The Nigerian human trafficking in Palermo
Transcription
The Nigerian human trafficking in Palermo
The situation of the Nigerian human trafficking victims’ and their children in Italy. The study case of Palermo. Master in Diritto Umani e Intervento Umanitario Thesis on Diritto, Immigrazione e Minoranze Lecture Fachile, Salvatore Rafaela Pascoal, number 0000646118 Sent in 19 /12/2012 1 2 Abstract While I was reading the book Le ragazze di Benin City, written by Isoke Aikpitanya, I realized that the children of the Nigerian human trafficking victims were a major manipulation point, used by the madams to maintain the girls on the streets and also by their own families to get financial support. Many Nigerians girls leave their children behind with their families in Nigeria, before they come into Europe, preferring being apart from them, but providing them good conditions and education back home. Since until now, all the research is based only on the main victims, I found important to focus my research on the second victims of this complex and cruel system, their own children. For Nigerians, motherhood is sacred and using their own children as a threat is forcing them into the life of sexual exploitation, is keeping them in the streets. These threats are not only physical, but also physiological, since many families use the health conditions of their children to keep them sending money back to Nigeria. Despite the fact that this research has the aim to deepen the knowledge about the children’s conditions of the Nigerian human trafficking victims and ex-victims in Italy, especially in the city of Palermo, it also intends to lead to a more detailed understanding of their living characteristics, mothers and children and to do a mapping of the routes that the victims take until they arrive in Palermo. By the end of this study, we aim to be able to have enough information on the subject and raise awareness on these subjects in order to catch people’s attention about the Nigerian Human trafficking in Palermo and moreover, in Italy. We will take the study in order to investigate their conditions, especially in the field of education, sanitary situation, social assistance and spare time. So, the research will be made trough inquires, as in Italian, as in English to 22 mothers from the 3 Nigerian community in Palermo, with the purpose to clarify and understand not only their children’s situation, but also their mothers. The lack of information on this subject had obligates us to work on the field, having contact with the mothers, trough a Nigerian intercultural mediator, which is also a Methodist pastor, staff from the shelter home Buon Pastore, Isoke Aikpitanyi, a social assistant from Santa Chiara and the Questura, regarding the subject of article 18. Interviews will be made to the people referred above, where we were able to deepen the information on this subject in Palermo, Sicily. 4 Introduction Trafficking in human beings, historically has taken many forms, but in the new context of globalization, has acquired shocking new dimensions. In the XXI century, human trafficking is a global problem, and children and women are the main victims of this cruelty, being exploited in this modern form of slavery. This phenomenon is constantly growing and since the nineties is considered as a worldwide crime. The human trafficking related to sexual exploitation is one of the most lucrative activities for the transnational organized crime.1 The last studies of IOM (International Organization for Migration), in June 2012, from 2002 until 2011, 20.9 million human beings were trafficked in the world. According to the UNODC, 79% of the identified people used for sexual exploitation are women and children. Trafficking human beings is a highly profit business, the US state Department estimates that profits are between US $7-10 billion annually. This type of criminality is a challenge to the entire international community and is taking too many victims. Human trafficking violates fundamental human rights, and infringes provisions of international law, such as the prohibition on slavery and forced labor, in Article 4 of the European Convention on Human Rights. According to the UNODC2 annually the number of new victims for sexual exploitation, in Europe, is 700000 and the volume of market rounds 140000 victims. The main groups of traffickers that import these victims into Europe are Western European, Balkan, Eastern Europe, North African, Turkish, Nigerian and Chinese. Most of these traffickers are from the origin countries or the destination countries. On the study of UNODC, Measures to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings in Benin, Nigeria and Togo3 in Nigeria the majority of the traffickers are Nigerians. 1 Trafficking Nigerian girls in Italy, The data, the stories, the Social Services, page 20 Trafficking in Persons to Europe for sexual exploitation, UNODC, 2006, page 3 3 2006, Page 13, 2 5 Taking advantage of the poverty, corruption, low education in the country and also the lacking to emigrate legally into Europe, Nigerians gangs export thousands of young women in Italy, Spain, Netherlands and other European countries, with the purpose to introduce them in the illicit sex market. (Colle 2006)4 During the last years, Italy has seen a growth of human beings commerce, especially from desperate migrants coming from the North Africa and arriving by boat into Lampedusa, the nearest island to Africa. The desperation of the migrants is taken in advantage by the smugglers and the traffickers, most of them Albanian, Chinese, Nigerian and Eastern European, that exploit them and risk their on lives to put themselves in national territory.5 Italy is one of the favorite destinations, but the girls go to all Europe and even other parts of the world. Still, is one of the first choices of the girls, is not randomly that the traffickers in Nigeria are called Italos, it is because they organize everything to arrive in Italy. In Benin City there are two night clubs, where the girls go to arrive in Europe. They are called Italy and Spain, the destinations of the girls. OIM declares that in Italy every year there are between 19,000 and 26,000 trafficked people; Caritas affirms that they are around 30,000.6 Italy is on of the main destination countries in Europe for the Nigerian victims, the regions where we can find a major concentration are Piedmont, Lombardy, Veneto, Emilia Romagna and Campania. However we can see a strong growth in Sicily, especially Palermo, Catania e Messina.7 In accordance with a study taken by the Municipality of Rome-Parsec, ricerca ed interventi sociali,8 in 1996 there were 19,800 foreign women involved in forced prostitution, in Italy. However this number increased during the years, reaching 24,700 4 Anthropologica, Reducing the Damage: Dilemmas of Anti-trafficking efforts among Nigerian prostitutes in Palermo; Jeffrey Cole, 2006, page 217 5 L’azione di contrasto al fenomeno della tratta di esseri umani. Le linee del Dipartimento di Pubblica Sicurezza; Raffaele Grassi, page 1. 6 Datti tratta delle persone, Gruppo Abele, Novembre 2008 7 Trafficking Nigerian girls in Italy, The data, the stories, the Social Services, page 26 8 Trafficking Nigerian girls in Italy, The data, the stories, the Social Services, page 39 6 in 2008. During this period, we can notice that Sicily has reduced its number into half, from 600/700 foreigner women to 200/300. The ups and downs in the region are really prominent, as the numbers restarted to increase after June 2004, to almost the double. This might confirm a more organized crime in the region, and in the origin country or even the increase of a cause for immigration. Yet, since this study was taken by the social assistance units, it can be seen as an incomplete study. For example, at the moment, 2012, only in Palermo, the Association Pellegrino della Terra estimates that are 500 Nigerian girls, victims of human trafficking. In the same study, taken by the Municipality of Rome-Parsec, ricerca ed interventi sociali,9 in 1996, regarding the national groups involved in human trafficking in Italy, Nigeria is the one who inserts more victims in Italy, followed by Morocco, Albania and Moldavia. The figures point to a minimum of 5,288 victims and a maximum of 6,451 in 2000-2001. Yet, in 2008-2009 the number increased to a maximum of 8,116 and a maximum of 10,176 Nigerian girls forced into the streets. In the spring 2006 the Nigerian prostitution became more visible due to two aspects; First, the decrease of the Romanians on the streets, due to the entrance of Romania in European Union, so they were less interested in acquiring the residence permit. The second fact was that many foreign girls were forced to work in the apartments, giving more visibility to the Nigerian prostitution.10 From 2001 until 2007 the largest nationality in the projects for the human trafficking victims was the Nigerian. Being more than 50% in 2001 and decreasing to 38% in 2007. The year with less people following the 18th article was 2003, reaching the 32%. In 2007 the largest nationality included in the program was the Nigerians with 38%, followed by the Romanians with 30% and having at last the Albanians and other ex-URSS nationalities and East countries, both around 5%.11 9 Trafficking Nigerian girls in Italy, The data, the stories, the Social Services, page 39 Trafficking Nigerian girls in Italy, The data, the stories, the Social Services, page 80 11 Verso la costruzione di un Piano nazionale Anti-tratta, COMITATO DI COORDINAMENTO DELLE AZIONI DI GOVERNO CONTRO LA TRATTA, Roma, Marzo 2008, pag 15 10 7 “In March, 2002, WOTCLEF in a seminar organized by the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), it was reported that there are about 20,000 Nigerian women involved in the sex industry in Italy. The Daily Champion of July, 2002 reported that 80 per cent of foreign prostitutes in Italy were Nigerian women. According to Agbu (2003), most of the trafficked women were from Edo, Delta and Lagos States with an average age range of between 15 and 35 years. Also, Uzor (2001: 28) reveals that in one instance, 12 prominent businessmen suspected of trafficking 13 Nigerian women for prostitution abroad were intercepted at the Nigeria’s same border with Benin Republic”12 The study from Pari Opportunità in 2008 affirms that from 2000 until 2007, in Sicily, 38 social projects were taken for the human trafficking victims, in a total of 490 individuals. In this graphic we can observe that the region with a biggest number is Piemonte, with 62 social protection projects and, the region with the smallest number is Trentino e alto Adige. An interesting fact is that Sicily has almost the same number has Lombardia, that counts with 39 projects. The Nigerian girls territorially are organized in small groups, in Sicily the more dense areas are the coastline and the outskirts of Palermo, reaching the Parco della Favorita and also the road that goes from Messina to Catania.13 We can also observe the strong presence of the victims in the city centers, being the Stazione Centrale di Palermo also a meeting point. In the 1980s, street prostitution was scarce in Palermo, however, in the 1990s, the Nigerians started to arrive and invade the streets in Palermo and increasing the sex market and also the number of clients that looked for the girls in Parco della Favorita. Although, due to a strong intervention in 2001, from the Polizia dello Stato and the Carabinieri, the prostitution in the streets of Palermo started to decrease. 14 12 In Combating Human Trafficking in Nigeria: An Evaluation of State Policies and Programmes, Emmanuel Joseph Chukwuma Duru, pag 162 13 Trafficking Nigerian girls in Italy, The data, the stories, the Social Services, page 40 14 Anthropologica, Reducing the Damage: Dilemmas of Anti-trafficking efforts among Nigerian prostitutes in Palermo; Jeffrey Cole, 2006, page 218 8 Causes of the Nigerian human trafficking The Nigerian Minister of State for Justice, Mr. Musa Elayo, affirms that official statistics estimates that 45 000 women are trafficked into Europe, the Middle East and America. 15 Decades of political instability in the country, due to the military regimes, among with the constant violation of human rights at different levels such as political, social and economic, had led the country into a precarious situation. The economical and social situations in the country were the main aspects that led the country into this high number of human trafficking, being predominant poverty, large family size, lack of educational opportunities, gender discrimination and lack of employment.16 All these events caused a negative impact on Nigeria, especially on women and children and put the country as one of the African countries that is more involved in internal and cross-border trafficking.17 According to Agbu, 2003; UNESCO, 2006; Ebirim, 2002; Newswatch, August 22, 2011; Newswatch, August, 8, 2011 there are several factors that are responsible for the upsurge in the human trafficking in Nigeria. The principal causes are not only economical, but also based in social factors, such as cultural and religious practices, weak institutional and legal frameworks, unequal access to education, institutionalized corruption, lack of employment opportunities, increasing demand for foreign workers, lack of legal redress, globalization that increased the sex and entertainment industry, devaluation of women and children’s human rights, gender discrimination and lack of information. During the last years, legal and institutional measures have been taken in Nigeria to combat human trafficking, there also have been implemented many reintegration and economical empowerment programs along with awareness campaigns against human trafficking. Nigeria also ratified the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children in 2001 15 New Nigeria Newspaper, February 6, 2002 Measures to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings in Benin, Nigeria and Togo, UNODC 2006, page 11 17 Human Trafficking in Nigeria: Roots, causes and recommendations; UNESCO 2006, page 9 16 9 and passed a national law against trafficking entitled “Trafficking in Persons (Prohibition) Law Enforcement and Administration Act 2003.” However the effort of the country regarding some measures, we still face other obstacles as the poor funding to the country, given by international donors’ agencies and governments and the use of these funds, misdirected by officials of governmental and non-governmental agencies, in corruption. Also the majority of the awareness campaigns are taken in the urban areas, leaving the rural areas, where many human trafficking victims are sourced, with no information on the matter.18 In 2005, Nigeria signed the Nigeria-Italy Republic Anti-Human trafficking Agreement, as an international collaboration to combat human trafficking for sexual exploitation. The agreement was signed by the two countries, to work together on a program sponsored by the United Nations, that it was set by the United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNCRI) and the United Nations Office an Drug and Crime (UNODC). The program outlines greater judicial cooperation between the two countries, public awareness, raising activities and measures to strengthen Nigerians law enforcement, prosecution and criminal justice agencies.19 Some consider that the country is not doing anything to stop the human trafficking and considers only a problem of migration and not human trafficking. However, recently the government created the agency NAPTIP to fight the human trafficking for sexual exploitation and also the trafficking o human organs. NAPTIP funded the training of 90 senior NAPTIP officials that received training in basic security and intelligence skills, necessary for any law enforcement officer. Throughout the reporting period, the government reported collaborating with law enforcement agencies in Germany, the United Kingdom, Greece, Sweden, France, 18 In Combating Human Trafficking in Nigeria: An Evaluation of State Policies and Programmes, Emmanuel Joseph Chukwuma Duru, pag 163 19 Nigeria trafficking page 125 10 Slovakia, Belgium, Netherlands, and Italy on trafficking investigations, involving Nigerian nationals.20 According to the report Human trafficking in Nigeria; roots and recommendations: “Restrictive migratory policies contribute to human trafficking in Nigeria, as migrants often rely on traffickers, offering false hopes of future gains. Moreover, the intensification of border controls in wealthier countries elevates the risks associated with illegal migration, thereby creating demand for the perceived sophistication of human traffickers.” The Majority of the Nigerian girls trafficked in Europe for prostitution is from Edo State. Okojie (2003) cited that “trafficking is now so ingrained in Edo State, especially in Benin City and its immediate environs, that it is estimated that virtually every Benin family has one member or the other involved in trafficking either as a victim, sponsor, madam or trafficker.”21 Initially, most of them came from Benin City and other cities from the Delta State. However with the antitrafficking campaigns, the traffickers are moving from the urban centers to the countryside. There are also records of people being recruited from other Nigerian states such as Imo, Enugu, Lagos, Ogun, Anambra and Akwa-Ibom. 22 In the book Traffico di Migranti e tratta di persone, the writer David Mancini says that the Nigerian Mafia uses the human trafficking as the major instruments to finance and develop other forms of trafficking. Their success is based on the control of every phase of the human trafficking. According to Isoke, there is a strong organization of trafficking in Benin City and that is the main reason that most of the girls come from Benin City. But is the same as 20 Trafficking in Persons 2012, Nigeria Trafficking Nigerian girls to Italy, Okojie, 2003, July, page 50 22 Report from the Nigerian Division of the International Criminal Police Organization, report dated 25th August 2000. 21 11 we identify Palermo for the mafia, it started there, but now there is more information and many people start to understand the conditions of coming into Europe, and as I said above, it started many prevention campaigns there. So, in the last years, many girls arrived from the majorly deprived economic areas, mainly from the rural areas, where many essential goods are absent, like water and electricity. The recruitment now is near to the girls, like the villages or the market, where the girls help their mother or aunt to sell some products.23 The low penalties and the high profits make human trafficking very attractive for the human traffickers. African traffickers face low risk of arrest or prosecution. The lack of laws on this kind of trafficking has been profited by the traffickers.24 Actually it is less risky than other trafficking, since carrying a person catch less attention for them than carrying a gun or drugs. The Nigerian organized crime was identified by EUROPOL as one of the largest law enforcement challenges to European governments.25 Another major cause for human trafficking for sexual exploitation in Nigeria is the lack of women’s education, since 40% of them are illiterate. However, there has been an improvement of educational opportunities, and also an increase of women holding several key governmental positions. Despite all these improvements, women throughout the country experience discrimination in employment and are often relegated to inferior positions.26 In the northern states governed under Sharia statutes, women’s rights have suffered particularly serious setbacks. Rape and spousal rape are considered separate offenses, though both have low rates of reporting and prosecution. Many women in Nigeria depend on their fathers and later, on their husbands, passing from one man to another.27 Many girls, especially while they are minors, come from large families and 23 La tratta delle minorenni Nigeriane in Italia, i dati, i raconti, i servizi sociali, page 73 Fitzgibbon, Kathleen (2003) “Modern Day Slavery? The Scope of Trafficking in Persons in Africa” in Africa Security Review Vol 1 2 No 1 25 Trafficking in Persons report 2012, Nigeria 26 Trafficking in Persons report 2012, Nigeria 27 La prostituzione nigeriana, Enrica Ruffa, page 5 24 12 with the premature death of one of the parents, many families are lead to extreme poverty. The parents of poorer rural families have also an age-old tradition that they send their children or allow the third or fourth child to be sent to live and work in an urban centre, with a member of the extended family (often an uncle), in exchange for a promise of education and instruction in a trade. So, by this way, the trafficker takes advantage of this tradition to use them in human trafficking.28 In the 1991 Census, it is shown that 2% of the married women in Nigeria entered into marriage by the age of 10, 8% at 12, 25% married at 13-15. The Census also shows that 40% marries at the age of 15, while 64% by the age of 18. So, in Nigeria the average age of marriage for females was found to be 16.5 years. During and after marriage, the Nigerian woman is regarded as inferior to the man. She is also not allowed to inherit, and subjected to physical, psychological and mental abuse and violence. A study on widow confinement shows that 45% widows were confined for varying lengths of time, 62% in South-South, 60% in North West, 51% in South West, 48% in North East and 27% in South East6.30 In the book Le ragazze di Benin City, the writer Isoke also refers to the fact that many girls work in Europe to pay for the education of their brothers in Nigeria. In the Amnesty International annually report 2012 on Nigeria31, the domestic violence, rape and other forms of sexual violence against women and young girls from state agents were invasive. Actually the authorities failed on the prevention and on the sexual violence confront or even secure justice to the responsables. 28 29 Nigeria trafficking page 17 Brief overview of the legal Status of women in Nigeria by A biola Afolabi-Akiode REPORTOF THE DECADE OF REVIEW OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF BEIJING PLATFORM FOR ACTION (BEIJING +10), page 11 30 31 http://rapportoannuale.amnesty.it/sites/default/files/Nigeria.pdf 13 In Africa, older people must be respected, they are the symbol of knowledge, experience and wisdom for all the community. Since many girls come into Europe very young, they encounter older people, playing at the beginning the role as friend or as family. Actually the name they give to the traffickers, ex- prostitutes is mamam, a name regarding as an older person, taking care of the victim in Europe. This role is used to manipulate the girls psychologically, since their values don’t allow them to disobey an older and experienced person and also these ties are generally affective. The victims call among themselves sisters, while the younger ones are called babies. These family names give them the representation of a bond, the substitution of their own family that they left in Nigeria. This also is a manipulative way to keep the girls in the side of the mamam, and make them believe that they are the only people that the girl can trust. According to Isoke, the mamam frequently is a friend of the family or even some relative that is why the family names are given in Europe, so the girls can be thankful to the mamam that gives her the opportunity to come in Europe. In Nigeria, the power of the religion is very strong and present in people’s life, unfortunately this power is misused and influences people on the wrong way. In the conference G 8 contro la violenza sulle donne32 , Isoke Aikpitanyi affirmed that many false priests follow the migrants and are the accomplices of many traffickers. Since the priests have a very important role in communities and they are seen as models and counselors, people tend to follow their advices. So they pressure the victim, using religious and moral arguments to persuade the victim, saying that God wants them to pay their debit, obey and keep their word. In an interview with Isoke, she affirmed that religion is a moral foothold, but also a scheme, since the priests work together with the traffickers and participate in the network to control the victims. Obviously not all are as described above; however the religion in Europe is distorted. 32 Rome 9 September 2009 14 Finally, the causes are not only originated in the sending country, but also in the host country, where we can observe a significant raise of the demand for paid sex. This is highly attractive to the traffickers and also to desperate people, looking for a better life standard. The relationship between the genders, the respect for women and also their empowerment in the Occident lead to decrease the number of European women in the streets. We can also observe that the unavailability of many women that in the XXI century have a job or a career may also lead to an increase of human trafficking, bringing young women, from emergent countries, to the streets of the Occident. The globalization and the soap operas that pass in Nigeria also make the girls dream about a luxury life, based on material goods. These luxurious lives that pass in the Occidental soap operas transmit the idea that people in Europe or in the United States of America live comfortably and that there is no misery in these countries. The luxuries goods and the ostentation shown by the mamam in Nigeria, acquired in Europe, are also an attractive way to catch the girls and their families’ attention and pull them into the trafficking system. I also would like to refer that, besides the empowerment of women in Europe, the education of man on that subject, certainly has not followed the course of the emancipation of women, being still attached to the image of woman-object. As Isoke says:“One raped African girl is one Italian saved.” 15 The Nigerian human trafficking system The Nigerian human trafficking system has been changing during the years, during my research and analysis I discovered that the system has been perfect, eliminating flaws, profiting the lack of legislation and the despair of people and also overcoming the new obstacles. This system uses the psychological availability and the material absence to push the girls, hoping to get a better life, into a net of abuse and precarious life. The documents facility, given by the traffickers is also an attractive way to the girls, seeking to pass the borders into Europe. These documents allow that the girls arrive comfortably by plane and consequently, that the amount of the debit rises significantly. According to Isoke these are reused documents that pass from on girl to another. In previous years, in the nineties, many human trafficking victims’ arrived directly by flight from Lagos to Rome or to Milan, with legal visas, this phenomena led to a four year process in Torino’s Court that confirmed, at 28 June 1999, the involvement of some staff of the Italian Embassy in Lagos, on the Nigerian Human trafficking.33 So, in the last years, the number of girls that arrive directly from plane has decreased and, there has been an increase of the girls that arrive directly by boat from Libya to Lampedusa and then Sicily. 34 In the study Trafficking Nigerian Girls to Italy, Okojie (2003) it is observed that trafficking is a racket that involves many Law Enforcement syndicates, especially at the airports and border posts. These officials often assist traffickers and victims to board flights and cross borders. This includes immigration officers and various intelligence agencies, based at the airports and borders as well as airline officials, who collaborate with traffickers and enable them to depart the country with fake papers. Furthermore, it was observed that similar rings exist at destination airports. Travel agents who dealt 33 34 Ragazze Edo, page 5 La tratta delle minorenni Nigeriane in Italia, i dati, i raconti, i servizi sociali, page 73 16 with airlines and embassies were found to collaborate with traffickers in order to obtain false travel documents.35 The way used by the girl to leave the country influences the amount of money that the girl will pay later to the Madam. If the girl reaches other countries comfortably by plane, the amount of money increases drastically, if otherwise, the girl passes the desert by truck and walking until she reaches Libya or Morocco and then passes into Europe by boat, reaching Spain or Lampedusa, the debit is a little less. This trip can last 2 years and unfortunately leaves many people behind. “Four trafficking routes were identified from northern Nigeria: Those leaving from Kebi or Sokoto travel to the Republic of Benin on to Niger, Ghana and Senegal and from there to Libya, Algeria or Morocco. These are transit countries for the destinations in the Middle East or Europe.”36 When the girl arrives in Italy, the mamam takes the girl’s documents. The documents are taken with the purpose to take the girl’s identity, to make her feel lonely and isolated and also to reuse the documents with another girl. Without documents also avoids that the girl walks around freely and have no afraid of the authorities. The debits today varies from 60 to 80 thousand, but also it can be 100 thousand Euros. This debit also increases with other payments such as the shopping that it has to be in the Africans shops, recommended by the Madam, the rent, the water, the electricity and the sidewalk, called joint. Other peculiar situations may influence the debit such as pregnancy and abortions. The debit can be paid in cash, if the mamam lives near to the girl, but also can be send to an address Western Union or by an illegal service, if the girl leaves in another city.37 In this system the girls regularly change city, avoiding being recognized by the authorities or even to have bonds with local people that can try to take the girls 35 Trafficking Nigerian Girls to Italy, Okojie, 2003, page 88 Measures to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings in Benin, Nigeria and Togo, UNODC 2006, page 32 37 Interview to Isoke, October, 2012 36 17 out of the trafficking. Anyway if the girl lives in the same city as the mamam or in another city, it doesn’t mean anything, since they are controlled wherever they are. The debit has a simultaneous character, being economic, moral and psychological at the same time. At first, the mamam says the amount in Naria, the Nigerian coin, passing after to Euros and increasing the exchange. They also pass to the girls an idea that gaining this money in Europe is something easy and fast to acquire. Yet, to pay the debit, usually goes from 4 to 5 years. One of the first psychological shocks that the girls have is discovering that the amount of money is bigger than what they were told at first.38 When the girls arrive in Italy, many of them give false names not only because of the false documents, but also to pretend that they are another person. Is like a double life and their false name is linked with their life in Europe. Another common method to obtain the documents is that the girls sometimes change the nationality, declaring that they are many times from Ghana and Liberia, in order to get a refugee status. Until 2005, many girls affirmed to be from Sierra Leone, acquiring by their nationality a political asylum. Yet, with the changes in the legislation, this method it turned to be useless.39 The Nigerian human trafficking system even if it is based on violence, is actually more psychological then physical. The main example of this is the already known voodoo, used as a contract between the victim and her mamam. Despite this is one of the main threats used to pressure the girls, Isoke affirms that many girls also don’t do it, because they are Christians. But this method is often used, especially with the most fragile, the ones that the threats and the fear will keep them in the streets. But the voodoo is more for protection measures than for good, if, of course, the promise is kept. 38 39 Tratta delle Minorenni Nigeriane in Italia, i dati, i raconti, i servizi sociali. Rome 2010 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 67 18 Since 1992, the Voodoo is recognized as an official religion in Benin and is celebrated the 10th January, in the National Celebration of Voodoo. In the past, the Voodoo was taken to the South America, where the slaves where taken to force labor. By this time, the Catholic Church fought hardly against this ritual, giving death penalty to the ones who practiced it. 40 Nowadays the voodoo is used as a powerful weapon in modern slavery. The victims go to the Baba-loa, which is a religious traditional figure that is much respected in the communities. Only in Edo State there are 5000 baba-loa, regularly registered as professionals, whose duties is to act in familiar conflicts and in community cohesion. This ritual uses the nails, blood or hairs of the girls to seal the pact and confirms the obedience of the girl to the mamam. The power of this ritual is only used later to threat indirectly the girl, with the power of the spirits. Certainly, this threat is more psychological, leaving the girl in fear. Usually the mamam also profits to use violence and explain to the girls that the misfortune happens because the girl disobeyed. Talking to a Methodist Pastor, he explained that this ritual is psychological, but also physical, because if it happens physically, it means that it had already happened spiritually. The sickness when it affects the body it is because the body and soul are together, so when the sorcerer says that the girl was killed because she didn’t wanted to pay, enforces the idea of the power of Voodoo to the other girls. The Voodoo is not only used to threat the girl, but also her family. Since the trafficker is usually a known person, the family is also threat, using the Voodoo, legal contracts, where all the family’s goods are taken, if the girl does not want to continue to obey the mamam or even physical violence. This lack of protection and legislation is one of the main control forms to keep the girl in the streets. Unfortunately, also many families want that the girls still sends the money, so they try to convince the girls to obey the mamam. 40 Le vittime della tratta dalla Nigeria: riti magico-religiosi e difficoltà di integrazione Bologna 27 marzo 2009 19 No matter the dimension and the means of the operation, the process is systematic and always well organized in all sorts of levels, including the financial meanings and also the movement of persons. The Nigerian traffickers abroad have established mafia-like organizations, in order to control the destination countries. They are ruthless and will sacrifice anyone to cover their tracks and protect their business. They also use codes to communicate among themselves.41The Nigerian mafia is also the only one in the world that can have good relationships with all other mafias.42 The Nigerian criminal organizations typically do not follow the mafia-type, however they seem to less formal, but more organized along familiar and ethnic lines.43 Regarding to other models of Mafia, the African Criminal Networks are usually smaller and compartmentalized cells, between two and ten members, that communicate mostly in the local language. These smaller groups share some confidence between the members and also adapt quickly to new environments. These networks usually arrange false identification documents, where they easily can change nationalities and often include government officials, by corruption and bribes. Another characteristic typical of these organizations is that they are highly mobile and usually use violence to attract the attention of law enforcement operators.44 This Nigerian system for sexual exploitation is a peculiar organization, not only because it can adapt to the obstacles and has different roles for the different phases on the route, but also because the main exploiter is an ex-victim. In this way it is an auto-sufficient system that is increasing significantly, because every victim is a potential exploiter. Actually, talking with a Methodist pastor, he declared that when the girl is finishing paying the debit, like 5000 Euros, the mamam, if is living in the same house, says often to bring another girl from Nigeria to work for the girl that is finishing to pay the debit. This method, not only keeps the girl near to the mamam, but also she avoids being denounced to the authorities. Sometimes, some madams turn over the victims to the Police and get them repatriated when they have nearly finished 41 Human trafficking in Nigeria; roots, causes and recommendations, pages 24,25 http://mafiatoday.com/tag/nigerian-city/ 43 La Sorte, Mike. "Defining Organized Crime (http://www.americanmafia.com/Feature_Articles_349.html) ". AmericanMafia.com, May 2006. 44 Nigerian Criminal Networks; A comparative analysis. Aimar Alkholt 2010 page 62 42 20 paying back their debts. Anyway, several victims become sponsors or madams or “recruiters” after gaining their “independence” from their madams.45 Among the mamam there are other people with specific roles that help her in the trafficking. There is her husband or boyfriend, her assistant, her driver, her bodyguard, the supervisor and the trolley. The supervisor can be a woman or a man, if it is a woman, it also can be involved in prostitution. The others also help to control the girls, with physical or psychological violence and to protect the main exploiter, receiving rewards for the services. The same person also can play different roles.46The mamam also can choose a favorite to watch the others, this situation usually puts the girls against each other and destroy the trust they have among them. This environment in the houses makes the girls distrust everyone and makes her live in fear, obeying to the mamam. This system leaves the girl extremely fragile and makes her count only on her own. In the Report of Field Survey in Edo State, Nigeria, Okojie concluded that officials as the Police, Immigration and the State Security Services (SSS) stated that between 60-80% of cases of trafficking, the recruiters are the ones who seek out the victims. According to this report, the victims and the recruiters come in contact with one another by: word of mouth (58.1% of respondents), trough family members (83.9%), and trough acquaintances (87.1%). 47 In the same report it was shown that, according to the Law Enforcement agents, the recruitment places were: home (83.9) and in the neighborhood (77.5%). The less recruitment places mentioned were bar/restaurant/hotel (38.7%) and school (29%). Usually when the places are neighborhood or home, the recruiter is someone that the victims know. In addiction, the recruiters act individually, between 40-80% and 63.3% are family members and 53.3% by a formerly trafficked member. 45 Trafficking Nigerian girls to Italy, Okojie, 2003, July, page 67 In Parsec, Ricerca ed interventi sociali 2009, page 59 47 Trafficking Nigerian girls to Italy, Okojie, 2003, July, page 55 46 21 When the mamam or the recruiter seduces the girl, they not only let her believe that the amount of money is easy and fast to pay, but also that the girl will do other jobs, such as hairdresser, babysitter or beautician. However during the years, this system has changed, and many girls that come to Europe are aware about the work that they will do. Talking with a social worker48, she explained that the girls even take photographs, from every part of they body, before they leave the country. Despite of a part of them being aware about the work they will do in Europe, the girls are not aware about the conditions they will have and suffer, like the weather conditions, the number of hours and the days they have to do, the violence they are submitted and also the space they have to share in the mamam’s house. The girls also think they can trick the traffickers and have a different life. The goal of the girls is to arrive in Europe and have the documents. According to Isoke, this issue is not important, because even if the girls know, they still are obligated to pay the debit on inhuman conditions. At the moment some social workers say that there is a crisis in the Nigerian trafficking system, since also some women left their mamam and started automanaged groups on their own. But these affirmations aren’t exact, since we have also other examples. Today the organized crime groups are more organized than ever.49 While in Europe, the girls also have to pay the joint, in the book Le Ragazze di Benin City, Isoke refers that the joint, the piece of the sidewalk that the mamam affirms that she bought, can cost until 250 Euros to the victim, this money is also paid to the trafficker. Besides the joint the girls also have to pay 200 for the rent, 100 Euros for the food and also extra costs for clothes, transport or other personal needs. Recently facts confirmed that in Castel Volturno the Gomorra was involved in the payment of the joint, having a percentage of the amount, in order to leave the Nigerian Mafia operate in the area. 48 Social worker from Santa Chiara in Palermo. 49 Tratta e prostituzione di strada in Italia. Percorsi di reinserimento ed esperienze a confronto, page 7 22 In the same book, we can see that the Nigerian victims usually accept only 10 Euros for the services, so they have to at least submit to 4000 sexual services, while the Eastern girls never accept less than 15 Euros from the clients. In Sicily, there is also this racial discriminative stratus that puts the Romanian as a high “material” and the Nigerians as the bottom material. Since there is a lower price to pay to be with a Nigerian, there more frequently exposed to violent clients. Furthermore the Romanian usually are on closed houses, having by this way more protection than the Nigerians that are on the streets. 50 The debit has to be paid as soon as possible, so, with these sums, the girls have to work 7 days a week and several hours a day. In Italy, the violence used in the girls is not only from the exploiters, but also from the clients. In the last 15 years 500 Nigerian girls have been killed in Italy. In the streets, the girls are vulnerable to rapes and physical aggression from the clients. As Claudio Magnabosco51 says “The Nigerian prostitution is a paid rape”. The girls that are recruited usually have between 17 and 27 years old.52 In the research made by a team headed by Isoke across Italy, the major part of the girls had 18 years old. There was also a considered number of victims between 23 and 25.53 The girls are usually picked between these ages, because the mamam searches for girls, who are not virgins. If the girl is a virgin, the exploiter finds a group of boys to rape her in group. This “treatment” is considered as a favor to the girl, from the mamam. A research made in Nigeria confirmed that most of the girls by the time they were recruited had less than 20 years.54 Is also frequently that the mamam changes the age of the girls to obtain other gains. Often the girls, who have from 20 to 25, suddenly pass to underage in order to pass the borders. However, the contrary is also seen, when the false documentation is 50 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 19 The partner of Isoke 52 La prostituzione Nigeriana, Ruffa, page 6 53 Indagine Isoke Aikpitanyi tratta prostituzione, ragazze nigeriane. 54 Trafficking of Nigerian girls to Italy, 2003, page 9 51 23 from an adult. Once in Italy, the age can also be changed.55While on the streets and with no documents the girls usually say their real age.56 Prostitution is morally unaccepted in Nigeria, so when the girls go back to Nigeria there can be two reactions from the communities. If the girl comes back with money, she is accepted in the society, even if the community knows that she was a prostitute in Europe. However, if the girl comes deported or without any money, the community puts the girl aside and even the family refutes the girl. The girls recruited usually are from lower classes and with low-income background. They usually also have basic education, like primary or secondary school. 57 With this background it is easier for the traffickers to recruit the girl, who takes the offer, often with the goal to help her family, the traffickers take the advantage of their basic economic goods, to offer to pay the trip and the necessary documentation. Even if the Nigerian system in human trafficking is based on these components and organized as it is described above, it has been changing during the years, in order to overcome the legislation that have been made on this issue. The traffickers also have adapted the procedures and changed the recruitment. These networks are live organisms that overcome and adapt to cultures, traditions, societies and judicial, penal and legislative systems. 55 Trafficking of Nigerian girls into Italy, the data, the stories, the social services, page 43 Trafficking of Nigerian girls into Italy, the data, the stories, the social services, page 65 57 Trafficking of Nigerian girls to Italy, 2003, page 9 56 24 Motherhood being a human trafficking victim Nigeria has one of the highest rates of maternal mortality in the world. Every ten minutes a woman dies in childbirth. According to the study Gender in Nigeria Report 2012, from the British council, Nigeria only spends 6.5% of its budget on healthcare; unfortunately this measure leaves many young mothers into death. In the same study it was verified that 47% of Nigerian women are mothers before they reach 20 years old.58 Mothers giving birth before the age 15 have more possibility to die at birth than the 20 years old. In the country, women who are under 18, particularly those under 15, women also over 35 years old and women whose births are closely spaced are especially at risk. The women becoming mothers before 18 years old is declining in Nigeria, however 25% of 15-19 years old girls have already given birth to at least one child.59 In Italy the only reference to the motherhood of the Nigerian human trafficking victims is Isoke Aikipitanyi that talked about this matter on her two books Le Ragazze di Benin City and 500 storie vere. Interviewing Isoke this year, she reported the violence that the girls suffer while they are pregnant and when they abort. In her replies to my questions, Isoke told me that 50% percent of the victims suffer more than one abortion and 75% suffer more than one in their lives. While the Eastern girls can go up to three abortions, the Nigerians usually have less, since being a mother to them is a blessing. In the last years, many girls go on with the pregnancy, also because the traffickers tell their victims how to seek asylum and explore the law to avoid deportation. This point is also profitable for the mamam, because she makes the girl believe that she also concerns with her legality in the country.60 58 Gender in Nigeria Report 2012, British council, page 12 Gender in Nigeria Report 2012, British council, page 53 60 Indagine Isoke Aikpitanyi tratta prostituzione, ragazze nigeriane page 18 59 25 Unfortunately, many girls are raped during the trip, before they arrive in Italy, they are submitted to extreme violence and rape. Consequently, the girls get pregnant and or they arrive pregnant in Italy or they have the children during the trip. This pregnancy raises the debit, a Methodist pastor in Palermo referred that the debit can raise 10 thousand more, when the girl is pregnant. Isoke testimonies that the abortion is often made at home with horrible modalities obligated by the mamam, like physical practices, poisonous mixtures. Many girls tell that they often drink a shake, where it is used their own fetus and blood. The Madam pays the woman to help with the abortion and this also raises the debit. According to a community’s Methodist pastor in Palermo, these homemade illegal abortions put the life of the girls in danger and consequently many cannot have children after the incident. The pastor also affirms that in Palermo sometimes the girls are taken by the mamam into the hospital to do the abortion. When the girls take the pregnancy until the end, the babies become a way to control the girl, by the mamam, in order to obligate her to pay the debit until the end and maintain her on the street. I also would like to underline that the babies also raise the debit’s amount, since the trafficker uses the babysitting and all the products used for the baby, as an excuse to raise the debit, keeping the mother more time on the streets. According to Isoke, this situation is really peculiar, since many children are taken away from their mothers, by the social services, because the mothers don’t leave the prostitution. So by one side the girl has the social services that force the girl to leave the streets and by the other side the girl has the trafficker who threats her own son with violence and even death. When the mamam doesn’t accept the child, the mother sometimes sends the baby to Nigeria, so her family can take care of the child. Yet the families, with the purpose to keep having the money that monthly arrives from Europe, say to the girl that the boy is sick, or that he needs more money to school. In Edo State, many 26 families pride themselves on having relatives in Italy, Spain or the Netherlands, pointing to houses, cars, boreholes and other luxury material sent by the victims. This is especially noticed in obituary announcements where all surviving children are in one European country or the other.61 The mother is played by her own family and keeps sending the money. In an interview with a Methodist pastor from the Nigeria community in Palermo, it was confirmed that the families used the children to get the money from the girls. Yet, he phrased that not only the families of the human trafficking victims’ use to manipulate them, but also every family of a migrant seeks to have money from them. The life of a human trafficking victim, not only affects her, but also her children. Since the motherhood is the dream of most Nigerian girls, even at young ages, this is a powerful way to control and manipulate the victims. Unfortunately the control used on their mother affects also these little boys and girls, even if at early ages they don’t understand the pressure that exists between the trafficker and their mother. In an interview to Isoke, she affirmed that many times these children don’t go to the kindergarten or school, so people can not notice the difference on their behavior. At this point many children are raised in Italy as they were raised in Africa. 61 Trafficking Nigerian girls to Italy, Okojie, 2003, July, page 50 27 The Nigerian human trafficking in Palermo In Palermo, I received the information from people who work directly with the human trafficking Nigerian victims, that includes a local Methodist pastor, a social worker, working with many young Nigerian victims, who are also mothers and also a social assistant that works with the children in a center. Unfortunately, there is no data about the human trafficking in Sicily, the only literary reference used to support this study is the book Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria financed by the program Parì Opportunità. According to the book mentioned above, there is a major number of victims that are following the protection program, that are from Nigeria and have between 19 and 30 years old.62 The major two nationals groups in Sicily are from Eastern Europe and from Nigeria. In the same book is referred that there are between 500 and 600 foreign girls in prostitution.63 Yet, according to a Methodist pastor in Palermo, only in this city, there are around 500 Nigerians girls. In winter months many girls are moved to the invisible houses.64 The same study affirms that the majority of the foreign prostitution is located near to the sea, in Palermo is very clear that they are agglomerated near to Parco della Favorita, near to the beach Mondello. Many girls concentrate themselves also near to the Historic Center, i.e., near to the train station.65 Yet, I should say, as I noticed, that the majority of the Nigerian girls are near to the sea, since the ones near to the Historic Center are from the Eastern Europe. According to the Methodist Pastor, in Palermo some girls have to pay the sidewalk, the joint that they say it was bought by the mamam. Yet, there is no record that this payment is connected to the local Mafia, Cosa Nostra, like in the Torino and 62 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa, page 40 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 10 64 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 10 65 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 12 63 28 Castel Volturno. In Sicily there is the preoccupation to camouflage the human trafficking, however during the last years there has been an increasing of the phenomena. To avoid a social alarm, there is a tendency to push the girls into the private houses. 66 In Sicily there is not an active link between the Cosa Nostra and the human trafficking for sexual exploitation, yet there seems to be a connection between some individuals from Cosa Nostra, in the peripheral areas, and foreign criminal organizations. According to some people interviewed for the study, the Cosa Nostra’s disinterest is due to a financial balance that attracts the attention of the authorities to the foreign groups’ organizations.67 Despite the ethical rule of Cosa Nostra, that despises the immoral behavior of its elements, like being linked to the prostitution, these criminal organizations like Cosa Nostra and the Ndrangheta are also known to adapt rapidly the ethical codes into the present. This adaptation shows, that even if they are not directly connected to the prostitution, because they consider that the profit is not relevant, there is some link between the transnational groups and the local criminal groups in Sicily.68 It is known that the human trafficking victims from Nigeria, usually comes from Benin City, yet the social assistant stated that the despite they say that they are from Lagos, because it is easier to locate the city, many are from the rural areas, the little villages situated in near to Lagos. Since the year 2000 that the Host Center (the one I interviewed the social worker) works on the article 18 and it is able to assist the foreign human trafficking victims on their exit process. Speaking specifically on the Nigerian case, the social worker phrased that they have host hundreds of women without children that usually don’t pass the 30 years old and arrive in the center without documents. Some of these women are minors. When asked about the women that arrived with children, she 66 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 17 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 20 68 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 76, 77 67 29 stated that around 40% enter in the center with children, who are in early ages, still babies, most of the times. Some women also arrive pregnant, without referring who the father is, if it is a boyfriend or a client. What concerns to abortions, many suffer miscarriage even in Nigeria, sometimes provoked, with the help of the older ones, sometimes aren’t, due to the weak sanitary system in the country. In Palermo, the abortions are many times made by the mamans, with mixtures that frequently include blood and herbs. When asked about the children left in Nigeria by their mothers, the social worker referred that is an ambiguous issue, since the victims usually tend to lie about their lives, so is not possible to give a number to it. However, she stated that the women often leave the children in Nigeria with their families. The social assistant that works in a kindergarten for immigrants, stated that the ones who come with 25-28 years old, usually already have children in Nigeria. But, since the African family ties are different from the Occidental ones, it is normal to leave the children, even being babies with 3-5 years old, with the family. The women are very affective with the children, however, culturally they leave the children freer, and so even if it costs a mother to leave their children in Nigeria, while they immigrate to Italy, they accept it normally and let the children with their families. The social worker also stated that normally, the families use the children to ask for the money. In addition, the social assistant referred that a Nigerian that comes to Europe is a model to the big African families, so it is normal, that the families use the fact that the victims are in Europe to ask for money. According to the social assistant that works especially with the children, many of them are born in Palermo, and during that period their mothers usually don’t go to the street, since they have to stop for the breast-feeding. She also stated, as I said before, that the babies are also an advantage to have the resident permit or, as stated above, an advantage to the trafficker, to keep the victim in the streets and raise their debit. 30 When the girls arrive to the center, they have to do a health check-up, and some of them discover that they have HIV. This fact, unfortunately, helps the girl to decide to exit the streets and engage in the program of the article 18. Many of the victims didn’t know before that they were infected, and even had no idea where they contracted the disease, so besides the psychological trauma, the ones who contract HIV need also an extra psychological support. Following the exit program, the girls, even if they are not legally obligated to cooperate with the authorities, they have to cooperate in the investigations and denounce the trafficker. In this case, the victims are often threat by the traffickers, and are afraid that the traffickers can harm to their families. Since 2007, only 15 resident permits were given, by the authorities in Palermo, to those who followed the article 18, including 4 Ghana nationals, 8 Nigerians, 1 from Brazil, 1 from Bangladesh and 1 from Liberia.69 The low number of resident permits to the human trafficking victims is due to the fact that some Questure do not permit the victim to follow the social way and also the long wait to obtain the resident permit. The lack of the victim’s family protection is also one major issue that influences the victims not to denounce their trafficker.70 There should be underlined that many Nigerians change their nationalities at their arrival, to facilitate the asylum request. According to the Methodist pastor many victims say that they are from neighbor countries that are in war, facilitating, by this way, the seek asylum request. The social worker and the social assistant referred that some of the girls travelled to Italy together with their children; however most of them come alone and have children in Italy. Unfortunately, many are raped during the trip to the destination countries and arrive at Italy pregnant. Sometimes, also the trafficker becomes their husband and together they have a child. When the trafficker is the husband of the victims, is even more complicated to keep the victim out of the trafficker, since there 69 70 Data given by the Questura di Palermo Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 157 31 are more affective and emotional ties to the exploiter. Many victims marry to their exploiter to have the resident permit, as some exploiters are already legal in Italy. According to the Methodist Pastor, many husbands profit from the fact that the woman, in the past, worked on the streets, even if they already have paid the debit, the husbands put their partners into the prostitution again, in order to have some money. Consequently, many women get pregnant to avoid to go to the streets. The situation with the victims’ partners is very complicated, since even if they are some husbands that don’t allow the girls to go to the street, because they consider that is not dignified, there are others that pretend to be lovers, but in reality they are their exploiters. In this case, they are the ones that take care of the children, by this way, the exploiters threat the victims psychologically, using the matrimony as a way to keep the victims linked to the exploiter. Since the victims need a husband for their children, they keep falling on this kind of traps. Before the threats were more physically, yet, now they are more psychological, since there are more laws to protect the victims. The Nigerian mafia is already a known and spread system all over the world. At first, they were the people from the university’s fraternities, but after this, the fraternities got bigger outside the campus. In Palermo, these mafias are already operating with a specific method in the human trafficking. Since this mafia is constituted by males, they offer the girl protection and obligate her to do what they want. The affective side is also often used to maintain the girl into prostitution or passing drugs. In Palermo, if the Nigerians on the streets are arrested, is not because of the prostitution or the documents, but because of the drugs that they pass. In the Nigerian culture a woman has no significant value without a husband or a child, it is difficult to the Center to make these women leave their husbands. However, and according to the social assistant the best thing to impulse the girls to leave the streets is the love for their children. 32 In Palermo, the girls arrive to the protection services through three main ways, which includes: the mouth-to-mouth, mainly in the religious community, where the Methodist pastor works and helps the girls trapped in the human trafficking, or the clients that also save the girls; the street unity, that goes to the streets to support the girls; and finally are the people from the services that go directly to see the girls on the streets and publicize their services.71 When the girls follow the article 18, the children live with them, and this is one way to make them stronger and certain in leaving the streets. The mothers in the Center are affectionate mothers, in case that there is violence, the Center is obligated to tell the Court that they are not good mothers. The victims usually see in their children the way to change their lives, as a rebirth. As Isoke said to me, “when the victims give birth, is not only the birth of the baby, but also the birth of the mother.” According to the Methodist pastor, when the mothers go to the streets, the children can be traumatized by this, not only because the mother has not a regular behavior, usually she is nervous, but also because the mother is also absent during the shifts on the street. When the children see their mother putting make up before going out, they think that their mothers are always frequenting parties. So, it is normal, as the social worker stated that they are hyperactive children, even if it is also a cultural aspect. They also tend to be very sensitive and sensible children. When the children have 8-9 years old, they live in a more complicated situation than the smaller ones, since they start to understand the real situation and since, usually they go to school, the abnormal behaviors are more obvious. As the victims work in shifts in the streets, the children are left at home, with other victims, when the mothers go to work. When the children go to school, everything changes, because, in general these children are hyperactive and live in a house full of women, usually without a male 71 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 71, 72 33 figure. And then, there is the problem when the mother changes city, since in this system, many times the mothers are obligated to change city or go to a country wealthier than Italy, like Netherlands, Norway or France. It is not easy for the mothers to change city because they have to do the documents and change residency. In addition the girls also tend to stay close to where they did their documents, this situation applies with or without children. The girls change city if the exploiter is someone who can help with their legalization in the country, otherwise they have to wait to be regular in the country. The classic mamam, often is at home with the girls. Yet, according to the Methodist pastor, the majority of the mamans live outside Palermo and have the girls in the Sicilian capital. There are also cases that the exploiter lives in Palermo along with the girl and cases that the trafficker is in Palermo and the girl is in another Italian city. The Nigerian human trafficking system is auto-sufficient, since usually many the victims become mamams themselves, the older ones, or the wife of the trafficker, if it is a man. Unfortunately, the girls even before they arrive in Italy suffer, from bad treatment and bad conditions. When the girls are pregnant from their clients and they have the child, it is because they choose to have it. The clients choose their “girl” and usually go to the same girl many times, being in love with her. There are many girls that marry with Italians that used to be a client. At this point, the baby usually is an excuse to be with the client and leave the streets. Usually the girls arrive by boat in Lampedusa and there they stay for a while in some host Centers. Some that arrive without contacts, so they don’t pass for the usual recruitment system, however when they arrive they start creating contacts with other girls and they are the ones who contact the mamam. The Nigerian mafias search also 34 for the girls when the boats arrive in Sicily and put them in the prostitution circle. 72If the contacts are in Palermo, they stay in the city for a while, if the exploiter changes city, the girls sometimes also change the city. What often happens, generally with the immigrants that come alone is that they stop for a whine in Palermo to have some money, and then they go to wealthier places or countries, like the north of Italy, Netherlands, Norway or Sweden. When asked if Palermo was the first European city that the victims put their feet on, the social assistant said that it depended on the transport they use. If the girls arrive by plane, Italy can be the second or the third country that the girls arrive in Europe. Nowadays, it was seen that the majority of the girls arrived by boat or land and not by plane. Furthermore, arriving by plane means that the visa only lasts 3 months. However, if they arrive by boat, many arrive to Lampedusa and then go to Palermo. Palermo is not only one of the first cities that the victims stop in Italy to make some money, is also one of the last. According to a social worker that participated in the study financed by Parì Opportunità, the Sicilian market is a second hand market, where the girls, when are finishing to pay the debit go from the north of Italy, where the payments are higher, to the south, where the climate conditions are more adequate to work on the streets. 73 When the girls arrive in Nigeria, for holidays, the people pretend not to know what they do in Europe, yet, since everyone has a cellular and it is easier to contact the families, it is known that the girls are into the prostitution in Europe. At this point, the families are only interested in the money acquired by their relatives and the advantages that this can bring to them in Nigeria and the social status. If the girl is deported and arrives with no money, many times the family despises the girl and don’t accept them into the family. 72 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 11 Migrazione, tratta e sfruttamento sessuale in Sicilia Calabria, Giuliana Candia, Granca Garreffa , page 68 73 35 When asked if the girls want to come back to Nigeria, the social assistant replied that they want to go more to see the family. In addition, the social worker stated that after knowing the occidental way of life, where women have more advantages, many don’t want to live in Nigeria, only go to see their relatives. 36 The inquiries The inquiries were made to 24 people from the Nigerian community in Palermo, which 22 were women and 2 were man. Regarding the fact that the inquiries were taken in order to improve the knowledge of the women in the Nigerian Community in Palermo, as well as their children, I accepted the inquiries taken by the two males, but I didn’t count for the statistics. These women were noticed by the local pastor that announced thT was going a study about their conditions and their children conditions. Besides the fact that the pastor affirms that they were or are victims of human trafficking, these words were not pronounced during the survey. It is known that, when someone that they don’t know well, talks to them about the human trafficking issue, they do not trust the person and usually they don’t say a word. The inquiries were based on 34 questions regarding their children, but also their age, the route they take until they arrive in Palermo and when did they arrive in Italy. By this way I was able to have also some information regarding to the entries of the victims in the city. The survey was based on the following questions: 1. Which neighborhood do you live in Palermo? 2. How many children do you have? 3. How old are they? 4. Do they live with you? 5. How old are you? 6. What route did you take to come to Palermo? 7. Do you speak Italian? 8. What is your level of Italian? 9. Did you study in Nigeria? 37 10. Until when? 11. When did you come in Italy? 12. Where do you come from in Nigeria? 13. Do you have a husband or a boyfriend? 14. What is the nationality of your husband or boyfriend? 15. Do you work? Where? 16. With who you leave your children when you go to work? 17. Do you know about other people who have children and have no place to leave them, when they go to work? 18. Do your children speak Italian? What level? 19. Do your children go to school? 20. Did they have any problem at school? 21. Do you have a residence permit? 22. What do you need in Italy? 23. How do you find yourself in Italy? 24. What do you think about the authorities in Palermo? 25. Do you feel safe in Palermo? 26. Do you have a professional project for your future? 27. Do you have to send money to your family? 28. Are you aware about your rights in Italy? 29. Is there anyone who helps you? 30. Did you ever suffered an act of racism? 31. Did you denounce the case? 32. How would you assess the authorities’ treatment? 33. Do you trust in the people around you? 38 The first question was made mainly to assist the mothers and to have information about their neighborhood, in order that the street unity could identify the area that the mothers live. A big majority lives with their children, except one mother that have left her child in Nigeria with her family, as we can see on figure 1. Regarding that one of my concerns was that the families of the victims could use the children to have money from their mothers, it was verified that this situation does not occur among the inquired mothers. Only one mother has her child in Nigeria. fig. 1 As we can see in the figure 2, the majority of the mothers (12) have only 1 child, followed by a group of ten mothers that have 2 children and a minority, only one, that have 3 children. So besides in Nigeria there are big families, while in Italy, the family numbers change to a smaller number of children. This also can be related to the year that the victims arrived, being most of them on the last years, as we can see in the figure 8. Furthermore if raising a child in Nigeria it requires less money and consequently, less conditions, in Italy it requires more effort and financial resources. fig 2 39 Also related to the years of arrival of the victims is the children’s ages. During the survey, it was observed that the majority (7) of the children was only 4. Only one was 17 and it was the one who was living in Nigeria. After the four years olds, are the ones with 2 and one year olds. The most significantly ages are all under 4. Fig 3 According to the graphic below, almost half of the mothers have between 31 and 35 years old. This number is followed by 27% of the victims with their ages between the 27 and the 30 years old. This graphic show us that the more are aged between the 22 and the 36 years old. So, contrary to what happens in their origin country, the age of the mothers is not as early as in Nigeria. fig 4 40 Asked about their Italian, it was noticed that only 9 % of the victims didn’t speak Italian. In this 91% of the mothers interviewed, 11 classified their Italian level as C1, 6 as A1 and 3 as B2. fig 5 Regarding their studies in Nigeria, only 9 % didn’t study at all. From the ones who studied, 16 studied until secondary school, 2 until University and 2 until elementary school. Fig 6 Fig 7 The year that it was pointed as their arrival, it was between the year 1999 and 2011. Besides a constant variation of their arrival year, it was notable that the year 41 2008 is extremely high, comparing to the other years. On their routes the majority arrived in Palermo by boat, walking and going by bus to Libya and then by boat to Lampedusa and Palermo, around 10 people. It is also evident that these cases have occurred mostly in the last years. It was also identified four people that walked also until Morocco and passed into Europe, by Spain. Eight of the other women arrived directly by plane, passing before in Germany, Holland, Rome and Milan. These last eight women arrived mostly after 1999. Fig 8 An important information to the research was the provenience of this women in Nigeria, since I wanted to verify if actually the majority of the women came from Benin City. According to the survey 12 women were from Benin City, 5 were from Lagos, 2 were from Delta State one from Port Harcourt and one from Ozolun. 42 Fig 9 Regarding to their partner and since it was declared by the people interviewed that sometimes it is their own partners to put the girls into prostitution, it was important to know their civil status. However, as the social assistant said, many aren’t really married, they only declare themselves married, when they arrive in Italy, since it is easier to documents and have babies. According to the graphic below, 14 of them are married and only 5 have a boyfriend, three of the mothers have no partner at all. Fig 10 Also important for the survey was their partners’ nationality, since the ones referred to put them into the streets were their own conational. It was observed that 74% of the partners were Nigerians, followed my other African nationalities, such as Ghanaians (11%), Togolese (5%), Gambians (5%) and Italians (5%). 43 fig 11 Regarding their situation in Italy, 73% don’t work, 18 % have work and 9% only works sometimes. When asked about what they need in Italy, the majority of the mothers (77%) answer that they need a job. The rest of the mothers asked for the passport for the babies, documents and assistance for a better life in Italy. fig 12 fig 13 One of the questions was “how did they find themselves in Italy”, only 18% said good, the majority (41%) replied that they were ok and 23% that they more or less. A 44 very small percentage (4%) said that life in Italy was very difficult and 14% said that life in Italy was not good. Regarding to their legality in Italy, 82% affirmed having residence permit, while 18% don’t have residence permit in Italy. fig 14 fig 15 fig 16 45 Regarding their situation in Italy, the women were asked if they had a project for their future, according to what they answered half said no, 41 % said yes, most of it to get a job and 9% didn’t answer. An important subject on this survey was to know if the children were integrated in the occidental society in Palermo. So, the first question was if their children were able to speak Italian, which 59% answered yes. However, due to the age of the children, 36 % of them are too young to speak. fig 17 Most of the children are also in school, the major part in the kindergarten, fifteen of them, followed by 6 children in elementary school, and only one in secondary school. The ones who were not in school is due to their early ages. fig 18 46 One of the questions was “if anyone helped with their children in Palermo”. Most of the answers were “no”, as we can see in the graphic below. The ones that answered “yes”, appointed to their families (some with no biologic ties) or associations, as their helpers. Fig 19 When asked about the authorities in Palermo, there were different opinions, yet 64% defined the authorities as being “ok”, 14 % declared them as “not good” and 9% as “good”. fig 20 As for feeling safe in Palermo larger majority, 20 people affirmed to feel safe in the city, and only one said no. 47 fig 21 About sending money to their family in Nigeria, 15 mothers replied that don’t send any money to Nigeria, 5 answered that they send money back to their families in their origin country, and 2 said that they should, but they cannot afford to send any money. fig 22 The women were also asked about their knowledge of their rights in Italy, this question was mainly to know if they were aware about the article 18, even if it was the article was not clearly expressed in the question. About this matter 73% of the inquired said yes and 18% said no. 48 fig 23 Due to the lack of trust between the Nigerian Community or even between the victims, one of the questions on the survey was about their trust among them. As the previous affirmations in other books, also in Palermo the women don’t trust other people in general. As the graphic below shows, 10 people said they didn’t trust other people and 7 people said “yes” 4 people said that “it depended” and 1 didn’t answer. Fig 24 Another question was related to the racism versus the Nigerian community. Meanwhile I was in Palermo, it started to appear big groups of young people that started to attack not only Nigerians, but also the city mosque. The dramatic incidents in the past December with the victims of human trafficking also pushed me do this questions. However, it seems that most of the inquired people were not victims of racism. Only 3 women admitted to have been victims of racism in the city. 49 Fig 25 By this inquire I realized, that even if with a smaller sample of Nigerian women from Palermo, Palermo is an arrival city, as mentioned before. Also the victims that are mothers are people that arrived in Italy after 1999 and the majority did the route by Libya and Lampedusa. It was also seen that their children are integrated in the Palermo’s society, going to school and speaking also Italian. 50 Conclusion On this research I found that the Nigerian human trafficking system has been changing during the years, it has been perfect, eliminating flaws, profiting the lack of legislation and the despair of people and also overcoming the new obstacles. The Nigerian organized crime networks are live organisms that overcome and adapt to cultures, traditions, societies and judicial, penal and legislative systems. At the moment this system also uses more the psychological violence and manipulation than the physic one, in order to avoid the victims to denounce the traffickers. In the specific case of Palermo, the Nigerian mafias are already operating with their own method in human trafficking. Since this mafia is constituted by males, they usually use the affective side to manipulate the girls and keep her in prostitution or passing drugs. In Palermo, most girls arrive from Benin City and come by Libya, arriving on Lampedusa, by boat. So as we have seen, the Nigerian system is not only the mamam or the recruiter that puts the girl into the prostitution, but also males who bond to the girls emotionally. Also sometimes when the girls arrive with no contacts, they start creating contacts with other girls and they are the ones who contact the mamam. AlsoThe Nigerian mafias search also for the girls when the boats arrive in Sicily and put them in the prostitution circle. If the contacts are in Palermo, they stay in the city for a while. Palermo is not only one of the first cities that the victims stop in Italy to make some money, is also one of the last. According to a social worker that participated in the study financed by Parì Opportunità, the Sicilian market is a second hand market, where the girls, when are finishing to pay the debit go from the north of Italy, where the payments are higher, to the south, where the climate conditions are more adequate to work on the streets. As for the children, many of them are born in Palermo, and during that period their mothers usually don’t go to the street, since they have to stop for the breast51 feeding. The babies are also an advantage to have the resident permit or even an advantage to the trafficker, to keep the victim in the streets and raise their debit. Most of the children have been born recently and it seems that they are integrated in Palermo. As for the article 18, it has not been that successful, since in 5 years only 15 resident permits were given by the Questura in Palermo. Unfortunately, many victims cannot collaborate with the authorities, since there is no protection to the family in the origin country. Also, for the victims, a main problem is that they cannot get a job, so, on this matter the coordination prepares formation for the girls and also prepares them to help others victims. A massive raising awareness campaign is also being taken in the city. Through the last year, the Coordination Favour and Loveth has been fighting against human trafficking, uniting many associations that work with the victims on several fields. For the first time, they are trying to put together all the data and information about this phenomena in the city. Despite all the effort, and also the participation of very important people on my research this is a very complicated phenomena that has to be study and measured, not only in the European countries, but also in the origin country. By this survey I realized that many women arrived in Italy, after 1999, and that the majority did the route by Libya and Lampedusa. It was also seen that their children are integrated in the Palermo’s society, going to school and speaking also Italian. 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