SPEECHES^ POLITICAL QUESTIONS,

Transcription

SPEECH ES^
ON SOME CUERENT
POLITICAL QUESTIONS,
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Catniritrge:
PBIKTED B T 0 . J .
OLAT, M.A.
AT THE DKIVBR8ITT PRESS.
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SfE IflC H E S
PO LITICAl QIJESTIONS
H E N R Y F A W C E T T , M .R
FELLOW OF T W N IT T ITALL :
AKD rn O F E S S O B OF POLITICAL E C O N O irt IN T H E
U S IV X K SIT T O F CA ilB R IB O E.
ILonliort:
M A C M IL L A N
AND
C O.
1873.
[Ml RiyltU rciervecl.]
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P1U 5FA C E .
I PROBABLY should iiot havG thought of publishing the
present volume had it not happeiied that in the past
session the discussion on the Indian Budget did not
commence until so^ late an hour in tlie evening as to
render it impossible for the debate to be adequately
repoided. • Many friends consequently asked me to
•publish th e sjêech which I made in that debate.
After
I liad consented to do so, I thought it might not b*e
inappropriate to publish some other speeches which
I had made on questions which still await settlem ent.
I t may be thought that as the present volume contains
thfee speeches on the Irish U niversity question, that I
have lio t confined it simply to political subjects which
still remain misettled.
I have however endeavoured to
shew that muuh rcmu.iiio to be done in refereiice lo
U iiiversity Education in Ireland; and it certainly appeai'od to* me that a short retrospect of the history of
the question i«ight not be wanting in m tercst to those
• who will have to determine the future of higher educa-
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tion in Ireland.
made
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\ l l the speeches exceptrthe last were
th e IJouse of Comm#n&
Sly chief reason for
publishing th e one delivered dt. an annual meeting of
the Brighton constituency is, that it refers ttf many
topics o f present interest, and especially to the active,
agitation now being revived in favour o f the repeal of
the income-tax.
I t also contains some remarks on the
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relations between a i»ember and his constituents in
reference to the mode of conducting an election.
For the sake of brevity, when I have had occasion
to refer several times to the same member, I have
mentioned his name, instead of adopting the House of
Commons method of describing him as ‘‘my honourable
friend the member for such a place.”
CAMBIlIDrTE,
Ocl. 1873.
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CONTENTS.
PAGE
1. I n d k n Finance, the Indian Budget, 1872 .
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47
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1873 .
The Birmingham League and the Education Act, 1873
i. The Nine H ours Bill, 1873
5. Election Expenses, 1873
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8.
10.
W omen’s Suffrage, 1873
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107
132
145
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159
Household Suffrage in Counties and the RedLstribxition
of Seats, 1873
172*
Irish TJniversity Education! Ministerial Crisis, 1872
185
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The
Government Bill,
1873
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The D ublin IJniversitj
Tests BiU, 1873
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217
11.
The Enclosure of Commons, 1871
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224
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The Law Oihcers of the Crown, 1872
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239
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Speech a t Brighton, 1873 .................................................
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INMAN
FI NANCE.
I N D I A N BU D G E T ',
A
ug u st
G, 1872.
I R IS E , I need scarcely say, with some little perturba
tion. Mr Grant Dufi’ is a prophet, l i e says that nothing
I can possibly say on tlie present occasion will be of the
slightest consequence or importance. But, Mr Speaker,
as I believe I am responsible for keeping you in th«^
chair, I think it is alike due to you and to the House,
that I should at th e outset say a few words in justifica
tion of the coui'se wliich I am about to pursue; perhaps,
' On th e introduction of the Indian B udget, 1872, M r F aw cett moved
the following resolution as an am endm ent to th e motion m ade by M r G rant
Duff, th a t th e Speaker leave th e chair, in o n lcr th a t th e House may con
sider th e Indian Financial statem en t: “ T hat this House, considering the
statem ent of th e late Lord Mayo t h a t ‘a feeling of discontent and dis
satisfaction exists aiiioiig every clas.'j, both European and native, in o\ir
Inuiaii Empire, on account of th e increase <if taxation which has for years
been going pn,’ and th a t the “conLimuuico o f th at feeling is a political
danger tlie m agnitude of wliich c:«i hardly be over-estimated,’ is oi opiulun
tliat the iiicoijic-tax, which’ is genendly adm itted to be unsuited to the
peoido of India, might, during th e coming financial year, be disjionsed with,
and th a t other ta.xe.s e.\ccpti<mally burdensome to th e people of India
ini^ht bo considerably reduced, if the finances of th a t countiw were administerc^^ with adequate caro and economy.”
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it is »the more desii’able tliat I should do «o, because
I fear it w ill be necessary for me to trespiuss somewhat
on the .time* t)f the House. * I gave notice, o j this
resolution in order to do what I could, as an independ
ent member, to prevent the discTJSsion upoi^ th e •Indian
Budget from becoming a perfect farce. I f I required
any justification for the coui'se of conduct I have piirsued, should I not find it in the lateness of the period
at which the Indian Budget is brought forward this
Session ? Ho one wlifi has the smallest acquaintance
w ith the feelings of the people of India can doubt that
the shelving of the Indian B udget to the fag end of
the Session, w ill be interpreted by them as a deter
mination, on th e j)art of the Government, to treat
their aflliirs w ith neglect. The Prime Minister was
pressed, the other niglit, to give a somewhat earlier
day for the consideration of the Indian Budget— and
w hat did he say? H e told the House that it mw^
be taken after all the essential business of th e Session
had been disposed of.
Mr G l a d s t o n e : I beg your pardon. That was not
m y expression. W h at I said was business essential
to the winding-up of the Session, having reference to
th e Bills which were to be pîssed and the Appropria
tion Act.
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Mr F a w c e t t : I gladly accept th e explanation of
th e Prime Mhiister, because I shall be able to shew,
if there is any trutli in the statem ents I .am about
to make, that there are questions connected witli In
dian Finance wdiich are not only essential to the winding-up of the business of the House,* but that there
are considerations associated -with them which are.
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I N D I A N F IN A N C E ,
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essential to tlie welfare of the Empire. I know very
well what will he the^ excuse of the^ Government.
TheyTwill put forward tlie ordinary plea of want of
time. W ant of tim e ! I f this is to be their excuse,
th ey m ust be reminded of. the evenings th ey frittered
^w’ay on the Parks Billj a measure which, according
to their oAvn confession, left the question more com
plicated than it was before. W ant of time I I f this
is to bo their plea, I w ill ask the House to remember
that more consideration was given, when the Ballot
B iil was in committee, to a series of contradictory
proposals about illiterate voters than is allotted to the
affairs of India in an entire Session. I f it is urged
that an earlier day could not be found for the Indian
Budget, the country must be told that the Govern
ment found, not a morning sittin g on the 6th August,
but a whole evening at the beginning of July,' when
th ey wanted to obtain money for Ex-Governor Eyre.*
W ith some confidence I say that I shall be able to
bj?ing forward facts wliich w ill shew that the finances
of India are in such a condition, and that our position
in that country is so intimately bound up w ith finance,
th at unless th e House of Commons is prejâred to
ignore all responsibility in the Government of India,
we had better allow any question to be regard
ed as one of secondary importance, rather than per
m it her affairs to be treated w ith neglect. B ut it
will, perhaps, be said, W hy did you not bring forward
this motioit earlier? I f I had known what the Go
vernment was going to do I would have done so. I t
wi^ probably be objected that the cnrjrse I am now
’pursuing is im iisual; but the Government has adopted
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an unusiial proceeding in fixing the Indian Budget
when it*cannot he properly discussed, and an unusual
proceeding on the part of the Goveimnent* requifes to
be m et witlx an unusual course of conduct on tlie part
o f private members. B ut tJie great point which the
U nder Secretary has urged tigainst me is that I a.in*
a member of the Indian Finance Committee, and that
this Committee has reported its evi^lence without any
expression of opinion. ^ This I fully admit^ ; but tlie
evidence taken by the Committee is before this House.
I t w ill be criticised and commented upon by tlxe press
and by the public, and is silence to be enforced upon
those alone who happen to be members of the Com
m ittee ? I f this is to be the case, I can only say
that certain finmxcial questions in India so urgently
demand immediate consideration, and that «the slight
est delay w ill be fraught w ith so much peril, that
d should consider it to be my duty not to continue
a member of the Committee one hour longer if sifence
is to be enforced. Considering the .present position o f
^ I t m ust be rem em bered th a t th e chief reason why th e Committee has
n ot been able to complete its laboiu’s Ls, th a t th e officials of the Indian
Government have no t been able to furnish the aceouuts which the Commit
tee require in reference to military expenditure and local taxation in India.
Tho Times of A ugust 7tli, in a leading article on th e debate on th e Indiau
B udget, referring to th e fact th a t the Coiuniitteo had decided simply to
rep o rt the evidence without expressing an opinion on it, sa y s;—“ Mr G rant
Duff quoted this conclusion w ith g reat eotnplacency a t th e close of his
speech, as a refutation in advance of what M r Faw cett was about to say,
and as a justiffcfition of wJi.-tt ho had liimsejf s.aid ; b u t thf«e wl»o have fol
lowed in any degree th e proceedings of tho Select Coimnittoe know th a t tho
ju dgm ent wa.s a Bovero reflection on the ignorance of Im y a a t tiie India
Office. Tho Committee declared th a t no ju s t opinion could be form ed on
Indian Finance, because necessary exi>lanation on many obscure points
could not be furnished by th e India Office, and had not been obtained ^rom
luilia, though in some cases twelve months h ad elapsed since iiiformiftion
had been applied for.”
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home politics, it is more than probable that the ’Com
m ittee will not finish its^labours while this P;u'liament
lastsT It r? ju st possible that some of us* may*not find
our way back to this House: and for one I am anxious
that what I have to say mi India should be first said
• in Parliament rather than on the platfonn. The evid<jnce which is already before the House, and various
official documents,•contain certain facts with regard to
Indian Finance. I t cannot bo inappropriate to com
ment on these facts : it will be the duty of the Com
mittee, when thoir inquiry is completed, to decide who
is responsible for certain things which have been done,
and to apportion personal blame, if blame is due. I
shall cîrefully abstain from doing, this. I shall enter
into no personal questions. My sole object is to direct
the atteniion of Pculiament to th e present financial
condition of India, and to ask the House to express
it-s opinion upon the continuance of a financial policy
whicli the highest authorities say has already produced
gi'eat mischief, and is frnught w ith the most serious
peril in the future. The Under Secretary more than
once stated that figures provide an infallible test. H is
speech, however, afibrds abundant evidence that there
is no j:nore fruitful source of fallacy and error than
figures. W hat, for instance, has he said ? H e quotes
the revenue and expenditure since 1861, and, having
shewn that the expenditure during that period exceeds
the reveriue by £7,500,000, he then tries to persuade
I'WT
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has obtained the advantage of £87,500,000 expended
o^ public wor^s. W as there ever a more extraordinary'or glaring fallacy ? W hy, if such a conclusion
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IN D I A N FIN ANC E.
■were to be accepted, ho lias done something more than
discover the philosopher’s stonp ; he has created wealth
out of nothing. I t must, of course, be obvious to ^yery
one that these public ■\yorks have not simply been
constructed by this £7,500,000 of excess of expendi
ture over revenue. The remfiinuig £30,000,000 have,,
of course, been provided by that increase of taxafcion
which we know has taken place irf India during the
last eleven years, ancl which, upon the authority of
the late Lord Mayo, has produced a feeling of discon
ten t among all classes, both European and native.
The Under Secretary seems to think that I have no
right to quote Lord Mayo, because th e ojiiiiion to
wliicli I refer was oxjiressed by liim in the autumn
of 1870, when the income-tax was higher than it is
now. It must, ho-wcvcr, be remembered th a t Loid
Mayo Was not referring to the income-tax only, but
to a general increase of taxation ; and, before 1 have
concluded, I shall shew that he could not see less
reason for alarm now than he did in 1870, when it is
remembered w ith how many new local imposts the
people of India are being constantly either burdened
or threatened. But, leaving for the j'jresent the speech
of the Under Secretary, I w ill proceed, as cleanly and
succuictly as I can, to give the House an account
of the present financial condition of India. The most
important and the most characteristic circumstance
w ith regard to the finances of India is that her revenue
is, to a great extent, inelastic, and that ^learly the
whole of her expenditure is elastic in a high degree—
or, in other words, that the greater portion of the
revenue is fixed in pecuniaiy am ount; wherdas two
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% IN D IA N F IN A N C E .
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powerful causes, viz. a general increase in tlie expenses
o f administration, and
general rise in. priced, partly
owing to th e depreciation in the value of the precious
metal-v are constantly causing the pecuniary amount
of her expenditure to incVease. A s this circumstance
’is one of cardinal importance wdth regard to the finan
cial prospects of India, 1 wiU explain it in greater
detail. The most important item in the revenue of
India is adm itted to he that wiiich is yielded by the
land. Its gross amount is about £21,000,000 ; its net
amount, £18,000,000. A t least one-fifth of this reve
nue— namely, that yielded by the permanently settled
districts — is fixed for ever in pecuniary amount.
Throughout the greater part of the rest of India,
except Madras, the land is settled for thirty year's—
or, in other words, let at a- fixed rent for this period.
A ll th e land which is thus settled is manifestly only
capîble of a small increase of rent, which w ill arisfi
as the estates gradually drop in and have to be re
settled. The number of estates which w ill thus fall
in w ill bo comparatively small during th e n ex t few
years. A high authority. Sir George Campbell, the
present Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, has said, that
tlie acklition to th e revenue which may thus accrue
will be nearly counterbiilanccd by a reduction in re
venue which w ill take place in Madras when it is
resettled,, for tlie land there is let direct to the rynfs^
it is supposed that their assessment is too high.
I t is thereTore obvious that the land revenue is for a
considerable piji’iod inelastic, and w ill not increase
. as* prices advance.
The next important iteni of
re;veiiue is salt, which yields £0,000,000.
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J N D IA N FINANCJ-:.^
competent authority says the duty cannot he increasccl? O f course, if the p#pulation increases, more
salt may be consumed; but at the present time
th e duty is the highest that lias ever been i^nposed
upon a prime necessity of life. The duty varies between
500 and 2,500 per cent, upon the cost of the article.*
The revenue from opium varies between £0,000,000
and £8,000,000. The Government* virtually trades in
this article, and obtains the highest price for it, ju st
in the .same way as any merchant does for the goods
he has to selh Anyone who has read the evidence of
Sir Tlutherford Alcock, our late Minister in China,
m ust come to the conclusion that no revenue can be
more precarious, tliat it ‘is far inoi'e likely to decrease
than increase, and that it may not improbably almost
entii’ely vanish. Although it is my objebt now to
consider our trading in opium, not as a moral, but
^ni rely as a financial question, yet certain opinions which
I am about to quote from Sir R. Alcock, should, I
think, warn us that it is ju st pos.sible that some peoplb,
looking upon our proceedings from a distance, may
accuse us o f a slight mnount of hypocrisy; we do all
in our power to force a deleterious drug upon the
C hinese; in our anxiety to obtain profit from, opium
w e incur a constant risk of breaking olf friendly re
lations w ith th e Government of China ; and at the
very time w e are doing all tliis, wo make beautiful
moral speeches and take infinite credit to ourselves
for restricting the sale of intoxicating liqifors among
our own people. Sir K. Alcock smns up his general ex
perience t h u s : That a strong advei-se feeling exists
in China in consequence of pur growth of opium. He
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says its growtla in CLIna is largely and rapidly* in•’ creasing. The Chinese s^ ’ioiisly contemplato ])ii)Iiil)iting th*e importation of the drug, and allo^^-ing il: to be
. grown in their own country. They think, having once
stopped the importation, they will afterwards be able
K> stop its growth. One*thing seems certain: that if
we import into China wltliout restriction, she will grow
without restriction.* The Chinese tax the groudh of
opium at th e present tim e, partjy by a licence-tax, or
permission to grow. The tax is nearly 100 per cent.
I f they reduced this tax th ey would, of course, greatly
encourage domestic growth. l i e says if he could have
made any concessions about restricting the importation
of 0 ]num he iniglit have got almost what terms he
liked in the treaty he negociated so far as admitting
• English commodities. I t is scarcely necessary to say
anything more to prove that, so flir from any confideiico
beiii^^ placed in opium to meet a future increase iin
expenditure, a prudent financier would regard it as
ofle of the most uncertain of idl revenues. India
obtains about £2,250,000 from excise on spirits and
drugs, and £2,750,000 from Customs. L ittle addition
can be obtained from either of these sources of revenue.
The ari.icles subject to excise arc only consumed by a
limited class, and if Customs diities "were considerably
increased, foreign importations would be so much
• rhftcked that little additional revenue would be yielded.
A bout £750,000 is yielded by stamps. These duties
liave lately been considerably raised, and cannot be
further increased. About £750,000 is also yielded by
tiiilnites. These are, of course, fixed in pecuniary
amounf. H aving now mentioned the net value of
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IN D I A N FINANCI^.
u ir tho important items of revenue^, I am sure it
must Jje obvious to tlie H juse that the revenue is • .
eminefitly ihclastic, and tliat by far tfie larger portion
of it v'ill not increase with the general rise jii prices..
It cannot be too carefuUy borne in mind that the
English revenue is elastic In an eminent degree, be
cause many articles we can tax are of univei’sid con
sumption, such as tea, sugar, and beer; whereas the
great mass of the Indian people are so poor that it is
almost impossible, except by the salt duty, to levy any
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tax on an article of geneml consumption. Remember'
ing this inelasticity of Indian revenue, we will now
turn to expenditure, and when we find that this is
as much characterised by elasticity as the revenue is
by its inelasticity, we shall at once obtain a clue to
many of the financial difheulties which presfe so heavily * •
on India, and we shall be able at once to understand
•the increasing difficulty of making both ends meet in
that country. It is scarcely necessary to say that the
Army is the great item of expenditure^ India, wfth
a much smaller revenue than we have, has an Army
^ Tlio item s of revenuo wliich have her© been given would m ake the
revenue appciir much sm aller tliun it is usually represented to bo. When,
however, it is stated th a t the revenue during th e p ast y e ^ exceeds
XOO,000,000, it m ust bo rem em bered th a t this revenue is made up to this
figure by including many item s which represent no rovenuc at iUI. In the
stsitcment of th e :iccount3, all th e smns which are expended in any d epart
m ent arc included in exi)cnditurc, and tlio receipts are included in revenue. •
I t often happens th a t th e expenditure exceeds the revemiov Thus, there
appears to be considerable I’cvenue from telegraphs, bu t as the expenditure
on telegraphs greatly exceeds the receipts, confusion ouW is created by
including such an item in a stiitem ent of res’enuo. In other departm ents,
sucli, for inshmce, as th e forests, although there has-been n large nominal
increase of revenuo during th e last few years, th e expenditure has gi*^wu
still faster than th e revenue, and thus th e revenue from this sourer, although*
i t lias apparentlv incrcasetl, has really diminished.
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whicli is more costly than ours. Its nominal espehso
• is about j^lG,000,000, but when many ch a rg e are
added ^vhich teally belong to the Army, suth as’ecclesiastical and medical establishments, interest of money
spent on barracks and upon niiiways, which are made
f(^’ strategical rather than h v commercial purposes, the
cost of the Army is little short of £18,000,000. The
Army, therefore, absT)rbs nearly the whole net revenue
yielded by the land. The serious reflections which are
suggested by such a fact as this should be taken to
heart by oiu- statesmen. B ut th e point on v'hicli I
wish to insist is this— that the cost' of the Army in
proportion to th e number of men under arms has in
creased, and is likely to increase in future. There are
two very obvious reasons for th is ; first, war equipments
are becoming more elaborate, complicated, and co stly ;
2dly, th e general rise in prices, ■which is likely to contiiuie
for a long tiiile, m ust affect almost every item of A im y
expenditure. This statem ent oan, however, at once be
cowoborated by specific facts. Between 1863 and 1870
th e Indian Army was reduced by 13,000 Europeans and
4,000 natives, i. e. about 20 per cent, of Europeans;
and expenditure has increased from £14,800,000 to
£16,000^000. B ut this elasticity of expenditure in
India is still more strikingly shewn when we examine
the various item s of civil administration. Mr Harrison,
• tiie Uomptruller of xVccountr. at Calcuttn, was examined
for several'days on these, and at last we found that
it was a reiKjtition of a twice-told tale. Certain items
of expenditure in 1856— so many thousand pounds;
in^«l871— the same items increased by 70 or 80 per
cent. I f the charge be one connected w ith the Pre-
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sidencj of Borahay, tbe increase would n*sTially be yet
greater. The followmg may serve as examples :—
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Cost of rriiitinff in IS'ifi ................................................. j£90,500
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IS70
2.33,000
liombiiy E.stabli8hnicut, I 8 0 6 ........................................ 2^S,0Of)
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1870*........................................ 305,000
Housebold Cliarges of G ovcrnot'of Bombay, 1S56 ...
7,000
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1S70 ... 21,000
.
Secretariat of Public W orks D epartm ent, 185G .......
14,000
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* 1871 .........
31,000
Medical Cliargcs, 185 6 ..................................................... 1.57,000
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187 «...................................................... 523,000
And similar in.stances might be indehnitely repeated.
But in order completely to corroborate all that I have
stated with regard to the inelasticity of the revenue,
and the elasticity of the expenditure, I will direct the
particular attention of the House to some most signifi
cant words of tlie late Indian Finance Minister. Mr
Massey insisted on the necessity of a rigid economy
because of the inexpansivenesa of the revenue. He
said : “ The truth is that your resources are so limited
that if you should outrun the constable a little, you«are
at once landed in a deficit. Yon cannot expand any of
your taxation; you cannot creato new taxation, with
the exception of the income-tax. I wish to say that
in round tenns there is no new source of J:axation,
so fai’ as I am aware, that it is i)ossible for you to
invent.” If we look into the causes that have produced
this general rise of prices, which has done so much •
prejudicially to affect the balance of revenue and expen
diture in the past, we shall be able to obtrwu important
evidence as to the probability of a continuance of this
rise in prices, and whether it is likely to produce similar
consequences in the future. It is impossibli^ to denj"
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the remavkafde rise in prices that Inis taken place* in
.'the last tw enty years. Sir Bartle Frere, Sir Iôbert
Montg(ftiiery, Îr Harrison, and otliers, admit that it
amounts to 40 or 50 per cent., and they also acknow
ledge that it must necessarily increase the expenses of
government. A ny one who* examines into the statistics
of Indian trade w ill at once discover the cause to which
the rise is chiefly d«e. During the last eleven years
th e exports from India have amounted to £541,000,000,
and the imports to only £311,000,000, leaving the
enormous balance of £230,000,000 due to the country.
This has been partly liquidated by an excess of import
of treasure over export amounting to £ 1 7 2,500,000;
th e remauiing 00,000,000 may probably be taken as
some measure of the sum which India has to pay Eng
land for th» expenses of the Home Government, for
pensions, salaries, and other sources of income to .resi
dents in England drawn from Indian revenues. Of the
£ i7 2 ,o 0 0 ,0 0 0 of .specie which has been poured into
India during the last eleven yeai’s, a considerable jiroportion has of course been added to her circulation.
Tins has naturally produced a rise in prices, and a
similar eflect has foUo-wed the increase of the paper
currency consequent on its being made a legal tender.
From the peculiar nature of Indian trade it seems
almost certain that this importation of specie w ill con, ihiLiti. This lioc in prices v.’ili lie assisted by the ffeneral rise in 'prices that is taking place throughout the
world, ■wliick is due to a depreciation in the value of
th e precious metals, a fact now adm itted by almost
every flnancier and economist of eminence. B ut assum
ing this*rise of prices, we are at once met w ith this
14
I N D I A N FIN A N C E .
m(5st sijrnificant fact, that even if the scale on which
expenditure is carried on he tlie same as at present, we',
m ust-be pa’epared for increasing diflicuKy in snaking
botli ends m e e t; because, iis has been sliewn, expendi
ture in India is far morci affected by a r ise ’in prices
than its revenue; or, in other words, it cannot be dis
puted, as the figures quoted sufficiently sliew, th at, an
increase of prices exerts a much* smaller influence in
auQfmentincf the various items of which revenue is composed than it does in increasing the various items
whicli compose expenditure. During the last eleven
years there have been repeated deficits. In other years
there has been the greatest difficulty in making both
ends meet; when there has been a surplus, tliis suiplus
— and it is a point to which i shall most earnestly direct
the attention of the House— has sometimes been ob
tained by devoting capital to income, and is therefore
piu'ely fictitious. Alarming as is this financial reti'ospept, these deficits have taken place in spite of a con
stant increase of taxation, w ith all the discontent wfiich
we are so authoritatively told has resulted. Ihit if
increase o f taxation has already produced so much
mischief, w hat, is the outlook for th e future? A
slowly increasing revenue, a rapidly mcreasingêxpcnditure, administration each year becoming more costly,
a determination to embark on a vast and indefinite
expenditure on public works, vdth the ominous fact,
constantly staring us in the face that, 'to use Mr
Massey’s words, “ we liave used up eveBy source of
revenue, and forced up every tax to a maximum.”
U nless we are prepared to enter upon a course of
wanton recklessness, which w ill lead to financial ruin,
5
not tlic considerations which have been jnst
nientioned arouse the attention and excite the inisgivings^.)f cvei^' one who fe^ls the slightest* concern for
the future of our great dependencyt But it m aybe
said, “ Yi)u iiave attributed
considerable portion of
tlie difficulty of making bojh ends meet in India to an
increase in the costliness of administration and to a
general rise in prices.. These are natural causes, which
are beyond the control of Government, and for them
the Government is neither respcfhsible nor deseiwes
censure.” My object is not, as I have said, to appor
tion censure; I have a far more practical object in view,
and that is to point'out, and, if possible, to avert, the
ominous danger which threatens us in the future. If
our difficulties in the past, and impending difficulties
ill the future, are due, to a great extent, to natural
causes which are beyond our control, it only mîkes
oiw financial condition the more alarming. So lar as
dcficitii* in the past and coming deficits in the future
are due to waste, mismanagement and extravagance,
this vuste, mismanagement and extravagance are
within our power to control; and therefore to this
extent the danger may be averted. So fiir, however,
as the growth of expenditure beyond revenue is due to
those nattiral causes on which I have commented, it is
ob\’ious that there is only one way of meeting the
difficulty, and that is to insist on rigid economy, to
lessen our outlay, and so forbid the incurring of future
liabilities. B ut in order to bring our exact position
more clearly home to tho House, let me again repeat
that there has been a constant increase of taxation.
Lct*me jysk the House to bear in mind the memorable
IG
r ^ 'D I A N F IN A N C E .
words of Lord Majo, wliicli describe ^lie politfcal
danger of tliis angm.ented taxation ; let me also ask
you fo keep steadily in viCw this fact-j-tbat
have
used up all sources of taxation, and that we liave been
constantly borrowing, which means increased* tcixation
in the future. Between England and India there is
•
. .
.
•
this fundamental distinction, and it is one which cannot
be too carefully borne in mind. Încrejuse of taxation
is sufficiently serious in our own country. Any Govern
ment that lias to ]ft:opose it, as was shewn last year,
finds it difficult to resist the unpopularity which is
excited. But if increase of taxation is serious in Eng
land, it is a hundred times more ’serious in India. If
some exceptional emergency should ai'ise in our own
country which would require five, ten, or fifteen addi
tional millions to be raised, we all know that the money
could be obtained.
The duty on some articles of
general consumption, such as tea, sugar, and beer, could
be increased. The income-tax might be raised to a
shilling in the pound. But in India there is no article
of general consumption from which increiused revenue
could be obtained. The income-tax, as I will preseiftly
shew, has been almost nnivorsally condemned as animpost entirely unauitcd to India, and therefore I ven
ture to as.sert—and it is an opinion formed* after the
most careful inquiry, and confirmed by tlie highest
financial authorities— that it would, be impossible to
raise five millions of additional taxation in. India with
out creating
and producing an amount of discontent
which might make the boldest tremble fo* tlie tran
quillity of the country. But then we are brought face
to face with this startling fact, that unlos.s oîr prt^cwt
J
r X J J iA N F iy A N C K .
17
^calc of expenditure is curtailed, and unless the G ow m . m eat is forbidden to incur future liabilities—they have
alreacjj' prop4)sed to ajieiftl £28,000,000 ou S tafe RailwdjB and £30,000,000 on Irrigation W orks—something
far more than £5,000,000 additional revenue will soon
•
be required; and from what source is the money to be
obtained? L et me entreat the House to remember
that a simple statem ent of income and expenditure
during tlie last few years w ill utterly fail to give any
true idea of our financial positton.
Our difficulties
have been so pressing, such desperate efforts have been
made to lessen the deficit and create a surplus, that,
like embarrassed traders, the Government of India
have been using up their capital, they have been ap
propriating to income what ought to have been devoted
to reduce debt, they have been using funds which
ought to have been kept to m eet ulterior charges; in
fact, in a single sentence, they have been performing
that •financial operation which is kno^vn as discounting
the future. In the accounts of 1869-70 there is stated
as an item of income a miscellaneous land receipt of
£427,000. .After a good deal of cross-examination, it
was found that this sum represents the accumulations
arising from the sale of waste lands. The land is
virtually the property of the Government, and there
fore at the very time that they are pursuing a policy of
borrowing, they sell property, and use the proceeds as
income. I f it is urged that there is a precedent for
this, there ^ is certainly no precedent for taking the
accumulations. B ut there are other instances of a still
more striking kind.
The capital of the following
•pdhsioii .funds, namely, the Civil Service of £830,000,
' F. a
m m i
ft
Mtmm
2
18
IN D I A N FIN ANC E.
•
•
Bengal Military of X470,000, Military
Orjjlian
£480,000, and otliers, have been, or are in the process.'
of bemg appropiiated to income. The Coniptr*)ller of
Finances admits amongst the miscellaneous receipts of
1869-70 an item of £240^000, which is a part of the
capital which has tJins bee^ appropriated. I’herefore
this sum, instead of being in any true sense of the
word income, is simply a measure of the prodigality
w ith which the Government is spending its ca2)ital.
L et me single o\it on5 instance of like conduct, which,
. thougli the sum in question be small, is most significant.
£115,000 of borrowed money was expended by the
Indian Government in the Alexandria and Malta Tele
graph. The telegraph turning out a failure, was after
wards sold at a great discoimt, and the proceeds' of the
sale were appropriated as legitim ate inqome.
Mr
Seccombe, the Secretary of the Financial Department
^ of the India Ofrico, questioned on this transaction,
confessed that such was the method of carrying on
financial transactions adopted by the Indian Govern
ment, that if a million were borrowed for the construc
tion of some public work, and if it were afterwards
sold for £750,000, the latter sum -would be ap
propriated to income, and might be used to secure
an apparent surplus.
One more instance iiiight be
mentioned. Tlie amiual tributes wdiich have to be
paid to us by some N ative Princes have been capi
talised, and the capital has been devoted -to income.
A fter such revelations and such admissions, I can
scarcely be called an alarmist if I assort that the accu
racy of the accounts is vitiated. The Comptroller of
the Finances at Calcutta admitted that if' thera had hot
•
IN D I A N F IN A N C E .
.
*19
been tliis appropriation of capital to income, tb e siir'plus of £118,000 announced in tbe year 18C0'7(t*woul(l
■\vouId*bave been described as a deficit of more than
half a million. Tbe Financial Secretary at tbe India
Office, referring to tbe faci) tbat tbe Indian Government bas a debt accoutrfc, but no capital account,
admits tbat no merchants would tbink of carrying on
their business in this way. My meraintilo friends in
th is House need not be remindedôf wbat would be tbe
result if th ey did. They would quickly find tberaselves in the Insolvent Court. In tbe annals of rail
way mismanagement we have bad striking examples of
tbe results o f tbe policy of applymg capital to income.
There may be a few years of meretricious prosperity,
shares may be at a premium, large dividends may be
paid, but tbe day of reckoning comes. A defence bas
been set up for tbe transactions ju st described on tbe
ground tbat all governments are doing tbe like; but, in •
tbe fu'st place, it must be remembered tbat almost all
Gofvernments are spending more than they have, and
are rapidly accumulating a load of indebtedness whence
must spring trouble and difficulty in tbe future. And
further, in reply to tb e assertion tbat India is only
following in tbe steps of our own Government, there is
this essential distinction between tbe two countries,
unlike England, does not simply discharge tbe
• ordinary functions of Government, but carries out
various industrial undertakings. In tbe construction
of railways,* irrigation, and other works, India does
wbat m our own oountiy would be done by private
tracers or companies. She, therefore, Qugbt to be
hound bj^ considerations which, if disregarded, would
.
‘
•
2—2
20*
.
I N D IA N F IN A N C E .
•
bring rlisastcr on mercaritile undertakings. I f a niercliant* or a company were coustaiitly borrowing tbey*
wouIcT knotv that it was prude7it— I 27ifg]it‘
a far
stronger expression— not to devote capital to income.
I f England is quoted to justify what has been done in
India, I would say that pcn’fect openness has always
been the principle of our Budget, while it has required
the most laborious research t o ‘dtsentomb the facts I
have quoted from tlie darkness in^-which they -were
buried; and humility compels me to say that the search
has been so incomplete that far greater discoveries may
be in store for other and more skilled explorers. If,
then, the deficits during the hist few years would have
been more serious, and the few surpluses would have
been diminished, or would have vanished altogether
but for this misapplication of capital, it lêcomes more ,
tapparent than ever that unless there is a considerable
reduction in expenditure the increase in taxation must
be continuous and rapid. I have already referred to
some of the financial considerations associated w ith
increase of taxation, and I will ask the House to convsider the subject in another light. One striking pecu
liarity of Indian finance, as -vâs lately pointed oiit in
one of a series of most able articles that haveâppeared
in the Times on Indian affairs, is that she has no finan
cial reserve. “ A t the present moment she is in the
position of spending every shilling at her command,,
and "with every probability of having to spend a great
deal more. Even in times of peace lier resources are
strained to make both ends meet.” A nd -when -we find
that this strain is so great that a mere question of
£500.000 involve.s the continuance of the irfbome-tax,
, 21
and wliien*%ve further proceed to consider the extra
ordinary consensus of the highest financial authorities,
condetnning ^his tax as an impost entirefy unsuited to
India’ and fraught with the gravest financial and poli
tical ev'ils, it is almost snpei'fiuous to add another word
ô bring home to every one the critical, nay, even the
pui'iloiis positioTi, of Indian finance. I have said that
th e income-tax hu^ been condemned by an extraordi
nary consensus of opinion. In making this statement
I do not forget that the Under Secretary said that for
every authority I could produce m opposition to the
income-tax, he could at least produce an authority on
the other side of equal weight and importance. I f he
has all these high authorities ready at his command,
I must say he has made a very unlucky selection and
has done very scant justice to lus case. W ho is it
most natural to quote on such a subject as this ? . W hy
of course it is those gentlemen who have held high,
flnaifcial positions in India, and those who have been
p^îictically concerned w ith th e collection of the incometax. W ho does the Under Secretary quote ? One
native newspaper and General Barrow. I have not a
word to say against either of these authorities, but I
venture to assert that for one paper (whether native
or European) in favour of the income-tax at least ten
are opposed to it. Although, of course, nothing is fur
ther from my intention than to disparage a slnglu vrord
of the praise which was bestowed by the Under
Secretary #n General Barrow, yet I could not gather
that he had ever held any of the highest financial positiqps in India. On the other side, 1 shall proceed to
’quote tiie opinions of three successive Indian Finance
22.
•
Ministers, SirC . Trevelyan, Mr Laing, and*Mr Massey.
In ad^tion to their testimony, I shall quote the opi-*'
nions o f many high officials who liave been practically
acquainted w ith the assessment and levying of tlie
income-tax. The House need not be reminded of Sir
C. Trevelyan's action in reference to this tax. Throngji
his opposition to it, India lost for a tim e the advantage
of his eminent services, for he would not incur the
responsibility of levying so dangerous an impost. Mr
Laing says, in his Widence, that he regarded the
income-tax as “ about as bad and obnoxious a mode
of raising revenue as it is possible to imagine in a
country like India.” H e added: “ I think that for
an OrientM country, and w ith the Eastern habit
of mind, any tax which imposes inquisition into in
dividual means is attended w ith innumta'able evils,
wliich arc little felt in a country like England.
^The Oriental mind is particularly jealous and tim id
upon all those questions. The tendency to evasion,
and even perjuiy, is perhaps the greatest evd. Jn
th e state of the coiintry you have no means of getting
accurately at the incomes of any, except the limited
class of fundlioldors, and European officials, and so on;
for all the others, for the mass of the native popula
tion, you have no accurate means of getting at them,
and you ai’e obliged to employ a lai’ge army of native
subordinate officers, who, in a case like that, are ,
almost certain to abuse their trust, and for etery rupee
that comes into, the Treasury to extort two rupees
out of the population that have to pay it.” Mr Massey
says the income-tax is fi’aught with great difficulties
and dangers. The natives connect the idea of *iiicome- *
•
.2 3
tax Tvitli some prospective plan of confiscation, And
*tliej regard witli a dread, ând horror, and repugnance
which *1 can llardlj exaggerate, tlie creaticfti of *a macliinery whicli ^viIl enable the Government to levy
such a lax.
I desire to, direct the particular atten
tion of the House to the follovnncf most significant
words of ]\Ir Massey: “ Nothing on earth should in
duce me to hold eflice as Finance Minister if the
condition imposed upon me by the Secretary of State
was the maintenance of an income-tax as an ordinary
source of revenue.” Sir G. Campbell, the present Lieu
tenant-Governor of Bengal, says :— “ The tax, to my
surprise, chiefly falls on small cultivators and ryots.
Amongst them so strong and bitter a feeling has been
aroused that they threaten to migrate to Nepaul,
where ther« is no income-tax.” Mr C. H. Campbell,
Commissioner of the Presidency Dhnsion in Bengal,
stated in 1870:— “ Since the British connection w ith .
India* began, no measure has ever been introduced
which caused such deep dishke to our rule, to use
a mild term, and this, I can safely say, is the opinion
of all classes, official as well as non-official, in this
division.” Mr Inghs, member of the Legislative Coimcil at Calcutta, says :— “ I t may be true that only one in
300 pays the tax, but it is equally true that out
uf the 299 remaining, at least one-half are subjected
to th e most vexatious oppression, inquisition, and
extortion, when preliminary lists are being dmwn up,
and that a*very large number of these men have to
pay in order to keep their names out of the lists.
Fqs one who is legally responsible, tw enty are as*sessed; ^nd,” he says, “ the tax is producing a demo-
2i.
I N D I A N F IN A N C K
ralfsiiig influence tiiroughout tlie country.” Sir W .
Muir confirms tliis opinion, after consulting many of^
the officials under him.
The Hon. W . *Kot)insoii,
. official member of Council, quotes Mr Bruce Norton,
Advocate-General of Madras, who says there exists
at this moment, “ in consequence of this taxation,
a sullen feeling of discontent fi-om one end of the
Empire to the other.” I fear I have already wearied
the House w ith these quotations, or 1 could shew that
the same opinions had been expressed by other m ost
experienced officials who have been practically con
cerned in the levying of income-tax. But what has
been said politically, socially, and financially con
demnatory of the income-tax suffices to leave th e sup
porters of the Budget in this dilemma. I f such a tax
is neccssari/ m time o f peace, our fn a n m a l 'positlou
cannot he descrihed as too serious. I f hoivever, the
,ta x is not ahsolutehj necessav}/, the Government that
maintains it cannot he too seve^'ely censiired. Dealing,
in the first place, with the former of these alteimatives, w hat is the inevitable conclusion to be drawn
if the Government persists in saying tliat the incometax cannot be dispensed with during the jmesent year ?
It is the most ample confession of the desperateness
of our financial situation. W ould such a tax be main
tained, in the face of such official remonstrances and
warnings as those ju st quoted, if the fiscal resources .
of India had not been so entirely exhausted that the
Government is at its wits’ end to obtain th^ £500,000
which the tax yields ? But this is not all. If this
ta x is our last desperate resource in time of peace,ît
must be our chief reliance as expenditure iftcreases.
,
IN D IA N F IN A N C E .
W llO can caniily contemplate such a prospect ?
'25
I li.vvo
already referred to Lord ^layo. No Governor-Genei'al
ever more actively exerted himself to lieconu? ac
quainted w ith th e feelings of the people.
No one
can accuse him of being eithe*r a theoiist or an alarmist.
I-he was above all things distinguished for strong comnioii sense, and, as his untunely end proved, he was
courageous almost t o a fault. And if he has afHraied
that “ the increase of taxation has created a political
danger, the magnitude of which *can hai'dly be over
estimated,'’ to w hat proportion w ill this danger grow
if increased expem^ture is to continue, and if all the
additional revenue that is needed is to be jn’ovided
out of the income-tax ? But we who think that the
income-tax, as an ordinary source of revenue, miglit
be dispensed with, Oiid that expenditure idso miglit
be so much reduced as to enable some additional taxes
to be considerably lightened, we, I say, who hold these
opiniAis, Iiave not to face the difficulties and dangers
wlych th ey must be prepared to m eet who, like the
present Indian Government, assert that the incometax must be maintained, and who seem bent on in
creasing future expenditure by embarking on a vast
and indefinite outlay on public works, many of which,
as 1 shall shew from the experience of tlm past, ai-e
sure to prove unproductive. B ut it will he fairly said,
, those who assert that the income-tax need nut hc.''»
been imposed during the 2‘)resent year, and that other
taxes mighlibe reduced by a curtailment of expendi
ture, are bound to shew how the attirinment of this
object may be practically realized. Before comment
in g on specific acts of waste and extravagance, it
2Q
•
may, in th e first place, be remarked tfiat the Go
vernment of India is so arranged as to reduce the
guarantees* for economy
an absolfite ‘ mfnimum.
In the days of the East India Company, India was,
to a certain extent, protected by the sell’-interest
of proprietors. A t any rate, th ey would see w iih
jealous watchfulness that India was not unfairly
charged for many things which England ought to
pay. Under the present system there are four or
five distinct persons who can spend. There are the
Secretary of State, th e Governor-General, th e Go
vernor of Bombay, the Governor of MadravS, the Lieu
tenant-Governor of the North-west Provinces. There
is no individual responsibility, no distinct control.
There are also various great spending departments.
General Strachey, who probably knows iBore of what
goes, on in the Public Works Department than any
, one else, says, speaking of this Department, There is
no specific personal responsibility.” I t is sometimes
said that all expenditure is ultimately under the oontrol of the Secretary of State, but this, of course, is a
mere fiction. Moreover, as can be shewn by reference
to one of the highest legal authorities, it is impossible
to define the powers of the Secretary of State. Mr
Fitzjames Stephen has recently said, “ In order to
ascertain the powers of the Secretary of State for India,
it is constantly necessary to find out what were the
powers of the Com t of D irectors; and, in order to
ascertain that, it is necessary to see liow far the
Chai-ter A cts of 1854, 1834, 1814, 1794, and th eP eg u lating A ct of 1773 repealed, or continued, or revived
each other’s provisions.” But, if it is maintaiiied th af
27
the ultimate* control in all financial questions is exeroised by the Secretary of State, let us ask what is liis
power j.«id-whi*t is his position. H e is simply a mem
ber of the C abinet; our Cabinet is the product of party
Governm’ent, and therefore it,,comes to t h is ; that India
hi^s to put up w ith all th§ disadvantages, and enjoys
none of the advantages of party Government. I t is a
truism to assert th a t party Government does not give
an effective administrative machine. Directly a Minis
ter begins to know his work, he may have to retire into
Opposition, or party exigencies may require that he
should be shifted to some other department, of the busi
ness of which he is thorougldy ignorant. During the
first tliree years that I was in Parliament, there were
three Secretaries of State for India, and, I think,, four
U nder Secretaries. On the other hand, party Govern
m ent gives us this advantage, th at it brings, the
pressure of public opinion rapidly to bear upon the
Govertiment. ■B ut as India has no representative in
thi^ House, and little public opinion in her support out
of doors, she has to bear the disadvantages of party
Government w ithout any of its advantages. The Secre
tary of State, as I have said, is simply a member of the
Cabinet, and what chance is there of th e affairs of India
receiving adequate consideration when the Cabinet is
pprplpxed by a host of questions which may affect the
,fate of an administration? India may be neglecU-u,
her m oney may be wasted, her affairs may be mis
managed, it^vill not affect the interests of party, it wiU
scarcely raise a ripjde on the surface of politics. N o
ang 0 constituents vdll give trouble or annoyance to a
Treasuiy* “ W hip.” I suppose the hon. member for
28
Sliaftesbury (Mr G. Glyn) would iis little *expect to be
disturbed by tlie politics of Tiinbuctoo as he would to
liave.ari uyeasy moment fibbut the affairij of India,. But
the assertion that the constitution of the Calhnet is
such as to secure no adequate protection foV the in
terests of India can ]je spêcificiilly substantiated. A
recent Finance Minister distinctly stated in a letter to
the J'lmieii “ that the finances of India were repeatedly
sacrificed to the wishes of the Horse Guards and to the
exigencies of Engiii?li estimates.” But on this point
there is more important, because more precise, testi
mony from Mr W. T. Thornton, who for years has been
one of the leading officials at the India Ofiice. India,
as well as our own country, cannot feel too grateful to
Mr Thornton for his outspoken courage. He says:—
“ Judging from experience, I should say,there is not
the _smallest chance of iiny fair treatment of the in
terests of India where the interests of England come
into opposition to them.” And again, referring to a
series of transactions, one result of which was ^hat
India was obliged to pay two-fifths of the cost of an
almost worthless telegraph cable laid down between
Alexandria and Malta, he admits that “ if you repre
sent the Englislx Government by an individual A, and
the Indian Government by an individTud if, that A
pursued towards B uncommonly sharp practice, and
that in oi'dinary life B would not submit to it if h e,
could help it.” Competent authorities have repeatedly
stated that the pecuniary aiTangeinents th^^t have been
made since the amalgamation of our own army with
that of India have inflicted a heavy annual loss upon
India—one of not less than a million. General Pear.*?,
\
.
r X D IA N F IX A A ’CK
'2\>
Militaiy Secretary at tlie India Office, says tluit India
lias to pay an extravagant price for the recruits that
we send her, and states tliat, if she could •obtayi her
recruits herself, instead of getting them through our
Government, she could save, 20 per cent. A remonsti'ance was addressed to tl\,e War OJHce on the subject
six. inonth.s before lie gave his evidence, but no notice
up to that time had been taken of it. Diliing the
Abyssinian war, although India was in no way respon
sible lor or interested in that congest, we drew a large
portion of her army from her without giving her any
compensation. If it were necessary to repeat examples
of burthens being unjustly thrown on India, I might
refer to the fact that we compel her to pay the cost
of the Persian Mission and a considei*able portion of tlie
consulate charges in China. She has nothing what
ever to do with the mission to Persia. The miiiister
to Persia is appointed not by her, but by our own ^
Foi*ei|l^’n Office in Downing-street; and there is not
tlig slightest reason why she should contribute to our
consular charges in China any more than Australia.
When the Sultan paid us the compliment of visiting our
shores, a somewhat niggard hospitality was. relieved by
a splendid ball at the India House. By a master stroke
of equal injustice and meanness, this was charged to the
Indian account. And when a Prince of our own Koyal
Kcusc visited onr Indian possessions, the travelling
expenses of his companions were defrayed from the
same source. I need not comment on these facts, ex
cept to say that every gentlemiin must be ashamed of
tlu>m. The Government who sanctions them does the
'English* nation the injustice of exhibiting us in the
/
30
•
I N D I A N F IN A N C R
•
eyes of educated Hindoos and Mussulmans • as if we
were nieaii and griispiiig. The Englisli people, if they
had îdequate knowledge of such tran«actioiis» would
most heîrtilj disapprove of them. They shew that
there is no sufficient pressure of public opinion in Eng
land adequately to protect t]ie interests of Indhi. W oiild
that were all. On the contrary, ]iressure has been used
in England to extract money fr©m India. N ot only
have her interests been sacrificed wlien they clashed
■with the political interests of parties in England, hut
also when th ey clashed with commercial interests. India
seems too often to be looked upon as if she had been
specially created to increase the profits of English mer
chants, to afford valuable appointments for English
youths, and to givo us a bountiful supply of cheap
cotton. About tw enty years since was coaimenced the
system of guaranteeing 5 per cent, interest on railways
^ and other public works in India. I t is impossible to
devise any scheme which would more ine\dtabl^ lead
to waste and extravagance, and destroy every secuiaty
for economy and efficiency. I t has lately been reported
that in one railway, the Great Indian Peninsular Ilailway, two thousand bridges, viaducts, and other masonry
works will require reconstruction. Five per cent, gua
ranteed on the revenues of India represents something
more than the current rate of interest, and therefore
it was of comparatively speaking h ttle consequence
how unproductively the money was expended, for those
w'ho advanced it are always certain of a rt»munerative
return. U p to the present time about £90,000,000
has been spent on guaranteed railways ; the amount of
interest w^hich the Government has had to make good*
I N D I A N FINAN C E.
•
31
•
Up t o the pfesent time has been £33,000,000. The
ogntracts are arranged on conditions most unfavourable
to Indii\^ Government can •?it any time be .comp'elled
to take over a company, repaying to the shareholders
not the aetual value of the line, but also all the capital
that has been wasted on ill-constm cted works. U pon
the Calcutta and South-Eastern Railway about £600,000
was expended. On ^his outlay 5 per cent, was gua
ranteed. The scheme proving a disastrous failm-e, the
Government took it over at par, Snd it does not now
nearly pay its working expenses. £3,000,000 was ex
pended on the Jubblepore branch of the East India
Railway. The usual 5 per cent, was guaranteed, and
it only ju st pays its working expenses. Other still more
disastrous instances m ight be quoted. In the Scinde,
Punjaub, and D elhi Railway more than £8,000,000 was
expended, upon which 5 per cent, has been guaranteed
by the Government. The net annual return at the
present tim e is about £50,000, and the Government
annually loses about £400,000 on this disastrous un
dertaking. The shareholders, however, are perfectly
happy. They are certain of their 5 per cent., and the
£ 1 0 0 shares are at the present time quoted at £ 6 pre
mium. B ut this system, of guaranteeing interest has
not been confined to railways. £ 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 "was raised
some tim e since for the Madras Irrigation Works. Of
course the expenditure greatly exceeded the estiiuales.
£600,000 more had to be laised, and the works will
probably cosj at least £ 2 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 before they are com
pleted, A s y et no return has been reidiscd, and com
petent authorities say that the works have been so
iH-donstructed that no retm-n ever can be realised!
:)'2
J N ] )IA N F IN AN C E.
•
•
Although not a shilling of profit lias beeif yielded upon
th e outlay, the Governnient has been obliged to pay
all tlie tyne its 5 per ciît., and the ^shares «‘ire con
sequently at a premium. I f I were not afraid of weary
ing the House I could go on hoiir after hour describing
similar disasters. There are one or two other examples
that I cannot forbear from mentioning. £1,000,000
was raised by a private company in 1 0 , 0 0 0 shares of
£100 each for the Orissa IiTigation Works. The shares
fell to a heavy discount—th ey were quoted in the
London money market at £ 0 0 , and were unsaleable at
that price. Tlie Government bought the Company at
par, and, as if it was not enough to make this extra
vagant bargain, in a moment of inexplicable generosity
£50,000 more was given additional to be distributed
among the employes of the Compimy. £200,000 has
been advanced to the Calcutta Port Fund— this has
been writteji off as a bad debt. £250,000 of public
money has been sunk and entirely lost in the Port
Canning scheme. I t is difiicult to form an adequate
estimate of the enormous loss which will result to the
Government from taking over the Elphinstone Land
Scheme. W ith these, and a hundred other similar
facts before us, a child may-understand how diificuit
it is to create a balance between revenue* and ex
penditure in India, and how easy it would be, if the
finances of India were managed w ith adequate care and
economy, to dispense with the income-tax, with all
its dangers, and to reduce otlier taxes wîich press so
heavily on the people. B ut how are we to instire that
the finances of India will be managed in the future
with greater care and economy ? Every effort sh(?uld
\
^
I N D I A N F IN A N C P .
^33
be* made to*iuterest the English piiblic in th e affairs
■of India. I f we are not mindful of the moral re.'yonsibiJity -%e kave,assumed in i^ndertaking the government
of 150,000,000 of people, we may perhaps awaken to
th e enotmous stake that -vre have in the country.
£180,000,000 of I'highsh fapital lias been embarked
o n .th e security of Indian revenues. In alluding to
th e vast amount of. English capital invested on the
security of the revenues of India, I must refer to that
pai't of the speech of the Under Secretary in which he
presumes to intim ate that certain people, who do not
take the same hopeful view of Indian finance that he
does, muvst be bitterly disappointed be(ûse the present
price of Indian securities is so lugh. The House, I am
sure, will agree with me that such an insinuation is un
generous an^l unjust. W hat right has he to suppose
that, in criticising the financial policy of India, we
are actuated by any other motives than a desire to .
preveiTt the continuance of a line of conduct which we
bellêve to be mischievous and dangerous ? The Under
Secretary could not be more pleased than I should be
to see a real improvement in th e financial condition
of India produce a rise in the price of Indian securities.
There is never any advantage in concealing the truth,
and 1 believe the present liigh price of Indian securi
ties is in no small part due to th e fact th at investor'*
believe that England, if anything went wrong with.
the revenues- of India, would be, if not legally, at least
morallw responsible for the money that has been advancednn the security of Indian revenues. The sooner
there is a clear and distinct understanding on this point
the*better. It is probable that investors have been
V. s.
.
3
;^4.
AVZ»/J^V FIN A N C E .
derudeci into the belief that England is either directly
or inclirectly responsible for money advanced to India;'
partly in cOnyequence of an Act which tiiis Howse un
fortunately passed some years since, whicli allows trust
money to be invested ii> Indian securities. ' A t any
rate it is important that there should be no ambiguity
in the matter. If England is not responsible the
sooner investors are made to understand this the
better. I f England is responsible, let India enjoy the
advantage of being able to obtain money at the .same
rate of interest as is represented by our fluids. . There
cannot properly be any middle course. Those who, at
the present time, invest in Indian securities obtain a
higher rate of interest than those who invest in our
funds, and this higher interest they ought not to enjoy
if the security is the same as it would he if England
is to be held ultimately responsible for the money
borrowed by India. The investors in Indian securities
are so numerous mid so widely scattered that ?f their
interest in India were awakened simply by pecuniary
considerations this House would soon reflect the feeling,
and a Government would then know that they could
no longer remain passive spectators of acts of extraviigance and mismanagement like those which have
been described. But although we must look to the
growth of public opinion as the only permanent cure,
yet there are cei’tfiin tilings u’hich might at once b^
done which would go far to alleviate present diffi
culties. In the fii’St place, this House should express
a positive opinion that never again should the Govern
ment give guaranteed interest on capital, so thatjjrojectom should be insured against the evil coflsequences
•
• 3f)
of tlieir own inisinanagement. Secondly tlio uulilary
‘ expenditure sliould be tboronglily looked int^). Mr
M<iss^ ehdoAes the opinion already exprei^sed, bolding
it liigbly probable that a more systematic I’evision of
the estimates would result ‘in tlie saving of a million
annually. Lord Sandliinst, when retiring from his
position of Gomraander-in-Chief in India, said th at
economy and incrcTised strength would result from
merging the two armies of Bon^bay and Madras, and
“ that so long as the separate system lasted he was
hopeless of real economy.” B ut probably the most
essential sendee that this House can render to India
is to express its opinion on the policy which the
Government seems determined to pursue of carrying
out a great system of public works with borrowed
money. A s long ago as 1863 Sir C. Trevelyan siiid,
“ Has the Government y et to learn that it is beyond
their power to furnish a proper industrial outfit foi-*
such *a country as India ? The limits have already been
parsed when th ey can exercise an effective control, and,
w ith regal’d to Avorks cai'ried out directly by the State,
there is certain to be careless and wasteful manafrement
through an inattention to details.” Are such v'arnings
as th ese,to be disregarded? W ill the House hesitate,
after th e loss which public works have already entailed,
to express its disapproval of the Govenuncnt continumg
. a vast system of burrowmg for industrial undei'takings ?
They talk about spending £30,000,000 upon railways.
The best lines of country have aheady been occupied,
and the railways entail a heavy annual loss. W ho will
adniinister this money? W hy, it will be administered
^>y a department that allowed a vast outlay upon
3— 2
36 .
I N D I A N F I^ A N C E .
•
barracks, some of which tumbled down as so*on as they
were c<jmpleted, and otliei's were so faulty in construc
tion that th ey were pronounced uselesi. W h« will
watch over the expenditure ? W hy, a department
whose accounts are, by its*own confession, in Inextri
cable confusion. From the uvidence given by GeneraJ
Stracliey, the moving spirit of the department, it may
be fairly concluded that the accounts are not kept in
such a way as to enable an intelligent person to ascer
tain whether 'U’orks called reproductive are really so.
You cannot tell whether th e money voted for them
is actually spent upon them. An attem pt has in vain
been tried to get the Financial Department to publish
a clear account of the loans that were raised and how
th ey were expended. Kaihvays and other public works
may be extremely useful in themselves, but* if th ey are
conducted on too costly a scale, if there is no effec4;ive supervision, if there is that careless and wasteful
management, through inattention to details, on \Vliich
Sir C. Trevelyan comments, the most useful works may
become extremely unprofitable. A simile will exactly
explain what is being done in India. You visit a friend
who is deriving an income of about £30,000 a year
from his estates; he has many incumbrances, and he is
spending somewhat more than his income— say £32,000
a year. H e takes you into his confidence; you go over
his estate, and you see at once his rent-roll can be in
creased. You say, “ You require a railway to bring your
produce to market, some of your land requirec irrigation,
you need new roads, and new buddings; carry out these
works and your income will soon be £40,000 a yejir.”
You return a few years afterwards, and you find that*
,
IN D I A N
F IN A N C E .
, 37
tlie £10,0(50 a year extra lias been obtained, but, on
• looking' into tlie matter somewhat further, your friend
says,
is Icue I have the extra £10,000 n year, biit it
lias cost £15,000 a year to g et it,’' and he is more embarrass’e d than ever; but you say, “ How has this come
to pass? W hy have the, works been carried out so
extravagantly ?” The friend s a y s ,‘HIow could I help
it ? I couldn’t get* the railway made w ithout giving
a guarantee, and this encourages extravagance so much
that it has cost as much as if the rails bad been made
of silver instead of iron. Many of my irrigation wôrks
have been so ill constructed that th ey yield an inade
quate retu rn ; the buildings have been erected of such
bad materials that many of them tumbled down, and
others were of no use. I have been able to exercise
no control wver the expenditure. I have had one agent
in London, another upon the estate, and three or four
under-agents, all of whom have been giving orders^
ther<? has been no direct responsibility, and where so
niiiny persons have been spending it has been im‘possible to concentrate responsibility, and the accounts
are in inextricable confusion.” This at once w ill be
seen to be no exaggerated description, when we know
what has taken place in the Public W orks Department,
and when we know that India has an agent in London,
an agent in Calcutta, and local agents in Madras f»r:d
, Bombay, all of whom have been spending her money
in w hat arc called industrial improvements. Some of
the lavisli* expenditure is made under excuses less
specious even than industrial improvements. W hen
wc; find an item of £155,000 for a new countrj'-house
‘ for the*Governor of Bombay, and discover a marked
:38 ,
.
(lisirttL-linatioii on t]ie part of a bigli ofiicial tiTstato who
autliorized this prodigal expenditure, we are led to
long" for a greater amonnt of pereonal sesponsU>ility
in th e Finance Department, and some security that
tlie expenditure lias all come under the notice of some
central authority. One fatal, error underlies, not only^
the expenditure in the Public W orks Department, but
th e whole of our government in Iiidia. Our govern
ment is far too expensive for so poor a country. N o
thing has been a itioie fruitful source of serious evils
than the opinion tliat is so prevalent in England that
India is an extremely ricli country. W e have been
misled by a certain kind of barbaric splendour which
is displayed by native Princes who visit this country ;
and by remernbmnce of the booty that has, in the
tim e of war, been found in some native paliice. I t is,
liowe\:er, almost impossible to overstate the great
poverty of the mass of the people. Their ordinary
wages are often not more than 3d. or -id. a day. •T he
rent of land paid to the Government is often not mo^'e
than 4s. per acre. AVe must bear these facts in mind*
in order ju stly to appreciate the monstrous folly and
extravagance of constructing railways on as costly a
scale a.s if they were to connect such centres of wealth
and population a.s those existing in our own country;
whereas they pass through districts where the people,
only earning 3d. a day, are too poor to travel, and
where there are no mines and no manufactnres. It is
only necessary to remember that at the pi’esent time
there is no financial reserve in India to shew the ueril,
nay, the folly, of undertaking public works some^ of
which are certain to be unproductive. In asking the*
•
39
•
House to (disapprove of carrying out public woiJis,
citlier by guaranteeing interest or by raising loans, it
is not ^lifficul^ to anticipate tbe argumenii wbicli will
be used on the other side, tt will be said, that if the
State r(?fuses either to aasi^st or to carry out public
works in India on its own account they will never be
constructed by private enterprise. In the first place,
it may be rejdiod tli^t as long as it is known that a
certain amount of pressure will obtain a guarantee,
or will secure the expenditure of State money, there
is no chance that anything will be done by private
•enterprise. I t is just as certain that such State intei^'ention will destroy private enterprise as it is that
a tender exotic will be killed by a chilling frost. When
it is remembered that British capital is freely invested
in every quiu-tcr of the world, that vast sums ai’e lent
to embarrassed and unstable Governments, that millions
are readily embarked in such hazardous speculations as ^
Mexictin and South American mines, how can it be
maintained, without casting the severest reproach upon
our government of India, that India, governed and
protected by us, is the only country which the English
capitalist will avoid ? When deputations from the
City or from Chambers of Commerce wait upon the
Secretaiy of State urging him to grant a guai*antee,
or pressing him to vspend the revenues of Indie in
throwing open, for instj^wc, the Godaveiy, in order
to cheapen-the carriage of cotton, would he not lie
acting wutl^ prudence and -wisdom if he said, “ The
revsources of India have already been so severely
strajned, our means of obtaining increased revenue
have been so exhausted, that I cannot incur the peril
40.
J ^ 'D IA N F IN A N C E .
,
of* sanctioning fresh liabilities.
If, gentlemen, you
think that the works you ask the Government to con*-'
struct are kkely to prove j^rolitable, I sh^ll be delighted
to afford you every facility for embarking your inonoy,
and I shall rejoice, both lor your sake and for*the sake
of India, in aidmg you to,find an eligible invcstmejit
for a portion of that accumulated wealth for which, in
every quai’ter of the world but India, you are so anxious
to find a profitable employment.” I f Secretaries of
State had adopted such a policy in the past, or were
prepared to adopt it in the future, the finances of India
would now be in a very different position, and many
threatening difficulties and dangers would be averted.
Above all things, India for the next few years requires
rest, and notliing would be so likely to secure her
this as a firm resolve that there should *be no more ,
guarantees, and that, for the present at least, no public
, works should be constructed except from any surplus
that might be saved out of ordinaiy revenue. *liu t I
must, if the House will kindly bear with me for a .short
time longer, say a few -words on a scheme Avhich hrts
been lately brought into operation, which is calculated
to conceal from us in this country an increase of taxa
tion which will be imposed on the people imder the
form of an augmentation of local burdens. The decen
tralisation scheme to which I refer will tmnsfer several
charges which have hitherto been Imperial to the.
Provincial Governments. A fixed sum is;'in the first
instance, to be voted from Imperial Fumls for these
charges, but the sum is at the outse^ confessedly
inadequate to meet them; the charges are certain to
increase, and therefore the deficiency will have to bb
41
•
m et by a constant augmentation in provincial taxation.
W e are beginning to recognise tbe fact tbat the growth
of localJ:axatioii in our owif country is one at the* most
serious questions which can engage our attention.
Local tax’ation wUl soon becgnie in India of far greater
moment than it is even in our own countr}^ The
grawth of local taxation in India is less visible than
Imperial taxation, ojid therefore is a more insidious
evil. W e have all heard of th e agitation against tlie
income-tax in India; but few mebiibers of this House
are aware of the fact that there is a much more onerous
income-tax in Bombay for local purposes. The Im
perial income-tax ■is oirly 1 per cent., and does not
reach incomes of less than £ 1 0 0 ; the local incometa x m Bombay reaches incomes of £5. Scaiuely a
month passq^ w ithout the people being worried and
alarmed either by th e act\ial imposition or by the
tlweat to impose some new local burden upon them.
A t on^ tim e it is a Road cess; at another tim e it is an
Education cess. Quite recez^tly an A ct was passed by
l?he Government of India— I believe it has not received
tlie sanction o f th e Secretary of State-—which declared
that if the Punjaub irrigation canals did not yield a
profit of 7 per cent., tlie people who live near the
canals should pay the irrigation rate even if they made
no use of the water. I t lias been stated that it wn«
intended to extend the provisions of the A ct to the
rest of India. Is it any wonder that the people are
irritated, pfsrplexed, or alanned? I t has been argued
in justification of such a policy that the people who
refuse to use the water do not know their own interfesfs, and they ought to be compelled to do that which
9
42
I X D I A N F IN A N C E .
^
is ^00(1 for tliem. This is paternal govorfiment with a
vengeance! W hy, of course, it will soon he proi')osed
tliat tf the^ State Ilailwa 3's*do not paj' ^ per c<4ut., the
people who don’t use the railways almll be made to pay
because they don’t kjiow wljat is good for thinn; they
ouglit to travel by railway, and th ey ought not to use
any cheaper mode of transporting their inerchundise.
The Punjaub Canal Act, to w h id t 1 have referred, con
tains a still more objectionable provision, for it declares
that if enough volutitary labour wOvS not forthcoming
for the construction of canals, they should be made by ’
forced labour. No wonder that the j}eople are not
enamoured of industrial works when they find them
selves threatened with serfdom and vdth forced contri
butions. I f our own Government were to bring forward
any such unfortunate proposal, we know^ what would
be the result. 'I'hey would immediately have to suc
cumb to the pressure of public opinion. 13ut‘ tlie peo
ple of India can bring no pressure of public opinion to
bear upon their Government; they, it is true, in the
last resource, look to this House for a redress of th ek
wrongs, but tlieir complaints have hefe found but a
faint and feeble echo. One of the w isest of Indian
statesmen, Sir 1). Macleod, has warned us ngainst the
danger of imposing any new tax without first consulting
the natives. N ew taxes are constantly being imposed,
and the problem of how we are to consult the natives ^
remains unsolvedk In conclusion, I wisli -only to say,
> The hict th a t In d ia \v.\% iiot represenhvtivo institutions anii tira t
England has is a suflicient explanation of the fact th a t decentralisation
may be a very good thing in th e la tte r coiuiti-T and an eiiually bad tiling in
th e fonner. Tlic local representative institutions in Englainl provide a
security th a t th e money devoted to local purposes will be in<we ecouomi*
^
F IX A N C B .
43
•
as it is wltl) ftidiviclnuls, so it is witli GovemmeTita;
when there is waste and extravagance
in iarffe
O
o matters,'
there is certain
be p etty a'hd irritating ecojiomy in
Binall details. Koyal entertaininents can be given in
this counti’5" at the expense of tlê Indian people; w liilst
prhijely palaces can be biiilt^for local governors; and
millions can be sqûandered in ill-constructed baiTacks;
gigantic schemes, which won’t pay their working ex
penses, can be sanctioned. All this can bo done, till
' ciilly expended if it is ()btained from local instead of from Imperijil funds.
I ’o/fple thiuk tliat if money is siKJiit in th eir own locality and is provided
from th e national exchequer, only a very small portion of it is really contributeil by them . In lndi:i, however, it is n o t th e i>cople, b u t those who
govern tliein, 'jh o d ctcn u in e w hat money shall be spent for local purp»ises,
and from what taxes i t shall bo provided. The peojde, therefore, have no
voice in checking or controlling th e e x p e n d itu re; and, as a local tax will
u ttn ic t much leas attentio n than an rm pcrial fcix, local burdens may inercfwo
Jii India w ithout attaticting half so much attention, cither in th a t country or
in Kiigland, as if th ere had been a sim ilar increase in Imi>crial taxation. I t
m ust moreover be i-ccollected th a t th o Government o f India is really Joss
under tlie influence of public opinion than it was flwinerly. During th e la.st
few years ^ho pnictiee ha.s grown up of tho Govcnior-General and his
{>)uncil m igrating to Simla for a gi-eat p art of each year. W hat would be
thought if the English Parliam ent spent a considerable portitui of its tim e
far ^w;vy in the wilds of Sutherland.shiro 1 This migration to Simla wastes
n great deal of time, and involves an annual expenditure of i ‘.'>fi,000. B u t
this is a small p a rt of th e evil. The only faint .semblance of representation
winch exists in In d ia is th a t a certain num ber of iion'Oflicial m em bers are
nom inated to the Council of tlie Governor-General. Some of these nonofflciid mciubor.s are European m erch an ts; others are natives. Tho merfhauts have not th e tim e to go to .Simla, .ainl the natives usually will not go.
Consequently th e migration to Simla to a gre.at ex te n t destroys th e only
slight elem ent of representation th a t th ere is in tho Governm ent of
llio one would, of course, object to a Goveror..- GcLiuruI having nccessnry
rest and rclaxntino
th e disadvantage of the systcni, which has only
giuuii up w ithin tho hiat few years, is th a t th e Council and o th er oflicials
are taken away fnfln th e seat of Gnvcrmnent. Much valuable information
is contained on thi.s and other points in th e cvidcnoc recently given before
th e Finance Committee by Mr Dacosta. llis testimony is tho m ore iin]>ortu^t» because he has resided nearly th irty years in Im lia, and is ono of
th e few non-<iliicial witne.s-sos th a t have been examined.
44
I S m A N F IN A N C E .
,
•
the Government, waking uj) as it were'froni a dream,
looks round and says:— “ W e must he economical; »we
wiir, a s . a compensatiort for the thousande we are
wasting, see if* we can’t save a few pence;” and it
is almost superfluous t^ add that the saving? is eflected
in the very way which is likely to produce, the
keenest sense of injustice amongst the Indian people.. '
As some small compensation feu- the inequality under
which the natives were placed in having to come
to England to colnpete in the Indian Civil Service
Examinations, eight Scholarships of the annual value
of £200 each were granted; it was necessary to save
something, and these scholarships were abolished.
W hy, the whole sum saved does not represent a fifth
of the interest of the money spent in providing a
country-house for tlie Governor of Bombay. Bxit tliiji^
is not all. When the Scholarships were abolished^ it
was said that some natives should be admitted direct
to the Civil Service. This promise has reiiiilined as
much a dead letter as if it had never been given.
Let me earnestly entreat the House of Common.s dnd
the English nation not to delude themselves with the
belief that such acts as tliese are not felt and are not
commented upoii by the Indian people. They are
talked about, and they kindle a sense of injustice in
millions of human breasts, and this sense of injustice it
will require all our wisdom and all our statesmanship)
to allay. I believe that the gresat mass of the English
nation desires that our rule in India should be for
the good of the people. Our errors and our short
comings are due more to ignorance than to inttyition.
It has been proverbially a somewhat thankless task
IN D I A N FIN ANC D .
45
•
to attempt to direct attention in tins Honse to
the* afiairs of our great dependency. Tlie subject is
one of SMcli- va?i extent and importance tbnt it is
necessary to labour at it for years to obtain anytbmg
like a complete knowledge of .the subject. For some
yeai’i^ I have devoted almost ,tlie whole spare time at
■loy disposal to the question, and no one can be more
conscious than I am- of my impeifect knowledge.
Whenever I liave attempted to direct the attention
•. of this blouse to Indian affairs, it h*as invariably hap
pened, as it has on the present occasion, that I have
aroused tlie irritability of tlie Under Seci-etary, and
been censured from the TreavSury bench for my pre
sumption.
No amount of labour, no dread of an
Under Secretary, and no Mmisterial rebukes can, how
ever, be of an^ consequence compared with the im
portance of doing whatever may lie in one’s power,to
create an adequate amount of interest in India. My
experieifce in this House has at least tauglit me that
when,a Minister is very angry it is the clearest indicatiofi a private member possibly can hav'e that it is
his duty to persevere with the subject he has in hand.
This, at any rate, is niy firm resolve with regard to
the affairs of India. No one can deny that the people
of India consider that they are primarily governed by
the British Parliament; and it is to this House they
Ijok for a redress of their grievances. A German diplo
matist and gtatcsiiian once said that nothing struck
him so much as this, that, in Germany, the possession
of India was looked upon as the greatest distinction
whicl\ England had obtained, and that the loss of India,
through rrftsgovernment, would be the greatest blow
• 40
II^'D IA N F IN A S C E .
•
our reputation, and would be fatal to our prestige ;
and yet, be said, so little did we seem to appreckite
tlie vast responsibility of tlie trust «we bact tissumed,
that be found there was not so much attention given
to Indian affairs, and there was not so much known
of th e subject, in England as in Germany. J;ully
sharing in the opinion that the loss of India would be
th e greatest disaster and the greatest dishonour that
could befall this country, and would be a great m is
fortune to the Inclian people tliemselves, let us hope;that this country may shew a kindlier sympathy ■with
their feelings, and a hriiier determination to do them
justice. Eifteen years ago, the Queen issued a pro
clamation which prod\ieed a deep impression from one
end of India to the other. She said, speaking as the
bead of the English nation, “ W e hold cairselves bound,
to. the natives of our Indian territories by th e same
obligations of duty which bind us to all our other
subjects, and those obligations, by th e blessing of A l
m ighty God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously
fullil.” I f we still desire that this promise shoidcrbe
kept, are we not bound to do everything that can
be done, by Avise administration and by rigid economy,
to avoid that increase of financial burden^ which, in
the words of one whose loss we all deplore, has already
produced a feeling of discontent amongst all classes
in India, and has created a political danger the mag
nitude of which can hardly be over-estimated ?
*0
INDIAN EINANGE.
B U D G E T ’, 1873.
years ago it was proclaimed by tbe. Queen,
speaking in the name of the English nation, that “ Wo
hold ourselves bound to the natives of our Indian
territories by the same obligations of duty wliicli bind
us to all our other subjects, and those obligations, by
the blessing (jf Ahniglity God, we shall faithfully and
conscientiously fuliil.” A more solemn promise than
is contained in these words was never given by a great
nation.* How has it been fulfilled ? When what
has ^happened this evening is known by the Indian
people, an impression will bo pi'oduced through the
length and breadth of that land that tlie promise,
potent as it might have been in its iniiuence for good,
is to be altogether ignored. When the Indian Budget
is introduced at a quarter-past ton o’clock at the very
■F i f t e e n
^ Tlio U nder Socrctary for Indin, Mr G rant Duff, nindo liia annuiU oUU;•iie n t on tho Indian B udget a t a
ten on Thui-adiiy evening,
July3l.>»t.
Mr i'u w ccttro so a t half-puat eleven to reply to M r G ran t
J>uff, and moved the following resolution: ‘‘ That in th e opinion of this
House, tho prosdfit constitution of tlio Govenimeiit of India fails to secure
an efticicnt or economical nniuagenicnt of its financog, and th a t this House
views with apprehension tho state of local taxation in th a t country, and is
of oyjftion th a t its financial condition m ust he regarded as unsatisfactory so
long as th e Iftcoinc-Tax forms its only financial reserve."
48
I N D I A N F IN A N C E . II.
%
fag end of the Session, when it is arranged that the
only discussion wliich the Government gives to India-n
affairs is Jirought forwardf at a time f^êcialh; selected
for its inconvenience, wlien the Lidian people see
that more respect is sjiewji to the most •trumpery
question ever debated in this House than is vouchsafed
to questions vitally affecting their -vvelfare— when, all
this is made as clear to them
tlie sun at noonday,
can they arilve at any other conclusion, than that the
Government is bcnff on piu'suing the suicidal course of
treating the affairs of India with contemj^tuous neglect %
The Under Secretai-y (Mr Grant Huff), in the course
of the remarks to which we have just Ustened, has
described me as the spokesman of a financed i>anic. I
will presently shew what amount of truth there is in
this assertion, but I will now simply say that in anything
I have ever done in reference to India my object has
been not to excite financial panics, but I liave been*,
and I hope always shall be, influenced by n® other
motive than to do the little which can be done hy^ one
member of this House to arouse an adequate amount o f
interest in the welfare of the great dependency which
we liave taken upon oxirselves to govern. W hen the
Indian Budget was discussed last year, I was permitted
through the kind indulgence of the House to*occupy so
large a portion of the modicum of time usually allotted
to Indian aJfiiirs, that many may not unreasonably
think I ought to be silent on the present occasion.
But at the close of the remarks which I^ then made,
I ventured to promise that I would devote all the time
at my disposal to the subject of India. The result
has been that I cannot be silent on the prcsenj; occaôn.
•
IN D I A N F IN A N C E . II.
i'J
7’iie tTndor Secretary last year predicted that nothiilg
I* coiild say in reference to India conkl possibly be of
any valfie ‘or hnportance, Imt a romavkaVAo change
seems to have come over the spirit of the scene. H is
attitude fias entirely altered, dor he has now paid me
thu compliment of devoting a considerable portion of
^ his speech to answering me by anticipation. Taking
th e hi'st clause in my*i'esolution which refers to defects
in the constitution of the Govenmient of India, he
.appears to be puzzled to liit upon the defects to which
I allude, and he cannot understand m what respect
the present Government of India fails to secui’e an
efficient and econoinicixl management of its finances.
Before I conclude I believe it will not be difiicult to
shew that th e finances of India cannot be managed
./either efficiently or economically whilst the system of
her govenm ient remains as it is. N othing w ill.b e
more etisy than to verify this assertion by adducing
specificTnstancos of idmost incredible waste and extravag'cUftce. Bvit w hat seems to excite the greatest sur
prise in the Under Secretary is that the local taxation
of India should be brought under the consideration of
this House as a subject calculated to excite grave
apprehension. H e passed the question lightly by as
if it were one scarcely worthy of any notice. B ut
there was sittin g by his side th e Iligh t Hon. gentleman
(JNIr Ayrton) who has now for three years j^resided
over the Finance Committee w ith an impartiality and
a courte.sy which every member of that committee
must, I am sime, be anxious to recognize. It is worthy
of reniark, that whereas the Under Secrebiry only con
descended *to spend an occasional hour m the com^ r. s.
•
4
5i)
IN D I A N F IN A N C E . II .
•
m ittee, Mr Ayrton, tliou^li clniirman of another com
m ittee, lias scarcely ever Jjceii absent. D ay after day
during the present session, when tlie TJnder Secretaiy
was absent, Mr Ayrton listened to some of th e m ost
striking evidence from the comptroller o f the finances
on the present state of IcTcal taxation in India. Tiiat
evidence m ust have convinced him and every one ’who
heard it that not only is the state of local taxation in
India such as to excite our apprehension, but that it
hangs over India at the present time like a threateningcloud, and is producing so much alarm and discontent
that it is rapidly becoming our chief difficulty and
danger in^ the government of that country. I ’he last
statem ent in the resolution I am about to move,
that the financial condition of India m ust be regarded
as unsatisfactory whilst the income-tax forms our onlyfinancial reserve, is entirely corroborated by th e speeoli
of the U nder Secretary himself. H e has adm itted that
the income-tax has been surrendered for political
reasons. These political reasons have been so urgent
that rather than continue the tax the surplus of
revenue over expenditure is reduced to almost nothing;
and y e t he acknowledges that we have so entirely
exhausted our financial resources in India 4hat before
ten years have elapsed it will in all probability be
necessary again to impose the income-tax. W as there
ever a more damaging confession? Talk about being
th e spokesman of financial panics! Is it possible to
give a more alarming description of a ‘country than
to say that in ten years it w ill be necessary to reimpose
a tax which has now been surrendered, when th e vc^rvey
which it yields is urgently wanted, because of the
•
I N D I A N F I N A N C E . II.
^
1
political dangers associated w ith its collection? Befdre
proceeding to notice the figures of this year’s budget
it will fto fb e ût of .place to make some ito a r k s on
the surrender of the income-tax. Tlie House probably
has not forgotten all tliat wjTs said last year in favour
o f .t lie tax by the very (eluvernment which is now
. obliged to relinquish it. W e were then told that the
tax was collected without dilHculty and without abuse#
and that it was the only way in wliicli the wealthy
■^vere made to contribute their proper share to the
State. W ell, if all this was true, the surrender of th e
income-tax has been an act of the grossest financial
injustice. Under all circumstances it is unjust to let
the wealthy escape their proper share of taxation. But
in India this injustice is concentrated w ith maximum
.in ten sity , for*in no country in the world is there pro
bably so great a g id f between tlie very wealthy and
the poor. There are a few who ai’e enormously rich.
These, according to the Government, will now almost
entirely escape taxation, whereas there is not to be the
minutest fraction of diminution in the pressure of taxa
tion upon the great mass of the people, who, as I shall
presently shew upon the highest authority, are so
miserably poor that they can barely obtain subsistence.
W e must, therefore, CQme to the conclusion either that
the Government has committed an act of injustice and
fi)lly in relinquishing the income-tax, or that th e argu
ments wliich tlic) put forward last year in defence of
the tax wert? simply a tissue of fallacies and errors.
» W e may accept the latter alternative as tlie one least
humiliating to the Government; we need not hesitate,
moreover, to accept it as a true explanation of what
^
’
•
4— 2
/.X D IA N F IN A N C E . IT.
•
taken place, wlien we discover tiiat wliat was said
Jast year in defence of th e income-tax was based
such reckless and random assertions, *thaf tlit? Under
Secretary, after declaring' that he Could briiig forw<ard
five authorities in fi\vuur\>f the tax for one that could be
brought forward by its o]>ponents, was finally rediu:ed
to tlie pitiful expedient of resting his case upon th e .
opijiion of a single official and a flative newspaper; and
th e native newspaper took the earliest opportunity of
stating that it had always opposed the tax, and that ite,^
opinions had been wholly misrepresented. This even
ing, however, the Under Secretary having more autliorities at hand in favour of the tax when he has to
explain its relinquishment, tlian lie had when he was
obliged to justify its continuance, assures us that a
whole list of distinguished names might* he quoted ii\,
favour of the tax. Further examination will, I believe,
shew that all of those who are supposed to favour the
tax have expressed the most decided opinion ^ lat the
greatest possible mischief would result if there .were
frequent variations in the rate at wliich the tax was
levied. These variations would of course take place if
the income-tax became tlie only reserve from which
deficiencies in the revenue laid to be made jip. Great
stress has been laid by tlie Und^r Secretary upon what
Lord Lawrence has sidd in favour of the tax. I t is
impossible for th e Under Secretar}^ to place a hightjr
value upon the opinion of Lord Lawrence than 1 do.
In th e course of the remarks I am abc«it to make I
shall again and again appeal to the testim ony of Lord
Lawrence as the highest authority upon Indian ques
tions, B ut the Under Secretary, when refefring to him
I N D I A N FIN A N C E . II.
53
as a supporter of the income-tax, forgot to tell the
Wouse that he spoke in tenns of the severest condeiniiathni o f each a tax if *t were liable t<») frequent
variations. Under such circumstances, he said, the tax
would be* unsitited to India,* and would produce the
gr(âtest mischief. But in ^>ite of all tliat is now said
. by the Under Secretary, to cover his retreat from the
untenable position thfit he took up last year in defence
of the income-tax, he knows perfectly well that in
. abandoning it the Governor General, and the Secretary
of State have come not only to a wise, but to a neces
sary decision. Ko statesman can commit an act of
more mischievous pedantry than to assume that because
a tax is adapted to one country it is equally suited to
another country the social condition of which Ls entirely
^.different. The Under Secretary has divulged the true
state of th e ca.se when he has -vnrtually admitted, tjiat
although it may be desirable to continue the incometax in ‘England, it has had for political reasons to be
abandoned in India. The character of these reasons
Ccfn be readily indicated.
Again and again have we
been told of the abuses connected with the levying of
the income-tax in India, of the number of people who
are wrongly assessed, of the oppression and extortion
which result, and that consequently the tax produces
an amount of annoyance to the people altogether disj^roportiouate to the small revenue it yields. B ut it
may be sixid, 'a blunder has no doubt been com m itted;
it has now, lfi.)wever, been repaired, and there can there
fore be n o . good in dwelling on the errors of the past.
I t would be quite supei’fluous to say a word about the
p*ast imposition of the income-tax if it had been abo-
5 4%
I N D IA N F IN A N C E . II.
•
lisiied never to be imposed again, but* tlie Under
Secretary has him self confessed that ten years w ill not
elapse before it w ill probably be agaki neceseary to
resort to the inconie-tax; and I believe it will be easy to
adduce conclusive reasons* to shew that *iiot only is the
Under Secretary correct in this opinion, but that unless
a fundamental change is at once introduced into th e
management of th e finances of india, not ten years,
no, not five years, will pass before a much more onerous
income-bix will have to be imposed than has ever y et
been levied in India. The House cannot too seriously
consider the gi*ave refiections which are suggested by
such a financial situation, for it signifies that our chief
reliance for raising extra revenue in India m ust be in a
tax which has had to be abandoned for tliose political
reasons to which reference has already been made, a .
tax jrtdiich has been condemned in the most uncompro
mising terms by those who have been most, specially
concerned w ith the financial administration of*India.
I am anxious not to w eaiy the House w ith an uniKKJessary number of quotations, but I ^\dll direct its particiilar attention to the following opinions which have been
expressed by three successive Finance Ministers of
India. Sir Charles Trevelyan resigned a position second
only in impoi'tance to tliat of Governor General mther
than be a party to the le\-}u*ng of the tax. Mr Laing
has recently declared that “ the income-tax is about,
as bad and obnoxious a mode of raising revenue as it
is possible to imagine in a country like ^ndia.’’ Mr
Massey has gone so firr aa to affii’in that “ nothing on
earth would induce him to hold office as Finance
Minister if the condition imposed upon hifti by th e
55
I X D I A N F IN A N C E . I I
%
0
Secretary of*State were the maintenance of th e incometax as an ordinary source of revenue.” And now I
would j,sk. the^ House, wouid any one be jiistified in
remainin<r
o silent,’ if he believes that a tax which has
been tints condemned w ill inevitably have to be reimposed, and the danger which thus threatens India
wdj be brought upon her, because her money is wjusted
in extravagance whicî can be avoided, and because her
Government is so airanged that tlie administi'ation of
her finances can neither be efiicK'nt nor economical?
B ut referring to the figures of the present year’s
Budget, which has tliLs evening been laid before us, it
may be thought that we ought at any rate at the pre
sent tim e to take a hopeful view of Indian finance.
N ot only does the experience of the past warn us that
we ought to^ be very cautious in drawing conclusions
from the figures of a single year’s Budget, but I believe
I shall be presently able to shew that associated with
the figures which have been detailed to us by the
Under Secretary, there is an amount of complexity
and confusion the penetration of which would baffle the
utm ost financial ingemdty. Although the U nder Secre
tary has described me as the spokesman o f financial
panics, y e t unconsciously he has paid me so high a
compliment that I feel I have now a more* powerful
incentive than ever to continue to devote as much atten
tion as possible to Indian affairs. W e were reminded
bv the Under Secretary that during three years pre
vious to 18^0 there had been deficits amounting to
£6,209,216, and th at during the last three years there
had been surpluses to the amount of £4,725,836.
I t IS somewhat significant that at the very time
56
wljen the tide thus began to turn, at tlê very tiine
when the Government was somewhat checked in their
career of wanton extmvagiince, 1 was severely censured
and coiiteinptuously upbraided from the Treasury
Bench for my presumption in endeavouring to do what
little lay in iny power to bring the pressure of p\iblic
opinion to bear upon the Tndian Government, and*to
direct the attention of this House to the critical })osition of Indian finance. Can there be any doubt that
there would now b» the same deficits as there were
three years since, can there be any doubt that the
Indian Governnicnt would be at the present moment
spendurg just tis much money as tliey were tlien, if
tliis House did not take an increased interest in Indian
questions, and if the Indian Fhuince Committee had
not during the last three years exercised a constant
watchfulness over Indian finance ? But now, returning **
to file figures of this year’s Budget, I will proceed to
shew why it is impossible to deduce from thcan any
trustworthy conclusions as to the true financial position
of India. Any one wlio has listened to the evidence
given before the Finance Committee cannot fail to have
been struck with the impenetrable confusion thrown
over Indian finance by the perplexing distinction be
tween . public works extraordinary and public works
ordinary. Then again not the slightest reliance can
be placed on any statement of revenue and exiênditure
whilst there are fluctuations in the cash balances o^
many millions -a year.
The cash balances rose in
1870-1 from 16 millions to 20 millions, and in the next
year to 21 millions ; they then suddenly sank to 20
millions, and during the present financial, year •the
I N D I A N F IN A N C E . 11.
57
4
Under Secretary has informed us the cash balances wUl
ag'ain rcdnced by more than four iiiillions. Such unaccountcJ)le‘ lluciuations affoM an unbounded field for
exploits of financial strategy. No one has ever been
able to give an intelligible description of these cash
balances. 1 believe •the Prime Minister, gi'eat as is
his mastery over finance, -would be utterly baffled if he
attem pted to fathon^ the mystery. So far as any
insight can be obtained into the subject, it appears
that tliesecash balances are an omThwi gatherum^ com
posed partly of unexpended loans, of previous years’
surpluses, and o f unexhausted credits. This being the
case, is it not ob"vious that when in one year the
balances are reduced by more than four millions, a state
ment which shews, jis this year’s Budget docs, a pre^ tended balamie of revenue over expenditure of .£150,000,
is not worth th e paper on which it is printed ? The
U nder Secretary wishes us to believe that these four
millioiA are going to be devoted to remunerative public
woi'l^s. These public works will not be finislied in a
ahigle year; money -ûll be required for them next
year. The cash balances cannot be continually drawn
upon.
They are only a temporary resource.
U nless
therefore^there is fresh borrowing, another large deficit
is inevitable.
Again I w'ould ask, can the Under
Secretary or any other official prove to the House that
.none of the money -^'hich is this venr to be taken from
the cash balances is to be devoted to the payment of
ordinary cuw’ent expenses? and until this is shewn,
can we feel the slightest confidence that the present
year’s surplus has not been manufactured by the
sirnpie process of devoting some portion of an un-
58
•
ejcjênded loan to ordinaiy income ? W e know wLat
adepts Indian Financiers have become in the art
devoting /:apital to income. The Coyiptroll^' of the
Finances has admitted tliat in one year, 1809-70, when
a surplus was announce.d, this surplus had’ been ob
tained solely by this appro|jriation of capitcd to income,
and in tliat year, if it had not been for tliis, there
would have been a deficit of ^nore than £500,000.
Amongst other instances of appropriation of capital
to income in that yt’hr, £427,000, representing accumu
lations arising from the sale of waste lands, appeared as
an item of ordinary income.
I t had been specially en
acted that the money resulting from such sales should
be employed jis capital, eitlier by being invested or in
paying off debt. B ut so anxious was the Government
of' India to manufacture a surplus that thj^ law^, and in
fact every other consideration that should influence
^prudent financiers or careful statesmen, were cast to the
winds, ila n y as have been the strange disclosures made
before the Indian Finance Committee during the ^last
three yearn, nothing perhaps throws a more instructive
light on the way in which Indian affams are managed,
than the confession made b y official after official of this
appropriation of capital to income. One official frankly
admitted that in looking over Indian accounts, when
ever it is stated that th e Government holds some
fund, it may be almost invariably concluded that th e ^
money has long since been spent. The fund hiis dis
appeared, and the only memorial of its^ forn^pr existence
is a debt of exactly equivalent amount. Lately, we
have had in our own country what is known as the
Post-Office scandal. Because the authorities* in tfiaf;
I N D I A N F IN A N C E . I I .
59
•
Department ^ a v e tmnsfen'ed a certain amount of
capital from one department to another, the trans
action in* considered so grave? that an influential com
m ittee of this House was at once appointed to investi
gate it. But if this transfer of.capital.is a scandal, who
can, suggest the name which^will adequately character
ise the far more gm ve proceeding of appropriating capital
to income, as has been done again and again in India ?
I t has been attem pted to defend the proceeding by an
argument which is essentially unsound. I t is said that
as the Indian Government has been habitually borrow
ing, and has moreover contracted loans in tho very
years in which these appropriations took place, no
good would have been done by investing these funds,
instead of appropriating them as income. B ut il* tliero
J s one thing •more certain than another in finance, it
is that expenditure, and especially so wlien there^ is
a tendency to extravagance, is in no small degree
regulatM by the amount of money which •there is to
spend. I f it had been known in 18G9-70 that instead
of* there being a surplus, as was announced, there was
a considerable deficit, is it not more than probable th at
in order to make both ends meet, some extravagance
might h a \e been forbidden, some economy m ight have
been enforced ? I t has been necessary to make these
precautionary remarks in order to prevent too implicit
confidence being reposed in tho figaie« of this years
Budget. B ut even adm itting that there is no error in
the accounts^that the stated revenue is the legitim ate
income of the year, that all that has been expended
during th e year has been fairly brought into this
year’s accbunt, y et it is impossible for any of us to
60
nvm A N
F ix A y c s .
II.
,
%
ascertain,— \ doubt if the Secretary ol* State even
knows himself—to what extent the comparatively
favoumhl(i balance betwecti revenue an^ expeuiliture in
the present year is due to the sudden cesstition of
expenditure in various pyblic works which hat’e already
been commeiieed, and which, on the one hand, cannot
be abandoned without wasting' the inoney already
expended, and , cannot, on the* other hand, be sus
pended without adding greatly to their ultimate cost.
Nothing connected Mth tjie financial administration of
India has been more conclusively demonstrated before
the Indian Finance committee than the w’aste, mis
management, ajid extravagance which have chamcterised the Public Works Department; and no circum
stance has more powerfully promoted this waste and
extravagance than the impulsiveness with, which public
works have been undertaken, and the suddenness with
w'hich their construction has been suspended. The
Under Secretary has advised the House carefhlly to
read the evidence -which has been lately given before
the committee by Lord Lawrence. In all sincerity'I
w ill repeat that advice; and I will venture to make
one further suggestion, that the reading of the evidence
of Lord Lawrence should be supplemented by nn equally
careful perusal of the evidence of Gen. Stmchey, who,
it must be remembered, was specially summoned by the
Government as the witness most competent to defend,
the Public AVorks Department. Any one who reads
his evidence must come to the conclusion that I have
certainly not employed too strong language in saying
that the Depiîrtment has been characterised by waste,
mismanagement, and extravagance. In order,* however'
IN D T A N F IN ANCE. II.
G1
•
to illustrate V liat has been done by this Department,
I’w ill direct the attention of the House to the following
narrativ#^, -vN'hiclkis not an ex(%-ptional but a typical case,
and every particular of \vhich has been corroborated by
official testnaony. I’he Sangcir barracks, after taking
4^yeai*s to erect, and costing £1G5,000, have lately
becMi pronounced by an official coininittee to be so badly
constructed and so unsafe that they w ill have to be
abandoned. They have in fact never been occupied,
and th e £165,000 has consequently been absolutely
wtisted. The walls were so rotten that a walking-stick
could be pushed into them. It is to be particularly
remarked that the work was •not done by contract, but
was entirely undertaken by the Public Woi'ks Depart
ment. The House will be instructed and amused to
. hear the costly and complicated system of ofHcialism
that was brought into operation to achieve so notable
a result. The Executive Engineer, who was apparently ,
selected because he had not the slightest knowledge
of masonry work, was assisted by an ecpially ignorant
European subordinate, and was in charge of the works
throughout their erection. Above th e Executive En
gineer was placed a Superintending Engineer, and
above hiiji again was the Chief Engineer or local head
of the Department. This Superintending Engineer
paid only three visits to the works during their con^r.tmction, and only wrote one Inspector’s report, in
which eveVything was described as going on sjitisfactordy. Th« C hief Engineer only visited the works
once, and no record of any report of his has been pre
served. Such management would bring ruin on any
private business in six months, and yet this is the
(52
9
Pepartm ent to which it is proposed to iiitrust the ex
penditure of 70 millions on State Railways and Startc
Canals 1 •This is the Department which has’ lately been
glorified by th e Under Secretary as being likely to
retnrn to India with oompoimd interest tlio benefit
which Asia has in the pîst conferred upon Eu,r<ipe.
The interest wiU indeed be compound. Enough‘has
probably been said about this year’s Budget to induce
Honourable Members to exercise due caution in draw
ing too hasty concfusions as to the future of Indian
finance from the expenditure and revenue of a single
year. In order properly to estimate the true financial
position of ,India, we must take a wider survey, and
must carefully examine causes v'hich are more perma
nent in their operation. Now the cardinal point on
which I have before insisted, and which it is of t h e ,
firsj) importance to impress upon the House, is that
w hilst in England our revenue is far more elastic than
our expenditure, in India, on th e contrary, the*expenditure is far more elastic than the revenue. Mai^y of
the m ost important taxes in England yield far more
than th ey did a few yeare since. The income-tax has
increased in productiveness a hundred per cent, since
it was first imposed hy Sir Robert Peel.
since
1,850 th e tea, sugar, and spirit duties, and many other
important sources of revenue, have increased in pro
ductiveness from 60 to 100 per cent. Excessive there-,
fore as our expenditure has been, we are' a\)le at the
same time to have an increased expenditur* and a most
important reduction in taxation. Tn India, on the con
trary, there is but a very slight natural increase in the
most important sources of revenue. Two-fifths of the
I N D I A N F IN AN C E. //.
6*3
•
entire revenire is yielded by tlie land, and tlie landrevenue lias only increased 20 per cent, in 20 years.
The salt •d u ty does not increase in productiveness in
a ipreater ratio. E xcise and customs together only
yield about £5,000,000, and the yearly increase is iiiaigijij|cant. This slowly-increasing revenue has to m eet
a rapidly increasing expenditure. Expenditure in India
has increased at a greater rate than expenditure in our
own country, where the revenue, to use tlie expression
of the Prime Minister, has been advancmg by “ leaps
and bounds.” W hat is th e inevitable resu lt!
In
England an increasing expenditure can be simulta
neously accompanied with a great reduction in taxation.
The present Government ha\’in g done little to reduce
expenditure has been enabled to remit £9,000,000
.o f ta xation ; -cind although our expenditure i.s now
£70,000,000, not only have no new taxes been im
posed since the tim e when th e expenditure was only
£50,00(5,000 a year, but a great number of taxes have
been* reduced or repealed which would now probably
yield not less than £40,000,000 per annum. In India,
on the contrary, the increase in expenditure which has
for years been going on necessitates an increase of tax
ation, whi(jh> 1^0 quote the words of the late Lord Mayo,
produces a wide-spread feeling of discontent from one
end of that country to the other. But this is not a ll;
tlie contrast between England and India is not hnlf
exhfin=ifoq
be presented in another and a more
striking lighk A sudden increase in the expenditure
of a nation may be brought about by so many different
causes that it may at any moment be necessary to ob
tain a corfeiderably additional revenue. These causes
04
I N D I A N F IN A N C E . IT.
%
nj-e so obvious that it is scarcely necessary to enumerate
them. The breaking out of war largely adds to mili
tary expcyrditure; India 4ias a frontier war oii an aver
age once in three years; impropitious seasons affect tlie
rGvenue in two w a y s: existing taxes beconfe less pro
ductive, and tlje Government may have to sjiend^large
sums in direct relief of the people. Tlie reveiiu.o of
India, from the fact that a large ^lortion of it is derived
from the land, is probably more liable to be influenced
by unfavourable seasons tlian that of any other country.
Again, a rise in prices increases alraoat every item of
expenditure except the interest on the public debt.
This is of course a matter of no consequence if the
items which compose the public revenue increase in
the same ratio. A moment’s consideration however
shews th at a rise in general prices wo.uld, so far as
India is concerned, make a much greater addition to
her expenditure than it would to her revenue. A s pre
viously stated, two-fifths of her revenue is (sbtained
entii’ely from the land. A considerable portion oj this
is for ever fixed in pecuniary amount, and much of ifhe
remainder is upon a 30 years’ settlement, and therefore
is only suscejdible of an increase as tlie land gmdually
falls in for re-settlement. W hen it is remembered that
the gold discoveries in Australia and Gdifoniia quad
rupled the supply of gold, when it is also remembered
that the leading authorities agree that there has been
a steadily marked rise in general prices, tlffit this rise
has not been less than 40 per cent, in Ii^dia, and that
experience has shewn that a considerable time has to
elapse before tlie full efiects of an increase in the sup
ply of the precious metals are f e lt ; when tkese tlfings
#
II.
05
are remeinbeiied, can any one dunbt tliat it ia very prc>bi^ble that there may be a very marked rLse m prices
ill India during the next few*yeai's"? I t the^;efore aj>
pears that various circumstances may cause the ex
penditure in India to be much larger a few years hence
than it is at tlie present moment. Is there any secu
rity Riat the great increase in expenditure that has
been going on in India^ for the last 17 years will not
continue in the future upon the same scale? This
being the case, I will earnestly ask "tlie House to take
into consideration what appears to me to be by far
the most serious circumstance connected w ith the
financial position of India.
I f it became necessary
in our own country to niise 5, 10, or 20 millions of
additional revenue, it could be done w ith comparative
facility. The încome-tax m ight be increased, and the
duties on some articles of general consumption might
be raised. I f th e nation thought that the extra expenditui^ was really required, the additional taxation
would be readily borne, the stability of the Govemin « it would not be in the slightest degree weakened,
and the prosperity of the country would be scarcely
retarded. Biit if it suddenly became necessary to raise
five millions of additional revenue in India, is there any
one who has ever lield an influential position in the
Government of that coimtry who can come forward
and say that it could be obtained without resorting
to an impost which has been abandrmpd, and \>iihoui.
le^^ying other ^taxation which wo\ild produce an amount
of discontent that would make the boldest tremble
for tlie security of our empire .in India ? Again
and •again • have I addros.sed the enquiry to those
F.*S.
.
5
6G
I N D I A N FIXANCl-:. II.
•
Uiost competent to form an opinion
H ow could
^5,000,000 of additional revenue Le obtained în
India ? ” , The answer inr'ariably given is, “ W e know
tbere is no way of doing it except by reimposing tlie
income-tax, and by leyying otlicr taxation entirely
unsuited to the people of India.” Only a feAv weeks
since I bad an oppoi’tunity o f questioning Lord Law
rence on tills subject. N o living man Las bad a longer
or a more distinguished Indian career. H e is perhaps
by far the highest Authority that can now be consulted
on such a subject, for he is the only survivor of the
illustrious men who have been Govemors-General of
India. After admitting the exten t to which the land
revenue is incapable of expansion, he was asked whe
ther there w£is any possibility of increasing the next
important item of Indian revenue, viz. opium. H e
agi-eed that we obtain from opium at th e present
moment the utm ost it is possible to obtain; he further
admitted that the Chinese, anxious to discoiwage the
consumption of opium, had hitherto imposed various
restrictions on its growth, but finding we were at any
moment r'eady to go to war rather than be deprived
of the opportunity of selling opium in China, he
thought that the Government of that country was
not unlikely to relinquish as perfectly hopeless all its
attem pts to check the consumption of opium ; it would
then be freely grown in C hina; this would of course
greatly diminish the demand for Indian opium, and lie
therefore thought that the revenue wl^ch India ob
tained from opium was more likely to decrease than to
increase. L et me here parenthetically remark, that this
opium traffic is a striking instance of the mftral example
I X D I A N F IN A N C E . I I .
G7
0
offered by Ctcristian England to tliose wliom the ArckInsliop lately called tlie heathen Hindoos. The Under
Secretary has -(Jiis evening hinted that the. large re
venue yielded by opium shows how much we are
befriended by Providence. Some will think that it
rath^' shews how much another power, which I need
not .pai'ticularize, is on our side.
W ith regard to
the next important item of revenue, salt, Lord Law
rence said that under no circumstances whatever would
he increase the salt d u ty ; he thought that it ought
if possible to be reduced; he described the great harm
that was done to our rule in India by the present high
rates of duty. It is difficult to make the people in the
Punjaub believe that they derive great advantages
from British rule when they see before them literally
mountains o f, salt, not a handful of which they are
allowed to take without paying this heavy duty, and
when at the same time they know that if they just
cross tint) frontier into a native state, they can get salt
almost as freely as we in England get water. This
optiiion of Lord Lawi-ence is strikingly corroborated
by the present Lieut.-Governor of Bengal, îr George
Campbell. I this evening received, through the cour
tesy of the Under Secretary, the last report of the
moral and material progress of India, and one of the
first passages I happened to read in it was a declara
tion of Sir G. Campbell, that he -would rather have
his right hafid cut off than be a party to the hicjease
of the oa-it diV-y. In many parts of India it is certain,
as stated by Lord Hobart, the present Governor of
Madras, that the salt duty has reached a point at
which consumption is greatly checked. Thus an in5— 2
68
I N D I A N F IN A N C E . I I .
,
«
crease of 18 per cent, in tlie duty in Mctdras lias only
produced an increase of revenue of 12 per cent. W itli
regard to, customs, Lord* Lawrence wjis doubjful wlnether if these duties were increased any material addi
tion would be made to, the very small revenue that
they now yield. N otliing perhaps is a more stak in g
feature of tlie condition o f India than the small revenue
of only £2,750,000 which is raised from customs. The
mass of the people ai*e so poor that no taxable foreign
product is in genA-al use.
W ith regard to raising
revenue from export duties, Lord La-wrence said that,
theoretically, a considerable increase in revonue would
be yielded by imposing an export duty upon various
Indian products, such for instance a s-ju te, and he
thought that considering the peculiar circumstances
of India, an export duty woidd be a , good way of
adding to her revenues: but then he w ent on to
remark, practically, no reliance whatever can be placed ’
on obtaining additional revenue from this so u fce; the
Secretary of Suite is supreme in all &iancial questions,
he is a member of a cabinet whose ibrtunes are scarcely
affected b j’ any considerations so trifling as what is
likely most to promote the interests of India, but *
whose very existence may be at any moment ter
minated by a hostile vote of the commercial interest.
Dundee and other manufacturing towns would oppose
an export duty on jute, and their opposition would
have far more w eight w ith an English- (J^binet than
the recommendation o f a Governor-Ggneral. Lord
Lawrence having gone through the other item s of
revenue in India, came to the conclusion that if it
was immediately necessary to obtain additional revenue,
l y D T A N F IN A N C E ,
II.
69
#
no existing tnx conld be increased, and no new tax
except the income-tax could be imposed. One of the
propositipn& in Jhe resolutiofi which I shall ask the
House to affirm, viz. that the income-tax forms the
only finariMal reserve in India,ds therefore corroborated
by the authority of one in whose opinion the Under
Secretary particularly enjoins us to repose confidence.
It is impossible to arrive at any result which will more
j)lainly exhibit tlie critical nature of our financial posi
tion in India. But only a part of the story has yet
been told. W e are too prone to think that there
are no fiuancial questions in India to engage our
attention but tliose connected with Lnperial taxation.
'Iliis erroneous idea is encouraged by the tone of offi
cial speeches in this House. Indian budgets have
again and agp.in been introduced without anytliing
more than the most casual reference to local taxation.
The Under Secretary would evidently this evening
not c v ^ have alluded to the question, had he been
simpl}’’ making a Budget speech, and had he not
thnught it expedient to notice by anticipation the
resolution whicli he knew was going to *be moved.
• When we observe how the subject of local taxation
is at the present time engaging the attention of this
House, when its importance has at length become so
generally recognized that it now occupies a foremost
]^)lace in English politics, I hope, acting on the old
adage, thatf a- fellow-feehng makes us wondrous kind,
we shall not, fo-igct that at
prftsnnt moment local
taxation is threatening tlie Indian people with a fiir
greater amount of hardship and annoyance than it is
ever* likely* to bring upon our own country. Here
rO
•
aji increase of local expenditure leads t o liiglier rates
being imposed upon land, liouses, and business
mises, TJiis is hard enough to bear, but ^we have
th e satisfaction of knowing tiiat there are limits with
in which the rate-collecj-or m ust restrict lii^ demands.
H e cannot lay hands upon our incom es; he cannot
impose countless restrictions upon trade, and qanse
every individual an indescribablti amount of worry by
making almost every article winch is bought or sold
subject to local taxation. A ll this which ainnot hap
pen in England has however to be borne in India.
The Comptroller of the Finances admitted fhat in the
towns of India there is not a smgle article of food,
nor a single article of clothing, nor a single commodity
which is of hiunan use, which may not be rendered
liable to local taxation by some recept legislation.
There are octroi and transit d u ties; cesses have been
imposed Tipon the land for roads and education, an '
onerous house-tax has been J ev ied ; and to swch ter
rible straits ■was the Government of Bombay brought
by a career of reckless and unprecedented extra
vagance, upon which I shall presently comment, that
th ey wore pennitted to impose simply as a local mi- •
post the worst and most oppressive income-tax that
ever was devised by th e perversity of man.
The
House w ill scarcely believe ■vdien I tell them, that
this income-tax was imposed upon the very poorest
class of labourers. Paupers could scai’cely escape it,
for incomes of £ 5 a year were made pliable to it.
Could w e in this country have a more convincing proof
of misgovernment, tlian if in a tim e of peace our finan
cial exigencies became such that the income-tax* had
I N D I A N F IN A N C R
II.
7l
to be imposed upon the entire people, not even t t e
labourer struggling for existence upon IO.9. a week
being permitted to escape ? În order that
should
adequately understand what has been going on in
India, 1 V ill presently shew, you that the very Go
vernment who are responsible for this monstrous tax,
squandered th e money thus wrung out of a miserable
and impoverished population as lavishly and as heed
lessly 'ds if it were water rained down from heaven.
£150,000 expended in building a cîmtry-house for the
Governor o f Bombay; the expenses of h is personal establisliinent permitted in a few years to increase 360 per
cen t.; nearly £2,000,000 expended in buying at par from
certain influential persons a half-bankrupt scheme, the
shares of which were, a t the time the Goveniment be
gan to negotiate the purcliase, unsaleable at two-fifths
the price the Government ultimately paid for them—
these and many other transactions m ust be carefully
consid(êd, for until tliey are properly understood, it
is injpoasible to form any estimate of the feelings that
m list be aroused in India by the increase not only of
imperial but still more o f local taxatiofl. Onerous
taxation may be submitted to ■when the necessities o f
the State require it, but it must inevitably generate
th e most serious discontent when it is in no smnll de
gree due to such acts of improvidence as those which
have ju st •been indicated. B ut a.s the H ouse rna>
ihink i h a t e given an exaggerated description of the
state of locnj taxation in India, I -will direct the parti
cular attention o f honourable members to the foilowinor
description of the present grievous pressure of local
taxation i^ on the people of Madras. The description
72
ia taken from the last R eport o f the Mo-ral and M ate
ria l Progress o f India^ which, as I have before said,
has this even in g been placed in m;;^ hands, by the
U nder Secretary. “ In Madras the local cesses are
many and various. B ut.w hat the people mo^t feel and
dread are the frequent changes. A ryot either has to
pay, or is in imminent danger of having to pay, abovit
a dozen different kinds of taxes* and fees. There are
the land, water, house, and incom e-taxes; the road,
irrigation and villag^ service cesses; the education rate,
th e toll on roads, the octroi, the stamp duties, and
registration fees. I t is beginning to be felt, in this Pre
sidency, that some pledge ought to be given that there
w ill be no further taxation for 30 years, except in case
of war.” In the face of such officisd statem ents as
these, is it not trifling w ith the House* to urge, as
it has been this evening, that the amomit levied in
India from each individual in the form either of local
or imperial taxatioii is in the aggregate small ^ Thus
tlie U nder Secretary has told us that the entire anjount
raised by local taxation in India is only about tlifee
millions and a half, and he seems to think it particu
larly creditable to the Government that taxation in
India, including the land revenue, imposes j.ipon each
inhabitant a charge o f 3,v.
But, in the first place, it
must be remembered that it is difficult for us in this
country to form any conception of the po'v^rty of the
Indian people,. Lord Lawrence has stat(?d that the
great mass of the people are so poor that th ey can
scarcely obtain the barest subsistence. In many parts
of India the ordinary labourer does not earn more than
3c7. a day. I t is often stated that wages hare lisefi in
•
I N D I A N F IX A y C E .
II.
73
Ifidia. But ft can be sliewn ou tbe W30st conclusive
evidence, tliat th e rise in wages has not kept pace w ith
tlie rise yT price of the necessaries of life, apd conse
quently the real remuneration of labour has dmiinished
rather tlutn increased. B ut the small amount yielded
by the income-tax, and the comparatively small production of wealth in India w ill probably bring home to
Tis w ith the greatest distinctness the almost incredible
dilference between the wecdth of England and India.
Altliough India is seven times m o^ populous than our
own country, y e t an income-tax in India is only oneeleventh as productive a s-it is in England. This is
sJiewn by the fact that an income-tax of one per cent., or
about 2jd . in th e
yielded only about 11500,000 in
India, whereas a similar tax in England would yield
more than £.%500,000. A s therefore the income-tax is
eleven tim es more productive in England than in India,
wlule Eiigland is only one-sevcjjth as jôpulpus, it would
appear th at England in proportion to its population is
seveyty-seven tim es more wealthy than India^. L et this
be* borne in mind when statistics are so confidently
paraded to prove th at taxation is not bufdensome in
^ As it has been said th a t the productiveness of th e incom e-tax does
not provide th e fairest tost for comparing tho wealth of two countries, I
thouglit it arfvisablo in a aubsequont p a rt of tho debate to make a compa
rison betw een th e woiilth o f England and India from d ata supplied by tho
U n d er Secretary himself. I t was stiUed by him two or th ree years since,
when making his B iulgot speech, th a t th e annmd aggregjvte production of
wealth in India wn.s about £;l50,00f>,00(), wbcrciw tho dggregaie aiimial pro
duction of Wealth in England aat.
limes g reater than this. Wiieu therefuic ihe iUtference in th e population of the two countries is taken into
account, it follow? th a t England in pr<)portion to her population is, accord
ing to tiie calculation of th e U nder Secretary himself, about eighteen tim es
w ealthier than India. I t would therefore appear that, accepting th e U nder
Secrqtiirv’s ,statistic.s of taxation, the people of In d ia in proportion to th eir
wealth lire inoTc heavily taxed than we are in England.
74
•
India, B ut even if it could be proved— \NJiich I believe
i t cannot be— that tlie proportionate amount wbicb,.is
taken by taxation from adman’s income is notjlarger in
India than in England, y et there cannot be a greater
fallacy than to suppose that taxation is not racfre onerous
in the one country than in the other. W liere the people
are so miserably poor as Ihey are in India, taxation,
liowever ligh t it may appear to Jje, is obtained by the
people curtailing themselves of some necessary of life.
In a wealthy countiy such as England, a large revenue
can be raised by taxing luxuries which are consumed
by the people.
Five shillings taken from th e man
who has only .£5 a year rej>resents not only a much
gi*cater sacrifice, but causes much greater suffering
than taking £ 5 from an income of £ 1 0 0 a year,
although the percentage of the tax is inêach instance
the same. The mischief, moreover, produced by local
taxation cannot in any respect be measured by the
amount o f t?i.xation actuallv raised. The mos^ serious
charge to be brought against the present system is,, that
th e extraordinary folly has been committed of giving
legislative sanction to a host of taxes which have never
been levied. W hat would be thought in our own
country if an act were passed, before it was ascer
tained whether the money was or was not required,
to impose taxes upon almost every kind of property
and upon almost eveiy article of dally use ? A nd yet,
great as would be tlie folly of such a proceeding in
England, it is a hundred times more ii^lefensible in
India, where the people are flir more suspicious and far
more easily alarmed. A great apparatus of local taxa
tion has been called into existence in India <jpparelitly
•
’
^
75
witK no better reason than to torment the people;
for not only have many ttixes which have been siinctioned never been levied, b\it Lord Northl^rook has
during the present year suspended the operation
of a greitt part of the local^ taxation scheme. The
question naturally suggests itse lf:— How has it come
to pass that local taxation has been forced into so
prominent a position, in India during the last few
years, that whereas nothing was heard about it in
the days of the East India ComjJkny, it is now one
of om* chief difficulties and dangers in the govern
ment of that country? Any one who takes the trouble
to read the evidence that was given diming the present
session by the Comptroller of the Finances, will not
only be able to answer this question, but will obtain
an insight intp one of the most extraordinary financial
proceedings ever sanctioned by a Government. A few
years since the Government of Lord Mayo—and no one
has boivie more willing testimony to the high character
and pemonal worth of the late Govemor-Geneml tlian I
h«\'e— driven into a corner to midce both ends meet, hit
upon a plan to which was given the somewhat plausible
title of the deceiitmlization scheme. This scheme,
briefly explained, was simply the transfer of certain
charges from imperiid to local finance. Certain fixed
grants from imperial funds were made to each local
government to meet these charges, and any prc&uuu
or future deficit was to be made up out of locid taxa
tion. I t ia^ to be particularly remarked that these
charges were not only certain gradually to increase,
but the grants were almost invanably, even in the
flrsf instaiice, less than had annually been expended
t C)
I N D I A N F IN A N C E . I I
•
to that time. B y this arrangement, therefore, local
taxation had not only at once to bear a burden, biit
this burden is certain to increase in futura years. B y
this device the imperial Government -was relieved of
about £350,000 per annum ; but now let lis inquire
w hat has been the price which has been paid for this
slight diminution in imperial expenditure. The price
paid has been the passing of those various acts pre
viously described, by which almost every commodity
used by the India* people is rendered liable to local
taxation. The price which has been paid for this de
lusive relief of the Government—which, it m ust be
remembered, is no relief to the people in the wa}'’ of
any reduction of imperial taxation— is the creation of
that alami and dissatisfaction which has caused Lord
Napier to declare, that at no period of the British rule
in India have we had so little hold upon the affections
of the people.” • W e, in this country, ju stly so much
object to centralization, that some have bee» apt to
think that the decentralization scheme in India• has
been as good a thing as decentralization is w ith u s ;
but on such a question there is no parallel between
England and India. W e object to centralization be
cause it weakens that principle of local self-government
which has perhaps done more than anything else to
make our people self-reliant and independent, and to
cherish in them a love of liberty. In India, however,
we permit the people to enjoy none of the*advantages
of local self-government. W e allow them to have no
representative institutions either local or imperial. The
decentralization scheme has done nothing whatever to
increase local self-government, but, on the ccmtraryt the
II.
77
local taxes wliich it lias necessitated have, more tliap
any other taxation ever levied in India, been imposed
in utter Ûsi'egard of the vi^Jies, the wants, and the
habits of the peo])le. One of the wisest statesmen who
ever governed an Indian province, I refer to the late
Sir Donald hDCleod, who was not less distinguished for
his skill as an administrator than for the affection he
inspired in those ov§r whom he ruled, repeatedly
warned us against not only tlie imjôlicy but the ])eril
of imposing any new tax without first consulting the
wishes of the people; and yet under this recent de
velopment of local taxation the people have been
either burdened or alarmed with innumerable new
taxes, and no more trouble has been taken to ascertain
their opinions or to consult their habits, than if a
complicated system of new imposts was being arranged
for a country with which they had not the slightest
* connection. There is, however, another circumstance
associated with this growth of local taxation to which
I wdsji particularly to draw the attention of the House.
The more the system is carried out of transferring
charges from imperial to local finance, th^ more wili
■ * the state of taxation in India be concealed from this
House, and thus escape the criticism of public opinion.
No one who has taken any trouble to ascertain the
opinions prevalent among the Indian people can, I
think, fail to arrive at the conclusion that they look to
thp English*Farliamcnt to redress their wrongs, and that
they regard iîis House as the ultimate arbiter of their
, destinies. W ithout staying here to enquire whether
the abolition of the East India Company has been so
Unmuced an advantage as it was at one time supposed
78
II
•
to bo, it cannot be doubted tbat wince iîe time wlien
tliat Company "wob for good or for ill abolisbed, tbe
House of. Commons is mwch more directly responsible
for the government of India than it was before. I
shall by and bye make, some observations 'upon tlie
connection which ou^ht to exist between this House
and Inditi. I t is, however, siifiicient here to remark
that the more information is ke|it from this House, the
less likely is it that it w ill be able to discharge its
responsibilities to îidia.
There cannot be a more
striking example of the extent to which the transfer of
imperial charges to local funds w ill not only keep the
English public but also this House ignorant of w hat is
going on in India, than is afforded by the fact that,
although th e imperial income-tax in India was again
and again referred to in this House, {^nd numerous
articles were written against it in the leading English
newspapers, y et an act was passed to levy a far more
burdensome income-tax in Bombay (for we have seen
that it was to reach incomes of £ o a year, whereg.s all
incomCvS below £100 a year were exempt from the hnperial incom e-tax); and at the same time this local
incom e-tax scarcely attracted any attention at all in
th is country; it was for a long time unnoticed in this
House, and scarcely any reference was made to it by
th e English press. Before leaving the subject of local
taxation, it is necessary to shew what an unfavourable
position the Government must occupy in Hie eyes of
th e people, by constantly resorting to cgsses or rates
upon land. I am not now referring to the point that
has been so keenly disputed in India, viz. whether
under th e permanent settlem ent the Government -is
I.X D IA X F I X A X C R
II.
79
legally entitlofl to these cesses upon la n d ; I am refeV
riiig to the case of the thirty years’ settlem ent, where it
seems tojê.nuich more difficult to defend tl\,esc cesses
upon land. M y honounible friend, the hleinher for
Gmveseiid (Sir C. ’Wingfield), who for many years was
engaged in arranging the land settlem ent of Oude, will
tell you that the most distinct promise was given, that
those who took land upon thi.s thirty years’ lease should
pay as revenue 51^- per cent, of the produce, and that
under no circumstances whatever should the demands
of the Government exceed this percentage. "We have
his authority for saying that no promise could havo
been given in more expiicife languag-e, and every pains
was taken at tlie tim e to make the people believe that
the promise wôuld bo carried out, not only in its letter
but in its apjrit. I ask you to consider the feeUngs
that m ust be entertained towards the Government
when th e people find that, in spite of this promise, the
Govenuiient takes not 51-^- per cent., hut 52^ per cent,
of the produce of th e land, in consequence of the new
cesses that liave been recently imposed. The decen
tralization scheme was proposed ju st at tin? time when
the public works mania was at its h ig h est; and a pro
position was actually sanctioned by the Government o f
India to make irrigation canals in the Punjaub, and if
these canals did not pay 7 per cent, the cultivators of
th e land in the neighbourhood were to be charged for
the water,* whether they usfd it or not.
Do not
suppose that^no luum has been done because this compidsory uTigation-rate was never actually levied. I t is
impossible adequately to estimate the alarm and ii’rittrti^n wdii»h the proposal created; in fact, as if it were
80
I N D IA N F IN A N C E .
II.
•
not enough greatly to increase lociil taxation, those who
were responsible for the Government of India acted
if th ey wpre desirous to produce the maximum amount
of harm and annoyance : for not only were tTie people
burdened w ith new taxes, but they were constantly
reminded that th ey m ight at any moment be made the.
victims of numberless other vexatious imposts which
were kept in reserve. There is much else which I
should like to say on the question of local taxation,
but I cannot help •thinking, w ithout entering farther
into the subject, that the House w ill agree w ith tlie
2nd proposition in the resolution I am abo\it to move,
viz. That the state of local .taxation in India should
be viewed w ith apprehension. But it may be asked,
I f there is so much to censure in the present adminis
tration of the finances of India, w'hat are the remedies
that you are prepared to suggest? I t is not sufficient*
simply to make complaints and to point out short
comings, the government of so vast a country 4is India
is one of th e most difficult tasks that ever lias%been
undertaken; it is so difficult that mistakes are certain
to be comnlitted, and imperfections are certain to exist.
Those therefore who find fault are bound to shew that
under a different system there wmuld be a better admi
nistration, there would be less extravagance, fewer
errors and fewer shortcomings. A ll this I fully admit,
and in attem pting to point out in what manner I
believe the administration of India m ay Iw improved,
do not think I am so presumptuous as for one moment
to suppose that it is possible for me to suggest a com
plete solution of the problem. I am fully conscious
that there are those in this House who, if they •give
•
•
81
T N D IA N FINANCJH. II.
•
adequate atteiition to the subject, would be able tf»
render much more assistance to the complete solution
of this problem than I shall ev^r be able to do.^ I mako
no other promise \h a n to shew how some of the defects
in the present system of governing India may be
removed. I t is v eiy important for the House to bear
in ihind the salient featured in the 'administration of
India. ALL th e oflicials in India, including the Govem ois of Madras and Bombay, are • nominally the
subordinates o f the Governor General. I say nominaUy, because the jx>wer which is possessed, or perhaps
more properly speaking, assumed, by the Governors of
Bombay and Madras to communicate dircctly'with the
Secretaiy of State in Council, makes them in many
âspects independent of the Governor General. A s Lord
Lawrence admitted there tliug arises an im perium in
imperio. This is fatal to due administmtive control,
*. and to this circumstance may in no small degree bb
traced tjie extravagance which has characterised the
Government of Bombay. Tlie Governor General and
the; Secretaiy of State in Council are in many respects
equal in position and authority. W hen, however, the
.. . Government of India was reconstituted upon the abo
lition of the E ast India Company, it was intended that
th e Secretary of State should be supreme in all ques
tions of finance. l i e undoubtedly lias the power to
overrule the Governor General on any financial questfoii, <md n(^h,Ing has been done directly to lessen the
power originally conferred upon the Secretary of State
in Council in reference to finance. B ut although
nothing has been done directly, it was soon found
that the Segretary of State, in consequence of his rela*
F ..S .
G
82
IN D I A N FIN A N C E .
II.
•
flons -witli the English Government, di<J not exercise
so complete a control over Indian expenditure £is it
was intended he should ^ o ; and this control has been
reduced almost to a minimum w ith regard to military
expenditure, in consequence of the amalgamation of
the Indian w ith the British army. The considerations
suggested by this diminulion in the control over'the
finances of India exercised by the minister responsible
to Parliament, w ill bring out into strong relief many of
the gravest defects* in the present constitution of the
Government of tliat country. I t is in tlie first place
obvious that the expenditure of India is in a very great
degree influenced by the ^ritish Government. For
instance, many charges have to be jointly borne by the
two countries. I f a certain amount has to be cent
tributed, the question then arises,— W liat portion of
this amount shall be borne by each country? Th^
point upon which I wish particularly to insist is this :
that whereas in the days of the East India G^^^pany
India v/as in a position to secure for hei’sf^lf fair treat
m ent in the arrangement of such a bargain, she, has
had, on the contrary, no reasonable chance of obtaining
fair treatment since the Government of that countiy . ..
has been transferred from the East India Company to
th e Crown. This assertion is not only proved by the
testim ony of those most competent to form an opinion
on the subject, but it shall be abundantly verified by
specific examples. A host of witnesses. ltt.ve testifie*d
to the weD-known fact that as the East India Com
pany was one of the most powerful corporations, and as
it possessed great parliamentary influence, it was able
to offer effectual resistance if the British Govemtnent
83
IN D I A N F IN A N C E . I I
•
ventured to* make any unjust demands upon tke
revenues of India. The East India Company, having
a direct gcTvSonal interest in th e finances of India, was
bound by the most potent of all motives to exercise
a constaivt and zealous ■watclifnlii.ess over her finances.
Under the existing system we cannot feel the slightest
security that any one -will exercise the same watchful
ness. This indicates, the great distinction between
th e past and the present, and it w ill not be difficult to
shew that it affords an explanation of the fact that
whereas the administration of the finances of India was
formerly’ distinguished by th e most remarkable fru
gality, it is now characterised by the most reckless ex
travagance^ There is now no guarantee whatever that
if u question is brought forward affecting India, there
w ill be any orj,e in this blouse to represent her interests.
A s representatives of English constituencies, we are, of
course, supposed to care first for England, and secondly
for IndiA. B u t perhaps it w ill be said, “ India is repre
sented in Pju'liament by two officials, the Secretary of
State and the U nder Secretary of S t a t e . B u t even
if it is conceded that these officials are in no way
wanting in ability or zeal, it still follows, from the natiu-e
of the case, that the protection which they are able to
give to India, when any question arises suggesting a
conflict of interest between her and England, must be
of the most flimsy and worthless kind. In the fir«f
place we mify ask:— “ From whom do they derive their
povkerr' “ "^Vho confers upon tliem their offices!”
N ot India, but England. I t is the case of an arbitra
tion between two disputants. W hat chance wUl there
be- oT securing fair treatment if one of th e parties in
6—2
84
•
II.
the dispute not only appoints both th e arbitrators,
but can dismiss them both at pleasure 1 The Under
Secretary*for India is simply a subordinate under the
Cabinet, who can be dismissed at an hour’s notice if
he is too officious to hia superiors, or, in other words,
is too sohcitous to do his duty to India. The Secretary
of State for India is simply a member of a Cabinet
whose existence depends upon the votes of an assembly
in which India has no representation at all. I f any
financial arrangemdiit between England and India has
finally to be settled by the English Cabinet, not only
has England 15 tim es more representation than India,
but the whole Cabinet primarily derives its power from
an assembly in which India has no voice. ^ lo n . Mem
bers are no doubt aware that at the tim e when it was
proposed to transfer the Government
India to the
Crown, it was foreseen by many most competent to
judge, that India would suffer in the manner ju st de
scribed from the loss of that power and influence wliich
the East India Company could exercise on her behalf.
Eew men had greater oifieial experience of Indian afipflirs
than the late Mr J. S. Mill, and when it was proposed
to abolish the East India Company, he emphatically ■
warned us in what was ju stly described,
believe by
the Times, as one of the ablest state papers ever
written, that an incalculable injury would be inflicted
on India, if nothing was done to bring into existence
some influence which would constitute for*India a p2*otection simihir to that which she derived from the
East India Company. I t Avas no doubt chiefly with
the riew of securing this object that the Council of
the Secretary of State was appointed. I t was* sup-
85
posed that a* body of gentlemen many of whom had
spent a great portion of their lives in India, either in
official p^sitions^ or in meroantile puraiiits, and the
tenure of whose offices was to he unafiected by a
change o r the English Governjnent,— it was supposed,
I say, that such a Council, being at least as much in
terested in India as in E ngland,‘and being bomid to
the fonner country 1^’ the ties of association, would
be able to give to India most powerful and efficient
protection whenever her interest 1'equired it. Great
power was undoubtedly conferred upon this Council,
for the Secretary of State cannot sanction any expen
diture of Indian revenues unless he obtains th e sanctioji of a pjajority of his Council. Nothing is farther
from niy intention tlian to say a single word in dis
paragement of the indi^ddual members of the Council.
No one can deny that there have always been many
members of th e Council of the highest ability, who, hi
distingi^shed official careers in India, have rendered
the greatest service to that country. Although as
ready as any one can be to admit all this, it seems
to me impossible to resist the conclusion that the
Council in its actual working has not secured for India
the advantages which were anticipated. The causes
which have contributed to tliis result are various. In
attem pting to describe some of them, I am perfectly
w ell aware that I am speaking on a subject so delicate
and difficult, that I shall be very careful not to make
any statement which caiinub be oupportcd by +hfi
opinions of those whose testim ony is entitled to the
greatest respect. On this particular question no one
can Speak w ith greater authority than Lord Lawrence,
86
II
#
%
for not only has he been Governor Gen(ft'al, but after
having served for 32 years in India he was appointetl
to the Council on his return to Engjpnd. • ^ n being
questioned as to how it happens that India so generally
fails to obtiiin justice in her pecuniary relations vdtli
England, he said the Secretary of State could offer no
effectual resistance, because he was overborne by poli
tical pressure. B u t ho\y is it that the Council does
not come to the aid of the Secretary of State ? No
charge can be thrown upon India without their consent.
W h y do th ey not strengthen his hands m resisting
political pressure 1 W hy do th ey not compel him to
struggle against it? They m ight say: “ W e hold our
present appointments to protect the interesi^ of India;
we receive our salaries from her revenues. B y every
obhgation that a sacred trust can impose ,we are bound
to protect her interests. N o power on earth shall
induce us to sanction what we know to be an injustice
to her.” Lord Lawrence hinted that a Council acting
thus would be dismissed by the Government. A h, that
I can say is, that if any Government were to attem pt
to do such a thing, and if they were not instantaneously
displaced from power by a vote of this House, all sense
of th e duty which we owe as a nation to^the great
dependency we have taken upon ourselves to rule,
would be so utterly dead, that the continuance of our
Empire in the East could bring nothing but disgrace
on ourselves, and noisfortune upon the-Indian people.
I t would of course be iinjust to imply thaj} the Council
never offer any resistance to the political pressure
which exercises such a potent influence on the Secre
tary of State, but example after exam ple migh^ be
• f
87
quoted to pit)ve that in this respect the CouncU has
grievously disappointed the expectations of those who
advocated its creation. One* of the most experienced
officials at the India Office lias declared that India
almost invariably fails to obtain justice when the in
terests of England and India are supposed to come into
conflict. Sir Charles Trevelyan has stated that since
the transfer of the Government of India to the Crown,
India has again and again liad to bear charges which
not only would never have been* submitted to, but
'which the British Government would never have at
tempted to impose upon her in the days of the East
India Company.
Sir Charles Trevelyan is able to
speak on this subject with an authority possessed
probably by no other man, because after ha\'îng been
for many yea{s in the service of the East India Com
pany, he became Permanent Secretary to the Treasury,
and subsequently occupied an important position in
India, after the East India Company had been abolished.
H e J;herefore is practically acquainted v ith the two
sj^tems of governing India, and when he was Per
manent Secretary of the Treasury, he •vfas in the
very department which is specially concerned with
the adjustment of the financial relations between
England and India.
In order completely to sub
stantiate the point on which I have been insisting,
it will be only necessary to mention a few of the
numerous tnstances in which England has unjustly
thr'^wn somg pecuniary charge on India Striking
official evidence has been given
reference to the
treatment of India in regard to the lied Sea Tele^ ap h and the Alexandria and Malta Telegraph.
^ m
88
I N D IA N F IN AN C E. IT.
•
^ th oiigli India was in no way responsible for the
Abyssinian War, a considerable portion of the troops
engaged in that war w«re paid for^by he^ When
the Duke of Edinburgli visited India, tlie cost of the
presents whicli. he distributed w'as not only made
a charge upon Indian revenues, but India was also
made to pay the expenses of his travelling companions
from England. AWieii he vi^ted Australia, what
would the Australian people have thought if England
had attempted to hnpose a similar charge upon them ?
W hy we perfectly well know that we should not for
one moment have even thought of doing such a
thing.
Is it tvise, is it dignified for a great and
wealthy country to practise extortions upon those who
have no power to resist? It may of course be said,
that these transactions only represent ^nall items of
charge. This is no palliation, but is rather an aggra■vîtion of our conduct. The smaller the sum the more
contemptible does the affair appear. I f a ^realthy
person does some act of paltiy meanness, is a jioorer
person who suffers from the meanness likely to 't)e
better ple&scd because he is told that it was only a
question of sixpence ? I have no hesitation in saying
that it is impossible to exaggerate the harm^that these
and similar transactions have done to our rule in India.
Errors intrinsically of far greater importance have not
produced a tithe part so much initation and dissatis
faction. It must not, however, be suppoi^fed, that in
speaking of the financial relations between England
and India trifling amounts such as those to which
reference has just been made are alone in question.
When we consider the numerous extravagant ancf uh-
•
•
II.
89
remunerative • undertakings which have been forced
up.on India by the pressure of the English commercial
interest, and when we also ctnsider the ruinous militiiry charges which India has to bear in consequence of
the policy adopted towards her by the W ar Oflice and
the Horse Guards, it w ill soon
be found that we are
•
not deahng w ith unimportant items of a few thousand
pounds, but th at am(iunts are in question wliich are
sufficient to produce no small part of the financial
embarrassment under which during the last few years
India has suffered. U pon the Godavery Navigation,
a favourite scheme of the cotton interest in England,
three quarters of a million has been spent with so
little result that it has been ofiicially reported that
th e works had better not be continued. The Orissa
Irrigation W{rrks were bought from an English Com
pany at ^450,000 beyond the value of the shares as
quoted at the time. The Madnis Irrigation W ork^
wdth arf influential English directorate, obtained from
th e Secretary of State of the day a guarantee upon
600,000, and the scheme does uot yield a shdliiig
of profit. The Scinde, Punjaub and I)ell!i Railway
■was also constructed by an English Company. Five
per cent, 'vs'as guaranteed upon all the capital which
has been spent and wasted. More than .£8,000,000
have already been expended.
The line only pays
12s. 6d. per cent., and there seems to be no prospect
of its retufns increasing. I 'will not weary th e House
w xtli ..Ian.. j . . . t.a
of xns^.cb^LoCd of ni■n.i-i
and prodigality. The promoters of these Companies
are in the happy position of being able on a magnificent
scale' to play at the game of “ heads I win, tads you
90
, ^
lose.” Disastrous as tliese schemes have<>een to India,
the gains of the shareliolders are secured. In this
day’s money market you -will see that the Madras
Irrigation W orks are at 4 premium, the Scinde, Punjaub and Delhi shares are at 8 premium, f will next ,
describe, as briefly as the nature of tlie subject admits,
the exten t to which th e military expenditure of India
is increased by the W ar Oflice and the Horse Guards.
There is not, I w ill venture to say, a single person who
lias taken any trolible to acquaint him self w ith the
subject who w ill not agree in the opinion that the
military expenditui-e of India has been most seriously
increased by the amalgamation of the Indian w ith
th e British army. The amount of this increase is
certainly not less than £1,000,000 a year; many com
petent judges estimate it at considerably more than
£2,000,000 a year.
Since 1862 the army has been
Am inished by 12,000 Europeans, and by 16,000 na- ‘
tives, and y et this smaller army costs about £l»500,000
more, after allowing for the transfer of certain cli^rges,
than the larger a;rmy in 1862.
Two years since? a
blue-book * was published containing correspondence
between the government of Lord Mayo afid the Secre- ’ ^
tary of State in reference to the military expenditure
o f India.
This correspondence brings out w ith re
markable distinctness the all-important fact that the
Secretary of State in all questions of Indian military ex
penditure is bound hand and foot by the Hbrse Guards
and the W ar Office. Sir Henry Durand, wjiose untimely
death inflicted irreparable loss upon India, addressed, ,
as military member of the Viceroy’s Council, to the
Secretary of State, one of the ablest minutes that' was
•
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IN D I A N FIN A N C E . I I .
91
ever written. • Sir H enry Durand, after pointing oift
in.. w hat w ay many large reductions m ight be made
in military expenditure, deraoastrates w ith thp utmost
clearness that these reductions might be effected w ith
out in the slightest degi'ee dijninishing the efficiency
of the Indian army. H e shews how desirable it is
th at the number of regiments should be reduced, that
at the same time tluj numerical strength of the re
mainder should be increased. In this way he proves
that there would be a great savfeig in the present
enormous expenditure upon officers, w hilst at the same
tim e India would be able to bring as powerful an army
into the field. Am ongst other reductions, he advkes
a largo saving in the Artillery, and he particularly
insists on the fact that much unnecessary expenditure
has been forqpd upon India simply by the dictum
of the Horse Guards. This minute of Sir H. Durand
cannot apparently be acted upon by the Secretary of
State f(H’ India, but is communicated to the Horse
Guar4s, The reception it there receives is m ost sig
nificant and noteworthy.
N ot the slightest notice
is taken of many of Sir H. Durand's recomnfendations,
and those to which the Horse Guards condescend to
pay any attention are considered not from the Indian,
but solely from the English point of view. Again
and again does it appear that a particular proposal
cannot be assented to, or a suggested economy cannot
be sanctioned, not because it would not be a good
thing for Inîa, not because it would not effect an
important diminution in expenditure, but because it
woul^ not suit th e convenience of the military autho
rities in England, or because it would entail some
92
TN D TA N FIN A N C E . II.
• •
additional charge upon English estimates. A t the
present tim e 450 officei^ maintained by India have
nothing .whatever to d«, and it is admitted that her
army is over-officered, but the excuse made for this
redundancy of officers js that it is an essential part
of the English military system. Too much stress can
not be laid upon tlie fundamental distinction ah’eady
pointed out between the financhil position of the tw o
countries. I f England chooses to waste £1,000,000
a year in the empl(^ment of an unnecessary number of
officers, her revenue is so prosperous and elastic that
the waste is a matter of comparatively little conse
quence,
A million, however, wasted in India may
necessitate the imposition of some tax so objectionable
^the income-tax was last year levied to get £ 500,000)
that discontent may be produced from oê end o f that
country to the other. Time prevents me refem ng at
^ ea ter length to the correspondence, of wliich Sir H .
Durand’s minute forms a part.
Every page of it
should be carefully read by those who wish to ^know
how difficult it is to make both ends m eet in India.
For instance, it throws an instructive light upon the
establishment of the staff corps. I t w ill be some day
scarcely believed that a military corps should have
existed which a man can enter after serving three
years as a subaltern in the army.
H aving once
entered it, he may be employed the rest of his life
in civil work. Although lie may never d)e occupieli
one single hour in military duties,
ultim ately
obtains the rank of Major-General, and secures a
ColoneTs allowance of £1,100 a year'as a retiring.pension.
This civilian Major-General may suddenly -be
•
IT.
93
•
called upon tck'discliai*ge in tlie field the duties belong
ing to his military rank. I t has been calculated that
more than a million a year
the revenues^ of India
is wasted by the system adopted in granting these
pensions. * About five years since, Lord Mayo and
th e higliest military authorities in India, including
Lord^ Sandlim’st and General Norman, prepared a
sclieme for reducing the serious charge which th e pen
sions in th e Staff Corps entail. I t was subm itted to
th e present Secretary of State, orAy to be curtly and
sunnnarily rejected by him. There is one other branch
of Indian military expenditure upon which 1 m ust say
a few words, as it shews in a striking manner some of
the radical defects in the present system of governing
India. Secretaries of State, Governors-General, every
authority at the India Office, eveiy official in India,
*havo been all alike impressed with the coim ction that
India is compelled by th e English military authoritiOs
to pay most excessive price for her recruits. I t has
been pix>ved by the most conclusive evidence that if
India could supply recruits for herself from England,
she would obtain them at least at one-tliiwl less than
the price she is now forced to pay. liemonstrance
after remonstrance has been addressed to the Home
Guards anS the W ar Office, w ith about as much effect
as if blank sheets of paper had been sent to them.
General Pears, th e Military Secretary at the India
Office, stat#d in his evidence that the last communica
tion on th e subject had been «ent to the Horse Guards
six uioiitlis previously, but they had not even vouch
safed to return an answer. I t cannot, however, be
• n e c t a r y to m ultiply instances. More than enough,
I
94
II.
•
•
I*am confident, lias already been said t« convince the
House that the Secretaiy of State and his Counnil
either cannot or will not^ protect the Indian Exchequer
against demands which are improperly maSe upon it
either by the English public or by the E n g li^ Govern
ment. This being the case, the important question
arises,— Can any remedies, be suggested, and jf so,
what are they ? Some have proposed that the Indian
Council should be abolished. Certainly if it does no
more in the future <haii it has done in the past, it will
be difficult to justify its continuance.
But there
are many reasons which ought to make one pause
before advocating the adoption of such a proposal. It
is evident, after what has been stated, that it is very
desirable if possible to strengthen the hands of the
Secretary of State. The Council, if they fully used
the power placed in their hands, could not only give
the Secretary of State this additional power, but could
compel him to see that justice was done to India, if he
cared less about her interests than he did about the
party interests of the Cabinet of which he is a member.
After considering various suggestions that have been
made for altering the present constitution of the Coun
cil, I have come to the conclusion that great advantage
would result if the proceedings of the Council were
made public. N ot only the Council, but the Secretary
of State and the Government of which he is a member,
would be brought more directly under the •influence of
public opinion, and any neglect of duf^ would then
be readily detected.
The Council would also be
encouraged to take more interest in their work, It
now often happens that some of the most eminent fiaem-
«
.95
•
bcrs of tlie Coiincil object to sometliing tbat is beirf^
done. Tliey are overruled, and tlie only action they
can take in .th e matter is to ^write elaborate^protests,
which lo n j after flie affair has been irrevocably settled
are laid oft th e table of this House. Their opposition,
however, m ight prove effectual if their objections
could be known iji time. Som ething is at this moment
hap|3ening at the India Office which affords a striking
example of th e advantage which would result from
publishing th e proceedings of the Goimcil. The Secre
tary of State is being eagerly pressed, b y the same
pemons who had influence enough w ith the Govern
m ent to secure the purchase of the Elphinstone Land
Scheme at a ruinous price, to make a State railway
from Curwar, at a cost o f not less than £1,000,000.
I believe I am pei’fectly correct when 1 state that
this scheme is strongly objected to by several memhers of the Council, whose opinion is particularly eiN
titled t <4 respect. I f th e reasons for their opposition
were published, and if at the same time certain particulai'4 connected w ith the history of this railway pro
je c t were made known to the House, I am confident
- . that no Secretaiy of State in the present position of
Indian finance would venture to give liis sanction to
th e scheme! I t may of comse be said, that the pub
lication of the proceedings of th e Council would
encourage tliis House to meddle too much w ith Indian
adrauiistratkm. On the contrary, however, it may be
urged that th e interference of this House would be
more syatemafized and placed on a more reasonable
basis. Under th e present system th e interposition of
this h o u se in Indian affairs must necessarily be un-'
96
.
T K D IA N F IN A N C E . II.
*
cfertiiin and accidental. Sometimes we interfere when
wo have not the requisite kaiowledge to do s o ; more
frequently' things that âre being done in connection
with India escape the attention of this HCuse, when
a discussion "would be of the utmost value. It can
scarcely be denied that the intervention of tliis House
would not only be justified, but Avould almost invari
ably be advantageous when anything is being done
in reference to India wliich provokes strong protests
from influential members of the Council. It will not
improbably be said, “ but Parbament has in the past
often intervened not for the benefit of India.” The
questions which have been most frequently discussed
in this House liave been proposals to give some In
dian prince a pension out of the revenues of India.
Tliis House has often shewn itself more solicitous to
promote the interest of some classes of EnglishmeiT
fihan to protect the taxpayers of India. When the .■
Bill for the amalgamation of the Indian an^ British
armies was passing through Paidiamerit, a clause was
inserted in the interest of the British officers, ’which
throws a Jieavy and unnecessary charge upon India.
No one can be more ready fully to admit these short-. .
comings than I am. I t is because I have been so
much impressed with them that I have endeavoured
to do what I can to point out the responsibility whicli
we, as member’s of this House, owe to India. There
is nothing more strongly impressed upoji my miitd
than that if we continue in the fiitm*e to be as neg
ligent of this responsibility as we have been in the
past, we shall some day incur the reproach of having
brought upon our country one of the most s#ripus
•
•
97
misfortunes frftm wliicli .she has ever siilfered. Depend
upon it, the conduct of the British Parliament vnM
in no sra^h degree decide tlie futime of our empire
in India.
^
I w ill now in conclusion .briefly consider certain
reforms of the present method of government which
may be carried out in India itself. N o one, so far
as I am able to discover, is prepared to ju stify the
present constitution of the Governments of Bombay
and Madra-s. I f the Punjaub, th^ N orth-W est Pro
vinces and Oude can be administered by LieutenantGovernors or Commissioners, why should a different
and more costly system be necessary in Bombay and
Madras ? The North-AVest Provinces are more than
twdce as populous as the Presidency of Bombay. The
former has a .population of 30,778,000, the latter of
only 14,000,000. The Lieutenant-Governors are ap* pointed by th e Viceroy, and he invariably selects somb
distinjrufshed Indian ofiicial. The Governors of Bombay ojid Madras are appointed by the Secretary of
Stitte, and the selections which he makes often afford
additional proof that the Secretary of St5.te is pri■marily a member of an English Government, and only
secondarily, the minister for India. H e not unfrequently selects men for political reasons. Sometimes a
place has to be found for a troublesome and unpopular
ally, soTUAtimes a man who has been faithful to his party
has to be pi’ovided for. Sometimes social and other
claims have t^ be considered. And thus has it often
, happened that men have been appointed to the Go
vernorships of Bombay and Madras who, as f\r as the
world knows, have never given one hour’s attention to
F.’ S.
.
7
98
■
II
m
Indian affairs, TJiese Governors are supposed to hold a
higher position than the Lieutenant-Governors. They
receive nuich hiofher sulasies, and are surrounded with
expensive estahlishments. The Governor of Bombay
has tw o palaces in Boijibay, and a country* liouse at
Boonah, which was lately erected at a cost of £155,000,
£20,000 more being spent in fui’nishing it. India lias
to pay £26,000 per annum for his pei'sonal establish
ment, £1,700 a year for hLs band, £1 ,2 0 0 a year for his
state barge. I t is ^s inconceivable that a LieutenantGovernor would be permitted, to launch out into such
extravagance, as it is that this House would pay
£1,700 a yeai’ in providing a band for the Prime Mi
nister. This kind of personal extravagance is however
only a small part of the evil.
Because Bombay and Mtulras have e^gh a Governor,
it seems to be thought that they must each have an
army with its Commander-in-Chief. Lord Sandhurst,
Sir H. Durand, and a host of other higli •military
authorities wlio might be quoted, have repeatedly
declared that these separate armies greatly iiicrease
military expenditure, and they further assert that this
additional cliarge is not only useless, but absolutely
injurious. The greatest evil, however, resulting from
the present constitution of the Governments of Bombay
and Madras is due to a circumstance to which allu
sion has already been made. From the fact that the
Governors are appointed by the Secretiify of Stafe
and not by the Viceroy, they are to a pertain extent
independent of the Viceroy. I f he disapproves of any
of their proceedings, they immediately put themselves
into communication with the Secretary of State,* who
IN D I A N F IN A N C E . I I .
’
99
#
very possibly may be a former political coUoague.
There thus arises an im perium in imp>erio, under which,
as has bej^n' stat^ l, it is impossible to exercisfe efficient
control.
More than one official witness, on being
questioned upon th e unprecedented extravagance which
has characterized th e government of lômbay, signifi
cantly said, “ the Governor took the bit into his mouth
and no power could get it out again.” One example,
however, will perhaps more forcibly impress the House
tlian any amount of genend description. The 'circum
stances I am about to de.scribe happened under th e
Viceroyalty of Lord Lawrence, and he testified to the
accuracy of che following narrative.
In 18G5 the
Governor of Bombay, w ithout obtaining the consent
of the Viceroy, sold a country house at Poonah for
£35,000. LTpon being censured for this act of insub
ordination by the Viceroy, he pleaded in excuse thaji
■th e bargain was so good that he should be able to
build a hew and much better house w ith th e money
for which th e old one was sold. Consent accordingly
wmS given to th e building of th e house on th e under
standing that it was not to cost more than tliis
‘ £35,000. Eighteen months elapse, and tlie Viceroy
discovers thnt not £35,000 but £ 90,000 has been spent,
and the house is not nearly completed.
H e then
once more w ith redoubled severity censures th e Govenxor of Bombay, and erjlcrs hlixi at unce to furnish
an estimate of the amount requix’ed to complete the
building.
Ii-g?tead of furnishing this estimate, the
, Governor puts him self into communication with the
Secretary of State, and before th e Viceroy obtains
tlie estimate another £ 00,000 has been spent.
A
7— 2
100
■
I N D I A N F IN A N C D . II.
house upon which only £35,000 was to iie expended,
costs £155,000, and in order aptly to complete this
naiTative *of prodigality find insubordination^ £20,000
is ultim ately given to the Governor to furnish the
househ Is not a system of Government under which
such things are possible conclusively condemned ? I f
tim e permitted me I believe it would be easy to^hew
by a simple statistical statem ent, that if Bombay and
Madras had been in recent years administered as eco
nomically as the Punjaub and Oudh, the income-tax
need not have been imposed, the decentralization
scheme would never have been heai’d of, and the
present local taxation difficulty would scarcely have
been known.
I t is of course scarcely necessary to say th at in
considering how the Government can be reformed, no
question should occupy a more prominent position than
flie admission of the people of India to a larger and more
direct share in the Government of their countiy. More
natives ought to be placed on the Council of the Viceroy
in order to give it a more representative character. *At
the preseift tim e only three natives are on the CoTinciJ,
and only one of these is a British sul)ject. l i e has
' On being appealed to, iu th e H ouse, to niunc th e Governor o f Bom
bay under whom tliis transaction tiiok place, T stated th a t it was S ir B artle
Brero. S ir B artle F rere in a le tte r ho subsefpiently addrossed to mo
disclairiied th e responsibility, and wished m e to w ithdraw th e statem ent I
hitd previously made. I h ad an opportunity two days aftoinvards of stating
in th e House th a t on referring to Jôrd Lawrence’s cvidenco I found th a t 1
had accurately described every fact connected w ith tho building of this
country-house, b u t th a t the transaction took place p a rt* under tlio Gover
norship of Sir B artle F rere and i>artly under th a t of his successor, Sir
Seymour Fitzgerald. I therefore a t once e.vpressed my reg ret th a t I had
done Sir B artle F rere an injustice in n o t associating Sir Seymouf F itz
gerald’s nam e w ith his.
'
101
only been on tlie Council a few months, and previously
no native British subject had a seat on the Council.
I t is moreover a(^nitted in an*official report jnst issued
that there is no one on the Council to represent the
wishes and the wants of the poorer classes, who form
the vast majority of the pgpulation. The establish
ment* of local Consultative Councils has been earnestly
recommended by Sir D. Maclcod and many of the
ablest of Indian statesmen. The rapid spread of local
taxation makes it of vital importance that there should
be no delay in the creation of these Consultative Coun
cils. Unfortunately the people now believe, and they
have certainly valid reasons for the belief, that the
policy which is now being pursued towards them
is intended not to afford greater but less facilities
/o r taking pact in the government of their country.
The establishment of the Engineering College at
Cooper’s H ill will render it more hopeless than
ever for th e natives to obtain employment as Govern
ment ^mgineers. A few years ago some scholarships
wef’e established which enabled natives to come to
England to compete in the Indian Civil Service. These
scholarships were abolished on the plea that a certain
number of.natives would be admitted direct to the
covenanted service. The scholarships were abolished
four years ago, and the promise to admit natives to
the Civil Service still remains a dead letter. The rules
under whiclT they were to be admitted have not yet
even been promulgated. Bemembcr these thmgs are
done in face of the solemn pledge given by the
English nation, that all subjects of the Queen should
be'freely and impartially admitted to offices under the
102
•
I^ ^ D IA N F IX A N C E . II.
(jovemm ent. Can we be surprised tliat tbere is dis
content in India ? May we not rather be thankful
th at there is not something w orse] A 'lu itiv e may
possess an amount of administmtive ability which, if
possessed by an Englishman, would secure him the .
highest position in the ^State. B u t for such a one
there is no place in tlie govem m ent of his country.
Sir Mddhava Bdo administered Travancore w ith so
much sldll as ju stly to entitle him to be considered
tlie Turgot of India. One of the official reports on his
administration says, “ H e found Travancore when he
w ent there in 1849 in the lowest stage of degradation.
H e has left it a model state.” The Times Calcutta
correspondent in th e Times of Hovember 11th, 1872,
says : W hen he w ent there eveiything was in dis
order. The Treasury was in a state* iilinost beyond
description; the law-courts an utter sham ; the police,
w hat police ahvays w ill be when th ey are allowed to *
exercise unrestrained power and earn their T)wni pay
apart from their employers. A ll this was transibnncd
by the man wffio has been invited to take office uifder
Holkar. *He made the law strong, the police orderly
and efficient, brought the revenues into order, and was '
soon able to undertake public works, to st^rt and sup
port great educational schemes, and, in short, to leave
a model state. This is the kind of imm for whom w'e
have no proper opening— a t ' a time when our re
sources are declared to be inelastic, and when if the
opium revenue failed us we should ncHt know where
to turn for the amount required.” Sir Mddhava Bdo ,
cleared off an onerous debt, abolished many vexatious
taxes, raised the pay of the pubhc servants to ‘‘ sochre
r X D I A X F IN A X C E .
II.
'
103
•
honesty,” spent large sums on education and public
works, and placed the revenues of Travancore in such
a position^ that there is now bach year a cdhsiderable
surplus. * “ All this was done by good State house. wifery, by pure management,”* the management, how
ever, of financial genius and high statesmanship, and
moreover without adding a penny to taxation. The
Times^ in referring .to this account of Sir Mddhava Rdo,
makes the following most suggestive remarks : “ The
notion of employing a native financier to aid in the
work of raising a revenue from native tax-payers seems
to us comjdetely in accord with common sense. Sir
M.tdhava Kdo, we are told, managed things adroitly,
and accomplished liis ends rather by good homely
State housewifery than by any dazzling stroke of
• finance. We* confess we regard this description as
about the highest compliment that could be paid.
There is not a hoiiseholder in this kingdom who does
not know, or who is not quickly taught, the difference
between ‘ management’ and ‘ muddle.’
It is felt
in* a thousand ways, and produces effects out of all
proportion to anticipation. W e cannot but fear that
it is sensibly experienced in the financial administra
tion of Imlia.” I t is then fVirther remarked : “ Not
withstanding the determined and ingenious defence
made by the Department in London whenever adverse
criticism is heard in the *lIouse of Commons, wo cannot
bring ourselves to feel confidence in the Budgets of
our successive Ministers at Calcutta.
W e will go
• further, and say, that men not at all given to timidity
loolûpon the financial position of India wdth anxiety,
aiid, though fidiy admitting the weidth of the country
104
and its capacity to yield large yearly sums to Govern
ment, tliey believe that taxation is not only becoming
inordinately heavy, but that it is not. imposed accord
ing to the w isest methods.
I t is true that Indian
deficits are, speaking relatively, of no extravagant
amount, and that the Publjc D ebt of the Empire is irot
of any alarming magnitude. B ut there remains the
unwelcome fact that wo are straining ourselves in
a tim e of peace, and that no further resource has been
suggested by our slatesmen beyond a tax which, even
when kept down to an insignificant amount, has proved
a cause of irritation and m isgiving throughout the
country. W e send out men of groat general ability,
but not alwnys skilled in the department of finance.
Even when th ey possess this special knowledge it is in
connexion w ith European system s, and d»es not insure,
any real skill in raising Asiatic revenues.
I t is in
Accordance w ith what m ight be expected, th at a native
financier, conversant w ith the habits of his tiountr)"men, should be able to increase a revenue w kfiout
pressing intolerably on the taxpayer.” I cannot* I
thinlt, do Better than bring what 1 fear has been fur
too long a speech to a close by disking the House care
fully to reflect upon the remarks which 1* have ju st
quoted. "I'hcy seem to me with admirable force and
brevity not only to describe our present financial
]josition ill India, but to indicate the causes of cm*
embarrassment, and w hat should in future be the
pohcy of our financial adminiatration\ India has
sufiered from carelessness, mismanagement, and ex
travagance. She requires the frugality and the :iitention to small details which characterise a well-orJei'ed
■
105
household.
Tlie most adtnirably devised laws, tTie
most skilled system s of jurisprudence will he of little
avail if the gu lf between tl*; rulers and the ruled is
permitted to widen. X ot only m ust we secure the
sympathy of the people in order to obtain content
ment, but until th ey become partners w ith us in the
Gove4*nment of their country, we shall never become
sufficiently acquainted w ith their habits, their wishes,
and their Avants, to enable us to justify the continuance
of our empire in the East by proviilg that it promotes
the happiness and the mond and material advance
ment o f the people. I t now oiily remains for me to
tender to Honourable Members my sincere thanks
for the patience w ith which th ey have listened to me.
1 fear I have been far too long, and y et I. know that
^ only a small •portion of Avhat ought to be said has
been said. I may have spoken Avarmly, but I have
not said a single word which I do not feel, and tEpo
House, ^ trust, w ill believe that I am prompted by no
otheii m otive than to endeavour to induce the English
Pctrliament and the English nation to give a due
amount of consideration to the wants of a %^st populalation, th e mass of whom, after a century of England’s
rule, are,
quote th e memorable words of Lord Law
rence,
so miserably pioor that th ey have barely the
means of subsistence^.”
•
^ A t th e Conclusion of this 8i)ecci» J l r McCuIlagh Torrens moved
th e aiijouriim entôf tho debate. The Government arranged th a t tho
debate should lA resum ed a t tlie m orning sitting on tlio n ex t day,
hriduy, A u^. 1 ; hv.t as ••'Uior Imsinesa was p u t before it, th o debate did
not eommenco till 4‘30 p.m. aud was again adjourned, as tljo
be sitsponded a t 7 p.m. Tho most unusual course was then adopted of
resunnug tho debate a t a m orning sitting on Saturday. iHfiicult as it
106
EiHvivys is to obtain tlie attentlanec of mcnibors tliroe Jay s before a proro
gation, i t is m uch inoro difficult on a SatnrJuy than ou any other day.
D uring th e tliree hours tliat tlie debate lasted ou Saturday, th ere were a t
no tim e 20 lyeinbers in tlie Hous#. U nder these circumstunccs th e Reso
lution w:i8 M-ithdriUvn. Even if it had been decided to cliviifb upon it, it is
m ore tliuu probable th a t no division could have baeii takew , for by the
rules of tho House if there arcj less than 40 incmbci's in a division, the
sitting is a t once suspended and the division becomes null and void.
THE BIRMINGHAM -LEAGUE AND THE
EDUCATION ACT\
I BO entirely agree w itli all tlie arguments wliich
liave been advanced in this debate in favour of gene
ral corapulsory education, by my lionourable friend
tlie member for Birmingliam (Mr Dixon), that it w ill
not be necessary for me to occupy any tim e by re
ferring to thl3 part of the subject, except that T shall
by and bye offer a suggestion which I believe would,
if adopted, help on that general system of compu\soiy etfucation which Mr Dixon and his friends have
so htuch at heart. My chief reason for asking the
attention of th e House for a slioii:. tim e is that, as
I was one of the earliest members of the Bhminghara
League, and as many arguments have been put for•
1 This Speech was made, Thursday, Ju ly 17, 1873, in support of
th e Second reading; o f th e Elem entary Education A ct A m endm ent Bill.
The two main provisions of the Bill as originally introduced by the
m eut w ere:— 1st, T h at Poor Tia"' G uirdians simuld pay th e fees o f indigent
V.Eldicu
of School Boards, b u t th a t this payment should not bo
considered parochial r e lie f; 2ndly, i t \Viis provided th a t Denison’s Act, wliich
allowed Boor E ^ v G uardians to enforce school attendance upon those
children whoso paren ts were in receipt of out-door relief, should bo made
obligatory instead of permissive. A t th e coinmenceracnt of th e debate on
th e ^ ccoikI Reading, th e V ice-President of th e Council (Mr Forster) on
behalf of th e Government announced th a t th e first of these two proiKJsals
had been abandoned.
108
,
-t h e B IR M IN G H A M L E A G U E A N D
w?ird tliis evening in tlio name of that body with
which I do not agree, I am not uiinatxirally deairons
to explaiti the cause of .th is diflerence of-cjînion. I
am th e more anxious to do so because I believe that
during tlie ensuing winter-months a sectiirian agitation
will be got up that will subject many lion. Members
to pledges which, if fulfilled, will prove m ost mis
chievous to the cause of education. I was certainly
not in fiivour of the Bill of the Government as origin
ally introduced, anti I arn perfectly prepared to vote
now, as I have voted before, in favour of the repeal
of the 25th clause; but I objected to tlie BiU o f the
Government as originally uitroduced, for reasons very
different from those which have been put forward by Mr
DIxou. In the first place, it may bo well to ask, what is
the cause of the Government being plaoed in the not^
very dignified position wLicli th ey occupy this evejiing ?
H aving for months had the problem before them, how
to deal w ith the vexed question of the 25th clatfse, they
proposed a vSohition of it so unsatisfactoiy to th e’^ôuntry that tliey have been obliged to abandon it before
the debate on tlie Second Beading of the Bill com
menced. I t is not diflicult to understand how the
Government have placed themselves in tlifsir present
position. I t is the old story : they had not the courage
of their opinions, th ey were afraid to call a spade a
spade. W h y did their proposal in reference to the
25th clause m eet w ith no support ? SimjTly because
th ey adopted an unfortunate middle coi\so, for which
there was no justification, no defence. After having
proposed to associate parocliial relief ^ûth education,
th ey inserted words in their B ill which declared that
0
T H E E D U C A TIO N ACT.
•
JQO
the parochial relief it %vas intended to give was ribt
parochial relief.
W as ever a more absurd course
adopted than to say that the Poor Law Chiardians
should defray the cost of the children’s education, and
y et that th e parents should pot be supposed to be
receiving parochial relief, but some gratuity in the
shape, of a bounty or reward ? I f the strict system
under which the Poor Law is administered Avere
gradually to be relaxed, the counby would soon be
deluged w ith pauperism. I f payifient for the educa
tion of a man’s children is not to be regarded as
parochial relief, w hy should the payment for necossaiies supplied to Ixis sick wife or children be regarded
as parochial relief? The Vice-President of th e Council
(Mr Foi-ster)— in fact every member o f the Govern
m ent—m ust be aa'bII aAvare that there is not a single
logical argument in favour of calling payment for the
’ education of a man’s childi'en by any otlier name tha'n
parochitd relief, and the country would soon come to
the egfnclusion that what was in fact poor relief should
be* designated by that term. I have had an oppor
tunity of consulting some of the most activ’^ members
of th e LoTidon School Board in reference to the pay
ment of tbe fees of poor children, and they seem to
be unanimously of opinion that the Poor Law Guar
dians are nuich better judges of whether the fees of
any pai'ticuku* children ought to be })aid than the
members flt' a School Board possibly can be. It is
peculimiy witiiin the province of Poor Law Guardians
to inûue into th e circumstances of parents who may
be iyiplicants for relief. N othing can be more un
fortunate than to have tw o conflicting authorities to
110
T H E B IR M IN G H A M L E A G U E A N D
d(J the same kind of work. The utm ost confusion
would be created, and a severe blow would be struok
at admiuigtratlve efiicieacy, if, for instance, on the
very day tlie Guardians came to the conclusion that
a man was not 'entitlecj to receive relief, the School
Hoard should decide that he was so poor that it was
necessary to pay the school-fees of his children. . Can
there be a more indisputable proof of destitution than
that a man is so deplorably poor that he cannot pay
twopence a week fbi* his child’s education ? I f there
fore the Government had acted logically, if, in trans
ferring the payment of the school-fees of poor children
from th e School Boards to the Guardians, th ey had
been prepared to declare that the payment of these
fees should be regarded as parochial relief, depend '
tipon it many would have come forwai;d and warmly
supported the Government B ill who have now m et
i f w ith silent indiSerence or with active hostility. '
The advocates of compulsory education cannofr pursue
a more inconsistent course, or one more likely ivdefin ltely to defer the end they have in view, than *to
encourage n belief amongst the people that there is a
fundamental difference between the relief given from
rates on behalf of education, and relief given from
rates to provide food, clothing, medical attendance, or
other necessaries. I t cannot be too carefully borne in
mind, that unless we are prepared to regaid education
as a necessary %v]iich the parent is as mtlch bound
to give to his children as he is to prov ide them w ith
food and clothing, every argument in :favour of
compulsory education at once falls to the grojind.
How is it possible to justify the interference of*the
T H E E D U C A TIO N ACT.
Ill
State Tvitli tlie parent unless w e are prepared fo
maintain tliat tlie parent is bound to provide educa
tion for bis .children, and if
neglects to dp so, the
State has
riglit to interfere on belialf of the chil
dren ?
often has struck me as being singularly
anomalous to hear many of the most ardent advocates
of compulsory educatioir object to th e payment of
school-fees being considered parochial relief. They
say it puts th e stigma of pauperism upon those parents
who receive this assistance, but is there any one upon
whom the so-called stigm a of pauperism can be more
legitim ately placed tlian upon those parents who can
not, or w ill not, pay a few pence a week for their
children’s education ? Remember, in the case of ill
ness this stigm a is placed upon those who cannot
provide medical attendance for themselves or their
families. W ith regard to the 25tli clause, I have on
•a pre\doais occasion stated that my objections to it.
are very different from those put forward in the name
of tli«,Rirniingham League. I object to it chiefly on
economic grounds. In th e first place, I believe that
th e members of a School Board are not the* best per.sons to judge whether th e circumstances of any particuliir parent arc such as to entitle him to have the
educntion of his children paid for entirely out of the
r a tes; and, secondly, I believe that as those children
whose fees are remitted can be sent to denominatiruial scho(ails, it may in some cases happcii that denoTTimnti‘'n‘'l
wmdd iiiducc School Boaid& lo paj
the fees of children whose parents can perfectly well
afford to pay th e fees theinscdvea. That this may
ocelli'* is proved by the fact of the alarming extent
112
-Tlir!; l i l B M I N G / r A M
ZEAaiÊ AND
,
to wliicli scliool-fees have been remitted in !Manches- .
ter, whereas in other towns, where the peojjle arc not
at all butter off than in Mancliester, there lias been
scarcely any remission of fees at all. Sucfi^ economi
cal considerations as thgse suggest, I venture to think,
much more serious arguments agauist the 25th clause
than the religious objections which are so persistently
urged against it by the Nonconfonnists and th e Bir
mingham League.
W hen the Birmingham League
was iirst constituteTl I held a very decided opinion that
if it concerned itself at all w ith what is known as the
religious dilliculty, it had better at once accept the pro
gramme of secular education. N o two persons agree
as to w hat is meant by unscctarian religious instruction,
and it is impossible in an A ct of Piirliament to define
either it, or w hat is sometimes called, nndogmntic re
ligion. N othing can be more absurd or indefensible
than that wretched compromise formerly accepted •
by th e League, that the Bible should be read w ithout
note or comment. Such a proposal was cerljwn to
alienate those who were in favour of secular teaching,
and was •certain not to conciliate those who wished
that with secular teaching there should be associated * ’
religious or sectarian instruction. So far,as m y own
individual opinions are concerned, I am as much in
fiivour as any one can be both of secular education ^
and of religious equality, but as a practical politician
I am bound to consider existing facts, *and to re
member that in the matter of educatfr^n we are not
starting de novo. I f this was the first tim e that the ,
State was going to concern itself w ith education, if
we were now for tlie first time gomg to devote public
T H E E D U C A T IO N ACT.
.
1 13
•
money to tlie erection and maintenance of scliools,
we m iglit do many tilings wiiicli I believe, under ex
isting circinnstances, it is impossible to do. * Notliing
appeal's
me to Ix) more certain than that the country
^ will never consent to the propt?rty at present embark
ed in voluntary denominational schools being thrown
away.* Nonconformists and others, who, like myself,
now avow ourselves to be in favour of a general system
of secular education, are bound in common fairness to
remember that we are partly responsible for calling
into existence the present voluntary denominational
schools. Year after year large grants of public money
have been given to these schools, and when the Edu
cation V ote has been proposed, it has either been
supported or tacitly assented to, by many who now
^make tlie loiickwt protestations about the offence which
is offered to their conscience, if a few shillings arp
* given from the rates, to pay tlie fees of some poor
children*who are attending a denominational school.
Eor t i e life of me, I cannot understand w hy a man’s
conscience is not offended if money raised from im
perial taxes is given to denominational schools, whilst
* at the same tim e he is grievously offended if one
single penny which has been obtained from rates is
expended in denominational education I I f the tax
-co llecto r comes and collects £5 in th e form of inhabited
house duty, no objection is made if a portion of the
money is given to some denominationnl schnol; whnn^
liowever, the /ite-collector conies an hour aftenvards,
* and collects £ 5 in the same house from the same in
dividual in the form of rates, language cannot be found
strong enough to describe the wrong w'hich is done
F .s.
•
•
8
114
B IR M IN G H A M L E A G U E A N D
.
•
to the conscience of the householder if a single penny
of this latter sum should find its way to a denomina
tional sShooL
W as there over
more^ unteiuible
position taken up by a great and powerful party ?
I t is moreover easy to' shew that many of those w'ho .
urge conscientious objections to the 25 th clause are
more responsible than any one else for le\îng'forced
contributions from others in support of some of their
own denominational institutions. In th e debate the
other night on the Hating Bill, it was demonstrated
by the Prime Minister, in a most masterly and con
vincing speech, that if you exempt some people or
some kind of property from rates you compulsorily
levy additional rates from other people and from other
kinds of property. W lio at the present tim e are the
m ost powerful and influential advocate* *Df maintaining
th e existing exemption from rates of Hagged schools, ,
Sunday schools, and churclies and chapels ? W h y we
all know that one chief rct\son w hy these exemptions
cannot be abolished is that if such a thing ww^ pro
posed, the Nonconformists from one end of the country
to the other would be united as one man to resist it.
The Government in their Hating Bill, which is now
before the House, proposed to abolish fiie privilege
which Sunday and Ragged schools now enjoy of* being
exempted from ra tes; but they became so alarmed at— ••
w hat th ey had done-—in fact th ey were so appall^jd
at the hostility aroused not only in Church, but also
in Dissenting congregations,— that V iey not only
abandoned their proposal, but, in order to prove that •
their repentance was complete, th ey actiuUly* went
into the lobby and voted against this particular part
T H E E D U C A TIO N AC T.
.
H5
•
o f their own bill. During a portion of each year I
reside in Cambridge. Not long since a considerable
amount
’property in that fown which pafd a large
amount
the rates was pulled down, and on the site
a handsome Disaentlug chapet has been erected, the
foundation stone of which wjkS laid by the hon. member
for Bristol (Jlr S. Morley). As the cliapel will not
pay a single penny to the rates, my own rates and
the rates of every other ratepayer in the town will
be '^ro tcuito increased by the erection of this chapel.
Although I am a very moderate Churchman I object
to being forced in this way to give a yearly subscrip
tion to a Dissenting chapel. But if as a moderate
Churchman I object to such a proceeding, what must
be the feelings of more ardent Churchmen, such, for
.instance, as tht> Prime Minister, or the hon. member
for North Warwickshire (Mr Nowdigate)? I believe
that hon. gentleman is at the present moment com
pelled, m the way I have pointed out, to coxitribute
to mlîy a Catholic chapel, and to many a convent
school. Ai’e those who conscientiously object to pay
the smallest modicum to denominational education
prepared to bo consistent ? W ell if they are, I will
give them (fti opportunity of proving their consistency ;
for when the Bating Bill is next in Committee, I will,
- i f I receive any encoumgement, propose to abolish the
c^:emption from rates which is now enjoyed by Sunday
schools, Bngge^ schools, chapels, and churches. I f sucli
a proposal
brought forward we all know the
kind of reception it would meet with in this House.
It is*doubtfiil whether ten members would be found
to support it. I am very anxious not in any way
•
8— 2 .
110
•
T J IE B I R M I N G H A M L E A G U E A N D
.
to misapprehend the reasons which induce so many,
whose sincerity no ono can donbt, to object on con
scientious* grounds to the p a y m en t,o f fees of poor
children in denominational schools. Tliey jjay that
it would he more in accordance w ith religious equality, ,
i f all those children whose fees were remitted were
compelled to attend a Board school. I do not/ wish
to deny tliis as an ahstmct’ proposition, hut w hat
ever theoretical arguments may he advanced in favour
o f the adoption of such a course, it seems to me
that there are three unanswerable arguments against
compelling these children to attend Board scliools.
In the fii'st place, the voluntary denominational
school is often much nearer the child’s home than
the Board school which he would he compelled to
attend. A s far as m y own individual •opinion is con-,
earned, I would far sooner that the child were attend
ing the Board school. B ut this is a ca.se in which
something more than our own individ\ial 'opinions
m ust be considered. W e are bound at any iHite to
tiike some notice of what is most convenient for Ihe
child. W hen there is a denominational school within
a stone’s throw of the child’s home, is it not perfectly
monstrous that an ill-clad child should h« compelled
in all weathers, in snow and in rain, to walk two
or three miles to a Board school, in order that effect
may be given to the conscientious scruples of sensitive
ratepayers ? Secondly, if children are 3riven into
Board schools, it w ill of course be necessary to increase
th e accommodation provided by these schools, and •
a considerable additional charge will as a consequence
be thrown upon the rates. The ratepayers, in their
T H E E D U C A T IO N AC T.
'
117
present state of susceptibility, ■would object to tliis.
Tliey ■would regard it as an indefensible waste of tbeir
money to be compelled to provide additional school
accoramocfation out of the rates because certain people
disapproved of children being jent tb voluntary schools
already in existence; the jâreuts, be it remembered,
preferring tliese voluntary schools to the Board schools.
Thirdly, it seems to me that we are bound to consider
the subject from an educational point of view, rather
than as a question aifecting the honaciences of rate
payers and parents.
Those who arc in favour of
general compulsion must be aware that under any
cii’cumstances it will be hard enough to carry out
a system of general compulsion, and I believe that
the difficulty will become insurmountable if the oppo
nents of coiopulsory education are armed -with the
plausible argument that cliildren are forced into schools
to which tlieir parents have conscientious objections.
I t is slfewn by the experience of every country that
has
system of national education, that under such
ciitjumstances compulsion wiU not work.
W ith regard to the question whether (?r not the
Second reading of the bill ought to be supported, I cer
tainly caniy^t follow the example of Mr Dixon, who has
stated that when the division is called he shall walk out
of the House. I f the bill is a bad bill, we ought to
oppose it. If, on the other hand, the bill is a good oiio,
we ought fn support it regardless of the interpretation
that may be jifit upon our votes by the constituencies.
No one can pretend to deny that the bill will fail
to remedy many of the defects in the Elementary
Education Act which most need amendment.
It
118
T H E B IR M IN G H A M L E A G U E A N E ''
leaves tlie 25th clause untouched, and it does little
to carry out the promise given last year by Mr Foi-ster
on belialf of the Govai-nment, that th& absurdity
known as permissive compulsion should cease, and that
th e attendance of* all children at school should, as far
possible, be secured. The greatest defect in the E le
mentary Education A ct was that it did scarcely any
thing at ail for the education of the rural districts, and
this amending bill does not even pretend to do any
thing for the rural districts. F ully adm itting all these
shortcomings, we still have to ask ourselves whether
this bill, small as its proportions may be, w ill do good
so far as it goes. I t certahiiy seems to me that there
cannot be much hesitation in the answer to be given
to this question, and, acting on the old adage that
half a loaf is Ijfetter than no bread, I shalhcertainly vote
for the Second reading of the b ill I could not have
eTone so if the provision had been retained, that money
given by Guardians to pay the school-fees of •children
should not be considered parochial relief. I t ajifiears
to me, how'ever, that nothing but good ^YiIl remilt
from enacftLng, as this bill w ill do, that parents who
are in receipt of out-door relief shall be compelled to
send their children to scliool. W e havc^ been told
on good authority that this will secure the attendance
at school of 200,.000 additional children. This wdll be^
a great direct gain, and I shall presently endeavour
to shew that scarctdy less importance is fl> be attri
buted- to the indirect consequences wlJiyli w ill result
from th e measure. My lion, friend the member for
Finsbury (Mr McOulhigh Torrens), in a very^ able
speech, has asked us to reject the bill by moving tlie
T H E E D U C A T IO N ACT.
\
119
•
previous question. No one who listened to his speceh,
as well as to the speech of the hon. haronet, tlie mem
ber for South Devon (Sir Massey Lopes), who seconded
hiih, can fell to iêrceive what is at the bottom of their
opposition. They are no doubt both as anxious as any
one in tliis Iloiise to see these pauper children edu
cated^ but, being zealous guardians of the ratepayers’
interests, they sa y :— “ Do not let the education of
these pauper children be paid for out of the rates;
let it be paid for out of imperial funds.” I have
often had occasion to protest against these persistent
attempts to transfer charges from local to imperial
funds. It has been urged by those who oppose this
bill that it would have a tendency to increase out-door
relief, but would not infinitely greater encouragement
be given to out-door relief if local authorities were
pennitted to draw from that inexhaustible mine of
wealth, the Consolidated Fund % Wliere then should
we loqji for any guarantees for economy ? Differmg
in
from what has been said on the subject by
Mr McCullagli Torrens, I believe that this bUl, far
from encouraging out-door relief, would ex^’cise a not
unimportant influence in discouraging it. Many an
applicant would probably relinquish his intention of
applying for out-door relief if he knew that his children
must be sent to school as a condition of his receiving
that relief. The la\nshness with which out- door relief
culiuhii«tei-ed is responsible for no small part of our
existing paujlerisni, and therefore I can but welcome
anything winch may make this relief appear to be less
acceptable than it was before. Mr Torrens has in
forcible language described the hardships which he
120
f l l E n iR M IN G U A M LE A G U E A N D
*
•
beJi.eves tliis bill might inflict on the poor in Lonclop.
H e spoke, however, as if it would inti’oduce compul
sion for th e first time, but in London and in other
•
*
towns where compulsion liad been ad5pted, ^very one
of the children affected by this bill ought by law to be
already at school. The bill, therefore, in such places
would not introduce a new* principle, but would simply
give an additional security for the carrying out of
compulsion, for it would make the Poor Law Guardians
as well as the Sttliool Boards responsible for the
education of pauper children. In those districts where
compulsory education has not y et been adopted, I
entirely agree with Sir Massey Lopes that the thin
end of th e wedge w ill be introduced by this bill, but
this is the chief reason which induces me to support
it. The w'edge will indeed be so effectually introduced
that it w ill be our own fault if we do not drive it
l)eme, for this measure will take us so far that wo
must inevitably go farther.
Acknowdedging* as we
are all prepared to do, that education is a great ^Jess
ing to children-, we cannot surely be content to see
a system continued which would secure this blessing
to those who happen to be paupers, but would not
secure it to those children wdiose parents have never
received parochial relief. W hy, under such a state of
things, a child would actually have to be congratulated
on the fact that his father was a pauper!
In conclusion, I w ill only say that I W lieve th<5
present agitation of the Birmingham% League will
involve the country in a miserable sectarian squabble
which certainly wdll not promote the intellectual de
velopment of any adult or of any child. I f th e mem-
T H E E D U C A T IO N A C T .
.
121
.
befs of the League would concentrate their efforts
in^ti^dng to obtain the first object of the League, viz,
general conipulsion, and spen^l the winter inonths in
promoting*it instead of provoking sectarian wrangles,
then there will probably be next year a much stronger
feeling in favour of compulsion, and there ■ruII also
bo a ,much greater chance of obtaining it from the
Government, than there w ill be if the League persists
in its present policy. I am quite aware that the
opinions wliich I have this evening expressed may
very probably involve me in a considerable amount
of unpopularity, but I started political life caring more
about tliG general education of tlie people tlian about
any other question that is likely to be disciissed in
this House. I have seen no reason to change my
opinion, and
therefore should be pursuing an un^
worthy course, if, from the fear of incurring a certain
amount of unpopularity, I remained silent when *X
believe there is a considerable amount of danger that
the ^ 'c a t end which we m ust all have in view, viz.
the general education of the people of this country,
may be lost sight of by being enveloped in the mists of
a sectarian squabble.
THE NINE HOURS BILL'..
I t will be in the ro«ollectioii of the House that at the
close of the long slêecli with which my honourable friend
the member for Sheffield (Mr Muiidella) introduced
the Second reading of this bill, not more than about
five minutes remained before the debate, by the rules
of the House, had to be suspended. It wi^ only
possible for me during these few brief minutes to pro
test against some aspersions which had, I thought,'
\;ioen unjustly cast upon the character of those em
ployers who are opposed to this measure,, and to
indicate in very general terms the reasons whiclj|#haye
induced me to meet tlie Second reading of the bill
with the amendment of which I liave given notice.
In order to present os clear an issue as possible
to the House, I am desirous at the outset to state
that the bill may be divided into two entirely distinct
portions. One part of the bill asks us to legislate for
children; by another part of the bill it is intended
•
m
1 This Speech was made ou July 30, 1873, iu moving the fellowing reso
lution iu oppoiiiiion to th e Second reading of Mr Muimolia’s Factory A cts
A m endm ent Hill :—“ T hat i« th e opinion of tliis House it is uudesirablo to
sanction a ineasnre -vvljich would discourage th e omidoynieiit Of wdiiicn by
subjecting th e ir labour to a new legislative rcstrlctiou to which it ,is not
proposed to subject tho labour of men.”
* .
T H E N I N E H O U R S B IL L .
.
1 23
I
both directly and indirectly to subject the labour *01'
adults to certain new legislative restrictions. So far
as the bill .affects the einplo}îient of children, I have
not a single word to say in opposition to it. On the
contrary,* no one would more cordhilly welcome pro
posals to raise the age at wliich children should be
permi.tted to commence working, to extend the period
of half-time, and to provide additional securities for
the more elHcient education of children when employed
as lialf-tiniers.
•
So h\r as we are able to judge from the opinions
which have been expressed by em|doyers in reference
to the employment and education of cliildren, it would
appear that th e portion of the bill which refei^ to
children m ight be passed w ith the general approval
of th e House^- I t is important to bear this in mind
in order to obtain a distinct idea of the real points at
issue between th e supporters and the opponents \>f
the bilb I t has been attem pted to make the country
behff^’o that many of the employers are anxious to have
clftldren overworked, and are perfectly indifferent to
their education.
•
Probably there is no one in tliis House who is
pecuniaril;^ less interested in industrial undertakings
than I am. I have not a sliilling embarked in any
one of tlie trades which would be affected by this bill.
This has been one retison which has induced me to*
assume tê responsibility of opposing the bill. I f
th e amendment of which 1 have given notice had been
moved by some employer, interested motives would
not improbably have been attributed to him, and per
haps he would have been accused of being more soli-
124
T E E N I N E H O U R S D ILL.
.
t
•
citous for liis own gains than for the welfare of his
work-people. As it may be difficult for many of the
employer^ to defend thepiselves without being charged
with self-laudation, I feel bound in*comin<tu fairness
to say that many of those who are most prominent
in opposing this bill are acknowledged to be among the
best employers in the coiintiy. It has been admitted
that there is no one in Lancashire who is more respected
by those whom he employs for his great generosity
and his judicious kindness than Mr Hugh Mason, and
there is no one who has written and spoken with
greater ability and force against the proposals in this
bill to subject the labour of adults to legislative re
strictions. Many membeis of this House who hold
opinions similar to those of l\Ir Hugh Mason are as
much esteemed as employers as he is.
Having made these few remarks in defence of those *
wlio in the course of the agitation which this measure •
is likely to excite will doubtless be subjected to many
unjust insinuations, I will at once ask the Hoi^ê to
^consider the vitally imi:tortimt issues which are raised
by tliis bill so far as it will affect the labour of adidts.
I t can, I think, be proved beyond dispute that •
this measure must operate in one of two^ways. It
will either be a Nine Hours Bill for men as well as
for women, or it will place the labour of women under
such serious disadvantages as greatly to restrict their
employment. I f the bill is intended to be»a general
nine horn's bill, then the House has nbt been fairly
dealt w ith ; for why do not the promoters of tlie
measure boldly come forward and tell us what they
want ? I f they want this House to decide how tong
•
T U B N I N E H O U R S B IL L .
t
•
125
theârtisans of tliis country sliall be permitted to w ort,
le t them at least have th e courage to tell us -at what
th ey are aiming. Do not let* them cloak tlweir inten
tions in J:l*e garb of a 'generous zeal for the welfare of
women.
I am perfectly ready to admit that Mr Mundella has
emphatically denied that this is a general N ine Hours
Bill. H e has told us that nothing would induce him
to have anything to do w ith a bill which would impose
legislative restrictions upon the labour of men. B ut
there may be the widest possible difierence between
what the promoter of an A ct of Parliament wishes to
be its consequences and what its actual consequences
may ultim ately be. Mr Mundella may not intend tliis
to be a general N ine Hours BiU, but it may become
^ one in spite oif anything that he may say or wish to
th e contrary. B ut if it is not, as he asserts, a general
N ine Hours Bill, then it can at once be proved that the
bill must most seriously interfere w ith the employment
o f ^\%nen. The labour of men and women is so in
extricably intertwined . in the various manufacturing.
processes, th at it seems nothing can be mP>re absurd
than to suppose that the women, after working iiine
hours, shoidd be compelled by law to leave the factory,
and then the _men should go on for another hour work
i n g without them. It is therefore absolutely certain
th at if women are not permitted to work more than
nine hour^ a day, one of two tlihigs wMl occur ;— either
the manufacturers! -^vill be unable to employ their men
for moio than nine hours a d a y ; or, if they wished
to kêep their machinery working for a longer period
than this, they would only be able to do so by dis-
12G
pensiiig w ith the labour of women altogether, or, by
employing them in double shifts like half-time children.
I t can only be proved by experience which of those
results w ill ensue.
*
^
In those branchea of industry in which the ,
labour of women is indispensable— and I believe this
is the case w ith the great majority of industries •affect
ed by this bill— it is evident that if we impose cer
tain legislative restrictions upon the labour of women,
w e virtually impose the same restrictions upon the
labour of men. In some branches of industry, however,
in which th e -women form a very small minority of the
enth-e number who are employed, this bill would
probably have the effect of causing the labour of women
to be altogether dispensed m th , or of reducing them
to the position of half-timers. The quehôn, therefore,,
which th e House has to determine is t h i s ; Are we,
ill the first place, prepared for some of the most impor
tant trades in the country to enact a geridVal nine
hours law ? Or, are we prepared w ith regard toifither
trades to discourage and proliibit the employment* of
women ? *We probably have never been asked to give
a decision upon issues of greater imjiortance. Let
me begin with tlie first.
•
I am perfectly well aware of th e prejudice which
will be industriously excited against those who opposoto.
such legislation as is now contemplated. I t therefore
becomes of greater consequence that we should make
the grounds of our opposition as intefljgible as pos
sible. I therefore desire in the first instance to affinn •
tliat this House h:is no right to inteiffere -with the
labour of adults; and secondly, if it had the right,
127
it'vôuld be singularly impolitic to exercise it at tfie
present time.
I f w e once accept th e principle that
grown-up ^/erson^ cannot detarmine for themeelves the
nuinbe^ôt hours whicli they shall work, w e virtually
, treat them as if they were heJpless* children who find
it so impossible to get on ,w ithout our control and
guidance, th at we shall soon’ have to regulate their
wages. A nd when are we asked to start on this
career of paternal legislature ? W hen are we asked
to wrap the artisan population of*this country in the
swaddling-clothes of babyhood ? W hy at th e very tim e
when our working classes are proving, in a thousand
hard-fought industrial contests between them selves and
their employer's, that they have not only the w ill but
the power to protect their oato interests. B u t even
, if the State
the right to decide how many hours
a day a grown-up person should work, I confidently
appeal to the House, whether it would not be impo
litic to *exercise this riglit.
j\Iy chief contention is
this?*that the working classes can settle such a ques
tion as this far better for themselves than the State
can settle it for them. No one now wduld think
of invoking the aid of Parliament to determine the
amount of* remuneration which our artisans should
receive for their labour, and if they can regulate the
.-iimouiit of their wages, w hy in the name of common
§ense cannot they also arrange the number of hours
which they shaU work 1 N ot only have they the
power to dorado for them =cl\es Avhat shall be the
length of the day’s work, but I believe tliey will
decide it far better w ithout than with th e assistance
of this House. Employers and employed know the
128
•,
T H E N I N E ITO VRS B IL L .
peculiar circumstances of each branch of industry* In
fin itely’better than th ey can be kno\\Ti by this House.
EmpIoye¥s and employed if left ty themselves .can
make such arrangements as are most fittecl»fi')r each
special trade.
Occasionally it may happen that i t ,
is desirable to work sompwliat longer than the ordi
nary time. The employed recognize the tn ith «f this
ju st as much as do the employers; for it is particu
larly to be noted that in those trades where the em
ployed have been *moat successful in shortening th e
hours of labour, th ey have always suggested certain
arrangements for occasionally working over-time. A r
rangements for controlling trade which are voluntarily
made between employer and employed have not the
rigidity and unchangeableness of a legislative enact
ment. They possess sufficient elasticitj^ ô be adapted .
to the peculiar circumstances of each special ca se;
but tills bill, on the contrary, proposes to lay down
one uniform rule for a great variety of industrial pro
cesses which often differ widely in the character* and
quality of the work they reqiiire.
I f we pass this
bill, it wfll be decreed by an inflexible rule that in
the most important trades in the country no woman
shall under any circumstances whatever w ofk for more
than a certain prescribed number of hours.
I t has been said, and it -will no doubt be ofben^
repeated, that it is now too late to raise objections to
Parliamentary interference with the labour *of a d u lts;
such interference was sanctioned by th e Eaotory Acts,
and no one would now think of repealing them. As
I have before remarked, so far as these acts refer to
the labour of those who'are not adults, not oiJy do
T H E N IU E H O U R S B IL L .
*
129
I not ■wish to repeal them, but I should f>e perfectij
willing to strengtlien them and to attem pt to^ render
them more efficient. B ut legislative intei’ference w ith
the'eim>lo^ment
adults cannot at th e present tim e
be regamed in precisely th e same liglit as it was when
•tlie Factory A cts were passed’a quarter of a century
since. The trade of the coifntiy has now to contend
w ith many difficulties whicli were then scarcely fore
seen. I shall presently refer to the serious effects
wliich may be produced upon the industrial future of
our country by the rise in th e price of coal. Again,
if the existing Factoiy A cts are to be quoted as a
conclusive argument in favour of this bill, the same
kind of reasoning would justify hn eight, nay, even a
seven hours bill.
Lastly, it m ^ be asked, what becomes of th e great
progress in the people’s condition which was quoted
•.as an unanswerable argument in favour of their politi
cal enfrancliisement, if they require the protection of
the j:âte ju st as much now as th ey did tw entyfive, years since ? Those, I think, do a very serious
injury to the working classes wlio are perpet,ually en.couraging them to ask the State to do w hat th ey
could far more effectually do for themselves.
I t has lately been shewn liow much more promptly
and properly a matter is dealt w ith when the people
take it into their own hands than when th ey rely
upon A cts qf Parliament. I t w ill be in the recollection
of the House that last year the Home Secretary in
troduced a bill* w ith the view of putting down truck.
Something like
A cts had already been passed
with the same object, and we were told that in spite of
•
F. s*
t)
130
.
th e
n in e
h o u r s b il l
.
I
atl tliis legislation truck was flourisliing as vigoroiujly
as ever. D irectly I read the hill of the Home Secre
tary, I determined to 5>ppose it witli an. amendment
which asserted th e principle tîat .all
as to
the tim e when aitd th e manner in whicli wages should
be paid, had better be settled by the employers and*
the employed rather than* by. Parliament. ^lany came
to m(? then, as th ey have come to me now, and said :
“ W e ■wonder that you are insensible to the evils of
truck, and tliat y©u wish to see them perpetuated.”
I simply rep lied : “ I f I held such opinions as you
attribute to me, I would do all in my power to pro
mote the passing of the Home Secretaiy's bill, because
experience has shewn that innumerable Truck Acts
may be passed, and truck w ill continue to exist until
those who are interested in its diso(^ntinuance take
th e subject into their own hands.” It could scarcely
diave been foreseen that th e tm th of w hat has just*'
been stated would be so soon proved. The .bdl hap
pily not having passed, the Home Secretary waj^lately
asked whether he intended to reintroduce it du^’injr
O
th e present session. W hat was his reply? I t was
so significant that I earnestly commend it to the parti-*
cular attention of this House. After having stated that
he did not intend to reintroduce the bill this year, he
w ent on to confess that one of the chief reasons which
had induced him to come to this decision wtis, that since
his failure to legislate last year the woiiiing clas.^cs
had to a great extent taken the matter into their
own hands, and had by them own voluntary efforts
abolished truck. I f Parliament would only once de
clare that it would never have another Truck .bill
I
•
131
introduced into tliia House, I believe tliat in five years
all tliat is mischievous in connection w ith truc^ would
have ceased to exist, ju st a# in the same -way do I
belie\*'^^ that if w e Aôuld once declare th at it was
entirely teyond the province pf thfe House to decide
how many hours an adult should work, w e should
do fai; more to cause the day’s Avork to be adjusted
to such a length as Avould he most advantageous both
to employei'9 and employed, than w ill ever be done
by such a bill as we are now askftd to approve.
This is not simply a theoretical opinion, for it is
to be particularly remarked that those trades in wliich
the liours are at the present tim e the shortest are
exactly those to wliicli it has never been proposed
to apply any legislative interference.
In the nine
hours stru gglg^ 'h ich commenced in Newcastle, and
has been so successfully continued in other parts of
th e country, the aid of Parliament was never invokedi
B ut Mr M undella ■will probably rejoin : I t is very well
to lej^ve men to take care of themselves. They are
independent, th ey are free, th ey have the power to
do what th ey think is best for themselves. B u t w^hen
we come to consider th e case of women, what are
th ey? M r.M undella has told us that th ey are ser
vants up to th e age of 1C or 1 7 : th ey then enjoy a
■êar or two of independence; they then marry, and
are henceforward the slaves of their masters h
^ Mr M undella, ifi a spcecb he subaeqiip^tlj moito on tlio witlwlrawal o f
his hill, en d eav o u ^d to shf'n- tlm t in using th e expression “ tlio slaves of
thoir niastoro” ’,y wislicd to imply th a t women were slaves of th e em
ployers not of their husbands. B u t if we are to accept this iutoriiretation,
why did ho siiy th a t women enjoyed a year or two of independence between
th’e 'p erio d of chUdhuod and m arriage i A n employer would n o t bo less a
•
•
» qj ___o^
• •
132
T JIE N I N E H O U R S R IL L .
* In tlie former debate some who are opposing* this
bill weife taunted w ith being ‘'cold-blooded econo
m ists.” Iût w e have r^ver been so cold'blooded iis
to bring such an accusation agaiflst our fello^ '-c^ itrymen. I f this assertion, were as correct ius I believe
it to be incorrect, instead of sending an expedition
to Zanzibar to put down the slave trade, we .ought
to senS. an expedition to LanCcishire and Yorkshire
to emancipate our countiywomen from the fetters in
which warm-blooded philanthropists are content to see
them bound. B ut Mr Mundella was shrewd enough
to see that the principles of his bill forced him into
th e position of saying, that the women for whom he
proposes to legislate are slaves.
There is only one justification for lim iting the hours
of labour of women, unless it is proj'îêd to subject
the labour of men to similar legislation, and that is,
tliat women are not free-agents. This is in fact the
justification for legislating on behalf of childretfi; they
are not free-agents, and this suggests at oncji the
fundamental’distinction between State intervention *on
behalf of children and on behalf of adults.
B ut w'e now have to consider what may possibly
be the second effect of tins legislation : yiz. that it
may in some instances discourage the employment
of women.
A ny one who considers the social condition of this
slaye-mastcr to an tuim arried than to a m arried wohian. A fhhi, it may bo
asked, how does Mr Mundella rcconcilo tho statenieift th a t th e iinumfacturers are slavc-masters to tho women whoju they einpby, with his indig
nant doiiinl in tho sam e speecli th a t he cast any aspersions upon tiio
chanictor of the employers? Is it possible to say a more tei-ribly scvoro
thing against any man th an tim t he tre a ts a woman over ivhoiu
can
exercise influenco as a slaro ?
.
’
{
133
•COiintry, any one who knows how many women tliere
are who have a severe struggle to maintain themselves
by toil, any one .who reflects that if a woman is diiven
froin*^>nest labour she may be forced by dire necessity
^ into a life of misery and degradation, w ill hesitate to
sanction legislation which ipay possibly have the effect
of tliTOwing impediments in the way of women earning
their own maintenance.
I know that the workmen
wlio are demanding this bill indignantly repudiate the
idea that th ey are jealous of women’s labour. N o one
would more regret than I should to bring against them
any unjust accusations. W e are bound at once to
accept their assurance that they are no longer influ
enced by any jealousy of women’s labour, and we may
indeed rejoice that that is not to happen in the future
. which has it^loubtedly sometimes occurred in the
past. For fairness compels me to say that our work
men have not always been uninfluenced by this jealousy
of woman’s laboxir. W e cannot forget that some years
ago ^ r ta in trades-unionists in the Potteries impera
tively insisted that a certain rest for the arm, which
th ey found almost essential to their work, should not
be used by women when engaged in the same employ
ment. N ot long since the London tailors, when on
strike, having never admitted a woman to their union,
attempted to coerce women from availing themselves
of th e remunerative employment which was oflered
to them in consequence of the strike.
B ut this ^jealousy of woineits labour has not been
entirely couiined to workmen. The same feeling has
extended itself through every class of society. Last
autumn a large number of the Post Office clerks
134
•
’
♦
%
objected to the employment of women in tlio Post OfBce,
wliicli bad been so w isely decided upon by Mr. Scuda
more. Ailcl w e have latelj' bad abniKUnt opjoortunities
of judging of th e extent to which the medical jij-^^^sion
is jealous of the competition of women practitioners. .
I think i t necessary to make these remark^, as we should
at an y,rate be very cautious and very watchful‘when
■we are asked to interfere w ith the employment of
women. B ut we have been told that one of the great
arguments in favour of this bill is that it is demanded
by the fathers and husbands of the women affected
by it. B u t in pressing this argument does Mr Mundella forget that upon his own authority we have been
assured that these very women are in servitude and
slavery to these fathers and husbands, and therefore
he asks us to place ourselves in the ridi^filous position «
of• letting;
those whom he has him self described as
o
slave-masters decide what is best for their slaves %
B ut enough has now probably been said *on the
general principles involved in this bill. 1 w ill f^herefore proceed to deal w'ith the specific facts and stalements on which Mr Mundella supports his case.
The Government through the Home Secretary
having stated that, “ greatly as our knowledge has
been supplemented by the report of the Commissioners
recently appointed to investigate the condition of th #
women and children employed in factories, it is no^
large enough to justify the great economic changes
proposed by this bill,” Mr ^Mundella ni*turally came
to the conclusion that this assertion of the Home
Secretary must be controverted. A ny one who reads
IÎr Mundella’s remarks in the previous debate, and
‘
•'
135
•
at ‘Uie same time remembers w ith bow much ability
and ingenuity he can speak, w ill at once see how ex
tremely weak is his ca^se. Instead of d h e c tl/ m eeting
the a;SS’tion of the Home Secretary, he endeavoured
,to disprove it by introducing a great mass of matter
entirely irrelevant to th e measure we are now con
sidering.
W e remember, for instance, the pjteous
picture he di*ew of women coming to work in all
weathers, bedrabbled in mud and w et up to their
middles. H e surely does not think that his bill w ill
regulate th e elements, and convert a w et day into
a fine one. I t really m ight be thought that there
was a clause in th e bill to supply women w ith water
proof cloaks and umbrellas. H e also gave a haiTowing
description of the evils resulting from working in '
.bad smells anfl^ in ill-ventilated rooms, but we look
^ in vain in the bill for a single sanitary regulation.
Again, we had a frightful account of the increasing
number of accidents. The fallacies involved in these
statisftcs of accidents will be referred to by subsequent
speakers. B u t it is sufficient here to say that even
if it is admitted that accidents have increased, this
bill can exert no influence whatever in diminishing
their number. There is not one word in it which
would either cause machinery to be better fenced,
09 which would enable those who may be injured more
eîsily to obtain compensation from their employers.
AVe n ext 7isteiied to an eloquent description of the
terrible consequences which ens’ic from a woman re
turning to work too soon after her confinement. On
the aiithority of the Commissions w e were told that
when a woman thus returned^to work, it was virtually
136
'•
f
a sentence of death to the child. B ut if this* hill
became* law to-morrow, a woman would be able* to
return tb work w itliin h week^ nay? within a
of
her confinement.
.^
I t was next attem pted to shame the House into*
accepting this bill, because w e were asked to believe
that iji factory legislation we were behind almost every
other European country. In one resjêct this is no
doubt true. In those countries, such as Prussia, where
there is a general system of compulsory eduwition,
greater security is taken for the education of factory
children than is th e case in our own countxy; but, as
I have before said, this is not the part of the bill which
we are opposing. W e are as anxious as Mr Mundella
can be to provide additional guarantees for the educa
tion of factory children. The point oi'" difference be-fiween him and us is that w e object to th e new restric- ,
lion s which he wishes to impose upon the labour of
adults, and w ith regard to this kind of legislative
interference, instead of being behind other Eufbpean
coxmtries, we have already imposed restrictions far
more stringent than those which have been imposed
in Germany, Austria, Baden, Holland, Belgium, Italy,
Switzerland, Sweden, Russia, or France. ^The Beehive
newspaper, the leading organ of the Trades-Unionists
in this countr}’^, which has not only warmly supported
Mr Mundella’s bill, but which has with the utm ost
asperity attacked those who ventxire
oppose it, has
recently said: “ England is w ith o u t• doubt far in
advance of every country in this matter, whether
w e consider th e law itself or the strictness o f its
execution.”
*
137
•
'•A gain, Mr Jlundella endeavoured to make it appear
that tlie employment of women in th e textile niaiiufaotures ^foducwd great m oftality, and wrts paiiicularly destructive of infant life. H e seemed to think
that he had proved his caae when he shewed that
there was a much greater niortality among women in
the ntanufacturing districts than there is in four towns
in the Black Country. These four towns were alluded
to as if th ey were so unliealth^ that the sanitary
condition of a district must he most deplorable if it
had a liigher rate of mortality than prevails in these
towms. B lit on referring to tlie returns of tlie Ilegistrar-General, what do we discover ? These towns in
the Black Country, so far as the mortality of married
women is concerned— and Mr Mundella w'as careful
to confine hiSômparison to this point— take rank, not
among the most unhealthy, but amongst the very
healthiest districts in th e kingdom. A s an instance
of the caution which ought to be exercised in diawing
concKisions from incomplete statistics, it may ho re
marked th at the rate of infant mortality is not greater
in the textile towns than it is in these Tour towns
■svhere the rate of mortality of women is so low.
B ut nf)w I come to certain statements wBich ]\Ir
Mundella made when he wiis not anxious to prove
•the unhealthiness of the manufacturing districts, but
.when he was pleading for their healthiness. I should
be th e last t<i accuse Any man of iucouolstency. W e
all probably in rot>'.c & riod of our lives have changed
our opiTiions {“ Pfear, h ear!” from Mr M u n d e l l a ).
Oh< I quite understand tliat cheer. W hen I came
into this House, when I was younger and perhaps more
138
•*
THE N IN E
nouns
B IL L .
entliuaiastic tliaii I am now, I was more in favour.bf
legislative interference. B ut is it to be supposed
tliat any *0116 coming ifito this llcy.ise iS to learn
nothing from experience ? B ut the incoi\sistency
which I am referring to .with regard to Mr Mundella
is not a change of opinion, which has gradually come
over him, as facts have dawned upon him o^r as years roll
by. I wish to direct the particular attention of the
House to certain statem ents he made in reference to the
report of the Factory*Commissioners, when a few weeks
since he was speaking in favour of the repeal of the
Contagious Diseases Act, and to compare what he then
said with the statements he made in reference to the
same report when moving tlie second reading of this
bill. On the former occasion we were reminded that
two commissioners had lately been dowiN.«o the manufactiu'ing districts; th ey had examined 10,000 childi'en
. eirEirely at haphazmd, and had • found them healthy
and entirely free from diathetic disease.
BAt this
is not the strangest part of the story. Mr Mun<k*lla
was anxious to make a point against Sii’ J. Pakingtoh,
w’ho had ^loken in the debate on the Contagious
Diseases Act. H e therefore said, “ L et th e Itight
Honourable gentleman (Sir J. Pakington^ see the
width and w eight of the men of Sheffield, and then
he will cesise to deplore a sickly population.” W ell, if*
^ r J. Pakington w ill give a simjlar invitation to Mr ^
Mundella, and ask him to visit, the tex^ le towns, he,
in his turn, w ill cease to deplore a sickl}^ population,
for he w ill discover that in the health of their popula
tion, wliether estimated by the death-rate of woijien
between 15 and 45, or between 45 and 55, or the
• %
139
#
dejith-rate of cliildren under 10, tlie 15 principal te x
tile towns are from 15 to 20 p ercent, healthfer tlian
tlie .sanitary paradise Mr MintdcUa has the happiness
*
T H E m X E H O U R S B IL L .
to represent.
I have now gone through 4nost of the statements
of Mr Mundella, and I will j;efer again to the remark
o f the tlo m e Secretary, that, althougli the knowledge
of the Government has been extended by tlie inquiries
o f th e Commissioners, the facts do not justify such
a great economical change as is proposed by this bill.
I hope tlie Home Secretary is of the same opinion
still. I hope this sensible remai'k of his w ill not be
repudiated by liis colleagues, and that upon this
question he represents not only him self but the Go
vernment. I shall be able to shew from the report
, of the Commi<ij6ioners, who were specially sent down to
ascertain th e facts of th e case, that the Home Secretary did not speak half strongly enough, and that he
ouglit tb have said not only that the facts do not
j u s t ^ the bill, but tliat th ey absolutely disprove
the necessity for this legislation. A ll the facts that
I am about to mention are taken from this report, and
their signilicance is greatly increased when it is re
membered ih a t th e Commissioners evidently have a
bias in favour of this legislation.
• In the first place there is this most remarkable
âct.
They asked 1G3 medical men whether the
present h ou rs,of labour were injurious to women. It
a great m ajoyty of these modiua.1 men had answered
this question in the affirmative, I could understand
this J)ill being introduced. B ut far from a majority
being of the opinion that the present hours of labour
140
••
T B E N I N E H O U R S BTLL.
'
are too long, only 32 out of tlie 1G3 are of .tin s
opinion, tlie remaining 131 distinctly affirming that the
present 4iours are not io o long. Iût this is not all.
171 medical men were asked* whether factory labour
was especially injurious to women. 99 gave a direcf^
negative to the question^ 12 returned answers which
were irrelevant, and th e remaining 57 chiefly oonfined
their remarks to defective sanitary arrangements, which
ai’e injurious to men and women alike, and which are
not in the slightest degree touched by this bill.
Medical testim ony therefore entirely fails to provide
a justification for this bill.
I w ill now refer to another very remarkable ad
mission contained in the report of these Commissioners.
A ny one who is practically acquainted w ith cotton
manufacturing processes knows perfectly well that the .
great majority of women who are employed are en
gaged in the five processes of reeling, doubling, wind
ing, warping and weaving. The CommissioneTsi them
selves admit that three-foui'ths of the women em j^ y ed
in factories are engaged in^ one or other of these occu
pations, afid th ey further admit that these occupations
have no debilitating tendency.
I t is particularly
worthy of remark that in almost every instance the
complaints of the Commissioners refer to evils resulting
either from defective sanitary arrangements or from
the employment of married women. Thus, with regarcj
to defective sanitary arrangements, they^peal; of cess
pools.
I t surely cannot be supposed .th at a N ine
Hours Bill will empty or purify a cesspool. Once
more let me say that there is not a single sanitary
clause in the bill.
141
•Then again with regard to the employment bf
married women, it is to be observed that the bill
makes no distinction
whatever
•
• between miu'i’ied and
unmarried "women. It* has been calculated that only
a small minority of the womeî at t\ ork are married.
The proportion is said to be about one-tontL
Mr.MuxDELLA : One-thii'd of the wômen employed
are manied.
Mr F a w c e t t : I believe such an estimate is far
too h ig h ; but even if we assume *it to be correct, we
must remember tliat pez'haps not more than one-tliird
of the married women liave young oluldren. Now
the evils upon whicli the Commissioners lay the great
est stress are to be attributed to women going to work
too soon after their confinement, and to their neglect
ing their yoiwg children; now it appears from the
figures just quoted that these evils can only happen
in the case of a small minority of the entire number of
women ^ho are at work.
I^^lll now ask the House for a moment to consider
soihe of the absurdities into wliich we shall bo led
if we are prepared to legislate upon the report of these
Commissioners. In mentioning various disadvantages
associated with the employment of women and children
in the factories, there is one subject on wliich they lay
jjarticular stress. They bring forward medical evidence
to shew that the diseases of the digestive oi-gans dtpvalent in* the^ factory districts are induced by the
exccsshe useôf tea. Well, I suppose if this mania
for legislative
interference continues, wo shall soon
O
have,introduced into this House a Pennissive Pro
hibitory Tea Bill.
^
O
O
'
A
142
.*
T H E N I N E H O U R S D ILL.
• Having studied tlio report of tlie Commissioners
with tli£ greatest care, I believe I am justified in saying
that it dijes not contain yne single argument to justify
legislative restriction upon the hibour of adftlts. ’They
adduce some facts with the object of shewing that
cei*tam restrictions should be imposed upon the em
ployment of manied women and they mentioi^ many
facts fo prove that the sanitary condition of the mills,
although improving, is still in a state which leaves
mucli to be desired •
Now, as I have occupied so mucli of the time of
tlie House, I will refer very briefly to the vexed
question of foreign competition. Others arc far more
competent to deal with it- I confess I have no special
knowledge of the subject, but this I am bound to
say: that considering the serious and,gratifying rise
of wages—seiious in one aspect and gratifying in
ahother— considering, I say, the mai'ked rise of wages
in this country, the great mcrcase in tlie pric^ of coal,
the rapid development of manufacturing indusky in
countries in which formerly tliere were few manufaoStffes
— considefing all these facts, we must come to the
conclusion that foreign competition presents itself in a
very different light from what it did someêars since.
I can speak with iinpai-tiality upon this subject be
cause I have no personal interest in the matter.
it is a subject which I have examined with the greatest
possible interest, and I believe this to be the âse : tliai
at the present time in many most important branches
of industry in this country, the competition between
us and foreigners is so keen and so close, that if you
place the slightest legislative impediment in the way
T H E N I N E H O U R S D IL L .
^
o£ industrial development, the balance may be turned
against us, and our trade may greatly suffer* There
cannot be a greater delusion Jhaii to supposci tliat with
regard to* foreign coftipetition employers are chiefly
concerne’d. They have accumulated capital. I f trade
declines they can retire from business and live upon
their means. But the decline of trade means loss of
employment to the labourer, and upon him \^'ill fall
with maximum intensity the bitter consequences of
industrial depression.
•
There is one other consideration which, if the House
will allow me, I will present to them for a moment.
Now that the artisans of this country have happily
been enfranchised, if you once concede their demand
for a Nine Hours Bill, where is this legislation to stop?
Ileckless plec^6s and high expectations will be held out
to them, and at the coming election we shall see with
what eagerness and avidity candidates will rush in
and pledge themselves in favour of a Nine Hours Bill.
Can There be any security that we shall stop there?
what security can we have that we shall not
next have an Eight Houi-s Bill? Som e• operatives
came to me the other day and said: “ I f you don’t
give up yôur opposition we will demand an Eight
Hours Bill.” “W till/’ I said, “you will not stop there.
Of course you wUl demand a Seven Hours Bill.” En
courage these demands and what shall we see ? W e
^hall see#the industry of tliis country, we shall oee
the self-ieliance and independen^'e of its people, put
up to a demoralmiug Hutcli auction of degrading pro
mises aiid delusive pledges.
. f have opposed this bill in the interests of the
144
.* T H E N I N E H O U R S D ILL,
\v(Jrking classes. I ask the House to reject this mea
sure so fiir as it applies to the labour of adults, because
I believe that at the present moment we can render
no greater service to the working* chisses of this country
than firmly to check the growing tendency wMcli there
is for them to rely upon State intervention. I f we
encourage this tendency, *step by step we shall so
enervate them, that at last they will come to us like
helpless children and ask us to be their guardians,
to say what wages tiiey shall receive, what time they
shall go to bed, and to prevent them doing a hundred
things which they know they ought not to do. I
entreat the House to remember this: that it is not
by the act of the despot alone that liberty is de
stroyed. That vigour of national life, which is the only
guarantee for freedom, must inevitabl}"* decline, if the
Government is permitted to envelope the people in a
gteat network of officialism. I believe the day is not
far distant when, if we are not very careful, thejabouring classes of this country w’ill find from bitter e.êrience that their worst enemy is not the so-ca,lled Silth
blooded economist, but that they have infinitely more
to fear from a misguided benevolence and a mistaken
and meddlesome philanthropy.
. ELECTION -EXPENSES.
SECOND R E A D IN G OF T H E P A R L IA M E N T A R Y
E L E C T IO N E X P E N S E S B IL L * J u n e 18, 1873,
AiiTHOUGii tliis bill contains principles of tlie greatest
importance, y et its j-)rovisions are so simple tliat I tliuik
I shall be able to explain them un a very few sentences.
The bill proposes, in the first place, to make candi
dates at elections no longer liable for th e necessary
' election expenses, but to transfer that liability lo
th e lociflity; in the n ext place, it provides a security
a g a i^ t vexatious candidatures.
After considerable
reflection it appears to me that the best -way to pro
tect constitueiicies agrdnst vexatious and unnecessary
* candidatures, is to make each candidate who does not
secure a reasonable amount of support liable for his
share of th e expenses, ju st in th e same way as he is
UJider the existuig law. OpinioiLs may of course diifer
as to what should be considered a reasonable amount
of suppoft. In this bill I have
it at one-fifth of
th e whole ^punber of the electors polled, thinking
that if a candidate does not obtain so much stipporfc
as this, he can have had no reasonable chance of
success, and therefore it would be unfair that he should
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E L E C T IO N E X P E N S E S .
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be able to tlirow npon tbe constituency liis sliar^ of
tlie expenses, -wben very probably his chief motive, in
going to . tbe poll was, *by gaining a little notoriety,
to gratify liis pei*sonal vanity. * I f it is tlfoiiglif that
tlie proportion o r one-ijftli is too high, I shall have no^
objection whatever to make it one-sixth, one-seventh,
or one-eiglitli. H aving given tliis brief exphination
o f tlie* provisions of tbe bill, I w ill proceed to consider
th e chief arguments which w ill probably be urged
against it. First fRid foremost it will no doubt be
contended that it would bo unfair and impolitic to
throw any new charge on the rates until the whole
question of local taxation luis been settled. The same
argument was urged last W ednesday in opposition
to a measure for the abolition of tolls on bridges in
Scotland, but the House lurived at the w^nclusion that
the imposition of a new charge on the rates ought not
to stand in the way of a necessary reform. I t seems
to me, however, that the present position of ^he ques
tion of local ttixation, instead of suggesting a ^ ason
for not proceeding with this bill, provides a m*ost
conclusive argument in favour of considering the mea
sure on its merits. I ’lie subject of local taxation has
been forced into the prominent 2:>osition it i¥)w occupies
because tliere are many wlio think tliat certain loci\l
charges ought to be defrayed out of imperial funds.
Although ]. do not sympathize w ith these opinion.4,
y e t it appeal’s to me that those who lioid tlilun should
be the first to recognize the fact tliat even from their
point of view it is of the utmost impoi’tance that before
th e bargain between imperial and local finance is
finally adjusted, we should arrive as far as possible
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at'.a definite conclusion as to what ought and what
ought not to be considered local charges. W ithout
sucih information, the problem of local taxation cannot
be solved.* How can* the amount of assistance which
ought to be given from imperial to local fimds be
determined, if it is undecided whether or not certain
charges shall be thrown upon local taxation ? Suppose
th e passing of this bill is deferred until after the
subject o f local taxation has been settled. AVould not
th e hon. baronet the member for South Devon (Sir
]\rassey Lopes) and those who act w ith him be placed
in this unfortunate and unfair position? They would
suddenly find that immediately after a certain amount
of assistance had been given from imperial funds to
local finaftce, a new charge was throvm upon the
rates. W oultl th ey not then be able to say: “ W e
ought to have had warning of what was going to be
done ; w e m ight have got better terms when arranging
th e bargain, i f we had been told of this new local
c h a r ^ ” ? B ut when it is borne in mind how insignifi
cant is the charge wliich this bill throws upon the
rates,— it has been calculated it ^YOuld o n l/t a k e Ijr?.
from the occupier of a £ 1 0 house once in three years—
I really fo«l th at an apology is due to hon. members
for having made these remarks 'on local taxation.
!• would not have done so did I not know that this
Cry about local taxation and addition to rates is likely
to exercise no, inconsiderable iT>fluCiioo on the division.
T mn aluiubo afraid that the Government, on the
miserable j)lea that the question of local taxation has
not been settled, will i*efuse on the present occiision
to suppoi’t. this bill, although they wmre responsible
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for its introduction last year^. Never perhaps was ^lie
levy
a year from a £10 ratepayer made to do
such efficient service
it has in Reference to tjiis
measure. Again and agjun has* it been safd^ that its
principle is indisputablyjust, but any addition to the^
rates is so unjiopular iii^ the constituencies that no
vote would be likely to do so much to endjjnger a
member’s seat as one given in favour of this bill. I
cannot help feeling that some of those who talk in
tin s way are really *speaking six words for themselves
and one for those wliom tliey represent. For, after
all, is there any evidence that the bill is unpopular ?
Can there not, on the contrary, be adduced the
strongest evidence of its popularity? It luis now been
six years before the House, and, so far as I am
aware, a petition has never been presicnted against
it. N ot only has no resolution ever been passed at a
]7ublic m eeting against it, but large and influential '
public m eetings in eveiy part of the counfl'y have
again and again appealed to Parliament to pas« this
bill. Perhaps, however, the strongest evidence TRat
can be a(Wuced in favour of its general popularity is
the almost unprecedented unanimity with which it has
been supported by every section of the Prtss. W hen
th e proposal was last before the House, I believe, with
the exception of the Morning Post, every paper ur
London, both daily and weekly, wrote strongly in its
favour. Facts such as these are suffi(;yent*to prove
that the bill is certainly far from beiog^ unpopular in
1 Fr(nii a Spcecli niailc on bc-lialf of the Goveninicnt by the Homo
Sccn-etary (Mr 33i‘ucc), in a subso(iuont p a rt of the debate, it was shewn th at
this suraiise was correct.
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tlie constituencies. B ut the weapoii of attack upon
whicii the opponents of the measure place their chief
reliance is to conjure up tlê prospect of «very scat
bein^ scnftnbled for by a great number of fictitious
candidates, who, although the^ ha\=*e not the slightest
chance of being returned, gladly avail themselves of
an oppprtuuity of securing a certain amount of notoriety
at other peoples’ expense. Far from th e measure, how
ever, being likely to produce this effect, 1 think I shall
be able to shew that it must exert an exactly opposite
influence. I t has been often pointed out that the
greatest advantage the bill would secure is, that, so
far as electoral expenditure is concerned, it would cause
tli6 constituencies to have a direct interest in economy,
whereas under the present system, the more extrava
gance there
the greater is the amount of money
distributed amongst them. W e all know that under
' the existing state of things, it not unfrequently hap
pens tlifit the majority of a constituency is pei’foctly
well^satLsfied with the sitting members, but as the
tifflufor the election airivcs, the chance of there being
no contest arouses to unwonted activity tlie election' ■ earing agents, the attorneys, th e paid canvassers, the
printers, th e newspaper proprietors,— in fact, the whole
electioneering crew 'to whom an election contest is a
l^firvest of gain. No stone is left unturned to bring
about the deshed result. The sitting members are
'attacked ^n the local press. Adverse rumours nre cir
culated against +hcin; and all this is done, if not with
the distinct approval, at any rate w ith the tacit con
nivance of the constituency, for it is known that an
election contest means an expenditure of, perhaps,
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a lavish, outlay m ust be good for the trade of the place.
Is it not^ however, perfectly, certain that if candidates
no longer boi'e the necessary ex|?enses of elections,* that
instead of lumeceSsaiy contests being thus encouraged,
the public opinion of a constituency would bo actively*
exerted to discourage th em i W ould not the election
eering* agents, and others who try to get up a contest
to put money into their o -\\t i pockets, be very quickly
told that it was too bad of them, in order to gain
something themselves, to throw a quite unnecessary
charge upon the rates ? In fact, what occurs now and
what would occur if this bUl became law can be stated
in a single sentence. The promoter of an unnecessary
contest is now regarded as a benefactor to th e con
stituency ; he would then have to b5i\r th e obloquy
of wishing to tax the ratepayers in order to obtain
iibme money for him self
B ut the consideiation to which I wish lAost par
ticularly to direct the attention of the H ouse i^ th is:
I w ill ask honourable members whether they c a n ^ A v
without alarm the increasing tendency there is at the
present tim e to make elections more and more ex
pensive. I f something is not promptly dqjie to check
this tendency, it w ill soon come to pass that scarcely
any one will obtain a seat unless he is able and wi]ling to squander many thousands in an election con
test. Under such circiunstances this House»cannot be
a truly national Parliament. I t will graduallv be
come an assembly where none but the nch can enter ;
and a severe blow wUl. then have been struck, not only
at the efficiency, but at tlie pennanence of representa-
e l e c t io n
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ti\*e Government in tins country. Perhaps at no tiitie
in our political liistory has it been of so m uch, import
ance that no unnecessary barrier should be thrown in
th e'w ay
those wIk* are not rich obtaining seats in
this House. I t can scarcely be doubted, by even the
‘most casual observer of the signs of the times, that
the questions which are ihost likely to engage the
attention of Parliament during the n ext few years are
those wliich may be regarded as social and economic,
rather than political. From one «end of the country
to the other a great struggle between capital and
labour is going on, and this contest m ust sooner or
later make itself felt in this House. W hen we have
to 'disoass tlie relations between capital and laboiu',
it is of quite as much consequence to the capitalist
as it is to the labourer that labour as w ell as capital
should be represented. Although I am quite ready
to admit that this bill has hitherto been too much
discussed as if its main object was to facilitate the
entriiîce of working men into Parliament, and although
I mm also ready to admit that the mfluence it will
exert in th is direction has been much exagg^ ated both
by its friends and its opponents, y et I think it is
almost impos-sible to overestimate the advantage of
passing this bill, before those social and economic
cjûestions come on for discussion in which th e working
classes are specially intei’ested. Honourable members
should roftiember, whatever may be their own opinions
on the subject, that the workmen
they have
no reasonable* chance of securing a due representation of
labour until this bill is passed. I t should further be
considered that the present system not only excludes
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wiflrkiiQen from Parliament, but it is suggested tljat
tliis is tjie m otive wliicli prompts m aey in this House
to oppose^ the bill. A ny legislation, therefore, wlilcli
pm-ticulai-ly affects th e working classes, will,#under*the
present state of things, be looked on w ith kispicion
and distrust. Depend upon it, although we may be*
actuated by the purest and most disinterested mo
tives, fllthough the measures w e may pass, in which
capital and labour are concerned, may be the justest
and the wisest, yet* our intentions w ill be suspected
and the measures themselves will bo robbed of half
th e influence for good they might produce, as long
as the working chisses are able to say, “ Our interests
are legislated for by an assembly from which we are
purposely excluded, because expenses are thrown upon
us which wo cannot iifford to pay.” iPlûs been some
tim es said that even if this bill were passed not a
single workman would be retiinied to Parliament. I,
of course, cannot say whether this would of would
not be the ca se; but even if it could be kôwn
that not a single workman would be returned,^ it
certainly would not alter my ojunion as to th e im
portance of passing this bill. W e could then no longer
be accused by the working classes of iiitentionally
maintaining a system w ith the view of excluding
them from Parliament, but,' on the contrar}>’, we
should be able to say, “ You have no longer anyreason to distrust or to smspect u s ; we Imve done*
all that we can to facilitate your entrance into this
H o u se; we have removed from your path the impodirnents wliioh the law had created; and if you have
returned none of your own class to represent you.
E LE C TIO N E X P E N S E S .
153
you alone are responsible, we at least cannot Ije
blamed.”
Tliere is, however, jiuother aspect in vh lcli the
increasing «uostlLnes9
elections can be viewed, which
certainly suggests some very ^rave tonsidem tions. I t
*ia not dilHcult to indicate the causes which each year
render it more and more Aifhcnlt for those who are
not rich to follow a Parliamentary life. In tile first
place, the greater paid of the small boroughs have
been abolished; secondly, tlie extension of th e suf
frage has increased the number of electors in each
constituency; thirdly, as th e small boroughs are abo
lished, more power is concentrated upon the large
constituencies. In thus alluding to these changes, I
trust I shall not be misunderstood. Far from regret
tin g them, I jcfok upon them as important and necessaiy refonns. I t seems to me, however, peculiarly to
' be th e d u ty of our statesmen to see, when a neV
and betier state of things has been called into exist
ence,^whether there may not be associated w ith the
improvement some disadvantage which ought as far
as possible to be removed or counteracted. • There is
• another circumstance which, during the last few years,
has exertec^ an exceptional influence in increasing the
cost of elections. Never before has there been such
commercial activity. Vast, foidunes have been accu
mulated w ith unprecedented rapidity.
One of t/he
first t ilin g that a man tliink« of in this country, when
he becomes th^ possessor oi two or tliree hundred
thousand pounds, is to try to obtain a seat in this
House. H e supposes tlât if he ciin write M.P. after his
name, his social position is improved. W hat is the
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i]iSvital)le result ? The number of seats in tliis House
is liinitatl. W e therefore have an article the supply
of -which .cannot be au<înei\ted, and the demand for
which is constantly increasing.* K ot only#each’year
does it happen that there is a greater number o f peo
ple -wiiling to purchase the article, but they ciin afford *
to pay for it a higher price. Under these circum
stanced, it is ju st as certain that the cost of becomm g a member of Parliament will advance as it is that
th e price of any oi^lijiaiy aiticle of merchandise w ill
increase, if, whilst its supply remains fixed, the de
mand for it is CQtnstantly becoming greater.
I hope
it w ill not be supposed that I object to this grow
ing trade prosperity. I have only referred to it in
order to shew all the tendencies of the age seem to
bring home to us the importance of chîng into ope
ration any agency which is likely to promote ecoimniy at elections. L et me, before leaving this branch ■
of the subject, ask the House for one moment to
con.sider how we shall in future be able to obtai^ that
administrative capacity which is the surest markôf
true stateemanship, if seats in this House are chiefly
to be secured by successful men of business.
If a
man enters Parliament at forty-five or fift^, his ener
gies up to that tim e having been mainly absorbed in
amassing wealth, k it not unreasonable to suppose
that he possesses eitlier the inclination or the recpiisite trainuig to become an able adiuinistrato*’ ? I f we
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look along the Treasury Bench, does not the exam
ple of the Prime Minister and others shew, that those
w'ho are most competent to deal with complicated and
difficult questions are those who have been able to
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cliter Parliament w ithout staying to spend some* of
the best years of their life in acqûiring a ibrtune ?
Having now stated soint; of the leading arguments in
favotir of •the bill, I* will say a few words in antici
pation o’f one remark which, I doultb not, w ill be made
’ in the course of the present debate. I shall in all
probability be told that 1 have been ill-advised in
again briTiging forward this measure in the Tace of
certain defeat; but had I been deterred by fear of
defeat, I shoidd scarcely have ever introduced any
measure into this House. The chief use of an inde
pendent member is to bring into notice the views of
a minority, and, gradually obtain a sufficient amount
of public opinion in support of a question, to secure
its ultim ate success. The measure which is now be
fore the Hoxr^p’htis certainly had a somewhat chequered
career. Six years ago I endeavoured to effect the
object sought to be obtained by introducing a cladgo ^
into .th« Corrupt Practices A ct of the late Conseiwative ^Government, and the proposal was carried by a
ii'mjority of eight on one occasion and nine on ano
ther. On the report of the bill, th e leader of the
Conservative paity (Mr Disraeli), taking the House
by surprise., succeeded in throwing out the clause by
a majority of twelve. On th e third reading of the
bill I again raised the question, and was then defeated
by only a small majority. Xliis occurred ju st on the
*evo of tk e general election. Directly th e new Parlia
ment met, I again bruught foiward the subject by
introfluchig a bill almost exactly similar to the one
which is now before the House. The division on the
second reading took })lace quite at the commencement
156
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o f th e session. I t wjis, I believe, tlie first occasion
on wlhola there was a division in the present Parlia
ment. The bill was thei^ only rejected in a lull Ilonse
by th e narrow majority of tlirê. I t is if) be parti
cularly noted t l i ^ altîough th e Government nominîlly supported the bill, y et they were responsible
for its defeat. A ll the membem of the Govei'nment
excepf tliree were absent from th e division. W hen
th ey are really interested in some question, when,
for instance, th ey want to enclose some open space,
when th ey wish to rob the poor man of his common,
when th ey are anxious to squander public money,
again and again have we seen that not three but
thirty members of the Government go into the divi
sion lobby. B eing unfortunately of too unsuspecting
a disposition, I was not warned as I ^ u g h t to have
been by this occun’ence, but in a too confiding mo
m ent I entrusted the measure to the Government.
W hether the atmosphere which surrounds tîe • Trea
sury bench was too enervating for its constitul^n, I
cannot say, but since the bill has been under The
care of the Government it has been defeated by a
majority of ninety. W e all know that, valuable as
th e support of a Government is when th ey are in
earnest, they can, more effectually perhaps than any
one else, kill a measure by half-heaided sujjport. The
honoumble member for Shaftesbui'y (Mr Glyn) has
usually to act the part of a fostcr-pareut to* proposals
brought fbnvard by the Government; but w ith regard
to this particular question, instead of performing his
paternal functions, he has rather imitated the exam
ple of the wdcked uncle whom \ve all remember in
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th e nursery tale of tlie Babes in the Wood. Under
these cirmimstances, 1 trust the House mÎU not think
me rasli in- agaiji taking
bill under my charge,
in the Jiojit, that it >fill regain health and strength
in the more bracing atmosphere o f uidependence. I f
as large a majority should vote against it as wlien it
was iiu the hands of the Government, I shall simply
conclude that its constitution is still w eak; 1 sliall
not at any rate be so unkind as to abandon it, feel
ing it more incumbent on me Hian ever to ‘try to
restore it to its foimer health and strength.
I t is sometimes said that there is not now
so much need for this bill as there was before the
Ballot A ct was passed. I trust the fond hopes of
those w'ill be realized who think that the Ballot will
prove a deatlklôw to politiail corruption. I believe,
however, that electoral corruption w ill continue to
' thrive in full vigour, until a fundamental change >s
effected *in th e relations between members o f Paaliament>and those w'honi they represent. So long as
th^ sentim ent is encouraged that a seat in this House
is a privilege for w'hich a high price c a n ‘ be legiti■ mately asked, the more wealthy the countiy becomes,
tlie more otftively will Parliamentaiy honours bo com
peted for, the more money will be squandered in elec
tions, and th e more W'iil com iption floiuish. Are we
not giving the m ost effective sanction in' our power
^ 0 th e tliooiy^that a constituency confers a favour on
its representative, if we poisist in maintaining a sys
tem winch I'cnders him, and n o t the constituency,
liable for the necessary expenses incuiTed in enabling
it- to exercise its choice ? I f a Poor Law Guardian,
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Town Councillor, or a member o f a School-Board has
to be elected, tlie locality, and not th e candidate,
bears the* necessary expgjnse?? of th ^ election. Tl^re
cannot be any guarantee either for electoral, jnuity or
for th e efficiency of repiesentative institutions, as long^
as constituencies think tluit so great a favour is con. ferredûpon a representative that he can be fairly
subjected to a hea\"y pecuniary fine. This measure,
if it were passed, would exercise a not unimportant
influence in securing a more genend recognition of the
fact, that a member, if he serves his constituents faith
fully, discharges a most difficult and onerous duty, and
that it is even more unreasonable to make hhn pay
for performing tlus duty than it would be to expect
the labourer to work w ithout wages. Believing that
this bill would at least do something* to place the
relations betw een members and their constituents on
• it more ju st and satisfactory basis, I would, even if
there were no other reason in its favour, m ost ear
n estly commend it to the favourable consideratifbn of
the House and the country.
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WOMEN'S Sl>FFRAGE.
SfX'OISib K E A D IN G OE T H E W OM EN’S D IS A E IE IT IE S
B IL L , M a y , 1873.
A s m j name is appended to the petition in favour
of tliis bill, from resident members of the U niversity
of Cambridge, •which has been so pointedly alluded to
by the junior member for th e U niversity (Mr Beresford
Hope), I trust tlie House 'will allow me to make a few
remarks. H e-seem s to think that th e petition loses
much of its weight because it was forwarded to him
by a lady. I believe I have authority to state that
there is h ot a single gentleman who signed that peti
tion ^ho is not perfectly satisfied w ith the manner
in which it has been forwarded to the hon. gentleman.
The lady from whom lie seems to object to have re
ceived it, is not only hon. secretary of the London
Society for •Women’s Suffrage, she is also a daughter
of one of th e m ost distinguished resident members
of«the Univei-sity. AVe therefore felt that there -was
no one to wliom the petition could be more properly
entrusted.* T hsive only one other remark to make in
reference to lys speeoli. H e says that if women had
votes they would be withdrawn from their domestic
dutieg, and that it would be impossible for them to
devote ^he tim e necessary to enable them to study
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W O M E N 'S SUFFRAC.E.
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public questions. Now, in the name of common sense,
does b e wLsli us to believe tliat every man wbo lias
a vote is» drawn aw ay/roiw the pyrsnits of b is jife
and from bis ordinary daily labour, that* ai\ artisan
working in a mifl, a barrister practising in court, a
doctor attending bis patyents, cannot properly study
public questions witbout neglecting bis ordinary em
ployment. Allow me upon tbis subject to repeat an
anecdote wluch was related to me a few minutes ago
by an bon. memb(?r sitting near me, wbo represents
a noi-tbern borough.
I t w ill shew, that the male
electors wbo have votes, are not always, even in their
leisure moments, engaged in studying public aiiaira,
but that th ey sometimes occupy themselves w ith much
less honourable pursuits. I think that th e anecdote
w ill forcibly illustrate the injustice *>f th e present
system. M y bon. friend told me that at a recent
election, when be was canvassing the borough he*
represents, he, and a distinguished membSr of this
House, wbo was then his colleague, in endeaTrt)uring
to find two of the electors they wished to can\âss,
discoveretl them sotting in a public bouse. In fact
th ey were drunk, and were certainly not devoting their '
leisure moments to the study of politico After my
bon. friend bad bad an interview with his tw o drunken
constituents, and was leaving them, a woman came
out of her house and said, “ I have paid rates for
tw enty years. How can you say tlît I •ought not
to have a vote when you have ju st been soliciting the
votes of these tw o drunken m en?” “ W ell,” my bon.
friend said, “ I tlm ik what you say is very reasonable,”
and ever since then be has been a consistent supporter
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of* this bill. T wish now, in a few words, to refcr
to * the speech of the right hoii. gentleinan the
Home Secretary (Mr Bruce). I am not going to be
clniAn intu a discussi*)ii as to the relative ability of
men and women. I t is not neceesary in order to
'justify our support of this t ill to asseit-thatrim eir
and women are intellectually equal in all respects.
Nobody can decide the point until th e experiment
has been fairly tried, and it never yet has been fauly
tried. Give women the same oîportunities for in
tellectual development as men, and then, and not
till then, shall w e be able to say what th ey can do.
I was certainly astonished to hear the Home Secretiiry
say that no woman had ever been a great painter.
D oes he forget Rosa Bonheur ? H e said further, that
no woman had* ever been a great musical composer.
. H e is not perhaps aware of a story that shews that
women do not always receive theii’ due desertfS.
Women* do their work quietly, and many a man w'ho
has attained great success would never have filled
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s o distinguished a position it it had not been that
some woman had helped liim. Upon tliis veij' question
of musical composition it appears from Mendelssolui’s
correspondence that one of the most admired pieces
attributed to Mendelssohn wâs entirely the composition
o f his sister. That gi’eat composer also admitted that
she had helped him in his other works to an extent
•\vhich h(i could not describe. I must confess that tiie
Home Secretary astonished me very considerably by
going into afl liiolorical argument, in which lie seemed
to ihiuk that he had discovered, as a reason why
wornen should not have votes, that it was men who
i^ s.
11
ft
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163
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W O M E J^'S S U F F R A G E .
invaded England at the Nonnan Conquest, and that
it -was tlie barons wlio obtained Magna Ciiarta from
King John. I f this arûnnint is woi'th anytliing it
certainly amounts to this, tliatf no one should liave
votes except those •who have invaded England or those
who have succeeded in humbling the power of the*
Crown. Kepeating the argument of the rigl:^t hon.
membdr for Kilmarnock (Mr Bouverie), tlie Home
Secretary said, th e great objection to the bill of my
hon. friend was th a i if it were carried it would u lti
mately lead to th e giving of votes to married women
and to women taking seats in this house. Before I
reply to that argument let me say that it is an old
one. Never was there a great change proposed, or a
great measure of reform brought forward, but that
some “ bogey’’ was immediately called tig to alarm and
terrify us. W hen Catholic emancipation v'as proposed.
afid it was advocated that Catholics should have seats
in this House, one of the favourite argu m en t of the
opponents of the proposal was, that if Catholic^were
admitted to this House there was no reason whj’^ a
Catholic should not sit upon the throne. One of the
favourite arguments used by the opponents of liousehold sufirage was, that if household suffrage were
granted there was only one other step, and that was
manhood suffrage. W e have not been frightened ^y
arguments such as these, but it seems to me that the
Horae Secretary and Mr Bouverie are indulging iii
doctrines which are dangerous, when they aigue as if
property is no longer to be the basis *of the quali
fication for a vote in this country.
Mr Bouverie
quoted with commendation a saying of th e democi’atic
W O M E N 'S SU F F R A G E .
•
.
.
.
163
.
*
Benjamin Franklin, that it is idle to suppose that
property possesses the exclusive right to the'franchise.
W ithout presuming to® cyifidently to predict what
wlII happen, I have" no hesitation in saying that these
words of the right lion, gentleman the m e m b i^ fo f”
Kilmarnock w ill n ext Easter Monday h e quoted w ith
raptw ous applause, wh©n-"60,600 men again gather
together on -d te'T ow n Moor at Newcastle to demand
manhood suffmge.
Tliere is no logical reason why
manned women should not have*votes if you demand
manhood suffrage. B ut we who support this bill do
not wish to declare that we desire that the franchise
sliould be based upon any other condition than that
which it is based upon at the present moment, namely,
property. U nless a woman can obtain a vote by pro
perty w e d(4 not wish to do anything either to admit
her or to exclude her. I f you throw this argument of
property aside, you w ill be lending assistance to ^le*
agitatifJn in favour of manhood sufhâge, a course which
I b riev e you will heartily repent. I wish now, as
brtefly as possible, to go through the leading arguments
which have been advanced in the debate* upon this
bill. The reasons in its favour have been stated so
often, andd am so anxious to occupy as little as possible
o f the tim e of the House, that it appears to me to
be the fairer course to deal w ith the arguments against
rather than w ith those in favour of the biU. The
* argurneiA is that the majority of women do not ask
for this bill, and that a great number of them are
opposed to it
I f this bill contemplated making a
woman vote who did not wish to vote, it would not
find a more resolute opponent in this House than
.
11— 2
164
■*
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JFOM EN'S SU FFIiAG E.
•
myself. 13ut "wlien you say that a majority of wonum
aro opposed to it, 1 say tliat it is impossible to prov$
i t ; and I *say iurtlier, tât •the sau\e argument in
an iinalogous case you did not ticcept as C^nclusIve.
I remember perfecliy -well, when I first came into
tliis House, tliat I beard j t stated again and again
that tlie majority of the ■working cla.sses of this countiy
■were not in favour of the extension of the suffrage.
I t ■was said tliat it was only th e active politicians
among them, ju st a s^ t is no^w said that it is only the
active •\vomen agitatom ■who are in favour of this bill.
How, what do w e observe ? No doubt it never could
be proved that a majority of the working classes were
in favour of the extension of the suffrage, any more
than it can be proved now that a majority of th e
ao-ricultural
labourers are in favour of lii)usehold sufC>
frage in counties; and y et it was again and again stated
.tlrat the majority of the working classes were in favour
of household suffrage. The House soon after th at re
cognized the justice of the claim for an extension
the
suffi'age to the artisan chiss. B ut the argument ■wdiictti
no doubt p ’oduced the most influence on the H ouse is
this, that at th e iireaent time the interests of women
are far better looked after by men than fîey would
be looked after by th em selves; and it is said by the
Home Secretary that if you could only prove to him
th at women’s questions of a vitally interesting nature
were treated w ith injustice in this Houaê, it ôuld be*
a conclusive argument in favour of voting for the biH,
N othing could be further from my mind than to accuse
this House of consciously doing anything which is
unjust or wrong to women, but women and men may
W O M E N 'S S U F F R A G E .
165
have very different views of what is beat for w om en;
and our position is tiiis, that according to tlie*generally
accepted principles of reprt^sentative government it is
only fg,ir fhat women* should be able to give expression
to their wishes on measures, likely to affect their in
terests. Take for instance the case of educational
endowments.
The Endowed Schools Commissioners
have again and again said that the feeling tliey find
prevalent in towns is, that educational endowments
should be so used that the want^^ of every boy should
be satisfied before any attention is paid to th e wants
o f girls. W hat right have we to suppose that this
is the opinion of women on this subject, considering
their enthusiasm for education? W hat right have we
to suppose that if th ey could exercise power in this
H ouse they»woiild not demand an equal share in the
educational endowments of the country? I wish to
direct the attention of the House to what seems*to,
rne a* most important argument on tliis subject.
H itiierto th e question lias been treated too much as.
it simply concerned women of propei’ty. Now, you
say that men can be safely entrusted to J^gislate for
wom en— that men can be safely entrusted in the
constitucrtcies to represent the wants of women. A ny
one who studies th e industrial liistory of the country—
* m j one who looks to wJiat trades’ unions have done—
cannot for a moment believe in this conclusion. W hat
are the'argiunents in favour of trades’ unions ? I am
not ‘^pporc^d to Uades* iiuioiis. One of tlio first
speeches I ever made was in their favour, but at the
same time I do not conceal their defects. I t has been
again and again asserted that without the j)0 wer of
1G6
JVO M E N ’S S C F F R A G E .
combinmg in trades’ unions it would be iniposslble
for workmen to obtain a proper reward for tbeir labour.,
and that it would bo impossible to secure their ju st
rights.
This is their dehberate’ convictions asseried
a thousand times 5ver. , B ut how often have they
adm itted a woman to these trades’ unions ? They liave
almost invariably excluded w om en; although th ey say
that witliout these combinations it is impossible for
laboui- to obtain its ju st rewiu’d, th ey take very good
carc to exclude worrlbn from them. I have known,
on several occasions, when a tiades’ nnion has orga
nized a strike, that when the women who had had
no voice in deciding upon the strike shewed themselves
anxious to take advantage of the labour market, the
trades’ unionists stood outside the shops to keep
woiAen away from doing the work th a t, was oflercd
to them. W h at took place in the Potteries ? I t is
^pei’fectly well known that for years and years men
were so jealous of the competition of women labourers
that tliey made it a rule in the trades’ union ^hat
th e whole force of tlie union should be used to pr^
vent womefi. from using the hand-rest which the men
invariably avail themselves of, and which -greatly
facilitates the rapidity and precision of the work.
L et us look to our legislation for the future, and I
a.sk the House cahrily to consider whether, looking
at some of* the measures hlcely to be brought for
ward, it is not of essential importance tlît we should *
take the opinion of women upon them. Probably
there is no social measure affecting the manufactur
ing districts which is of so much interest at the
present time as the Nine Hours Bill, introduced by
.
.
•
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W O M E ir S S U F F R A G E .
167
•
thei lionourable jnember for Sheffield (Mr Mundella).
I have no doubt that the honourable menfber has
introduced th at bill w ith t^p purest moti-sês ; it is
a bill that*affects vit^ Iy the interests of the unrepre
sented classes. N ow what is ‘this hill ? I t is a bill
•
that lim its th e labour o f wymen to nine hours a day.
W hat must be th e inevitable result of that bill ? It
must do one of two things— either impose a legislative
limit of nine hours a day over all the country, and
in that case it ought to be called a ‘general N ine Hours
Bill, or it m ust inevitably place the most serious
restrictions and impediments upon the employment
of women. For how can a manufacturer, unless he
employs women on the principle of half-time, say that
directly th e nine hours are up, every woman m ust
leave, and then let the mill go on working for another
hour or two w ithout a woman being employed? The
' inevitable result w ill be to place grievous impediments
in the way of the employment of women, and before
w e sanction such a measure it certainly seems to me
that women should be consulted. I am bound in
candour to say— I don’t know whether the sefttiment Ls
popular or not— that, looking to the pavst industrial
hLstory of th e country, and seeing what the trades'
unionists have sometimes done to women, I am not
ceitain that tliere is not at the bottom of the move
m ent a feeling which is prompted by the jealousy of
men with* regard to the labour of women. B ut there
is an argument, perhaps not avowed in this H'i'v.cc,
that is
producing a great influence upon
th e Liberal members, and it is one to which I wish
particularly to direct the attention of lionourable
508
•
•
members. I have heard it said again and again, ib j
Liberal ‘friends of mine, that they cannot vote for this
bill becai’sc th ey think ^ne ‘of its consequences w^nld
be to hinder tlie disestablishment of t li e . Clinrch.
Tliey are of opinion tlmt the majority of women are,
opposed to disestablislimwnt, and that if this bill is
passet^ it -will put back that question fifty yffai^. I
am anxious to speak on this subject, because I am
now and I have always been in favoiu* of disestablish
ment. B ut a lth o u ^ these are my sentiments, it cer
tainly seems to me to be an injustice of the grossest
possible kind if we for one moment sanction the ex
clusion of women simply because we feel that they
are so much in favour of the continuance of the Church
that if th ey could exercise their vote tlê establishment
of the Church would continue. Woidc> it not be an
ipjustice, almost amounting to a fraud, if the Church
were disestablished on the plea that ju st a bare ma
jority of the electors were in favour of disestablishment,
when, at the same time, we believe that the feeMng of
women in favoiu’ of estabUshment is so great that the
majority of the men would represent only a minority
of the whole nation, and that taking men and women
together the majority is not in fivour of disestablish
ment but of establishment ? It may of course be said
that in some questions the opinion of men is mOl’e
important than that of women, and that the opinioi^
of 100,000 men in favour of a particnldr proposal re
presents more weight than the opinioî of 100,000
women against it. But can you say this w ith regard
to such a question as the Church, or the question of
the N iue Hours Bill, or others I might enuiuerate ?
•
.
•
JVOMEN'S S V F F n A G E .
*'
169
Sujcly you cannot say it with regard to the Church,
for- tlie spiritual welfare of women is of ju st as much
im juâuce ■as the spiriturtl ^êlfare of men, "and in a
question. \v*liether th e Church should be continued
as an estahlislicd Churcli or not the opinion of women
ought to exercise as much influence as the opinion of
men. 'We ought to eiideavoxir to trace out w hat is
the effect of the Church establishment upon the great
mass of the people, and to w^hom would you go to
obtain this opinion ? It seems to h ie that if' I wished
to ascertain what is the effect which the Church is
producing at the present time I should go to those
who are most practically acquainted w ith its working—■
those who see most clearly its influence among the
poor— and I believe th ey are women and not men.
Now, howevei»much I may be in favour o f disestablish
ment, it seems to me that to exclude women from the
vote, simply because we think it would delay the
refonn we desire, is sanctioning a principle which is
essentially uiifaii’, essentially unjust; and is quite as
unreasonable as if the Church party were to try to
disfranchise th e Nonconformists because thfi Noncon
formists have tried to disestablish them.
Again, those who oppose this bill cannot rest the
exclusion of‘ women upon tlie ground that th ey are
unfit intellectually for the franchise. Last year this
^llouse did that which shewed conclusively that no in
tellectual* (ûalMication is required of the male electors.
W e cast to ^ le winds the itloa of anythhig like intel
lectual fitness w’hen we were occupied night after night
in elaborating various schemes for securing th e repre
sentation of the illiterate voter. I t is evident, I think,
170
,
••
•
tliat “ coming events cast their shadows before.” ; I
infer from the speech of the Home Secrotarj that the
Governmant are about to jinu the Liberjil members at
this end of the House in supjfort of the •bill of* my
honourable friend the member for tlio llorder Boroughs
(Mr Trevelyan) in favour o f giving the agricultural
labourer a vote. B ut if we enfranchise the agriaultural
labourer, and refuse to give a vote to women, we shall
be landed in this dilem m a;— we shall declare that
although the labourer, however ignorant, ought to
have a vote, no woman, however intellectual, ought
to enjoy it.
I will in conclusion allude to one circumstance
which, no doubt, has greatly prejudiced this bill. I t
has so happened that my honourable friend the member
for Manchester (Mr Jacob Bright) has been identified
w ith another agitation, and it lias also happened that
raany persons who are advocates of this bill outside
this House liave also been identified with that Agitation
in favour of the repeal of the Contagious Diseasejî^cts.
I t appears to me singularly unfair to let such a con
sideration* as this in the least degree influence our
decision. I t would be ju st as unfair as it w’Diild be
to let our decision be izifluenced on any question that
can be brought forward by my honourable friend the
member for Carlisle (Sir W ilfrid Lawson), because he
happens to be identified with the Permissive Bill. I
can only say that many of those who au^^poitf tliis bill*
differ fundamentally from the views held by the
honourable member for Manclicster in reference to the
repeal of the Contagioua Diseases A c ts ; and many of
those who are the strongest advocates of the Women's
.
.
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IV O M E N 'S SU F FI?A G B .
••
J71
^
■Disabilities B ill outside th e House are also opposed
to the manner in whicli the agitation against tlie Con
tagious Diseases A cts hiis**heeii conducted. *Now I
will only,
in reply
the argument of the right
honourable member for Kilinanrock that he seems to
think that those who support this bill w'ish to make
women less womanly. I f tlie right honourable gentle
man can convince me that giving them a vote would
make •them in any respect leas womanly, or men less
manly, I would immediately vote ag.tinst the bilL H e
concluded by quoting a sentence firom Addison, in
which he says that the glory of a state consists in the
modesty of women and the courage of men. I have
y e t to learn that this bill is calculated to make women
less m od est; and I have also yet to leani that giving
women a vote -can in the slightest degree diminish
the courage of men. I t is probal^le, nay, almost
certain, that this measure wdl not be accepted on t h e '
present occasion. The feeling in its favour is however
growing, and, if there are no more solid reasons than
those -which have been advanced against it to-day, it
wiU certainly stand the trial of free discussion. I t is
possible that -women exaggerate the advantages which
the passing of this bill w ill confer upon them, but I
am most firmly convinced that th e other consequences
which are attributed to it by the opponents o f the
measure.are infinitely more exaggerated.
HOUSEHOLD SUEFEAGE IN COUNTIES
* AN'D
Th e
e e d is t r ib u t io n of s e a t s .
•
SECOIND R E A E IIfG OF M E T R E V E L Y A K ’3 B IL L FO R
E X T E N D IK G H O U SEH O LD SU FFR A G E TO COUNTIES. _
J u l y 2 3 , 1873,
tlie speecli to which w'e have ju st listened from
the Vice-President of the Council (Mr Forster) \ and
after the message which lias been sent to us by the
r iliu e ]\Iinister, it cannot be doiibted that the bill has
been virtually taken out of the lumds of my honourable
friend the member for the Border Boroughs (^»lr Tre
velyan), and has not only become a part of the settled
policy of th e Government, but will occupy a proinkicnt
position ill the programme w ith which they will go to
the country. The Adce-President of the Council has-,
told us that he wishes it to be understood that in
voting for the bill he votes for it as a private member,
and not as a member of the Government. The Prime
Minister in the messuffe whicli he has addressed to
us—and I would be the last to object tt^ his ha\ tng
written a letter when he is prevented by illness from
A fter
* In th e course of the debate, Mr F o rster announced lii.s intention of
Totiiig for th e bill, and a t tlie close of bis speech lie read a le tte r from
M r GladsHme .stating th a t he should sdso have voted for th e Ih H had ho,
not been prevented attending the House by illness.
HOUSEHOLD S U F F R A G E I N COUNTIES.-
173
attending th e debate— evidently wishes iis to believe
tliat. he supports the bill as member for Greenwich,
and not as Prime Minister,«of England, I t isîmpossil)Ie fT)r the*Prim e Mirrtster and one of his most in
fluential colleagues to vote on such a* question as this
as* ordinary members of Parliament. In supporting
th e bill, th ey will vote for it as members of the Govern
ment, and liencefoi'V’ard it will become a Government
measui'e. I need scarcely say that I rejoice at this
result, for I seconded the motion of l\ir Trevelyan wlien
.he brought the subject before the House la st year.
H is speech has so exhaustively stated the arguments
in favour of the principle of his bill that I would not
trouble the House w ith any observations of m y own
on the present occasion, were I not anxious to point
out the different position the bill occupies when in the
hands of a private member, and when it has been
adopted as a part of the Government i)rogTararac. A s .
long as it ^ccupied the former position wê were simply
asked
express an opinion on th e abstiact question
whether or n ot household sufirage ought to be ex
tended to the counties, but when the bill is taken up
by the Government, it becomes a part of another great
measure of representative reform. A\"ithin the last few
hours a significant and memorable change has come
ovei; th e aspect of English politics. A new Reform
B ill is imminent, and it is impossible to exaggerate
the importimce Qf losing no time in considering what
th e principles of this new Reform Bill should be.
‘W ith regard to the question of extending housoJioid
suffrage to the counties, I will simply say that the
arguments in favour of such an extension appear to
174
,
2IO N SE IIO L D S U F F R A G E FN C O U N T IE S A N D ^
.
•
me to be perfectly conclusive. W hen the right honour-.
able gentleman the member for Bucks (Mr Disraeli)
by a seiies of the most ingenious manoeuvres led his
party up to the acceptance (5f househol#! s u ff ic e in
the boroughs, h'fe probably know better than any one
else in the House that he had destroyed every argu
ment in favour of stopping there, and that household
suffihge in the counties was simply a question of a few
years. I am anxious to avoid entering into ajiy in
vidious comparisoî ol‘ the character of the working
classes in town and coimtry. B ut it is not simply
a question between the town and country labourer.
I f a town artisan by the exercise of industry and
frugality is enabled to live in a somewhat better house
a few miles outside the town, can any thing be more
indefensible than that by doing so
should lose his
vote ? In securing a healthier and better home for
his family he sxu’ely does nothing which can suggest
the slightest shadow of reason for depriving him of
the franchise. Mr Trevelyan in one portioq,, of his
speech has admitted that if household sufh-age is tonceded U) the counties, the 4 0 s . freehold qualification
is a question which must be dealt with. W hen speaking on this subject last year, J thouglit it desirable
to point out that if there is the same household quali
fication in counties and boroughs, it is difficult to
suggest any valid argument w hy the 4 0 5 . freehold
qualification should be maintained in .its j3«esent foiln.
I t may of course be urged that the 4 0 5 . freehold
qualificiition provides some compensation for the exis
tence of a higher household qualification in counties.
B ut if the household qualification in counties and
m E R E D IS T R IB U T IO N OF S E A T S '
175
boroiigLs is made precisely the same, w liy should a
liouseholder in tlie borough of Brighton, for iiiRtance,
by the expenditure of
be able to obtaki a vote
for tth> coui*ty of Sussex, whitat a resident in Sussex
cannot possibly obtain a votQ for * Brighton ? The
county freeliold qualification has no doubt many his
torical ^sociations connected with it, and it would
have been most unwLse to have abolished it as*long
as a high residential qualification in counties was main
tained. B u t w ith household sufiitige
and a lodger
o
o
franchise, almost eveiy resident freeholder would have
a vote from his r*esidontial qualification, and I cannot
help believing that nothing but good would result if
th e p’*esent system of giving votes to non-resident
freeholders were discontinued. Many most serious
abuses are no
connected w ith it. The creation
of faggot votes leads to many of the most demoralising
forms of electioneering. Bival agents vie w ith each*
other in resorting to all kinds of aidifices to create these
faggot^'otes. Again these votes are to a great extent
responsible for the increasing and alarming costlhiess
of county elections. The non-resident votene, being
scattered far and wide, are brought to the poll at an
enormous expense to the unfortunate candidate. N ot
only are their travelling expenses paid, but all the
elalôrate paraphernalia of agencies and committees is
brought into existence with lavish expense to canvass
tHese non'»esidept voters and to seciu’e thefr presence
at the poll. Again, it ceitainly appears to me to be singu
larly unjust tl?at n man by the expenditure o f £100
— tho money often being not really his oI k but covertly
supplied to him by some poUtical association— should
*.
176
llO lîSE nO LD S U F F R A G E I N C O U N TIES A N D
be able to vote for a county with which he has*not
the slightest connection, and in which, perhaps,’ ho
does not spend a single Jiour from one election to
the other. B ut [ w i i f not i a >w pursue»the sflfyect
further, as my (3hief object on the present occasion
is not to speak of the details of the bill which is noA’before us, but I arn cliiefly anxious to consider the
position of H er IMajesty’s Goverinnent in reference
to the question. After what has occuiTed this after
noon the importaiffc issue which is now placed before
us to deterrnme is simply this : Are we going to sanc
tion a fui-ther great extension of the suffi’age w ith
out obtaining from the Government a definite state
ment as to the principles which tliey propose should
regulate the redistribution of political power? In
18G7 we coimnitted that mistake. *The majority of
this H ouse voted for an extension of the suffrage,
'accepting wnth unfortunate credulity the assurance
that tlie reduction of tlie suffrage should be followed
by a coinprehensive measure for the redistribution of
seats. W e all know how the promise then gkên
has bee» fulfilled. The extent to which th e suffrage
was then reduced more than realized the anticipations
of the most advanced politicians, but scarcely anything
at all was done to redress the inequalities and anoma
lies in the distiibution of politic^d j)ower. L et us be
warned in time, and not repeat the mistake wliich
was then committed. I cannot help^sayiijg that the
conduct of the Government at the present tim e at any
rate suggests the necessity of our bein^ ‘very cautious
and v eiy w atchful Long before I had any idea of
what the Government was going to do this afte*rnoon,
.
_
'T H E R E D I S T E I D V T I O I^ O F SEA*TE.
177
•
^
I ^ftve notice of a motion for a Commission to inquire
into tlie best mode of redressing the present* inequa
lities in the distribution^ of êlectond powef.
After
trying in -ftiin for many weeks to bring the motion
on for discussion, I was fortuna'te enough, as I thought
at the time, to secure the first place for it last evening.
The Government suddenly decided, a few days ^since,
to appropriate last evening to their o'^ni business, and
thus*rendered it perfectly impossible for me to get my
motion .discussed during the presenf session. B u t this
was not all. The Prime Minister adopted the unusual
course of not only preventing the motion coming on,
but of announcing l^forehand. his determined opposi
tion to it. Can there be a more conclusive proof that
th e Government w ill do all in its power to resist any
attem pt which-cnay be made to reopen the qiiestiou ofth e redistribution of politiciii power ? And now I wiH
•‘earnestly iisk the House to consider the conduct assumed'
by the Government with regard to tliis branch of tlie
great sjibject of electoral reform, and then contrast it
w ifli what has happened this aftenioon. The Govern
ment, far from endeavourhig to g et rid of th§ bill we
are now considering by appropriating to their own
business the day for which it was fixed, is apparently
above all thiiigs anxious to make the country under
stand that they are eager to grant the great extension
of the îffnige propopcd b^ uiis bill. W hat, then, is
t]!^. altuati<Hi in which we are landed ? W hy is it not
made pei’fectly clear to us that if the Government has
its own way,^ ^ lat w ill again occur which happened in
18G7?^ W e sliall have another great lowering of the
suffrage witliout any attem pt being made to place the
y. s.
.
•
. 12
178
•
n O lT ^ n O L D SV F F nA G E I N C O V N T im A N D
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•
distribution of political power on a more ju st and
satisfactory basis. Tliis being the case, T think it is
only fair*bo the Govenuneut>at once most emphatically
to tell them, that if they iiAroduce a îU fol the
extension of the ’suffrage in counties, I Avill not vote
for it unless the Goveninifjiifi declares the principles to
which th ey propose to give effect in reference t6 the
redistribution of political power. I t sliould never be
forgotten that there are two ways by which peoplg cjm
be deprived of I’ej^resentation— one, by keeping the
right of voting from them, another, by placing them
in so hopeless a minority that, virttially, tliey m ust be
w ithout representation. W hen the subject is regarded
from this point of view, it is evident that a bill for the
extension of the suffrage may be a disfranchising as
•w ell as an enfranchising measure, i f it concentrates
greater power in the majority, and if we continue
•a representative system which confines political pOAver*
solely to local majorities. I am not less anxious now
than I always have been to give to manual la^nir all
the power to Avhich it is legitim ately entitled. Manlial
labourer;? being a majority in the coimtry, th ey ought
to he able to secure a majority in this House. B ut I
am not prepared to place the entire machinery of poli
tical power in their hands, Avithout at the same time
providing some securities that those avI i o are *not
manual labourers, and Avho hold different opmions from
theirs, should haA-e some chance of Bepres^ntation m
the House of Commons. Those A\dio in this country
hold advanced opinions are prone to turn to the U nited
States for political guidance, and if we do turn to
tlie U nited States, we shall find that politicians there
'T H E R E D I S T R I B U T I O N O F S E A T S .
l7 9
•
•
of;tlie highest chai'iicter and of the highest intelligence
almost unanimously agree that the future *of their
country in no small degre^ depends upon th e recogni
tion and pfactical adoption of ju st principles o f repre
sentation.
They are heginning to perceive that a
country may have tlie most» democratic suffrage in the
world,’ but if securities are not taken for the,repre
sentation o f minorities, that democratic suffrage, by
cfinirlng unchecked power in the hands of a majority,
vmuld bring into existence many of the worst evils of
an oligarchy. They are also beginning to recognise
the all-important fact that true democracy consists in
securing, as far as possible, the representation of all, and
not simply th e representation of the majority, and that
if the most intelligent sections of opinion are unable
to obtain representation, many of the best men in th(5
country will gradually di’aw themselves away from
* political life, and the tone and character of the repre
sentative assembly steadily and surely will become
detei'if)rated. A ll, however, that I am now saying in
relerence to th e U nited States can be verified by what
hos lately taken place in Iliinois, which is ju slly looked
upon as one o f the moat progressive States in the
Union.
About three years since th e principle of
minority representation was introduced into Illinois, by
th« adoption of a plan of ci^mnlative voting somewhat
different from that wliich has been applied to our own
School BCard fclections. The plan has been so emi
nently successful tliat Ohio and other States seem to
be on the point of follow ing.the cAample of Illinois.
The success of th e plan can, however, be beat described
in the words of Mr Medill, the mayor of Chicago, who,
• 12^2
180
nO U SlÎO L D SU FFSAG E I N C O U N TIES-AN E
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•
be it remembered, is not a doctrinaire, as the advocates
o f ininotity representation in onr own country are
usually sfipposed’ to be,^ br(t who has won so high
a position as a shrewd man of business and*a practical
politician, th at w'lien tlie terrible fire took place at
Cliicago, all parties united
selecting liim as the one
man likely to be the ^‘ wisest,”— I quote from an
American authority— ‘^purest, and finnest candidate
for th e office of mayor.” Mr Medill says th a t.tb p
system of minority representation which has been intro
duced into Illinois works to the entire satisfaction
of the people, and “ is regarded as a great improve
ment on the old one-sided system of representation.”
H e also says, the voters “ will be slow to yield back
th e cumulative vote or totality representation. Tlie
whole mass of the people are now repaesented in the
popular branch, instead of a majority as formerly.........
The stronger party at the polls have control o f the
House, but the weaker one is represented in propor
tion to its strength.” H e then observes that it is
a noticeable fact that, taken as a whole, the so-called
*minority* members ’ were the ablest men. Several
of the strongest and most conspicuous members were
sent to the Assembly by th e ‘ plumping vote ’ of the
minority, shewing that the weaker party, as a rule,
were more cai’eful and conscientious in maJcing selec
tions of representatives than the majority sid ej’ Mr
M edih concludes w ith these very sigjiificaitt words*
th e only opponents the new system now has “ in Illinois
are o f the Bourbon breed, who forget nothing and
learn nothing, or the clan of Court-house partisans, wdio
believe in disfranchising their political opponents from
.
‘
T U E R E D I S T R I B U T I O N O F S E A T S ..
1^1
motives of unscrupulous selfisliness and narrow-minded
illiberality.” I liopo to be able at some future time
to revert to this subject, but I have tliought it advisa
ble on'the present occasion to make, these remarks, in
jDrder to indicate to the Government why some of us
at least will be prepared tt) say that, when a bill is
introdiiced by the responsible Ministers of the Crown
for carrying out so great an extension of the sufii'age
as -We are now asked to sanction, they will be expected
at the same time to consider the question of a redistri
bution of political power, and distinctly to let the
country know by what principles that redistribution
shall be regulated. W e have this afternoon started
upon a new era of representative reform. It cannot
therefore be too -earnestly insisted upon that whilst,
on the one ha:fid, we should endeavour to enfranchise
âll who are qualified to vote, we should, on the othei*
hand, not less earnestly strive to make the English
Parliament a truly, representative assembly, in which
every**scctioii of opinion should be duly and propor
tionally represented by those who are moat^ able and
most independent.
V
IRISH UNIVERSITY EDUCATION
EX PL A N A T O R Y STATEMENT.
D u r i n g four or five succoesivc sessions since the year ]S67 I brought
in various forms th e question of Iriali University Education before the
House. A resolution was on several occasions moved affirming th e de
sirability of abolishing all religious tests in Trinity College and th e U ni
versity of Dublin. The first tim e there was a division on tlie resolution
(1867) th e num bers for and ag.iinst it were e(iual, and th e Speaker,
according to precedent, gave his casting vote against th e resohition. On
this occasion M r Gladstone absHiined from tak in g any p a rt in th e d i
vision. The n ex t year, being the eve of th e ggnoral election, each
party was anxious to gain th e Catholic vote, without,i*aisitig P ro testan t
suspicion. The day when th e resolution was to have been b rought
fqi'ward, th e House was counted out before the di.scussion began, a t
feur o’clock on a Tuesday afternoon. I t was said a t th e tim e th a t there
wei-e no fewer than 170 meiubei-s within th e precincts of the«IIou8c, b u t
tho W hips on each side had sufficient influence to prevent the form ation of
a Hou.se. This proceeding was charactcri.sed by a high authority
piece
of strategy happily w ithout precedent in tlio annals of Parliam ent. WlRm
th e resolution »vus again brought forwtird in 1870, M r Gladstone, who was
th en Prim e Afinister, threatened to tr e a t its i)a.Hsing as a vote of want of
confidence, on tho ground th a t he had prom ised to legislate on th e suliject
himself, and th a t tho resolution indicated an im perfect scheme o f reform,
it being' in his opinion necessary to associate w ith 'th e abolition o f tests
a scheme for th e reorganization and reform of Trinity College and th e
University of Dublin. O n this occasion a petition in favour of th e re
solution w!is presented fi*om tho authorities of Trinity College undM io
University.
Uefore the disestablishm ent of tho Irish Church they
had been in favour of tho retention of religious tests, l^ it after' di:^
establishm ent they felt th a t there was no justification for attem pting
to maintain tho principle of P ro testan t ascendency in academic in
stitutions in Ireland. In 1S71 a bill of which 1 had*charge, and which
also boro the names of Mr P lunkct (one of tho members for Dublin
University), D r Lyon Playfair, and Lord Crichton, was brought for
ward. This bill proposed n o t only to abolish all religious tests, Im t, in
order to m eet J l r Gladstone's objection previously referred to, it aJso •
•
I R I S H U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T IO N .
1& 3
•
proj^bficil to reorgjinizo Trinity College and tlie University of Dublin, and
to vest tlio powers now exercised by th e Provost and th e seven senior
Fellows in a new rcpresciitativo Council, to seats on which m em bers of all
religiyn? persuasions would have bên ^ligible; in order to facilitate tlio
immcdi?ii<j^cpPescntation o f T'atholics on this Council tlio priuoiplo of
cuinuhitivo voting was introduced. The tuctic.s ef delay and ohsti'uctiou
)yerc once m ore resorted to ; a division on th e second reading of th e bill
was avoided by t:dking it o u t on a W ednesday altcmooif. This pniceeding,
if not arran ged by th e Government, certainly had th eir sanction, for the
talk out \vas effected inaiidy through th e iiistniinentality of thyir Irish
A ttorney-G eneral, M r Dow.se. In 1S72 the sam e bill was again introduced,
th e satue m em bers having th e ir names on tiie back of it. The Oovernnrcnt
suppofted th e secoml reading, and i t was carried by a m ajority of four to
one. N ot long afterw ards the Irish Secretary (Ric Marqul.s of Ifartingto3i)
gave notice of Ins intention to move on behalf of th e Government an instruc
tion to th e com m ittee th a t only th a t ptvrtion of the bill which referred to tlio
abolition of tests .shouhl bo proceeded with, and th a t all th e rem ainder,
relating to th e reorganization of th e Government of Trinity College and
th e University, should bo abandoned The com m ittee on the bill was Ibxed
for a Tuesday in A pril, and on th e previous day an article, obviously
inspired, appeared in th e D aibi News, in which it was atate<l th a t the
Govcrniuent would re.îgn if L ord H artingtoii’s instruction were defeated.
The position of tli8 bill was of course entirely altered by th is sudden
creation of a m inisterial crisis ; it virtually destroyed all chanco of tlio bill
. coming on for com m ittee on Tuesday evening. Accordingly a t the mooting
of th e House on Wedne.sday I asked M r Gladstone w hether ho intended
to give a day for the discussion of a motion which, according to th e in ter
pretation of th e Government, involved a vote of contidenco in Lis adm inislnilion. On receiving a rejdy in the negative, I a t once gave notice
th a t I would on the n ex t chiy call the attention of th e n<m.se to th e conduct
of tho G overnm ent; this 1 wjis enabled to do by formally moving tho
adjournm ent of the House, I t is unnecessary to mako any fu rther refer
ence to th e m inisterial crisis, as the circumstances connected with it are
explained in th e first of tho th ree follnwing specclics on Irish University
Education. 'T h e tactics o f th e Government were successful, for i t was soon
proved th a t the th reat o f resignation iiad effectually destroyed all chanco
of \jringing on tho bill during th a t session, in th e following yeai-, 1S7-L
Iri.sh U niversity Kducation occupied a first place in th e ministerial
gram m e.* Tho bill of th e Government was ititrorbv.'td by i l r Gladstone
a few days ajior the*opening
Ihi.ll.uuent, and tho second reading wus
fixed for r>»«
uuy in March. Ciile.ss a private m em ber introduces
a bill on th e earliest pos.dblo day of tiie session he has no chanco of getting
i t discussed a t a csmvenient time. 1 therefore thought it expedient onco
nvoro to introdv^! th e bill of which I ha<l charge. Tho prom oters of tho
nietisiuie thought th a t if the bill of th o Government should pntve a siiti.sfactory solution of tiic question wo could w ithdraw our b i l l : on th e other
' hand, we should bo in u position to proceed with it if th e scheme of tho
1§4
•
IR IS H
U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T IO N .*
•
G overnm ent should be rejected. W lien th e day for th e second reading of
tbo G ovem pient bill camo on, i t was opposed by a resolution, moved by
M r Bourko and seconded by L ord Kdmoiid Fitzninurice, calling upon th e
G ovonnnent \ o give a list of the iiam%s of th e members o f th e proypsed
council of thciicw University. T boôbato otftlio second reading l ^ f t d four
n ig h ts; and as it proceeiled th e opponents of th e m inisterial scrtmnc urged
80 many objections against it t h ^ M r Bourke’s resolution was withdrawn
iu order th a t a division m ight be taken on th e second reading. The result
of th e division was th a t tlie bill was rejected by a m ajority of three. The
Governm ent resigned ; b u t M r Bisriieli declining to form a Goverurtieut, they
soon returned to office. Soon after this, I ascertained th a t th e G oveniment
w ere willing to facilitate th e passing of my bill, if those who had ch aise
of i t consented to abandon th e clauses relating to the reoiganization ftf th e
college and University, lifts making th e bill simply a measure for the
abolition of religious tests. F o r th e reasons stated in th e last of the th ree
following speecdies this offer Wi\s a cc e p te d ; th e bill quickly passed all its
stages iu th e House of Commons; it wn.8 introduced by L ord Cairns into
th e House of Lords, where it m et w ith no opposition, and received th e
Royal Assent early in June. I t may be well to sta te th a t by this bill tests
have been much more completely abolished a t Trinity College and the
Uuiver.sity of Dublin tlian they have been a t Oxford and Cambridge. A t
th e English U niversities clerical tests are retained, and nearly all the
headships and a considerable num ber of fellowships m ust still bo held by
clergymen of th e Church of England. In Dublin no religious disability
w hatever attaches to th e Provostsliip or to any of the fellowsliips.
r
•
•
IRISH UNIYERSITY- EDUCATION. I.
T H E M IN IS T E R IA L C R ISIS, 1872.
I C A N say with a l l sincerity, that there is no one
in this Honse who can more regret than I do that
any act of mine shoxdd tend to interfere with the
course of public business. But I tliink, if honour
able members will listen to a very brief statement
of what has Decently occiu’red, tliey will think I am
amply justified in pursuing my present course. The
* promoters of the Dublin University Bifl. are not in
the slightest degree responsible for the present posi
tion <^f affairs. Up to Friday last that bill occupied
ill every respect identically the same position as any
other measure introduced by a private men^ber. W e
had no claim for exceptional treatment, and we could
not ■with the slightest shew of reason have pressed
- the members of the Government to give us a night
for its consideration. We m'ust have taken our chance
with (ifher members. W e should, no doubt, h.avo tione
our best*to press it forward, and if we had not suc
ceeded in bringing it on, reluctant though wo should
have been
drop the bill, there would have been
no other ^ ir s e open to us but to submit to our fate.
But suddenly the whole asjiect of airaii-s was changed,
186
*•
n f m ! U N I V E R S I T Y ED U CATION. */.
.
•
and the Government, w ithout any warning to th e j^’omotei's (3f this bill or notice to this House, have adopted
a course *wliich is happUy V itljout precedent in^the
political annals of this country. Last yoary^întroduced tlie same bill v ’iiich is now before the House*
I t came on for dLscussion late in the session, and, in
opposing it on the plea that tlie period was too late
for its considei-atioii, bow was it m et by th e Governinent? The Prime Minister said:'— ‘‘ I f this bill*had
been introduced, not at the end, b\it at th e begin
ning of the session, it would have been our duty ”
— mark these words— “ to introduce a measure of our
own or else to suppoit the bill.” W ell, this session
arrived. No measure of the Government was forth
coming. No allusion to the questioji was made in
the Queen’s Speech. W e again introchiced the bill,
and now we are told that we are trespassing upon
the legitim ate province of the Government. B ut that
is not what we are doing. W e are simply acting in
strict accordance udth the injunctions of the GfTv'emment. W e introduced this bill on the earliest possi
ble day, jtnd we fixed its second reading for th e first
day we could get. And when the day for the second
reading arrived I thought that the goal for which I
had been striving for five years had at length been
reached; 1 thought that tlie Government could i!ot
escape from a clear and specific declaration oii their
views on the suliject. But their resoutces of evading
a clear and distinct issue on this question are inex
haustible. They su])ported th e second iV a d in g of the
bill, but with this reservation— not m en ti^ ed at^ the
tim e—that half the bill was so objectionable that they
*
IR im
U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T IO N * J .
l93
fro*ip . one charge alraosfc of a personal cliaracter.
has been said that I am guilty of presuinptioji in at
tem pting to legislate upon the great and difficult
subject of Irish U niversity eflucation. Happily I can
clear m yself effectually from tjiat charge w ithout the
slightest egotism.
I f honourable meiabers opposite
were asked who are the two honourable members
among them most capable of dealing w ith th e slibject
of Irish education, in whoso favour would their verdict
be given ? There can be no douht that their verdict
would be given in favour of the two membere repre
senting th e U niversity of Dublin (Dr Ball and Mr
Plunket). If, turning to this side of the House, the
Liberal members were appealed to and asked to imme
the man who from his U niversity experience, from his
great ability, /rbm his position in this House, from
his representing a U niversity constituency, is best
•qualified to deal w ith th e subject of U niversity educaJr
tion, should we not all say it was my lionourable friend
tlie member for the U niversity of Edinburgh (Dr
Piayfau') ? Therefore, I leave m yself out of the ques
tion, and I say, “ Don’t look on it as my J)iU; look
on it as the bill of those two honourable members
on th e Conservative side of the House and of that
honourable member on the Liberal benches, who are
bes^t fitted to deal with the subject.” And if we have
introduced a bill which, before that threat of resign?,
ision, obt^ned ^n almost unanimous oupport in. this
House, w hy are wo to be deprived of all chance of
legislating ? iV'hy are we not to have the Siime chance
as other jj^j^bers— and we ask no more— in passing
this bUl ? I am anxious to state that I wish to adopt
F . s.
.
13
194
I R fS H U N IV E R .^ IT Y ED U CATION. I.
tlie coui’se wliich ■will be tbe most convenient to tTie
House. *We are ready to go on witli tlie bill to-morro'vv
or tlie ne*xt d a y ; but if the Government, object we
don’t w ant unduly to pre5s them? I f they -will promise
to give us a day, %o thît if we g et into Committee we
may have a reasonable chance of passing th e bill, tin?
promoters of th e measure will be perfectly satisfied ;
and w*e shall be quite content if the Government gives
us a day before the middle of June. That does not
seem a very unreasonable proposal. B ut w liat we do
object to is this, that the Prime Minister yesterday—
I have no doubt unintentionally— gave us an answer
u^hich leaves us in a ■worse dilemma than ever. W e
do not know whether th e Government are going to
give us a day or not. W e do not know, therefore,
whether to try to bring tlie bill on* ijpon a private
member’s night, or to rely on the promise o f the
Government. I am inclined to think that the promise •
of the Prime Minister is worse than useless. • I would
be the last man in tlie J-Iouse to think of saying that
the Prime Minister would not fulfil any promise whit*h
he made i but he candidly and particularly warned me
against taking his promise to imply the possibility of
the Government giving an early day. W hat conclusion
am I to draw from that ? I f there he little or no
probability of our getting an early day, ■what shall
we find if we rely on this jiromiae of the Goveriiment ?
W e may find that we have for the ponsiclpration
this measure the fag-end of a morning sittin g in the
dog-days, and that ■we are placed in th a same position .
as w e were Last year, the Governmenîiâin using
against us the argument that it is absurd to
on
with the bill so Jate in the session.
•
I R I S H U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T I O lf/ I .
•
195
•
In conclusion, I will say tliat for five years we have
persevered with this question. W e have fought it
through many vicissitudes; it has suffered* many re
verses; i t ‘lias seen many misfortunes. W e have at
last advanced it to a position which we will not willingly surrender. W hat we, have done *in the past we
shall do in tlie future. W e feel that the object we
have in view in proposing tliis mciisure is to promote
thofgreat cause of intellectual freedom, of liberal learn
ing, and of high culture. Whatever may be the result,
whether it involve a ministerial resignation or not,
the issues we aa'e striving for are of infinitely gi'eater
moment than any mere temporary party triumph;
and we who have charge of the bill give this pledge
to the House, that we ■will continue to do all in our
power to press this question on for solution, and, if
possible, to extract from the Government a definite,
distinct, and intelligible enunciation of their views. , ’
. 13— 2
lEISH UNIVERSITY EDUCATION. II.
T H E SECOND llE A D JN G OF T H E G O V ERN M EN T ]?ILL.
M akch, 1873.
I f the hill we arc now asked to read a second tim e
should be rejected, its defeat w ill constitute perhaps
the most striking homage ever offered to the eloquence
of a statesman. I f we had been asked* to express an
oj)inion upon the measure at the conclusion of the
speech which introduced it, we should undoubtedly *
have given an almost unanimous opinion in favour of
the second reading. W e were so charmed and dazzled
by the eloquence of the Prime Minister that no one
thought e f criticising the details of his scheme. P u t
experience has taught us, and never more forcibly
than on the present occasion, that it is impossible
to judge of a measure simply by the speech of the
minister who introduces it. Hearing from the Prime
Minister that the great object he liad m view in
bringing forward th e bill was to promoti th e ad
vancement of learning in Ireland, I endeavoured to
study the measure from this point of todew, and in •
doing so I had the advantage of bem ^'«csisted by
many men of distinguished academic position, who are
TRISIT U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T IO N
197
II
rr»st competent to form an opinion upon its probable in
fluence on the advancem ent of learning and on Univer
sity teaching. I was anxiou% not to be betrayed either
into premature approval or premature condemnation.
J t was evident th at th e Prime Minister had bestowed
so much labour and so mu5h thought on the measure,
that it* was only due to him that his proposals should
receive a corresponding amount of careful attention.
I hfive therefore, w ith the assistance of the friends to
whom I have alluded, endeavoured to study the bill
as closely as I could, and with the permission of the
House I will as briefly and candidly as possible lay
the result before them. I t w ill be in the recollection
of honoui'able members tliat a great portion of the
speech of the Prime Minister was devoted to proving
th at U niversity educatiion in Ireland is not in a satis
factory condition, and that a certain class in that coun
try are ^suflering under a grievance. Both of these
propositions are cordially endorsed, at least on this
side ’td* the House. I t would be strange indeed, if th ey
were not accepted by m yself and those about me who
have striven for six years, against every obs*tacle that
can be placed in the path of mdependent members,
to force this question upon the attention of Parliament
and the consideration of the Government. W e admit
that U niversity education in Ireland is not in a satis
factory condition, and that a class in that country are
suffering under a grievance. But, admitting the ex
istence of the grievance— although we give to it a very
‘
Q in C lC i* * '
J .T
X J-U iJ-l
-I
W liA L i
^4. > C lI
i -
OU
:i
X I/
1
tJ J
m
I/X IU
Prime Minister— the question we have to consider i s :—
, W ill the present measure remove that grievance ?
10^
I R I S H U N IV E R S IT Y ED U C ATIO N. II.
W itliout doubting the good iiiteutions or the p erf^ t
sincerity of the Prime j\Iinister, I thii^k I can prove
that th e present measure^ will make the condition, of
U niversity education in Ireland not more satisfactory,
but more unsatisfactory; that it will introduce worse,
evils than it will cu re; and. that it w ill utterly fail to
touch i^he grievance as stated and understood h y the
Prime Minister himself. Never has a measure been
rejected w ith so much \manimrty. The very clas^ for
whose benefit it is devised are the first to repudiate
it. I may be told that the merits of the measure are
shewn by the fact that it satisfies the extremes of
iieitlier party. B ut can it be proved that even moderate
men in Ireland are satisfied with it? The reason of
t h is . general dissatisfaction can be easily understood.
N o principle is consistently carried out ih the bill. I t
ia ju st one of those compromises on the give-and-take
principle, which are intended to please everybody and
end by jdeasing nobody. Tlie Catholic prelates who
have condemned it in such uncompromising tenns'Iiave
been accused of being illogical, inconsistent, and un
grateful, '"Without, however, in the least agreeing iti
their views, 1 am bound to say that these prelates have
always told us what they want witli perfect straight
forwardness. I t is not they, but the Government, -who
have been illogical and inconsistent; for, according'to
th e speech of the Prime ^Minister, and, what i» more^
important, according to the provisions of his bill, the
Government virtually acknowledge the justice of the
demand of the Catholic prelates for \^n adequate
and separate endowment of their educatioiiTQ im^titutions. Before dealiag with this subject I "will ask .
m / S i r U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T IO N * ’I L
•
#
Ilotise to consider those portions of tlie bill which
may ho regarded as its accessories. First of all, it is
proposed to abolish the 5ûeen’s Universit;^ and the
(Queen’s CSllege at (ralway. A s to the abolition of
the Q ueens U niversity, no one has asked for it ; no
academic reformer approves.it; on th e contrary, every
one’s opinion is against it, and th e whole experience
of every other country is antagonistic to such a proposaJ. In countries where U niversity education is m ost
prosperous, where it does the mo*st to form national
character and develop the best national qualities, there
are to be found not one but several Universities. On
the otlier hand, in countries where education has most
declined, this unfortunate plan of centralization has
been adopted. I f we wish to point to countries where
U niversity education is most thriving we should select
Germany w ith its 20 Universities, and Scotland, a small
•
country, wdth its four Universities. N ow Scotcli memrbers are generally shrewd enough to take care of their
owm interests; but if th ey are mduced to vote for this
centralizing policy in U niversity education, where will
their four U niversities be, in ten years’ time ? They
^viU be amalgamated into a Central Board, the creature
of political nomination, w ith a political officer presiding
over it— possibly the Lord Advocate. France has only
on« University, and every writer on th e subject regrets
that i^ has not more. Belgium is in much the same
position, ?uid a high authority (M. Emile de Lavaleye)
has said this system of ccntiali/.u,uun " causes the
professors tcy conform to an uniform standai'd, and
by degrees it stifles initiative and the genuine spirit
of research.” The proposal to abolish the Queen’s
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U niversity is indefensible from every point of vi^w.
I t would destroy wholesome competition. Cambridge
would nof be in so satisfact5ry a position were it iipt
for Oxford and London; a n i the converse holds
true w ith regard to Oxford and London. B ut inde-;
fensible as would be the abolition of the Queen's U n i
versity, the proposal to abolish Queen’s College, Galway,
is more indefensible still. I cannot lielp repeating the
complaint of Lord E. Fitzmaurice that the Piim e
Minister, in describing Galway C o llie , did not quote
th e figures of the last year, which happens to be one
of the most prosperous years in its existence. N o one
can doubt that at the present moment Galway is doing
excellent work, considering the unfavourable eircunistances in which it is placed. I t is .not resorted to
by the sons of the w ea lth y ; those who frequent it
are chiefly the sons of small farmers and poor tradesilien. B u t considering the number of students turned
out by this college in the remote w est of Ireland;
considering their position at the present momfint—
high up in the English and the Indian CivU Services,
pui'suing •honourable professional careers, or even sit
ting on the judicial bench— what would their position
have been had not this college existed ? Can the
House for one moment think of sanctioning this ob
jectionable proposal ? Nothing in the Prime Minis
ter’s speech do I regret so much as the manner in
which he estimated the cost oi‘ the students at Galway.
In the ’first place there is a fallacy in his argument.
H e estimates the cost of each student in arts at
£ 2 3 0 ; of each medicid student at £ 1 8 0 ; aftd of each
law student at over £ 3 0 0 j>er annum. B ut he airives
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a t , ‘t hese results by considering that each professor’s
work is solely^ to be estim ated by the iiuâber of
students who proceed to* degrees, and not by the
number he* teaches. *(Mr Gladstone— “ No, no.”) I
protest against the whole system of estim ating the
u tility of a collegiate institution as aii auctioneer, a
salesman, or an appraiser would estimate the^ value
of a parcel of goods or a bale of merchandise. W e
could licave little expected such a mode of appraismg
educational results from a Prime *Miuister who, above
all things, is distinguished for his high culture and
his great scholarship. I f the Prime Minister proceeds
on this plan, whore is he going to stop ? I f Galway
College is to be abolished, why did the right honour
able gentleman, a few hours after he introduced liis
bill recommeitd her Majesty to fill up the chair of
Pastoral Theology in his own U niversity ? The stipend
of this professor bears at least a ten times larger pro
portion to th e number of students he insti'ucts, than
dpes*that of any o f th e professors of th e Galway Col
lege. In the last academical year seventy-five students
entered at Galway College, which has an <11100016 of
£10,000 a year. A t Magdalen College, Oxford, only
twenty-five students matriculated, and its revenues arc
said to be £40,000 a year. The arithmetical argument
therefore in favour of abolishing Magdalen College
is t"wlve times as strong as it is in favour of abo
lishing Ocdway College. B ut take the very college of
which the right honourable gentleman Ifimsclf la so
distinguished n member. The average rnatriculations
at Christ-Church are seventy a year. This is about
the number matriculating at Galway. B ut when we
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compare tlie revenues of tlie two colleges, we find tât
Cbrist-Ohurcli is tliree .times as wealtliy iia Galway.
If, then, •th e arithmetical Argument is pressed t.o^ a
logical conclusion^ the right hoiiourable getTtleman w ill
arrive at some very awkward results. To prove the
necessity of destroying Cîeen’s College, Galway, th e
Prime Minister laid down the extraordijiary doctrine
that no one is to be considered an U niversity student
unless he is a student in a r ts; and he adds that every
one would endome Ahis opinion. N ow I em phatiailly
deny th e assertion, and most U niversity authorities
w ill confirin my statement. I f the Premier’s opinion
is w ell founded, what becomes of th e 4,000 Scotch
students on whom lie dwells w ith so much force 1
They are not all students in arts. A s I am informed,
at least one-half of them are professifmal students.
U niversity reformers at Oxford and Cauibridge have
been trying to establish other schools besides the
schools of arts, y e t Queen’s College, Galway, *is to be
sacrificed, forsooth, because she has only so maiyr stu
dents in arts ! Accept this proposal of the Govern
ment, and Queen’s College, Cork, is not worth a year’s
purchase. The ai’guments for its abolition are much
stronger than those for the abolition of Queen's College,
Galway. Taking as a test th e number of students
in arts, the number of those in Cork exceeds the
number at Galway by 40 per cent., wliile the .popu
lation of Cork exceeds that of Galway h y 600 per
cent. Sb that a stronger argument can be made out
for the abolition of Queen’s College, Cork, than for
that of the college at Gahvay. The truth iaithat this
proposal to abolish Queen’s College, Galway, indicates
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a s^ tled determination on the part of the Goveminent to disparage united education in Ireland, and
ultiinately to root it out? of the land. TIk Prime
Minister’s jflrgument whs ingenious and elaborate, but
when
the House considers the circumstances of the
•
country, the poverty of th(; people, the anathemas
of the Church, and the threat of constant Parlia
mentary interference— instead of these colleges *being
a failure, their present position proves that a strong
desire is really felt by the Irish people to participate
in the advantages of united education. The figures
quoted by the right honourable gentleman prove that
up to 18G5 these colleges were in a state of progress
and that this progress was then suddenly arrested.
Is this an accidental circumstance? In 1865 began
the policy of* denouncing these colleges. In 186 5
Cardinal Gallon said that those parents and guard
ians who permitted their children to attend these
colleges were rmworthy of the sacraments of the Church,
and
be excluded irom them. Dr Derry, the
I’iahop of Clonfert, cleclared that those fathers and
mothers who pemisted in sending their children to
receive this kind of education disregarded the warn
ings, entreaties, and decisions of the head of the
Church, and that those who were guilty of sucli con
duct should be deprived of the Eucharist and of the
holy sacraments. Was a more cruel, cowardly, and
inhuman denunciation ever uttered ? W hy, this bishop
could not have used stronger* language if these pa
rents had been sending a daughter to prostitution, or
a soli tii* 3omc sink of
These denunciations
shew that Parliament can not completely carry out
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th e work of emancipatioii when it strikes off*,the
fetters w]iioli prevent men from enjoying bodily free
dom. This cruel and cowafdly policy, I regret to .say,
has been aided and al?etted by a Liberal Govern
ment. The period in* question was that of threat
ened Parlianfentary interference— the period of the
SupplomentarCharter to the Queen's U niversity; wlien
the Government only failed in their undertaking
to destroy united education in Ireland, in oonsequence of the opposition of the House of Commons.
This is strong language, and I should not izse it my
self. It is the language of that master of artistic de
scription, the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr Lowe).
W hen these denunciations are hurled by the superior
clergy, and the threat of Governmental interference
is constantly repeated, is it surprising that these
colleges should somewhat decline ? It would have
been a matter for no surprise if they laui ceased to
exist altogether. But the tide has turned, *and the
struggle that they have carried on with so .•much
success against such unparalleled obstacles shews thaTi
the people of Ireland appreciate united education, and
they will be slow to believe that the British Parliament
will deprive them of this ble.ssing and advantage. I
now come to the main provisions of the bill. First,
there is the Constitution of the Governing Council.
The Prime Minister has quoted various precedents to
shew that the House ought not to ask for #he names
of this Council. His precedents, however, have been
satisfactorily disposed of. W hat is there in common '
between the appointment of four or five ^Boundary
Commissioners and a governing body wliich is to
IR IS H U m V E R S I T Y ED U CATIO N. »rj.
205
coivU'ol tlie fortunes of a National University, and ô
which it is proposed to entrust powers never before
given to any University ca* college that ever,existed ?
The*Prime Jviinister nioreovei* is absolutely silent as
to the principle on which the. Council is to be con
stituted. Is lie going to select men of the greatest
academic experience, or is he about to adopt a principle
fraught with especial mischief in Ireland, thai? this
Council must necessarily represent, not academic learn
ing, but religious opinion ? Is it to contain a certain
number of Protestants and a certain number of Roman
Catholics ? But there is a wider and more potent
argument against this Council, and that is that it
would be the creature -of political nomination. The
Prime Minister drew a parallel between this Council
and the governing bodies at Oxford and Cambridge.
But the difference between them is wide and marked.
•This Council, which is to be the creature of politicai
nominatifni, will have to appoint jirofessors, to pre
scribe, the subjects of examination, to subject the pro
fessors to a soi*t of censorship, to frame a cuniculum,
to dispose of vast endowments, and to manage every
thing connected with the University. A t Cambridge,
and it is the same at Oxford, the Council, wliich is not
politically nominated, but elected by resident inembei^ of the University, is not entrusted with a tithe
of these powers. It is simply a Council of initiation.
I t does ijpt appoint the professors, or incrcctse tiieir
salaries, or change the cuiilculum, without cJitaining
the consuiu- and sanction of the Senate of the Uni
versity. Îhe most extraordinary provision of the biU
is tlfat the Chancellor of the new University is to be
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tfie Lord-Lieutenant. I ■vidsh for one moment to*ask:
honourable members what they would think if it were
proposed, that tlie English Univei-sitio's should be presided over by some one "^'ho, b ^ th e exigeiêies of party
or by faithful votilig, had been made Home Secretary or
First Commissioner of Works. But then it may be
said that the Lord-Lieutenant is not simply a political
officet; he is also a Court official. W ell, I wonder
what would be thought at Oxford and Cambridge if
it were proposed that they should have as their Chan
cellor the Lord-Charaberlain, the Controller of the
Household, or a Goldstick in Waiting. The proposal
is so preposterous that it would scarcely bo necessary
to refer to it, if it did not shew a settled determination
running through the whole of the bill to fetter this
new University, which the Government wishes to call
into existence, in the degrading bonds of political
^Subserviency. And this policy, forsooth, is to be tried
in Ireland, as if every Minister responsible fol this bill
does not know that of all the things that have caused
•
the misfortunes of Ireland, nothing lias done so much
to bring^her unhappiness as the curse of political sub
serviency. Trinity College, Dublin, has been a place
where honours and emoluments could be won without
subservience to any political party, but henceforward
it is to be suboi’dinated to apolitical corporation.. It
is the more necessary to scrutinize the composition
of the Council, and to force from the Go-wsrnment
declai’ation of the principle that .is to regulate its Con
stitution, when we remember the extraordinary powers.
that are to be entrusted to it. There is to
no check
on the number of the colleges that may be incorpo-
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207
ra fel in the U niversity; 20 Roman Catliolic semi
naries may be afHliated. There is no reason^ indeed,
why tlie Cov\nL*il should liot also aftillate evesy Roman
Ca*tIiolic settiinary in Iîgland* and Scotland. But this
is not all. This facility of ajhliatiftii will act as an
rtistruction to the authorities• of the various educational
institutions to enter upon a rivah-y of denominational
zeal, in which the interests of higher educatiofi will
be forgotten, in or<ler to obtain the denominational
majority on the Governing Counoil. I now come to
still more extraordinary provisions. The Council u ill
have to enforce a degrading censorship on professors;
it will liave to administer pro\dsions which may be
made to exclude from the University almost every
branch of libenil learning; and it will have to give
effect to regulpfions which, as I shall presently shew,
may be so worked jis to reduce e^êry examination
•to a meaningless farce. Never before were such pt(Jr
posals brought foru'ard by any Government, even
in thp most despotic country, as are contained in these
chtuses which exclude certain subjects from the Univer
sity curriculum, and impose the most degradipg censor
ship ever thought of upon the professors. I f modern
history and mental ijhilosophy are excluded from the
University, wdiat is the University going to teach?
W hy even the teaching of the favourite language of
the Prime Minister would be rendered a farce, as a
professor,would not be able to lecture on the most
distinguished classical authora whose works • refer to
philosophical subjects.
Last week, being at Cam
bridge, 1 gave a copy of the bill to a distinguished
lecturer on Aristotle, and, without saying a word which
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UiH ^H U N IV E R S IT Y ED U CATION. //.
might bias his opinion, I asked him to read ^flie
gagging, clauses and to state A\'Iiat would be the reStilt
if similar clauses were extended to his University.
And here I would, in p<“«sing, liemark tha^ tlie rights
of conscience are -as sacred in England as in Ireland,
and that if the rights of conscience in Ireland require
this protection, tliey will* soon require the same protectiofi in Oxford, Cambridge, Edinburgh, Glasgow,
St Andrew’s, and Aberdeen. W ell I gave the bill to
the lecturer, saying,.“ Consider these clauses with regard
to your lectures on Aristotle.” His reply was, “ I f these
clauses were extended to this University I could never
give a lecture on Aristotle without incm’ring a risk of
breakinsT the law.” I f the House will excuse me for
quoting my own experience, I will add that it is ab
solutely impossible to lecture on Politicitl Economy with
out referring to the events of modern history. Take up
Adam Smith for example, glance over ten pages of that,
great author, and you will find that to teach*Political
Economy without referring to modern history makes
the subject unintelligible. Again, the professors a*;e
to be subjected to the most degrading censorship ever
dreamt of. B y way of illustration I will again, with
the permission of the House, refer to my own experi
ence. Now, much as I value the position of a professor
in the University of Cambridge, I should feel that I
could not conscientiously hold my professorship for
a single liour if the Prime Minister succeeded*in in;
troducing these clauses into the English Universities.
I would not submit to the degradation of being sub
jected to such a censorship as is contained in this
bill. I wiU suppose that a professor is lecturing on
I R I S H U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A TIO N .*.II.
209
pauperism. Tins he could not do without referring to
the history o f th e Poor Law, and he could not treat
of that subject w ithout tspeaking of the mdigence
produced
the breaking up of the monastic insti
tutions. If, however, he refepred to monastic institlitions, a student would perhaps w it o to him and
say,
you refer to them ag-ain, you will offend m y
religious convictions.” Now, would any man subihit to
he called before a U niversity Cormcil—not created by
the University, but the creature of political nomina
tion— and to subject himself, without power of appeal,
to suspension, or any other punishment the Coimcil
iniffht devise? B ut tliis is not all. Examinations
will, if this bill passes, be reduced to an absolute farce,
because it is provided that “ no student is to suffer any
disadvantage for adopting in law, medicine, modem
history, mental or moral philosophy, or any other
•branch of learning”— I wonder why the previous enu^
meration* was made— ‘'any theory in preference to any
recei-\;ed tlieory.” Of course, if there were any question
which a student could not answer, lie wmuld say:—
“ I shall not answer that question, because J do not
adopt that particular theory.” For example, if a stu
dent were asked to prove the 47th proposition of the
first book o f Euclid, he m ight say:— “ I cannot answer
theu question, because I do not adopt the theory that
the stûare of th e hypotheniise is equal to the sum
of the squares described on the other two sides of
a right-angled triangle.” This claus>e will* remain
. a monument o f the vagaries of distinguished states
men.
,
1* will now again call attention to the gagging
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210
T R m i U N I V E R S I T Y ED U C ATIO N. IT.
clauses and 1 sliall present them to the H ouse from
a very serious point of view. W hen I said to m y
honourable friends around me :— “ Surely you are never
going to pass a bill l)y ■ft'hich lo teaching of modern
Instory, and inoraf and mental pLilosophy, is proliibited,
while a degrading censorsliip is imposed on teachers
and exam m ersr’ tiiey all said:— “ Oh, of course the
G oveiW ient w ill drop these clauses.” Yes, of coiirse
th ey w ill have to drop them. B ut the GovernpieJit
can never repair tê mischief which their proposal
has inflicted on the future of Irish Education. Never,
indeed, w ill there be a more striking exemplification of
th e saying, “ The evil that men do lives after them .”
The House may reject this bill and may repudiate these
. clauses, but henceforward every priest who desires to
cramp and fetter the mind will be able to say:— “ This
is not m y opinion. I am not acting in obedience to
, orders from the Vatican. In telling you that you*
cannot go to an institution v^here modern his'tory and
pliilosophy are taught, I iim not expressing my own
opinion, but am simply giving effect to a policy which
has received the sanction o f an English Government
and a Liberal Administration.” Now, beaiing this
consideration jn mind, it wall not be difiicult to shew
that the biU, if carried, v ill prove fatal to united edu
cation, and can lead to no other conclusion than .the
endowment of denominational institutions in Ireland.
Every one knows from the denunciations ih a t lia^'fi
been uttered by bishops and priests in Ireland, wliat
a tei’iible struggle those Irish parents and guardians .
have had to ca n y on who wish their soii^ to enjoy
united education. The point I wish particularly to
I R I S H U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T I O N .' n .
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211
•
iii^ress on the House is that henceforward that stniggle
will, in consequence of these proposals of the* Govern
ment, become infinitely nôre difiicult; for c^ch priest
will now be able to*say:—^‘You send your sons to
Cork, to Galway, and to Trinity. In those institutions
there are professorships of modern liistofy and of moral
and mental philosophy, but an English Government
and a Liberal Cabinet have told you that the rights of
conscience cannot be safe in institutions where those
subjects are taught, and therefore you are bound to
remove your sons from them .” Thus in a few years
the enemies of united education, having this ■weapon
to work with, would be able to g et almost every
Catholic out o f Trinity College and the Queen’s Colleges.
W hat ■will be p ie n ext inevitable step? I t w ill be
said, and said •with truth, “ Trinity College has an
endowment of £50,000 a year, and the Queen’s Colleges
have, an annual endowment of £10,000 each. In these
institutions those subjects are taught which an English
Govoynnient says cannot be taught if adequate pro
tection is to be given to rights of conscience. There
fore you cannot safely entrust your children* to them.
You must come into our own institutions, which possess
no endowments. Under these circumstances we have
a claim to endowments, and that claim it will be im
possible to resist.” Let honourable members reflect
for a yioment on the consequences of destroying united
*educatioi» in Ireland. Is there any Catholic in this
House "who liao been educated at Trinity *College,
Dublin, who will not bear me out when I say that
he looks •back on his college career with the utm ost
satisfaction, and is glad he has been brought into
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212
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contact with his Protestant fellow-countrymen? Are
there, ag?tin, any Protestants in this House who wouhl
not regret* to see Catholics excluded from Trinity Col
lege ? Those Catholics and Profestants whfl are asso
ciated together in early life take a kindlier view of each
other than they otherwise would, and look with a
juster ^toleration on religious differences. Thsrefore,
it is impossible to indict a greater injury upon Ireland
than to encourage a policy which woidd place a jiew
and pow'ei’ful weapdh in tlie hands of the opponents
of united education. The Prime Minister has rested
his case on the fact that certain sections of the people
of Ireland have a grievance in regard to higlier educa
tion. I admit the existence of the grievance, but I
think it calls for a remedy entirely different from that
proposed by the Prime Minister. If, •however, the
right honourable gentleman had satisfied the grievance, I
am bound to say we ought not to look too scrupulously
into the provisions of the bill. But he has not ‘satisfied
the grievance; he has not satisfied a single claes in
Ireland. W e have not the consolation that any sectioiT
of opinion in Ireland w'oiild be rendered more con
tented, while it is certain that the bill contains princi
ples which would produce the utmost mischief. Never
before has a measure been condemned by so great a
consensus of opinion. The Roman Catholic prelates '
have repudiated it. The Roman Catholic sti^dents
in the Catholic University were tlie first »to reject*
with indignation those safeguards for the protection
of the conscience which have been introduced into it.
The Senate of the University of Dublin— tli!*t institu
tion which the House has been told is under such
T R I S n U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T IO N ^ -II.
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tliraldom to Trhiity College— lias united w ith
th e authorities of the College in protesting against
thi^ bill. The 'authoritie;? of the Queen’s Colleges, too,
have streifliously objSsted to many of its provisions;
while the Nfitionalista and hlonie-Ilulers have said
that tlie measure supplies £i conclusive* proof that an.
English Parliament is unfit to govern Ireland. I
should, however, be sorry to overstate the case. The
bill,, after all, has nob been unanimously rejected in
Ireland. Magee College has 2)etitioned h i its favom*.
I t appears to me that there cannot be a more conclusive
}iroof of th e unpopularity of the bill in Ireland than
is affoT’ded b y the fact that the Prime Minister, in
order to shew even the moat minute modicum of
approval of his^ measure, was reduced to the desperate
strait of asking that the petition should be read by
th e Speaker. (“ Xo, N o.”) Then the right honourable
gentleman read it him self (A laugh and cries of “ Noj”
and “ It was read by the Clerk at the table). W ell,
the ^lerk at the table was ordered to read a petition
^*manating from an institution in which the average
entry of students is
a year.
•
There are many other objections which I should
like to urge against the bill, and I shall perhaps have
an opportunity of doing so on some future occasion.
B u t I wish, before 1 sit down, to guard m yself against
one Reproach wliich, I understand, may be urged
‘against me, and which has already been hinted at by
my honourable friend the member for I’rjtlee (The
' O’Donogiiue). B e seems to tiiink that those who
oppose khis bill and who hold certain views with
respect to U niversity education in Ireland are the
214
m r S H U N IV E R S T T Y E D U C ATIO N,
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victims of a “ No Popery” mania. Now, tlia tis» a n
insinuation which we may w ith some confidence repu
diate ; foY Irave we not al-\fays done V h at w e could
to admit Catliolics to alP the acTvaritages
the Knglish Universities, *and to place them on an equLdity
w ith every other member ,of the community ? Koman
Catholics are at the present moment unhapj-uly ex
cluded from many positions of honour and emolument
in those Universities, but that is not m y faidt nor; the
fault of those with* whom I act. I t is not we but
the present Government, who, by the retention of
clerical fellowships, prevented the policy of perfect
religious equality being carried out in the English
Universities.
A s to this bill, there are no doubt
many honourable members who, while they object to
it, w ill vote for the second reading, in i^lie hope that
it may bo amended in Committee. I wish, however,
to point out to the House that there is a fashion*
growing up to treat the second reading of bills as a
matter of no impoidance. B ut high as is the exam
ple set me, I am not going to do what was dofie
last year, on a similar occasion, when the Govenunent
supported the second reading of the Dublin U niver
sity Tests Bill, the principle of which was afterwards
found to be so objectionable that th ey checked all
further progress of the bill by a throat of resignation.
I f the House votes for the second reading, it^ votes
for the principle of the b ill; and when what*are called
th e gagging clauses come on for discussion in Com
mittee, a member on the Treasmy Bench may rise in .
his place and say :— “ W liat, you are going J:o oppose
those clauses, notwithstanding that you have ôted
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I R I S H U N IV E R S IT Y ED U C ATIO N. *11.
215
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for ‘the second reading, and tlius endorsed tlie prin
ciple of th e b iin W e told yon that this measure
is intended to'secure thi? rights of consciente." For
ray own prfl-t, 1 thiuk*there is in politics nothing like
a clear and straightforward course. I t may be said
t*liat entertaining the opinioîs I do, I otight not to bo
content; \^dth voting simply in favour of the resolution
of the honourable member for King’s Lynn ( ilr Bourke),
and .that 1 ought to oppose the second reading.
W ell, I wish there had been a direct opposition to
the second reading, instead of the resolution. B u t I
approve of tlie resolution so far as it goes, and as it
is the question before the House I sliall vote for it.
W hen, however, I have an opportunity, I shall act, I
hope, consistently, and vote against the second read
ing. I trust « t all events that the measure will be
either accepted or rejected on its merits, and that the
‘decision w ill not be influenced by collateral consider'
ations. The House is well aware that the judgment
of the most sagacious politicians is sometimes warped
by rumours industriously circulated of a ministerial
crisis. W ell, what does a ministerial crisis naean? I f
such a crisis should arise, there would either be a
resignation of the Government or a dissolution of
Parliament. I f there should be a resignation of the
Government, nearly the same persons will soon return
to oflê w ith principles somewhat reinvigorated and
I’estored. • I f there is a dissolution, some members may
not return to this H o u se; but if it is their lot to be
• defeated, th ey will only be anticipating their fate by
a few moiiths. And would it not, I ask, be infinitely
better never to return to this House than to sanction
21G
Iltrsir U N IV E R S IT Y ED U CATION. 7/.
•
•
a measure wliicli would destroy an ancient and illus
trious I?mv6raity, a n i set up iu its place a corpora
tion created by political fiomination, wluch .would
impose on U niversity teaching* a censorsMp to which
no man of independence would for one moment submit,
and wliich wofild endorse j}he principle that the events
of modern history and the ideas of some of our greatest
thinkem cannot be expounded without suggesting the
miserable suspicion that the object the teaches has
in view is to promcffce some sectarian squabble, instead
of developing the minds of his students and extend
ing the range of thought 1 I beg to thank the House
for the patience w ith which they have listened to
me, and I have in conclusion only to express an ear
nest hope that a measure will not be allowed to pass
into law wliich, so far as U niversity education is con
cerned, would, in a country already unhappily dis
turbed and distracted, unsettle everytliing without*
settling anything, anniliilate much that is good, and
call into existence much that is bad, and would,^ above
all, in th e brief but memorable words of the students
th e CatlK>lic U niversity prove fatal to high culture.”
IRISH UNIYERSITY' EDUCATION. III.
SECOND RExVDING OF T H E D U B L IN U N IV E R S IT Y
TESTS B IL L ,
A p r il,
1873.
I t has fallen to my lo t to speak so often on the subject
of this hill tliat it w ill not he necessary for me to
occupy the tim§ of the House more than a few minutes.
I am anxioift as far as possible to avoid all topics
which could lead to recriminations about the past. I
w ish to secure the passing of the biU as speedily ^ ,
possible; for there is a practical object to be gained
by passing it before the end of next month. I t is
*due to the House that I should state the exact posi
tion of th e question at present, and how ii has come
to pass that the bill is different from the one I origi
nally introduced, a portion of which has been aban
doned. Three or four weeks ago it was intimated to
those in charge of the bUl that ii* they would abandon
one portion of it— namely, that which proposed to
’ constitute a Council, to which should be entrusted the
future reorganization and management of Tfinity College
the U niversity of Dublin— the Government
would fecilitato th e passing of the remainder of the
measure, which is that relating to the abolition of-
%
,2 1 8
Illim
U N IV E R S IT Y E D U CATIO N. H I.
all religious tests. In deciding to accept this oifer
of th e Oovernment we were inflaenced by several
considerations. I t is hardly^necessary*for me to say
that we abandoned a poftion of the biU neluctantly;
and we still retain the opinion that it would have
been better if*the whole bill had been passed.
We*
were, however, m et by these considerations ?In the
first pface, we knew perfectly w ell from th e experience
o f last session that, if the Government did not assist
us by giving us Goi^'ernment nights, it was absolutely
impossible that there could be the smallest chance
of the bill becoming law this session. For what hap
pened last year \ The second reading of a bill, more
complete than the one now before the House, was
carried by an overwhelmiiig majority— a majority of
four to one— before Easter.
The promoters o f the
bill did everything that independent members could
ch> to g et it into C om m ittee; but the Government
objected to pass the bill as a w h ole; th ey therefore
rendered us no assistance, and the result was that,
although w e availed ourselves o f every opportunity,*
w e were iinable to get the bill forward. This being
the Oise, we felt that if, on th e present occasion, we
preserved the bill intact, it would be almost certain
not to pas« this session, even although the second
reading were carried by an overwhelming majority.
On the other hand, we thought that if we accepted
the offer of the Government, and confined •th e biU '
simply t a an abolition of tests, it was almost certain
tliat the measure would pass. W e were also influenced
by the consideration that w e have always Regarded
the abolition of tests as the most important part of
I l i l S I l U N I V E R S T T Y E D U C A T IO N .
.///.
2 Ilf
tJie^ m easure; and that the reorganization of Trinily
College and th e U niversity of Dublin, th e .part of
the cjuestio]! nOw left luJtuuched, may possji.)ly, as I
shall presently shew,
setl4ed at some future time
w ithout th e direct intervention of llirliam ent. There
is also another consideration by which *ve have been
infliien(;ed. Tlie abolition of tests is not simply de
sirable iis a theoretical reform; but it is a refdi'm of
presi^ng and practical importance. Last year one of
the most eminent students in Triidty College, Dublin,
gained a fellowship wliich he was prevented from en
joying in consequence of the esistence of those religious
tests which this bill w ill abolish. Another fellowship
examination is to be held at the beginning of n ext
month ; w e therefore felt that if we did not accept
the offer of the Government, it was quite possible
that we m ight, by delaying the passing of this measure,
’ be inflicting a great injury on a distinguished anti
deserving student. The second reading is to be m et
by two resolutions, brought forward by my honourable
friends fliA
^
(Mr M itchell Henry, and The C ’Donoghue). îUthough
I may not agree w ith the spirit or intention of either
of these resolutions, they seem to me so entirely in-elevant to th e bill that it is scarcely necessary to enter
int^ any controvei’sy with my honourable friends. The
resolution of Mr Mitchell H em y affirms that, in order
•to settle#the question of Irish U niversity Education,
it is necessary that a lioyal Commission should be
appointed to take evidence from academic bodies, and
froiu thuj.u persons in Ireland who are most interested
in the subject. Now, oven if the necessity of such a
\
220
im s i l U N I V E R S I T Y ED U CATION. *111.
•
commission were admitted, tliere is not the sliglAest
reason w liy Mr Mitchell Henry sliould withhold liis
support from the present b itt; for surbly he will agree
w ith me that it does nftt reqiA-e a Royal*Coinmission
to decide whether wo shall ajiply to Ireland th e same
legislation that has been applied to the Universities
of Oxford and Cambridge and abolish all i’eligious
teats*in th e U niversity of Dublin. A s to the re
solution of The O’Donoghue, it is equally iiTelpvant
to the present measure. Honourable members who
cordially endorae every syllable of that resolution
may, nevertheless, give an emphatic vote in favour
of the bill.
The O’Donoghue asks th e House to
declare that the abolition of religious tests w ill not
settle the question of Irish University Education. But
who thinks it would settle the qTiestion« The honour
able gentleman cannot suppose H er Majesty’s Govern
m ent are of opinion that the piissing of th is bill will*
settle it. W e have entered into no engagement and
given no undertaking that the question shall not be
re-opened. I f the Government should desire again V)
enter ujpn the subject of Irish U niversity Education
th ey w ill bo able to do so next session w ith as much
readiness as if this bill had never been passed. A s
far as ray own opinion and th e opinions of my honour
able fiiends who promote this bill are concerned, ♦the
best pledge we can give to The O’Donoghiie that we
do not consider the abolition of religious t«sts to be
a settlem ent of the question of Irish U niversity Edu
cation, is that we should not have abandoned a portion .
of our bill, if wo had not been compelled ty do so by
the circumstiinces and necessities of the case. ’ The
•
IR T S H U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A TIO N , I I I .
221
I
iio^ u rab le meiober caniiot hope to have a more satis
factory assurance th at we do not regard the* simple
abolitipn of tests* as a settl^meiit of the question. W ith
regard to what is lilvely to*b e the future of Irisli
U niversity Education, it may possibly happen that the
subject will not have to be ilealt witli in this Parlia
ment, and who can venture to predict what th e opinions
o f a new Parliament w ill be in reference to this ques
tion ?, Again, it may not improbably happen tliat, if
the authorities of Trinity College and the U niversity
of Dublin act during next year with the same sagacity
and liberality that have characterized their conduct
since the disestablishment of the Irish Church, th ey
may take th e subject, to a great extent, out of the
hands of tlria House. This tliey may do by prepai’ing
a set of statute* of their own, so liberal that the House
of Commons may consider that the best thing to be
done for the promotion of U niversity education in*,
Ireland would be to leave the question in the hands
of a distinguished academic body, and simply to
move a humble addi’ess to th e Queen, praying H er
Majesty to accept the statutes drawn up, by t h e '
authorities of the College and University. I hope my
Catholic friends in this House wiU believe me when
I say, I am perfectly ready to adm it tliat the Catholics
in Ireland, and the residents in that country who are
not meinbers of the Proteataiit Episcopal Church, have
Pilfered, »iid are suffering at the present time, a most
serious grievance w ith regard to U niversity cdfUcation.
• I f I had not felt tliia, why should 1 have striven during
almost evî_y year that I have been in Parliament to
force'this subject on the attention of the House? The
^
222
•
m ts il U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T IO N . T IL
difference between my Catbolic friends and myselîs,
not as *to the existence of the grievance, but as. to
the remedy for it. I t h i ^ tliat if we abolish all
religious disabilities—if*we do** everythmg we can to
efface the traces of past inequality, without infringing
the princijde’ of academic freedom and witliout intro
ducing the principle of political nomination; if we lay
a foundation w'hich in future will give every Catholic
and every Non-conformist in Ireland the same cipportunity of obtaining honours and emoluments in regard
to University education as is possessed by members
of the Anglican Chm*ch; then we shall do all that
can be done to secure educational equality. But my
honourable friends the Catholic members in the House
put a different interpretation on the^ grievance under
which they say they are suffering, and'they also sug
gest a different remedy. Tliey say they will never
‘enjoy justice as long as encouragement is given by
means of endowments to the mixing together in edu
cational institutions of Catholics, Protestantg, and
people of different religions. I f tliLs is theh grievance,
all I cam say is that it probably admits of but one
remedy—namely, the application to University educa
tion of the principle of concurrent endowment. Now
in striving after concurrent endowment, the Catholic
members of this House know far better than I*cau
teU them that they are striving after what therg is not
the least chance of their obtaining. Considtring whal:
lias recently occurred, can any reasonable man suppose
that there is the slightest chance of concurrent endow- •
ment with regard to University education being con
ceded ? Nothing could be more positive and emphatic
•
I M S I I U N I V E R S I T Y E D U C A T IO N . * IIL
I
223
the assurance of the Prime Minister in his
memorable speech at the close of the debate on his
Irish Universitj? bill. Muî as that speech was admired,
no portion •of it gave* such Entire satisfaction to the
whole body of the right honourable gentleman’s English
and Scotch supporters, as c\id the sentences in wliich
he dechu’ed in language tlxat could not be mistaken,
that the day for concurrent endowment was* gone
for eyer. The Leader of the Opposition (Mr Disraeli),
in the speech he delivered the same evening, was not
so emphatic and precise, but he let fall some doubtful
phrases on the subject of concurrent endowment.
"WTiat was the result ? I t is peilectly well known
that alarm and dismay spread throughout the right
lionourable gentleman’s ranks, and, in order not to
be misimderst(»od, he took care, hi a speech he mtide a
few days afterwards, to prove to his party and to the
'country, that between himself and the Prime Minister
there was not the slightest difierence of opinion on the
questmn of concurrent endowment. I t is scarcely
itecessaiy for me to say more, except to express my
thanks to the Government for having fulfiyed their
engagement to facilitate the passing of this bill, by
affording us a convenient time for its discussion. I
will now with confidence commend the measure to the
fav#urable consideration of the House. If it becomes
law, it^wiil, I believe, introduce a great reform; it will
femove a crying hijustice; it will place Irish University
Education in a more satisfactory position tlutn it oc
cupies at present; and it will clâr tho way for its
future
a
development.
TflE ENCLOSURE OF COMMONS.
9
SECOND B E A D IN G OE T H E EN C LO SU RE L A W .
A M E N D M E N T B IL L , A puil , 1871.
P k o ba bly no more serious accusation can be brought
against Parliament than tliat it has habitually per
m itted the interests of the public and the poor to
be ignored, whenever proposals have been brought
forward for the enclosure of commons* U p to 1845
commons were enclosed by private bills. In this way
^luring a century and a half 5,000,000 acres of land*
were enclosed; and, after a careful enquiry, a high
authority, the late duke of Newcastle, declared that,
in the case of these enclosures, the interests of tt>e
public aiid the poor had been in almost every instance
most shamefully neglected.
In 1845 the course of
procedure was changed, for tliis House then assumed
the responsibility of taking the enclosure of commons
under its immediate control. B ut although the pro
cedure was changed, there was no change in a^ 'th in g
e ls e ; the same abuses continued to flourisl* as vigoi*ously imdcr the new as xmder the old system. I
believe any impai'tial person m ust arrive at the con- .
elusion that, in this matter, there is not a pii^ to choose
between Liberal and Conservative Governments. 'Each
•
I
• T H E E N C LO SV U E OF COMMOF!^:
225
(ilike lias apparently attempted to do everything in its
power to facilitate the enclosure of commons, utterly
disregarding the injury^whicli such incloAires may
inflict up(jn the people. There never was a worse
Enclosure Bill brought forward than the one which
was introduced two yeai's siuce into the Jiresent Parlia
ment. . I t would have enclosed 6,900 acres of land,
and out of this large area there was only to be a
beggarly reservation of 3 acres as recreation grounds
for the public, and 6 acres as aMotment gardens for
the poor. W hen it is remembered that the present
Liberal Government was placed in power by the en
thusiasm of the newly enfranchised householdei's—
when it is remembered that there are now sitting on
the Treasury Bench advanced politicians who, when
they were ou1? of office, have on a liundred different
platforms eloquently denounced the policy of divorcing
*the people from the soil,— when these things are re*
membered, it w ill be scarcely believed that this very
Government and these enthusiastic asserters of popular
rfghts strained every eftbrt to force through Parliament
that monstrous bill. W hen the bill had im ched its
third reading, I happened, almost accidentally, to dis
cover wliat its contents really were. I may of course
be fairly charged w ith negligence for not having made
the* discovery sooner. This I readily ad m it; in fact,
there nothing for which I more reproach m yself than
th at I omitted, during the first few years I had a seat
in this House, to scrutinize the Enclo.sure Bills whioh
were- annually introduced. I can now only say that
I will encleavour by vralchfulness in the future to make
some* d,iuends for this negligence in the past. W hen
F .s.
•
15
^
2^ 6
.
' h l E E m i O S U R E OF COMMONS. '
*
however, as I have previously said, I almost accidentally
discovered, ju st as the bill was passing its third read
ing, that* it proposed, out of C,900 acres, to reserve
only 0 acres for the use of the public anfl the poor,
I thought it was only necessary to bring this fact
under the notice of the Government, for some member
on th f Treasury Bench to rise in his place and say ;
“ You never could have supposed that a Liberal Ad
ministration intended to pass sucli a bill as tliis > the
exact nature of the* proposal had entirely escaped our
n o tice; in the pressiure of public business we accepted
the bill from the Enclosure Commissioners without
adequate inquiry; we thank yow for having pointed
out to us the injustice which we were about uninten
tionally to commit, and we w ill at onpe withdraw the
bill.” Never were expectations doomed to more en
tire disappointment. I was evidently too inexperienced
£o estimate the full extent of th e change which may
come over men when bidding for popular support on
the hustings, and when ensconced as ofticials in Downing
Street. W hat took place when the third reading of
the bill -âs objected to, is probably still in th e recol
lection of the Plouse. The late Under Secretary for
th e Home Department (Mr Knatehbull-Hugessen) at
once rose, and scolded me for presuming to interfere
w ith the passing of a Government measure. But* as
the bill had never been properly discussed, it had been
hurried through its various stages in those srfiali hours*
of the morning when so many things are done which
w ill not bear the light of day, the House, happily, '
prevented the bill passing, and the Govern*nent was
at length compelled to consent to the adjournment
.
•
,
•A
0^
.
••
T H E E N C L O S U R E O F COM M ONS.
i
327
th e debate, and, ultimately, to refer the bill to a
Select Committee. Altlôugh tlie contest thus ended
ill .what may be regj^rded as a drawn battle, y et it
was by no *means barren of results.. The attention of
^he public had been sufficiently aroused to th e im
portance of the question, so* that the Government has
been compelled to recognise th e necessity of •doing
something in tlie matter.
They accordingly intro
duced the bill which is now before the House for
amending the Enclosure A ct of 1845. Before I pro
ceed to consider the provisions of this bill, I should
like to make a few remarks on some of the conse
quences which have been produced by the enclosure
o f land. ' No one wlio has taken any trouble to in
vestigate the sxibject can, I think, fail to arrive at
th e conclusion* th at the present unsatisfactory state
of the agricultural labourers is in a great measure due,
to the manner in which the enclosure of land has been
permitted to take place. H r K.ebbell, in a recent work
on^ tha agricultural labourer, has come to the con
clusion that in tlie middle of the last century the rural
labourer was better able to command the ne?;essities
of life than he now is ; and this opinion is coiToborated
by almost every writer on political economy. A s one
of these writers remarks, labourers who once possessed
proprietary rights in the sod are now deprived of them,
and a dass once independent has been gradually re
duced to th e position of dependent hirelings. ^ I t is
of no use to repeat platitudes about aorioiTltuicJ pros
perity, better cultivatofl laud, increasing wealth, rising
rents, auî farms more sought after than ever, when, as
a backgi’ound to this glowing picture, we liave a class
1 5 .- 2
226
T H E E N C LO SU R E O F COMMONS.
^
of laboiTj’ers eking out a miserable existence on nme
or ten sjiillmgs a week, soîetiines living in houses
which do not deserve tlie^nameôf human habitortioiis,
their children iru a state of ignorance which could
not bo greater if England had lost her Christiaiv
ity and civilization, passing day after day uncheered
by hope, w ith no other prospect before thehi than
that, when th ey are no longer able to work, they \?ill
have to become supj_.)licant mendicants for the pafiper’s
dole. I f wages liave risen 15 per cent, in the rural
districts during the last quarter of a century, th e cost
of articles of food consumed by the rural poor has
increased 30 per cent, and increased facilities of com
munication have so equalized tlie price o£ food that
living is now little cheaper in the ruriil districts than
in the metropolis. Agricultuml labourers now have
.great dililculty in obtaining m ilk ; and the state of
things I describe has been powerfully pi'omoted by the
enclosure of land; for formerly, close to almost every
village, there was a common on which the htbouj-er
coiild keep a cow, poultry, or a pig. Ileferring now to
th e proposal before th e House to amend the E xisting
Enclosure Act, I wôuld gladly support it if I thought
it w'ould remedy the present state of things. The chief
re.ason wliich induces me to think that it would not do
90, is that everytliing would be left in the future,*as it
has been in the past, to the Enclosure Commiflsioners,
■whose, conduct cannot be .sufficiently conclemned, as
I believe hon. members will admit if th ey will listen to
th e few following facts.
W isley Common, in the
neighbourhood of W eybiidge, was one oH the, Com
mons proposed to be enclosed by the bill of 18G9, tp
^
■ T H E E N C LO SU R E OF C03fM 0H S.
p29
I liave already referred. The common consists
of 380 acres, and out of^tliis entire area the ^^nclosur©
Ccymnissiouers only proposed to resei've two acres as
a recreation ground for tlie public, and nothing as
âllotment gardens for the poor. I t is not surprising
that the House considered this proposal to be of so
extraordinary a character, that it was deemec^ expecKent to appoint a Select Co^nmittee to investigate this
pai'ticular proposal. After listening to what the Com
missioners had to say in justification of their conduct,
and after receiving evidence from the neighbourhood,
the committee decided that, if the Common was en
closed at all, the public recreation ground should be
increased by 300 j>er cent. ; and the poor, instead
of having nothjng for allotment gardens, as the Com
missioners pr&posed, ought to have the utmost the
act allows, namely, 10 acres. B ut bad as this case is,
I w ill describe another, v^hich will exhibit the conduct •
of the Commissioners in a still stronger light. In the
same,bill which proposed to enclose W isley, and which,
as we have seen, the Government exerted all their in
fluence to pass, it was also proposed to enclose W itheypool Common, its area being no less than 190G acres.
Out of this extensive area the Enclosure Commis
sioners only reserved one miserable acre as a recrea
tion gi'ound for the public, and did not even suggest
that ii single foot of the land should be set aside
*as allotidfent gardens for th e poor. In order that the
House should adequately appreciate the morives and
sentiments which have prompted the conduct of the
Commissioners, 1 earnestly ask hon. members carefully
to consider tho following narrative. The Commissioner
235
T iiE m c i o s a s E o f c o m m o n s . '
,
to whom this particular enclosiire was entrusted,
being asked by th e Select ^ o m m ittee to give th e
reasons wfiich had induced him to make such a p a ltij
reservation for tlio public and the poor, * made the
following statem ent in justification of w hat he had^
done. In the *first place,‘ he asserted that a larger
recrealj.on ground would not be used; secondly, that
th e common was never resorted to by the inhabitants
of th e lo c a lity ; thirdly, that there were numerous
commons close to the common in cûestion ; and lastly,
that it was impossible to allot more than one acre
for a recreation ground, because the other portions
of the common were too steep. Before accepting these
statements, it was thought desii'able that the opinion
of the locality should, if possible, be .ascertained. I
accordingly suggested to the committee that the parish
clerk and the parish schoolmaster would be suitable
witnesses to summon. N o •member of the committee
had, of course, the slightest idea of the evidence they
were likely to give. W hat they did say, hov'ever, will
well repay a careful perusal.
In tlie most positive*
and em phitic terms th ey contradicted every stiitement
which had been made by the Enclosure Commissioner.
They asserted that a larger recreation ground wo\dd
be greatly appreciated by the inhabitants. They gave
th e ’most explicit denial to the statem ent that tlie
common was not largely resorted to by the people
living in the locality. Instead of there being ftumerous’
other cohimons in tlie neighbourhood which could he
used if this particular one were enclosed, they assured
the committee that the nearest common was live miles
distant, at the top of a very steep h ill; and to dis-
•
•
* T H E E N C L O S U R E O F COMMOl^S.
.«
231
•
prove the assertion that only one acre could be allotted
as. a recreation ground because the common was so
steep, they produced maps from wliich it was shewn
tliat immetliately contiguous* to this single acre there
were eight acres in every respect equally well adapted
for purposes of recreation. . I t cannot *be necessary to
say anything more in order to convince th e House that
it* is impossible to feel any confidence that the Enclosurew Commissioners will properly protect the interests
of the public. I t is sometimes tlrged in defence of
these Commissioners that, previous to any enclosiu'e,
th ey liold a local inquiry, and that if any wrong is
going to be done to the poor, that is th e time when
complaints ought to be made. I t has, however, come
out in evidenc§ that these Commissioners, apparently
influenced by*a strange perversity, almost invariably
hold these inquiries at half-pjist one o’clock in the day,
the very tim e when the .poor are at work in thfe
fields and cannot possibly attend.
N o trouble is
ever j:aken to make them understand that th ey have
A right to make a complaint; th ey naturally think
that resistance is u seless; th ey hejir that some one
is coming down from London to take away their com
mon from th e m ; and they suppose they might as
w ell t iy to stop a running stream as try to resist
the*united eftbrts of Government officials, the lord of
the in^nor, and other great men in the district. B ut
it wall pethaps be said, that the amending bill which
we are now asked to pass will introduce a better
state of things, for it proposes, in the cnsc of every
future eiMjlosure, to reserve onc-ienth of the ground
enclo'sed for a recreation ground and allotment gardens.
23^
't h
e
en c lo su re
of
co m m o ns. ’
^
B u t although this would undoubtedly be an improvêment on th e old system, y et J t will not work so w ell
as many *may be inclined to suppose. This can. be
easily shewn by ân example. In an Enclosure Bill
which was last year before Parliament it was proposed
to enclose a coinnion of seventy acres, in the heart of
a densely populated district in the Potteries.* This
Common possesses great natural beauty, and is con
sequently largely resorted to. Suppose the common
were enclosed, and one-tenth of it were reserved;
would a recreation ground of 3J- acres and allotment
gardens of the same extent be the smallest compensa
tion to the tens of thousands who live in the neigh
bourhood of this common who would for ever lose the
advantage of wandering over the wholg seventy acres ?
I t has been sufficiently difficult in th e'p ast to resist
proposals to enclose commons, but if tliis amending
bill were passed, all resistance in future would be
come hopeless, and enclosures would go on wdth far
greater rapidity than ever. For this is what would
inevitably take place. Proposals would be broughl
forward ^n Parliament to enclose various commons.
W e all know that landowners, and those wlio aspire
to be landowners, are supreme in this House. TJiere
would consequently be a great preponderance of feel
ing in favour of the enclosures; and members w<?uld
be able to .say : “ W e cannot be doing wrong in.voting
for the enclosure, because Parliament has ghren sanc
tion to the piinciple that the interests of the public
and tlie poor are properly secured, if a reservation •
of one-tenth is made in their favour.” I t tannot bo
too carefully borne in mind that the circumstances of
‘ T H E E X C LO SU R E OF CO^r^ÔXS. •
233
tl\p country have entirely changed since the comine.nceiiient of this system of enclosures. The popU"
latinn of tlie country has enormously incveSsed, and
a.s the area of tlie common faiid has been at tlie same
îme greatly diminished, the commons which remain
are each year becoming of greater value and import
ance tcf tlie public. The preamble of the A ct of 1845
asserts that it is desirable to facilitate the enclosure
of lands. This may have been true at the tim e, but
I believe th e day has come wheit the policy of Par
liament in this matter should be fundamentally changed,
and that we should now act upon the principle that
it is desirable to retard the enclosure of laud. The
principles of political economy have been quoted to
justify these euclosuros. Probably there is no science
tlie name of* which is so often taken in vain. I f
something very bad is to be done, nothing is more
commonly said than that political economy requii-es.
it. I have, however, no hesitation in asserting that
aftei; enclosure has reached a certain point, and this
‘point, I beUevc, has long been attained in this country,
political economy does not supply a single# argument
in favour of continuing the system of enclosures, but
all its principles woidd shew that enclosure, if not
stojiped altogether, ought to be carried on with the
utTnost care and caution. A ll pasture produce in • this
countiy is gradually becoming dearer. The reason is
* this— w6 obtain corn frooi the most distant paits of
the world, even from India. AustrHhn^ and C alifrijila,
but tor dairy produce and such perishable commodities
•we hav« to rely chiefly on our o'wii soil. The conse
quence is that dairy produce inevitably becomes dearer
634
‘ ^ J T E E N C L O S U R E O F CO M M O NS.'
.
w ith our progress in wealth and population. Miich
of the common land enclosed, and no inconsiderahle
portion cff that which is lef^, constitulês some of .the
best pasture land in thcf kingclom, and is* every yearbecoming more valuable. It is no answer to say that
some of this ’land is ill * drained, and not properly
attended to. That is no argument for its enclosure,
but simply for its better management. W h y not isstie
a commission, and treat all the commons in the country
in the same way rrs those within the metropolitan,
area, and provide some means for their improvement by
a rate ? I f a common is not used for the purpose of
recreation, tlie whole rate should be paid by the loi'd
of the manor and the commoners who use the com
mon. If, on the other hand, the common is used for
the purpose of recreation, then it is oiriy fair that a
considerable portion of the expense of maintaining it
^should be thrown on the neighbourhood. I t is said *
that the enclosure of commons promotes the produc
tion of wealth and gives employment to the poor ; but
the remarkable fact came out in evidence before the*
Select Cc^ramitfcee recently appointed, that in many
localities "where the largest cnclosurt^ Lave been made
the population has actually diminished since the en
closures have been effected. I t is easy to understand
the reason of this, for nothing can be more erronemis
than to suppose that this desire to enclose la^d is
solely promoted by a philanthropic wish to •increase *
th e prodnctive resources of the country. In thou
sands of instances the commons enclosed do not
produce a single blade of grass or a single, ear of
wheat more than when they were open spaces;
m i E E N C LO SU R E OF COMMONS? ‘
•*
235
•
tlig o n lj difference between tlieir enclosed and nnenclosed condition is, tliat now a privileged few can
slioQt .tame pheasants, hares and rabbits
them,
whereas before they could bb enjoyed alike by the
whole public. I t is said that we may look more hope
fully to th e future. B ut what ground is there for
increased confidence ? W e cannot at any rate look
t o ‘ the Government w ith any hope. I have afready
told ih e House how th ey attempted to force through
an unjust Enclosure B ill in 1869.* Last year another
of these Enclosure Bills was before the House. W eek
after w'eek the Government strained every effort to
sneak the bill—if I may be allowed to use the expres
sion— through at two or three o’clock in the morning.
I t was only by resorting to repeated motions for
adjom-nment that th ey were happily defeated ; if
th ey had succeeded in passing this bill, much would
have been done to destroy some of the most beautiful
scenery in th e country, and to prevent access to the
Liyxir^ Point and to Kynance Cove.
* Our course of proceeding when dealing w ith the
enclosure of land ought to be fundamentally .changed.
Every Enclosure B ill should be referred to a Select
Committee, and evidence should be taken from the
locality with regard to each enclosure. I f we adopted
such a course, w e should not be legislating in the
dark, ins wo are constantly doing at present. In vain
V ill Edueation Bills ami Licensing Bills be passed, in
vaiT< w ill Iviuseums be built and stuiied with speciniens
from floor to ceiling, if those whom they are intended
to benefit are shut out from the invigorating uifluence
of communion w ith nature. I t is urged in defence of
236
•
■'T H E E N C LO SU R E O F COyBfONE:
'•
the legislation we are now asked to sanction, that
urban cbmuiona would be placed in tlie same position
as metr(5politiin commons V ere placed In by .th e
measure of m y right honouiiiftle friend tlie member
for South Hants. (Mr Cowper Temple), and that-they
would consequently be • secured against enclosure
tlirough the action of this House. B ut it seems to
be forgotten that commons may be enclosed in tivo
different w ays— namely, by common law and by* Par
liamentary intervefition.
So far as Parliamentary
intervention is concerned, this bill would no doubt
protect urban commons, but it does nothing to pi-event
commons being enclosed by common la w ; and recent
events have shewn that, so far as regai’ds enclosure
by common law, every common in thg; Kingdom is in
imminent peril. In fact any common ntay be enclosed
by the lord of the manor unless there happens to be
some conunoner sufficiently wealthy and public-spii'ited
to incur th e burden of a costly law suit. Berkhampstead and Plumstead commons would undoulitedly
have been enclosed, had it not foi*timately happened
that tlieiie qualifications were possessed in an eminent
degree by two of the commonei's, Mr A ugustus Smith
and my honourable friend the member for Bochester
(Mr Julian Goldsmid). It has been suggested by the
present Under Secretary for the Home Departirfent
(Mr Winterbotham) that all the waste lands yi the
country should be surveyed. I f there were s«ch a sur-*
vey, w e •should tlien be in a better position to judge
w hat commons should be absolutely secured against enclosm-e. In advocating such a policy, I should be very
sorry if it were thought that I am in favour of unjustly
T H E E :S C L 0 S V R E
of
23!t
<
%
in^:ei'fering w ith the rights of property by depriving
those of compensation who are fairly entitled to it.
I f 0 common is for ever to be secured agûnst* enclosure
in order that the put)Iic may enjoy th e use of it, it is
only reasonable that the public should be prepared
to gi'ant whatever may be .thought an ’adequate compensiition to lords of manors, and to commoners. The
common lands of this country not only afford oppor
tunities for the healthful recreation and enjoyment of
the public, but th ey should be ‘further I’egardod as
reserves for promoting the future well-being of the
country. Some of these waste lands may perhaps some
day be used for trying some great social and economic
schenje ; such, for instance, as co-operative agriculture,
reelin g that m)thing but good can result from further
enquiry, I shilll certainly vote in favour of the motion
of m y honourable friend the member for W est Sussex
(Col. Barttelot) to refer the bill to a Select C om m ittee..
On all questions relating to the enclosure of land the
HoUiSe is bound to act w ith the greatest care and
caution. I f an unhiir tax is imposed, it may be soon
removed. I f an unjust law is passed, it (?an be re
pealed. B u t if a common is improperly enclosed, th e
injury which is done is irreparable. Tlie laud will
never again be enjoyed by the public. The late Sir
llGbert Beel emphatically warned the House that there
was mUO subject on which they were bound to act w ith
greater • circumspection. I f tliese Avords of a great
statesman hatl been taken more to hcuit, avuSst amount
of miscbi<'f which can never be repaired would have
been prevented, and the public Avould not have been
dej)iived, without chance of restoration, of privileges
240
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TH k LA W
O F F IC E R S O F T H E CRO fVH .
$
of tlie position o f tliose wlio are tlie Law Officers of
tlie Gcêrnmeut in tbe House of Commons, y et it is
importaii't that we should stay for a‘ moment fô ask
whether it is possible f<ir any one, however gifted he
may be, adequately to discharge the duties allotted
to a Lord Chancellor, h i the first place lie pre.sides
over the House of Lords as the Speaker presides over
this House. Secondly, he holds three important judi
cial offices. First: he is the chief judge whei^ the
House of Lords sitS as an Appellate Court. Secondly:
he is th e leading Judge in Equity. Thii’dly: he is a
member of th e Judicial Committee of the Frivy Council.
In addition to all tliis he has to discharge many imiôrtan t administrative duties. Is it reasonable to suppose
that a man thus burdened w ith »\'ork can fmd the
requisite tim e properly to consider the various measures
o f law reform, and to master the details of various
subjects involving difficult'questions of international
law, upon which he may at any moment,be called upon
by the Government to give an opinion, th e result of
which opinion may decide an issue of peace or war?
B ut whon w e turn to the House of Commons, we find
that th e arrangements which are made in reference to
th e legal members of the Government are in a far-more
unsatisfactory position here than they are in tlie House
of Lords. In the first place, the Lord-Chancelkr is
a member of the Cabinet. H e can therefore ^xert a
direct iuflxience on the Government. On *the other
hand, th e Attorney- and Solicitor-General, not being
members of the Cabmet, are only able to exercise their
infiuence on the Government in an indirect and un
certain way. They may have advice to give ^vhich
T H E L A W O F F IC E R S O F T H E C i m V N .
241
•
never can be given, because it is never asked for.
Again, tlie public has at least the satisfaction of
knowing that *the Lori%Chancellor can d^'ote the
whole of his tiine to *fiis public duties. If, however,
th e Attorney-' and Solicitor-General happen to be ac
complished lawyers or great tî'^'tora, brielb come rapidly
in upon.tliem. B y the etiquette of the profession— and
this etiquette is quite as scrupulously observed as arc
the ijiaiidates of the sternest despot—the Attorney- or
Solicitor-General, if retained in a âse, at once takes
precedence over {dl the other Counsel ■vsho may be
engaged on the same side; and, consequently, upon
liiin devolves th e chief part of the labour and responsi
bility. I t is scarcely necessary to remind the House,
after what has recently occurred in the Tichborne case,
that a barrister who is the leader in a gi’cat case must
have his time so entirely occupied and his energies
*80 fully absorbed, that he can scarcely have a single
hour or the ^nallest portion of superfluous activity to
spare for any public duty. I t therefore follows thiit
it* the Law Oflicers happen to be eminent in their
profession, the only time they can p ossibly^ ave for
the discharge of their onerous public duties is an occiisional hour or two wlxich may be left to them after
theii* services have been actively competed for by rival
SLiitor.s and attorneys. Fortunately, or as some may
tliink unfortunately, for the country, both the present
Law Ofli(*ers occupy so prominent a position in their
profession tliat they each enjoy a large and absorbing
private practice. W ithout making a.
particulai
reference, to instances which must be fresh in the
recollection of the House, honourable members will be
•
V. s.
*
10
242
T jrta L A W O FFICERS OF T H E CROWN.
easily able to recall to mind an Attorney-General who
scarcely*liad any practice at all, and this learned gentle
man fre(^y acknowledged th*at the mTiltifarious ^lublic
duties which he had to •perform were more than sulhcient to occupy the whole of his time. W e are there
fore led to the conclusion that the tim e wliich an
Attorney- or Solicitor-General devotes to private prac
tice is not only time taken away from the public, hut
may be regarded as a measure of the extent to "ivhich
his official w'ork mfist necessarily be neglected. And,
when we consider what the Law Officera have to do,
I am sure the House wall arrive at the opinmn that
there are no members of the Government, who, by an
adequate discharge of their duties, can render greater
service to the country; and who, by neglecting them,
may inflict a more serious injuiy ujk)ii the public.
In the first place, the Law Officers are primarily re
sponsible for introducing measures of Law reform'
into this House. There is no country, in tlie world
whose legal system is so complicated as our^ and
where the process of obtaining justice is so dear alfd
so slow.,* I t is notorious that a civil suit often costs
far more than the money in dispute. A man w ill
frequently submit to a great deal of injustice rather
than incur the cost of a lawsuit.
Men of business
often say it is far better to lose a few hundred
pounds than to have a lawsuit di-agging on (or two
or three years. A s this feeling s]Dreads tlit-ough thfe
cou n tr/ it is evident that a most serious encourage
ment is given to fraud, and an influence is brought
into operation to introduce a lower tone o( morality
into commercial dealings. B ut if any proof were \vant-
'
n i E L A J V O F F IC E R S O F T H E C R h W N .
243
•
ing to convince the House of tlie urgent need tliere
is of a thorough reform of our law, it is only nebessary to
refer, to wliat the Attorney-General (Sir J. tOoIendge)
sjid on Wednesday last, vlien he told us that the
laws relating to the projêrty of married women were
more worthy of a barbarous J:lian of a ciVilijêd countiy.
Again, .it M'ill be scarcely denied that our system of
laiid-conveyancing is so complicated and expensive that
if it .were made simpler, cheaper, and more expeditious,
such a reform—viewed simply in tts economic aspects
— woiild be a far greater gain to the country than
a free breakfast-table or a remission of the income-tax.
And, now, I will ask hon. members whether there i»
the smallest chance of piissing any mcaoure so gi’eat
and comijrehengh^ as a reform of our conveyimcing
system nûst t)e, if those who are responsible for the
preparation of such a meîsure, and if those to whose
‘charge it would be intrusted in this House, havb •
nearly the x^hole of their time absorbed in other
pursuits. We must all be ready to admit that the
greatest legislative achievements of the present Par
liament have been the Irish Church and Uie Irish
Land Acts, and can any one deny that the passing of
these measures was in no small degree due to the
mastery of details and tlie perfect knowledge of the
questions possessed by the Prime Minister ? If, hd^vever, iie had been less completely master of all the
tletails oi» these measures, we should probably have
got into such inextricable confusion that th.cjr wouhl
either not have passed at nil, ur would have left this
House m an rdiaust unworkable form. But no Atturne*^'- or Solicitor-General has ever been more dis-
iG -2
•
24-i
«
THE L a
w
O F F IC E R S O F T H E C R O ^fN -
tinguished for legal knowledge tlian is the Priifie
Minister for financial sk ill; ai^d / ask the House, if iie
permitted tliis financial skil!
be competed for. by
rival mercantile companies, if he spent nine-tenths
of his time engrossed in commercial pursuits in the
city, could he by any possibility have prepared and
mastqêd those great and difficult measures k) which
I have referred ? It would be thought absolutely
intolerable for either the Fii’st Loid of the Xi’eaeury,
the Secretary for AVar, the President of the Poor-Law
Board, or the head of any other great department of
the State, to give up nearly the whole of his time to
private business; vdiy then should it be less intolera
ble for those who officially represent the department
of Law in this House to devote nearly the whole of
their energies to private practice ? But the subject
can perhaps be presented in another and a still stronger
light. The Law Officers have not simply to introduce
measures of La-w reform. They are «also primarily
responsible for giving legal advice both to the Gt»veniment and to this House. There is scarcely a measure
introduced into Parliament which does not involve
some difficult legal questions, upon ^rhich the Govern
ment and this House may not require an authoritative
legal opinion. Now, the Government may, at any
moment, in a most critical juncture of public affaii's,
lose the ser\dces of their Law advisers, althougli these
services may be of the most essentiid impdHance, no*t
only to*the Government but also to the country. The
Prune Minister has frankly admitted that the Alabama '
Treaty was never even submitted to the Lc»v Officers
of the Crown. AVhat was the reason of this ? I do
T H E L A W O F FIC ERS OF T H E C R d iv N .
^^45
•
ngt wLsh for one moment to blame tbe Prime Minis
ter. He no doubt was .far too kiiidhearted and con
siderate for tlie feelings of others, to put so great
a strain as the conaidei"ation of a treaty upon an
Attorney-General whose days and nights were being
given to the Ticliborne case,*and to a Solicitor-General
who probably had at least a dozen leading C li^cery
siiit« under liis special superintendence. But this
is ncjfc all. When a Government* measure is before the
House, we constantly want, and cannot obtain, a legal
interpretation of some clause from the Law Officers of
the Government. W e all know what has again and
again happened this session in reference to the Ballot
Bill. The House requiring a legal explanation of some
clause or amendment, an appeal is made to the Soli
citor-General (Sir G. Jessel), but he evidently has no
^time to give to the consideration of the measure, and
the only result of his rising is at once, as we all
know, to make “ confusion worse confoimded.” But
it is-not only with regard to Government measures
tiiat we have to make these complaints. Last week
a bill was before the House introduced by«my hon.
and learned friend the member for Clare (Sir C.
O'Loghlen). Such contradictory accounts were given
as to the legal effect of this bdl, that there was a very
general feeling in the House that it was impossible to
give jipvote upon it, imtil we obtained an authoritative
*lcgal interpretation of some of its clauses. Tn tbis
state of pen')lexi+y we uaturaliy turned for assistance
to the Law Officers of the Crown. Where were they ?
I need scarcely say that they were not in this House.
Sir 6eorge Jessel was, of course, at Lincoln’s Inn, and
24^
T H E L A W O FFICERS OF T H E GROWN.
Sir John Coleridge, at the very tim e lie was wantQfl
in this rfouse, was performing the important work -of
arguing in the Queen’s 13ench ,in a case (Skinner, v.
Usher) which ai'osy from a dispute about hiring a cab
at a railway station. This latter incident serves
a singularly instructive comment on th e present sys
tem. J t m ight be supposed that a dispute a lm it the
hiring of a cab could be settled in a few m om ents; but
the case of Skinner-y.’U sher had already assumed? the
form of a long and costly suit, and, from some remarks
which feU from the learned judge wlio presided, it
appeared that the case depended upon the interpreta
tion of certain clauses in an A ct of Parliament which
had left tliis House in so obscure and luiintelligible a
form that it was almost impossible precisely to define
its meaning. The dispute may therefore go on until
it has been carried into every Court in the kingdom.
B ut the most significant port of the affair is this,—
that this very Act, the unintelUgibility of w'hich per
plexes our m ost learned judges, W'as passed by* the
very Government of which Sir J. Coleridge was him
self one «f the Law Ofiicers. W e therefore arrive at
this result, and it is one which I would earnestly
commend to the serious considemtion of Parliament
and the country :— that according to the present systeni it may happen that at the very tim e wlien*the
services of the Attorney-Genend are requlr«d in
this House, he may be arguing in a caSe which*
could be* settled without long and costly litigation,
if he could give a little more time to measures when
considered by this House, and thus preve?it their
passing in a form which renders it impossible for
tA e l a
W o f f i c e r s o f t h e C R d^V N .
•
tlêni to be understood b j tbe public, or explained by
the judges. W hat security liave we that ano^lier AlabaruiV case may* not ai^se, if the Law Officers are so
much absorbed in private practice that a Prime I\[iluster cannot ]:)riiig liunself to disturb them w ith any
question involving considcm tions' of public policy?
B ut perhaps not the least serious evil of the jmesent
system arises from the circumstance that the Govern
ment may have to decide what part th ey shall take
in some civil or criminal case. 7n determining the
course of conduct which they shall pui-sue, they must
be chiefly guided by the advice of their Law Officers;
but of this advice th ey may be completely deprived
because the Law Officers may be retained in the
case by some private individuals who are interested
hi it. Two ybars ago the Government had to decide
whether the interests of the public demanded that thej^
should undertake th e prosecution of the directors o*f
the Overend,•Gurney Company. I am not now going
to question the conclusion which the Government
flien came to, but what I do wish to point out is,
that the Government, in arriving at any (inclusion
at all, had of course to rely on the advice wdiich
m ight be tendered to them by the Attoimey- and
Solicitor-General. B ut it happened that th e SolicitorGefleral was precluded from giving any advice to the
Goveunment at all, because he had been retained by
*some of th e directors to defend them ; and, of course,
the Attorney-General migho aJso have been ‘retained.
B ut in striking contrast to what occurred in this par
ticular instance, I will ask the House to consider what
hasTiappened in another case, which during the last
2^
T H E L A W OFFICERS OF T H E CROW N.
•
few montlia has occupied much public attentiou. îv
J. Coleridge, who is now Ajitorney-General, was, ..as
we all know, the leading coun^l against tlie Clainvint
in the Tichboni^ case. Having one week been act
ing as counsel against liiin, he liad ne:;t week to be
come the adviser o f the • Government in prosecuting
liim (jii a serious criminal cliarge, and also*had to
advise th e Government to spend a very large sum
of money in tlie prosecution. The conse<]ûences*prodticed in the country have been extremely mischievous.
Depend upon it, when the Government has to come
to this House and ask for the money for this prose
cution, th ey w ill find that a widespread feeling of
discontent exists througliout the country in reference
to the expenditure; not because th e “ini)ney is grudged,
but because, from the peculiar position occupied by
the Attorney-General in the case, the public has got
an idea that there has not been exiictly fair play.
N o one, probably, w ill more regret the*prevalence of
such a feeling than the Attorney-General him self v but,
as when he was engaged in tlie case he found it
necessary to brand the Claimant w ith every oppro
brious epithet the dictionary contains, commonplace
people think it hardly satisfactory that he should
afterwards advise a prosecution on belialf of the Go
vernment and the nation.
*
Enough has probably been now said to shdW" the
H ouse how very unsatisfactorily the present system*
w'orks; *even the excuse of economy cannot be ui'ged
in its favour. B y a Treasury minute recently issued
the Attorney-General is to receive £ 7 ,0 0 0 a year
and the Solicitor-General £0,000 a year, simply as
T I I E L A W O F F IC E R S O F T H E C R U w N .
• •
249
•
retaining f e e s \ for in addition they are to be paid
for all contentious business in which th ey’ have to
aj^pear on behalf of
.Government. I t ’would requii'e a very lively imagination to ^suggest wdiat sum
^ley m ight not receive under the head of “ contentious
business.” I t is no palliation but rather’an aggravation,
of the ‘present system to say, tliat these salai’iea are
n et paid out of th e ordinary taxation of the country,
but* are ^>btained from patent fees, for these fees con
stitute one of the most obnoxiouS and objectional im
posts ever levied on ingenuity and industry. I ask the
House to remember that the salaries thus to be paid
to the A ttorney and Solicitor-General are respectively
40 and 20 per cent, more than the salary received by
a Prime Minister or a Secretary of State. B u t tliis
is not all. The Prime Minister and the Secretaries of
State give their uudi'sdded attention to their public
duties, whereas the country may only obtain frdrn.
th e Attorney- and Solicitor-General some chance hours
that they are able to spare after their private practice
^las been attended to. I f tiiis Treasiuy Minute is not
carefully scrutinized by this House, the ^lectors by
whose votes we were returned w ill very properly come
to the conclusion, that aU th e fine tilings that were
said on th e hustings about economy were simply idle
wdrds. A lthough I do not deshe to advocate a policy
of niggardly parsimony, y et I have no doubt that
em inent lawyers would devote their energies entirely
•
1 This Treasury m inute will not apply to the present Attorney-G eneral,
Sir J . Coleridge. XIo will continue to derive his official salary from p aten t
and otbei^fees. From a statem ent subsequently made by th e Chancellor o f
th ejl’’schequer (M r Lowe) when defending th is minute, it appears th a t tho
am ount S ir J . Coleridge thus receives is no t less th an .£12,000 a year.
250
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T H E %A W
O F F IC E R S O F T H E CROW 'N.
•
to th e public service for smaller salaries than is u su a ll/
supposed* The Legal member of Council, in India,
receives j£^,OQO a y e a r ; hiy wliple tim e is devoteiLto
liis official -work, and no*one w ill deny that a roan
would usually far sooner receive £5,000 a year in this
country than £8,000 a y«ar in Calcutta. And y et
some of the m ost eminent jurists have been •vailing
to go to India as Legal members of Council Among
the many distinguished men who have held ^lis posi
tion, it is sulEcient* to mention Lord IVIacaulay, Sir
H enry Maine, and Mr Fitzjames Stephen. During the
three years th at Mr Stephen has held the office, he
has done more for La-w reform in India than we can
hope to see done in this country in double the tim e ;
and now I wiH ask the House, could’hy by any possi
bility have carried out these measures* of reform if
he had held a leading position at the Calcutta Bar
,aAd nearly the whole of his time had been occupied
w ith private practice ?
•
I f I am asked what system ought to be substituted
for the present one, without presuming to suggest a
complete ^neaaure of reform, it certainly seems to me
tliat there m ust be a general agreement as to tlie
desirability of separating the political and judicial
functions of the Lord-Chancellor. W hat is rerpih-ed
in the House of Commons is a Minister of Justice -\tho
should be at the head of a department of la-\î and
justice, who should be primarily responsiblt? for in- '
troducing* measures of law reform, wlio should be the
legal adviser of the Government, who should be always
ready to give a legal 0 ])inion on questions anising in
this House, and whoso whole time should be devoted
T I^ E L A I V O F F IC E R S O F T H E C R O W N .
•
’
251
•
t(; the public. Such a Minister o f Justice miglit receive
£8,000 a year ; but even if it were necessafy to pay
him £ 10,000 a*yoar, :ô public mohey woufd ever be
more wisely and advantageously s;^)ent. The holder
of this office would no doubt be one of the most emi
nent lawyers o f the day, and it m ighl be arranged,
that, in»the event of a change of Government, he should
receive a pension as a Lord-Chancellor does now, and
he w ight .occupy a judicial position in a Supreme Court
of Appeal. W hen it is necessar/ for the Government
to be represented in Court, it would he easy to retain
on their behalf the m ost eminent counsel, ju st as is
now done by th e Government of India, by the Bank
of England, and by m ost great corporations.
These
counsel, who w^jifld be retained by the Government,
m ight still bd called Attorney- and Solicitor-General,
but as. their offices would be en th ely non-political, it
would not be necessary for them to have seats in this
House or to wacato their offices on a change of Governmeni. A n important indirect advantage \vould result
from this arrangement. The Government m iglit then
be always represented by the m ost eminen^:. counsel
at the Bar, whereas it now often happens th at the
Government is not represented in Court by those who
are most distinguished in their profession, for the
vei^ simple reason that the greatest lawyers may be
eithctt unwilUng or unable to enter Parliament.
In otoclusion, I will only say that 1 hope the sub
ject will soon be taken up by some one in this House
far more competent to deal w ith it than myself; but,
should 4his not be the case, the question is much too
important to be permitted to drop, and I will promise
252
T U E * L A W O F F IC E R S O F T H E C R O lV N .
to pursue it w ith persistency and perseverance. A
great authority lias said that the well-being of a com
m unity is* to he estimated ]?y tlie elctent to wluch
justice is made cheap ai*d expeditious. I f th is test
of prosperity is applied to our own coimtry, we must
come to the c(5nclusion that she is not to be congratu
lated on her present condition.
.
SPEECH AT BPJGETON.
PEBiju^By, 1873,
•
I f in the remarks I am about to fauke but very slight
allusion is made to the past, you will not, I trust,
suppose tliat I adopt this course in order to avoid tlie
responsibility of any vote that I liave given, or of any
words that I have spoken. But the past session has,
during the las^^ lew months, been so frequently re
viewed; whaf was badly done has been so often criti
cised by the Opposition ; what was well done has been
so constantly praised, not only by the friends of tlie .
Government,*but by the Government themselves; that
I shall not weary you by attempting my poor contrifTution to this great aggregation of repetition and re
iteration. In the future there is ahnost an incalculable
number of questions which may worthily engage our
anxious consideration. In proceeding to discuss some
of tliese, we have, I thijik, a right to complain that we
recfeive so minute a modicum of assistance from the
respoiisible Ministers of the Crown. Ever since the
* beginning of September, scarcely a week has elapsed
vdthout the delivery of two or tlmee speeches from
various members of the Govermnent. These speeches
may be# searched in vain for the slightest glimmer of
light shed upon the legislation which impends over
2o4
*•
SPEJ-XU A T B R IG H TO N .
US in tlie future. W ould ifc not be far better that
•
those wlfoni we arc bound to look up to as statesmen,
instead o f repeating for the f?iousandtii tim e that the
Ballot has been passed,* and purchase in tlie army
abolished, should *tell us upon what principles the im
portant measures which wp are promised next session
w ill be based ? I t w ill no doubt be said sucli p course
could not be adopted without divulging Cabinet secrets.
B u t w hat occasion is there for all this secrecy, and
m ystery ? If, for i«istance, the Cabinet has come to
any decision in reference to load taxation, would it
not be better for the Government— it certainly would
be better for the %ation— that the general outlines of
the proposed measure should be known? I t would
then be fully considered by those w’bo ^have most prac
tical knowledge of the subject. Constituencies would
be able to confer with their members upon it, and the
Government would no doubt obtain from this discussion *
many valuable suggestions. B u t as masters are now
managed, everytlung seems arranged, not to secure the
best legislation, but to give a minister who introducSfe
a new measure an opportunity of making a gi-eat the
atrical display. On Thursday next it w ill probably
be announced that on the following i\Ionday the pro
mised bill on Local Taxation w ill be introduced. As
the expected day approaches, gossip w ill invent count
less niinours. A kind of meretricious excitenênt is
aroused, and the House will be crowded on tin# occasion.*
The Government may very probably bring forward
some proposals w'hich no one may have anticipated, and wliich, consequently, may never have lên dis
cussed. The country is taken by surprise, and* the
•
S P E E C H A T B R IG H T O N .
• ‘
2^5
f
flty for the second reading arrives before the hill has
been properly and calmly considered. Mortôver the
whoje discus.si(tn is at^cflice throv'n into tht’ vortex of
party politics. Some* proposal is made, of which, per
haps, hardly fifty members really approve; but they
get over their objections oi^ hearing from the ‘‘W h ip ”
that tjie M inistry will consider it a vital point,
ai;;id, if it is rejected, w ill abandon the bill. In this
w ay it not unfrequently happens that some principle
is sanctioned, fraught w ith the inwst mischievous con
sequences in th e future. In proof of this, innumer
able examples m ight be quoted. I t Avill, however, be
sufficient to refer to the prodigal %iiste of millions of
national property, when at the time of the disestablish
ment of the Iiish Church, the reversion of the Tithe
rent-charge i\'as handed over gratuitously to Irish
landowners. Again, it can scarcely be doiibted that
the Irish Land Bill would have diffused a happier ift-.
fluence if tht; w ild expectations, which were doomed to
inevitable disappointment, had not been permitted to
^ ’ow up unchecked during the many months which
elapsed between th e tim e when the measure^ was pro
mised and the tim e when a knowledge of its provisions
could be obtained. A s a last example, it can scarcely
be denied that much of the unfortunate agitation wliich
ha» been created by the Elementary Education A ct is
due ^0 the circumstance, that people have been made
‘far more«tinerv thiui they othciwlse would be, because,
while the A ct was hurried through the House, there
was scarcely tim e to judge what would be the conse
quences, of many of its provisions. I t is by common
consent assumed that the two chief Government mea-
256
*• S P E E C H A T BRIG H TO N .
snres of tlie coming sesRion will refer to local taxation
and to Ifisli U niversity lidncation. W ith regard fb
local taxation, I believe that *no subject that has been
brought before tliis Parlimnent \fill moi'e severely tci?t
not only its administrative capacity, but also the
courage of th o Government. Rumour says that thb
measure has been specially taken up and y ill be
brougllt forward by Mr Gladstone. I hope this report
w ill prove to be true, for in hnaiicial capacity, and in
the management oi» a complicated financial measure
wlien passing through tlie House, there is no living
politician, in m y opinion, to be at all compared to him.
W hatever shoi’tconfings the measure may contain, will,
I believe, so far as Mr Gladstone is concerned, not be
due to any ^vant of capacity, but either to an inability
or to an unwillingness to resist some inlkiences against
which he w ill have to contend. Already the House
c?f Commons, on the motion of Sir Massey Lopes, has '
declared that :nany charges now boriie^by the local
rates ought to be transferred to the coi'isolidatoKl fund.
In the majority were to be fo\md a great number l>f
Ijiberal members, who, I fear, on this (question are
likely to exercise a powerful influence oii the Govern
ment. I think that few proposals which have ever
been suggested woidd prove more mischievous, and
ought, therefore,*to be more strenuously resisted, ijjan
th e proposition to transfer local charges to the con
solidated fund. In the first place, it would nîdermine*
th at priiiciple of local self-government, the loss of
which would fatally weaken the feeling of self-reliance
among th e people. I f funds were provided by the
State instead of by local authorities, they woukl of
S P E E C H A T JJRIGHTON.
•’
2o7
■
courao have to be adtninlaterod by State o»Ticiala, and
tlie whole country would be enveloped in a ^reat net
work of officialism. Nattonal energy, thus ti'Timmelled,
^^buld inevitably decline. B ut the proposal involves
a still more serious objection. I t is a maxim, as old
aS th e hills, that public myney is lool^d upon as no
one’s money. There would be a scramble for these
gm nts from the consolidated fund, and locahtiesV ould
vie with each other in seeing how much of the money
of the State th ey could spend. I f *1110 local authorities
in this or any other town waste, for instance, £20,000,
the indignation of the ratepayers is at once aroused,
for tliey know that the money whi^h is wasted comes
directly out of their own pockets. B ut suppose a grant
from th e consolidated fund of a much larger aiuount
were squanderecf in some useleas work. A very differeiit feeling would be excited; it perhaps would be
■thought that th e money, though wasted, would bi3
good for the ^ trade of the place. I t would not be
taken directly out of the ratepayers’ pockets, but it
wfffiltl be drawn from those coffers of the State which
many seem to regard as a reservoir which can never
be exhausted, and which never needs replenishing.
N o plan that could be devised would more effectually
encourage extravagance. I)o not be for one moment
deluded w ith th e idea that less money would be taken
out of your pockets. Every million transferred from
Uie rates,w ould necessitate the taking considerably
more than a million from the consolidated fund, ana
thus the aggregate amount extracted from the com
m unity bv taxation would not be diminished but in'creas^l- B ut the strangest part o f the whole affah
F. s.
•
17
fo 8
•
'.
S P E E C H A T B R IG H TO N .
•
*
is this, that those who advocate tliis transfer o f local
charges siever explain Jiow the extra money that
he required by the State is
bo obtained. They do
not even seem at all to •recognfiie the fact that mcJte
money w ill be reqiiired, for it may be frequently observed
that, side by side w ith this proposal, it is calmly sug
gested that there should be a “ free breakfast table,”
or that the duty on malt should be abolished, or that
the income-tax should be totally and unconditionally
repealed. H ow very much trouble might be saved
if we were all of us more careful to remember that
the State cannot, any more tlian individuals, obtain
m oney as if it were rained down from heaven— a
spontaneous product of nature. Do not suppose that
I think nothing is required to be done in reference to
local taxation. There is much injnstice*which urgently
needs redress, and there are many most important
h'eforms which ought to b.e carried out. B ut the morO
attention I give to the subject, th e more convinced I
becomo tliat th e injustice which most needs to be
remedied is to bo looked for in a very dilferent quaver
from that which has been pointed out by those repre
sentatives of the landowning classes who have most
prominently agitated the question. I t is, o f course,
impossible on th e present occasion to do anything more
than give a bare summary of conclusions; but, 5is the
discussion proceeds, I believe it will be generallj recog
nized that local taxation is not so much a hindownei>s
question as it is a house-occupier’s question. Far from
landowners being unfiirly treated, th ey enjoy m a n y .
exemptions which are quite indefensible. In th e first
place, country mansions are subjected to a *much
-I
•
.
S P E E C H A T B R IG H TO N ,
•'
2^9
•
r
.
fower assessment tlian th ey ought to be. They are,
ih fact, assessed according to an altogether <!niagiiiary
standard as t# w hatîheir lettin g value nvould be;
t^’hereas the essential princfjjle of a rate or tax on a
house is that it should be a tax oi/expenditurc rather
than on property. Again,^pleasure-gminds and plan
tations do not contribute their proper share to local
taxation. AVoods and game-preserves almost entirely
escape assessment. N othing can be more unjust than
this. Again th e landowners’ int§rests in mines ought
undoubtedly to be rated. I t is, however, in towns
that there is perhaps th e most injustice associated
w ith the present metlaod of levying local taxation.
Nearly the entire burden of the rates falls upon the
occupiers of liouses, and I have never heard a valid
reason allegcil why ground rents .should not be rated.
One example w ill shew the singular unfairness of the
• present system. Some of you probably know fi*cSn.
painful experience, that if some improvement is
carried out which permanently increases the value of
tiuuse property, it is paid for entii’ely by the oc
cupiers of h ou ses; the owners g et the improvement
for nothing. Thus, suppose some gi'eat drainage works
are to bo constructed which w ill cost £500,000. The
money is borrowed on the principle that by paying
a hjgh rate of interest, say 7 per cent., it shall be paid
off in 21 years. The occupier of a house who has
• a lease
21 years finds that a largo addition i«i Roddenly made to liis rates. H e pays the additional rate
■ . during the whole period of the leiise, and at the expiration of the lease the owner of the house raises the rent *
^
becjLuse the value has been increased by the supericn^
17— 2 ;
2G1}
’ • S P E E C H A T B R IG H T O H .
%
drainage to wliich lie has not conti'ibuted a shillingT
Anotlier asionialy of tlie present system is that count^''
magistrates impose rates. AVe'^hall so*ne day wonder
how it came to pass that a*non-elJctive body has beefl
so long permitted to impose taxation on the people.
There are manyôtiier things that I should like to saf
to you on the subject of local taxation, but it is time
that I should pass on to the next impoi'tant measure
which has been promised to us by the Government.
I have already expressed an opinion that we are bound
to feel no little satisfaction that the question of local
taxation is, as we hear, to l>e taken up by Mr Glad
stone. I wish we could look witli the same conlidence
to his treatment of the Irish University cpiestion. The
reason why I have so little misgivi»g with regard to
the one subject, and so much misgiving with regard
to the other, is that the more Mr Gladstone’s political
. cêer is studied, the more evident does it ap^êar that
wliilst on the path of financial reform he will go as fiir
as he is permitted, he will, on the path of religious
equality, only go as far as he is forced. X o tln ^
appears so inexplicable and so inconsistent with the
avowed prmciples of the Government as their conduct
in reference to Irish University education. They have
resorted to so many artifices to avoid a distinct and
intelligible declaration of their policy, that we might
almost be led to assume that they have been under the
spell of some sinister Ultramontane infliieiice. For*
five years everything has been done that the forms
of the House would permit to introduce the principle •
of religious equality into Ji’ish Univemity erlucation
by the abolition of every vestige of rehgious tests*and
•
8G1
disabilities. You all know what power a Government
has to throw impediments in the way of an indepenclejit member, tw ice,t^ ey have managed to obtain a
not very creditable victoiy by resoiiting to the threat
a resignation. I f the repetition of such a manceiivre
is not checked, it will be disastrous to the independ
ence of•Parliament. A t length, however, the timo has
li!fpj)ily arrived when, I believe, the good sense of the
Hoitse of Commons will insist that there shall be no
more of this shifting and this shirking. The Govern
ment will be forced to introduce a measure of their
own, but in . case legislation may be again deferred on
a subject which so urgently needs settlement, I have
quite decided on the first day of the session to re
introduce the Ixlf, the second reading of which was last
year carried by a majority of four to one. If it should
be found that the scheme of the Government is a more
satisfactory solution of the question than the bill of'
which 1 havediad charge, no one wuU be more rejoiced
t> *i I shall be, and I shall, of course, at once with
draw my own bill. If, however, it should be found
that their scheme contains, under an ingei«ous dis
guise, the vicious principle of concurrent endowment;
if it should be found that they propose to dismember
and disendow Trinity College, Dublin— an ancient and
illustrious institution, wliere the highest culture has
alw:'.}"K f'^n.nd e n c o u r a g e m » = * r i f t if^ further^ it is proposed
*out of t?ic funds of this CoUege, when it has been
despoded, to create not a teaching University, but an
examining Board, into which the principle of religious
N nominaMon is to be introduced; then, indeed, may it
be earnestly hoped that the House o£ Commons will
262
S P E E C H A T B R IG H TO N ,
•
not be coerced, either by a threat of resignation gr
dissolution, to sanction a policy which w ill not only
impede intellectual advancement, Jout w ill cause Irelarj^d
in the future to ^be still more injured than she has
been in the past by the blighting Influence of sectaricyi
rancour. Although the tvt'O subjects to which I have
refeiTgf may probably have the firet claim • on the
consideration of the Government, y et there are other
questions which we may reasonably hope will engage
their attention. The English Education A ct being one
of those compromises which, intended to please eveiy
one, generally end by pleasing scarcely anyone, urgently
requires amendment. First and foremost it is neces
sary that the provisions for securing the attendance of
children at aclioul should be amended. These provi
sions are so imperfect that the Act, so* far as it has
produced'any effect in getting children to school in the^
rural districts, is a lamentable failure. I t is also of the
utm ost importance that the 25th claifse should be
repealed— a clause which has done so much to friîgr
away th e educational zeal of the country in barren
sectariai-b squabbles. In saying this I am bound to
confess that w e who hold those, views on education,
which are supposed to be represented by th e Birming
ham League, are not altogether free from blame in the
matter. Instead of distinctly stating that we were in
favour of a complete septiration of religious and se
cular teaching, we gave a kind of tacit c?^nsent to*
tlie m osl indefensible of all proposals, viz, that the
Bible should be read without note or comment. The
scone that was lately enacted in the presence of the ^
Birmmgham School Board throws an instructive light
SP E E C H A T B R IG H T O N . • '
^63
Upon the consequences wliich result from introducing
sectarianism into rate-supported schools. The Board
liqd. advertised* for a /lirtain number of masters, and
many applicants accordingly presented themselves. It
might have been thought that the chief object of the
koard would have been • to ascertain whether the
applicajits would be likely to be efficient teachers ; but
instead of this, various members of the Board, repre
senting different religious denominations, subjected the
applicants to a severe cross-exaTnination as to their
religious opinions.
One unfortunate candidate was
worried into giving two or three contradictory defini
tions of verbal inspiration. Another, on saying that ho
believed in the Atonement, was asked to which of the
twenty-five dogtfmes of the Atonement that have been
promulgated* did he refer.
Another, on speaking
dubiously upon some point of doctrine, was informed
that a Catholic priest would watch him ; much in the*,
same way, I, presume, as a cat watches a mouse. All
tj^s badinage and chaff, of course, excited roars of
laughter. Is it possible to have a more instructive
comment upon the religious influence likely to be
exerted by the Education Act, if it is permitted to
remain in its present form ? Beference has already
been made to the fact that recent legislation has done
little or nothing to improve the education of the rural
distiicts. As it was with the towns, so, I believe^
■will it be with the country districts. U ntil houauhold
suffrage gave t-he town artisan a vote, there seemed
to be little chance of any legislation to secure the
educatk>n of the town population. Just in the same
waj% it seems too certain that, until household sufirage
26-1^
' S P E E C H A T B R IG H TO N .
is extended to the connties, there will be'no earnest
and effectual attem pt made to secure th e education
of our rural labourers.
One V^mark In reference .to
this subject I think I am hound to make^. I f house
hold 8uffi*age is extended to the counties, there cer
tainly appeal's fiot the sligJitest reason why the 40.-<.
freehold qualification should be retained for non-resi
dents. Tlie a,bolition of the freehold qualification, no
far as non-residents are concerned, would g et ri<.l of
one of th e greatest'abuses of our electoral system,
v iz . : th e non-residential faggot votes. N othing con
tributes so mucli to increase the cost of county elec
tions as these faggot voters. They are often bro-uglit
from a great distance at the expense of the candidate,
th ey have often no interest in the cftiyity, and their
qualification is frequently entirely fictitfous.
W hen
the rural labourer has been enfranchised, the injustice
•of excluding women from th e suffrage wiU, I think,
come more forcibly home to us all. WJieii it is re
membered that the extension of th e suffrage to
n in il labourers is advocated by members of the Govern
ment, an^ by moderate politicians of nearly all shades
of opinion, and when we reflect that th e Tories them
selves have not announced any antagonism to it, I
think it must be admitted that every shadow of an
excuse for maintaining the electoral disabilities* of
women is swept away. I f th e rural labourei's in^heir
present ignorance and dependence are fit to*exercise *
electoral *power, it cannot surely be urged that the
^ In a speech I previously made a t Brighton, I expressed the oi»nion
th a t if household suffrage were extended to tiie counties, th^ ui'disuro
should be accompaiiieil with one fur the redistribution of seats based on .
tlie pi'iuciplo of proportional or minority ro[>i-es<aitaticHL
•'
SP E E C H A T n n iG llT O N .
*
2G5
women
of Eno-land
are not fit to be entrnsted w ith
•
®
a siiiiiiar j'jrivilego. Mr Briglit, an antliority to wiioin
we <\vo all boifnd to
tlie greatest resp'ect, tliinks
that even if the present I’iU’liamen.t should last until
th e autumn of 1874, the question of. household suffrage
in the counties should n<>t be dealt ^vith till after a
dissolution. It seems, liowever, difficult to suggest
any valid reason for this delay. Mr Bright apparently
tluHks that the present Parliament, during the com
paratively short time it has to li\'t^, should concentrate
a chief part of its energy in insisting upon a reduction
of the National Expenditure. N o one would more
gladly lend a helping hand to this good work than
m yself I t is, however, well to remind you that no
thing is more, dbinmon tlian enthusiastically to advo
cate the cau?5e of economy,-and at the same tim e to
favour schemes which w ill inevitably lead to a great
increase in national expenditure. How often does’it*.
happen that* those who desire a reduction of expenditlii’e, also deshe free education, State-aided emigration,
and the transfer o f lo«il charges to the consolidated
fund. 'Well, if all these things can be doi^c without
adding to national expenditure, something more than
the dreams of the alchymists of old will be realized,
fur we should have at length discovered how to make
wtfalth out of notliing. Questions affecting reduction
of e^'penditure are, of course, intim ately connected
w ith ]ffopusals fur reducing or rem itting tiixation.
The advocates of the repeal of variuuo uixes not unfretjuently 'commit the same kind of inconsistency
whIOK,•a^s has been shewn, may be fairly laid to the
chitrge of some of the professed friends of economy.
266
'•
SP E E C H A T B lilG lIT O N .
•
Tims the landed interest one day demands the repeal
of the in’'cilt duty, and the next day declares with
still greater emphasis that t h \ natioiftil expenditure
should be iiicrejise^d by nâking the State bear the
burden of many charges now paid for by local rates.
There has lately been a certain amount of agitation
in favour of the repeal of the income-tax, and many of
the prominent leaders in the movement, instead of
shewing how the reqûisite saving is to be - effected,
or how the money which the tax yields is to be other
wise provided, give their adherence to the proposal
for a “ Free Breakfast Table.” As this agitation for
the repeal of the income-tax is likely to assume in
creased significance, I should like to say a few words
to you about it. No one w'lio has
devoted the
slightest attention to the subject can pretend to deny
that there are many disadvantages, and that there is
.nvuch inequality associated with the income-tax. But
does not the same remark hold equally trim with regard
to almost every other tax ? I t must moreover be remojpbered that it is one thing to* endeavour to make the
assessment of the income-tax more just, and to attempt
to improve the method of its collection, and it is alto
gether another and a very different thing to propose
its total and unconditionid repeah The existing mode
of collecting the tax is unnecessarily worrying jind
vexatious. The present discontent with the tjx is
no doubt in xio small degree due to Mr Lome’s un
fortunate* fondness for fantastic financial tricks. 'With
regard to making the assessment of the tax more just,
it certainly seems that something should be done to
place temporaiy^ and uncertain incomes on a diftefent
S P E E C H A T BRIG H TO N.
X’
267
footing from those incomes which are derived from a
certain and permanent. source. A possessor' of a per
manent income* d eriv^ from an investment in the
Funds, no doubt luis more to si)end than one who
has an income of the same amount derived from a
business, a profession, or
salary. Jt has therefore
been siifffftisted,
with
a
view
to obtaining
a ^kind of
OO
'
o
2‘»ugh approximation to eqindity, that a fixed deduc
tion should be made from all temporary incomes before
they are assessed. Thus if the Meduction were onethird, an income of XGOO, derived from a business,
salary, or profession, would pay the ta x on only £400.
I do not by any means wish positively to pledge m yself
to the opinion th at no better way of securing gi’eater
equality in tli*}âssessment of this tax can be found.
The s\ibject i^ surrounded with difficulties, and I cannot
help thinking it would have been much better i f the
members o f Parliament and the shrewd C ity men, who.
gathered in «uch numbers the other day at the Guildhiill, had addressed them selves to the solution of these
difficulties, and had not expended so muclK vague de
clamation in denouncing the tax. Some of the speakers
at the m eeting seemed to give their sanction to a
simple excision of Schedule D. I f this were done,
incomes derived from business would contribute nothhig to th e tax, and no one condescended to suggest
in wkat other way those who were thus exempted from
the inc8me-tax should be made to contribute to the
revenue. Never, probably, was a morp unjust piupusai
propounded. The wealthy merchants, bankers,' and
stock-lirakers ai'e to escaj'je scot-free, wliereas the tax
woidd continue to be levied w ith scrupulous exactness
268,
* S P E E C H A T BRJOUTON.
m
from tlie annuity of the poor widoAv, from the salary of
the underpaid clerk, and from the stipend of the hardworked clergyman, or xSonconlSrmist iniiiister. ^ o t
less unjust is the proposal to substitute for the incometax a tax leAucd solely on property. W l^ shouM one
who is obtiiining £20,000 *a year from a business or
professmn escape a tax which is imposed ujx>n one
wlio, after a great struggle, has managed to saxe
sufficient property to provide a bare competency*for
lum self and his faffiily ? You should be careful to
\
understand what is the true signification to be given
to this demand for the total and unconditional repeal
'
of the income-tax. It must mean one of tw o things: either the tax must be got rid of, even if other taxa
tion, such as the levying of new duties^vVi commodities,
is to be substituted for i t ; or if the exjicnditure is
sufficiently reduced to enable the money AA'hich th e tax
•yields to be dispensed with, then it is to be abolished
before a single other tax is reduced or repcided. Two
years ago I did not hesitate to protest against tlie
B udget of th e Chancellor of t-he Exchequer, because
the incoipe-tax was made to bear the entire burden
of additional expenditure. I ventured to say then that
the extra expenditure should be borne partly by cUrect
and partly by indirect taxation. If, on the other hand,
it is proposed, when expenditure is diminished,* to
devote the entire saving to tlie reduction of the incometax, I shall not the less feel it my duty to asSert that *
a reductk)u of direct and indirect taxation ought to
-y
go on simidtaneously, and instead of devoting the
‘ *
entire surplus to diminishing the income-tax, iitportion
of it ought to J)o employed in lessening the duticfi on
S P E E C H A T B R IG H TO N .
2(^9
•
some commodities of general .consumption. Tliere are
many reasons wliy, at tlie present time, it is peculiarly
im^wrtaiit to enforce ^lie strictest economy in the
e\’penditure of publif; mon^". In the first place, tho
rapid rise which is taking place in prices— the con
sequent augmentation in t\ie cost of i^ving, and the
greater dearness of materials, must exert a powerful
tendency in adding to the expenses of all Governments.
Then, again, although we may most emphatically con
demn the policy of entering into a rivalry of armaments
w ith th e great military Powers of the continent, y et
we cannot help feeling that some influence m ust be
exercised upon our expenditure by their prodigal and
increasing outlay in warlike preparations. B ut you
may fahly a s k ^ V h a t is the best way of practically
enforcing economy on our Government ? I have al
ready reminded you that it is not altogether the fault
■of the Government, but the blame must, at least, l>0
• largely shared by those who are never tired of demanding grants of money for all kinds of purposes from the
Ihiporial Exchequer.
.^gain, it cannot be doubted
that Parliament m ight do far more than is done in
promoting economy by carefully looking atter the
various Government departments, and insisting that
we get money’s value for money spent. Depend upon
it this end w ill not be attained by occasional speeches
aboutêconomy. W hat is needed is patient and idmost
•unceasing^ labour. N o efficient check can ever be im
posed upon on extravagant dupaiunent, ct^cept by
those ■who devote months, nay, even years, of patient
investigation, to mastering all the details of expendi^ u r e . A ny member of Parliament who, for instance,
2^0
‘ • SP E E C H A T E R IG U T O X .
•
wolild undertake such a task, w ith regard to the Army
and N avy estimates, would render a most signal ser
vice to hts country. Opinion^ may ditler as to^the
strength of th e Army and NavJ" Avhich we ought tf-)
maintain, but there cannot be two opinions upoii the
impoi'tanco of ftisisting uppn that administrative elttciency which w ill give us the best army and th e beat
fleet at the least possible outlay. In saying that,
when we are considering the question of public^ ex
penditure, wo cannot lose sight of the great military
preparations that are being made by numerous coun
tries, do not suppose that I am for one moment ad
vocating a policy of active and meddlesome foreign
intervention. Least of all should any encouragement
be given to th at policy which was in T^ûe a few years
ago, when our Foreign Ministers were iuways proffering
advice, w ith the distinct understanding that th is was
th e only kind of assistance the English nation w a s ,'
imder any circumstances, prepared to give. B ut al-*
though we may deprecate this kind of oflicial inter
ference, y et there certainly seems reason to regret thal:,
as a nation, we are gradually taking less interest in
foreign affairs, and appear more ready to assume a
policy of selfish isolation, as if the highest mission
of a great coiuitry was to extend trade and become
rich. The conduct of individuals is, we all know,.pro
bably much le ^ influenced by law than it is by tlie
public opinion of their neighbours. Just iii^the sam o
way, alth'ough the meddlesome interference of a Minis
ter may be resented, y et w'e may fairly conclude .that
a nation would be less ready to blemish her rej)utation
w ith wrong-doing, if she knew that her conduct w o u l^
SP E E C H A T n n i G I I T O N .
.'
i?71
•
'receive clue condemnation from the public opinion of
other countries. During the past year twcr acts have
beeji done by •Prussio/iind France respectively wliich
bught, I venture to fhink, i?) have called forth stronger
protests from the English people. * Rarely has an act
of greater harshness been, committedHhan when Ger
many offered to the people of Alsace and Lorraine no
alternative but expatriation, or immediate military
service in a foreign army. The French Government,
apparently w ith the tacit consen1> of the French nation,
is, week after week, committing acts of th e most
vindictive cruelty in t h e , execution of the Communist
prisonem at Satory. No nation can be more jealous
of fame and of glory than tlie French. They seem
ready to
any sacrifice to remove what th ey
consider the disgrace of recent military disasters.
Those who throughout the world appreciate mercy
and justice, w ill think that if these executions flr.^
continued much longer, it is not the disgrace of Sedan,
but th at of Satory, which the French themselves will
*some day be m ost anxious to efface.
There are
very many other subjects on which I should, if time
permitted, like to speak to you. You w ill probably
expect me to say a few words upon those disputes
between capital and labour which are now assmning
such serious significance.
A ny one, however, • who
thinks at all about th e subject w ill soon discover
that tlêso disputes have their origin in causes which
arp ftlt-^getlicr beyond the power of ParkJîment to
control U n til some arrangements are adopted w ith
the view of linking capital and labour together by
the bond of a common pecuniary interest, A cts of
27^
•
‘ • SP E E C H A T BRIG H TO N.
Parliament and Conids of Arbitration ^vill be alike
powerless *to prevent strikes and locks-out. How is if
likely that antagonism w ill ceasoywhilst »mployers think
that their first concern ii? to buy labour as cheaplj^
as possible, and vîilst the employed consider that
they are, aboveâll things, întei'ested in selling th eif
labour at the highest possible price ? The hostility
between capital and labour, w hich,is now causing so
many disastrous consequences, and, is producing such
widespread m iseiy, may be regarded as an indication
that our industrial system is passing, by slow and
painful steps, into another phase, which promises a
brighter and a happier future. W e shall at last be
taught by bitter experience how essential it is to coun
teract the antagonism now prevailing ^ etw een capital
and labour, by giving workmen an ojipom inity of more
directly participating in the profits of the industry in
which th ey are engaged. I t may, I believe, be as
serted as a fact beyond dispute, that the principle of
co-partnership has never been fairly tried vdthout
radically improving the relations between employer^
and employed, and without powerfully promoting the
interests of all the parties concerned. The admirable
training provided by co-partnership may gradually
fit the workmen for that highest form of industrial
development in which they supply the capital wi^ch
their industry needs. L et me, however, entreat you
never to lose sight of the fact that these gre^t ttin g s ,
are to beâchieved, not by A ct of Parliament, but by
th e prudence and self-reliance of the workmen them- •
selves. A ll that Parliament should be asked to do
is, as far tis possible, to secure for eacli man and won\an
S P E E C H A T BRIG H TO N .
•’
2^3
•
a “ fair field and no favour/' and to guarantee as far
‘c^ possible to all entire liberty of action. On the one
hand, workmen*should have the most complete freedom
fo combine, but, on* the ofher hand, the law should
give the most ample protection to*any one who may
15c coerced to join a combination. Y(»u w ill probably
wish to know w’hat I think of tlie sentence lately
passed upon th e gas stokers, and what is my opinion
of y ie law by which they %vere convicted. That the
sentence was unduly severe is acknowledged not only
by the general voice o f public opinion, but by the
Government, for the Home Secretiuy has ju st reduced
the punishment by two-thirds. I t is, however, to my
mind, an em inently unsatisfactory thing that these
men should h a ^ been punished, not for a breach of
contract, but ^ an offence against the obsolete enact
ments known as the Conspiracy Laws. The harshness
' of the sentence even as it at present stands is the moo1>,
• apparent when it is contrasted w ith the punishment
which is m eted out to other offences. A rufEan about
the same time, ■who knocked Ixis wife down and
kicked her all over the body, b it her twice on the
arm, and finally tore a piece of flesh out of te r neck,
was sentenced by the Dudley magistrates to only
one month’s' hard labour. Such inequality w ill excite
aniojigst the people a feeling which no Government
w ill find it prudent to attem pt to withstand. A ll the
•existing Jaws which seek to regulate Trades’ Union
ofibnr*p« ueed fundaiiioiiUl levisloii. The Master and
Servants A ct is based on a principle essentially unjust,
and there never was a more bungling and obscure
V. s*
18
274
’ • SP E E C H A T B R IO IITO N .
t
2>iece
o f legislation than the Crhninal Law Amend!^
m ent Act< Although I shall to-morrow have an oppoftu n ity of ‘speakiiig to you ok India,* I cannot p>ass
th e subject entirely by on the R esen t occasion. Nt>
greater misfortune* and no greater disgrace, could befill our countMy than if we alienate the Indian peo
ple from us by indifference and neglect. The House
of Cofnmons has undertaken to govern th e m ; no
representative assembly ever assumed a graver respon
sibility. It is sometimes asked, W hat can the British
Parliament do for India? Am ongst a hundred other
things, it can at least do this : it can see that In
dia is not sacrificed to the party exigencies of homo
politics; it can see that charges are not unjustly
thrown upon India wliich ought to l:j^borne by Eng
land ; it can call those to account who wticte her money
by administrative incom petency; and last, not least,
î t can protect the finances of India against the de- '
manda of those who seem to think that she is spc- •
ciaUy created to stipply cheap cotton for Lancashhe,
and to afford an eli^ ible investment for English capi
tal. A Secretaiy of State for India ought to feel
that lie^ s sufficiently supported by public opinion to
be able to resist those who apparently consider that,
however many millions they squander in some unpro
fitable work, th ey should, by being able to draw lipon
the resources of India, be secured a high rate of jjrofit,
and be guaranteed against all loss.
I t f^pmetimes*
seems tp be thought that the people of India are so
backward and unenlightened, that they w ill neither
detect injustice, nor appreciate efforts to promote their
S P E E C H A T B R I O I I T O N .' *
%75
welfiire. N ever was there a more unfortunate delu•
.
.
.
•
sion. N otliing that is done in this c o u n ty respect
in g .India escapes their* keen and active intelligence,
'fhe smallest service rendered to ^jbhem is not less
sure to excite in them tlie liveliest feelings of grati
tude, than is any act of injustice cerlain to receive
from them its proper condemnation. One fact^ alone
is*suflScient to shew what a lamentable want of ap
preciation there is of the magnitude of the trust we
have assumed in taking upon ourselves to control the
destinies of tw o hundred millions of people. I am not
now going to refer to the continuous neglect with
which successive Governments have treated the affairs
of India in the H ouse of Commons, but I wiU ask
you for one n j^ ie n t to think what impression must
be produced by the fact, that although during the
recess Jlinister after Minister has spoken upon eveiy
conceivable topic, not one of them could condescenS^
to devote ona moment’s consideration to India. The
Under Secretary, who is the official representative of
India in th e House of Commons, not long since made
a speech in which almost every nation on ih e face
of the earth was reviewed; he sat as it were upon
a lofty pedestal of cosmopolitan criticism, and India,
as th e leading Journal remarked, was alone conspicuoifS for her absence. Although I have unduly tres
passed* on your patience, I will venture to ask you
porrr*’* me in conclusion to refer for a very fo',v
moments to a matter personal to myself. T would
not, however, allude to it, did it not have some bear
ing upoji a public question of no slight importance.
275
• SP E E C H A T B R IG H TO N .
'
*
•
W hen a Parliament is in the fifth year of its exist
ence, an 'early dissolution is, of course, a very pro
bable contingency. W ithout *presnming to inake.any
prediction, it cannot be doubtccf that a general election may very likely take place before we agjiiri meet
at such a gathering as tliis. N otliing could be more
unfair than to take a constituency by surprise, and
you ought to have the fullest opportunity of bei^g
able to select the candidates whom you would ,best
like to represent }’T)U. Do not suppose that I am
about to announce my retirem ent: I will simply repeat
w hat I have stated before, that I will never leave
you until you tell me to go. B ut if you again de
sire that I should be your candidate, I wish, without
th e slightest reserve, to make kno\ii^^to you under
what conditions I shall be willing to* stand.
Few
things in politics at the present tim e are to be looked
*^1pon w ith such grave apprehensions as the increasing
costliness of Parhamcntary contests. U^jless some de- *
cided stand is made against the present system of
electoral expenditure, the evil is certain to grow wifli
the grojring wealth of the country, and soon it will
happen that all but the very rich w ill bo excluded
from the House of Commons. There is no rotison
why I should hesitiite to speak to you w ith periect
openness. I am no more justified in spending j£500
or £G00 at each recurring election than I shoiild be
in living in an expensive house, in keeping caii'iage*
and hoiees, or indulging in any other luxury which
I cannot alford. I have therefore determined, both
upon public aixd private considerations, to coyfine my
•
' •
S P E E C H A T B R IG H T O N .* '
2^7
♦
expenses at tlie n ext election witliin the narrowest
possible limits. The necessary expenses the* candidate
isjpound to pfty by lanv. Besides these, it seems to
ine, that a candidate has* done all that he can be
fairly required to do, when he has advertised his
address once in each of jthe local papers, and fully
expreêd his political opinions at a series of public
meetings. A ll the usual electioneering paraplTernalia,
suqji as the printing of placards, the employment of
paid canvassers, and the circulation of cards, involves
an expenditure iis useless as it is degrading. N o
thing should 1 more regret than that the motives
which have induced me thus to speak to you should
be misunderstood. I t may perhaps be thought that
I am in d irec^ ' suggesting that my election expenses
should not bn borne by myself. I am, therefore, most
anxious to state that even if subscriptions should be
oifered, 1 could not accept them. I f election e x p e n s e
are to be ojyected to on principle, little or no good
is done *if th e system is allowed to continue in full
^dgoiu’ w ith th e aid of other people’s money. W hat
I above all things desire to prove is that a Parlia
mentary career in this countiy is not an impossibility
to one who is not rich. I promised that I would
speak to you on this subject with complete frank
ness. After w hat you have heard, it is of course
quitg possible that you may prefer some one else to
be you» candidate. Should this be your decision. 1
shall accept it without a murmur, for whetl^,er T con
tinue to be your representative or not, I ciin never
cease gratefully to remember your kindness, and the
27S
'•
*
*
*
*
•
m ost pleasing recollection of my political life Tvnll be^
th at th e iilore I have endeavoured to maintain a course
of indepeiitlence, and the mor(? I have* striven to <^5 :press to you m y ojdnions V ith o u t reserve, the more
certain have I been to secure your confidence and
retain your estct^m,
.
1
I
J
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______________________ s______ • ________________
2
•
S ir Samuel Baker here describes twelve months' exploratiouy during
which he examined the rivers that are tributary to the Nile fro m Abyssinia,
including the AtbSra, Settite, RoyanpSalaam, Angrab, Rahad, Dinder,
and the Blue Nile. The interest attached to theseportions o f A frica differs
entirejpt from that o f the W hite N ile regions, as the whole o f Upper E gypt
and Abyssinia is capable o f developmetit, a n d is inhabited by races having
some degree o f civilisation; while Central A frica is peopled by a race o f
savages, whose fu tu r e is more problematical. The Tim F -S says: " I t solvea
finally a geographical riddfg which hitherto had been extremely perplexing,
a n d it adds much to our information respecting Egyptian Abyssinia a n d
the different races that spread over it. I t contains, morecn'er, some notable
instances o f English daring and enterprising skill; it abounds in a n i
mated tales o f exploits dear to the heaj-t o f the British sportsman ; attd it
w ill attract even the least studious reader, as the author tells a story well,
a n d can describe nature with uncommon poaoer. ”
B a r a n t e (M . D e ).—
*
G u iz o t.
B a r i n g - G o u l d ( R e v . S ., M .A .) — LEGF-N^fS O F O ED
T E S T A M E N T CHARACTF^RS, from the Talm ud and other
sources. B y the Rev. S. B a r i n g - G o u l d , M .A ., A uthor, o f
“ Curious ^^yths of the Middle Ages,” “ The Origin and Develop
m ent of Religious Belief,” “ In Exitu Israel,” &c. I n T w o Vols.
Crown 8\'o. i6 j. Vol. I. Adam to Ahraliam. tVol. II. Mclcbizedck to Zechariah.
•
M r. Baring- Gould’s previous contributions to the History o f Mythology
a n d theform ation o f a science o f comparath'e religion are admitted to be
o f high importance; the present work, it is believed, w ill he fo u n d to
be o f e fk a l value, lie has collected fr o m the Talm ud a n d other sources,
yesvish a n d Mohammedan, a large number o f atrious a n d interesting
legends concerning the principal characters o f the Old Testament, com
paring thesefrequently with sim ilar legends current among m any o f the
peoples, savage a n d civilized, a ll over the world. ‘ ‘ These volumes contain
much that is very strange, and, to the ordinary E nglish reader, very
novel."— D a i l y N e w s .
•
B a r k e r ( L a d y ) . — See also
B e lle s
L e ttre s
S T A T IO N L IF E IN N E W Z E A LA N D .
Srfond and Cheaper Edition. Globe 8vo.
By
C a ta lo g l^ c .
L ady
3^. 6d.
B a rk e r.
'
h is t o r y
, B fO G R A P H Y ,
•
TRAVELS.
3
•________________________
#
77iae letleis are the exact account oj a lady's 'experience o f the brighter
a n d less practical side o f colonization. They record ike expediiions, ad
ventures, and emergencies diversif}<itig the daily life o f the w ife o f a New
Zealand shcep-farmer; and, as each wcu written -while the novelty and
excitement of the scenes it describes were fresh upon her, they may^stteceed
in grving here in E n gland an adetjuate impression o f the delight an d free
dom oJ an existence so f a r retnoved from our caen highly-zvrought civiliza• (ion. “ fVe have never read a more tru th fu l or a pleasanter little book," —
A th e n /e u m .
B e rn a rd , S t.—
B la n fo rd (W .
A B Y S S IN IA .
•
.s * « M o r is o n .
T . ) — G EO LO G Y A N D
By W . T . B1.ANFORD. Svo.
ZOOLOGY
21s.
OF
This work contains an account o f the Geological a n d Zoological
Observations made by the author in Abyssinia, wheti accompanying the
B ritish A rm y on its march to Magdala a n d back in i868, a n d during a
short jou rn ey in Northern Abyssinia, after the departure o f the troops.
P a r ti. Pedioiial N arrative; P a rt I I. Geology; P a rt I I I . Zoology.
IVith Coloured Ulustraiions asid Geological Map. “ The result o f his
labours, the ACADERfY says, **is an important contribution to the
natural history o f the country."
B r y c e .— J I I E HOLY
r o m a n E M P IR E .
By J a m e s B r y c e ,
I> C .L ., Regius Professor of Civil I.aw, Oxford. New and R e
vised Edition. Cro\vn Svo. 7f. 6</.
The object o f this treatise is not so much to give a narrative history o f
Ike countries inchsdedin theRomano-Cermanic Em pire—Ita ly during the
Middle Ages, Germany from theninth centiaytotheninetecnth—oM j describe
the Holy Em pire itself as an institution or system, the -wonderful offspring
o f a body of beliefs and traditions which have almost -wholly passed cnvay
from the xoorld. To make such a description intelligible it has appeared
best to give the book the fo rm rather o f a narraih'e than o f a dissertation ;
and to combine xiAth a n exposition of-what m ay be called the theory o f the
• Empire an outline o f the political history o f Germany, as -well as some
notice o f the affairs o f mediccval Italy. Nothing else so directly linked the
f -worldto Ike ncso as ike Roman Empire, which exercised oz>erthe m inds o f
m e n in jiu e n c e s u c h as its material strength could n r.:r ^ - ........
et IS of tnts tnjiuence, a n d the causes that gave it pcnver, that the prresent
xverk is designed to treat. ‘' I t exactly supplies a scant: it a ^ r d s a key
4 M A C M IL L A N 'S C A TA LO G U E O F WO‘R K S I N
•
1-----------------------------------------------
to much ivhich men re a d c f in their books as isolatedfacts, but o f which they
have hitherto had no connected exposition set before them. W e know o f no
w riter who has so Mhorottghly grasped the real nature o f the mediceval
E mpire, a n d its relations alike to earlier and to later times. ”— SATUR D A Y
R e v ie w .
,
B u r k e ( E d m u n d ) . —.J a ’ M
o r le y (Jo h n ).
C a m e o s f r o m E n g l i s h H i s t o r y — .s v « - Y o n g e
C h a t t e r t o n . — Sec W
( M is s ) .
ils o n ( D a n ie l).
C o o p e r . — A T IIE N vE C A N T A B R IG IE N S E S .
By C h a r l e s
E .S .A ., and T h o m p s o n C o o p e r , F .S .A .
Vol. I. 8vo., 1500—85, i 8 j . ; Vol. II,, 15S6— 1609, 18/.
H e n ry
C o o p er,
This elaborate work, ivhich is dedicateil by permission to Lord Macaulay,
contains lives o f the eminent men sent jo rth by Cambridge, after the
fashion o f A nthony h Wood, in his fam ous “ Athena Oxonienses."
C o x (G.
V . , M .A .) — R E C O L L E C T IO N S O ^ 'O X F O R D .
By G. V. Cox, M .A., New College, late Esquire Bcdel and
Coroner in the University of Oxford. Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo.
6j .
"•A n amusing farrago o f anecdote, a n d w ill pleasantly recall in many
(I country parsonage the memory o f youthful days.”—TiNfbs. " Those
who wish to make acquaintance w ith the Oxford o f their grandfathers,
and to keep up the intercourse with A lm a Mater during their father^s time,
even to the latest novelties in fashion or learning o f the present day, w ill do
well to procure this pleasant, nnpretcnding little volume. ”— A t l a s .
“ D a i l y N e w s . ” —t h e
D A IL Y N E W S C O R R E S PO N D E N C E of the W ar between Germany audFrance, 1870— i. Edited
with Notes and Comments. New Edition. Complete in One
Volume. W ith Maps and Plans. Crown Svo. 6s.
T his Correspondence has been translated into German.
the E ditor says:—
I n a Prefacci
‘‘ Am ong thie various pictures, recitals, and descriptions which hifve
appeared, both o f our gloriously ended national w ar as a whole, a ifd o f Us
s.veral e^sodes, we think that in laying before the German public, through
H IS T O R Y , B IO G R A P H Y,
TRAVELS.
a iranslatwn, thefollriving W ar Letlos which appearedfirst in theHkWM
a n d were afterwards published collectively, lue are offering them a
picture o f the events o f the w ar o f a ijnile peculiar dxractcr. Theseconi'
municatwns have the advantage o f being at once entertaining and instm ctiv ^ free fr o m every romantic emhellishmatt, a n d nevertheless written
in a vein intelligible a n d notfatig u in g to the general reader. T h f writers
linger over events, and do not disdain to surround the great a n d heroic
war-fiiciures with arabes/jucs, gay a n d grave, tahen fr o m camp-life and
the life o f the inhabitants o f the occupied territory. A feature which
distinguishes these Letters fro m a ll olhei- delineations o f the w ar is that they
do not proceed fro m a single pen, but were written fro m the camps o f both
belligerents." " These notes a n d com m entsf according to the SATUR D A Y
R e v i e w , “ are in reality a very well executed and continuous history,"
N ew s,
D i l k e * — G R K A T E R B R IT A IN . A Record of Travel in Englishspeaking Countries during 1866-7. (America, Australia, India.)
By Sir C h a r l e s W e n t w o r t h D i l k e , M .P. Sixth Edition.
Crown §vo. 6 j .
“ M r. Dilke," says the S a t u r d a y R e v i e w , “ has written a book which
is probably as well worth reading as any book o f the same aims a n d
character that a e r was written. Its merits are that it is written in
lively and agreeable style, that it implies a great deal o f physical pluck,
that 710 page o f it fa ils to shosei a/t acute atid highly ifitelligent observer,
that stimulates the imagination as well as the ptdgmeni o f the reader,
a n d that_ it is on perhaps the most interesti/ig subject that can attract a7t
Englishitiatt who cares about his coutitry."
M any o f the subjects dis
cussed in thesepagesf says the D a i l y N e w s , "a re o f the widest interest,
a n d such as no m an who caresfo r thefu tu r e o f his race and o f the world
can afford to treat with indifference. ’
^
D i i r e r ( A l b r e c h t ) . — H IS T O R Y O F T H E L IF E O F A L
B R E C H T D U R E R , o f Nlimberg. W ith a Translation o f his
Letters and Journal, and some account of his W orks.
By Mrs.
C h a r l e s H e a t o n . Royal 8 v o . bevelled boards, extra gilt, ■îs.&d.
m This work contahts about Thirty fllus'tratiotis, ten o f which a n produrlionsJ>y the Autotvpe
precc-s, a n d are printed in permanent tints
by Messrs. Citndall atid Fleming, under licence from the Autotype Com
pany, L im ited; the rest are Photogi'aphs and IVbodculs.
6 M A C A flL L A N ^S C A TA LO G U R O F W O R K S I N
•
* _________________________
E l l i o t t . — L IF E 0 F * 1 IE N R Y V E N N E L L IO T T , o f Brighton.
By J o s i A l l B a t e m a n , M .A ., A uthor of “ Life of Daniel W ilson,
Bishop o f Caldlitta,” & c . W ith Portrait, engraved b y J e e n s .
Extra feap. 8vo. T hird and Cheaper Edition, with Appendix. 6r.
A very charm ut" piece o f religious biography; no one can read it
loithout both pleasure a n d profit," — B R IT IS H Q u a r t e r l y R e v i e w .
E uropean
H isto ry ,* N arrated in a Series of Historical
Selections from the best Authorities. E dited and arranged by
E . M. S e w e l l and C. JI. Y o n g e . First Series, crown 8vo. 6s. ;
Second Serie.s, 1088-1228, crown 8vo. 6r. Second Edition.
'' When young children have acquired the outlines o f history fr o m abridg
ments a n d catechisms, atui it becomes desirable to give a more enlarged
vieso o f the subject, in order to render it really useful and interesting, a
difficulty often arises as to the choice o f books. Two courses
open, either
to lake a general and consequently dry history oj facts, such as RusseH's
Modern Europe, or to choose some work treating o f a p a rtia d a r period or
subject, such as the works o f Macaulay a n d Froude. The form er eours:
u su a lly renders history uninteresting; the latter is unsatisfactory, because
it is not sufficiently comprehensive. To remedy this difficulty, selections,
continuous and chronological, have in the present volume bee>^ taken fro m
the larger works o f Freeman, Milman, Palgrave, Lingard, I/u m f, a n d
others, which may serve as distinct landmarks o f historical reading.
“ W e know o f scarcely anything," says the G u a r d i a n , o f this volume,
“ which is so likely to raise to a higher level the average standard o f English
education.'^
F a i r f a x ( L o r d ) .— a L IF E O F T H E G R E A T L O R D F A IR F A X , Commander-in-Chief of the Arm y of the Parliament of
England. By C le m e n ts R. M a r k h a m , F .S .A . W ith Portraits,
Maps, Plans, and Illustrations. Demy 8vo. i 6s.
N o f u l l L ife o f the great Parliamentary ■Commander has appeared^
a n d it is here sought to product one— based upon careful research in con
temporary records a n d upon fa m ily and other documents, “ IJighly
useful to tltt careful student o f the History o f the Civil War. . . . Pro-
B ’/ S r < ^ J ? V B I O C R A P H ^ ,
^
TRAVEL6.
•
-
7
-
bally as a miHtaiy chronicle M r. A/arhham’s la ^ ' i t one oj the mostf u l l
a n d accuraie that we possess about the Civil bVar.”— F o r t n i g h t l y
R e v ie w .
F a r a d a y — M IC H A E L FA R A D A V . By J . H .
G la d s to n e ,
t ’h .D ., F .R .S . Second Edition, with Portrait engraved b y
from a photograph b y J . W a t k i n s . Crown 8 v o . 4 t . 6</.
Jre n s
C o n t e s t s :—I. The Story o f his Life.
I I . Study o f his Character.
*111. Fruits o f his Experience. I V . H is Method o f Working. V. The
Value o f his Discoveries.— Suppletneniary PoPirails. Appendices:— List
o f Honorary Felloxoship, etc.
“ Faraday needed a popular biography. A man so simple a n d so pure,
as well as so strong in intellect, so absolutely'devoted to sciencef o r its own
sake alone, so utterly indifferent to wealth a n d social distinction, so keen
in his appreciation o f the hardfacts o f sensation, a n d yet sopermeated with
a sense o f the supra-sensual and spiritual, ought to be widely an d fa m ilia rly
knoion to the w orld a t large; a n d D r. Gladstone’s book is excellently
adapted to this result." — G U A R D I A N . '
F i e l d ( E / W . ) — E D W IN W IL K IN S F IE L D .
A Memorial
Sketch. By T h o m a s S a d l k r , Ph.D . W ith a Portrait. Crown
Svo. 4j. fid.
A ir. Field was well known during his life-time not only as an eminent
lawyer an d a strenuous a n d successful advocate o f law reform, but, both
in E n g la n d S i d America, as a man o f wide an d thorough culture, varied
tastes, largc-heartcdness, a n d lofty aims. H is sudden death was looked
upon as a public loss, a n d i t is expected that this brief Alemoir w ill be
acceptable to a large number besides the m any friends a t whose request
it has been written.
F o rb e s .—l i f e
A N D L E T T E R S O F JA M E S f)A V ID
FO R B E S , F .R .S ., late Principal of the United College i n the
University of St. Andrews. B y J . C. S h a i r p , L L .D ., Principal
of the U nited College in the University of St. A ndrew s; P. G.
T a i t , M .A., Professor of N atural Philosophy in the University
•
of E dinburgh; and A. A d a m s - R e i l l y , F .R .G .S . S v o . with
Portraits, M ap, and Illustrations, l6r.
H ot only a biography that all should read, but a scientific treatise^
withoitl which the shelves o f no physia'si’s library can be deemed com
plete." S t . \ n d . a r d .
8 M A C M IL L A N 'S CATALOGC/E O F W e iiK S I N
F r e e m a n . — W o rk s ty
E d w a rd
A,
F re e m a n ,
M .A ., D .C .L .;—
‘‘ Thai special po-.vrr aver a subject which eonseientious a n d palienl
research can only *achieve, a strong grasp o f fa d s , a hate mastery over
detail, with a dear a n d m atdy style—a ll these qualities jo in to make
the Historian o f the Conquest conspicuous in the intellectual arcnd."—
A cadem y.
H IS T O R Y O F
datioa of the
States. Vol.
Federations.
F E D E R A L G O V E R N M E N T , from the F o u n -,
Achaian League to the Disruption o f the U nited
I. General Introduction. H istory o f the Greek
8vo. 2 ij.
M r. Freematis aim, in this elaborate a n d valuable work, is not so
much to discuss the abstract nature o f Federal Government, as to exhibit
its actual working in ages a n d countries widely removedfrom one another.
Four Federal Commonwealths stand out, in fo u r different ages o f the world,
as commanding above a ll others the attention o f students o f political history,
viz. the A chaian League, the Swiss Cantons, ike United Provinces, the
United States. The first volume, besides containing a Central Introduc
tion, treats o f the first o f these. I n w riting this volume the author has
endeavoured to combine a text which m ay be instructive a n d interesting to
any thoughtful reader, whether specially learned or not, with notes which
• m ay satisfy the requirements o f the most exacting scholar. “ The task
M r. Freeman has undertaken^' the S a t u r d a y R e v i e w
is one
a f great magnitude atid importance. I t is also a task v f an almost
entirely novel character. No other work professing to give the Iffs ta y oj
a political principle occurs to us, except the slight contributions to the
hiftoty o f representative government that is contained in a course of
M . Guizot's lectures . . . . 7'he history o f the development o f a principle
is a t Icas^ cu important as the history o f a dynasty, or o f a race."
O L D E N G L IS H H IS T O R Y . \V \th Five Coloured Maps. Second
Edition. E xtra fcap. 8vo., half-bound. 6s.
“ Its object," the Preface says, “ is to show that clear, accurate, an.t
scientific vietos o f history, or indeed o f a n y subject, may be easily given to
children from the very first. . . . I have throughout firiven to connect the
history o f E n g la n d with the general history o f civilised Ettrope, and I Have
especially tried to make the book serve as an incentive to a more accHratc
study o f historic geography." The rapid sale o f the fir s t edition a n d ^le
apprm’alw itli which the Work has been received prove th ef.v/rclness o f thegiulkods notions, a n d sh<no that f o r such a book there was ample
H IS T C R Y , B IO G R A P H Y ,
TRAVELS.
9
F r e e m a n ( E . A . ) —coniimied.
room.
The work is sttiied not only lor children, hut w ill serve as an
excellent text-book fo r older studentp, a clear and /a il^ fu l sum m ary o f the
history o f the period f o r those who wish to revive their historical knowledg!, a n d a book f u l l o f charms fo r the general reader. The -ôrk is
preceded by a complete ckronolo^cal Table, a n d appatded is an exhaustive
a n d useful Index. I n the present edition the whole lias been carefully revised,
• and suck improvements as su-.(i;ested themselves have been introduced.
“ The Ivok indeed is f u l l oj instruction and interest to students o f all
ages, and he m ust be a well-injo? ined man indeed who w ill not rise fro m
its perusal with clearer a n d snore accurate ideas of a too muck neglectetl
portion o f English history." — S p e c t a t o r .
H IS T O R Y O F T H E C A T H E D R A L C H U R C H O F W E IX S ,
as illustrating the History of the Cathedral Churches o f the Old
Foundation. Crown 8vo. jr . (sd.
“ / have here," the author says, " tr ie d to treat the history o f tJu
Church o f Ifêlls as a contnhutiosi to the geticral history o f the Ckus cit
a n d Kingdom o f England, a n d specially to the history o f Cathedral
Churches o f the Old Foundation. . . . I wish to point out the genesal
principles o f the original founders as the model to sohich the Old Foundaiions should be brought back, a n d the New Foundations reformed after *
their pattern." “ The hisi'osy assumes in M r. P'rcctuan's hands a signi
ficance, and, 4ce may add, a prractical value as suggestive o f what a cathe
d ra l otfght to be, which make it well soorthy o f mention."— S p e c t a t o r .
H IS T O R IC A L E SSA Y S.
Second Edition.
8vo.
lor, 6./.
• The principle on which these Essays have been chosen is that
o f selecting papers which refer to comparatively iuodern times, or, at
least, to the existing states a n d nations of Europe. B y a sort accident
a number o f the pieces chosen have throsvn themselves into something like
a continuous series bearing on the historical causes of the tp-eat events oJ
1870— 71. Notes have been added whenever they seemed to be calledfo r ;
andwkenever he could gain in accuracy oJ statement or in force or cleai ^ ness o f expression, the author has Jreely changed, adtied to, or left out,
w hat he originally wrote. To many o f the F.ssays has been added a short
tfg/e o f the circumstances under which they were written. I t is needless to
.say that any product o f A ir. Frcemaifs pen isworthy of attentiveperusal;
and S is believed that the contents o f this volume w ill throw light on
several subjects o f g^-eat historical importance and the w idc^ intercsl.
lo M A C M IL L A N 'S C A TA LO G U E OF W Q R K S I N
F r e e m a n ( E . Nlf-^-continited.
The foUmving is a list o f the subjects:— i . The M ythical and Romantic
Elements in Early*English History^ 2. The Continuity o f English
History ; 3. The Relations betsueett the Crozvns o f E ngland a n d Scotland ;
4. Sai%t Thomas o f Canterbury and his Biographers; 5. The Reigtt of
Ed-iUard the T h ird ; f). The Holy Roman E m pire; 7. The F ranks and
the Gauls ; 8. The E arly Sieges o f Paris ; 9. Frederick the First, K in g
oj Italy I 10. The Emperor Frederick the Second; 11. Charles the B old ;
12. Presidential Government. “ / 7<r never touches a question without
adding to our comprelunsion o f it, •without leaving the vnpressien o f an
amble knowledge, a righteous purpose, a clear a n d poivcrful under
standing."—
R e v ie w .
A SE C O N D S E R IE S
los. txl.
OF
IIIS T O R IC A L
ESSA Y S.
8vo.
These Essays chiefly relate to earlier periods o f history than those
■which tvere dealt-with in theform ervolum e—to the limes coinsnonly knenan
as “ Ancient ” or “ Classical." A ll the papers have bten ca ^fttlly revised,
a n d the author has fo u n d himself able to do very -much in the luay o f
improving a n d sim plifying the style. The Essays are:— ‘'A n cie n t
Greece atulMediieval I ta ly : ” “ M r. Gladstonds llom er and the Homeric
"A ges:" “ The "Historians o f A th e n s:" “ The Athenian Detnocracy: "
“ Alexander the G reat:" “ Greece during the Macedonian P erio d :"
“ Mommsen’s History o f R o m e :" “Lucius Cornelius Sm lla:" “ The
F lavian Ccesars."
*
THE
G R O W T H O F T H E E N G L IS H C O N S T IT U T IO N
FR O M T H E E A R L IE S T T IM E S ; Crown 8vo. 5j . Secoifcl
F.diôii, revised.
The three Chapters oj which this -work consists are an expa/isioti o f two
Lectures delivered by M r. Freeman ; appended are copious notes, the -whole
hook form ing a graphic and interesting sketch o f the history o f the British
Constitution, fro m an original point o f view.
The author shows that the
characteristic elements o f the British Constitution are common to the ivhole
b f the A ryan nations. H is “ object has been to show that the earliest*
institutions o f E n gland a n d o f other Teutonic lands are not mere matters
oj curious speculation, but matters closely connected 7vith ourpresatt polifical being. I-wish t* sJuno" he says, “ that, in many things, ourîrliest
institutions come more nearly home to us, and that they have more in common
/ / / s r o / i y , B IO G R A P H Y , &• T R A V E L S .
ii
---------------- •------- s--------------------------
F r e e m a n ( E . A .)—continued.
id th our present political state, than the iustituihns o f intermediate ages
7ohich at fir s t sight seem to have much more in common 7i'ith our 07on."
H e attempts to sketo that freedom is everynvkere older than bondage,"
“ tolerhtion than intolerance."
,
,
T H E U N IT Y O F H IS T O R Y .
T he “ R e d e ” L e c t u r e
delivered in the Senate House, before the University o f Cam
bridge, on Friday, May 24th, 1873. Crcnvn 8vo. zs.
G E N E R A L S K E T C H O F E U R O P E A N H IS T O R Y . Being
Vol. I. o f a H istorical Course for Schools edited by E . A.
F re e m a n .
i8mo. 3 J . td . Second Edition.
The present volume is meant to be introduetorp to the itjkoU course. I t
is intended to give, as Us stame implies, a getteral sketch o f the history o f
the civilized world, that is, o f Europe, and o f the lands %vhich have drawn
their civilization fr o m Europe. Its object is to trace out the general rela
tions o f different periods a n d different countries to one another, without
going minutely ^nto the affairs o f any particular country. This is an
object o f thefir s t importance, fo r, without clear notions ofgeneral history,
the history o f particular countries can never he rightly understood. The
narrative extends fro m the earliest moventenfs o f the A rya n peoples, doivn
to the latest ei’ents both on the Eastern and iVesiem Continents. The
book consists o f seventeen moderately sized chapters, each chapter being
divided itgo a number o f short numbered paragraphs, each with a title
prefixed clearly indicative o f the subject o f the paragraph.
I t supplies
the great w ant o f a goodfoundation f o r historical teaching. The scheme
is /Tfe excellent one, a n d this instalment has been executed in a way that
promises much fo r the volumes that are y et to appear."—Enuc.-tTioNAL
T im e s .
•
G a l i l e o .— T H E p r i v a t e l i f e o f G A L IL E O .
,
CompUed
princii)ally from his Correspondence and that o f his eldest
daughter. Sister M aria Celeste, N un in the Franciscan Convent of
S. Maltliew in Arcetri. "With Portrait. Crown 8vo.
(sd.
I t has been the endeavour oj the compiler to place before the reader a
pla^t, ungarbled statement o f facts ; and, as a means (0 this etid, to allow
Galileo,4 is friends,andhis jtuigesio speak for themselves as f a r as possible.
A ll the best authorities have been made U f of, a n d oil (he materials which
12
M A C M I L L A N ’S C A I 'A L O J U E O F HÔF/CS I N
exist fo r a biography have been in this volume p u t into a symmetricalform .
The result is a most touching picture skilfully arranged o f the great heroic
m an o f science a n d his devoted daug/êr, whose Utters are f u l l o f the deepest
reverential love a n d trusty amply r c ^ i d by the noble soul. The SA.TURT>K\
says o f the book, I t is not so much Ihephilosopherâsthe
m arfw ho is seen in this simple a n d life-like sketch, a n d the hand which
portrays the features and actions is mainly that o f one who had studied the
subfxt the closest a n d the most intimately. 7 'his little volume has don^
much 7vithin its slender compass to prove the depth and tenderness o f
Galileo's heart."
G l a d s t o n e ( R i g h t H o n . W . E . , M . P . ) — JU V E N T U S
M U N D I. T he Gods and Men o f t1\e Heroic Age.
cloth. W ith Map. loj.
Second Edition.
Crown 8vo.
This work o f M r. Gladstone deals especially with the historic element
in Homer, expounding that element a n d fu rn ish in g by its aid a fu ll
account o f the Homeric men and the Homeric religion. I t starts, after
the introdnclory chapter, with a discussion o f the several r»ces then existuig
in Hellas, including the influence o f the Pha'nicians and Egyptians. I t
cojilains chapio's on the Olympian system, with its several deities; on the
Ethics and the Polity o f the Hetvic age; on the Geography o f H om er; on
ike characters o f the Poems; presenting, in fine, a view o f primitive life
a m i priniitive society as fo u n d in the poems o f Homer. To this A ’ew
Edition various additions have been made.
Seldom,'^says the Niwy.Ni®UM, out o f the great poems themselves, have these Divinilics looked
so majestic a n d respectable. To read these brilliant details is like standing
on the Olympian threshold a n d gazing at the ineffable brightness w ithin."
“ There is," according to
W e s t m i n s t e r R e v i e w , "probably no other
’vritcnffiozo living who could have done the work o f this book. . . I t would
be dificult to point out a book that contains so much fulness o f kmrwledge
along with so much freshness ofperception and clearness o f presentation."
G o eth e
a n d M e n d e l s s o h n (iS a i— 1831). V rom the
German o f Dr. K . \ r l M e n d e l s s o h n , Son o f the Composer, by
M. E . V o n G l e h n . From the Private Diaries and ilonreLetters o f Mendelssohn, with Poems and Letters o f Goethe never
before printed. Also with two New and Original Portraits, f a c
similes, and Appendix o f Twenty I.etters hitherto unpfiblishcd.
C |^w n Svo. 5J.
/ / / S l V ^ ^ y , B IO G R A P H Y , G* T R A V E L S .
13
This little volume is f u l l o f interesting details ahout Mendelssohn fro m
his txveljth year onwards, a n d especially o f his intimate a n d frequent iu '
tereourse wUh Goethe. I t is an episode o f IViemar's gokien days which we
see before us— old age a n d fa m e hand in hand with youth in its aspiring
effort^; the aged poet fo n d lin g the curls o f the little musician a n d calling
to him in p la y fu l and endearing accents “ to make a little noise jo>*him,
a n d aavaken the winged spirits that have so long lain slumbering." Here
w ill be fo u n d Utters a n d reports o f conversations beltoeen the two, touching
on a ll subjects, hum an an d divine—Music, Êsthetics, A rt, Poetry, Science,
Morals, a n d “ the profound a n d ancietti prohfim o f hum an life," as w ell
.as resniniscences o f celebrated men 'ivith whom the great composer came in
contact. The letters appended give, among other matters, some interesting
glimpses into the private life o f H er Majesty Queen Victoria and the late
PHnce Albert. The two well-executed engravings show Mendelssohn as a
beautiful boy o f twelve years.
G u i z o t . — M. D E B A R A N T E , a Memoir, Biographical and A uto
biographical.
“ John
By M.
G u iz o t.
H a u f a x , G e n tle m a n .”
Translated by the A uthor of
Crown 8 v o . 6 j. 6a'.
I t is scarcely necessary to write a preface to this book. I ts lifdiie,
portrait o f a true a n d great man, painted unconsciously by him self in his
Inters and autobiography, and retouehed a n d completed by the tender ha n d
i f his surviving frie n d —the frien d o f a lijetime— is sure, I think, to beappreciated in E n g la n d as it was in France, where it appeared in the
Revue
Mondcs. Also, I believe every thoughtful m in d 7oill
enjoy its clear rejlections o f French and European politics an d history fo r
the last seventy years, and the curious light thus thrown upon m any present
oLvUs a n d combinations o f circumstances." — P r e f a c e . “ The highest
purposes o f both history a n d biography are answered by a memoir so life
like, so fa ith fu l, a n d so philosophical." — B R IT IS H Q u a r t e r l y
“ This eloquent memoir, which for tenderness, gracefulness, and vigour,
might be placed on the same shelj with Taeitui Life o f Agricola. . . . Mrs.
Craik has rendered the language o f Guizot in her cnvn sweet translucent
English."—
N ew s.
• H o l e . — A G E N E A L O G IC A L ST E M M A O F T H E K IN G.S'
•
O F E N G L A N D AND F H A N C E . By the Rev. C. l l o u t ,
M .A., Trinity College, Cambridge. On Sheet, I/.
The different fam ilies are printed iti distinguishing colours, thus fa c ili
tating reference.
«
14
M A C M I L L A I ^ 'S C A T A L O G U E O F W O R K S I N
H o z i e r ( H . M .)— W orks by
C a p t a i n H e n r y M. H o z i e r ,
late Assistant Military Secretary to Lord N apier of Magdala.
T H E S E V E N W E E K S ’ W A R ; Its Antecedents arvd Incijjlerrts.
fV'kTif a 7td Cheaper Edition. W ith New Preface, Maps, and Plans.
Crown 8vo. 6s.
This account o f the b rie f but momentcmi Austro-Prussian W ar o f l86(J
claims comideration as bAng the product .o f an eye-avUness o f some o f its
most iniercstinj> incidents. The author has attempted to ascertain a n d
to advance facts.
Two maps are given, one illustrating the opera
tions o f the A rm y o f the Maine, a m i the other the operations fr o m
Kbniggrdtz. I n the Prefatory Chapter to this edition, evctUs resulting
fro m the w ar o f 1866 are set forth., a n d the current o f European history
traced down to tJu recent Fi'anco-Prussian war, a natural consequence
o f the w ar whose history is narrated in this volume. “ M r, Hozier
added to the hnovjledge o f military operations a n d o f languages, which
he had proz'ed him self to possess, a ready a n d skilful, pen, a n d esccellent faculties o f observation and description. . . . A l l that M r.
Hozier saw o f the great events o f the war— a n d he saw a large share
o f them — he describes in clear and vivid language." — S a t u r d a y
R e v ie w .
“ M r. Ilozieds vol\imes deserve to take a permanent place
in the literature o f the Seven Week! W ar." — P A L L M a i . l G a z e t t e .
•
T H E B R IT IS H E X P E D IT IO N T O A B Y S S IN IA .
from Authentic Documents. 8vo. gs.
Compiled
•
Several accounts of the British Expedition have been published.
They lig-ve, however, been written by those ‘who have not had access to those
authentic documents,which cannot be collected directly after the termination
o f a casnpaign. The endeavour of the author of this sketch has been to
present to readers a succinct a n d impartial account o f an entetprise which
has rarely been equalled in the anttals o f war.
“ 7 'his," says the
S p e c t t a t o r , “ w ill be t h e account o f the Abyssinian Expedition f o r
professional reference, i f not f o r professional reading.
Its literal'^
merits are really very great."
•
T H E IN V A S IO N S O F E N G L A N D .
w i4; Lessons for the I'uturc.
A H istory of tffo Past,
[/« the press.
H IS T O R Y y B IO G R A P H Y ,
TRAVELS.
H u g h e s . — M E M O IR O F A B R O T H E R . M?y T h o m a s
15
H ughes,
M .P., A uthor of “ Tom B ro\m ’s School Days.” '.Villi Portrait of
G e o r g e H u g h e s , after W . a j t s .
Engraved hy J k e n s . Croivn
8vo. 5.r. Fourlh Edition.
“
w/to can read this book •withoist deriving from it som^tuidiiional impulse towards honourable, manly, a n d independetil cotuluct, has
no good stu ff in him . . . . While boys at school may be beavsldered by
*z-arious con/licting theories o f th^ characters 0 / the great Englishmen zohom
they have been taught to admire or to hate, h,’r», in the guise oj the simplest
a n d the most modest o f country gentlemen, they may f in d an exemplar
which t h ^ cannot do belto'than copy.”— D a i l y N e w s .
‘ ‘ IVe have read i t vdtk the deepest graiifuation a n d w t h real admiralion.”— S t a n d a r d .
" T h e biography throughout is replete with interest.”— M o r n i n g
P o st.
H u y s h e ( C a p t a i n G . L . ) —t h e
RED r i v e r e x p e
d i t i o n . By Caplain G. L . H u y s u e , Ride Brigade, late on
t h e Stair o f Colonel Sir G a r n e t ^Y 0L S E L E Y . W ith Maps. 8 v o .
10s. 6d.
This account has been zorittcn in the hope of directing attention
to the successful accomplishment o f an expedition which was attended with
more tli^n orSnary difficulties. The author has had access to the official
■documents o f the Expedition, a n d has also availed him self o f the reports on
the line o f route published by M r: Dawson, C .E ., and by the Tyfograpkical Department o f the W ar Office. The statements made may therefore
be relied on as accurate a n d impartial. The endeavour has been made to
avoid tiring the general i‘eader with dry details o f military mcarmWits, and
yet not to sacrifice the character o f the zoork as an account of a military
e.xpedition. The volume contains a portrait o f President Louis R id , and
M aps o f the route. T'/itf AxilENNtUM calls it " an enduring authentic
record o f one o f ike most creditable achievements ever accomplished by the
British A rm y.”
.
I r v i n g . — t h e a n n a l s O F O U R T IM E . A D iurnal of Events,
facial and Political, florae and Foreign, from the Accession of
Queen Victoria to the Peace o f Ver«aille«. By Jncvnii IrvtN C.
Third Edition. Svo. half-bound. i6r.
*
\
i6
M A C M I L L A N 'S C A T A L O G U E O F W O R K S I N
E very occurrence, metropoUlan or provincia!, home or foreign, -whieh'
gave rise io public excitement or discussion, or became the starting point fo r
nro) trains of thougkt aff'ectiiig onr social life, has beenjudgeiiproper matter
fo r this volume. I n the proceedings o f Parliament, an endeavour has
been made to notice a ll those Debates which were either remarkabfp as
affectittg the fa te o f parties, or led to important changes in our relations
with Foreign Pozvers. J h l e f notices have been given o f the death o f a ll
noteworthy persons. Though the events are set doav\t day by-day in their ^
order o f occurrence, the book is, in its way, the history o f an important
a n d well-defined historic cyfle. I n these " A n n a ls ,” the ordinary reader
m ay make him self acquainted with the history o f his own time in a way
that has a t least the merit o f simplicity a n d readiness ; the more cultivated
student w ill doubtless be thankjul for the opportunity given him o f passing
dcnvn the historic stream undisturbed by any other theoretical or p a rty
feeling than what he himself has at hand to explain the philosophy o f our
national stor)'. A complete a n d useful Index is appmded. The Table
o f Administrations is designed to assist the reader in folhnvm g the various
political changes noticed in their chronological order in the " A n n a ls .”—
I n the new edition a ll errors and omissions have been rcctijieil, 300 pages
been added, and as m any as 46 occupied by an im partial exhibition o f the
u'onderful series o f events m arking the latter h a lf o f 1870.
“ We
have before us a trusty a n d ready guide to the events o f the past thirty
vears, available equally for the statesman, the politician, the public
writer, and the general reader. I f M r. I i v i n f s object has been to bring
before the reader all the most notesoorthy occuircnces which ^laz'e happened
since the beginning o f her Majesty's reign, he m ay ju stly claim the credit ■
o f having done so most briefly, succinctly, and simply, and in such a
manner, too, as to fu rn ish him with the details necessaiy in each easedo
comprehend the event o f which he is in search in an intelligent manner.”'
K i n g s l e y ( C h a r l e s ) . — W orks by the Rev. C h a r l h s K i n t . s i . e v ,
M .A ., Rector o f livcrsley and Canon o f W estminster. (For
other W orks by the same Author, see T iiE O l-O G tc A i. and B k llk s
L e t t r e s Catalogues,)
•
O N T H E A N C IE N R E G IM E as it existed on the Continent b e f^ e
the F r e n c h R e v o i . u t i o n .
T hree Eectures delivered % l th e’
Royîl Institution. Crown 8vo. Os.
A
f / i s r p / f y , B IO G R A P H Y , 6r^ T R A V E L S .
17
K in g sle y (C h arles).—
These three lectures discuss severally (i) Caste, (2) Cesitralization, (3)
The Explosive Forces by which tin Rez'olntiott '.ms Superinduced. The
Preface deals at some lesigth with certain political questions o f the present
day.*
A T L A S T : A C H R IS T M A S in the W E S T IN D IE S . W ith nearly
Fifty Illustrations. N ew .and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s.
•
P P . K in g slefs dream o f fo r ty years was a t last fulfilled, when he
started on a Christmas expedition to the I Vest Indies, fo r the purpose op
becoming personally acquainted 'with the sceftcs 'which he has so vividly
described in “ W estim rd IIo / ” These tioo volumes are the jo u rn a l o f his
voyage. Records o f statural history, sketches o f tropical landscape, chapters
on education, vieu's o f society, all f in d their place in a work written, so to
say, under the inspiration o f S ir Walter Raleigh attd the other adventurous
men who three hundred years ago disputed against Philip I I . the possession
o f the Spanish^Main. “ We can only say that M r. K ingslcfs account op
a 'C hristm as in the JVrst Indies' is in every way worthy to be classed
among his happiest productions."—S ta n d a b p .
T H E R O M A N A N D T H E T E U T O N . A Series o f Lectures
delivered before the University of Cambridge, 8vo. %2s.
•
CON'ftiNTS :—Inaugural Lecture ; T h e Forest Children ; The D ying
E m pire; The H um an Deluge ; The Gothic Civilizer ; DietricK s E n d ; The
Nvnesis o f the Goths; Paulus Diaconus ; The Clergy and the Heathen ;
Tae M onk a Civilizer ; The Lombard L a w s; The Popes a n d the Lombards ;
The Strategy o f JVovidence. “ H e has rendered," says the I^NCONFORMIST, “•good service a n d shed a neiu Utslre on the chair o f Modern
History at Cambridge . . . . l i e has thrcnon a charm around the work
by the marvellous fascinations o f his men genius, brought out in strong
relief those great principles o f which all history is a revelation, lighted
u p many dark a n d almost nnkncnon spots, a n d stimulated ike desire to
Understand more thoroughly one o f the greatest moz'cments in the story op hum anity."
• PIÂ^'S A N D P U R IT A N S , and other Historical Essays.
Portrait of Sir WAI.TER. R a leig h , Crown 8vo. 5j .
W ith
iS
M A C .\r iL L A N 'S C A T A L O G U E O F WJDRJ^S I N
K i n g s le y ( C h a r lf e s). — contwuaL
I n addition (o the Essay mentioned in the title, this volume contains
other two—one on " S i r Walter Jtmleigh a n d his Time,” and one on
Froude's “■History o f England,"— all three contributed to the N o r t h
B R i y s J r R e v i e w . M r. Kingsley has already shown host' intimate is
his knowledge o f the times on which all three essays touch.
K i n g s l e y ( H e n r y , F . R . G . S . ) — F o r other W orks by same
Author, see B
e lle s ^ e t t r e s C a ta lo g u e .
T A L E S O F OT-D T R A V E L . Re-narrated by H
F .R .G .S . W ith E ight Tllusts-atiosis by IIU A R D .
Crown 8vo. 6s.
e n r y K in g s le y ,
Fourth Edition.
In this volume M r. H enry Kingsley re-narraks, a t the same time
frm ervittg much o f the quaintness o f the original, some o f the most fesscinoting tales o f travel contained in the collections o f H akluyt and others. The
C o n t e n t s are— Marco Polo; The Shijnoreck o/ Pelsart; The W onderful
Adventures o f A ndrrw B a ttd ; The Wanderings o f a (Tafuchiu; Peter
Carder; The Preservation o f the'^Ters-a Moves;” Spitsbergen; D 'E rm enosiville's Acclimatisation Adventure; The Old Slave Trade; Miles Philips ;
The Sufferings o f Robert E verard; John Fox ; Alvaro Nunez ; TheFoundaston o f an Empire. “ We knorv no better book f o r those who w ant
knenvledge or seek to refresh it. A s f o r the ‘ sensational,' most nos’els are
tame compared -with these narratives."—A th e n ^ U M .
K.xuctly the
book to interest a n d to do good to intelligent and high-spirited boys.”—
L ite r a r y C h u rc h m a n .
L a b o u c h e re.—d i a r y o f t h e
b e s ie g e d r e s i d e n t
II? P A R IS . Reprinted from the D aily News, with several New
Letters and Preface. By I I e n r y L a b o u c i i e r e . T h ird Edition.
Cro%vn 8vo. 6s.
‘ ‘ The ‘ D iary oj a Besieged Resident in P a ris' tvHl certainly fo n /i one
o f the most remarkable records o f a snomentous episode in history.”— SPKqj
TATOR.
“ There is an entire absence o f affectation in this writer which
vastly commends him to us.”— P a l l M a l l G a z e t t e . "O n th e w h ^le,
i t docs not seem likely that the ^besieged"' w ill he superseded i n ^ i s selj-^
assumedfunction by any subsequent chronicler. ”— B r i t i s h Q u a r t e r l y
REviETjr. " Very smartly xvritten.”— V a n i t y F a i r .
» H IS T O R Y , B IO G R A P H Y ,
«
*
TRAVELS.
19
•
M & c m i l l a n ( R e v . H u g h ) . — Forotlw r W orksbysajne Author,
see T iiE O L O G iC A i. a n d S c i e x t i k i c C a t a l o g u e s .
H O L ID A Y S O N H IG H H A N D S ; or, Rambles and Incidents in
search o f Alpine Plants. Second Edition, revised. Crown Svo.
• cloth. 6s.
•
The aim o f this book is to impart a ge)ie)-al idea o f the origin, char.acter,
a n d distribution o f those rare an d beautiful Alpine plants which occur on
the British hills, a n d which are fo u n d (înost everywhere on the lofty
mountain chains o f Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. The informa
tion the author has to give is conzeyed in untec/inical language, in a
setting oj personal adventure, a n d associated with descriptions o f the
natural scenery a n d the peculiarities o f the hum an life in the midst o f which
the plants werefound. B y this method the subject is made interesting to
a very large class o f readers. "B otanical knozoledge is blended with a
love o f nature, a pious enthusiasm, and a rich felicity o f diction not to he
met with in any works o f kindred character, i f zee except those o f Hugh
M iller."— T e l e g r a p h .
M r. M .'s glozving pictures- o f Scandinavian
scenery."— ^ a t u r o a y R e v i e w .
M a r t i n ( F r e d e r i c k ) . _ T H E S T A T E S M A N ’S Y E A R -B O O K :
See p. 42 o f this Catalogue.
*
M a r t i n « 3U .— B IO G R A P H IC A L
.SKETCHES,
1852— 186S.
By H a r r i e t M a r t i . n e a u . T hird and Cheaper Edition, with
New Preface. Crown Svo. 6j .
* A Collection o f Memoirs under these several sections:—(i) Royal, (2)
Politicians, (3) Professional, (4) Scientific, (5) Social, (6) Literti^'. 'These
Memoirs appeared originally in the columns o f the D a i l y N e w s .
M iss
A/artineau’s large literary powers a n d her fine intellectual training make
these little sketches more instructive, a n d constitute them more genuinely
works o f art, than m any snore ambitious atul diffuse biographies." —
F o r t n i g h t l y R e v ie w .
" E a c h memoir is a complete digest o f a
celebrated life, illuminated by the flood oj searching light which streams
fro m the gaze o f an acute but liberal m ind."— M o R N iN G S t a r .
•
M aiC S O n ( D a v i d ) * — For other W orks by same Author, see PlllLOs n p jiir \i and B e li.e s L e ttr e s C a ta lo g u e s .
B2
^
20 M A C M I L L A N 'S C A T A L O G U E O F JV O ^L'.^ I N
M a s s o n ( O a v id ) —‘tf/z/mwcv/.
I .IF E O F JO H N MIT,TON. N arrated in connection with the
Political, Ecclesiastical, and I.itarary History of his Time. By
D a v id M a s s o n , M. A,, L L .D ,, Professor of Rhetoric and English
Li^prature in the University of Edinburgh. Vol. I . willt Portraits.
8vo. i Sj . Vol. I I ., 1638— 1643. 8vo. i 6j . Vol. H I. >n the
■press.
K>ork ts Mol only a Biography, but also a continuous Political,
Ecclesiastical, and Literary flistory o f E n gland through M ilton's whole
time.
I n order to understand Milton, his position, his motives, his
thoughts by himself, his public words to his countrymen, a n d the probable
effect o f those tvords, it was necessary to refer largely to the History o f his
Time, not only as it is presented in well-known books, but as it had to be
rediscovered by express and laborious inxvstigation in original a n d forgotten
recoi-ds: thus o f the Biography, a History g re w : not a mere popular
compilation, but a work o f independent search and method fro m first to
last, which has cost more labour by f a r than the Biography. The second
volume is so arranged that the reader may select or omit eithcf the History
or Biography.
The N o r t h B r i t i s h R k v i k w , speaking o f the fir s t
volume o f this work said, “ The Life o f Milton is here written once fo r
a ll." The N o n c o n f o r m i s t , in noticing the second volume, says, “ / / r
literary excellence entitles it to take its place in the first ranks o f our
literature, while the whole style o f its execution m arks it as the only book
that has done anything like adequatejustice to one o f the great wasters o f our
lan^tage, a n d one o f our truest patriots, as well as our greatest epi?poet.”
M a y o r ( J . E . B.)_\vORKS Edited By
J o h n E. B. M a y o r,
M .A ., Kennedy Professor of Latin at Cambridge :—
*
C A M IiR ID G E IN T H E S E V E N T E E N T H C E N T U R Y . P a rt II .
Autobiography o f Matthew Robinson. Fcap. 8vo. S-*"*
This is the second o f the Memoirs illustrative o f “ Cambridge in the
Seventeenth Century." that o f Nicholas Farrar having preceded it. I t gives
a lively picture o f E ngland during the Civil JVars the most important
crisis o f our national life; it supplies materials fo r the history o f he
U niversity a n d our Endmved Schools, a n d gives us a view o f country*
clergy at a time when they are supposed to have been, with scarce an excation, scurrilous sots. M r. M ayor has addeti a collection o f extracts aittl
documents relating to the history o f several other Cambridge men ^ note <
belonging to the same period, all, like Robinson, o f Nonconformist leanings.
^H IST O R Y , B IO G R A P H Y ,
•
TRAVELS.
21
•
M a y o r (J. E . B .) —continneil.
,*
L I F E O F B IS H O P B E D E L L . By his S o n . Fcap. 8 v o . y. €d.
T his h the th ird o f the Memok-s illustraiive of'**Ctunbridge in the 17/A
C e n tu r y .T h e life o f Ike Bishop o f Kilmore here p rin ted fo r the fir s t time
is»presen:ed in the Tanner M S S ., a n d is prelim inary to a largerône to be
issued shortly.
M i t f o r d (A. B .)— T A L E S O F O L D JA P A N .
By A. B.
Second Secretary to the British Legation i n Japan.
W ith upwards o f 30 Illustrations, i l r a w n and cut on W ood by
Japanese Artists. Two Vols. crown 8vo. 2is.
Under the infiuenee o f more enlightened ideas a n d o f a Uba-al system o f
policy, tJu old Japanese civilization is fa s t disappearing, and w ill, in a
fe w years, be completely extinct. I t was important, therefore, to preserve
as f a r as possible trustworthy records o f a state o f society which, although
venerable fro m its antiquity, has for Europeans the dawn o f novelty ;
hence the series o f narratives and legends translated by M r. Mitford,
an d in which the Japanese are very judiciously left to tell their oxvn tak.
The huo trolumes comprise not only stories a n d episodes illnsirative o f
Asiatic superstitions, but also three sermons. The preface, appendices,
an d notes explain a number oj localpeculiarities ; the thirty-one woodcuts
are the genuine work o f a native atiisl, who, unconsciously o f course, has
adopted the process fir s t introduced by the early German masters. “ These
ve>y originqj volumes w ill always be interesting as memorials o f a most
sxcefiHonal society, while regarded simply as tales, they are sparkling, sensa
tional, a n d dramatic, a n d the originality o f their ideas a n d the quaintnest
o f their language give them a most captivating piquancy. The illustra*tions are extremely interesting, a n d fo r the curious in such mailers have
a special a n d particular z-alue.”— P a l l M a l l G a z e t t e .
M itfo rd ,
M o r l e y ( J o h n ) . — E D M U N D B U R K E , a Historical Study. By
J o h n M o r le y , B.A. Oxon.
Crown 8vo. yr. 6d.
“ The style is terse and incisive, and brilliant with efigi-am a n d point.
I t contains p ithy aphoristU sentences "which B urke himself would not have
disoxvned. Its sitstaincd pcnver o f reasoning, its wiiie szveep o f observatiim
a n d refection, its elrvatai ethical and social tone, stamp it as a w o r k \f
high
S a t u r d a y R e v ie w .
A model o f compact eondensaiion. Jf'e have seldom met "with a book in which so much matter ve^s
tom^ressed into so limited a space,"— P a t .L M a I .L G aZ K T T E . " A n essay
W e s tm in s te r R e v ie w .
«
<
23
M A C M I L L A S 'S C A T A L O G U E O F IV O K K S ! . \
M o r i s o n .— t i i k
a x d t im e s o f s a in t iie r n a r d .
A bbot ofClairvaiix. KyjAMEsCoTTER MORISON, M .A. Clicaper
Edition. Crown 8vo. 4J.
•
The P a l l ' M a l l Q kt ^'XI'S. calls this*'one oj the best contrihutions in
pur Iiie»ature imvards a v h id , uiteUsgent, a n d worthy knoaoledge o f
Jiwopcan vitercsts and thoughts a n d feelings during the t’a A /th century.
A delightful and instmctii'e volume^ and one o f the best products o f the
modem historic spirit." “ A w o r k f says the N o n c o n p 'O R M I S t, “ <y
great merit and value, dcalin^m ost thoroughly with one o f the most /'«ieresling characters, and one (>fthe most interesting pencils, in the Church
history o f the Middle Ages. Pir, M onson is thoroughly master o f his subject,
a n d writes with great discrimination a n d pairness, a n d in a eluiste and
elegant style."
The SPEC't'ATOR says it is " n o t only distinguished by
research and candour, it has also thegs'eat merit ofneve>' being dull."
N a p o l e o n . — T H E H IS T O R Y O F N A P O I.E O N 1. By ? .
L a n frey . a T ranslation wilb tbe sanction of tbe Author. Vols.
I, and II. 8%'o. price i2r. each.
*
The P a l t . M a i . l G a z k t t e says it is “ one oj the most striking
pieces o f historical composition o f which France has to boast, ” a m i the
S>A.TURn.\.Y R e v i e w calls it " a n e.ccdlenl translation o f a irorh on a r t y
ji,'round desetviiig to be translated. I t is unquestionably and immeasurably
the best that has been produced. I t is in fa c t the only w orker which we
can tu rn f o r an accurate a n d trustworthy nan-ative o f that exts'aort.^nary
career. . . . The book is the best a n d indeed the only trustworthy history
o f Napoleon which has been written."
P a l g r a ^ e ( S i r F . ) — H IS T O R Y O F N O R M A N D Y ‘ a n d
O F ENGLAND.
By Sir F r a n c i s P a l o r a v e , Deputy Keeper
of H er Majesty’s I’wblic Records. Completing the History to the
Death o f William Rufus. Vols. I I . — IV. 2ir. each.
Volume I. General Relations o f Medurval Europe— The Carlotnngian
Fjnpire— The Danish Expeditions in the Cauls— A n d the Establishment
o f Kollo. Volume I I . The 7 'hrce F irst Dukes o f Norm andy ; Kollo,
Guillaume Longue-Epfe, a n d Richard Sans-Teur— The Carlovingiar.^
Hue supplanted by the Capets.
Volume I I I . Richard S a n s-f'.^r—
Richard fj- B o n — R ichard I I I . —Robert L e Diable— IVilliam the Con.
queror. Volume IV . W illiam R u fu s—Accession o f H enry licauclerc.
^ f / S r O R l \ B IO G R A P H Y , 6 - T R A V E L S .
•
23
♦
l i is itcedltss to say anything reconuncnd t/i^s loork o f a lifetime to all
students o f history; it is, as the S p e c t a t o r
'^pr-hafs the greatest
single contribution yet made to the authentic annals o f this country f and
m ust," says the N onci^nFO R N U s> T j ^âhuays ran^ among our standard
authorities. ”
i^ a lg ra v e
{ W . G ,) — a N A R R A T IV E O F A > E A R ’S
JO U K N E V T H R O U G H C E N T R A L A N D E A S T E R N
'A R A B IA , 1862-3.
W ii-L iA M G i f f o r d P a l g r a v e , late o f
the Eighlli Regiment Bombay N. I. Sixth Edition. W ith Maps,
Plans, and Portrait of Author, engravcKi on steel by Jeens. Crown
8vo.
6 r.
“ 7 Vie taork is a model o f tvhai its class should he; the style restrained,
the n.'.i-raiive clear, telling us a ll vte wish to kncno o f the countiy and
people visited, a n d enough o f the author a n d his feelings to enable us t»
trust ourselves to his guidance in a tract hitherto untrodden, and dangerous
in'more senses than one. . . I/e has not only written one o f the best books
on the Arabs a n d one o f the best books on Arabia, but he has done so in a
manner that must comnsand the respect no less than the admiration o f his
fellow-countrymen." — F o r t n i g h t l y R e v i e w . “ Considering the extent
o f our previous ignorance, the amount o f his (uhievenients, a n d the im porlance o f his ccntributions to our knowledge, we cannot say less o f him
than was once said o f a f a r greater discoverer—M r. Palgrave has indeed
given a new world to Europe."— P a l l M a l l G a z e t t e .
P r i ® h a r S . — t h e A D M IN IS T R A T IO N O F IN D IA . From
1859 to 1868. T he F irst T en Years o f Adminislration undcji the
Crown.
By I l t u d u s T h o m a s P r i c h a r d , Barrister-ai-Law.
*
T w o Vols, Demy Svo. W ith Map. 2ir.
I n these volumes the author has aimed to supply a fu ll, impartial, and
independent aecount o f British India between 1859 and
xohick k
in m any respects the most important cfoch in the history o f that couttlr}'
that the presait century has seett. “ I t has the great merit that it is not
exclusively dei'oted, as are too m any histories, to military and political
details, but enters thoroughly into the more important questions o f social
history,
IVe f i n d in these zvtumes a well-atrastgcd a n d compendiot^p
reference to almost all that has beets done in India d u tin g the last ten
; and the most important official documents and historical pieces are
wcll^.lccic.1 and duly set
S c o ts m a n .
" dl i t a work which
riujj
f''add to hit library." — S t a K OF IK D IA .
24
M A C M I L L A N ' S C A T A L O G U E O F IV O R IE S I N
-
-
R o b i n s o n ( H . C r a b b ) .— t h e D IA R Y , R E M IN IS C E ^ X E S ,
A N D C O R R E S P O N D E N C E , O F H E N R Y CRABB R O B IN SON, Barrister-at-Law.
Selected and E dited b y T h o m a s
S a d lk r, r h . j \
W ith PortrafL T hird and Cheaper Edition.
TwoVoIs. Crown 8vo. iCs.
%
TViie*Daily N e w s sajis: “ T /if two books xvkkh are most likely to
survive chauge o f literary iaste^ and to charm while instructing generation
after generation, are the 'D ia r y ' o f Pepys a n d Boswell's 'L ife of ,
ybhnson.' The day w ill come when to these m any w ill add the ‘ D iary o f
H enry Crabb Robinson.' Excellences like those which render the personal
revelations o f Pepys and the observations o f Bosaocll such pleasant reading
abound in this svork ,
I n it is to befo u n d something to suit every taste
a n d inform every mind. For the general reader it contains much light a n d
amusing matter. To the lover o f literature it conveys information which
he w ill prize highly on account o f its accuracy a n d rarity. The student of
social life wUl gather from it m any valuable hints whereon to base
theories as to the effects ost English society o f the progress o f civilization.
For these a n d other reasons this 'D ia r y ' is a work to which a hearty
welcome should be accorded."
*
R o g e r s ( J a m e s E . T h o r o l d ) . — H IS T O R IC A L c l e a n *
IN G S : A Series of Sketches. Montague, W alpole, Adam Sm ith,
Cobbett. By Prof. ROGERS. Crown 8vo. 4r. <5<f. Second Series.
WikJif, Laud, Wilkes, and H orne Tooke. Crown 8vo. 6j .
P ’ofessor Rogers's object in these sketches, which are it* th e foo'/n o f
Lectures, is to present a set o f historical facts, grouped round a principal
figure. The author has aimed to state the social facts o f the time in
which the individual whose history is handled look p a rt in public businesP
I t is fro m sketches like these o f the great men who took a prom inent
a n d infldhilial p a r t in the affairs o f their time that a clear conception of
the social and economical condition o f our ancestors can be obtained.
History leannsl in thiswayisboth instructive and agreeable. " H is Essays,"
MALLGAEETTEroyr, " a r t f u l t o f interest,pr/gtiant,thoughtful
a n d readable." “ They rank f a r above the average o f sim ilar perfor
mances," says the WESTMINSTER R e v ie w .
,
R a p h a e l . — R A P H A E L O F XJRBINO A N D H IS F A T H E R
G IO V A N N I S A N T I. By J. D. P a s s a v a n t , formerly Directoi*
o f the Museum at Frankfort. W ith Twenty Permanent Ifloto- *
graphs. Royal 8vo. Handsomely boimd. 3IA 6t/.
N I S T O R Y , B IO G R A P H Y , ^
TRAVELS.
To the enlarged French edition o f Passavant\s L ife o f Raphael, that
paintei^s admirers have turned whenever they have sought information,
a n d it w ill doubtless remain f o r m any years the best booh o f reference on
a l l questions pertaining to the grUet painter. The present work consists
o f a translation o f those p a rts o f PassavanCs volumes which are most
Jikeiy to interest the general reader. Besides a complete life o f Raphael, it
contains the valuable descriptions o f a ll his known paintings, and the
Chronological Index, which is o f so much service to amateurs who wish to
“ study ike progressive character o f his works.
The Jllustralhns by
Woodbury's tteio perm anent process o f pholc^raphy, are taken from the
finest engravings that could be procured, a n d have been chosen with the
intention o fg iv in g examples o f Raphael’s various styles ofpainting. The
S a t u r d a y R e v i k w says o f them, “ We have seen not a fexo elegant
specimens o f M r. Woodbury's nezo process, but we have seen no/ie that
equal these."
S o m e r s ( R o b e r t ) . — T H E S O U T H E R N S T A T E S S IN C E
T H E \YAR. By R o b e r t S o m b r s . W ith Map. 8vo. gj.
•
This work is the ; esult of inquiries made by the author oj all authorities
competent to afford him isiformation, a n d o f his own observation during a
lengthened sojottrn in the Southern States, to which -writers on America so
seldom direct their steps. The author’s object is to give some account o f th r
coeidition o f the Southern Slates under the new social and political systemintroduced by^he civil war. H e has here collected such notes o f the progress
o f their cotton plantatm is, o f the state o f their labouring population a n d o f
their hidustritil enterprises, as m ay help the reader to a safe opinion op
tj^cir means a n d prospects o f developmetit. H e also gives such information
o f their natural resources, railways, a n d other public works, as may
tend to shenv to w hat extent they are fiiled to become a profitably field oJ
enlarged immigration, settlement, andforeign trade. The volume contains
many valuable a n d reliable details as to the condition o f ike A'egro popula'
iion, the state o f Bducation a n d Religion, o f Cotton, Sugar, a n d Tobacco
Cultivation, o f Agriculture generally, o f Coal and Iron M ining, M a n u
factures, Trade, Meatts o f Locomotion, and the condition o f Totons a n d op
* Society. A large map o f the Southern States by Messrs. W. a>id A .
yohnston is appended, which shoavs with great clearness the Cotton, Coal,
. 3 id Iron districts, the raihtxtys completed a>tdprojected, the State boundaries,
• an d
important details. ‘ ‘ F u ll o f interesting and valuable in formaHon." — S a t u r d a y R e v i e w .
26
M A C M I L L A X 'S C A T A L O G U E O F IVORIES I X
S m ith
(P rofessor
STATESM EN.
G oldw in). — TH R EE
Ixc p. 43 of ihis Catalogue.
E X G L IS II
T a c i t u s . — Tifl-: H IS T O R Y WE T A C IT U S , translated into
JCiiglish. By A. J. CitVRCif, M .A. and W. j . L ro o k itjk , M .A.
■^'ilh a Map and Notes. New and Cheaper Edition, revftccl,
crown 8vo. 6j.
T h t trajislalors havt m ld.n'oun'd to adhen as closely to the original a.- ^
■K'as thought consistent m th a proper observastce o f English idiom. A t
the same time it has been tte ir aim to reproduce the precise expressions o f
(he ttuihor. This xoork is characterised by the S p e c t a t o r as " a scholarly
and fa ith fu l translation." Sei'ei'al impj-emements have been made in this
Edition, a n d the Notes haze been enlarged, zoith the z’in v o f tv/ulering the
work more intelligible and ustful to the general reader,
T H E A O raC O L A A N D G E R M A N IA . Translated into English by
A. J. C h u r c h , M .A. and W . J . B ro d rib b , l\r.A. ^Yith Maps
and Notes. E xtra fcap. 8vo. is. (>d.
’T he translators have sought to produce such a z'ersion tr* may satisfy
scholars zvho demand a fa ith fu l rendering o f the origisial, a n d English
readers zvho are offended by the baldness a n d frigidity xohich commonly
^ disfgn're tranAaiions. 'The treatises are accompanied by Introductions,
Notes, Maps, a n d a chrouologtcal Summary'. 7 ’/5<'AthkN;€Ii.m says o f
this work that it is a z>ersion a t once readable and exact, i^hich m ay be
perused 'd'ith pleasure by all, and consulted xviih advantage by the dassical
studenti" altd the P a l l M a i . l G a z e t t e says, “ W hat the editors have
attemptcl to do, it is not, zoe think probable, that any living scholars could
have done better."
*
T a y lc fr
(R ev.
I s a a c ) .— W ORDS AND
p la c e s .
p. 51 of this Catalogue.
T h o m a s.— t h e l i f e
o r J O IIN TFIOM AS, Surgeon of the
“ E arl of O xford” E ast Indiam an, and Fh'St Baptist Mis>ionary to
Bengal. By C. R. L e a v i s , Baptist Missionary. 8vo, loj. (od.
•
This biography, founded on the most trustworthy matenals attainable,
"Mill befo u n d interesting, not only to all zvho take an interest in niis'ioW .
work and (he spread 0/ Christianity, h i t to all u'ho care to read theeiif cj' •
an earne.-t man slrh in g to benefit others.
m S T O a V , B IO G R A P H Y , ^
TRAVELS.
27
T r e n c h ( A r c h b i s h o p ) . — For other AVorl* by the same Author,
:fe T h e o l o g i c a l and I I k l l e s L e t t r e s C a t a l o g u e s , and p. 51
o f thfs Catalo'jite.
,
•
G U ST A V U S A D O L P H U S IN G K RM AN V, and other Lectures
o n th e T liirty Years' W ar. By R . C h e n e v i x T r e n c h , D , D . ,
Archbishop o f Dublin.
Second Edition, revised and eniaiêd.
^ Fcap. 8vo. 4f.
The hetures d uihuiw l in this volume fo rm rather a nlzu h o i than a
neiu eliiion, fo r on the two lectures publh!u\i
the A ulhor sn-ererl years
ago, so m any changes an d additions have been made, as to make (he tvork
virtually a neiu one. Besides three lectures o f the career o f Custavus in
Cermany a n d durin g the T hirty Years' lYar, there are other tioo, one
on " Germany during the Thirty Years’ If'ur," and another on Germany
after that IVar, The -.oork w ill be fo u n d not only interesting and instnutive in itself but vtill befo u n d to have some bearing on events cotenected toif/i the recent European IVar,
T r e n c h ( M r s . R .) — R E M A IN S
O F T H E l ..\T E MRS.
lilC ilA R D T R E N C H . Being Selections from her Journals,
Letters, and other Papers.
Edited by A t t c i i i j i s H O r T r e n c h .
New and Cheaper Issue, with Portrait. 8vo. 6 r.
Contains Notices a n d Anecdotes illustrating the social life ej theperiod
— exSendmg cr c^ a quarter o f a century (1799— 1S27). I t includes also
Pot7ns a ^d other miscellaneous pieces by M rs. Trench.
W a l l a c e . — W orks by
A lfre d
R u s s e l W a lla c i:.
F o r other
• W o r k s b y s a m e A u t h o r , set S c tE N X iF tC C a t a l o g u e .
D r. Hooker, in his address to the-British Association, sgohe thus o f the
a u t h o r “ O f M r. (Vallace a n d his m any coutriiutious to philoMphiatl
biology it is not easy to speak -.vUhiout enthusiasm ; fo r, p u tting aside their
great merits, he, throughout his writings, with a modeitv as rare as I
M ieze i t to be unconscious, forgets his cavn nnquesiionedtlaim to the honour
o f having originateil, independently o f M r. D am vin, the theories zvhieh
/K- re ably defends."
^
N A R R A T IV E O F T R A V E L S ON T H E A M A ZO N AND
R IO N E G R O , with an Account of the Native T rib e s RDd ObservatTons on the Climate, Geology, and N atural History of the
Amazon Valley. W ith a Map and Illustrations. Svo. I2r.
I
28
M A C M I L L A N ' S C A T A L O G U E O F W O lU C S I N
--------------------^----------^
• -------------------- . . V
( A . R ^ ) — continued.
•
M r- Wiiilace is acinowletiged as one o f the first o f modern travellers
and naturalists. , This, his earliest ivork, w ill be fo u n d to possess m any
charms fo r the general reader, a n d to be f u l l o f interest to the student o f
natural history,
*
^
t ! i E M A LA Y A R C H IP E L A G O : the Land of the Drang U tan
and the Bird o f Paradise. A Narrative of Travel with Studies
of M an and Nature. W ith Maps and Illustrations. T hird anH
Cheaper Edition, (irowu Svo. "js. 6d.
“ The result is a vivid picture o f tropical life, which may he read with
unfiagging interest, and a sufficiettt account o f his scientific conclusions to
stimulate our appetite without wearying us by detail. I n short, we m ay
safely say that we have nei'er read a more agreeable booh o f its kind."—
S A T tiR D A Y R e v i e w .
" H is descriptions o f scenery, o f the people and
their manners a n d customs, enlivened by occasional amusing anecdotes,
constitute the most inisrestmg reading we hcri'e taken up f o r some time."—
S ta n d a rd .
•
W a r d ( P r o f e s s o r ) . — T H E H O U S E O F A U S T R IA IN T H E
T H IR T Y Y E A R S ’ W A R. Two Lectures, with Notes and Illus
trations. B y A d o l p h u s W . W a r d , M .A., Professor o f History
in Owens College, Mandresier. E xtra fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d.
These hoo Lectures wei'e delivered in February, 1 8 6 9 , atfiic Philgsoplical
Institution, Edinburgh, and arenmo published with Notes a n d Illustrations.
“ We have never read," says the
any lectures which
bear more thoroughly the impress o f one who has a true and vigorous giMsp
o f the subject in hand." *' They are," the S c o t s m a n says, " th e fr u it o f
much isd w ir and learning, and it would be difficult to compress into a
hundred pages more information."
,
*
W a r d (J.)— E X P E R IE N C E S O F A D IP L O M A T IS T .
*
Being
recollections of Germany founded on Diaries kept during the years
1840— 1870.
By J o h n W a r d , C.B., late II.M . .Ministci^
Resident to the Ilanse Towns. Svo. loj. 6d,
M r- JVard’s recollections extend back even to 1S30. From his ojfiâl
position as well as fro m other circumstances he h a d m any opporti0 .//ies oP
coming in contact with eminent men o f all ranks a n d all professions on the
*
H f S T q j i y ', B IO G R A P H Y , ^
•
TRAVELS.
ag
;----------------------
Continent. H is hook, while it contains much that thrcnos light on the
history o f the lon^ a n d inspo)in»t perioil with which it is concerned, is f u l l
o f reminiscences o f such men as AsTivabene, K in g Leopold, Frederick
IVUliam
his Court attd M inktrrs, Humboldt, Bunsen, Rautner,
Ranke, Grimm, Palmerston, S ir de I.acy E vans, Cobden, Mendelssohn,
Cardinal Wiseman, Prince Albert, the Prince and Princess o f Wales,
L o rd Russel!, Bismarck, Mdlle. Ticfjens, asid manypther esnbientE nîshmen a n d foreigners.
•
W a r r e n . — a n e s s a y o n G r e e k . 4 't - : d e r a l c o i n a g e .
By tile IIoii-
J. L e ic e s te r W a rre n ,
M.A.
Svo.
zs. 6d.
T Iu present essay is an attempt to illustrate M r. Freeman's Federal
Government by evidence deduced from the coinage o f the times and countries
therdn treated of.
W edg-vvood. — j o i i x w e s l e v a n d t h e e v a n g e l i c a l
R E A C T IO N of the Eighteenth Century. B y Ju i.lA W edgw ood.
Crown Sv^. 8j. 6d.
This book is an attempt to delineate the infhunce o f a particular man
upon his age. The background to the central figure is treated with
considerable minuteness, the object o f representation being not the vicissitude
o f a particular life, but that element in the life ‘which impressed itself on
the life o f a nation,— an element which cannot be understood without a
study
aspecfs of national thought which on a superficial viciv might
appear ‘•wholly unconnected with it. “ I n style an d intellectual poaver, in
breadth o f victa a n d clearness op insight, M iss Wcdgioood's book f a r
sm-passes all rivals."— A t i i e n . € U M . “ A s a short account o f the most
remarkable movement in the eighteenth ceniiny, it must fa ir ly be described
as excellent." — P a l l M a l l G a z e t t e .
-
W i l s o n . —A
M E M O IR O F G E O R G E W IL S O N , M. D .,
F .R .S .E ., Regius Professor of Technology in the University o f
Edinburgh. P>y his S i s t e r . N ew Edition. Crown S v o , 6s.
“ Aft exquisite a n d touching portrait o f a rare and beautiful spirit." — •
H e more than most men o f whom we have lately read
‘desnvt'd n minute a n d careful biography, a n d by such alone could he be
underwood, a n d become loveable and influential to his fellcnv-men. Such
a biography his sister has written, in 'which letters reach almost to the
C ^ U a rd ia n .
I
30
A fA C M /L L A iT S C A T A L O G U E O F W O R K S I N
extent 0 / a complete atilol>ioprap/iy, with all the atiditional chann o f being
uHeonseiously such. U > rez'cre a n d admire the heart, a n d earnestly praise
the patient tender hand, by zuliic/i such a xuorthy record o f the carlh-story
o f one o f God’s k'nc angcl-men kasfjccn constructed f o r our delight a n d
profit." — N o n c o n f o r m i s t .
W ilso n
( D a n ie l, L L . D . ) — W orks by D a n i e l W i l s o n ,
L L .D ., Professor of H istory and English Literature in University
College, 'I'oronlo :—
P R E H IS T O R IC A ^ 'N A l.S O F S C O T L A N D . New Edition,
with numerous Illustratioi\a, 'I'wo Vols. demy 8vo. 361.
Ojie object aimed atzvhen the bookfirst appeared was to rescue areheeological
research fr o m that limited range to sohicA a too e.eclush'e devotion to classical
studies had given rise, and, especially in relation to Scotland, to prove hoxu
greatly more compr--hensive a n d important are its native antiijuities than all
the traces o f intruded apt. The aim has been to a large extent effectually
accomplished, and such an impulse giz'en to archaological research, that hi
this new edition the whole o f the xvork has h a d to be remodelled. F ully a
th ird o f it has been eidirely re-wriffepi; and the p-emahiing portions have
undergone so minute a rexnsion as to p-ender it pu m any respects a j im
work. The number o f pictorial illustrations has been greatly increased,
a n d several o f the form er plates a n d zooodculs have been p-e-engraved
fro m new drawings. This is diviaed into fo u r Parts.^ P art I . deals
with T he Primeval or Stone P e rio d : Aboriginal Traces, 3 ;ppdch)-al
Memorials, Dwellings, a n d Catacombs, Temples, IVeafons, etc. efc.j
P art II . T he Bronze P erio d : The Metallurgic Ti-ansiiion, Primitive
Bronze, Personal Orptaments, Religion, A rts, a n d Domestic Habits, ?t'ith
other topics ; P art I I I . TTie Iron Period : The Introduction o f Iron, The
Rom<§i Invasion, Strongholds, etc. etc.; P art IV . T he Christian P e rio d :
Historical Data, the N o rr ils Dixv Relics, Prim itive and Mediaval
Ecclesiology, Pcclesiastkal a n d Miscellaptcous Antiquities. The work is
furnished w ith an elaborate Index. “ One o f the most interesting, learned,
a n d elegant works we have seen fo r a long time." — W e s t m i n s t e r
R e v ie a v .
''T h e inta-est connected with this beautiful volume is imi
liviited to that p a rt o f the kingdom to which it is chiefly devoted; it xviU be
consulted 'with advantage a n d gratification by a ll 'who have a regard nfor
N ational Antiquities and for the advancement o f scientific Archiro^gy.”- ^
A rc h /E o lo g ic a l J o u r n a l.
I
I flS T O R Y , B IO G R A P H Y , ^
•
W ilso n
T R A rP Z S,
31
•
( D a n i e l , L L . D .)—
P R E H IS T O R IC M AN. New Edition, revised and partly re-written,
with numerous Illustrations. ^ One vol. 8vo.
This work, which carries out the principle o f the preceding one, but with
a. i9iiler scope, aims to “ view M an, as f a r as possible, unafected
those
modijying infiuences which accompany the deveiopment o f nations a n d the
maturity o f a true historic period, in order thereby to ascertain the sources
fro m 7uhence such development a n d maturity proceed. These researches
into the origin o f civilization have accurdingl^been pursued under the belief
which tnfiuenccd the author in prrvious inquiries that the inve.itiqations
o f the archaologist, when carried on in an enlightened spirit, are replete
with interest in relation to some o f the most important problems o f modern
science. To reject the aid o f archceology in the progress o f science, and
especially o f ethnological science, is to extinguish the lamp o f the student
when most dependent on its borroived rays. ” A prolonged residence 0‘
some o f the newest sites o f the H ew W orld has afforded the author tna /
opportunities o f investigating the antiquities o f the American Aboriy yds,
a n d o f hin g in g to light m any facts o f high importatt(e in refr Ace to
prim eval man. The changes in the neio edition, necessitated by the great
advance in Archeology since the first, include both reconstruction and
eondensation, along with considerable additions alike in illustration a n d
in argument. ” We fin d ," says the A tiiex.+:um ,
the main idea o f his
treatise to be a pre-eminently scientific one,—nanuly, by archceological
records to obiîin a definite conception o f the origin and nature o f nian’s
earlieii efforts at civilisation in the Ncio World, a n d to endeavour to dis
cover, as i f by analogy, the necessary' conditions, phases, a n d epochs through
which man in the prehistoric stage in the Old World also must necessarily
^ l i v c passed."
The N o r t h B r i t i s h R e v ie w calls it ^'a mature a n d
nidloiv work o f an able man ; free alike fr o m crotchets and jôm dog
matism, a n d exhibiiing on every page the caution a n d modo-ation o f a
well'balanced judgm ent."
^
C H A T T E R T O N : A Biographical Study. By D a n i e l 'W ilson,
L L .D ,, Profcs.sor of History and English Literature in University
College, Toronto. Crown Svo, dr. (id.
• The author here re ^ r d s Chatterton as a poet, not lU a “ mere resetter
I and tiefacer o f stolen literary treasures. ” Revir.ved in this light, he has
found much in the old materials capable o f being turned to new arrovnt •
32 M A C M IL L A N 'S C A TA LO G U E OF IV(2SA*S I N
----------------------------------------------------------------
i
andio these materials research in various directions has enabled him to
mahe some addiiiosu. JJfbdu'Z'es that the hoy-poct has been misjudged, and
that the biographies hitherto 'loritten of him are not only impeifect but
untrue. While dedting tenderly, the imthor has sought to deal truthfully
luith the failings as toell as the virtues of the hoy: beating always in
remembrance, what has been toofrequently lost sight of, that he was l>»t a
boy;— a boy, and yet a poet of rarepcnoer. 7 he E x a m i n e r thinks this
" the most complete and the purest biography of the poet which has yet
appeared." The L i t e r a r y C j i v r c h m a n calls it " a most charming •
literary biography."
^
y o n g e ( C h a r l o t t e M .)— W o r k s
by
Charlotte
M. Y
onge,
A uthor of “ T he H eir o f RetlclyfTe," &c. &c. :—
A P A R A T X E I. H IS T O R Y O F F R A N C E A N D E N G L A N D :
consisting of Outlines anil Dates. Oblong 4to. 3s. Cd.
This tabular history has been drawn up to supply a wasilfelt by many
teachers of some means of making their pupils realize what 'events tn the
two CQunines were contemporary. A skeleton narrative has been constructed
oj the chief transactions in either country, placing a cohunn between for
what iiffectedboth alike, by which means it is hoped thatyoung people may
be assisted in grasping the mutual relation of a-ents.
•
CA M EO S FR O M E N G L IS H H IS T O R Y . From Rollo to Edw ard
II. E xtra fcap. 8vo. Second Edition, enlarged.
A S e c o n d S e r i e s , T H E W A R S IN F R A N C E .
8vo^ 5J, Second Edition.
E xtra fcap?
The endeavour has m l been to chroniclefacts, but to p u t together a series
o f pictin'es oJpersons a n d events, so as to ai'rest the attention, a n d give
some indh'iduality a n d distinctness to the recollection, by gathering together
details o f the most memorable moments. The " Cameos" are intended as
4 book fo r young people }ust beyond the elementary histories o f E ngland, *
a n d able to enter in some degree into the real spirit o f events, a n d to be
struck zvith characters a n d scenes presented in some relief. '■*Instead d f %
dry details," says the N oN C O N K O R m IS'I’, “ w r have livingpictures, fa ith fu l, •
vivid, and striking.'"''
'm ^ O K Y , B IO G R A P H Y ,
-
-
—p
^
-
TRAVELS.
33
-
Y oung
( J u l i a n C h a r l e s , M .A . ) — a M E M O IR O F
C H A R L E S M A Y N E Y O U N G , Tragedian, with Extracts
from his Son’s Journal. By J u l i a n C i i a k j . e s Y o u n g , M.A.
Rector o f IJnimgion. W itli Portraits and Sketches. K cw a n d
Cfwajiir Edition. Crown 8vo. 7j. 6<f.
Rounddhis memoir of one who held no mean place in public estimation
as a tragedian, a n d who, as a man, by the unobtm sh’c simplicity and
> moral pmriiy 0 / hisperivaie li/e, tvon golden opinions/rom a ll sorts 0 / men,
are clicsiered extracts fro n t the author's journals, containing many
curious a n d interesting reminiscences o f his fatheP s a n d his cnvn eminent
a n d fam ous contemporaries a n d acquaintances, someiohat after the manner
o f H . Crabb Robinson's D iary. E very page w ill be fo u n d f u l l both o f
entertainment a n d instruction. I t contains fo u r portraits o f thetragedian,
a n d a feta other curious sketches, “ In this budget o f anecdotes, fables, and
gossip, old a n d new, relative to Scott, Moore, Chalmers, Coleridge, IVordsworth, Croker, Mathetvs, the th ird a n d fo u rth Georges, Howies, Beckfo rd , Lockhart, IVellitigion, Peel, Louis Napoleon, D'O rsay, Dickens,
Thackeray, Louis Blanc, Gibson, Constable, a n d Stanfield, etc. etc. the
reader must />e hard indeed to please who cannot fin d entertainment. " —
P a l l M a ll G a z e tte .
•
)
•
•
•
'
POLITICS,
POLITICA L
ECONOMY,
LAW,
AND
AND
SOCIAL
K IN D R Elf
SUBJECTS.
B a x t e r . — N A T IO N A L IN C O M E : T he United Kingdom . Hy
R .
D d d le y
B a x te r,
M .A.
8vo.
y .
6 ti.
The present loork endeavours to ansioer systeniatfcally such tjuestions
as the/ollcKoing:— W hat are the means a n d a^regate ivagesef our
lahottringpopulation ; what are the numbers a n d aggregate profits
o f the middle classes; what the revenues o f our great proprietors
an d capitalists ; and w hat the pecuniary-strength o f the nation to
hear the burdens annually fa llin g upon sts ? W hat capital in
laftd a n d goods am i money is stored up fo r our subsistence, a n d fo r
ea)-0'ing out our enterprises ? The author has collected his facts
from eve>y quarter and tested them isi various luays, in order to
make his statements a n d deductions valuable cmd trustworthy.
P a rt I. o f the soork deals with the Classification of the I’Spulatioii
itito— Chap. I. T he Income Classes; Chap. I I . T he U pper and
Middle and Manual Lalx)ur Classes. P a rt II. treats o f they'dcome of the United Kingdom, divided into— Chap. I I I . Upper
« and Middle Incomes ; Chap. I V . W ages o f the Manual Labour
Classes—England and W ales; Chap. V. Income of Scotland;
Chap. VI. Income of I re la n d ; Chap. V II. Income o f the
United Kingdom. I n the Appendix w ill befo u n d tnany valuable
a n d carefully compiled tables, illustrating in detail the subjects
discussed in the text.
B e r n a r d . — F O U R L E C T U R E S ON SU B JE C T S C O N N E C T E D
W IT H D IPLO M A CY .
By
M o n ta g u e B e r n a rd ,
Chichele Professor of International Law and D iplonitcj^ Oxfortl.
8vo. gs.
.
V
•
•
, W O R K S I N P O L IT IC S,
etc
:
35
TTuse fo u r LccUtres dtal zoUk—I . “ The Congress o f Westphalia ; "
II.
‘'Systems o f Poliey
TIT. " Dipfomary, Past a n d Present
I V . “ The Obligations o f Treaties.”— "Singularly interesting
lectures, so able, clear, 9nd attractive.”— S p e c ta t o r ,
*'The
author o f these lectures is f u l l o f the knowledge which belongs to
his subject, a n d has that power o f clear and vigorous esfpression
which resultsfro m clear a n d vigorous thought. ”— S C O T S M A N .
B r i g h t ( J o h n , M . P . ) ~ S P E E C H E S O N Q U E S T IO N S O F
P U B L IC PO LIC Y . By the Right*H on. J o h n B r i g h t , M .P.
Edited by Professor TiioROl-D R o g e rs. Author’s Popular Edition.
Globe 8vo. 3^. Sd.
*
The speeches which have been selected f o r publication in these volumes
possess a value, as examples o f the art o f public speaking, -which no
person rtnll be likely to underrate. The speeches have been selected
with a viezv o f supplying the public with the evidence on which M r.
S r ig h ls friends assert his right to a place in the fr o n t rank o f
E nglish statesmen. They are divided into groups, according
to their subjects. The editor has naturally given prominence to
those subjects zuith zvhieh M r. B iig h t has been specially identified,
as, f o r example, India, America, Ireland, and Parliamentary
Reform. B u t nearly every topic o f great public interest on which
M r. B right has spoken is represented in these volumes. " M r .
Bright's speeches zvill ahoays deserve to be studied, as an apprentice* ship to popular a n d parliamentary oratory; they zvill form
materials f o r the history o f our time, a n d m any brilliant passages,
perhaps some entire speeches, zvUl really become a p a rt o f the living
literature o f England. ”— D a i l y N e w s .
L IB R A R Y E D IT IO N .
Two Vols. Svo.
W itli Portrait. * 25^.
C a i r n e s . — e s s a y s IN p o l i t i c a l ECONO M Y, T H E O
R E T IC A L and A P P l.IE D . By J. E. C a i r n e s , M .A., Professor
of Political Economy in University College, London.
8vo.
lO r.
&/.
•
C o n t e n t s . — Essays towards a Solution o f ike Gold Question— The
A ustralian Episode— The Course o f Deprecia'ion— Internaiionnl
• Results— Sum m ary o f the Movement—M . Chevalier’s V t'-— Cv
Operation in the Slat* Qu.zn i'« o f A orth IVales—Pol\jical Ecoc a
36
M A C M IL L A N 'S C A TA LO G U E OF •
«
♦
nomy a n d L and—Political Economy and Laissez-Faire—M .
Comte an d PoUtital Economy—Bastiat.
“ The production o f one o f the ablest o f living economists."—A tu e N /EU M .
•
C h rfstie .—TH E
BALLOT AND
C O R R U P T IO N A N D
E X P E N D IT U R E A T E L E C T IO N S , a Collection o f Essays and
Addresses of different dates. By W . D. C h r i s t i e , C. B,, formerly *
H e r Majesty's Minisl^r to tlie Argentine Confederation and to
B razil; A uthor of “ Life of the First Earl of Shaftesbury.” Crown
8vo. 4^. 6d.
M r. Christie has been ivell knoion Jor ufioards o f thirty years as a
strenuous and able advocate fo r the Ballot, both in his place in
Parliament and tlsnvhere. The papers a n d speeches here collected
are six in number, exclusive o f the Preface a n d Eedicaiion to Pro
fessor Maurice, which contains m any interesting historical details
concerning the Ballot. “ You have thought to grcaUr purpose on
the means o f preventing clcctm-al corruption, a n d are likely to be o f
more service in passing measures f o r that highly important end,
than any other person that I could name." —^J. S. MiLi., in a
published letter to the Author, M ay 1868.
C la r k e . — E A R L Y R O M A N L A W .
T H E R E G A I, P l I u o D .
By E. C. Ci.ARKE, M .A., of Lincoln’s Inn, Barrisler-at-I^w ,
L ecturer in Law and Regius Professor of Civil Law at Cainbridg^.
T ie beginnings o f Roman Law are only noticed incidentally by Caius
o r hisparaphrasers under Justinian. They are, hoivrver,so im
portant, that this attempt to set porth what is knosvn or m ay be
infen-ed about them, it is expected, w ill be fo m u l o f much value.
The method adopted by the author has been to fu rn ish in the text
o f each section a continuous account o f the subject in hand, ample
quotations and rcferetices being appended in the fo rm o f note^.
M ost o f the passages cited have been arrived at by independent read
in g o f the original authority, thefe w others having been careftHy^
verified. ''M r . Clarke has brought together a great m a s s if vain*
able matter in an accessiblefo rm ." — S a t u r h a v R e v i e w .
^
^ IV O R K S I N rO L IT IC S y E T C ,
37
C o rf ie ld ( P r o f e s s o r W . H . ) — a d i g k s t O F F A C T S
R E L A T IN G TO T H E T R E A T M E N T *AND U T IL IZ A T IO N
O F SEWACJE. By W. H . C o r i - i e l d , M .A.^ B.A., Professor of
Hygiene nnd Public H ealth *at University College, London. Svo.
loj. 6t/. Second Edition, corrected and enlarged.
/ « tJns edition the author has rroised a n d corrected the enlv* work,
a n d made m any important additions. The headings o f the eleien
chapters areas follcav:—/ . “ E a rly Systems: Midden-IIeaps and
Cesspools." I L “lnU kandD isease— Cause a n d Effect." .I I I . ^'Im
proved Midden-Pits a n d Cesspools; ^lidden-Closeis, Pail-Closets,
etc." I F . “ The Dry-Closet Systems.” V. “ IFater-Closets." V I.
“ Seicerage.” V II. “ Sanitary Aspects oj the Water-Carrying
System." V II I. “ Value 0/ Srwage; In jtiry to Jiivers." I X .
Tozvn SetMge; Attempts a t Utilization." X . “ Filtration a n d
Irrigation." X I . “ Influence o f Sewage F arm ing on the Public
H ealth." A n abridged account o f the more recently published
researches on the subject w ill be fo u n d in the Appendices, while the
Sum m ary contains a in c ise statement o f theviews which the author
him self has been led to adopt; references have been inserted through
out to shaio fro m w hat sources the numerous quotations haz-e been
derived, and an Index has been added. “ M r. CorfieUis work is
entitled to rank as a standard authority, no less than a convenient
handbook, in a ll matters relating to sewage."—AtheN/KUM.
F a w < : e t t . —W orks by H e n r v
F a w c e t t , M .A., M .P ., Fellow of
Trinity H all, and Professor o f Political Economy in the University
o f Cambridge :—
* T H E E C O N O M IC P O S IT IO N
L A B O U R E R . E xtra fcp. Svo. 5r.
OF
THE
B R IT IS H
•
This work form ed a portion o f a course o f Lectures delh-ered by the
author in the University o f Cambridge, a n d he has deemed it
advisable to retain m any o f the expositions o f the elementary p n n ciples o f Economic Science. I n the Introductory Chapter the
•
author points out the scope o f the work a n d shows the vast im porl-t
anceof the subject in relation to ike commercial prosperity a n d es-cft
m
the national existence o f B ritain. Then follow fiv e chapters on
»
The L a n d Tenure o f E ngland," '^Co-operation," " The Causes
which regulate IVages," “ Trade Unions a n d Strikes," and
f
• *
M A C M I L L A N 'S C A T A L O G U E O F
38
•
.
♦
F a w c e t t ( H . ) —tontitmed.
" Em igration." The E x a m i n e r calls ihczvork *‘a very scholarly
exposition on ômc o f the most essential qutstions oj Political
E cpjiom y;" a n d ike N o n c o n f o r m i s t says " i t is wriUen with
charming Jreshnsss, case, a n d lucidity,"
•
•
M A N U A L O F P O L IT IC A L ECO N O M Y . T hird and Cheaper
Edition, ivith Two New Chapters. Crown 8vo. lor. (>d.
In tins treatise no im p o r^ n t branch oJ the subject has been omitted,
a n d the author believes th a t the principles'which are therein ex
plained "will enable the reader to obtain a tolerably complete vieio oj
the whole science. M r. Fawcett has endeavoured to show how
intimately Political Economy is connected w ith the fractical ques
tions o f life. For the convenience o f the ordinary reader, a n d
especially f o r those who m ay use the book to prepare themselves fo r
examinations, he has prefixed a very detailed sum m ary o f Contents,
which may be regarded as an analysis oj the work. The neio
edition has beets so carefully reviseP that there is scarcely a
page in which some improvement has not been introduced. The
D a i l y N e w s says: “ I t form s one o f ike best introductions to the
principles o f the science, and to its practical applications in the
problans o f modern, a n d especially o f English, government a n d
society." ” The book is written throughout," says the E x a m i n e k ,
'*w ith admirable force, clearness, a n d brevity, evcny important
p a rt o f the subject being duly considered."
•
P A U P E R IS M r IT S C A U SE S A N D R E M E D IE S .
5A (>d.
•
Crown 8vo.^
I n its number f o r March W th, 1 ^ 7 1 ,
S p e c t a t o r a i z V ; ‘‘ IVewisli
Professor Fawcett ivould devote a little more o f his time an d energy
to the practical consideration o f that monster problem o f Pauperism,
for the treatment o f which his economic knowledge a n d popular
sympathies so eminently f i t him ." The volume sum published may
be regarded as an anrwer to the above challenge. The sez'en «
chapters it comprises discuss the foliminng subjects:—/ . “Pauperism
a n d the old Poor L aw ." I I . “ The present Poor L aw System.
I I I . “ The Increase o f Population," I V . “ N ational Educ^fion;
its Economic and Social Effects," V. “ Co-partnership a n d Co-
'•
I F O J iJ iS A V P O L I T I C S , E T C .
39
F a w c e t t ( H . ) — continutd.
operation^ \*I. *'The EngUih System o f L a n d Tenure." V II.
" T h e Inehsure 0 / Commons." The A t i i e n .-j u m calls the 7vork
“ a repertory o f interesting^nU well-digested tMformation."
1-:SSAVS ON P O L IT IC A L A N D S O C IA L S U B JE C T ^. By
P ro fe sso r
F a w c e it,
M .P .,
and
M illic e n t
G a rre tt
F a w c e t t . Svo.
i o j . (sd.
This volume contains fourteen papers, some o f •which have appeared
in various journals a n d periodicals ; others have *wt before been
published. They are all on subjects o f great importance a n d u n i
versal inderesi, and the names o f the two authors are a sufficient
guarantee that each topic is discussed with f i l l knowledge, great
ability, clearness, a n d earnestness. 7 'he follcnving are some o f the
titles
Modern Socialism;" Free Education in its Economic
Aspects T " Paupei-ism, Charity, a n d the Poor Laso
N ational
Debt a n d Natiasutl Prosperity;" "IV h a t can be done f o r the
Agricultural L a b o u r e r s “ The Education o f Women
“ The
Electoral Disabilities o f Women
The House o f Lords." Each
article is signed with the initials o f its author.
" I n every
respect a work o f note a n d value, . . They w ill a ll repay the
berusal o f the thinking rcader."-~IC>K\\X N E W S .
F a w c e t t f M r s . ) — P O L IT IC A L e c o n o m y f o r B E G IN
NERS.
F a w c e tt.
*
•
•
•
W IT H Q U E S T IO N S .
By M
New Edition, iSmo. 2s. (>d.
illic e n t
G a rre tt
In this little work are explained as briffiy as passible the most im
portant principles o f Political Economy, in the hope that il^snll be
useful to-beginners, a n d perhaps be a n assistance to those who are
desirous o f introducing the study o f Political Economy to schools.
I n order to adapt the book especially fo r school use, questions have
been added at the end o f each chapter. I n the neiu edition each
page has Iven carefully reziscd, a n d a t the end o f each chapter,
after the questions, a fe w little puzzles have been added, which w ill^
give interest to the book, and leach the learner to think f o r hitnsdf.
The D a i l y NEWSfir/A it "clear, compact, a n d comprehensive;"
^ n d the S p e c t a t o r says, "M rs. Faivcetls treatise is perfectly
suited to its purpose."
40
F r e e m a n ( E . A ., M . A ., • D . C .L ? ) —h i s t o r y
FEDK RAL
G O V l^R N M EN T.
See p. 8 , o f preceding
OF
H is
t o r i c a l C a ta lo g u e .
G o d k i n ( J a m e s ) . — T H E I.AnI ) W A R IN IR E L A N D . A
History for the Times. By J a m e s G o d k i n , A uthor of “ Ireland
a n th e r Churches,” late Irish Correspondent o f the Times, ^ o .
I2 r.
A History o f the Irish L a n d Question. “ There is probably no other
account so compcniiioits^ndsoeomplete." — F o r t n i g h t l y R e v i e w .
G o sch e n .— r e p o r t s a n d s p e e c h e s o n l o c a l t a x . \ T IO N .
B y G K u K G E j. G o s c h e n ,
M .P.
Royal Svo.
5 r.
M r. Goschen, fro m the position he has held a n d the attention he has
given to the subject o f Local Ta.caliou, is well qualified to deal
with it. “ The volume contains a vast mass o f information oj the
highest value. ’’—A t n EN/^tu m.
G u i d e to t h e U n p r o t e c t e d , in Every Day ila ttc rs R e
lating to Property and Income. By a
T hird Palition. E xtra fcap. Svo. Jr. 6tl.
B a n k e r 's D . a u g i i t e r .
M any widoaos a n d single ladies, a n d a ll young people, on first
possessing money o f their own, are in w ant o f advice when they
have commonplace business matters to transtul. 'Jiê author o f
this -.aork writes fo r those who knoso nothiug. Her aim throflghoui
is to avoid a ll technicalities; to give p la in a n d practical directions,
Jiot only as to what ought to be done, but lunv to do it. “M any an
unprotected fem ale w ill bless the head which planned a n d the ha/ift
wîch compiled this admirable little manual. . . . This book was
very muck wanted, a n d it could not have been better done. ”—
M
o r n in g
Star.
H i l l . — c h i l d r e n o f T H E ST A T E . T H E T R A IN IN G OF
•
JU V E N IL E P A U P E R S .
Svo. cloth. 5r.
By
F lo re n c e
H ill.
F..\tra fcap.
•
In this work the author discusses the various systems adopted in this
a n d other countries in the treatment o f pauper children. 7 'hf
B i r m i x g h a m D a i l y G a x e i t e calls it “ a valuable contrîtion *
•
W O R K S J N P O L IT IC S , E T C .
____
41
to the great and imjx>rla*t soaal question which it so ably a n d
thoroughly d^cusscs; a n d it viust mafyrially aid in producing a
7i'ise method o f dealing -Mth the Children o f the Staled'
H i s t o r i c u s . —LKTri'KS* O N
IN T E R N A T IO N A L L A W .
* considerable Additions. 8vo.
I.E T T E R S . 8vo. 2s. 6d.
SO M E 'Q U E S T IO N S O F
Reprinted from the Times, with
7J. (sd. Also, A D D l'IilO N A L
The author's intention in these Letters wwj to illustrate in a popular
form clearly-established priticiples o f law, or to refute, as occasion
rctjuired, errors which had obtainca a mischievous currency. H e
has endeavoured to establish, by sufleient authority, propositions
which have been inconsuieratcly impugned, a n d to point out the
various methods o f reasoning which have led some modern writers
to erroneous conclusions. The volume contains: Letters on Recogn ilio n f' ''O n the Perils o f I n t e n 'C n t i o n " 'T h e Rights and
Duties o f h'eutral N ations;" “ On the Law o f Blockade;" “ On
Neutral 7 'rade in Contraband o f IV ar;" “ On Belligerent Viola
tion o f Neutral Rights; " “ 7 'hc Foreign Enlistm ent A c t; " “ The
R ight o f Search;” extracts fro m Ictteis on the A f a i r o f the
T ren t; a n d a paper on the “ 7 'erriloriality o f the Merchant
Vessel.”'— “ I t is sehloni that the doctrines o f International Law on
dcbatcable points have been stated with vibre vigour, precision, and
certainty. ”— S a t u r d a y K e v i f,\v .
•
J e \ » o n s . — W orks by W . S t a n l e y J e v o n s , M .A ., Trofessoi- of
Logic and Political Economy in Owens College, Manchester. (For
other W orks by the same Aullior, see E d u c a t i o n a l and P aii.o*
•
s o i- n ic A L C a t a l o g u e s .)
T H E CO A L Q U E S T IO N : A n Inquiry Concerning the#Progress
of the Nation, and the Probable Exhaustion o f our Coal Mines.
Second Edition, revised. 8vo. lOf. 6d.
•
•
r
I
“D a y by day," the author says, “ it becomes more mident that the
coal we happily possess in excellent quality a n d abundance is the
mainspring of modern matervil civilization."
Geologists a n ^
other competent authorities have o f late been hinting that the
supply o f coal is by no means ine.xhajtstiblc, a n d as it is o f vast
^ imparlance to the country a n d the world g r n ^ o l’y '• i-: - .',L n .ii
'
- f .he lOse, I 'ro/essor f v o n s in this work has endeavoured to
M A C J /J L L A N ^ ^ ' C A T A L O G U M O F
42
J e v o n s (P rof.) — continued.
*
solve the question a f f a r as the data at coimnand admit, i l :
believes that should the consumption multiply f o r rather more than
a cenluiy a t it^presenl rate, the aeecrage depth o f our coal mines
would be so reduced that we could not long continue our present rale
o f prog}-ess. “ We have to make (he tnomentous choice,” he believe^,
“ oetiveen brief greatness a n d long-continsieil prosperity.”— **The
question o f our supply o f coal, " says the P a l l M a l i . G a z e t t e , ‘ ‘ be
comes a gtustion obviously o f life or death. . . . T h e ‘whole case is
stated 'with admirable clearness a n d cogency. . . . JVe may regard
his statements as unansfo&'ed a n d practically established.”
T I tE T H E O R Y O F P O L IT IC A L ECOXO.MY.
Svo.
gs.
I n this veork P)-ofessor yevons endeavours to cotistmct a theory o f
Political liconomy on a mathematical or quantitative basis, believing
that m any o f the commonly received theories in this science are per
niciously erroneous. The author here attempts to treat Ecotiomy
as the Galadus o f Pleasure a n d Pain, a n d has sketched out, almost
irrespective o f prrvious opinions, the fo r m which the science, as it
seems to him, must ultimately take. T lu theory consists in apply
ing the differential calculus to the fa m ilia r notions o f Wealth,
Utility, Value, Demand, Supply, Capital, Interest, iMbour, a n d
a ll the other notions belonging to the daily operations of industry.
A s the complete theory o f almost every other science involves the use
o f that calculus, so, the author thinks, we cannot have a^ruc theory
o f Political Economy without its aid. “Professor yevons has !tone
invaluable service by courageously claiming political economy to be
strictly a branch of- Applied- Mathematics.'’^'Vip.STMiiSTE».
R
e v ie w
.
M a c d o n e l l . — T H E LAXJO Q U E S T IO N ,. W IT H S P E C IA L
R E F E R E N C E TO E N G L A N D A N D SC O TL A N D ..
J o h n M a c d o n e l l, Barrister-at-Law. 8vo. lo j. 6d.
By
M a r t i n . — t h e ST A T E SM A N ’S Y E A R -B O O K : A Statistical
•
and Historical Annual o f the States o f tlic Ci\’ilizcd W orld.
H andbook for Politicians and Merchants for the year 1873. By
F jU iD E R lC K M a r t i n . T enth Annual Publication,
Revised after
Offipial. Returns. Crowji.Svo. lo j. 6d.
*
JVOI?KS I N P O L IT IC S , E T C .
43
The StaiesmatCs Year-Book is Ihe only work in the English Uingufige
which /urnishds a clear anil concise accqnjst o f the actual condiiiosi
o f a ll the States o f Europe, (he civilized countries o f America,
A sia, a n d Africa, and the^British Colonies (^nd Dependeiuies in ■
all parts o f the world. The nnv issue o f the work has k e n revised
a n d corrected, on the basis o f oficial reports received direct fro m the
heads o f the leading Covcrnmcnts o f the soorld, in reply to Icttms setrt
to them by the Editor. Throtegh the valuable assistance thus given,
it has k e n possible to collect an amount o f information, political,
statistical, a n d commercial, o f the latest date, a n d o f unimpeachable
trustworthiness, such as no pttblicaiioh o f the same khul has ever
been able to furnish. '■'As indispensable as Bradshaw." — T I M E S .
p h i l l i m o r e . — P R IV A T E L A W AM O N G T H E RO M ANS,
from the Pandects. By J O H .v G e o r g e P h i l l i m o r e , Q.C. 8 v o .
i 6j .
The author's belief that some knozoledge o f the Roman System of
M unicipal L a w w ill contribute to if/ifrove our own, has intiuced
him to prepare the present xoork. H is oideavour has been to select
those p a rts o f the Digest xvhich would best show the g ra n d manner
in xi'hicli the Roman ju r is t dealt xvilh his subject, as xoell as those
xvhich most illustrate the principles by which he xvas guided in
establishing the great lines andpropositions ofjztrisprudence, which
every lawyer must have frequent occasion to employ. " M r . Philiimore I ^ s done good service toiaards the study o f jxtrisprudence in
*this country by (he production o f this volume. The xoork is one
which should be in the hands o f every sludent."— A t h e n .EU M .
§ m ith .—
W o rk s l y
Professor
Goldw
in
Sm
it h
A L E T T E R T O A W H IG M E M B E R O F T H E S O U T H E R N
IN D E P E N D E N C E A S SO C IA T IO N . E xtra fcap. 8vo.* 2s.
•
This is a Letter, wrUteu in 1864, to a member o f an Association
form ed in this country, the purpose o f which zvas " to lend assistance
to the Siavs-owners o f the Southern States in their aitetnpt to effect a
disruption o f the American Commonwealth, a n d to establish an
independent Poxoer, having, as they declare. Slavery fo r its corner-^
stone.” M r, Smith endeavours to show that in doing so they
would have committed a great fo lly and a still greater crime.
^ o u t the Letter matiy points o f geiural a n d permanent
im p v n S tu f are discussed.
M A C M lL L A N ^ S C A T A L O G U E O F
44
•
%
•
♦
S m i t h (P ro f. C s^— eontmue,!.
'J 'lIR E E E X G L IS H * S T A T E S M E N : PYM , C R O M W E L L,
r i ’l T . A Courje o f Lectures on the Political Histor>' o f England.
E xtra fcap. Svo. N ew and Cheaper Edition. 5r.
“A •u.'ork'ti’hich neither historian nor politician can safely afforc^to
neAect'' — S a.'TURDA.V R k y i e w .” “ There arc outlines, clearly and
boldly sketched, i f mere outlines, o f the three Statesmen who give the
titles to his lectures^xiskicharewclldeservingojstudy."— S p k c t a t o r .
S o c i a l D u t i e s Consi*dered w i t h R e f e r e n c e t o t h e
O R G A N IZ A T IO N O F E F F O R T IN W O R K S O F l ll v
N E V O L E N C E A N D P U B L IC U T IL IT Y . By a . M a n o f
B u s i n e s s . ( W i l l i a m R a t h d o n 'E .) Fcap. Svo. 4s. 6d.
The contents o f this valuable little book are—1. " Social Disintegra
tion." / / . ^'Our Charitia— Done an d Undone." I I I . ^Ôrganiza
tion a n d Individual Bcn/volence— their Achiet'emettis a n d Short
comings." I V . “ Organization a n d Individualism— their Co
operation Indispensable." V. "Itistances a n d Experiments," VI.
The Spha-e o f Government."
Conclusion."
The vieivsurged
are no sentimental theories, but havegrcaon out o f the practical ex
perience acquired in actual work. “M r. R athbonis earnest and
large-hearted little book w ill help to generate both a larger a n d wiser
charity."— B r i t i s h Q u a r t e r l y .
,
%
S te p h e n
(C.
E . ) —T H E
S E R V IC E O F T H E P O O R ;
Being an Inquiry into the Reasons for and .against the E stablish
m ent of Religious Sisterhoods for Charitahle Purposes. By *
C a r o l in e E m ilia S te p h e n .
Crown S v o . 6 s . 6 d .
0
Miss Stephen defines Religious Sisterhoods as “ associations, the
organization o f which is based_ upon the assumption that works o f
charily are either acts o f 'worship in themselves, or means to an end,
that Old being the spinitial welfare o f the objects or the performers
o f those works.” A rguing fr o m thai point o f viezv, she devotes the
first p a rt o f her volume to a brief history o f religious assoaations,
taking as specimens—I. The Deaconesses o f the Primitive Church.
I I . ThcBeguines. I I I . T h e T h ird Order o f S. Francis. I V
Sisters o f Charity o f S. Vincent de Paul. V. ,fh e
Modern Germany. I n the second part. M iss h.,y/. âttem pts to
V'
•
^ W O R K S I N P O L IT IC S , E T C .
.45
_
show w hat are the real w ants met by Sisterhoods, to what extent the
same rvants htny be effectually met by the orgahkation o f correspending institutions on a secular basis, a n d what are the reasons
for endeavouring to do so^ “ The ablest adv9cate o f a better lin t o f
toorh in this direction tliast we have ever seen."— E x a m i n e r .
S te p h e n
Q .C .:-
(J.
F . ) — W orka
by
Jam es
F itz ja m e s
S te p h e n ,
A G E N E R A L V IE W O F T H E C R IM IN A L L A W O F E N G
L A N D . 8vo. i Sj .
«
*
The object o f this work is to ^ e on account o f the general scope,
tendency, a n d design o f <?« important p a rt o f our institution,
o f which surely none can have a greater moral significance, or he
more closely connectai w ith broad principles o f morality and
politics, than those by which men rightfully, delioerately, a n d in
cold blood, kill, enslave, a n d othenaise torment their fellow '
creatures. The author believes it possible to explaUt the principles
o f suck a system in a m aiwer both intelligible a n d interesting.'
The Contents are—I . “ The Province o f the Criminal I.a w l'
II.
“ HistoHcal Sketch o f E nglish Criminal Law ." I I I . “ Defi
nition o f Crime in General." I'V.
Classification a n d Definition
o f Particular Crit/tes." V. “ Criminal Procedure in General."
VI. “ E nglish Crim inal Procedure." V II. “ The Principles op
Evidence in Relation to the Criminal L aw ." V III. **English
, Rules o f Eindence." I X . “ English C iim inal Legislation."
The last lycipages are occupied with the discussion o f a number
o f important cases.
Readers feel in his book the confidence which
attaches to the writings o f a man who has a great practical
acquaintance uriih the matter o f which he writes, a n d Icnvycrs xvill
agree that it fu lly satisfies the standard o f professional Accuracy P
— S a t u r d a y R e v i e w . “ I H s styleis forcible andperspicuous, and
singularly free fro m the unnecessary use o f professional terms."—
S p e c ta to r.
'
•
T H E IN D IA N E V ID E N C E A C T (I. o f 1872). Witli an Introtluclion on the Principles o f Judicial Evidence. 8vo. I2s. 6d. «
N o one i t more competent than M r. Pitzjames Stephen to xurite on
the subject o f which he here treats. The Introduction, indeed,
• T h r o ^ y ^ -r d r d as a short treatise on the theory o f evidence, and,
in c f - ^ M
xvith the appended A ct o f 1872, the author hopes it may
46
M A C M IL L A N 'S CATALOGUF^.
prove useful to civil servants U'ho are preparing in E n g la n d fo r
their Jndian career, a n d to the law students h i Indian Univessities.
The subject is one which reaches f a r beyond law. The law o f
eiidence is n tih in g unless it is foun d ed upon a rational conception
o f the manner in which truth as to a ll matters o f fa c t whatever ought
to be iuvcstigatCil.
The fo u r Chapters o f the Introduction a r e ^ l .
^General Distribution o f the Subject; II, A Statement o f the
Principles o f Induction and Deduction, a n d a Comparison oj
their Application to Scientife a n d yudicial Inquiries; I I I . The
Theory o f Relei'ancy, with Illustration ; I V . General Observations
on the Indian Evidence Act.
T h o r n t o n . — O X L A B O U R : Its W rongful Claims and Rightful
Dues ; Its Actual Present State and Possible Future. By W i l l i a m
homas T hornton,
Author o f “ A Plea for Peasant P ro
prietors,” etc. Second Edition, revised. 8vo. 14^.
T
The object o f this volume is to endeavour to fin d “ a cure f o r hum an
dfstituiion," the search after which has been the passion a n d thesvork o f the author’s life. The work is ditidcd info fo u r boohs,
a n d each book into a number o f chapters. Book I. ‘^Labour’s
Causes o f Discontent.” I I . "Labour a n d Capital in Debate.”
I I I . "Labour and Capital in Antagonism.” I V . "Labour a n d
Capital in Alliance.” A ll the highly important problems in Social
and Political Economy connected with Labour a n d Capital are
here discussed with knowledge, tdgour, and originaffty, anc^for a.
noble purpose. The new edition has been thoroughly revised a n d
considerably enlarged. " We cannot f a i l to recognize in his work
tJu' result o f independent thought, high moral aim, a n d gcnerot^
intrepidity in a noble cause. . . . . A srally valuable contribution.
H'hc number o f facts accumulated, both historical and statistical,
make an especially valuable portion o f the tvork." — W k s t m i n s t k r
R
k v ie w
.
•
•
I
V '.
i
W O R K S C O N N E C T E D W IT H T H E S C IE N C E
OR T H E H IS T O R Y O F L A N G U A G E .
{I'or Editions o f Greek and Latin Classical Authors^ Gram
mars, and oilier School works,
E d u c a tio n a l C a ta lo g u e .)
A b b o t t . — A S H A K E S rE R IA N G R A M M A R : A n A ttem pt to
illustrate some o f llie Differences Ijctwcen Elizabethan and Modem
English, lly the Rev. R. A, A b b o t t , M .A., H ead Master of the
Ciiy o f London School. F o r the U se of School.s. New and
E n ta ile d Edition. E xtra fcap. 8vo. Gj.
I
I
The object o f this work is to fu rn ish students oj Shakespeare and
Bacon with a short systematic account oj some points o f difference
between Elizabethan Syntax a n d ourotvn. The demand fo r a third
edition within a year o f Ike publication o f the first, has efuouraêd
thitauthor to endeavour to make ike work soniexvhat more useful,
* a n d to render ii, as f a r as possible, a complete book o f reference fo r
a ll difficulties o f Shakesperian S y n ta x or Prosody. For this purpose
the whole o f Shakespeare has been re-read, a n d an attempt has been
made to include w ithin this edition the explanation o f every
idiomatic difficulty ( where the text is not confessedly corrupt) that
comes w ithin the provinceofa gram m ar as distinctfro m a glossary.
The g7'eat object being to m akeauseful bookofreferencef o r students
a n d fo r classes in schools, several Plays have been indexed so fu lly ,
that w ith the a id o f a glossary a n d historical notes the references
w ill so v e f o r a complete commentary. “A critical inquiry, con
ducted loith great skill a n d knowledge, and with a ll the applia^fcs
o f modern philology. ”— P a i . L M a l i , G a z e i t e . “ Valuable not
only as an aid to the critical study o f Shakespeare, but as ietiding t*
0 familiarize the reader with Elizabethan E nglish in gtntral.'"—
A T IIE N /« V M .
%
• *
4^
M A C M IL L A N 'S C A TA LO G U E 0 ^
B e s a n t . — S T U D IE S IN E A R L Y F R E N C H PO E T R Y .
W
alter
B i ?k.v n t , M . A .
C ro w n 8vo.
By
8 r . 6!^.
A sort o f impresôn rests on most m yids that French liicrature begins
•with the '•^siicle de Louis Qiiatorse;" any previous literature being
fo r the most p a rt unknOiUn or ignored. F<rw know anything o f jftc
A onnous literary activity that began in the thirteenth century, was
carried on by Rulebenf, M arie de France, Gaston de Foix, Thibanlt
de Champagne, a n d L orris; was fostered by Charles o f Orleans,
by Margaret o f Valois, by Francis the F irst; that gave a crowd of
versifiers to Frdnce, ottiched, strengthened, developed, a n d fix e d the
French language, and prepared the loay fo r Corneille and for
Radnc. The present u'ork aims to afford information a n d direction
touching these early efiorts o f France in poetical literature. " I n one
moderately sized volume he has contrived to introduce us to the very
best, i f not to a ll o f the early French poets."—A'nIE^•/EU^^.
"Industry, the insight o f a scholar^ a n d a genuine enthusiasm f o r
his subject, combine to viakc it o f very considerable valiu."—
S pec ta to r .
H a l e s . — L O N G E R E N G L IS H PO EM S.
W ith Notes, Piiilological and Explanatoiy, and an Inlroduclion on the Teaching of
English. Cliielly for use in Schools. Edited hy J W, H a e e s ,
M .A ., late t'cllow and Assistant T utor o f Christ’s College, Cam
bridge ; Lecturer in English Literutnve and Classical (^m position
a t King’s C o l l i e School, I,ondon; &c. &c. Extra fcap. ^v o .
(sd.
•
This •work has been in preparation fo r some- years, a n d p a rt o f it^
has been used as a class-book by the Editor fo r (he last two years.
A'*V intended as an aid to the Critical study o f English Literaturt,
a n d contains one or more o f the larger poems, each complete, o f
prominent E ngjisk Authors f-o m Spenser to Shelley, including
B u rn s' Saturday N ight asui Tw a Dogs. In a ll cases the ori
ginal spelling and the text o f the lest editions haz-e been given ; only
in one or two poems has it been deemed necessary to make slight
omissions a n d changes, that the ‘'reverence due to boys might be
w d l observed." Ih e latter h a lf o f the volume Hs occupied •with
copious notes, critical, etymological, a n d explanatory, calculated to*
give the learner much insight in the structure a n d counecHon <%ihe '
E n ^ is k tongue. A n Inde.x to the notes is appended.
W ORKS O N LANGUAGE.
49
H e l f e n s t e i n ( J a m e s ) . — a C O M P A R A T IV E G RA M M A R
O F T H E T E U T O N IC I.A N G U A CjES : % in g at the same
tim e a Historical G ram m ar of the English Language, ami com
prising Gothic, A nglo-Sajon, Early Engli<î, Modern English,
Icelandic (Old Norse), Danish, Swedish, Old H igh German,
. Middle H igh German, M odem German, Old Saxon, Old Frisian,
and Dutch. By J a m e s I I e l k e n s t e i n , Ph.D . 8vo. iJft.
This work traces the different stages off development through 'which the
I'anous Teutonic languages have passed, a n d the la'ws which have
regulated their groauth. The reader is thus enabled to study the
relation luhich these languages bear to one another, a n d to the E nglish language in ffmrticular, to which special attention is devoted
throughout. I n the chapters on Ancient a n d Middle Teutonic
languages no grammatical fo r m is csmitted the knoioledge o f which
is required f o r the study o f ancient literature, whether Gothic or
Anglo-Saxon or E a rly English. To each chaffdcr is prefixed a
sketch shcnoing the relation o f the Teutonic to the cognate languages,
Greek, L atin, and Sanskrit. Those who have mastered the book
•H'ill be in a position to proceed with intelligence to the more elaborate
U’orks (\f Grim m, Bopp, Pott, Schleicher, a n d others.
j
M o r r i s . — H IS T O R IC A L O U T L IN E S O F E N G L IS H A C C I
,
*
i
D E N C E , comprising Chapters on the H istory and Development
of the ânguage, and on W ord-fomiation. B y the Rev. R i c i i a r d
^lORRls, L L .D ., Member o f the Council of the Philol. Soc.,
Lecturer on English Language and Literature in King’s College
School, E ditor o f “ Specimens of Early E nglish,” etc., etc.
T hird Etlition. Fcap. 8vo. 6r.
D r. M orris has endeavoured to write a work which can be ô fita b ly
used by students and by the upper fo rm s in our public schools. H is
almost unequalled knowledge o f early E nglish JMerature renders
him peculiarly qualified to xvrite a work o f this k in d ; a n d English
Grammar, he believes, without a reference to the olderform s, must
appear altogether anomalous, ituonsistetU, a n d unintelligible. I n
the w riting o f this volume, moreover, he has taken advantage o f th^
researches into our lanpiage made by a ll the most eminent scholars
in England, America, and on the Continent. The author shows
^ the place o f English among the languages o f the world, expounds
clearly a n d with great minuteness “ Grimm's L a w ,” gives a brief
50
history o f the English latignage a n d an account o f t i e various
dialects, ii^vestigat(s the history a n d pnnqples o f Phonology,
Orthography, Accent, a n d Etymology, a n d devotes several chapters
to the considcjâtion o f the varioi^ Parts o f Speech, and the fin a l
one to DerivatioH a n d IVord-fomiation,
P e i l e , ( J o h n , M .A .) — A N IN T R O D U C T IO N T O G R f f iK
A N D L A T IN ETY M O LO G Y .
By J o h n P e i l e , M .A .,
Fellow and Assistant T utor of Christ’s College, Cambridge,
formerly Teacher of Sanskrit in lire University of Cambridge
New and revised Editiqia. Crown 8vo. icw. 6d.
These Philological Lectures are the result o f Notes made during the
authors readingfor some years previous to their pttblication. These
Notes toere p u t into the shape of lectures, delivered at C hrisis
College, as one set in the "Intercollegiate" list. They have been
printed with some additions and modifications, hut stthstantially
as they were delivered. "T h e book may be accepted as a very
valuable contribution to the science o f language."— SA T U R D A Y
R e v ie w .
P h i l o l o g y . — T H E JO U R N A L O F SA C R E D A N D C L A S
S IC A L P H IL O L O G Y .
Four Vols. 8vo.
I2J. (>d.
T H E JO U R N A L O F PH IL O L O G Y . New Series. E dited by \V.
G. C l a r k , M .A ., J o h n E . B. M a y o r , M .A ., and W . A l d i s
W r i g h t , M .A . Nos. T., II ., I I I ., and IV . 8vo, • j.f . €>d. each.
(Half-yearly.)
*
R o b y ( H . J . ) — A GRA M M A R O F T H E L A T IN L A N G U A G E ,
FR O M
P L A U T U S T O S U E T O N IU S .
By H e n r y J o i n *
M .A ., late Fellow o f St. J o h n 's College, Cambridge.
P a rt I. containing:—Book I. Sounds. Book I I . Inflexions.
Book I I I . W ord Form ation. Appendices. Second Edition.
Crown 8 v d . Sf. bd.
R oby,
•
This work is the result o f an independent a n d careful study o f the
writers o f the strictly Classical period, the period embraced betweei^
the tim e o f Plautus a n d that o f Suetonius. The authoPs aim has
been to give thefacts o f the language in as fe w words as possible. I t
w ill befo u n d that the arrangement o f the book a n d the treatment o f
the various divisions differ in many respects fro m those o f p r 9t'ious ^
W ORKS ON LANGUAGE.
•
•
V
~
---------------------
‘jc
1------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- —
gram m ars. M r. Roby has given special prominence to the treat-'
ment o f Sounds a n d IVord-fomiation; and in the First Book he has
done muck imvards settling a discussion which is a t present largely
engaging the attention
scholars, viz., the^Fronunciation o f the
Classical languages. I n the f u ll Appendices w ilt befo u n d various
valuable details still fu rth e r illustrating the subjects discussal in the
text. The author''s reputation as a scholar a n d critic is already
well knaivn, and (he publishers are encouraged to believe that his
present work w ill take its place as perhaps the most original, exhauS'
five, a n d scientific gram m ar o f the â lin language that has ever
issued fr o m the B ritish press. ^‘TVte book is marked by theclear
a n d practical insight o f a master in his art. I t is a book which
■would do honour to any country.”—AtHENÛM. ^'Brings before
the stiulent in a methodicalform the best results o f modern p k ilo lo ^
bearing on the L a tin language.'”'— S c o tsu k n .
T a y lo r
( R e v . I s a a c ) . — w o r d s a n d P L A C E S ; or,
Etymological Illustrations o f History, Etlinology, and Geography.
By (he Kev.* I s a a c T a y l o r . T hird Edition, revised and c o m
pressed. W ith Maps. Globe 8vo, 6s.
‘*In this edition the work has been recast with the intention o f fittin g it
f o r the use o f students a n d general readers, rather than, as
before, to appeal to the Judgm ent o f philologers. The book
has already been adopted by m any teachers, a n d is prescribed
as a fgxt-book in the Cambridge Higher E xam inations f o r
iVoNieti: a n d it is hoped th a t the reduced size a n d price, and
the other changes now introduced, m ay make it more generally
w e fu l than heretofore f o r Educational pttrposes.
T r e n c h . — W orks by R.
C h e n e v i x T r e n c h , D.D., ArchbLshop of
D ublin. (F or other W orks by the same Author, see THEOLftoiCAl.
C a ta lo g u e .)
*
. •
»
Archbishop Trench has done much to spread an interest iti the history
o f our E nglish tongue. H e is acknowletiged to possess an uncommon potcer o f presenting, in a clear, instructwe, and interesting
manner, the f r u i t o f his awn extensive research, as well as the •
results o f the labours o f other scientific and historical students
o f language ; while, as the KTivs.ViM'V'is. says,'* his soberjetdgmetU
•ortif sound sense a rt barriers against the misleading intiuenct oj
arbitrajy hypotheses,'^
I
*
52
----------- r------- ••—
T r e n c h (R . C.)— continued.
•
_ -
.
^
SY N O N Y M S OK T H E N E W T E S T A M E N T .
enlarged. 8vo.«fclotli. I 2 J .
•
New EdUioti,
77ie sluJy oj synonyms in any langttaê is valuahU as a discifliue f o r
tfa in in g ihe m ind to dose and accurate kabils oJ thought; ntbrc
especially is this the case in Greek— ‘ 'a language spoken by a people oj
thefinest a n d subtlest intellect; svho saw distinctions where others saio
none; who divided out to different words what others often were
content to huddle confiMedly under a common term ." This work is
recognized as a valuable companion to every student o f the N ew
Testament in the origitusl. This, the Seventh Edition, has been
carefully revised, a n d a considerable number o f new synosiyms added.
Appended is an Index to the synonyms, a n d an Index to m any other
words alluded to or explained throughout the suork. “H e is," the
AVHENy«UM says; “ a guide in this department o f knowledge to
■whom his readers vtay entrust themselves with confidence."
•
ON T H E S T U D Y OK W O R D S. Lectures Addressed (originally)
to the Pupils at the Diocesan Training School, W inchester.
Kouiteenlh Edition, revised and enlarged. Fcap. Svo. 4?. 6<-/.
This, it is believed, was probably the fir s t work which drezv general
attention in this country to the importance and into'cst o f ihe
critical a ttd historical study o f English. I t still retains its p lfc e as
one o f the most successftd i f *tol the only ixponent o f those aspects
o f Words o f which it treats. The subjects o f the several Lectures
are— I. “Introductory." I I . “ On ihe Foelry o f J^'ords." I l l *
“ On the Morality o f Words." I V . “ On the History o f W ords."
“ On the Rise o f Neô Words." VI. “ On the Distinction of
W ords." VIP. “ TheSchoolmasters U seof Words."
E N G L IS H P A S T A N D P R E S E N T .
and improved. Fcap. Svo. 4j . 6</.
•
Seventh Edition, revised
•
This is a series o f eight Lectures, in the fir st oj which Archbishop
7'rench considers the English language as it noso is, decomposes so v if
specimens o f it, and thus discovers o f what elements it is com pact I n
the second Ixcture he considers what ihe language might have been
i
W ORKS ON LANGUAGE.
. 53
T r e n c h (R . C .) — coniinucd.
•
*
*
•
i f the N orm an Conquest had never taken place. I n the following
six Lectures he institute^ fro m 'various points o f viexv a cqmpai-ison
between the present language a n d the past, points out gains which it
has made, losses which it has endured, a n d generally calls attention
to some o f the. 7nore important changes through which it ftas passed,
or is at present passing.
A . S E L E C T G L O SSA R Y O F E N G L IS H W O R D S U S E D
F O R M E R L Y IN S E N S E S D H SE E R E N T FR O M T H E I R
P R E S E N T . I'ourth Edition, Enlarged. Fcap. Svo. 4J.
This alphabetically arranged Glossary contains m any o f the most
important o f those Ettglish words which in the course o f time have
gradually changed their meanings. The author's object is to p o in t
out some o f these changes, to suggest hoxo m any mo>e there m ay be,
to show hcrw slight and subtle, while, yet most real, these changes
have often been, to trace here a n d there the progressive steps by
'which the old meaning has been p u t o ff a n d (he new p tit on— the
exact road which a rw rd has travelled. The author thus hopes t
render some assistance to those who regard this as a serviceable dis
cipline in the training o f their own m inds or the minds o f others.
Although the book is in theform o f a Glossa/y, i t w ill befo u n d as
interesting as a sefies oj brief well’told biographies.
•)N S ( ^ f E D E F IC IE N C IE S IN O U R E N G L IS H D IC T IO N A R IE S : Being the substance of Two Papers read before th e
Philological Society.
Second Edition, revised and enlarged.
Svo. 3r.
W o o d — W orks by H . T . W. WoOi), B .A ., C lai'^ CoUege,
C am bridge:—
T H E R E C IP R O C A L IN F L U E N C E O F E N G L IS H A N D
FRENCH
L IT E R A T U R E
IN
THE
E IG H T E E N T H
C E N T U R Y . Crown Svo. is. tod.
•C H A N G ES IN T H E E N G L IS H L A N G U A G E BETW El-^s
T H E P U B L IC A T IO N O F W IC L IF ’S B IB L E A N D T H A T
« O F T H E A U T H O R IZ E D V E R S IO N ; A.ix i4 o o to A .i). 1600.
Crown Svo. 2s. 6d.
(
.
54 .
I
M A C M I L L A N ’S C A T A L O G U E .
This Essay gainrd ihe L« B as P n ze fo}*(fie year 1870. Besidesthe
Introductory*Section *cxplatting the aim a n d scope o f the Essay,
there are other three Sections a n d three Appendices. Section I I .
trBtis o f ' ' EngKsh before Chaucer.* I l l , “ Chaucer to Caxlon.”
I V . " F ro m Caxlon to the Authorised Vcrsion.”~ A p p e n d ix : I.
" T<^hle of E nglish L ite r a lu r e f A.D. 1300— A .D . i 6 l l . I^" E a rly E nglish Bible.” I I I . "Inflectional Changes o f the Verb.”
This w ill befo u n d a mostvaluable help in the study o f our language
during the period embraced in the Essay. " A s we go iviik h im ,”
A t h e n - ® u m says, "^w e Icam something new a t eseery step.”
'i
Y o n g e . — H IS T O K Y O F C H R IS T IA N N A M E S. B y C h a r
l o t t e M. Y o n « e , A uthor of “ T he H e ir of Redclyffe.” Two
Vols. Crown 8vo. 1/. is.
M iss Yongds worh is acitmolcdged to he the authority 01%the interest
ing subject o f which it treats. U n til she wrote on the subject, the
history o f names— especially Christian Nam es as distinguishedfrom
Surnames— had been but little e.xamined; nor w hy one should be
popular a n d another forgotten— w hy one shouldflourish through
out Europe, another in one country alone, another around some
petty district. I n each case she has tried to fin d out whence the
name came, whether it had a patron, a n d whether the patron took
it fr o m the m yths or heroes o f his oum country, or fr o m the meanin g o f the xoords. She has then tried to classify the names, as to
treat them merely alphabetically xvould destroy all their mtcrest e^nd
connection. They are classified fir s t by language, beginning xviih
Hebrew a n d coming doxvn through Greek a n d L a tin to Celtic,
Teutonic, Slavonic, and other sources, ancient a n d modern; then
by meaning or spirit. " A n ahnost exhaustive treatment o f the
sut)êct . , . Thepainstah'ngioiiof athoughifulandeulturedm ind
ofi a most interesting theme.”— L o N 'D o N Q U A R TE R LY .
R . C I .A V , S O N S , A N D T A Y I . O R , r R I N T 2 S S , L O N D O N .
ri

SPEECHES^ POLITICAL QUESTIONS,

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