que, com acabem de veure, només en un dels tres manuscrits conservats es dóna el nom de F. Eiximenis com a autor de l’obra, el pare Martí no va tenir cap
dubte a donar per segura l’atribució. Per fer-ho es va basar, per una banda, en les nombroses similituds d’estil i de factura amb la resta d’obres llatines d’Eiximenis i, per l’altra, en
una remissió a l’Ars predicandi populo en un capítol del Terç del Crestià que analitzarem
més endavant. L’objectiu del present article és, en primer lloc, aprofundir en les observacions del pare Martí oferint algunes raons més en suport de la seva proposta d’atribució
per esvair del tot els dubtes que encara hi pugui haver; en segon lloc, presentar una nova
hipòtesi de datació de l’obra i, en tercer lloc, intentar demostrar que la secció De consiliis
circa predicacionem no és obra d’Eiximenis, sinó un afegit d’un copista8.
2
J. Perarnau, Un fragment del Liber sermonum.
E. Grahit, Memorias sobre la vida y obras; J. Massó i Torrents, Les obres de Fra Francesc
Eximeniç.
4
M. de Barcelona, Nous manuscrits de fra Francesc Eiximenis.
5
Idem, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 304.
6
J. de Puig et al., Catàleg dels manuscrits de les obres de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 641.
7
Ibidem.
8
No vaig poder ocupar-me, com hagués volgut, d’aquestes qüestions en el pròleg de la traducció
al català de l’Art de predicació al poble, perquè no encaixava amb l’orientació de la col·lecció on la
traducció es va publicar.
3
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TRES NOTES SOBRE L'ARS PREDICANDI POPULO
255
1. FRANCESC EIXIMENIS, AUTOR DE L’ARS PREDICANDI POPULO
A més de l’atribució explícita de l’Ars a Eiximenis que es troba en el manuscrit de la Universitat Jagel·lònica de Cracòvia, també confirmen de forma implícita
l’autoria d’Eiximenis els diversos punts de contacte que l’Ars predicandi manté amb
el Terç i el Dotzè del Crestià. El pare Martí de Barcelona ja va posar en relleu en
aquest sentit la referència que es fa en el capítol 689 del Terç al tractat de la memòria
artificial inclòs dins l’Ars predicandi9. La remissió es troba en una secció del Tractat
de supèrbia en què Eiximenis, després d’haver criticat l’orgull dels béns naturals
del cors, com ara la sanitat, la fortalesa, la bellesa, l’eloqüència o l’afabilitat, critica
també l’orgull dels béns naturals de l’ànima, com ara la subtilesa, l’astúcia o fins i
tot la bona memòria a remembrar lo passat. A propòsit d’aquesta qüestió Eiximenis
aprofita l’avinentesa que li ofereix aquest context per fer una defensa encesa de la utilitat de la memòria, presentada des de la perspectiva ètica i moral tan pròpia de l’Edat
Mitjana, com han mostrat els bells treballs de Frances Yates i M. Carruthers10, com el
libre de l’enteniment, car aquí lig lo nostre enteniment moltes coses a ell profitoses axí
com en un bell libre. Tot seguit Eiximenis constata la dificultat que representa moltes
coses remembrar promptament i critica els qui, tenint una gran memòria, se’n vanten
de manera superba i desmesurada. Com que no tothom, però, pot tenir una memòria
d’aquesta mena, Eiximenis remet a la petita art de la memòria artificial que havia inserit a l’Art de predicació per reparar la fragilitat de la memòria humana.
Ensenyà·ns Tul·li que la memòria natural confortàssem et ajudàssem per
art especial que en suma he posada en lo començament del primer libre
dominical dels sermons, e açò per tal que aquells qui han a preÿcar sens
gran difficultat poguessen remembrar les coses que han a dir, e axí matex
per ajudar-ne als altres hòmens del món qui comunament són nafrats en
la memòria11.
L’enllaç entre aquestes línies del Terç del Crestià i l’Ars predicandi populo no
pot ser més clar, donat que en les descripcions dels volums dels sermons d’Eiximenis en
l’inventari de la seva biblioteca que es va fer l’abril del 1409, pocs dies després de la seva
mort, l’incipit del primer volum dels Sermons evengelicals –el primer libre dominical
dels sermons, com l’anomena Eiximenis en el Terç– és: Jhesus Christus tocius humane
nature pastor, és a dir les primeres línies de l’Ars predicandi populo, que feia de pròleg i
alhora de guia de lectura i d’ús de tota la col·lecció de sermons12. Com molt bé va veure
el pare Martí de Barcelona, l’enllaç amb l’Ars predicandi que es fa en aquest capítol del
Terç del Crestià posa de manifest que totes dues obres vénen de la mateixa mà13.
A les planes del Dotzè del Crestià, la gran enciclopèdia política d’Eiximenis,
hi ha una altra remissió, en aquest cas implícita, a la seva art de predicació. En el capítol
807, titulat qui figura vera amistat en semblança d’una ymatge, es presenta una imatge
9
M. de Barcelona, Fra Francesc Eiximenis, p. 220.
M. Carruthers, The Book of Memory i F. Yates, The Art of Memory.
11
Manuscrit 91 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona, f. 298r.
12
L’autor de l’inventari de la biblioteca d’Eiximenis va descriure el volum en aquests termes:
“Item un altre libre ab cubertes de fust vermelles platonades ab camisa de aluda blanqua apellat
Sermons evengelicals e comença Jhesus Christus tocius humane nature pastor, e feneix en lo segon
corondell de la primera plana Sed maxime post, e feneix en lo penultim corondell de la derera carta
propter ingratitudinem etc. E aquests sermons es de la obra del patriarcha” (J. Monfrin, La Bibliothèque de Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 251-252).
13
10
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XAVIER RENEDO PUIG
de la memòria de l’amistat procedent de les Moralitates del dominic anglès Robert Holcot, però construïda segons els principis exposats en suma per Eiximenis en la secció de
l’Art de predicació dedicada a la memòria artificial14.
Rabanus, De naturis rerum, sí posa aytal imatge a amistat, ço és un jove
vestit de vert qui havia lo cor ubert e nafrat, qui tenia en son libell escrit
axí: “Vida e mort, luny e prop, en estiu e hivern”15.
Eiximenis, com fa sovint en la seva vasta obra, oculta sota la remissió al De
naturis rerum de Rabanus, és a dir Raban Maur, l’origen d’una imatge que en realitat
ve de Robert Holcot, un dominic que va viure a la primera meitat del segle XIV. Un
cop descrita la imatge, Eiximenis n’analitza de forma minuciosa els seus cinc elements
essencials: el color verd de les robes; el cor ubert e nafrat i els tres sintagmes escrits en
el llibre. En aquesta imatge de la memòria es resumeix el contingut d’un petit tractat
sobre l’amistat que s’estén al llarg dels capítols 800-807 del Dotzè. De la mateixa manera, amb una imatge com aquesta es podria sintetitzar de forma memorable, seguint
els consells donats a l’Ars predicandi, el contingut de tot un sermó. Un altre detall que
posa de nou en evidència que Eiximenis, de la mateixa manera que és l’autor del Dotzè,
és també autor de l’Ars predicandi.
Les correspondències, però, entre l’Ars predicandi i la gran enciclopèdia del
Crestià no s’acaben aquí, donat que hi ha, com a mínim, un passatge del Terç que sembla el revers gairebé exacte d’unes línies de l’art de predicació d’Eiximenis. Es tracta
d’un passatge en què es recomana als predicadors no menysprear mai els sermons de
ningú, per més ignorant o incapacitat per a la predicació que sembli.
Nullum fidelem sermonem contempnas propter ignoranciam predicantis,
per asinam enim Deus arguit Balaam prophetam, et in uolatilibus apis est
paruissima que tamen ceteris uolatilibus dat dulciora16.
En el capítol 963 del Terç del Crestià, inclòs dins del Tractat del senys, hi ha
un passatge molt similar, però en aquesta ocasió enfocat no pas des del punt de vista
dels predicadors, com a l’Art, sinó des del punt de vista dels oients laics, els lectors
ideals del Terç. En aquest lloc s’inicia una sèrie de quatre capítols dedicats a analitzar
a quina mena de persones el bon cristià ha d’escoltar amb especial atenció17. El primer
lloc de la llista l’ocupa, per descomptat, el predicador. Eiximenis, com a frare mendicant que era, dóna tanta importància a la paraula del predicador que sosté que els
fidels se l’han d’escoltar fins i tot en el cas que sigui de vida poc exemplar, o que no
sigui un orador massa competent –un lligamosques, per dir-ho amb les seves mateixes
paraules–. Segons Eiximenis, fins i tot en aquests casos cal escoltar amb atenció el
sermó per respecte a la providència i a la paraula divina, per posar a prova la virtut de
la humilitat i també perquè spiritus ubi vult spirat, donat que fins i tot de la boca del
predicador més humil poden sortir les millors paraules.
14
M’he ocupat amb deteniment d’aquest capítol i de les seves relacions amb l’Ars predicandi
populo en l’article Una imatge de la memòria.
15
F. Eiximenis, Dotzè llibre del Crestià, eds. C. Wittlin et al., p. 300.
16
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 317. “No menyspreïs cap sermó
cristià a causa de la ignorància del seu autor, perquè Déu va contradir el profeta Balaam a través d’un
ase i, tot i que l’abella és un dels éssers alats més minúsculs, elabora un producte dolcíssim i sense
parió”. F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, p. 28.
17
Es pot llegir un llarg extracte d’aquests quatre capítols en l’antologia de textos pedagògics
d’Eiximenis que vam preparar David Guixeras i un servidor sota el títol Llibres, mestres i sermons.
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La IIII proposició és que jamés no deu hom menysprear lo sermó per ignorància ne per mala vida d’aquell qui preÿca, car sovín veem que Deus
dóna major gràcia a aquells qui són ignorants e hòmens simples que no
fa als majors, e sovín per bocha d’òmens peccadors fa Deus grans maraveylles. Eximpli havem d’aquell propheta Balaam per lo qual Deus féu
dir molt alta prophecia del Salvador, axí com appar Numeri XXIIII. E no
s’és maravella si per los peccadors ell nos instruex a tot bé qui, segons
que havem Job XII, ell nos informa per les bèsties, e per los aucells e per
los peys. E per tal Salamó, volent l’om informar, Proverbiorum VI, remet
l’om pereós a la formiga. E per experiència veem que en açò nos informa
natura que les pus nobles coses que ha fa exir de les pus vils, axí com
l’aur, de la terra; e·l bon gra, dels fems; e la perla, de la calcuylla, qui és
lo pus dolent peix de la mar; e la mel, de la abella e la seda, dels petits
verms. Tot axí fa Deus sovín de mala pensa exir molta santa paraula e
informativa a nosaltres18.
La idea és la mateixa que es defensa en el passatge de l’Ars abans esmentat
i, a més, es presenta d’una forma molt semblant amb referències a Balaam, a la mel
i les abelles. L’única diferència és que en el Terç el passatge es dilata amb la cita de
Proverbis i l’al·lusió a la seda o a les perles en paral·lel a la de la mel, mentre que
l’Ars és un tractat més tècnic i va més al gra, però d’una manera o d’una altra tots dos
textos diuen el mateix, tot i que des de perspectives diferents, amb un aparat de símils
i cites bíbliques gairebé idèntic. I tots dos diuen el mateix no pas perquè hi hagi una
font comuna, sinó perquè tenen el mateix autor.
2. SOBRE LA DATACIÓ DE L’ARS PREDICANDI POPULO
Devem també al pare Martí de Barcelona l’única proposta que s’ha fet mai
de datació de l’Ars d’Eiximenis i dels volums de sermons que encapçalava. A partir
de la citació de l’Ars que, com ja hem vist, es troba a les planes del Terç del Crestià,
el benemèrit pare caputxí va arribar a la conclusió que l’obra oratòria devia ésser
redactada, en sa major part, abans de 138419. Crec que, vuitanta i tants anys després
que aquesta hipòtesi es formulés, estem en condicions de fixar amb una mica més de
precisió la data de composició de l’Ars predicandi populo.
Com que el Terç del Crestià és, com acabem de veure, un punt de referència important per a la datació de l’Ars predicandi populo, cal establir, en primer lloc,
tant la data de la seva composició com la del seu acabament. Com sol passar, l’única
referència que podem donar per gairebé segura és la de la finalització de l’obra. El
Terç del Crestià es va acabar de copiar, com molt bé suposaven J. Massó i Torrents,
el pare A. Ivars i el pare Martí, a València l’1 de desembre del 138420. Això no vol
pas dir, però, com també suposava el pare Martí, que la totalitat dels capítols del Terç
s’escrivís al llarg de l’any 138421. Em costa molt de creure –i, de fet, costa molt a
seques– que una obra de l’extensió colossal del Terç es pogués enllestir en tan sols un
any. Com a mínim una part considerable dels 1.060 capítols del Terç es devia escriure
18
Cito segons la meva edició de treball del Terç del Crestià.
20
J. Massó i Torrents, Les obres de Fra Francesc Eximeniç, p. 60; A. Ivars, El escritor Fr. Francisco Eximénez, p. 101 (reedició d’un llarg article publicat per entregues a la revista “Archivo Ibero
Americano” entre els anys 1920 i 1926); M. de Barcelona, Fra Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 201-202.
21
Ibidem.
19
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abans. Alguns capítols d’aquesta obra ho demostren de manera implícita perquè hi ha
indicis que permeten de suposar que van ser escrits quan Eiximenis encara residia al
convent franciscà de Barcelona, d’on va sortir per instal·lar-se a València a principis
del 1382. En efecte, al costat de diversos capítols en què la presència dels sintagmes
aquest regne o aquest regne nostre és un signe evident de la seva redacció en terres
valencianes, n’hi ha d’altres que semblen escrits lluny del regne de València. Aquest
és el cas, per exemple, del famós capítol CCCLXXII, titulat Com catalans mengen
pus graciosament e ab millor manera que altres nacions, i dedicat a presentar els
resultats d’una “quaestio” –debatuda alhora, segons la fèrtil imaginació d’Eiximenis,
en diverses universitats europees– sobre quin era l’estil de menjar més religiós, més
honest, més sa i fins i tot més econòmic pensant comun viure de la gent, e pensada
la manera de llurs convits, e pensades despeses comunes ab les extraordinàries que
a vegades s’esdevenen per ventura22. La conclusió d’uns debats acurats i exhaustius,
exposats de forma minuciosa en tretze raons, és que la nació catalana era eximpli de
totes les altres gents cristianes en menjar honest e en temprat beure, e sens tot dubte
aquesta és la veritat23. Podria citar més exemples similars, extrets del Tractat de Gola
i d’altres seccions de l’obra, però em sembla que amb aquest n’hi ha prou per posar
en relleu que hi ha capítols del Terç del Crestià que són una concessió als sentiments
de comunitat d’uns lectors ideals que semblen més els habitants de Barcelona o de la
seva Girona natal que no pas els de la València on va devia escriure la major part, però
no pas la totalitat, dels seus capítols24.
El Terç, per tant, es devia escriure entre els primers anys de la novena dècada del segle XIV i el 1384, però no pas l’any 1384 d’una sola tirada. No podem saber
amb precisió en quina data es devia escriure el capítol 689 d’aquesta obra, on hi ha la
referència a l’art especial de les regles de la memòria artificial que ja hem comentat.
Tant es podia haver escrit el 1384 com el 1382, el 1381 o fins i tot un xic abans. Es
tracta d’uns anys en què Eiximenis estava immers en la redacció de la gran enciclopèdia del Crestià. Gràcies, sobretot, als treballs del pare Martí de Barcelona i del pare
Andrés Ivars sabem que els 376 capítols del Primer del Crestià es devien escriure a
Barcelona entre els anys 1379-1381, mentre que els 239 capítols del Segon es devien
començar a Barcelona i acabar a València entre els anys 1381-138225. El 1383, mentre
Eiximenis ja estava immers en la redacció de la major part del Terç del Crestià, es va
publicar el Regiment de la Cosa Pública, que consta de 39 capítols. A finals de l’any
següent es va acabar, com ja hem vist, l’obra més llarga que Eiximenis va arribar a
escriure: els 1.060 capítols del Terç del Crestià. Ras i curt, entre els anys 1379 i 1384
Eiximenis va escriure i va publicar quatre obres que tenen en conjunt 1.714 capítols.
No crec que mentre Eiximenis estava capficat en la redacció d’aquestes quatre obres tingués gaire temps per escriure, a més a més, l’Ars predicandi i la col·lecció
de sermons que l’acompanyaven, una obra també prou ambiciosa i d’unes dimensions
considerables. Que es tracta d’una obra preparada amb molta cura ho posa en relleu
el fet que Eiximenis no només copiés l’Ars i els sermons amb la seva pròpia mà, sinó
que fins i tot es preocupés de la seva mise en page en relació, com a mínim, amb els
22
F. Eiximenis, Lo Crestià, ed. A. Hauf, p. 147.
Ibidem, p. 148.
24
Per més detalls, i més exemples, sobre aquesta qüestió vegeu X. Renedo, Notes sobre la datació
del Primer.
25
M. de Barcelona, Fra Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 198-200; A. Ivars, El escritor Fr. Francisco
Eximénez, p. 94. El pare Martí de Barcelona, però, va situar la redacció del Segon del Crestià entre els
anys 1382-1383. Per a una revisió de totes aquestes qüestions cf. X. Renedo, Notes sobre la datació
del Primer.
23
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signes mnemotècnics que hi havia inserits. No es tracta, doncs, de sermons recollits a
través de reportationes, sinó de sermons escrits de cap a cap per Eiximenis, basant-se,
potser, en les seves notes de treball. Era, a més, una col·lecció d’una extensió considerable, formada com a mínim per tres volums i potser fins i tot per quatre. Un d’aquests
volums, el que encapçalava l’Ars predicandi, està recollit en l’inventari pòstum de la
biblioteca d’Eiximenis (1409)26. Es tracta del primer libre dominical dels sermons de
què parla Eiximenis en el capítol 689 del Terç del Crestià. Tenim documentat, a més,
el segon volum dels sermons dominicals al costat del primer volum en el document
de lliurament al convent franciscà de Girona de vint-i-cinc volums de la biblioteca
d’Eiximenis procedents del convent franciscà de València:
Secundum volumen est Prima pars Sermonum Evangeliorum et incipit in
eius prima pagina Jesus Cristus.
Tertium autem volumen est Secunda pars Sermonum dictorum Evangeliorum et incipit in eius prima pagina Jesum queritis27.
També formava part de la col·lecció de sermons que encapçalava l’Ars predicandi un volum de sermons de sanctis o, per dir-ho amb les mateixes paraules d’Eiximenis, un sermonari sanctoral. Es parla, per una banda, d’aquest volum al final de
la Vita Christi:
Membre’m que d’aquesta matèria de la celestial beneuyrança parlí largament a la fi del Libre de les dones, e en ·I· sermó que fiu de tots sancts,
qui és en lo Sermonari sanctoral28.
I, per altra banda, també se’n parla en la pròpia Ars predicandi per recordar
als lectors que en el sermonari sanctoral de la col·lecció podien trobar models de sermons dedicats a un sant escrits segons els principis defensats per Eiximenis:
Sed aliter est predicandum cum predicatur de dominica et aliter cum
predicatur de sancto. Cum enim de dominica agitur, referenda est historia
evangelii et aliqui superaddendum modis inferius designandis. Si autem
de aliquo sancto predicetur, tunc vita sancti est dicenda, saltem principalia eius cum aliquo apparatu, modis inferius in sermonibus annotatis29.
Com a mínim hi havia, a més, un quart volum de sermons d’Eiximenis, un
volum dedicat al comentari de les epístoles dominicals, que està documentat tant en
l’inventari pòstum de l’any 1409 com en el document que dóna fe del lliurament, sis
anys més tard, al convent franciscà de Girona de vint-i-cinc llibres procedents de la
biblioteca d’Eiximenis.
26
Vegeu-ne la descripció a la nota onzena.
J. Monfrin, La Bibliothèque de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 276.
28
Citat per C. Wittlin, Referències internes en les obres de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 35.
29
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 315. “És molt diferent predicar
un diumenge que no pas predicar en la festa d’un sant determinat. Quan es predica un diumenge s’ha
d’explicar la història de l’Evangeli amb algunes observacions suplementàries que es poden obtenir
gràcies als procediments de dilatació que explicarem més endavant. Si es predica el dia de la festa
d’un sant, aleshores s’ha d’explicar la seva vida, o almenys el fets més importants ben estructurats, tal
com es pot veure clarament en els sermons que tanquen el tractat”, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació,
ed. X. Renedo, p. 23.
27
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Inventari del 1409:
un altre libre ab cubertes vermelles platonat e altre cuberta aluda blanqua
apellat Sermonari dominical de l’avent epístola…, e comença Hora est
iam nos de sompno usque ad vicesimam quartam dominicam surgere, e
feneix en lo segon corondell de la primera plana Ad Dei servirtutem sta e
feneix en lo penúltim de la derera carta in tempore inutili30.
Rebut del 1415:
Quorum voluminum primum est de sermonibus epistolarum et incipit in
prima pagina in nigro Hora est iam31.
No estic en condicions d’assegurar que aquest quart volum formés també part
de la col·lecció de sermons que tenia l’Ars predicandi com a punt de referència teòric.
És molt probable que fos així, però no he trobat cap referència interna en el si de la
pròpia art de predicació d’Eiximenis que permeti demostrar-ho. El recull de sermons
que encapçalava l’Ars predicandi estava format, per tant, com a mínim per tres volums
i, com a màxim, per quatre. Era, per tant, una obra de dimensions considerables i força
ambiciosa, que aspirava a convertir-se en un llibre digne d’estar en tota bona biblioteca
mendicant, en una summa on els aspirants a esdevenir bons predicadors poguessin trobar models de composició de nous sermons o de reciclatge dels ja escrits per Eiximenis.
Dit d’una altra manera, em sembla que el que Eiximenis va escriure va
ser un equivalent, a finals del segle XIV, de la Summa sermonum dominicalium de
epistolis totius annis, també coneguda com a Summa Guidonis o Summa guiotina,
que gairebé cent anys abans havia escrit el dominicà normand Guy d’Evreux. Aquesta summa estava formada, com va posar en relleu Pierre Michaud-Quantin, per una
col·lecció de sermons acompanyada d’uns índexs alfabètics de distincions per tal de
facilitar-ne al màxim la consulta, l’ús i el reciclatge per part dels seus usuaris, més que
no pas mers lectors32. Es tracta, com ha posat en relleu Letizia Pellegrini a propòsit
d’obres similars, de raccolte di sermoni che definiremmo prêt-à-porter33. De fet el
mateix Eiximenis recomana en la seva Ars predicandi l’accés ràpid a obres d’aquesta
mena per poder estar sempre a punt d’improvisar un sermó34.
La summa d’Eiximenis com a mínim també devia contenir, a més dels sermons de tempore i de sanctis, un index alphabeticus dictionum, és a dir un índex de
distincions bíbliques, com el de la Summa guiotina. Potser també contenia una mena
d’índex temàtic a l’estil del que Eiximenis havia planejat pel gran projecte del Crestià:
Per millor direcció encara a dar a tots aquells qui ací estudiaran, e per tal
que totes les matèries que volran ací veure tròpien prestament vull tenir
aquest estil, ço és que cascun d’aquests libres sia partit per capítols, e els
capítols per parafs, e que en cascun paraf notable que toca diversa matèria
respon una lletra llatina de l’abecedari, a la qual faça relació sa pròpria
rúbrica posada en la taula que és en lo començament de cascun llibre35.
30
J. Monfrin, La Bibliothèque de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 251.
Ibidem, p. 276.
32
P. Michaud-Quantin, Guy d’Évreux O.P. technicien du sermonnaire.
33
L. Pellegrini, I predicatori e i loro manoscritti, p. 126.
34
“Opus sermonum semper teneas et habeas tecum familiarem et ductilem, ut sis promcior omni
tempore ad predicandum” (M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 16). “Tingues sempre a l’abast un llibre de sermons que coneguis bé, de manera que en qualsevol moment
estiguis preparat per predicar un sermó” (F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, p. 26).
35
F. Eiximenis, Lo Crestià, ed. A. Hauf, p. 40.
31
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Aquest índex temàtic al final no es va arribar a fer. La magnitud del projecte,
i la feinada que li devia suposar, ho van impedir, com reconeix el mateix Eiximenis al
final del preàmbul del Dotzè, l’última obra que es va escriure del projecte del Crestià,
en recomanar al Duc de Gandia, el mecenes de l’obra, que:
S’ic faça fer una altra taula que de punt en punt contena e declar tot ço
que cascun capítol posa largament, car yo, senyor, no le y puch fer de
present, tant estic las e hujat36.
El recull de sermons d’Eiximenis, tot i ser una obra ambiciosa, no era,
però, una summa de les dimensions del Crestià, de manera que la confecció d’una
taula temàtica devia ser, a més d’utilíssima, més fàcil de preparar. El recull contenia,
a més, un altre element preciós: tota una sèrie de línies i marques mnemotècniques
dissenyades i dibuixades per ell mateix per, per una banda, fer fàcils de memoritzar
els sermons compilats i, per l’altra, donar als lectors de l’obra exemples pràctics
d’ús de les regles de la memòria artificial que s’acabaven de presentar en l’art de
predicació. En aquest sentit, la summa d’Eiximenis oferia al lector, a més d’una
ars predicandi, una sèrie de sermons no només prêt-à-porter, sinó també prêt-àremémorer.
La preparació d’una col·lecció de sermons encapçalada per una art de predicació i acompanyada de taules de distincions i temàtiques per facilitar-ne l’ús,
i, a més, de signes i de marques mnemotècniques per poder recordar els sermons,
demanava temps. La redacció de la Summa Guidonis va suposar, segons P. MichaudQuantin, tres anys de feina, els que van del 1290 al 129337. No crec que Eiximenis
anés gaire més ràpid que Guy d’Evreux per preparar la seva summa i, per descomptat,
no crec que pogués combinar la redacció d’aquest treball amb l’inici de la redacció del
Crestià, tot i que segur que hi devia haver molts de punts en comú entre el contingut
dels sermons i el del Primer, el Segon, el Terç i el Dotzè. Ras i curt, em sembla que
l’Ars predicandi i els sermons d’Eiximenis es devien escriure abans de començar el
projecte del Crestià.
De fet hi ha unes línies de l’Ars predicandi que permeten de suposar que
tant l’art com els sermons que la completaven es devien escriure abans del 20 de setembre del 1378, el dia en què es va escollir a Fondi, en el regne de Nàpols, Climent
VII com a papa d’una part de l’Església i va començar el que coneixem com a Cisma
d’Occident. Es tracta d’un fragment de la secció dedicada a la memòria artificial,
de què tant s’ha parlat al llarg d’aquest article, i, més en concret, del primer punt de
l’apartat on es presenten nou mètodes per recordar sèries ordenades de fets. En aquest
passatge Eiximenis recomana agafar com a punt de referència per reforçar la fragilitat
de la memòria humana imatges familiars on es puguin fixar els elements essencials
del discurs a recordar. Com que els lectors ideals de l’Ars són predicadors, Eiximenis
posa com a exemples d’imatges de la memòria objectes i llocs propis de l’univers
mental d’un predicador: mapes d’Europa i de l’univers, grans esglésies, llibres o el
cos humà. El primer ítem de la sèrie està dedicat a presentar el profit que es pot treure,
com a imatge de la memòria, d’un mapa on s’enllacen, a través de diverses ciutats,
els dos principals centres de pelegrinatge de l’Europa medieval: Roma i sant Jaume
de Compostel·la.
36
37
F. Eiximenis, Dotzè llibre del Crestià. Primera part, ed. X. Renedo et al., p. L, vol. I-I.
P. Michaud-Quantin, Guy d’Évreux O.P., p. 214.
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Et cogitabo quinto ordinem dare ciuitatibus in suis sitibus ut sunt iste:
Roma, Florencia, Ianua, Avinio, Barchinona, Cesar Augusta, Toletum
et Sanctus Iacobus sub una linea recta. Ponatur, igitur, quod habeam
memorari octo materias, uidelicet loqui de clericis, de peccunia, de
mercatoribus, de ponte magno, de burgensibus, de oleo, de militibus
et de apostolis. Ponam igitur primo Rome materiam de clericis, Roma
enim est ciuitas clericale et caput spirituale eorum et generale tocius
mundi. Secundo in Florencia ponam peccuniam illam per imaginacionem, de qua debeo loqui, quia Florencia est locus famosus peccuniarum. Tercio ponam Ianue materiam mercatorum, quia ibi habitant
multi mercatores. Quarto, ponam in Avenione materiam magni pontis,
quia de facto ibi est pons famosior qui sit in christianitate. Quinto ponam Barchinone burgenses, quia ibi habent burgenses magna hospicia,
et magna munia ut recte uideantur magni. Sexto, ponam Cessarauguste
oleum, quia ibi fit multum. Septimo ponam Toleti materiam militum,
quia ibi habitant multi milites. Octauo et ultimo ponam in Sancto Iacobo materiam apostolorum, quia est locus ut ex corpore et ex nomine
sancti Iacobi qui ducit nos in memoriam apostolorum. Et tunc in thema
currente recte per istam lineam imaginariam recordabitur de materiis
ibi positis, nedum recordando eas recte incipiendo a Roma, imo e contrario incipiendo a Sancto Iacobo et prosequendo usque ad Romam
ordine retrogrado38.
Kimberley Rivers, autora d’un excel·lent treball sobre el tractat de la memòria artificial inclòs dins l’Ars predicandi, ha vist en l’al·lusió al pont de sant Beneset
una referència gairebé subliminal al papa que residia a Avinyó a través d’un joc de
paraules entre pont (pons) i pontifex39. No ho acabo de veure clar, però, sigui com
sigui, em sembla fora de dubte que un joc de paraules com aquest té més sentit abans
del Cisma d’Occident que no pas en ple conflicte. I, sobretot, em sembla que ni tan
sols com a imatge de la memòria és concebible un camí que uneixi Roma i Santiago a
través d’Avinyó després de l’esclat d’un Cisma que va generar una crisi tan profunda
en el si de l’Església. Com ha assenyalat Gian Luca Potestà:
38
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 327. “I en cinquè lloc es pot
donar a aquesta sèrie de ciutats l’ordre següent: Roma, Florència, Gènova, Avinyó, Barcelona, Saragossa, Toledo i Santiago de Compostel·la, totes elles unides per una línia recta. Posem per cas que
calgués parlar de vuit matèries diferents i que, per tant, calgués recordar que s’ha de parlar de clergues, de diners, de mercaders, d’un gran pont, de burgesos, d’oli, de soldats i d’apòstols. En primer
lloc, es podria posar a Roma la imatge que recordés l’apartat del discurs dedicat als clergues, ja que
Roma és una ciutat plena de clergues pel fet de ser la seva capital espiritual i la capital de tot el món.
En segon lloc, la imatge que ens recordés que cal parlar de diners es podria col·locar a Florència, ja
que és fama que es tracta d’una ciutat molt i molt rica. Gènova seria la ciutat on es podria instal·lar la
part del discurs dedicada als mercaders, ja que n’és plena. En quart lloc, la matèria relacionada amb
un gran pont es podria situar a Avinyó, ja que allà hi ha el pont més famós del món cristià. En cinquè
lloc caldria situar a Barcelona la imatge relacionada amb els burgesos, ja que els burgesos hi han
construït grans edificis i grans muralles perquè puguin ser considerats poderosos. En sisè lloc, l’oli
es podria situar a Saragossa, perquè allà se’n fa molt. En setè lloc a Toledo es podria posar la imatge
que evoqués els cavallers, perquè n’hi viuen molts. I, finalment, a Santiago caldria destinar-hi la part
dedicada als apòstols, ja que, pel seu mateix nom i pel fet que s’hi conserva el cos del sant, permet
d’evocar amb gran facilitat la memòria dels apòstols. I, per tant, recorrent en línia recta aquest itinerari imaginari es poden recordar totes les matèries que hi han estat col·locades, tant si les recordem
començant per Roma com si ho fem a l’inrevés i anem de Santiago de Compostel·la fins a Roma”,
F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, pp. 45-46.
39
K. Rivers, Memory and Medieval Preaching, p. 276.
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Per la prima volta si scontravano non due papi con due curie, ma due
intere organizzazioni ecclesiastiche, ciascuna delle quali scomunicava
l’altra come eretica40.
Tant se val si creiem, com és el meu cas, que Eiximenis va ser, almenys de
bon començament, urbanista i com a tal va escriure, en defensa del papa de Roma, el
De triplici statu mundi, com si creiem que va ser ja des del primer moment clementista i, per tant, partidari de l’obediència avinyonesa, perquè tant des d’un bàndol com
des de l’altre els ponts entre Roma i Avinyó s’havien trencat per sempre més aprés la
present tribulació ecclesiàsticha, com anomena Eiximenis el Cisma d’Occident en el
capítol 215 del Primer del Crestià. Dit d’una altra manera, em sembla que, si Eiximenis hagués escrit l’Ars predicandi en ple Cisma, o bé hagués triat un itinerari diferent,
o bé l’impacte d’un esdeveniment d’aquesta magnitud s’hi hagués fet notar i s’hi
hagués posat més en relleu cap a quina banda es decantava Eiximenis. Per aquesta raó
i, sobretot, per la dificultat que devia representar la redacció simultània de dues obres
de la magnitud del Crestià i de la col·lecció de sermons que l’Ars encapçalava, crec
que el més lògic és situar la redacció tant del tractat com dels sermons abans del 20
de setembre del 1378.
3. UNS CONSELLS CIRCA PREDICACIONEM QUE NO SÓN D’EIXIMENIS
L’edició de l’Ars predicandi preparada pel pare Martí de Barcelona es tanca
amb un capítol titulat De consiliis circa predicacionem que crec que en realitat no és
obra d’Eiximenis i que, per tant, no s’hi hauria d’incloure. De fet això és el que vaig
fer en la meva traducció de l’any 2009, però no vaig poder justificar la meva decisió
per no allargar massa el pròleg. Ho faig ara aprofitant l’avinentesa que em brinda el
present monogràfic dedicat a la predicació.
Hi ha tres raons –una de material, la segona, formal i la tercera, de caràcter
codicològic– que em sembla que donen suport a aquesta proposta. La raó material és
que gairebé tot el contingut d’aquest capítol és una mera repetició d’idees que ja s’havien desenvolupat en les seccions anteriors. Com que les repeticions són molt clares
em limitaré a editar en paral·lel els passatges amb els punts en comú, sense afegir-hi
gaires comentaris per no cansar el lector. Un dels consells repetits és un autèntic lloc
comú de les arts de predicació: la necessitat que la vida del predicador sigui modèlica
per evitar de caure en l’escàndol. En els De consiliis circa predicacionem aquesta
norma es formula en els termes següents:
A1) Quintum consilium, quod tenetur predicator fulcire suam predicacionem ut bene uiuat et non destruat suo infelici uiuere illud quod predicat
aliis, quia tunc, secundum Apostolum, se suo ore condempnat et efficitur
reprobus apud Deum, et apud homines audientes contemptibilis. Cui dicit
Apostolus: Medice primo cura te ipsum. Secundo tenetur fulcire suam
predicacionem bonis exemplis et sic cauere ab omni scandalo, ne predicacio contempnatur41.
40
G.L. Potestà, Storia del cristianesimo, p. 273.
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 340. “El cinquè consell és que el
predicador ha de donar suport als seus sermons vivint de forma honesta, perquè amb el seu mal viure
no llevi el crèdit a allò que predica als altres, perquè aleshores, segons l’apòstol, es guanya la pena
eterna amb les seves paraules i es condemna davant de Déu i dels homes. A aquest l’apòstol li diu:
‘Metge, cura’t primer a tu mateix’. En segon lloc, el predicador ha d’enaltir les seves paraules amb
41
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Al principi de l’Art de predicació Eiximenis ja havia dit el mateix, però amb
molta més contundència i indignació en la seva crítica als predicadors poc exemplars,
com es pot veure en la referència a la maledicció de Francesc d’Assís contra els frares
del seu orde que fossin d’aquesta mena.
A2) Vident tamen seculares multos predicatores sic scandalosos, sic male
edificantes eos in uerbis et factis, quod mirum est, et specialiter gracia
Dei in hoc mirabiliter operatur, quia seculares non lapidant eos tanquam
capitaliter puniendos. Isti sunt a Deo maledicti; et hiis specialiter malediccionem eternam imprecatus est sanctus Franciscus si sint de suo statu,
tanquam illi qui pondus Christi doctrine quantum in se est reddunt contemptibile toto mundo (…). Hiis dicit Apostolus: Medice, cura te ipsum42.
Un altre consell que es troba en tots dos textos, i en molts d’altres tractats
sobre la predicació, és la recomanació que el predicador tingui cura de la seva imatge
i eviti tant com sigui possible el contacte amb el seu auditori.
B1) Tercium consilius huius est hoc: Prout predicacio sit reverencior
populo Dei, caueat predicator ab omni malo exemplo, et ne sit multum
familiaris eis quibus predicat quia nimia familiaritas parit contemptum43.
Eiximenis ja havia formulat aquest mateix principi com a mínim dues vegades en el cos de la seva art, i en tots dos casos també havia coronat les seves paraules
amb la cita, o una al·lusió directa, al divulgadíssim proverbi medieval: Omnia familiaritas parit (o gignit) contemptum.
B2) Requiritur eciam principaliter quod talis sit caritativus (…) et exemplare gestibus, uestibus, uerbis et operibus sanctis et consiliis sanis.
Et propter hoc expedit quod talis nulli sit multum familiaris, quia omnis
familiaritas parit contemptum, secundum quod experiencia docet44.
B3) Predicator enim diuinus debet apparere quasi homo alterius seculi,
qui tam facto quam uerbo omnes nitatur trahere ad salutem; propter quod
expedit ne predicator immediate ante sermonem aut post sermonem loquatur cum aliquibus qui audituri sunt sermonem, sed moram interponam
bons exemples i ha d’allunyar-se de qualsevol possibilitat d’escàndol per evitar que els seus sermons
siguin menyspreats” (traducció meva).
42
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 307-308. “El poble, tanmateix,
es veu obligat a sentir molts predicadors escandalosos, tan poc exemplars en les seves paraules i els
seus fets que és sorprenent que les masses no els apedreguin com si els estiguessin sotmetent a la
pena de mort. Si això no passa és, sens dubte, en virtut de la gràcia de Déu, que aquí actua miraculosament. Aquests predicadors no únicament són maleïts per Déu, sinó que sant Francesc també va
demanar en especial la pena eterna contra els predicadors d’aquesta mena que fossin del seu orde,
perquè fan menyspreable als ulls del món la dignitat de la doctrina de Crist (…) A aquests l’Apòstol
els va dir: ‘Metge, cura’t a tu mateix’”, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, p. 10.
43
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 340. “El tercer consell és el
següent: per tal que el sermó sigui rebut amb més reverència pel poble de Déu, el predicador ha
d’evitar de donar mal exemple i no ha de tenir gaire contacte amb el seu auditori, perquè l’excés de
familiaritat genera menyspreu” (traducció meva).
44
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 307. “També convé que el predicador sigui caritatiu (…) i que sigui exemplar en els seus gestos, vestits, paraules, i en les seves
bones obres i els seus bons consells. I per això és molt convenient que no tingui massa familiaritat
amb ningú, ja que, segons que l’experiència ensenya, massa familiaritat engendra menyspreu”,
F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, p. 9.
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magnam et notabilem, ut uerba sua non audiantur uix nisi in predicatorio.
Contempnuntur enim uerba sacri eloquii prolata per os multum familiare
propter causas supradictas45.
Després d’haver-ho repetit dues vegades –la primera parlant del predicador
com a causa eficient de la predicació, i la segona, del seu fervor com un dels elements
essencials de la causa formal de la predicació– em sembla que no calia tornar-hi a
insistir per tercer cop. El mateix es pot dir d’un altre tema també molt tractat en les
arts de predicació: la conveniència de controlar tant els gestos com el llenguatge al
llarg de tot el sermó. L’anònim autor del De consiliis circa predicacionem va desenvolupar aquest tema de la forma següent:
C1) Quartum consilium, quod predicator habeat in predicando gestus
compositos, discretos, prudentes et non leues et quod caueat ab omni
uerbo indiscreto, ne hac occasione predicacio contempnatur46.
Hi ha dos passatges de l’Art de predicació en què aquestes idees no només
ja s’havien formulat, sinó que s’havien desenvolupat de forma molt detallada, sobretot, en el segon, que es tanca, de manera molt franciscana, amb una remissió a la Regla
butllada (9,4).
C2) Quarto debet predicator Christi loqui deuote, ut uideatur homo spiritualis in uerbis et gestibus, et non secularis; et proferre uerba non inania
nec risu digna, sed gracia Spiritus Sancti plena47.
C3) Verba que habes predicare sint casta et non turpia, uera et non falsa uel
uana, non temeraria, nec personam in singulari notancia, nec simulata, nec
duplicia, nec pro toto mundo adulatoria, nec ad desperacionem inducencia48.
El consell de pregar Déu abans i després del sermó per demanar, al principi,
la seva protecció al llarg de la prèdica i, al final, per donar-li les gràcies i demanar-li
que protegeixi els fidels que han escoltat el sermó, es repeteix tant en en l’art d’Eiximenis com en els anònims consells circa predicacionem, on es presenta en la formulació següent.
45
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 312-313. “El predicador de la
paraula de Déu s’ha de comportar com un home gairebé d’un altre món, que tant amb les paraules com
amb els fets s’esforça a conduir tothom cap a la salvació. Per això és molt convenient que, tant abans
com immediatament després del sermó, no parli amb ningú dels qui han vingut a escoltar-lo i que, per
tant, deixi passar una bona estona per tal que les seves paraules amb prou feines puguin ser sentides
si no és en el sermó. Per les raons abans esmentades les paraules dels sermons pronunciades per una
boca massa familiar solen ser menyspreades”, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, p. 19.
46
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 340. “El quart consell és que en
el sermó els gestos del predicador han de ser moderats, discrets, prudents i meditats. El predicador, a
més, ha de procurar d’evitar les paraules poc discretes per evitar que per aquesta raó les seves paraules siguin menyspreades”, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, p. 19.
47
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 312. “En quart lloc, el predicador de Crist ha de predicar devotament per mostrar-se no pas com un home mundà, sinó com un
home espiritual en els gestos i en les paraules, capaç de pronunciar sermons ni inútils ni dignes de fer
riure, sinó plens de la gràcia de l’Esperit Sant”, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, p. 19.
48
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 316. “És molt convenient que
les paraules que facis servir siguin castes i no deshonestes; veritables, no pas falses ni vanes; discretes, sense que mai no arribin a atacar ningú en concret; ni simulades ni falses; ni adulatòries
amb tothom ni capaces de provocar desesperació ni de fer néixer el desig d’actuar perversament”,
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D1) Quarto oracione; unde predicator antequam predicet debet in speciali
orare, ut Deus eum preseruet ab omni errore et eum faciat loqui ad gloriam suam, et ad meritum ipsius uiri predicantis et ad utilitatem populi sui.
Post predicacionem debet pro eisdem orare et facere gracias omnipotenti
Deo qui direxit eum in predicando et ad officium illud uocauit49.
Eiximenis diu ben bé el mateix a l’Ars predicandi populo, però hi afegeix el
detall que, abans de començar el sermó, la pregària també es pot dirigir a la Mare de
Déu, a l’àngel de la guarda o a un sant o una santa per qui es tingui especial devoció50.
I, en relació amb la pregària final, hi afegeix dos detalls més: també s’ha de demanar
a Déu que el sermó faci fruit en els oients, i que allunyi el predicador d’ensuperbir-se
en el seu èxit.
D2) Antequam predices ora humiliter ad Patrem ut per Uerbum Incarnatum
dignetur tuum preseruare sermonem ab omni errore, et eum faciat ad suam
gloriam cadere in terram bonam ut det sibi fructum gratum. Potes eciam
recurrere ad beatam Virginem confidenter, et ad sanctum angelum custodem
et ad aliquem sanctum uel sanctam tibi specialem (…). Semper post sermonem non te iungas aliis statim, sed ad orandum uadas, gracias agendo Deo,
qui fecit tibi graciam exequendi opus tante excellencie. Roges ut ad sui honorem transeat et fructificet auditoribus, et omnis uanagloria a te abscedat51.
Aquest passatge forma part del capítol segon de l’Ars, dedicat a la presentació del predicador com a causa eficient del sermó i, per tant, a definir les característiques i el comportament ideals del bon orador cristià. Més endavant, en
un apartat del tercer capítol, dedicat a la causa formal de la predicació, Eiximenis,
mentre s’ocupa de l’orde que ha de presidir la construcció dels sermons, presenta
una interessant variant de la defensa de la conveniència de pregar Déu abans de
començar a predicar.
D3) Septima regula, que magis est necessaria et antiquorum consilium
est ista: Quod uolens habere materiam prompte in omni facultate, homo
49
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 340. “En quart lloc amb
l’oració: per aquesta raó el predicador, abans del sermó, ha de pregar sobretot perquè Déu el preservi
de qualsevol error, i el faci parlar a glòria seva, en benefici del propi predicador i a la utilitat del
poble. Després del sermó el predicador ha de pregar pel seu auditori i donar gràcies a Déu, que el va
cridar i el va encaminar a l’ofici de la predicació” (traducció meva).
50
Eiximenis repeteix la mateixa idea en el capítol 678 del Terç del Crestià, dins del Tractat de
supèrbia: “E per tal que l’hom fos pus segur cant havia molt a parlar, deya que tostemps se devia a Déu
comanar, e senyar e suplicar al fill de Déu que·l guardàs de peccar e li faés fer fruyt a Ell plasent de la
sua lengua en aquell acte de què havia a parlar. Antigament, cant alscuns havien a preÿcar, invocaven
primerament lo Salvador et, aprés Jhesucrist, invocaven ab oració reverent ajuda dels grans preÿcadors
passats, axí com foren los sants apòstols, specialment sent Pau, e sent Anthoni de Pàdua, frare menor, o
qualque altre notable sant e famós en preÿcació, e trobaven per experiència gran ajuda de Nostre Senyor
en lur preÿcació” (ms. 91 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona, f. 297r).
51
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 316. “Abans de predicar prega
al Pare que mitjançant el seu Verb Encarnat es digni protegir el teu sermó de tot error i que el faci
caure en una terra bona perquè doni bons fruits. També pots recórrer devotament a la Mare de Déu,
al sant àngel custodi o a algun sant o santa que estimis especialment (…). Després del sermó mai no
t’ajuntis immediatament amb la multitud, perquè en primer lloc has d’anar a resar i a donar gràcies a
Déu per haver-te concedit la gràcia d’haver pogut dur a terme una feina tan excel·lent. Prega també a
Déu que el sermó que li has dedicat arribi a l’auditori i doni bons fruits i que aparti de tu qualsevol
ombra de vanitat”, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, pp. 25-26.
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debet recurrere primo ad oracionem, que, secundum Augustinum, reuelat
dubia melius quam studium52.
La variant és molt interessant perquè es troba en un apartat dedicat a ensenyar mètodes per generar idees per desenvolupar o, per fer servir el verb que solien
utilitzar els teòrics de la predicació a l’edat mitjana, “dilatar” el discurs. Dit d’una altra
manera, som en l’apartat dedicat a la inventio. I la primera manera, segons Eiximenis,
de trobar la inspiració per predicar era, com es recomanava en el De doctrina christiana (IV, 15 i 30) d’Agustí d’Hipona, i també a la tradició franciscana, la il·luminació
divina53. Eiximenis, per tant, aconsella als predicadors la pràctica de l’oració des de
dues perspectives ben diferents: una en què es defineix el perfil del predicador ideal,
que ha de ser devot, humil i prudent, i una altra relacionada amb la inventio. No calia
que, a més, tornés a repetir aquest consell al final de la seva Art de predicació.
En defensa de la pertinença de la secció De consiliis circa predicacionem a
l’art de predicació d’Eiximenis es podria dir que conté un resum final dels consells donats al llarg del tractat. No em sembla, però, que sigui un argument de pes, donat que,
com a hipotètic resum, no segueix, hi tan sols hi fa referència, l’estructura general de
l’Ars, basada en les quatre causes aristotèliques. A més, es tractaria d’un resum molt incomplet, perquè només recull alguns consells, n’afegeix de nous i s’oblida de recollir-hi
novetats tan importants com la secció dedicada a la memòria artificial. Em sembla, per
tant, que és més lògic pensar que aquesta secció és un afegit que no encaixa en l’estructura de l’Ars predicandi populo i que, per tant, no s’ha d’atribuir a la mà d’Eiximenis.
A més de les repeticions, hi ha també una raó formal que avala l’exclusió de la
secció titulada De consiliis circa predicacionem. De fet Eiximenis va marcar d’una manera molt clara les parts, i els límits, de l’Ars predicandi, que està dividida en dues seccions:
un pròleg i tres capítols. El pròleg acaba assenyalant de forma ben explícita el pas a la
segona part de l’Ars: Post prohemium, incipit tractatus huius artis, és a dir “acabat el proemi, comença el tractat”54. I, un cop acabada l’art, és a dir un cop explicats en tres capítols
els sistemes d’estructuració, dilatació i memorització del sermó, a més del perfil ideal del
bon predicador, es fixa d’una manera que no pot ser més diàfana, el final de l’Ars predicandi populo, i el pas a una nova part del tractat: la col·lecció de sermons, que, de fet, continua
formant part de l’obra com a causa material de la predicació55. Eiximenis marca amb molta
precisió la frontera entre l’art i els sermons: Et sic premissis transeo ad tractatum56.
52
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 324. “La setena regla, que és
pràcticament indispensable i, a més, és un bon consell dels mestres antics és aquesta: si es volen obtenir de seguida i amb la màxima abundància totes les peces per construir un sermó, el predicador ha
de recórrer, en primer lloc, a l’oració, que, segons sant Agustí, resol els dubtes millor que l’estudi”,
53
En els sermons del franciscà Bernardí de Siena es pot llegir una idea molt semblant: “E anco
dichiarando meglio le buone opare che si fanno per lo nostro dire, o per lo nostro operare, come da
noi non vengono ma pure da Dio: Non enim vos estis qui loquimini, sed spiritus Patris vestri qui
loquitur in vobis. E questo è detto più per noi predicatori, che per altre persone, quando noi predichiamo il Vangelio con verità. ‘Voi non sete voi che favellate, ma è lo spirito di Dio che favella in voi’”,
Bernardino da Siena, Prediche volgari, ed. Delcorno, p. 485.
54
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 304.
55
Segons l’Ars predicandi d’Eiximenis la causa final de la predicació és, en primer lloc, la glòria de
Déu, i després la salvació del poble i del propi predicador; la causa eficient és el predicador; la causa formal, el conjunt de regles retòriques i mnemotècniques per dilatar, ordenar i recordar el sermó, i la causa
material són els propis sermons, i, en el cas de l’art eiximenisiana, els sermons recollits pel menoret
gironí (sobre aquesta qüestió cf. F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, ed. X. Renedo, pp. XXVII-XXVIII).
56
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 39.
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XAVIER RENEDO PUIG
I, explicades totes aquestes qüestions, començo el tractat. Les qüestions
que s’acaben d’explicar són, sobretot, les regles que han de regir, per una banda, la
conducta i l’actuació del predicador i, per l’altra, la construcció i la memorització
del sermó. Tot seguit, en l’ordre fixat per Eiximenis, ja no hi havia lloc per encabirhi un enfilall de consells que en bona mesura són un mer resum d’alguns dels punts
ja tractats. El que venia a continuació només podia ser el tractat sensu stricto, és a
dir una col·lecció de sermons compostos i escrits segons les pautes que s’acabaven
d’exposar.
Hi ha, per últim, una raó codicològica en contra de l’atribució a Eiximenis
del capítol De consiliis circa predicacionem. Aquesta secció només apareix en el manuscrit de la Biblioteca Vaticana (Ottob. lat. 396), que, com es pot veure en l’acuradíssima descripció que acaba de publicar-ne Jaume de Puig, és un manuscrit miscel·lani
i factici, de procedència catalano-mallorquina, escrit per diverses mans entre finals
del segle XIV i la primera meitat del segle XVI57. La majoria de les obres que conté
tenen a veure amb l’univers de la predicació: a més d’un sermó anònim en català
dedicat a la Mare de Déu, hi ha quatre –o cinc si hi afegim el minitractat que de fet
són els De consiliis circa predicacionem– arts de predicació: l’anònima Ars brevis ad
faciendum sermones secundum formam sillogisticam, l’Ars predicandi d’Eiximenis,
l’Ars abbreviata predicationis de Ramon Llull, i l’anònim Compendiosus tractatus de
arte predicandi. Al principi del volum hi ha el Tractatus de quatuor sensibus Sacrae
Scripturae del carmelità empordanès Felip de Ribot, que de fet també es pot interpretar com una obra relacionada amb la predicació, donat que subministra regles per a la
interpretació dels quatre sentits de les Escriptures58. Només hi ha un text que trenqui
la tendència general de tot el volum: el De ente simpliciter et absoluto, un tractat teològic sobre la noció de formalitat aplicada a Déu. Com que es tracta d’una obra de
Ramon Llull, es devia afegir al volum perquè ja hi havia una altra obra lul·liana: l’Ars
abbreviata predicationis.
Les còpies de l’Ars predicandi eiximenisiana i de l’Ars abbreviata lulliana són totes dues de la mateixa mà, de lletra, segons J. de Puig, humanística
tardana amb influències de la gòtica cursiva i de la bastarda59. El copista que va
copiar aquestes dues obres no es devia adonar, potser perquè ja s’havia comès
aquest mateix error en el seu antígraf, que els De consiliis circa predicacionem en
realitat no formaven part de l’Ars d’Eiximenis i va copiar tots dos textos com si
formessin una unitat. Aquest deu ser, em sembla, l’origen de l’error que ha arribat
fins als nostres dies. No he pogut descobrir, però, l’origen d’aquests consells.
L’únic detall que he pogut aclarir respecte a la identitat del seu autor és que crec
que no devia ser ni franciscà ni membre de cap orde mendicant. Si ho hagués estat
em sembla que no hauria inserit en el segon dels consells d’aquesta secció, dedicat
a demostrar que els joves no han de dedicar-se al ministeri de la predicació abans
d’haver fet trenta anys, l’observació que per predicar s’ha de ser, com a mínim,
sacerdot o diaca.
Secundum consilium, quod nullus iuuenis predicet eo quod sic exponitur predicacio scandalo et diuisioni, attendens quod Christus ad
hoc suo exemplo nos instruxit, qui plenus semper sapiencia et gracia potuit altissime predicare; tamen ad exemplum nostrum noluit
hoc facere donec tricesimum annum impleuit. Super xlia distinccione
57
58
59
J. de Puig et al., Catàleg dels manuscrits, pp. 638-45.
J. de Puig, “El Tractatus de quatuor sensibus Sacrae Scripturae”.
J. de Puig et al., Catàleg dels manuscrits, p. 642.
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269
habemus quod nullus predicare presumat nisi sacerdos uel diaconus60.
Em sembla que d’aquest passatge es desprèn que l’autor dels De consiliis
circa predicacionem no devia ser ni Eiximenis, ni un frare mendicant, sinó un membre
del clergat secular.
4. CONCLUSIÓ
Ras i curt, crec que no hi ha raons per dubtar de l’atribució de l’Ars predicandi a Eiximenis. Ho avalen tant les remissions implícites o explícites al tractat de la
memòria artificial de l’Ars que es fan des del Terç o el Dotzè, com la presència d’un
volum de sermons autògrafs d’Eiximenis que començava amb l’Ars en diversos documents relacionats amb els llibres de la seva biblioteca poc després de la seva mort.
També em sembla que l’Ars predicandi i els volums de sermons que l’acompanyaven
devien ser escrits abans de l’estiu del 1378 i que, per tant, els sermons i l’art de predicació són una de les primeres obres d’Eiximenis, escrites abans de l’inici del gran
projecte del Crestià. Costa d’imaginar que Eiximenis pogués compaginar la redacció
simultània de dues obres tan ambicioses com Lo Crestià i una col·lecció de tres o
quatre volums de sermons encapçalats per l’Ars. També crec que el capítol titulat De
consiliis circa predicacionem, només transmès pel manuscrit de la Biblioteca Vaticana, no és de la mà d’Eiximenis i que, per tant, no s’hauria d’editar com a part de l’Ars
predicandi populo.
5. BIBLIOGRAFIA CITADA
Barcelona, Martí de (O.M. Cap), Nous manuscrits de fra Francesc Eiximenis, “Estudis Franciscans” XL (1925), pp. 449-452.
Barcelona, Martí de (O.M. Cap), Fra Francesc Eiximenis, O.M. (1340?-1409?). La
seva vida. Els seus escrits. La seva personalitat literària, en Badia, Lola;
Renedo, Xavier (eds.), Studia Bibliographica, Girona, Col·legi Universitari
de Girona - Diputació de Girona, 1991, pp. 185-239 (reimpressió d’un treball publicat a “Estudis Franciscans” XL (1928), pp. 437-500).
Barcelona, Martí de (O.M. Cap), L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, “Estudis
Universitaris Catalans” 21 (1936), pp. 3-40 (=Homenatge a Antoni Rubió
i Lluch. Miscel·lània d’estudis literaris, històrics i lingüístics. Volum III,
Barcelona, 1936).
Bernardino da Siena, Prediche volgari sul Campo di Siena 1427, Carlo Delcorno
(ed.), Milà, Rusconi, 1989.
Carruthers, Mary, The Book of Memory in Medieval Culture, Cambridge, Cambridge
60
M. de Barcelona, L’Ars praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 339. “El segon consell és que
cap jove no prediqui per no exposar els seus sermons al risc de l’escàndol i de les divisions. Cal tenir
en compte que Crist ens va instruir en aquesta direcció amb el seu exemple, perquè, sempre ple de
saviesa i de gràcia, podria haver predicat paraules altíssimes, però no va voler dedicar-s’hi per donarnos exemple fins haver fet els trenta anys. A la distinció quaranta-una se’ns recorda que ningú no es
pot dedicar a la predicació si no és, com a mínim, sacerdot o diaca” (traducció meva).
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XAVIER RENEDO PUIG
Eiximenis, Francesc, Llibres, mestres i sermons. Antologia de textos, David Guixeras, Xavier Renedo (eds.), Barcelona, Barcino, 2005 (Biblioteca Barcino,
2).
Eiximenis, Francesc, Lo Crestià (selecció), Albert Hauf (ed.), Barcelona, Edicions 62
- La Caixa, 1983 (Millors obres de la literatura catalana, 98).
Eiximenis, Francesc, Dotzè llibre del Crestià, Curt Wittlin, Arseni Pacheco, Jill Webster, Josep Maria Pujol, Josefina Fíguls, Bernat Joan, Andreu Solé, Teresa
Romaguera, Xavier Renedo (eds.), vol. II-I, Girona, Col·legi Universitari
de Girona - Diputació de Girona, 1987.
Eiximenis, Francesc, Dotzè llibre del Crestià, Xavier Renedo (ed.); Sadurní Martí (coord.), vol. I-I, Girona, Universitat de Girona - Diputació de Girona, 2005.
Eiximenis, Francesc, Art de predicació al poble, Xavier Renedo (ed.), Vic, Eumo
Editorial, 2009 (Textos Pedagògics, 47).
Grahit, Emili, Memorias sobre la vida y obras del escriptor geroní Francesch Eiximenes, en Badia, Lola; Renedo, Xavier (eds.), Studia Bibliographica, Girona, Col·legi Universitari de Girona - Diputació de Girona, 1991, pp. 1-40
(reimpressió d’un treball publicat a “La Renaxensa” 3 (1873), pp. 185-188,
195-199, 202-212, 234-236, 256-260 i 266-269).
Ivars, Andrés, O.F.M., El escritor Fr. Francisco Eximénez en Valencia (1383-1408).
Recopilación de los escritos publicados por el padre Andrés Ivars en la
revista Archivo Ibero Americano sobre Francesc Eiximenis y su obra escrita en Valencia, edició de Pedro Santonja, Benissa, Ajuntament de Benissa,
1989.
Massó i Torrents, Jaume, Les obres de Fra Francesc Eximeniç (1340?-1409?). Essaig
d’una bibliografia, en Badia, Lola; Renedo, Xavier (eds.), Studia Bibliographica, Girona, Col·legi Universitari de Girona - Diputació de Girona,
1991, pp. 185-239 (reimpressió d’un treball publicat a “Anuari de l’Institut
d’Estudis Catalans” 3 (1909-1910), pp. 588-692).
Michaud-Quantin, Pierre, Guy d’Évreux O.P. technicien du sermonnaire médiéval,
“Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum” 20 (1950), pp. 213-233.
Monfrin, Jacques, La Bibliothèque de Francesc Eiximenis (1409), en Badia, Lola;
Renedo, Xavier (eds.), Studia Bibliographica, Girona, Col·legi Universitari de Girona - Diputació de Girona, 1991, pp. 241-287 (reimpressió
d’un treball publicat a la “Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance” 29
(1967), pp. 447-498 i 287-306).
Pellegrini, Letizia, I predicatori e i loro manoscritti, en La predicazione dei frati dalla
metà del ‘200 alla fine del ‘300. Atti del XXII Convegno internazionale.
Assissi, 13-15 ottobre 1994, Spoleto, Centro di Studi sull’alto medioevo,
1995, pp. 113-139.
Perarnau, Josep, Un fragment del Liber sermonum de Francesc Eiximenis, “Arxiu de
Textos Catalans Antics” 10 (1991), pp. 284-292.
Potestà, Gian Luca; Vian, Giovanni, Storia del cristianesimo, Bolonya, Il Mulino,
2010.
Puig, Jaume de, El “Tractatus de quatuor sensibus Sacrae Scripturae” de Felip Ribot, O.S.C. Edició i estudi, “Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics” 16 (1997),
pp. 229-389.
Puig, Jaume de; Perarnau, Josep; Avenoza, Gemma; Soriano, Lourdes; Clausell, Carme; Gispert-Saüch, Pilar; Guixeras, David; Izquierdo, Eva; Martí, Sadurní;
Renedo, Xavier; Rojas, Raquel, Catàleg dels manuscrits de les obres de
Francesc Eiximenis, OFM, conservats en biblioteques públiques. Volum I:
Descripció dels manuscrits, Barcelona, Institut d’Estudis Catalans - Facultat de Teologia de Catalunya, 2012.
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Renedo, Xavier, Una imatge de la memòria entre les Moralitates de Robert Holcot i
el Dotzè de Francesc Eiximenis, “Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Gironins”
31 (1990-1991), pp. 53-61 (=Actes de les Jornades d’homenatge a Dolors
Condom).
Renedo, Xavier, Notes sobre la datació del Primer, el Segon i el Terç del Crestià,
en Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes, Barcelona, Publicacions de
l’Abadia de Montserrat, en premsa (=Homenatge a Albert G. Hauf).
Rivers, Kimberley, Memory and Medieval Preaching: Mnemonic Advice in the Ars
praedicandi of Francesc Eiximenis (ca. 1327-1409), “Viator” 30 (1999),
pp. 253-284.
Wittlin, Curt, Referències internes en les obres de Francesc Eiximenis: indicis de
quins llibres, sobres quins temes tenia plantejat escriure, Narpan. Espai de
literatura i cultura medieval http://www.narpan.net/bibliotecadigital/articles/cat_view/85-wittlin-curt.html [consulta: 03/05/2012].
Yates, Frances, The Art of Memory, Londres, Routledge, 1966.
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 273-300
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
LA CETRERÍA EN LOS EJEMPLOS, SÍMILES Y METÁFORAS
DE SAN VICENTE FERRER1
FALCONRY IN THE EXAMPLES, SIMILES AND METAPHORS
OF SAINT VINCENT FERRER
CARMEL FERRAGUD
Universidad Miguel Hernández, Elche
RICARDO M. OLMOS DE LEÓN
Educación Permanente de Adultos, Requena
Resumen: Vicente Ferrer utilizó en sus sermones numerosos y variados recursos para
poder hacer inteligible su mensaje a su nutrido auditorio. Uno de estos recursos fueron
las actividades venatorias y, especialmente,
la modalidad de caza con aves de presa.
Por un lado, esta actividad le proporcionó
elementos adecuados para construir las analogías que facilitarían la comprensión de la
palabra de Dios. Sin embargo, por otro lado,
parece que otras razones podrían explicar
esta preferencia del predicador, más relacionadas con su propia experiencia y con la
realidad de la sociedad a la que se dirigía.
Y es que, además de las fuentes textuales,
a menudo el padre Vicente recurrió a sus
vivencias y, más aún, a aquellos aspectos
de la vida cotidiana de su auditorio. A partir
de las referencias que encontramos en los
sermones de san Vicente podemos deducir
que el predicador debía conocer de primera
mano los diferentes aspectos relacionados
con la cetrería, por lo que no debía resultarle
difícil recurrir a algo familiar para construir
las analogías que permitirían a su auditorio comprender los conceptos teológicos y
conseguir la transformación de sus vidas,
de acuerdo con la moral que el predicador
pretendía implantar.
Abstract: Vincent Ferrer used in his sermons many and varied resources to make
your message intelligible to its many listeners. One such resource was hunting activities and especially the form of hunting
with birds. On the one hand, this activity was provided appropriate elements to
construct analogies that facilitate the understanding of the word of God. However,
on the other hand, it seems that perhaps
other reasons may explain this preference
of the speaker, more related to their own
experience and the reality of the society
to which he was going. And, in addition
to the textual sources, father Vincent often
drew on his own experience and, indeed,
to those aspects of the daily lives of his
audience. From the references we find in
the sermons of saint Vincent we can deduce that the preacher should know first
hand the various aspects of falconry, so it
should not be hard to use something familiar to construct analogies that enable
their audience understand the complex
theological concepts and achieve the
transformation of their lives, according
to the moral that the preacher sought to
implement.
1
Este artículo se enmarca en el proyecto de investigación financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia
e Innovación “Corpus digital de la ciencia medieval en la Corona de Aragón y su contexto latino y
románico: obras vernáculas, Arnau de Vilanova y Vicent Ferrer” (FFI2011-29117-C02, 2012-2014);
y en el grupo de investigación consolidado por la Generalitat de Catalunya 2009 SGR 1452 “La
Corona catalanoaragonesa, l’Islam i el món mediterrani”. También forma parte de la investigación en
curso, sobre la medicina de las aves de presa durante la Baja Edad Media a través de los tratados de
cetrería castellanos, que dará lugar a la tesis doctoral de Ricardo Olmos.
274
CARMEL FERRAGUD; RICARDO M. OLMOS DE LEÓN
Palabras clave: cetrería; sermones; predicación; exempla; Vicente Ferrer.
Keywords: falconry; sermons; preaching;
exempla; Vincent Ferrer.
SUMARIO
1. Introducción.– 2. Las fuentes en la construcción de los sermones vicentinos.– 3. La cetrería
en la sociedad bajomedieval.– 3.1. Una actividad muy presente en toda la sociedad.– 3.2. La
cetrería y la iglesia.– 3.3. La simbología asociada al ave de caza y al cazador.– 4. La cetrería en
los sermones vicentinos.– 5. Conclusiones.– 6. Bibliografía citada.
1. INTRODUCCIÓN
La figura del dominico valenciano Vicente Ferrer resulta sorprendente por
la gran cantidad de trabajos que se han dedicado a su estudio. Su propia personalidad
y la gran influencia social y política que tuvo sobre gobernantes de ciudades, papas
y monarcas, además de su controvertido papel en torno a acontecimientos cruciales
de la historia de la Corona de Aragón y de Europa Occidental, han hecho verter ríos
de tinta2.
Si su biografía y todo lo que aconteció en torno a su culto y devoción a
partir de su muerte y posterior santificación resultan extraordinariamente sugerentes3,
la profundidad de su obra y de los sermones que nos han llegado reportados, o bien
los sermonarios esquematizados en los que se inspiraban, hoy prácticamente editados
en su conjunto, constituyen una fuente inagotable para estudios multidisciplinares
(literatura, filología, historia).
Continuamente aparecen nuevos enfoques, perspectivas y aportaciones,
que ponen en evidencia la extremada riqueza de este material4. Es en esta línea de
aportación, de relectura de la obra vicentina, que debe ubicarse el presente trabajo.
Concretamente, pretendemos aportar un análisis adicional de la figura del insigne
predicador y, especialmente, de la forma en que usó uno de los elementos simbólicos
más significativos de la sociedad medieval de los que se valió para construir sus sermones: la cetrería5.
En realidad, la profundidad y la riqueza de sus sermones son tan extraordinarias que a menudo requieren un análisis sistemático utilizándolos como piezas particulares. Sin embargo, nuestra aproximación ha sido mucho más extensiva, y después
2
Un resumen de los debates suscitados en torno a la figura de Vicente Ferrer y sus influencias
sobre la sociedad bajomedieval en A. Toldrà, Sant Vicent Ferrer, pp. 157-173.
3
Las biografías sobre el santo y los escritos sobre su influencia posterior son numerosas. Citaremos aquí algunos de los estudios más recientes: F.M. Alarcón Menargues, Sobre la vida de Vicent
Ferrer, pp. 253-255; A. Velasco, De València a Vannes, pp. 395-427; A. Esponera, San Vicente Ferrer; idem, El oficio de predicar, pp. 21-48.
4
Resultan fundamentales los trabajos de Josep Perarnau en el volumen del “Arxiu de Textos
Catalans Antics” (ATCA) dedicado a Estudis i inventari de sermons de Sant Vicent Ferrer, donde se
identifican el conjunto de sermones y sermonarios relacionados con el predicador valenciano y los
tipos de estudio a que han dado lugar.
5
Por simplicidad, hemos decidido emplear este término (y sus derivados) pese a que la expresión
más habitual en la Edad Media era la de “caza con aves” o, simplemente, “caza”. El término cetrería,
con sus variantes y derivados, aunque conocido y empleado en la Edad Media, extiende su uso en
la Edad Moderna y es el empleado en la actualidad para referirse a esta modalidad cinegética. Sobre
éste y otros términos relacionados, véase J.M. Fradejas, Notas léxicas, pp. 149-158.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
275
de un vaciado de todos los sermones reportados y los sermonarios publicados, hemos
podido obtener una rica información relativa a la caza con aves que puede resultar
útil en un doble sentido. Por un lado, como elemento demostrativo de un tipo muy
particular de fuentes y recursos utilizados en la predicación y, por otro, como muestra
de la importancia social de este tipo de caza, reflejada en el uso que el predicador hizo
de ello6.
2. LAS FUENTES EN LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE LOS SERMONES VICENTINOS
Son abundantes los trabajos que se han ocupado de estudiar la estructura y
el particular contenido de los sermones de los predicadores durante la Edad Media,
y en particular de los del dominico Vicente Ferrer, así como los recursos retóricos y
oratorios que emplearon7. Sin embargo, la riqueza extraordinaria de las fuentes empleadas por un predicador como el dominico valenciano, los recursos diversos a la
hora de elaborar sus numerosos sermones son tantos, que aún quedan aspectos poco
conocidos o que han recibido una atención muy parcial.
Construir un sermón era una tarea laboriosa a la cual el predicador solía
dedicar la tranquilidad de la noche. Solo o con algún colaborador buscaba entre sus
fuentes para confeccionar aquella homilía que más le interesaba para el día y el auditorio que tendría delante8. Durante el siglo XIV habían proliferado los manuales
de ayuda o Ars Praedicandi, necesarios para hacer frente a las nuevas demandas del
público al que se enfrentaban los frailes mendicantes, tan dados al oficio de la predicación. La tarea que les era encomendada era notable. Auténticos alfabetizadores de
la fe y de las costumbres, tuvieron una influencia extraordinaria. Su labor fue cada
vez más exigente y debieron realizar un gran esfuerzo intelectual para construir sus
homilías, de las que el sermón era una parte esencial9.
De entre todas las partes del sermón, sin duda, configurar la dilatatio o
ampliación, una vez trazada la temática y el esquema general, requería de una pericia
intelectual que se debatió entre el conocimiento y uso de textos muy diversos, que se
fueron acumulando con el tiempo desde los inicios de la predicación altomedieval, y
la aportación personal y singular de cada individuo, en función de sus experiencias
y gustos, con el fin de acercarse de la mejor forma posible a su auditorio. Se trataba
de incorporar constantemente nuevos elementos que despertaran la atención y que
conmovieran10.
Los predicadores medievales disponían de un amplio arsenal de materiales
con el fin de amplificar su sermón, tal y como les indicaban los manuales del Ars
Praedicandi. En el caso de Vicente Ferrer, éstos iban desde textos con carácter estrictamente religioso, tales como la Biblia, y especialmente el Nuevo Testamento, o los
6
Con todo, somos conscientes de los riesgos advertidos de usar los ejemplos como elemento
extraído del sermón que les da sentido, en el tono expresado en C. Delcorno, Bernardino narratore,
p. 127. Sin embargo, nosotros los contextualizaremos dentro de la temática y el ejemplo para el que
fueron creados, y no como piezas literarias por sí mismas.
7
Para una contextualización del sermón vicentino en el marco general de la predicación bajomedieval europea, véase T. Martínez, Alguns aspectes, pp. 109-133; idem, Aproximació als sermons,
pp. 51-77; M. Sanchis Guarner, Estudi preliminar, pp. 7-35; P.M. Cátedra, Sermón, sociedad y literatura, pp. 83-99. Las peculiaridades de su oratoria en J. Fuster, Notes per a un estudi, pp. 87-185.
8
J. Sanchis Sivera, Quaresma de Sant Vicent, p. XXVI.
9
F. Eiximenis, Art de predicació, pp. XXV-LXI.
10
T. Martínez, Aproximació als sermons, pp. 76-77.
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escritos patrísticos (san Dionisio, san Jerónimo), pasando por textos filosóficos (Aristóteles, Platón, Boecio, Vegecio), teológicos (La Summa Theologiae de santo Tomás
de Aquino, las Etimologiae de san Isidoro), jurídicos –debemos tener en cuenta su
origen familiar– y enciclopédicos muy conocidos, como el De animalibus de Alberto
Magno, bestiarios, lapidarios, herbarios y otros. Y es que Ferrer fue un estudioso apasionado, amante de los libros y de las bibliotecas, que abominaba la ignorancia, sobre
todo de los profesionales (médicos, juristas, notarios…), y que aplicó estrictamente a
su obra los principios del escolasticismo en el que se había formado11. Sin embargo,
estos textos, que bien conocía, no fueron citados explícitamente casi nunca. Ésta fue
una característica propia de los predicadores del siglo XV frente a los de los siglos anteriores, que sí prefirieron citar permanentemente y con cierta exactitud las fuentes de
donde habían bebido sus sermones12. Pero, además, en ambos casos, los predicadores
huyeron casi siempre de la cita textual, y lo que es más común, como veremos más
adelante, buscaron sus ejemplos en historias contemporáneas, episodios conocidos,
costumbres y supersticiones cercanas a su auditorio, es decir, buscaron popularizar
sus contenidos13.
El riquísimo y apabullante repertorio de ejemplos (exempla), símiles (similitudines), metáforas e imágenes utilizadas en los sermones, que se confunden a veces
unos con otros, se construyeron a partir del conocimiento profundo de estos materiales y de su reelaboración14. Y eso que podemos considerar que no necesariamente
todo este material y recursos literarios del predicador fueran recogidos siempre y con
integridad, y que tal vez esto quedó a criterio del reportador15. De hecho, el predicador no necesitaba acudir directamente a las fuentes ya que, sobre todo desde el siglo
XIII, diversos autores se habían dedicado a compilar y reunir auténticas colecciones
de exempla. Los repertorios fueron creciendo y haciéndose cada vez más útiles y sencillos en su manejo. El predicador podría así escoger rápida y eficazmente el material
11
M. Beuchot, Pensamiento filosófico, pp. 33-35. De él se dijo que no cesó en su estudio ni siquiera durante sus viajes de predicación: S. Fuster, Proceso de canonización, pp. 31, 152. De hecho,
llegó a crear un régimen de sanidad para el predicador, en el que se aconsejaba sobre los hábitos
adecuados para poder estudiar. Véase la traducción castellana del tratado en A. Robles, Tratado de la
vida espiritual, en Obras y escritos, pp. 312-323. Aquí se ofrece una lista de ediciones y traducciones,
así como un breve estudio sobre la composición, contenidos e influencias utilizadas por Ferrer en la
elaboración del tratado.
12
J. Ziegler, Medicine and religion, pp. 208-211. El caso de Ferrer, en F. Carbó, Notes sobre les
estratègies, pp. 139-152. Con Vicente Ferrer, por ejemplo, comparte esta característica otro insigne
predicador como fue Bernardino de Siena. C. Delcorno, Exemplum e letteratura, pp. 129-130.
13
Con todo, debemos matizar la afirmación que siempre se ha mantenido en torno al contenido
popular de los sermones vicentinos, ya que la erudición y la complejidad se encuentran también
presentes en sus sermones. Hay que tener en cuenta que sus auditorios fueron bien distintos y el predicador se acopló siempre a ellos. T. Martínez, Aproximació als sermons, pp. 125-126.
14
Aunque aquello que definía el “exemplum” era su carácter moral y ejemplarizante para el cristiano, así como su estructura narrativa corta, detrás de esta palabra se escondieron diversos recursos
literarios, sin que necesariamente siguieran un esquema narrativo. El propio Tubach recogió en su
famoso catálogo símiles y referencias diversas que tenían también una función ejemplar. F. Tubach,
Index exemplorum, p. 520. A veces “símil”, “cuento”, “caso”, “milagro” o “historia” se utilizaron con
la misma finalidad y funcionaron como sinónimos. F. Kemmler, Exempla in context, pp. 61-62. En el
caso de Vicente Ferrer, “exemple”, “miracle”, “semblança”, “rahó” y “figura” constituyen términos
que utilizó para designar lo que entendemos por “ejemplo”. Los símiles (“semblança”), muy habituales en el sermonario del predicador valenciano, se convertirían en un medio ideal para explicar
los misterios de la religión, y muchas veces serían de mayor uso que los propios ejemplos (tres por
sermón frente a dos ejemplos). V. Almazan, L’exemplum, pp. 300-304.
15
F. Morenzoni, Exempla et predication, pp. 272-273.
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indicado para el tema sobre el que quisiera hablar a sus feligreses. En tiempos de
Vicente Ferrer ya había disponibles un amplio elenco de estas colecciones16.
En realidad, en el siglo XIII se produjo un cambio en las fuentes empleadas
por los predicadores: la Glossa ordinaria, las obras de los padres de la iglesia y la
Biblia moralizada, aunque no cesaran de usarse, dejaron paso a textos profanos, entre
los que destacan las enciclopedias y bestiarios medievales17. El mundo natural y, especialmente, las “propiedades” de los animales se convirtieron en recurso inagotable a la
hora de construir las analogías que facilitaran la comprensión del mensaje teológico.
Las criaturas de la naturaleza fueron un sujeto apto para abrir los espíritus más rudos,
ya que cuando el discurso revelado por las sagradas escrituras no conmovía a un auditorio se podía llamar la atención con el uso de elementos diferentes y novedosos. Y
así, los comentarios acerca de las alegorías con animales, plantas y otros elementos de
la naturaleza no fueron sino una invitación al predicador para abordar temas inusitados y conseguir muchas sugerencias para la amplificación de sus sermones18.
También el padre Vicente Ferrer recurrió a estas fuentes, como muestra un
sermón castellano:
una vegada un can furtó a un carniçero una pieça de carne e fuesse con
ella e ovo de passar un rrío. E al passar del rrío, la carne que llevava en la
boca fizo sonbra, e él pensó que fuese otra pieça de carne, e soltó la que
llevava por tomar aquélla; e assí perdió la carne que levava19.
Si comparamos este pasaje con el Bestiari catalán observaremos que se recoge una información sobre la naturaleza de los perros y su significado que nos demuestra que sin duda fue ésta la fuente a la que recurrió nuestro predicador:
que com ell passa per algun pont e porta formatge o pa o carn en la bocha,
o altra cosa, e veu la ombra d’aquell formatge en l’ayga e li sembla major
que aquella que porta en la bocha, lexa caer aquella que té en la bocha e
gita’s en l’ayga, e pert lo formatge que tenia20.
En una de las pocas ocasiones en que el padre Vicente citó su fuente explícitamente, concretamente en uno de sus sermones predicados en Castilla, se refirió al
libro de Bartolomé de Glanville o Bartolomé el Inglés (Bartolomeus Anglicus). Se
trata de una historia natural que estuvo bien presente en el ámbito catalanoaragonés
ya en los inicios del siglo XV, como lo demuestra el interés puesto por el rey Martín
el Humano en 1404 y 1405. Así, el 17 de agosto de 1404 pidió al baile general de Ara16
Basta tener en cuenta los 5.400 exempla que fueron recogidos por Frederic Tubach a partir
de 37 colecciones, para tener una idea de la importancia y magnitud de este “género”. F. Tubach,
Index Exemplorum. Sobre los exempla y su uso en los sermones véase C. Bremond, J. Le Goff,
J.C. Schmitt, L’«exemplum», pp. 147-164; J. Berlioz, Le récit efficace, pp. 113-146. Ejemplos del uso
de héroes en los exempla, en W.J. Aerts, M. Grosman, Exemplum et similitudo. Para el caso español
véase F. Bravo, Arte de enseñar, pp. 303-327. Son también útiles las introducciones a ediciones como
las de V. de la Torre, J. Lozano (eds.), Gesta Romanorum, pp. 24-38; F. Kemmler, Exempla in context,
pp. 60-90; M. Ambrosio Sánchez, Un sermonario castellano. Para el caso concreto de Ferrer, véase
V. Almazan, L’exemplum, pp. 288-297.
17
G. Parussa, La nature « merveilleuse » des animaux, p. 144; V. de la Torre, J. Lozano (eds.),
Gesta Romanorum, pp. 38-39.
18
B. Van den Abeele, L’allégorie animale, p. 131.
19
P.M. Cátedra, Sermón, sociedad y literatura, p. 400.
20
Bestiaris, vol. II, p. 33.
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gón que le enviase, entre otras cosas, un libro que contenía este texto. El rey deseaba
ansiosamente recibir el manuscrito desde tiempo atrás, aunque no había tenido fortuna para acceder a él. Por eso, el 28 de agosto del siguiente año volvió a reclamar el
volumen al merino de Zaragoza, diciendo que, en este caso, se debía pagar un precio
e que·l haviesse del prehicador21. Desgraciadamente, no sabemos a qué individuo se
refería, pero el hecho nos indica el interés que habían puesto en él los profesionales
de la predicación.
Concretamente, el libro 18 de Bartolomé el Inglés versaba sobre los animales, y fue éste el que sirvió de inspiración a nuestro dominico para hablar de
un tipo de víboras llamadas tigris, adecuadas para hacer medicinas. Las particularidades etológicas de esta víbora, puramente fantásticas, fueron desveladas en el
sermón22.
En otras ocasiones, podemos adivinar la procedencia de sus fuentes. Este
sería el caso del De animalibus de Alberto Magno. En el capítulo De cane, el autor se
refirió a la capacidad que tenían los perros de sanarse a sí mismos gracias a las propiedades curativas de su saliva23. Siguiendo con este símil, en diversas ocasiones Ferrer
comparó a los predicadores con los perros. En primer lugar, porque con sus ladridos,
o predicaciones, advierten a las personas y ahuyentan a los diablos, como los perros
hacen lo propio con los lobos respecto del ganado. En segundo lugar, porque así como
los perros curan las heridas lamiendo con lengua medicinal, de la misma forma los
predicadores tienen una lengua medicinal y, lamiendo al que predican, le curan las
heridas extirpándoles los vicios24.
Con todo, debemos advertir que Vicente Ferrer manejó a su antojo y conveniencia los materiales de los que disponía, de tal forma que su posición frente a ellos
se convierte en ambigua y contradictoria. Este sería el caso ante la cultura clásica
profana y la contemporánea25. Así, nuestro predicador se mostró contrario al estudio
de la filosofía como saber profano y autónomo. Para éste, las artes liberales y la filosofía natural no tenían valor si no era como medio de interpretación de la Biblia,
donde reside la única ciencia que el creyente debe poseer para salvarse. Toda aquella
filosofía que él consideró como “servidora” de la “teología” fue apropiada y aprovechada siempre que pudo servir a sus fines, que eran, más que explicar teología,
conseguir la reforma de las costumbres morales del pueblo cristiano26. Ferrer utilizará,
por ejemplo, el esquema de las siete artes liberales –que se encuentran presentes en
la excelencia de la doctrina de Cristo– como imagen, pero advirtió que sobre nada de
aquello, que conocía perfectamente, predicó el hijo de Dios, pues lo único importante
es qué debemos hacer para alcanzar el paraíso27. Igualmente, la presencia de los cuatro
elementos aristotélicos y las alusiones al “filósofo” serán permanentes.
21
Ambos documentos fueron publicados en A. Rubió i Lluch, Documents per l’història, § 493
y 497.
22
La antigua tradición de los encantadores de serpientes que hacían sonar sus instrumentos para
controlar a los reptiles aparece en el bestiario catalán. En éste se nombra la “aprís”, una serpiente que
se tapa una oreja con la cola y que pega la otra al suelo para no escuchar el instrumento del encantador. Ahora bien, en el bestiario el sonido no lo producía el demonio sino el predicador, que pretendía
hacer llegar la voz de Dios al cristiano que hace oídos sordos. Bestiaris, vol. I, pp. 81-82.
23
“Curare autem vulnera sua et aliena dicuntur lingua et si lingua tangere non possunt, pedem
saliva infectum locum laesum tangunt et sanant”. J. Loncke, La Practica canum, pp. 15 y 98.
24
Vicente Ferrer, Sermonario de San Vicente Ferrer, p. 123.
25
T. Martínez, Aproximació als sermons, p. 29; V. Martines, Sant Jordi, p. 102.
26
J.E. Rubio, Salvar Aristòtil?, pp. 189-191; A. Esponerá, El oficio de predicar, pp. 87-104.
27
Vicent Ferrer, Sermonario de Perugia, p. 425; idem, Sermons, vol. V, p. 213.
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Sin duda, una de las cuestiones que merece todavía una especial atención
en los sermones vicentinos es el uso de los conocimientos científicos. Debemos afirmar que las referencias a la ciencia y a las artes liberales son muy abundantes en los
sermones y además relativas a numerosos campos del conocimiento28. Y, cómo no,
nuestro predicador demostró tener gran interés por la astronomía y la astrología, como
ciencias que eran capaces de describir la estructura del universo, con el sol, la luna
y los diferentes planetas y cielos conocidos, y la bóveda celeste fija con las estrellas.
Pero que también eran capaces de dar explicación a determinados fenómenos climatológicos (lluvias, granizadas) o a las epidemias29.
Con todo, merece un lugar muy destacado en los sermones vicentinos la
medicina30. El padre Vicente Ferrer utilizó con frecuencia algunos de los problemas a
los que la humanidad se había enfrentado, derivados de su propia naturaleza. De este
modo, la enfermedad, el dolor, la muerte, la pérdida de la salud, su mantenimiento y
su recuperación a través de los distintos remedios y los practicantes con los que contó
aquella sociedad, ya fueran los aceptados por él cómo válidos (medicina galenista, curanderos, físicos, barberos…) como aquellos sospechosos de pertenecer al diablo y al
pecado (fórmulas supersticiosas, oraciones, ensalmos…), hicieron acto de presencia
en sus sermones. El dominico utilizó aquel contexto para diluirlo en sus predicaciones
y acercarse mejor a los sentimientos y el entendimiento de sus oyentes31.
Efectivamente, en el tema de la medicina, como en tantos otros, el predicador se debatió entre la materia doctrinal y la experiencia cotidiana del oyente.
Pero el hecho de que muchas de estas realidades intelectuales estuvieran muy alejadas de la mayor parte del auditorio, hizo que Ferrer se decantara por diferentes
recursos retóricos que evocaban situaciones que partían de la experiencia concreta
de sus oyentes y que describían costumbres, maneras de hacer o de hablar que aludían a la vida cotidiana, tal y como habían advertido las artes de predicación y se
puede comprobar en otros predicadores32. Ferrer apelaba a una parte del universo
familiar de sus oyentes, muchas veces con una gran carga visual. Así, por ejemplo,
utilizó en ocasiones las referencias a las pinturas y a las vidrieras que, como es
bien conocido, configuraron programas iconográficos que pretendieron iluminar
28
La geometría, en Vicente Ferrer, Sermonario de San Vicente Ferrer, p. 615. También la música se hace presente cuando compara los gritos proferidos por los martirizados con los sonidos de
diferentes tipos de instrumentos musicales. Vicent Ferrer, Sermons, vol. IV, pp. 204-205. En cierta
ocasión comparó los tubos de un órgano con las distintas formas de predicar según a quien se dirige el
sermón. Vicente Ferrer, Colección de Sermones de Cuaresma y otros según el Manuscrito de Ayora,
pp. 442-443.
29
En un sermón predicado en la Cuaresma de Valencia, justificó desde una perspectiva
científica o natural y otra teologal el por qué se había ordenado tradicionalmente por la iglesia
el hacer determinadas rogativas y procesiones con letanías. V. Ferrer, Sermons, vol. VI, p. 108.
Sin embargo, el conocimiento de todo ello era limitado para el hombre, y era así que emergía
triunfadora la fe para dar “explicación” de todo ello. J. Sanchis Sivera, Quaresma de Sant Vicent, pp. 7-8.
30
C. Ferragud, La difusión de los conocimientos, pp. 461-466. También algún autor ha interpretado la realidad de la sociedad medieval trazada por Ferrer en sus sermones, en la clave de cuerpo
enfermo. J.A. Ysern-Lagarda, Sant Vicent Ferrer, p. 85. Un primer acercamiento, si bien muy básico
y estrecho, a la realidad médica en los sermones vicentinos en J. Chabás, Las costumbres y la medicina, pp. 617-620. Actualmente, uno de nosotros (Ferragud) trabaja en una monografía sobre la ciencia
y la medicina en los sermones vicentinos.
31
Vicente Ferrer era heredero de una larga tradición, iniciada en el siglo XII, en la que los predicadores utilizaron como recurso la medicina, que tan bien se ajustaba como símil y ejemplo al mensaje
que se quería transmitir. J. Ziegler, Medicine and religion, pp. 176-213.
32
F. Eximenis, Art de predicació, pp. 35-36; F. Morenzoni, Exempla et prédication, pp. 271-272.
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visualmente al pueblo cristiano sobre los contenidos de su fe, analfabeto como era
en su mayoría33.
Ferrer demostró tener amplios conocimientos sobre numerosos ámbitos y
aspectos de la sociedad de su época, desde la corte real y su organización, el ejército,
la guerra y los métodos empleados en el combate, hasta los ambientes urbanos más
populares y en ocasiones más sórdidos, como el hostal y la taberna, y lo relativo al
mundo rural34. La experiencia mundana de Ferrer se dejó sentir con gran intensidad
en sus sermones, y la aplicó intensivamente para sintonizar y llegar con la mayor
facilidad a sus fervientes admiradores. Cualquier detalle parecía útil para que la hábil
y ágil mente del predicador lo convirtiera en ejemplo para transmitir la complejidad
de su mensaje y transformar las actitudes de aquella gente. Tan profunda resulta su
radiografía de los escenarios y los personajes del medioevo, que ello ha permitido un
acercamiento a numerosas realidades de aquella sociedad35.
En este sentido, la cetrería sería utilizada en sus sermones en numerosas ocasiones. Aquella práctica tan común y difundida en la Baja Edad Media, constituye otra
clara muestra del recurso de nuestro predicador a su propia experiencia y a la realidad
cotidiana de la sociedad en la que vivió. Sin embargo, antes de analizar en detalle el uso
que hace san Vicente de la cetrería en sus sermones, resulta necesario conocer algunos
detalles de esta técnica de caza y de su presencia en la sociedad bajomedieval.
3. LA CETRERÍA EN LA SOCIEDAD BAJOMEDIEVAL
La cetrería, modalidad de caza en la que el hombre se vale de aves de
presa adiestradas para capturar otros animales, se encontraba ya plenamente establecida en los territorios de la Europa Occidental en la Baja Edad Media36. La
captura de halcones, azores y gavilanes, su adiestramiento y cuidados, estaban lejos
de ser tareas sencillas, y requerían una precisa formación. Incluso la propia acción
de la caza requería experiencia para ser concluida con éxito. La necesidad de adquirir los conocimientos específicos de esta arte e çiençia de la caça de las aves37
debió contar entre los motivos de la aparición y gran difusión de tratados de cetrería
en la Baja Edad Media, en los que se recogían y exponían los diferentes aspectos
relacionados con el arte, desde la alimentación y los cuidados médicos de las aves
(primeros tratados, en latín) hasta la elección de las mismas, su adiestramiento y
la caza propiamente dicha (tratados tardíos, en lenguas vernáculas)38. Además del
33
Un ejemplo extraordinario del papel moralizante del arte son las vidrieras de la catedral de
Chartres. J.W. Williams, Bread, Wine and Money, especialmente en los capítulos 3, 4 y 5. Sobre la
valoración que da Vicente Ferrer a la pintura, véase A. Toldrà, Sant Vicent contra el pintor, pp. 37-56.
34
Sobre la guerra y el ejército en J. Sanchis Sivera, Quaresma de Sant Vicent Ferrer, p. 142. Una
descripción de los miembros de la casa real comparados con las distintas categorías del pueblo de
Dios en M. Llop, San Vicente Ferrer, pp. 68-69.
35
Véase un estudio de los distintos colectivos que integraban la sociedad, así como aspectos profesionales, laborales y económicos en M. Llop, San Vicente Ferrer. Para la prostitución, la violencia
y el orden social, véase R. Narbona, Pueblo, poder y sexo, pp. 79-121.
36
Su difusión por Europa se produjo en la Alta Edad Media, de mano de los pueblos germánicos
por el norte y de mano de los árabes por el sur. Véase J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, pp. 17-20;
idem, La cetrería en el mundo iberoamericano, pp. 35-38.
37
Expresión empleada por el canciller Pero López de Ayala, en M. Delgado, Edición crítica del
Libro de la caza de las aves, p. 63.
38
Así justifica el canciller Pero López de Ayala la redacción de su obra, en pleno siglo XIV:
“E quando yo començé a afanar con el neblí, mucho me pluguiera aver fallado un pequeño escripto
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recurso a los libros, el aprendizaje con otros cazadores o maestros debió ser la forma más habitual de adquirir los conocimientos necesarios y quizá la única antes del
inicio de la importante producción de los tratados de cetrería, que tuvo lugar en el
siglo XII, aunque, sin duda, el intercambio de experiencias entre cazadores debió
siempre contribuir a la difusión de los conocimientos y a la evolución del arte de la
caza con aves.
El adiestramiento de estas aves giraba en torno a una idea fundamental: el
control preciso del hambre del ave. Una gran sensibilidad, experiencia y pericia eran
necesarias para dosificar, en calidad y cantidad, el alimento que se proporcionaba al
ave y lograr el estado óptimo para su manejo y para la caza39. Por ello, para tener aves
de cetrería y cazar con ellas, no bastaba con superar un proceso de aprendizaje, sino
que se requerían unas cualidades personales muy particulares y una cierta habilidad
natural, además de una inclinación a la caza, como pusieron de manifiesto los autores
de los antiguos tratados de cetrería40.
Para adiestrar estas aves y cazar con ellas eran necesarios, además, una serie
de útiles específicos y unas instalaciones adecuadas. Guantes, caperuzas, cascabeles,
pihuelas, lonjas, señuelos, eran algunos de los instrumentos empleados por los halconeros medievales para manejar las aves de caza41. Esta actividad tan especializada produjo un riquísimo vocabulario técnico, indispensable para poder expresar con
precisión todos los conceptos que exigía el arte, desde las características de las aves
empleadas hasta los útiles necesarios para manejarlas, los síntomas de sus enfermedades o las técnicas de caza42. También debe destacarse la importancia de la práctica
médica que siempre estuvo estrechamente asociada al manejo de halcones, azores y
gavilanes. Y es que mantener estas aves en cautividad exigió recurrir de forma continua a la medicina para conservar su salud y para curarlas de las enfermedades, heridas
y fracturas que con frecuencia sufrían43.
tal como este, por do me podiera regir e governar e guardar de fazer algunos yerros en la caça que
fize e con que dañé muchos falcones, e yo era sin culpa ca non sabía más e quando me aconpañava
con falconeros que sabían el arte parava mientes e por ventura en un mes aprendía un capítulo de lo
que veía”, en M. Delgado, Edición crítica del Libro de la caza de las aves, p. 150. Sobre las obras
de caza en la Edad Media y su evolución, véase B. Van den Abeele, La littérature cynégétique.
pp. 31 y ss.
39
Tanto los tratados de cetrería como las enciclopedias, en sus apartados correspondientes a
las aves de presa, advierten sobre este aspecto del gobierno de las aves. Por ejemplo, en un tratado
catalán se explica: “Per qu·és mester que tot caçador se avise e que, tantost, mijant lo mes de febrer,
abaxets vostre ocell e que·n cacets ben tenprat e que·l tingats ben pijat, pus fort que no solíeu, e que·l
façats caçar ab fam. E, si l’abaxau, serets-ne senyor e senyorejarets-vos a ell, si no desconéxer-vos
ha, per què tot caçador se deu avisar e·s deu entricar de tenir lo seu aucell gras en lo temps que u ha
mester ho en cominal carn o magre, segons lo temps”, en M. Garcia, C. Arronis, H. Càmara (eds.),
Libre de animals de caçar, ff. 20r-20v.
40
Véase, por ejemplo, el apartado “De falconario qualis debet esse”, de la obra de Federico II,
donde se dan, incluso, indicaciones sobre las cualidades morales del halconero. A.L. Trombetti (ed.),
De Arte venandi cum avibus, pp. 346 y ss.
41
Sobre los útiles e instalaciones véase, por ejemplo, J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, pp. 66-89.
42
Para la lengua castellana hay un estudio en M. Álvarez-Buylla, El vocabulario de la cetrería.
43
Prueba de ello es que todos los tratados de cetrería medievales dedican una parte importante,
cuando no toda la obra, a las enfermedades de las aves y a los remedios para curarlas. Sobre el
contenido de las obras castellanas, véase J.M. Fradejas, Literatura cetrera de la Edad Media y el
Renacimiento español, pp. 7-10. Para las obras latinas, B. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie au Moyen
Age, pp. 11-12.
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282
3.1. Una actividad muy presente en toda la sociedad
Las aves de presa y su empleo en la caza han tenido diferentes funciones
a lo largo del tiempo y en los diferentes territorios en los que se ha desarrollado esta
relación entre hombres y rapaces. Aparte de los evidentes objetivos utilitarios de cualquier modalidad de caza, que son obtener carne y pieles o eliminar animales nocivos,
la cetrería jugó en la sociedad medieval un importante papel en la formación de los
jóvenes de la aristocracia, además de constituir una importante actividad de recreo y,
en cualquier caso, un signo de distinción y de poder44.
Es indicativo de la importancia que tuvo esta actividad en la Edad Media,
tanto en los reinos peninsulares como en el resto de Europa Occidental, las numerosas
huellas que ha dejado en la literatura medieval y en otras formas de manifestación
artística, además de los propios tratados de caza que ya hemos mencionado45. Más
aún, las numerosas referencias a las aves de caza que salpican los documentos de la
época no hacen sino confirmar la presencia de la cetrería en múltiples ámbitos de la
sociedad medieval.
Una idea bastante extendida es que, en la sociedad medieval occidental, la
posesión de aves y su empleo para la caza estaba limitada a la nobleza. Azores, gavilanes y halcones de diferentes tipos46 eran capturados, comprados o recibidos como
obsequio por reyes y nobles, que llegaron a poseer un número elevadísimo de dichas
aves. Para custodiarlas, las casas reales y señoriales contaban con varios halconeros,
normalmente bajo el mando de un halconero mayor, y éstos eran los responsables
de guarnecer a las aves de los utensilios necesarios para su manejo, de alimentarlas,
adiestrarlas, mantenerlas sanas y curarlas de sus enfermedades47.
Prueba de la importancia que la nobleza daba a estas aves y a la caza con
ellas es el gran dispendio que hacían para adquirir y mantener dichas aves o los utensilios propios del arte que, a menudo, estaban elaborados con materiales preciosos.
Tanto las aves como los útiles empleados en su manejo constituían un obsequio muy
especial y, frecuentemente, una manera de sellar acuerdos48. Algunos monarcas llegaron a recibir un sobrenombre por su afición a la caza, como Juan I de Aragón, a
quien se le conoció como Joan lo Caçador y, en algunos casos, la afición llegó a tales
extremos que fue calificada de vicio49.
Sin embargo, un significativo número de referencias dispersas sugieren que
la cetrería no estaba tan limitada a los grupos sociales más elevados y que esta forma de
caza, de ostentación y de poder, pudo convivir con otra práctica mucho más modesta.
Ahora bien, el principal problema para el estudio de la caza con aves por parte de gente
44
Pero López de Ayala compuso su tratado “para exerçiçio de los omes por los tirar de oçio e
pensamiento e puedan aver entre los sus enojos e cuidados algund plazer e recreamiento sin pecado”.
M. Delgado, Edición crítica del Libro de la caza de las aves, pp. 59-60. Sobre las funciones de la
cetrería y la caza, véase J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, pp. 24-25; R.S. Oggins, The kings and
their hawks, pp. 109-112.
45
Algunas muestras de arte medieval inspirado en la caza con aves pueden verse en Ch.A. de
Chamerlat, La fauconnerie et l’art, pp. 82-103.
46
Intentamos evitar el empleo del término “especie” que contaminaría, con el significado del
concepto de la taxonomía moderna, la clasificación medieval de las aves.
47
Por ejemplo, en las Ordinacions de Pedro el Ceremonioso se estipulaba que la casa real debería
contar con un halconero mayor, seis halconeros y dos cazadores o guardas de perros, cada uno de los
cuales tenía unas funciones asignadas. Véase F.M. Gimeno, D. Gozalbo, J. Trenchs (eds.), Ordinacions de la Casa i Cort de Pere el Cerimoniós, pp. 82-85.
48
I. Beceiro, La caza y la alta nobleza bajomedieval, pp. 77 y ss.
49
J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, p. 25.
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283
de condición más humilde reside en que muchas facetas de la vida cotidiana de los
integrantes de los niveles inferiores de la sociedad medieval apenas han dejado huella
en las fuentes habituales50. A esto se debe que no se haya insistido sobre este punto.
Menciones explícitas a la práctica de la cetrería por parte de personas de
diferente condición las encontramos ya en algunos tratados de caza. Juan Manuel
explica que las menos aves que el grant señor deve traer para fazer caça conplida
deven seer dieziocho, ya que si non lo fazen, caçarían com[o] otro omne, mas non
como pertenesçe caçar al grant señor51. Y es que nobles y señores fueron un modelo a
imitar por la sociedad. De este modo, si en un principio la posesión y la caza con aves
ya fue, en sí misma, un signo de distinción social, al ir extendiéndose esta práctica en
la sociedad en el intento de imitar a los grupos superiores, éstos debieron trasladar el
signo de distinción al número de aves poseídas y a su diversidad, rareza y valor o al
resto de elementos que rodeaban a las aves (utensilios decorados, etc.) y las partidas
de caza52. Algunas aves poseían características que las hacían accesibles a muchas
más personas. Este sería el caso de los bornís, que tenían un valor económico muy
inferior al de otros halcones más apreciados (neblís, baharís, gerifaltes) y que eran
mucho menos delicados y costosos de mantener, por lo que estarían al alcance de
gente de condición más modesta53. En algunos territorios de la Corona de Aragón, en
concreto en las islas Baleares, se ha podido documentar la posesión de halcones y la
práctica de la cetrería por parte de personas de un nivel social menos elevado y resulta
llamativo que en algún documento de la época se describa a los campesinos montando
a caballo y portando halcones54. Precisamente aquí se ha documentado la existencia
de afaitadors de falcons, que adiestrarían por encargo las aves de diferentes cazadores
que, quizá por su condición más modesta, no podrían mantener a su servicio varios
halconeros para atender gran número de aves55.
El hecho de que muchos aspectos relacionados con la cetrería y con las aves
de caza fueran regulados también apoya la idea de una mayor difusión social de esta
actividad. El precio de las aves de caza, así como las condiciones y los tiempos en
que éstas podían capturarse, el precio de los utensilios propios del arte, los periodos
de veda y las zonas en que se podía cazar con aves eran habitualmente objeto de
regulación, bien en Fueros, en legislación de Cortes o en ordenanzas municipales. A
menudo, la caza con aves estaba sometida a menores restricciones en el tiempo y el
espacio que otras modalidades cinegéticas. Resulta especialmente llamativo que en
50
La práctica de la cetrería por parte de personas no pertenecientes a la nobleza ya ha sido apuntada en varias ocasiones, como en R.S. Oggins, The kings and their hawks, pp. 113-126 o en B. Van
den Abeele, La fauconnerie au Moyen Age, pp. 165-171.
51
J.M. Fradejas (ed.), Don Juan Manuel y el “Libro de la caza”, p. 191.
52
R.S. Oggins, The kings and their hawks, p. 117.
53
Beltrán de la Cueva, en las glosas para el tratado de cetrería de Juan de Sahagún escribió: “Estos
burnis es buen linaje de falcones, porque son poco costosos para los fidalgos que no pueden cazar con
otras aves, y aun ayúdales á la costa de la carne”. J. de Sahagún, Libro de cetrería, p. 22. Prueba de
que eran aves menos apreciadas es que, en El libro de la caza, “De los bornís non quiso don Johan
fablar mucho porque se non paga mucho de la su caça nin de las sus maneras”. J.M. Fradejas (ed.),
Don Juan Manuel y “El libro de la caza”, p. 144.
54
J. Bover, R. Roselló, Alguns aspectes de la falconeria àrab, p. 72.
55
La figura del adiestrador de halcones es poco conocida. La información de las referencias para
las Baleares se encuentra en J. Bover, R. Rosselló, La falconeria a les Balears, pp. 119-121. Breves
referencias en documentos medievales, como que el hostalero de Valencia, Domingo Conill, tenía entre sus bienes “dos guants ab quatre cascavells e dos capells de falquó”, dan indicio de que personas
de condición más sencilla y, desde luego no pertenecientes a la nobleza, podían poseer aves y cazar
con ellas. Archivo del Reino de Valencia, Justicia Civil, n. 394, mano 3, f. 12 (3-4-1378).
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284
algún caso se llegara a legislar para asegurar la venta de carne para alimento de las
aves durante todo el año, evitando las limitaciones que los diferentes credos (cristiano,
judío y musulmán) imponían a la venta de carne para consumo humano. En algunos
casos, la caza con aves, además de otras artes, se prohibió completamente debido a los
daños ocasionados por los cazadores en sus salidas de caza56.
Resulta claro, pues, que la caza con aves en la Edad Media debió ser practicada por gente perteneciente a grupos sociales diferentes, si bien de una forma y
con unos objetivos diversos, teniendo siempre presente que debieron darse grandes
diferencias a lo largo del tiempo y en los diferentes territorios de la Europa Occidental. No sería exagerado afirmar que prácticamente toda la sociedad medieval estaba
familiarizada con la cetrería, ya que se hacía presente en muchos momentos de la
vida cotidiana. Los cazadores portaban constantemente sus halcones sobre el puño,
no sólo cuando iban de caza, llegando a ir a la iglesia con sus aves, y era habitual que
se anunciara públicamente la pérdida de estas preciadas rapaces ofreciendo recompensas a quien las encontrara57. También, para alimentarlas, especialmente a las de
los grandes señores que las llevaban en sus desplazamientos, los halconeros debían
ir comprando palomas y gallinas allí por donde pasaban. Además, un gran número
personas y de gentes del lugar debían ser reclutadas para participar como auxiliares
en las partidas de caza de los señores. Para los campesinos que trabajaban en sus
campos debía ser habitual encontrarse con los cazadores en sus salidas de caza y, a
menudo, las aves de los cazadores capturaban, por accidente, las gallinas o las ocas
de las aldeas y caseríos58. Finalmente, mucha gente sencilla participaba en la búsqueda y vigilancia de nidos para tomar los pollos, aparte de los rederos profesionales
dedicados a la captura de aves59.
Miembros de algunos oficios artesanales estaban implicados indirectamente
en el trato con las aves. Éste era el caso de los boticarios y especieros, que preparaban
y despachaban medicinas para los halcones y otras aves de caza, los carniceros, que
proporcionaban carne para las mismas, y los carpinteros, que construían y arreglaban
las alcándaras. Pero las tripulaciones de las naves y, especialmente los comerciantes,
también debieron familiarizarse con estas rapaces y con el vocabulario de la cetrería
para poder realizar sus transacciones, ya que transportaban grandes cantidades de
halcones de unas tierras a otras60.
56
M.A. Ladero Quesada, La caza en la legislación municipal castellana, pp. 209-213; J.M. Fradejas Rueda, Pasado y presente, pp. 22-24.
57
Sobre pérdida de halcones, véase J. Bover, R. Rosselló, La falconeria a les Balears, pp. 128132.
58
Aunque referido a otra modalidades de caza, hay documentos que prueban la participación de
gran número de campesinos del lugar en partidas de caza reales (M.A. Ladero, La casa real en la
Baja Edad Media, p. 337) por lo que es posible suponer que también sucediera con la caza con aves.
En algunos tratados de cetrería se advierte del problema que supone que las aves se acostumbren a
ir a las aldeas a por las aves de corral, por ejemplo, en J.M. Fradejas (ed.), Libro de acetrería y montería, vol. I, p. 154, o en M. Garcia, C. Arronis, H. Càmara (eds.), Libre de animals de caçar, f. 8v.
59
Sobre las personas encargadas de buscar y capturar los halcones en las Baleares, véase J. Bover,
R. Rosselló, La falconeria a les Balears, pp. 80-82. En ámbito castellano, pueden encontrarse referencias en F. de Zúñiga, Libro de cetrería, ff. 3r, 9r y 11r.
60
En J. Bover, R. Rosselló, La cetrería en las islas Baleares, pp. 13-15, se encuentra la información relacionada con el transporte marítimo de halcones en las Baleares. Por otra parte, es significativo que en algunos vocabularios temáticos plurilingües que circularon por Europa desde finales
del siglo XV, cuyo objetivo era servir de ayuda a comerciantes y viajeros, se incluyeran apartados
dedicados a la cetrería, con un gran número de términos específicos. Un estudio sobre el vocabulario
cetrero en uno de estos diccionarios, aunque más tardío, puede verse en S. Fornasiero, Struzzeria
‘falconeria’, pp. 115-128.
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285
En definitiva, parece difícil imaginar algún rincón de la sociedad que fuera
ajeno a esta actividad. Y, efectivamente, un elemento tan común no podía pasar en
absoluto desapercibido a los hombres de iglesia, especialmente a los moralizadores
profesionales del sermón.
3.2. La cetrería y la iglesia
La nobleza eclesiástica participaba de la misma afición a esta modalidad
de caza que la nobleza laica. Muchos clérigos no solo practicaban la caza con aves,
sino que se contaban entre los mayores expertos, especialmente los obispos, llegando
algunos miembros del clero secular y regular a componer tratados sobre la materia61.
Algunos obispos, al igual que algunos grandes señores, llegaron a tener una desmedida afición por la caza con aves, como Gonzalo de Miguel, obispo de Segovia, a quien
su afición le llevó a someter a clérigos y pueblos de su diócesis a vejaciones y tributos
desmesurados62.
Sin embargo, desde la propia iglesia hubo importantes críticas a la caza
con aves. En un intento de evitar que aquellos clérigos que procedían de las filas de
la nobleza y formaban parte de la elite social tomaran por norma la ostentación de
riqueza y las formas del comportamiento noble y burgués, los concilios y los sínodos
prohibieron en reiteradas ocasiones los excesos en la indumentaria, la comida y la
bebida o las aficiones poco adecuadas. Este sería el caso de la caza con aves. Ya el
concilio de Agde del año 506 prohibió la posesión de perros y aves de caza a los clérigos bajo amenaza de excomunión, lo cual es prueba de lo arraigada que debía estar
por entonces esta modalidad cinegética en algunos territorios de la Europa Occidental.
Poco efecto debieron surtir estas amenazas para que fuera necesario repetir las prohibiciones en concilios posteriores. Se reconocía entonces que una práctica cara como
la caza era incompatible con la humildad que debía ser propia de un prelado63. Ahora
bien, merece recordarse que las prescripciones conciliares o sinodales iban referidas
siempre a la caza con perros y con aves. El franciscano gerundense Francesc Eiximenis nos da la pista de por qué se debía prohibir a los clérigos estas modalidades: ne
cans ni aucels retendràs en la casa, car és gran càrrec e poc profit64. Efectivamente,
mantener estos animales era caro y el único provecho era el de disfrutar en el tiempo
de ocio de una afición que para muchos hombres de iglesia, salidos de las filas nobiliarias, debía constituir una actividad irrenunciable que habrían aprendido y practicado
en sus casas durante su juventud. La ostentación que hacían en Valencia estos clérigos
que llevaban su ave en el puño alardeando de ello, hizo que en el sínodo valenciano de
1298 se les prohibiera tal acción, pero no la caza. Con ello se daba a entender que lo
que realmente buscaban era que todo el mundo supiera de su condición especial, de su
61
A finales del siglo XIV, el canciller Pero López de Ayala dedicó su Libro de la caza de las aves
a Gonzalo de Mena, obispo de Burgos, reconociéndole como su maestro. Juan I de Aragón tuvo que
recurrir al obispo de Valencia, como experto en el arte, para que determinara qué tipo de halcón era
un ave que había recibido y que él mismo, también experto, había sido incapaz de identificar. Matías
Mercader, arcediano de la catedral de Valencia escribió a finales de siglo XV su Pratica de citreria
breve para el rey Fernando (Pratica de citreria breve, Matías Mercader, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms.
Res/179).
62
J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, p. 24. Para información detallada sobre la relación
entre la cetrería y la iglesia, en ámbito inglés, véase R.S. Oggins, The kings and their hawks,
pp. 120-126.
63
T. Szabó, Die Kritik der Jagd, pp. 177-189. También en G. Oppitz-Trotman, Birds, beasts and
Becket, pp. 78-88, especialmente p. 83.
64
R.J. Puchades, Als ulls de Déu, als ulls dels homes, p. 178.
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286
origen noble y su capacidad de cazar con aves caras65. Sin embargo, no parece que se
tomaran medidas coercitivas para limitar estas actividades cinegéticas ni la posesión
de aves por parte de los clérigos. De hecho, los mismos obispos no pudieron resistirse
a continuar cuidando sus propias aves, y tenemos ejemplos que lo corroboran66. Resulta de gran interés, además, el constatar que tanto el obispo de Valencia como el de
Barcelona, y también el paborde de Tarragona, disponían de sus propios agres en las
islas Baleares, de donde reclamaban anualmente los pollos a sus respectivos procuradores67. Estas noticias nos indican que las autoridades eclesiásticas, como ocurriera
en otros temas, hicieron caso omiso de las advertencias que ellas mismas se habían
dado con anterioridad.
Más allá del interés de los clérigos por poseer aves y cazar con ellas, podemos constatar la atención que los religiosos interesados por la filosofía natural dedicaron a la cetrería, como una expresión más de la naturaleza a la que la ciencia
puede aproximarse. Así, el dominico Alberto Magno, en el apartado correspondiente
al halcón de su obra De animalibus, se extendió introduciendo en dicho apartado un
completo tratado de cetrería. Del mismo modo, el franciscano Juan Gil de Zamora, en
la entrada De accipitre de su Historia naturalis, se detuvo en tratar la caza con el azor,
su adiestramiento y la cura de sus enfermedades68.
3.3. La simbología asociada al ave de caza y al cazador
Esta actitud tan contradictoria en el seno de la iglesia hacia la caza con
aves, con muchos practicantes entre sus filas, junto a reiteradas condenas y penas
de excomunión, encuentra un reflejo en la simbología asociada a las aves de cetrería
y a la práctica de esta modalidad de caza en la Baja Edad Media. El análisis de la
iconografía en la que aparece un halcón sobre el puño de su dueño refleja claramente
esta ambivalencia simbólica. Son numerosos los contextos en los que dicha imagen
aparece asociada a las ideas de nobleza, paz y concordia, amor, primavera o juventud,
todas ellas de carácter positivo. Frente a estas imágenes, muchas otras aparecen representando aspectos negativos y censurables de la naturaleza humana, especialmente las
vanidades mundanas y algunos vicios concretos, como el orgullo, la soberbia, el odio
o la envidia. El hecho de no aparecer el ave de caza en la Biblia ni en el Physiologus,
base de la simbología animal cristiana, ha sido propuesto como explicación de esta
polivalencia o falta de especificidad simbólica69.
65
Para el caso valenciano, también con la alusión a una prohibición sinodal, véase ibidem,
pp. 177-178.
66
Así, el obispo de Valencia hizo donación de un gerifalte al rey Juan I. También, el 5 de mayo de
1375, se dio permiso al obispo de Barcelona para que “possit abstrahere a regno Maioricarum decem
falconos muntarinos quos habuit de parrochia Andragii de agriis qui ibi sunt”, y en diciembre de
1394 el obispo de Mallorca perdió un “falcó mudat senyat de foch ab los gits de senyal de mossèn lo
Bis

Libro ANUARIOMEDIEVAL42/1.indb

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