ASSESSMENT REPORT 2011 PHASE 1

Transcription

ASSESSMENT REPORT 2011
PHASE 1 - PEACE AND RECONCILIATION
JOIN- TOGETHER ACTION
For Galmudug, Himan and Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan
Regions, Somalia
Yme/NorSom/GSA
By OMAR SALAD BSc (HONS.) DIPSOCPOL, DIPGOV&POL Consultant,
in collaboration with HØLJE HAUGSJÅ (program Manager Yme) and
MOHAMED ELMI SABRIE JAMALLE (Director NorSom).
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Table of Contents
Summary of Findings, Analysis and Assessment
1. Introduction
Pages
5-11
5
2. Common Geography and History Background of the Central Regions
5
3.
Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles of Central Regions
6
4.
Urban Society and Clan Dynamics
6
5.
Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues
6
6.
Identification of Possibility of Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions
7
7.
Identification of Stakeholders and Best Practices of Peace-building
9
8.
How Conflicts resolved and peace Built between People Living Together According
to Stakeholders
9. What Causes Conflicts Both locally and regional/Central?
9
10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women participation in the process
9
11. Best Practices of organising a Peace Conference
10
12. Relations Between Central Regions and Between them TFG
10
13. Table 1: Organisation, Ownership and Legal Structure of the
14. Peace Conference
10
10
15. Conclusion
11
16. Recap
11
9
16.1 Main Background Points
16.2 Recommendations
16.3 Expected Outcomes of a Peace Conference
Main and Detailed Report
1. Common geography and History Background of Central Regions
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
Overview geographical and Environmental Situation
Common History and interdependence
Chronic Neglect of Central Regions
Correlation Between neglect and conflict
2. The Economic Situation
Page
13
13
14
15
15
16
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2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
Economic drivers
Diaspora’s Economic and political Roles
Lack of Infrastructures
Migration, IDPS, and Poverty
Table 3: Galmudug Internal Migrants, IDPs and Refugees
3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles in Central Regions
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
Galmudug Regional State
Himan & Heb Regional Administration
Galgadud Regional Authority
Hiran Regional Authority
4. Urban Society and Clan Dynamics
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
Displacement of Urban Middle Classes
Traditional Population in Cities.
Clan and Religious Patronage Power and Influence
Religious Leaders’ Important Peace Role in Society
Clan Structures, Institutions and Governance
Diagrams of structures of clans and sub-clans in Central Regions
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16
16
17
17
18
18
19
20
21
22
22
23
23
24
24
25
5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues
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5.1 Background
5.2 Different Narratives about Piracy
5.3 Piracy Hubs of Harardheere, Gara’ad, Hobyo and El-Huur
5.4 Dangerous alliance in Piracy Between Pirates and Al-Shabab
5.5 Peaceful Coexistence in Adado
5.6 Anti-piracy Measures Decline of Piracy Activity at Hobyo
5.7 Impact of Piracy on the Regional Economy and Social Values
5.8 Solution for Piracy
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27
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28
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6. Identification of Possibility Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions
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7. Identification of Peace Stakeholders and their Consent for Join-Together
Peace Initiative
30
8. How Conflicts Resolved and Peace Built Between People Living Together
According to Stakeholders?
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8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7
8.8
Mudug Region Peace Agreement 1993
Partial Peace Agreement between Sa’ad and Saleban Sub-clans
2003 Peace agreement between Reer Ayaanle and Qubays
Peace Agreement between two Lineages of Sheikhal clan Peace and
Institution-building, development and stability bottom-up approach
Unresolved Conflict Between Reer Nabaale Saleban Abdalla Sub-clans
Unresolved Border Conflict Galmudug and Puntland in Godod and Ga’mafale Area
Threat posed by Al-Shabab
9. What Causes Conflict Both Locally and Regional/Central?
9.1 What causes conflict at local level?
9.2 What causes conflict at regional level?
9.3 What causes conflict at central level?
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40
41
41
41
42
43
43
44
44
44
44
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10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women Participation in the Process?
45
11. Best Practices of Organising a Peace Conference?
12. Relations Between Central Regions and Between them TFG
46
47
12.1 Strained and Tenuous Relations between the Central Regions
12.2 Minimal Relations between Central Regions and TFG
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48
13. Table 3: Phase 1: Organisational Ownership and Legal Structure of the
Peace Conference
48
14 Conclusion
15 Recap of Background Info, Recommendations, expected Outcomes and
Activities
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49
15.1
15.2
15.3
15.4
Main Background Points
Recommendations
Expected Outcome of a Peace Conference
Activities to be undertaken
17. Appendix 1 : Lists of diverse stakeholders
18. Appendix 2: Terms Of Reference
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61
List of Abbreviations
ASWJ
: Ahlu Sunnah wal Jaama’a (traditional religious Sufi sect)
GNY
: GSA, Norsom and YME
GSA
: General Service Agency
NorSom : Norwegian Somalia Self Help Organisation, Norwegian based Diaspora Organisation
Team
: Norsom/Consultant or Norsom/GSA/Consultant
TFG
: Transitional Federal Government of Somalia
YME
: The Yme Foundation, Non Governmental Norwegian Organisation
Acknowledgements:
This assessment would be almost impossible to accomplishment in such a short time without the
expertise insightful contribution made by Mr. Mohamed Elmi of Norsom and the vital logistical and
technical support by GSA staff in Galmudug. The equally expert guiding ideas and contribution of Mr.
Holje Haugsjaa of YME must be acknowledged too.
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1. Introduction
YME/NorSom/GSA which has been providing vital humanitarian and development programmes in
water and sanitation services in above regions, has decided to explore the feasibility of supporting the
target area in conflict resolution and peace-building as delivery of such essential services can hardly be
sustained without firm basis of peace and stability. In pursuance of this, YME/NorSom sought the
assistance of a consultant to help undertake a one month field, desk and participatory assessment
work to identify the possibility of a Join-Together Peace Initiative by meeting and discussing the various
peace stakeholders and institutions in the area and making sure their willingness, experience and
capacity and to embrace this peace idea.
In this connection, NorSom/Consultant Team went to the area and conducted one month work to
marshal the necessary background information, identify the real stakeholders and ascertain their
capacities and roles that they can play in the realisation of this noble idea of peace-building.
In an extensive and intensive of field, desk and participatory assessment work the Team visited various
locations and identified of a number of regional and local governing institutions and 21 socially diverse
stakeholders comprising of 156 important traditional, religious, and civil society (women, educators,
students and youth, business, NGOs,) leaders with whom they met, discussed and exchanged views on
the matter. That is why this fact-finding mission was not only field and desk work but a also a
participatory one.
Finally, although is it a hugely challenging to conduct such demanding work as this in an environment
where there are a number of constrains and lack of data recording system in this large area under
scrutiny, the Team have successfully accomplished its tasks as set in the Terms of Reference.
Thanks to the valuable support from and use of NorSom/GSA resources of facilities, social base, and
experience and consultant’s knowledge in the area. The Team recommend some strategies of action
and a project proposal in order to execute the envisaged Join-Together Peace and Reconciliation
Action.
In conclusion, this peace initiative is pertinent, immensely important, timely and feasible given the
great need, desire, and willingness shown by the governing institutions and social stakeholders
concerned and their pledge of support.
Summary of Findings, Analysis and Assessment
2.
Common History and geography Background of the Central Regions
The section deals with their common geographical situation, history, interdependence, chronic neglect
of socio-economic development in the target areas by successive central authorities and correlation
between such neglect and conflict/poverty.
This gives a brief picture about the geographical and economic situation state of undeveloped natural
economy as livestock, fisheries and agriculture let alone oil and mineral resources of these regions and
how the civil war conflict, piracy, and unprecedented successive droughts have severely affected the
life of the population. Livestock export and import of various consumption goods through the long
distance Bosaso seaport and remittances by the Diaspora are the modest economic drivers and there is
lack of infrastructures like roads, seaports, and airports except the derelict long road which links south
and north of the country and a small airport in Galkayo which is also in disrepair and lacks necessary
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facilities. In addition, there are large numbers of IDPS whose their livestock have been wiped out by
droughts and internal poor migrants from the southern regions. Consequently there is deep and
widespread poverty.
3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles of Central Regions
This Section examines the regional institutions in aspects of: a)governing Structures, b)legitimacy,
c)legal framework, d)type of administration and powers, e)capacity of institutions, f)consultation with
constituents, g) gender Inequality, h)human and material resources, i)accountability and transparency,
k) attitude to and vision about system of national government, and l) delivery of basic public services.
Most institutions have limited attributes of these governance bench marks and some Islamic militant
authorities have not most of these institutional ingredients.
The section analyses the interaction, influence and balance between urban society and traditional rural
one and how the values and influence of the former have diminished and gave way to the latter during
the civil war period. It also briefly looks at the traditional clan customary and religious institutions and
their roles, functions, and patronage clan power influence on governing institutions at all levels while
the structures and names of clans in these regions are shown in diagrams.
5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues
The section explores and discusses the origins, causes, and different Somali and external narratives
about piracy in the Somali coastal waters and adjacent international shipping lanes. It also dwells on
the piracy hubs and the activities therein as well as the negative impacts (but in some cases
economically beneficial for pirates, their relatives and communities) on the economic, social, and
security aspects. There is also a contradiction of detestation about and ambivalence and/or tacit
consent for piracy on the part of the people and authorities in these affected areas. Finally the section
provides recommendations on the best way of tackling piracy by rehabilitating these desperate young
people and creating alternative skills training and employment opportunities for them.
6. Identification of Possibility of Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions
The section is about exploration and identification of various peace stakeholders and the possibility of
a join-together Peace Action in the target (Galmudug, Himan & Heb, Gaalgadudu, and Hiran regions)
through extensive and intensive meetings and discussions by the Team. The types of stakeholders
identified by this survey are:
Traditional leaders of various clans in the target area,
traditional religious leaders,
new salafist peace-seeking religious leaders,
business leaders,
university lecturers and secondary teachers,
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various women associations’ leaders,
NGOs leaders,
universities’ students and youth committees,
regional authorities of Galmudug (including the President,
Vice President, Chairman of the Council of Representatives, a number of ministers, Governor of
Mudug Region, and Mayor).
Diaspora members
two appropriate TFG ministers (minister for constitutional development and reconciliation, and
minister of Health who is also leader of ASWJ and both from the target area) who welcomed
the peace idea and pledged support for it.
Before going to the fieldwork, at the end of June and first week of July, and afterwards, the study Team
also reached out and discussed in Nairobi about this peace initiative with other main stakeholders who
have shown understanding and support for this peace imitative such as:
the Deputy Head of the Norwegian Mission
Interpeace,
Swedish Life and Peace
The top leaderships of the newly established Diaspora led Mareg State whose territorial and
social base is El-der District area in southern Galgadud Region,
Meetings of traditional elders and business people from Galmudug, Galgadud, Himan Heb and
Hiran regions based in Nairobi.
Mrs. Fadumo Ugas Farah – a lady who heads FERO –Women’s organisation based in Nairobi
and involved in the target area.
Mrs. Asha Haji Elmi - a lady who is recipient of Alternative Noble Prize and several other
prestigious awards and heads the SWC – a women’s and Childrren organisation based in
Nairobi and involved in south/central Somalia.
6.1 Table 1: various Stakeholders identified, met, and discussed
by GNY/Consultant in Nairobi, Galkayo, Galmudug, etc.
1
2
3
Type of Stakeholders
Place
meeting
Interpeace
Peace & Life
Two meetings with Traditional
leaders and civil society members of
the target area
of
Nairobi
Nairobi
Number of
people in each
group
2
1
Grand Total of
number of
people
2
1
Nairobi
10
20
5
18
5
18
4
Mareg regional State Leaders
Nairobi/London
5
Sa’ad sub-clan elders
Galkayo
Galmudug
6
Madhiban & Kulbeer
elders & C/society
sub-clans
Galkayo
7
7
8
9
10
Galmudug
9
9
Galkayo
Galmudug
6
6
13
13
19
19
7
7
9
9
Sheikhal clan elders
Qubays sub-clan elders & Business
people
Women’s organisations
Galkayo,
Galmudug
Galkayo
Galmudug
Uni. Lecturers and Sec.
Schools teachers
Galkayo,
Galmudug
Galkayo,
Galmudug
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NGOs
12
Uni
&
Secondary
students/youth
committees
Galkayo,
Galmudug
16
16
13
14
Traditional
leaders
Religious
Peaceful religious salafist
group
15
Business committee
16
Traditional leaders and
elders of Galgadud Region
17
1 traditional leader and 1
c/society
member
of
Marehan clan
18
3 traditional leaders of
Hiran Region
19
20
21
Leader of Women’s Org.
FERO
Leader of Women &
Children org.-SWC
Galkayp,
Galmudug
5
5
4
4
6
6
Galkayo,
Galmudug
20
20
Nairobi
2
2
Nairobi
3
3
Nairobi
1
1
Nairobi
1
1
Nairobi
2
2
Galkayo,
Galmudug
Galkayo
Galmudug
Wargadha’
traditional
&C/society leaders
Hiran Region traditional
8
leaders
Nairobi
4
4
Nairobi
16
16
172
16 important persons
(including five ministers of
Galmudug) 11 elders of
Galmudug and Himan &
Heb regions
Grand Total
All these diverse stakeholders, whose names and total number, are indicated in the above table, have
shown keen interest, willingness, readiness and desire to embrace the join-Together Peace Action
when the opportunity comes
7. Identification of Stakeholders and Best Practices of Peace-building
The section concerns about identification of various peace stakeholders in the target area, Nairobi,
Mogadishu, Diaspora, etc. and a series of meetings, discussions and exchanges of views as well as
related questions from a questionnaire devised for the fieldwork assessment which were put to the
same stakeholders and the answers they gave. The stakeholders also account about their experiences
of examples of conflict resolutions and peace-building initiatives they have been involved and dealt
with over the years as their best peace practices which are dealt with in the next section.
8. How Conflicts Resolved and Peace Built Between People Living Together According to
Stakeholders
It is about the different accounts of a number of examples of conflict resolutions and peace-buildings
experienced and undertaken by the identified stakeholders in their area as their best peace practices. It
also outlines some of the challenges (e.g. outstanding and unresolved cases of conflict between some
communities and the threat posed by armed militant insurgent group controlling part of central and
most southern regions) that might disrupt the relative peace and normalcy existing there.
This section, in addition to the explanation, discussion and exchange of ideas with the above referred
various stakeholders, the Team asked each group of them the answers to this topic question and their
unanimous responses of what causes conflict in these various territorial levels are in the following subsections 8.1, 8.2, and 8.3 respectively listing the causes of conflict at local, regional and central levels.
10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women participation in the process
The following are the best practices of ensuring women participation in public affairs processes to
which the many and different stakeholders consulted with by the Team agreed include to:-
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recognise equal rights of women
give them affirmative empowerment support
allocate and legally guarantee good percentage of positions in all institutions by authorities
as they are not electable due to current dominant male and clan attitude;
ensure participation of women representatives in public meetings and conferences of policy
debate and formulation, decision-making and implementation of development programmes,
and
Give women prominent role in conflict resolution and peace-building as they are absolute
peace-drivers and have abilities to shame and stop men from conflict and hostile actions.
11. Best Practices of organising a Peace Conference
The Team discussed with the stakeholders about the best practices of organising a peace conference
and their responses are as outlined below:To make a good plan and preparation for the conference work
To identify genuine and honest stakeholders who have legitimacy and influence in society
and their willingness and readiness to participate in the conference as owners, contributors
and co-managers;
To ensure attendance of those invited stakeholders.
To adopt bottom-up community-owned and driven approach possibly facilitated by honest
and peace-seeking authority or similarly goodwill body in terms of resources and skills.
To ensure inclusivity in terms of all social groups (including women
representatives/delegates) and relevant authorities in order to the conference be truly
participatory conference.
To choose for an appropriate neutral venue and appropriate time (e.g. not in dry season or a
time of conflict) agreeable for all.
To lay down good ground rules for the procedures and deliberations.
To check that participant stakeholders should come with a spirit of goodwill, respect,
compromise and moderation in order that the conference succeeds,
To make sure that resolutions/agreement should be collectively decided and abided by all
participant stakeholders, and
To have support and legal endorsement by the relevant governmental authorities
12. Relations Between Central Regions and between them TFG
This is about strained and tenuous relations between the target regions and need to improve their
relations and their necessary cooperation. It also touches upon the things that undermine their
relations or lack of them between these regions and the TFG.
13. Phase 1: Organisation, Ownership and Legal Structure of the Peace Conference
The section shows in a table of the organisation, ownership and legal structure of the peace
conference.
14. Table 2: of Organisation, Ownership and Legal Structure of the Peace Conference
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S/No.
Objectives
Conference
1
Peace &
reconciliation
2
=
of Nature
participants
of Ownership
of
conference
Diverse
social Community
local Stakeholders owned
Regional
authorities
Approach
Roles
of
participants
Bottom-up
Community
driven
Leading and
decisionmaking
Support&
ceremonial
opening
&
closing
Resources and
technical
facilitation
Legal
Endorsement &
oversight
Supportive
patrons
=
3
=
GNY/management facilitators
=
4
=
TFG
representatives
=
Key quests
15. Conclusion
The field, desk and participatory assessment work mission was undertaken from 2nd June to 7/8/2011
by NorSom/Consultant to explore the necessary background information (history, economic, social,
security, etc.) and identification of the various genuine peace stakeholders and their views and
consent for Phase 1 of ‘Peace Join-Together Action’ in the target area has been largely successful.
The vital information obtained and the willingness, readiness, desire and pelage of support displayed
by the aforesaid stakeholders can be surely built on a Phase 2 project of Joint-together peace and
reconciliation conference for the relevant target area.
There exists a relative peace and stable situation conducive to the undertaking for a broad peacebuilding initiative to back-up the development programmes and institutions in the area and there is an
absolute need for this noble idea, because without strong peace, developmental programmes cannot
be sustainable.
Given these fact findings the holding of a bottom-up community owned and driven joint peace and
reconciliation conference facilitated by YME/NorSom/GSA is quite possible and feasible initiative
unless unforeseen negative circumstances could happen to disrupt the current favourable situation.
16. Background Info Recap and Recommendations
Necessary and adequate background information obtained from the target area.
Need, willingness and pledge of support ascertained from all the stakeholders. The
stakeholders on a broad level has been mobilized and prepared.
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Without strong peace development programs are unsustainable
Authorities cannot create and assure development nor provide public services. They just
concentrate on security. This is not a situation that can endure.
There is relative but fragile peace and security in the area which highly need to be
consolidated.
Peace conferences and joint together actions are highly recommended and highly demanded
from all the stakeholders that has expressed them.
There should be a support, implementing and monitoring mechanism to follow up and assist
the stakeholders for the implementation of the outcomes of the peace conferences and joint
together actions. It will be essential to set up a peace center which also can host a peace radio.
Installation of a radio station in the area is highly needed to promote peace, reconciliation,
security and corporation between the regions and communities.
After the conference there should be socio-economic development projects from both the
authorities and international actors so peace and security can be sustainable.
16.3 Expected Outcome of a Peace Project:
A peace and reconciliation agreement signed by the traditional leaders and supported and
endorsed by regional and central authorities.
Positive outcome of a peace project will further consolidate the relative peace and stability
in these regions
The peace project will indirectly support the decentralization and federalism system of
government.
A successful outcome of the peace project will strengthen and empower institutions and
communities.
A peace project outcome will help promote the communication and corporation between
the regions in various fields such a security, trade, infrastructure, provision public services
and access to humanitarian aid.
The peace project will strengthen institution in the area and enable them to collect taxes
and provide services.
The stakeholders will discuss how to unify various regional administrations and authorities
into one bigger and viable administration because they are interdependent and yet
disconnected.
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1. Common Geography and History Background of Central Regions
1.1 Overview Geographical and Environmental Situation
Geographically the central regions are located in strategic position which links the movement of
people, trade, and communication from north and to south and vice versa of the country. The land is
arid savannah and semi-desert which was previously had plenty pasture ideal for raising various types
of livestock such as camels, cattle, goats and sheep of many millions. On top of this, the there has been
plenty marine resources in the long coastline of these regions.
Political situation in the area source:
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9/f/Somalia-map-states-regions-districts.png)
But the whole area have been affected by severe environmental degradation caused by a combination
of negative impacts of the pronged civil war, repetitive droughts, climate change, and logging of the
scarce forest and trees for commercial charcoal for local consumption and export. These natural and
manmade adverse impacts have desertification and soil erosion processes and decimation of over twothird of the livestock which was the economic mainstay for the population in the area in particular and
nationwide in general.
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Before the current civil war the area had considerable wealth of livestock, marine resources and to
some extent agricultural resources that have been reduced to a mere minimum due to the aforesaid
natural and manmade calamities and extra serious problems of toxic waste dumping and illegal fishing
by countless external flotillas in these coastal waters which almost depleted the plentiful fishery
resources which harmful processes driven most pastoralists and fishing communities to be out of
business and become destitute for losing their centuries old entitlements and basic livelihoods.
Historically the central regions were cradle the where Somali anti-colonial struggle for independence
started and most political leaderships have emerged from the early 1940s onwards. Yet ironically they
have been neglected by the successive Somali governments from 1960 t0 1991. Unlike other regions in
the south and north, no one significant infrastructure or economic development project has been
made in these regions. For example, each of the clusters of northern, northern-eastern, Benadir and
Jubaland regions was built a modern trade sea-port respectively at Berbera, Bosaso, Mogadishu, and
Kismayo but no port was made for the central regions’ long coastline stretching over thousand
kilometres from Mareg to Gara’ad.
Consequently these regions were where the armed insurgency which overthrew the central
government in 1990-1991 started. In addition, they have been among the places where the civil war
most affected and the least benefitted from the humanitarian and development aid during the last 20
years of the turmoil due to lack of sea-port and the fact they are far away from the centre. The
historical socio-economic neglect is still there.
Despite such long-running neglect and civil war and recurrent severe droughts that decimated most of
assets in towns, rural areas and coastline people in most parts of these regions have shown
extraordinary resiliency to manage to survive on their limited resources. Also without getting support
from the TFG and other sources, they have been able to defend many of their areas (e.g. Galmudug,
Western Galgadud) from the religious extremist groups so far.
The therefore, the rationale behind this Assessment Report of phase 1 is to explore the possibility of
giving support and facilitation to these long neglected central regions to be able to come together for
joint peace and reconciliation action to discuss ways and means of resolving their differences,
reconciling themselves and creating an environment conducive to more cooperation in peace, security,
development and stability in line with the national policy.
1.2 Common History and Interdependence
Also these regions have a common and interdependent historical, geographical, socio-economic and
cultural background context. Previously, the central regions comprised Hiran region and greater Mudug
Region. The latter has been divided into several regions in successive periods. In 1973, that greater
Mudug Region was divided into two regions called Mudug and Galgadud. In 1998 when Puntland
Regional State was formed, the Mudug Region was again split into two parts along clan lines into North
Mudug with Galkayo city (north) as its capital which comes under Puntland. Subsequently in 2006,
southern part of Mudug Region was reorganised and renamed as Galmudug Regional State with
Galkayo city (south) as its capital.
Socially and culturally people in these regions have similar traditions and Xeer (customary) and
qualities of bravery, pride, openness and strong character like the people in Puntland and Somaliland
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which have also been the cradle of anti-colonial struggle and producers of top leaderships. The regions
under scrutiny, if it were not negative influence from the TFG and some external actors in the
neighbourhood, they could address and be on top their issues conflict, peace and security although
they have done a lot to pacify and manage many parts of their territory by keeping the Al-Shabab
militant group at bay with any significant support either from the TFG or outside.
1.3
Chronic Neglect of Central Regions
Although these central regions they have had rich livestock and marine resources, not to speak of the
known huge unexploited mineral resources, historically they have been chronically neglected and
denied economic and social development investment by successive governments compared with other
regions. As noted before, virtually no investment has been made to develop these natural riches or
provide public services such as education, health, water-wells, and infrastructure. For example, the
vast area between El-Dheer and Burtinleh, Hobyo and Abud-waaq, Gara’ad and Dhusa Mareb had
access to only one secondary school with limited intake in Galkayo up to 1969 and only two up to
1991. Also, no trading seaport was established for these central regions despite the natural harbours
dotted along its long coast from Mareeg to Gara’ad. In contrast, the cluster regions of the two Jubbas,
Mogadishu and adjacent Shabelle regions, North-West regions (now Somaliland), and north-east
regions (now Puntland) each benefited from a trading sea port (respectively, Kismayo, Mogadishu,
Berbera, and Bosaso).
1.4
Correlation Between neglect and conflict
The chronic neglect of the area by depriving it from a piece of the national cake had much to do with
the grievances of the inhabitants and the armed uprising begun by the people of north Mudug and
Nugal Region against the regime of President Mohamed Siad Barred from the late 1970s followed by
the revolt in North-west regions (now Somaliland) which had been subjected to similar neglect
coupled with indiscriminate brutality and mayhem in the early 1980s. Subsequently the revolt in the
late 1980s in south Mudug (now Galmudug) spearheaded main the emergence of more armed
opposition factions that eventually caused the collapse of the central government in 1991 which gave
way to the full-blown civil war. Two of the principal faction leaders of these armed revolts, Gen.
Mohamed Farah Aideed and Col. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed were from this area, although they ultimately
turned against each other in their region of origin of Mudug, causing one of the bloodiest
confrontations during 1991-1993 in and around Galkayo city that claimed the lives of an estimated
2,500 people and wounded many more in addition to incalculable destruction of property.
As a result almost the entire population of Galkayo was displaced and both sides of the city was
destroyed and ransacked by the warring militias. In 2004 a similarly bloody conflict broke out between
Sa’ad and Saleban sub-clans in Hobyo area in south Mudug, lasting into early 2006 and claiming the
lives of an estimated 400 young men as well as huge material losses. The conflicts also created
unattended and long-running humanitarian crises in the area.
15
2. The Economic Situation
2.1 Economic drivers
As mentioned before, the main economic resources like the livestock, fisheries and agriculture have
either been undeveloped or have been adversely affected by droughts, piracy and external illegal
fishing. However, there are some economic activities which sustain the modest economy in the central
regions.
The first main economic driver is import of various commodities such as food, textiles, constructions
materials and export of livestock via the faraway Bosaso Port which people in towns and rural areas
trade and earning their incomes.
The second main economic driver is remittance sent from abroad by the Diaspora either in the form of
supporting their families and relatives or investing some businesses such as small industries,
construction of homes and real estate, etc, and related Hawals (money remittance banks) that deal
with such remittances and other monetary transactions.
The third main driver is the incomes from the local trade and consumption of animal for meat, milk,
hides, etc. and limited agricultural products (grains, fruits, vegetables, onions, etc.) produced mainly
in Shabelle river banks in Hiran and other southern regions imported to and consumed in other central
areas.
2.2 Diaspora’s Economic and political Roles
AS indicated above, the Diaspora plays an important role in the economic and social development of
the central regions as elsewhere in Somalia. Diaspora communities hailing from these regions send
million of dollars to their families and relatives and make investment in small trading businesses and
real estate which boost the economy. They also take important role in investing and sustaining basic
public services such as education, healthcare and water supply. Nation-wide, ‘It is estimated that
between US$130-200 million is provided annually for these activities by the Diaspora. While private
remittances are a much larger share (estimates range between US$1.3 and 2 billion per year), the
amount of money being sent to support community relief and development is significant; indeed in
some places it is the only assistance available - UN commissioned Report January 2011.’
The Diaspora communities also play political role they in financing the formation of processes and
assuming leadership positions of the administrations in Somalia. For example, president of the
president and speaker of Council of Representatives of Galmudug, president of Himan & Heb regional
administrations hail from the Diaspora. So are many of their officials. This Diaspora political influence
is Somali wide reality. The Prime Minister of the TFG and most of his cabinet ministers, and presidents
of Puntland and Somaliland and many of their top officials are from the Diaspora too.
2.3 Lack of Infrastructures
Due to the already cited chronic neglect, there are no infrastructures to speak of. There is only
dilapidated many main road built many years ago which passes through the central regions and
connects south-north of the country. There are no other traffic worthy roads or seaports while there
are many unused natural harbours at Hobyo, Gara’ad, Harardheere, Mareg, etc. for lack of facilities
16
and economic boosters. Also there are no airports except the small one in Galkayo which is in disrepair
and lacks the necessary facilities.
2.4 Migration, IDPS, and Poverty
Like elsewhere in Somalia is movement of internal migration, IDPS and widespread poverty in the
central regions. The assessment team had no enough time to research the extent of these social
problems. The table below shows only the internal migration numbers from the southern regions and
Ogaden and a small fraction of drought affected destitute pastoralists IDPs in Galkayo city (south)
while the most of the drought dispossessed people in the rural villages and countryside are not
included here. It is just a sample in Galkayo city south alone or a tiny picture of the huge migration,
IDPs and deep poverty in the whole area.
2.5 Table 3: Galmudug Internal Migrants, IDPs and Refugees in South Galkayo city 22/7/2011
S/no.
Place Galkayo City
South
Where from
No. of Families
No. of
members in
the family
Total
Galmudug
Drought
Affected
People
105
6
630
103
6
618
750
6
4500
1220
6
7320
180
132
900
6
6
6
1080
792
4500
800
6
4800
1
Dalsan Sub-district:
Alla Aamin Camp
Jowhar camp
From southern
regions
2
Arrafat Sub-district:
Qorahey Camp
from southern
regions
3
Waberi Sub-district:
Bullo Jawaan 1 and 2
camps
Bullo Noto
Camp
Elgab Camp
Hiran Camp
4
from southern
regions
=
=
=
Allanley Sub-district:
Arrafat 1 camp
Arafat 2 camp
From southern
regions
Maryama Camp
Galmudug
drought
17
Buur Bishaaro Camp
Barwaqo Camo
affected
pastoralists
=
=
Refugees from
Ogaden
4
310
450
6
6
1860
2700
450
6
2700
180
6
1080
55160
Grand total
These figures have been jointly compiled by Galkayo city (south) local authority and management
committees of the camps in the absence of recently updated UNCHR figures. The majority of the
internal poor migrants, refugees and IDPs are getting insufficient rations and services much less than
what they need and their actual numbers due to drastic decrease of aid by UNHCR and other agencies
during the last couple of years in these camps and many other areas in Galmudug which also affects
other regions according to the local authorities and local NGOs.
3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles in Central Regions
There are various types of regional institutions with different calibres of capacities and legitimacies
and legal frameworks in the central regions which are assessed below.
3.1 Galmudug Regional State
The Galmudug regional State was established in 2006 in a conference in Galkayo City (south) which
was organised by a Diaspora preparatory committee and participated by 300 delegates including local
stakeholders (traditional and religious leaders, and business, professional, women, and youth
representatives) and delegates from the Diaspora which approved and elected the following
institutions:a transitional Charter for Galmudug;
consultative traditional Council of Elders - comprising 24 officially titled elders from the five
clans that inhabit the region, as follows: Sa’ad - 17 members, Dir -2 members, Sheikhaal -2
members, and Murursade -1 member, and Madhibaan (a socially discriminated minority) -1.
council of Representatives (CR)– the second house comprising 26 members shared by the
clans according to the above formula, chaired by a member of the Diaspora, Hassan Mohamud
Hayl, and selected by elders from the same sub-clans in the same proportion,
president - Mohamed Ali Alin Warsame Alin, from the Diaspora as well, and vice president
elected and approved by the CR;
council of ministers of composed from 9-11 members (many from the Diaspora) appointed
and headed by the president and approved by CR;
judiciary council of 5 members (chairman of the high council, prosecutor, and three judges)
independent from the other bodies but appointed by the president and approved by the CR;
two regions with capitals based on the former districts of Galkayo and Hobyo, each headed by
a governor (one from the Diaspora) appointed by the president and approved the CR; and
18
Number of districts, including the former districts of Galkayo and Hobyo, each with council
selected proportionally by traditional council of elders from the clans and which in turn elect a
mayor confirmed by the president.
Legitimacy – the legitimacy of these institutions derives from traditional clan source as the elders
select and nominate members of the council of representatives, and elect the president and vice and
president. The president in turn appoints ministers (9-11 members), governors and mayors after
consultation and proposals by the traditional elders.
Legal framework – legal framework is based on its Transitional Charter.
Type of administration and powers – Galmuudug is a community formed and managed
administration with functions and powers within its Transitional Charter which refers to, recognises
and complies with the national constitution and government roles.
Capacity of institutions – capacity of Galmudug institutions is very limited and need a capacitybuilding in many aspects of governance.
Consultation with constituents – consultation with constituents and their participation in policy
formulation, decision-making and planning and development programs implementation processes is
either very limited or non-existent.
Gender Inequality – despite the mention of women inclusion in the institutions, there are no
women members in the council of representatives. But there is mere 8 per cent inclusion of women
in the district council of Galkayo city (south) which is proposed by the city’s non-clan based
neighbourhood sub-districts’ committees.
Human and material resources – human resources is quite limited.
Accountability and transparency – there is no discernible accountability and transparency on the
part of the authorities.
Attitude to and vision about system of national government – there is no written provision in
Galmudug Charter or publically stated policy by its leadership whether Somalia would be
reconstituted as unitary centralised, or unitary decentralised, or federal state.
Delivery of services – there is no delivery of services except sanitation in towns by local council in
collaboration with certain NGOs. Basic public services are provided and maintained by the private
sector, Diaspora and local and international NGOs and agencies.
3.2 Himan & Heb Regional Administration
Himam & Regional administration was set up in 2007 in Adado in a conference organised by
members from the Diaspora and participated by local stakeholders (traditional and religious leaders,
professionals, women and youth groups) and delegates from the Diaspora. The delegates selected
and appointed a president and vice president. The president with consultation with elders appoints
several departmental heads. No council of representatives was formed.
19
Legitimacy – the legitimacy of these institutions derives from traditional clan source as the elders
select and nominate the president and vice and president. The president in turn appoints several
departmental heads and mayor for Adado City and staffs.
Gender Inequality – despite the mention of women inclusion in the institutions by the TFG
Administrative Law for the Regions and Districts Law there are no women members in the regional
and district institutions.
Legal framework – legal framework is based on the TFG enacted Administrative Law for the Regions
and Districts but Himan & Heb administration and in contravention of at least some of this law’s
provisions such as formation of local council and allocation a quota of seats for women in the local
government institutions there is no women membership in these linstitutions.
Type of administration and powers – Himan and Heb is a traditional clan and community formed
and managed administration with functions and powers selectively based on TFG Administrative Law
for the Regions and Districts Law.
Capacity of institutions – capacity of Himan and Heb institutions is very limited and need a capacitybuilding in many aspects of governance.
Attitude to and vision about system of national government – there is strong links and interaction
between Himan and Heb Administration and the TFG but there no written or publically stated policy
by Himan and Heb leadership whether Somalia would be reconstituted as unitary centralised, or
decentralised, or federal state.
Delivery of services – there is no delivery of services except sanitation in towns by local council in
collaboration with certain NGOs. Basic public services are provided and maintained by the private
sector, Diaspora and local and international NGOs and agencies.
3.3 Galgadud Regional Authority
In western Galgadud Region comprising the districts of Gura-El, Dusa Mareb, Ballamballe, Abud-Waq
and Heraale are controlled by unconventional regional council made up of traditional religious Sufi
leaders known in Somali Ahlu Sunnah wal jama’a (ASWJ)- an armed group which resists and defends
the region from the militant group of Al-Shahab attacks. The members of this ASWJ regional council
were selected and approved by a conference of religious leaders and supporters held in 2009 in the
Somali town of Abud-Waq near the border with Ethiopia.
The council nominates regional security, financial and trade sub-committees. It also nominates
chairman, executive secretary, financial secretary, and security officer for each district town. The
20
sub-committees and district officials are overseen and accountable to the same ASWJ regional
council and ultimately to the Ethiopian authorities.
Legitimacy – the legitimacy of these institutions derives from traditional religious leaders conference
supported and endorsed by their disciples and the traditional clan leaders.
Gender Inequality – there is total exclusion of women in these ASWJ institutions.
Legal framework – the legal framework is based on the Islamic Sharia and job description laid down
by the regional ASWJ council.
Type of administration and powers – the type of the ASWJ regional council in western Galgadud is a
religious and community supported unconventional regional authority with functions and powers
emanating from the Sharia law and decisions of the ASWJ w which have strained tenuous or no
relationship with the Somali TFG and but backed by Ethiopian authorities.
Capacity of institutions – capacity of ASWJ regional institutions is very limited and need a capacitybuilding in many aspects of governance.
Attitude to and vision about system of national government – there is no written or publically
stated policy by ASWJ Regional Council whether Somalia would be reconstituted as unitary
centralised, or decentralised, or federal state.
Delivery of services – there is no delivery of services except sanitation in towns by local authorities
in collaboration with certain NGOs. Basic public services are provided and maintained by the private
sector, Diaspora, and local and international NGOs and agencies.2
3.4 Hiran Regional Authority
Hiran region is controlled by the militant Islamic Al-Shabab movement. Their governance is
unconventional based on strict version of Islamic sharia law. The governing structures are
individualised. The region is headed by governor (Amir) and district by commissioner (Amir) and
there are departmental officials at regional and local levels nominated and overseen by the top
leader (Amir-ul Mu’miniin) of the movement or his deputy. Much is not known about the details of
their governing responsibilities, roles and behaviour as they are shrouded by secrecy. The only
district outside their jurisdiction is the Mataban district near the border with Galgadud which is
controlled by ASWJ and community district authority.
Legitimacy – the legitimacy of these institutions derives from a version of strict Islamic sharia law
and orders from the top leadership of Al-Shabab.
21
Legal framework – legal framework is based on version of strict Islamic sharia law and orders from
the top leadership of Al-Shabab.
Type of administration and powers – the type of this regional authority is unconventional one based
on strict Islamic fundamentalist law and without consultation and willing consent from the
population but based on coercion and fear.
Capacity of institutions – capacity of this strict type of Islamic institutions is very limited and there is
in indication whether they need capacity building.
Consultation with constituents – there is no consultation with constituents and their participation in
policy formulation, decision-making and planning and development programs implementation
processes.
Human and material resources – human resources are limited.
Attitude to and vision about system of national government – according to the public statements
of the Al-Shabab top leaderships their attitude and vision of Somalia is a Islamic state ruled with
strict version of Islamic Sharia which has no borders and is a part and parcel of global Islamic State
(Umma Islamiya).
Delivery of services – there is no discernible delivery of services except sanitation in towns and alms
to the poor by local authorities. Basic public services are provided and maintained by the private
sector, Diaspora and NGOs.
4.1 Displacement of Urban Middle Classes
Galmudug urban and clan societies relationship dynamics provides a sample of today’s Somalia
context - a war-ravaged society whose social urban classes and their civic way of life have been
systematically gutted by the prolonged civil war and is now almost without urban social stratification
and classes. Like the rest of Somalia, the residents in towns are predominantly traditional people
who settled there during the last 20 years due to loss of their livestock herds and abandoned their
farming occupation due to conflict, recurrent droughts, rapidly degrading environment and
humanitarian aid dependency.
Most of the former urban people were displaced from cities by the upheavals of the civil war and
influx of dispossessed pastoralists and farmers. These unfortunate urban residents whether they
were middle classes (business men, politicians, civil servants, professionals, armed forces officers
and employees) or petty traders have either fled abroad or lost their fortunes and absorbed into the
overwhelming influx from the rural areas which automatically imposed their traditional values and
attitudes on the cities.
22
4.2 Traditional Population in Cities.
Consequently, the overwhelming majority of the present population in the cities and towns in the
central regions is traditional one with clannish attitudes and way of life rather than a civic life-style
and perspective as elsewhere in Somalia. There are no properly functioning municipalities that keep
an official population register, issue resident identity cards, undertake town and development
planning and provide sanitation and other basic public services. In such a situation residents see
themselves and society through prism of clannish social categories as clan-family, clan, sub-clan, and
lineage instead of social strata and rely on the former for their physical security and social insurance.
However, there are signs of a small burgeoning civic society made up of businessmen, professionals
(such as teachers, NGOs staffs), and youth, students, and women associations which will take time to
be reckonable and influential urban social classes.
4.3 Clan and Religious Patronage Power and Influence
Traditional elders and other important clan personalities have significant patronage influence on
such society and issues of conflict resolution, peace-building and reconciliation, and regional and
local governance. For example, the regional leaders, members of legislative councils and local
government councils of Galmudug Regional State and Himan & Heb Regional Administrations have
been selected and legitimatised to hold office by the traditional elders.
Western districts towns of Galgadud region are controlled by armed group comprised of traditional
religious Sufi leaders called Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama’a (ASWJ) which fights against encroachment of
the militant Al-Shabab movement. ASWJ selects and nominates the regional and district offices.
The eastern Galgadud districts of El-Bur, Gal-Haareeri, El-Dheer and related villages and countryside
plus Harardheere District which is officially part of Galmudug but not practically governed by it, is
under the control Al-Shabab while the entire Hiran Region except Mataban District is controlled by
ASWJ and community.
Thus, governing institutions in the central regions depend for their source of legitimacy and support
on traditional clan/religious patronage system, as are the TFG and Puntland, which constrains the
development, quality, performance, attitude, and freedom of action of modern and conventional
governing institutional sytsem. So was Somaliland before it moved to democratic elections despite
the fact that some local councils are still depending on the traditional elders for their legitimacy. This
is the current situation how urban societal and clan dynamics play out in the central regions and
most of Somalia’s politics.
4.4 Religious Leaders’ Important Peace Role in Society
Like traditional leaders, religious leader play important and useful roles in society. They always
preach people to refrain from doing evil acts and encourage them for good behaviour and deeds
especially in times of difficult or conflict. In actual fact religious leaders have played and still do play
an important part in peace-building and maintenance of security in these regions in particcular
Somalia in general alongside other stakeholders while or they exclusively help resolve conflict and
secure peace in some situations.
23
For example in Galmudug, the peace-seeking religious leaders either take a primary role or play an
important contribution to conflict resolution and peace-building (see conflict resolution and peace
building processes outlined in State of Conflict and Peace in these Regions Section 6.)
4.5 Clan Structures, Institutions and Governance
Somalis has different confederations called clan-families Darod, Hawiye, Dir, Rahanweyn, and other
minorities. Structure-wise under the clan-family comes the clan which in turn has several or many
sub-clans that have several or many lineages too. The lineage is the basic management unit where
the cooperation and cohesion of the clan or sub-clan is maintained. It is also the mechanism through
which individuals (men and women) of the clan can be identified, accounted for, and dealt with. The
lineage is qualified and recognised by the clan an independent unit when it can pay a bloody
compensation of one hundred camels for man killed from other clan and it can raise hundred or
more spearmen (now gunmen). The clan-family is the big confederation which has no practical
functions other than physical emotion linkage. It matters only when there is a big conflict which
crosses the clan level.
The Clan has a traditional leader variously called Ugas, sultan, Boqor, Iman, waber, or malaaq
depending on the region and each lineage is headed by an elder who comes under the traditional.
But some clans have no such overall traditional leader but equal elders equal in rank. For their
governance these clans or lineages apply a set of laws, namely, non-codified customary law called
Xeer (read heir) based on memorised precedents and the Islamic sharia law. The former is
administered the elders and the latter by the Islamic religious qadi (judge). Sometimes, depending
on a certain circumstance, the Sharia law is put aside and instead the customary is applied for
pragmatic and convenient sake. These institutions have not equipped and staffed permanent offices
but work on ad-hoc and mobile basis in the rural settings.
The traditional leaders, elders and religious leaders play additional roles of resolution of conflict and
peace-building in within their communities and between theirs and other communities.
In such traditional society women is much respected. In addition to child bearing and raising they are
the managers of the livestock and other family properties with decisive say on them. However, by
tradition these assets are owned by the men. But in the final decision-making and governance
processes outside the family, women have little or no say. All in all, women have no equal rights with
men in such traditional society.
24
4.6 Diagrams of structures of clans and sub-clans in Central Regions.
Diagram 1
Galgadud Region Clans and sub-clans
Darod
Dir
Hawiye
Fiqi Muhumud (2)
Jaaji (1)
Murursade
Hiraab
Shekhaal (2)
Habargidir
Waysle(3)
Mahrehan
Ayr
Reer Dini
Wardha’ Eli
Saleban
Sarur
Dududle
Reer Siyaad
Hussein
Notes: (1) socially discriminated fishing minority community
(2) minority community
(3) a sub-clan of Abgal.
Diagram 2
Hiran Region Clans and sub-clans
Hawiye
Makkanne
Minorities
(Hawiye allied Bantu)
Hawadle Gugundhabe Gaaljel Udejen
Habargidir
Ayr
Diagram: 3
Galmudug Region Clans sub-clans
Dir
Madhiban (1)
Saleban(3) Qubays(3)
Abdalla
Hawiye
Jaaji (2) Arab Mahmud Salah (3)
Murursade(1)
Hirab
Sheekhaal (3)
Habargidir
Sa’ad (4)
25
Notes: (1) socially discriminated minority communities
(2) socially discriminated fishing minority community
(3) minority community
(4)Predominant majority community
5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues1
5.1 Background
Much of the world’s trade depends on the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean lanes off the Somali coast
where 22,000 commercial ships pass every year. The emergence of piracy in these waters in recent
years poses major threat to such global trade flow and world security that has become a serious
concern for international ship-owners, businesses, and governments. At the same time, the former
Somali fishermen who became pirates and the Somali communities and authorities from the
affected coastal areas have grave concerns about the negative impact of illegal fishing and dumping
of toxic waste in Somali waters by foreign vessels.
5.2 Different Narratives about Piracy
There are two dominant narratives about the piracy phenomenon. The narrative of the international
community is that piracy off the Somali coast in the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean waters is an
intolerable global scourge which should be confronted with force, as legitimatised by numerous UN
Security Council Resolutions Nos. 1816, 1838, 1846, and 1851, that authorise deployment of
international armada to prevent pirates from hijacking ships carrying humanitarian delivery for
needy Somalis or attacking commercial ships in these waters. As a result the navies of the USA, EU,
and Norway were deployed, followed by navies from other nations including Russia, China, India,
Brazil, Canada, Australia, and a plethora of smaller states.
The narrative of the Somali fishermen-turned-pirates is that they are defending their own interests
and that of their country from foreign fleets engaged in ‘pirate fishing’ in Somali territorial waters
and emptying Somali marine resources while other foreign vessels dump toxic waste in the Somali
territorial and economic zone. While recognising that the pirates operations are not confined to
Somali territorial waters but extend into international waters, many ordinary Somalis and their
leaders sympathise with this narrative because of persistent concerns about illegal fishing and
dumping of toxic waste by foreign vessels.
The international community and the Somalis also differ in the explanation of the causes of the
emergence of piracy in Somali coastal waters. The former focus on the effects of piracy (hijacking,
ransom-taking, damage to crews and ships, adverse impact of international trade, insecurity) and
avoid talking about the root-causes while the Somalis focus on what they see as these root-causes Somali fishermen being out of business by “pirate fishing” by foreign ships depleting Somali marine
resources and dumping of toxic waste. In addition to this, there is widespread poverty which has
driven many young people to venture into the seas to earn a living in the absence of alternatives.
1
An abridged version from Galmudug Report 2010
26
A third narrative relates to the local and external interest groups and proxies associated with the
piracy phenomenon and profiting from it in terms of both wealth and power. Bearing in mind these
contrasting perspectives, the next section examines the piracy centres and activities in the coastal
towns of Harardheere, El-Huur, and Hobyo.
5.3
Piracy Hubs of Harardheere, Gara’ad, Hobyo and El-Huur
The Somali piracy phenomenon started in Puntland coastal waters in early 1991. Over time, the
Puntland towns of Bosaso, Bargaal, Habo, Bandar Beila, and Eyl became centres of piracy activity.
This activity spilled over into Harardheere around 2000-2001 and from there to El-Hur and to Hobyo
as recently as 2009. Puntland launched anti-piracy in the last couple of years to apprehend or drive
away pirates from most of its coastal towns. Then pirates moved to Gara’ad a southernmost coastal
harbour of Puntland in Mudug region.
5.4 Dangerous alliance in Piracy between Pirates and Al-Shabab
Harardheere district is under Al-Shabab control. Before Al-Shabab takeover, the town was controlled
by Hizbul Islam which entered alliance with the pirates until its forces recently emerged into with AlShabab. Now Al-Shabab and the pirates in are business venture and the piracy activity is expanded
on the southern coast up to Brava according to sources close to piracy activities.
5.5 Peaceful Coexistence in Adado
The Saleban sub-clan and their Himan and Heb regional administration based in Adado city have
developed a ‘smart’ policy to persuade all the diverse groups - the traditional sheikhs and followers
of the main traditional Sufi Ahmediya order, adherents of Hizbul Islam (HI), Al-Shabab, etc., to
abandon violence in the interest of peace and unity of the sub-clan and to collaborate with the
administration. They also agreed not to support HI (recently assimilated into Al-Shabab) and AlShabab coming and capturing their area and that anyone who wants to participate in those
extremist movements may go to Mogadishu and south to join them.
5.6 Anti-piracy Measures Decline of Piracy Activity at Hobyo
Due to proactive operations and attacks on pirate missions by the international navies, during this
year the prevalence of piracy activities have been declining as many pirate attacks have been
prevented, caught, detained, killed or sunk. Consequently, many pirates began to avoid going to sea
for fear of action of the multinational navies.
Moreover early this, Galmudug administration raised a police unit and deployed to Hobyo where
they set up a police station as anti-piracy force headed by active and serious commander who gave
stern warning to pirates to move away and transfer their captive ships elsewhere. Then they moved
their ships and men to Labad an area on the coastline 30 or so kms from Hobyo in the north. Thus up
to June this year was Hobyo was almost free from piracy activities. But now there are signs that the
pirates are returning to Hobyo, for example, a couple of weeks ago, a US flagged captive ship was
transferred from Harardheere to Hobyo offshore and another which was moved away from Hobyo
27
to Labad has returned to the latter too. The captors and their guards on the ships disembark and
stay in one corner of the town in low profile. There are also individual pirates who stay and visit the
town for shopping and rest. Because the anti-piracy police unit has relented their operative duty due
to lack of pay and support during the five months or so they were on this difficult and risky mission.
5.7 Impact of Piracy on the Regional Economy and Social Values
It is common knowledge that millions of US dollars of ransom money has been paid out to piracy
based in Harardheere and nearby Gara’ad harbour town under Puntland and once in Hobyo. This is a
form of money laundering insofar as there are no records of the expenditure and investment. There
is no exact information how such huge ransom amounts of money paid to pirates, how they spent it,
and there is no formal data about its impact on the regional economy and society except on
anecdotal stories and evidence of physical investment symbols and the social effects of the illegal
flow of large sums of money.
The positive impact
The positive impact of piracy money is measured by the boost to the economy of the region by the
pirates’ ransom money in many direct and indirect ways such as:
creation of employment and income for hundreds of jobless young people in the form of
pirate soldiers and workers;
boost to various small businesses - shops, restaurants, dwelling houses, hotels, car sale or
hire, etc – from which owners get increased incomes either from rent by pirates or sales of
various goods and services to them;
investment by pirates in real estate (houses, restaurants, hotels) and set-up of businesses
such as shops, cargo trading trucks, investing shares in companies (inside and outside the
country), further investment in piracy catcher agencies, etc; and
buying visas and sponsorships to the richer world primarily North America, and Western
Europe, or Gulf Arab states, and to some extent to East African neighbouring countries to
find new and better way of life.
All these activities have boosted the economy of the regions in which piracy activities exist like
Galkayo City (north) of Puntland, Harardheere, Adado city of Himan and Heb Region, and to lesser
extent in Galkayo City (south) and Hobyo in Galmudug. The greater impact on economy was in
Puntland cities where piracy activities started a decade ago and was the epicentre until recently.
The negative impacts include:
inflow of more khat, and alcohol, and drugs, especially in the coastal port towns and nearby
areas;
prostitution business – emergence of middlemen and middle-women bringing many pretty
young women from every part of Somalia and the neighbouring countries to the piracy
centres for sale or hire to the pirates as a lucrative transaction involving large sums of
money;
28
creation of brothels called pleasure houses in the piracy coastal towns where khat, drugs
and alcohol are consumed and young women used and corrupted;
supply of arms and ammos for the operations of the piracy activities;
breaking and flouting the values and norms of society;
ruining the lives of many young men and women with harmful, sinful, and shameful
practices (e.g. drugs, alcohol, unlawful sex out of marriage, adultery, etc.);
causing break-up of a number of families;
creating price inflation that doubled or tripled the prices especially in the pirate centres –
Harardheere, El-Huur, and Hobyo – with spill over of price hikes to Galmudug and more so
Himan & Heb, and Puntland;
conflict, disorder and breach of safety and security of piracy affected coastal towns and
adjacent regions; and
insecurity and harm for international trade as well as financial burden on the global shipping
firms.
5.8 Solution for Piracy
The solution does not lie only in the use of global naval forces to put an end to this piracy problem.
Over time they could potentially wipe out or contain the piracy on the seas but then it will cost the
lives of many hundreds of many young Somalis who were already, or will, killed, sunk in the seas,
maimed or sentenced to long years in prison in faraway countries. What will be the reaction of their
parents, families, and Somali people? If there is no accompanying strategy that safe-guards the lives
of these young people, Somali interest in the sea and ocean domains coupled with at least minimal
developmental programmes for coastal communities and adjacent interior lands - how can the
ending of piracy be sustained? These desperate youngsters will form freelance militia which disrupt
society or ignite new round of conflicts in communities or resort to join extremist groups not for the
love of them but to earn a living. The real and lasting solution to defeat the piracy phenomenon - as
well as conflict and extremism on the land – lies in the international community demonstrating
strong political will and a concerted robust action plan to:
restore an effective central government with its own re-constituted and self-resourced
conventional security forces;
build local security guards in the coastal areas by assisting local government and
communities, and
simultaneously, put in place social and economic developmental programmes in skills
training and creating in jobs and economic opportunities for thousands of hopeless young
Somali pirates and many other jobless youngsters aspiring to join the piracy or extremist
groups for lack other living opportunities.
6. Identification of Possibility Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions
Pursuing this objective, before starting the fieldwork the on 28/6/2011 YME/Norsom/consultant met
the Norwegian Embassy in Nairobi and briefed and discussed about the join-together peace initiative
for the central regions and on 2/7/2011 Norsom/consultant met discussed Interpeace, and Life and
Peace agencies which are involved in research, peace and reconciliation in Somalia and again on
29
2/7/2011 NorSom/consultant held a meeting in Nairobi for clan leaders and business people from
Central regions with who they same peace idea also as relevant and important stakeholders.
Then on 7/7/2011 in order to further explore and identify of peace-Seeking Stakeholders in the
central regions and the possibility for Join-together Peace Action and establish together with them
the best practices for peace building activities in the central regions as set in the Terms of Reference,
the NorSom/Consutant team has undertaken an 18-day fieldwork trip to Galmudug Regional State
where they travelled to various locations and conducted a series of activities including meetings with
many and diverse main peace stakeholders to explain about these objectives of the assessment,
discuss, ask questions and exchange of views with them on the possibility of such Join-together
Peace Action in their area and the part they could play.
Due to security and time constrains, the Team could not travel to Himan & Heb, Galgadud and Hiran
Regions, but have had the chance and opportunity to meet in Galkayo, Galmudug, with important
traditional leaders (20 members) from almost all districts of Galgadud Region, who were on a peace
mission to Galmudug and Himan & Heb in order to mediate a conflict between two communities
there.
The findings of actual identification of the genuine 21 diverse groups of stakeholders and the
discussions and exchanges of views about the join-together peace initiative and photo illustrations
of these meetings are detailed in the next section.
7. Identification of Peace Stakeholders and their Consent for Join-Together Peace
Initiative
In the course of the above listed activities of meetings, discussions and explanations of the
objectives, the Team identified many and diverse social groups and authorities in the area of
intervention who are genuine seeking stakeholders and warmly welcomed and pledged support for
the idea of a possible Peace and Reconciliation Joint Action in a their areas.
The following is the list of Galmudug of diverse peace stakeholders who were asked and answered
the questions in a Questionnaire relating to the assessment by GNY/consultant team.
On 28/6/2011, as stated already, the Team began their work meet the Norwegian Embassy in
Nairobi and briefed and discussed about the join-together peace initiative for the central regions.
On 2/7/2011 the Team met in Nairobi and discussed Interpeace, and Life and Peace agencies which
involve in research, peace and reconciliation in Somalia
On 3/7/2011 the Team held in Nairobi met for and discussed with 10 people including clan leaders
and business people from Central regions on the same peace idea as important stakeholders.
On 5/7/2011 Team met and discussed in Nairobi and contacted via telephone in London, UK, the
top-leaderships of the newly established Mareg Regional State, was whose social and territorial base
is the El-Dheer District in southernmost of Galgadud region.
30
On 7/7/2011 in Galkayo the NorSom/Consultant Team paid a courtesy call on Galmudug President
Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Alin and briefed him about the peace survey mission of the study and he
welcomed the idea and promised support for it when the time comes. Not photo taken.
On 9/8/2011 took place a meeting and discussion led by NorSom/consultant assisted by GSA with
17-member traditional leaders of Sa’ad - the majority clan and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug(See
photos below).
Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Sa’ad sb-clan Elders in Galkayo, Galmudug.
On 9/8/2011 took place a meeting and discussion with 9-member traditional leaders of Madhibaan
& Kuulbeer sub-clans (of Midgan – a socially discriminated minority community) and the Team in
Galkayo, Galmudug.
Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with elders and c/society members Madhiban & Kulber sub-clans in
Galkayo, Galmudug (socially discriminated minority community.)
On 10/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 6-member traditional leaders of
Sheekhaal Clan and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.
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Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Sheikhal Elders in Galkayo, Galmudug.
On 10/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 13-member traditional leaders of
Qubays sub-clan of clan (minority community) and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.
Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Qubays Elders and businessmen in Galkayo, Galmudug.
on 10/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 19-member leaders and members of the
two women organisations of Midnimo (Unity) and SWO and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug
Photos: Norsom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Qubays Elders and businessmen in Galkayo, Galmudug.
On 11/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 7-member university lecturers and
secondary schools’ teachers and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.
32
Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Uni lecturers & Sec. Schools teachers Galkayo, Galmudug.
On 12/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 16-member of heads and members of
local NGOs and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug.
Photos: NorSom/GSA/Consultant meeting and discussing with Heads of local NGOs Galkayo, Galmudug.
On 12/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 16-member of universities students’
and secondary schools’ youth committees in Galkayo, Galmudug.
On 12/7/2011 the Team participated in and put across the peace concept and objectives of the
assessment mission in general meeting with 300 participants held in Galkayo Galmudug to welcome
20-member traditional leaders (including 4 ugases and 19 titled elders) from various districts of
33
Galgadud Region, who came to Galmudug for a peace mission to mediate conflict between two
communities in Galmudug and Himan & Heb. Here are some of the photos.
Photos of some captions of a general peace meeting with 300 participants including regional president held in Galkayo, Galmudug and
attended by 20 traditional elders from Galgadud Region.
On 13/7/2011 the Team paid a courtesy visit to Sheikh Ali Fohleh – prominent seeking and Clairevoyant traditional religious sufi leader at his religious centre outside Galkayo and discussed about
the peace initiative which he welcomed and blessed. No photo taken.
On 18/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 5-member council of traditional
religious leaders and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug. No photo taken.
On 17/7/2011 welcomed and offered a launch to the 20-traditional leaders from Galgadud Region
who came to Galkayo for a mediating peace mission between two fighting communities of
Galmudug and Himan and Heb. The Team discussed the peace idea with these traditional leaders on
the launch which the warmly received and pledged support for.
Welcoming the traditional leader’s delegation to the GSA house in Galakyo where the working lunch took place.
34
Photos: 4 Ugases leading the traditional leaders mediation delegation- (from left)Sultan Abdullahi Ali Wardhere, Ugas
Hassan Ugas Mohamud, Ugas Isse Ugas Ugas Mohamed & Ugas Abdullahi Ugas
Photo NorSom/consultant Team poses a group photo with the 4 ugases and some of the elders at the end of the working lunch in
Galkayo.
35
From 19-21/7/2011 the Team went on tour working tour to El-Dibir, Hobyo sea Port, and Gawan
district towns in the east of Galmudug where they meet, explained and discussed the district
committee of these towns with the peace and reconciliation idea for the central regions which, like
other stakeholders, warmly welcomed and pledged for their support. No photo taken.
0n 21/7/2011 took place a meeting and discussion between 4-member of peace seeking salafist
religious group called An-Nabawi and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug. No photo taken.
On 22-23/7/2011 the Team twice paid a final farewell visit to the President of Galmudug in which
they briefed him about the activities they were doing in the region and urged him to support any
peace moves in his area and neighbouring regions. He promised that he will spare no effort to
promote peace and understanding between the communities in the central regions. No photo taken.
On 23/7/2001 took place a meeting and discussion between 5-member of the business committee
and the Team in Galkayo, Galmudug. No photo taken.
On 23/7/2011 the team paid courtesy call to the Vice President of Galmudug Mr. Abdisamed Guled
and briefed him about the peace survey which he welcomed. No photo taken.
On 24/7/2011 the Team meet separately the Chairman of the Council of Representatives of
Galmudug, Mr. Hassan Mohamud Hayle, the Governor of Mudug Region Mr. Iman Jirow and Mayor
of Galkayo City (south) Mr. Said Salad Elmi of Galmudug and briefed them about the peace concept
which welcomed and pledged support for. No photo taken.
After returning from the fieldwork to Nairobi, the Team met and discussed with following groups of
stakeholders as part of the identification of additional relevant and important stakeholders of the
target area.
On 6/8/2011 in Nairobi met and discussed with Mrs. Zahra Ugas Farah, head of FERO, women’s
organisation based who knows and implemented peace and reconciliation in the target area. No
photo taken.
On 6/8/2011 Team met and discussed in Nairobi the following leading representatives from
Wagardha’ sub-clan of Marehan clan of Abud-waq District of Galgadud region. No photo taken.
1. Sultan Abdulaziz Omar (alias Sultan Beyle)- traditional leader
2. Yassin Issa Wardheere (a senior journalist).
On 8/7/2011 the NorSom/Consultant Team met and contacted via telephone in Nairobi and
discussed with the following important traditional leaders of Hiran Region. No photo taken.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Ugas Abdirahman Ugas Khalif
- Hawadle clan
Sheikh Abukar
-=
Sheikh Muumin
-=
Abdi Hussein Gedi (ex-mayor of Beletweyn city) - Jajeele clan.
On 12/8/2011 Team met and discussed a laureate of Nobel Prize Alternative award and many other
prestigious awards Mrs. Asha Haji Elmi, leader of the Somali Women and Children (SWC), who has
put forward the idea that women are sixth clan of Somalia since they are not counted by the five
36
clans that make up the Somali population. She warmly welcomed the peace idea and pledged
support with special empathise that of the elation of women’s rights and roles and she will bring
high profile women members from across central regions to the peace conference to be planned.
No photo taken.
0n 18/8/2011 the Team made a working Ramadan breaking dinner for 16 important stakeholders
belong to Galmudug and Himan & Heb regions in Nairobi and discussed about the peace initiative
whose names listed below. No photo taken.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Abdisamed Guled
Abdullahi Jama
Mohamed Ga’aliye (junior)
Mohamed Ali Nur
Hassan M. Jabuti
Hussein Abi
Abdikarim M. Mohamud
Abdi Dheere
Abdullahi Ambarre (ex col.)
Abdi Ali
Abdikarin Ibrahim Moh’d
Abdullahi Moh’d Bakad
Mohamud Qolaaf
Mohamed Dha’adde
Abdi Kuus (ex col.)
Mohamed Ahmed
- Galmudug Vice President
- Galmudug Minister of Finance and Trade
- Galmudug Minister of Fisheries and Ports
- Galmudug Minister for Planning and International Cooperation
- Galmudug representative in Kenya
- elder of Galmudug
- Sultan of Galmudug
- Entrepreneur of Galmudug based in Nairobi
- of Galmudug
-elder of Galmudug
- elder of Himan and Heb
-elder of Himan & Heb
- elder of Himan & Heb
- sultan of Himan & Heb
As already mentioned, all these diverse and important social groups and authorities, who are the
genuine peace seeking stakeholders in Galmudug, and traditional leaders of most of Galgadud clans,
who are also the primary community stakeholders, have all unanimously expressed their favourable
opinions about the concept and survey of this peace initiative intended for the central regions and
promised full support for it when the opportunity comes (see the list of names of above diverse
social groups stakeholders attached in the appendix).
8. How Conflicts Resolved and Peace Built Between People Living Together According to
Stakeholders?
During the meetings and discussions with them, the team posed this question to the various
stakeholders and they their gave their opinions and recounted their experiences about communities
living side by side which were torn apart by conflict and how it was resolved and people began to
live in peace together again.
These are the examples of successful conflict resolution and peace-building initiatives they have
experienced and undertaken.
37
8.1 Mudug Region Peace Agreement 1993
Being the cradle of the civil war in late 1970s Mudug Region (recently split into north Mudug region
of Puntland and South Mudug region - Galmudug Regional State) was one of the most devastated
regions during 1991-1993 period conflict. At the height of this bitter violent conflict in 1993, peaceloving stakeholders from the two fighting communities in the region jointly initiated a bottom-up
peace and reconciliation approach by-passing their respective main factional leaders. First a number
of determined and influential peace initiators from both sides who included civil ex-politicians,
traditional and religious leaders, professionals, women groups, and non-combatant ex-armed
officers, who opposed and wanted to stop such irrational and senseless conflict, started contacts
and exchanged of ideas between
Then they expanded the contacts and discussions to other anti-war war and peace supporters from
their own communities including the commanders on opposite sides in the battle field in Galkayo
and related districts. As anti-war and pro-peace momentum increased, the organising peace drivers
decided that each side should take inform the initiative to and persuade their respective main
factional leaders who reluctantly accepted the idea as the carpet was already taken under their feet
by their own commanders and supporters.
Afterwards, it was agreed to hold a peace and reconciliation conference in May 193 in Mogadishu.
Two 200 pro-peace made up of all stakeholders social groups from North-east regions (now
Puntland led by their factional leader Colonel Abduillahi Yusuf Ahmed, who in the height of the
conflict, courageously travelled from these North-east regions with 100 delegates to Mogadishu to
participate in the peace conference and were warmly welcomed by many thousands of enthusiastic
crowds and counterpart stakeholders led by their main factional leader Gen. Mohamed Farah Aided.
It was not only unbelievable and joyful moment but it was unimaginable how the tactics and will of
the peace pro-peace groups succeeded to persuade these military leaders who were well-known for
rigidity of opinion and lack of compromise.
After about 200 delegates from both sides participated in the conference which after 5 days of
discussions and negotiations agreed on a peace deal named 1993 Mudug Peace Agreement
between the warring clans and their militias, namely, Omar Mohamud sub-clan of Majerten clan
with other Majerten clans and Lelkase clan of Darod clan-family on side and Sa’ad sub-clan of
Habargidir (of Hawiye) on the other side, who killed from each other a total of over 1,000 people
during 1991-1992 and 4 months of 1993. This Mudug Peace Agreement, among other things, agreed
to:
make immediate and unconditional ceasefire in Galkayo city and adjacent areas,
move the two rival militias from Galkayo city – one militia to Ba’adweyn town 60 km north
of Galkayo and the other one to Wargalo town 60 km south-east of Galkayo,
set up joint military committee to maintain the ceasefire, disengage and redeploy the two
militias to the positions agreed upon,
set up joint traditional and religious leaders committee to manage the implementation of
the peace and reconciliation process and call upon the residents to resettle Galkayo city and
resolve the problems in accordance with the Somali customary and sharia laws, and
38
establish joint high political committee to oversee and advise the above committees and
report the progress of the process to the principal factions leaders.
The former Mudug Region, for which the Peace Agreement was made to benefit, was later split into
Mudug Region (northern part which retains the name) incorporated with Puntland Regional State
inhabited by Omar Mohamud sub-clan of Majeerten, other Majeerten minority clans and Lekase clan
of Darod clan-family, and southern Mudug later reorganised as the Galmudug Regional State (the
and inhabited by Sa’ad sub-clan of Habargidir of Hawiye clan-family, and minority clans such as
Sheekhaal of Hawiye, Dir, and Madhibaan (a socially discriminated minority clan). Even so, that 17year old peace agreement still holds, despite minor incidents triggered by unruly and armed
freelance militias, border issues, or by competition over scare pasture and water by pastoralists of
these neighbouring diverse communities. However, Mudug Region of Puntland andGalmudug
Regional State both have their respective capitals in north and southern parts of Galkayo City two
communities live side by side in relative peace and they are economically and commercially
interdependent. They have also old social bonds of intermarriage, interaction and neighbourliness
for centuries.
Why this initiative was the only major conflict resolution and peace agreement in the entire
south/central Somalia since the outbreak of the civil war in 1991? It was so uniquely successful
because of application of the basic and essential conflict resolution and peace-building principles.
Methodology: The methodology was community-owned, funded and driven approach.
Inclusive participation: all genuine diverse peace stakeholders (women among them) were included
to play part directly in the discussion, decision-making and implementation of the conflict resolution
and peace-building processes
Primary role for traditional and religious leaders: traditional and religious leaders were called upon
and supported to play a primary role in order to depoliticise peace initiative and distance it from
war-like politicians who saw their interest in the continuation of the conflict.
Role of peace-seeking civil society: disinterested and pro-peace individual politicians, professionals,
business people, women and youth played a conscious support and technical role of formulating
agenda points agreeable to all sides, laying down grounds rules of the conference progress,
programming its deliberations and successful conclusion and final outcome – a conflict resolution
and peace agreement.
Ceremonial patronage role of political faction leaders: the organisers of the peace initiative
tactically persuaded these leaders not to take direct control of the process but to play ceremonial
patronage role of receiving briefing, opening and closing sessions of the conference and
undersigning the final agreement.
UNOSOM officials who were formally in control of Mogadishu asked to chair the conference but the
two organising sides in the conflict turned that request down and retained the Somali ownership and
management of the peace process avoiding interested international politics which could have
derailed and failed the peace initiative.
39
Moreover, this remarkable successful Mudug Peace Agreement had also produced a significant and
important positive catalytic impact in that it automatically shifted the nastiest central driver of the
civil war from Darod clan-family versus Hawiye clan-family power struggle that was respectively
represented and led by General Mohamed Farah Aidid and Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed after the
two men undersigned the aforesaid peace agreement. However, the civil war continued (and still
continues) in Mogadishu and south/central regions mainly between different Hawiye war-worlds or
between nominal central government and militant Islamic factions vying for control.
Why endless conflict ravages in south/central regions of Somalia? The main reason is that endless
conflict ravages there is that since the start of the civil war no genuine peace and reconciliation
initiative has ever been undertaken in these parts of the country. And most certainly such seemingly
intractable conflict will continue to prevail unless there will be genuine community-owned and
driven bottom-up approach of peace and reconciliation process happens between the diverse
stakeholders concerned.
Some lessons to be learned: in conclusion three important lessons can be learned from the above
described Mudug Peace Agreement which are that: a) genuine and inclusive community-owned and
driven bottom-up approach succeeds, b) it helped the ending of Darod versus Hawiye clannish
power struggle which was the main driver of the civil war and as a result there has not been civil war
between Darod and Hawiye sub-clans in and around Galkayo, and c) this peace deterred the area
from warlords and extremist groups which are born out and thrive in chaos and conflict.
Unfortunately this exemplary peace initiative, which can be rated as one of the best practices of
conflict resolution and peace-building at least Somalia, is hardly acknowledged and referred to by
local and international conflict and peace reports about Somalia with the exception of ‘The Puntland
Experience – A Bottom-up Approach to Peace and State-building -1991-2007’ – a study by PDRC
assisted by Interpeace. Nor has it been emulated elsewhere in south/central Somalia.
8.2 Partial Peace Agreement between Sa’ad and Saleban Sub-clans
In 2005 community-based initiative ended a two-year old bitter conflict between Sa’ad and Saleban
sub-clans that caused the death of over 400 young people, many more injured, and displacement in
Hobyo town and several other areas. The process was supported through financial facilitation and
technical skills support by the Center for Research and Dialogue (CRD) – a southern/central based
partner institution of Interpeace. Traditional and religious leaders played the primary role with the
support of business, women, youth groups and militia commanders in the negotiation and necessary
compromise to make a permanent ceasefire, redeployment of their respective fighters from the area
of conflict and reaching a phase 1 peace agreement to be followed by a comprehensive one
addressing sticking issues of land, bloody compensation of those killed and lost properties.
The regional authorities and some MPs from the TFG supported such peace deal and reconciliation
to happen. But the desired phase 2 comprehensive peace agreement has not taken place owing to
lack of funds and occurrences of other distractive events like the emergency of the Islamic Courts
ascendancy of power in Mogadishu and spill-over of their presence and influence in the central
regions followed by the Ethiopian military intervention from December 2006 to early January 2010.
40
Due to this missed out important and supplementary phase 2 part of the agreement, the peace
reached in phase 1 has been a shaky one often disrupted by minor clashes by disgruntled gunmen
bent on revenge as the bloody compensation of their loved one or relatives has not settled.
The current conflict between Sa’ad and Saleban fighters on the border between Galmudug and
Himan & heb regions is a result of a built-up of such minor incidents which can be attributed to the
unrealised phase 2 part of the peace deal. This new conflict in which over 40 men were killed and
many more wounded is being mediated by 20-member traditional leaders’ delegation including four
ugases (ugas is the highest rank a traditional leader) from Galgadud Region but it is feared that
involvement of some extremist groups on the side of Himan & Heb Region might constrain the
success of such mediation.
8.3 2003 Peace agreement between Reer Ayaanle and Qubays
In 2002 a bloody fighting broke out between Reer Ayaanle lineage of Sa’ad and a minority Dir subclan named Qubays in an area between Wisil and Ba’adweyne in Galmudug territory which caused
tens of lives and displacement of both community from the land they co-owned and co-inhabited for
centuries. After many months of attempts the traditional elders of both communities failed to make
ceasefire, let alone, to resolve the feud due to lack of moderation and compromise on their part.
Then traditional religious leaders of the area intervened and finally brokered a peace deal between
the sides in 2003. This peace agreement enabled the two communities to resume their severed
relationships and resettled together in the area where they fled due to the fighting. Since then they
have been living peacefully and friendly side by side thanks to those religious leaders who alone
made the peace deal to happen.
8.4 Peace Agreement between two Lineages of Sheikhal clan
In 2009 a conflict between two lineages of Sheikhal clan inhabiting in the Afbarwaqo district in
northern Galmudug was resolved by community-based peace and reconciliation effort between
traditional and religious leaders, business people and civil society members of the same conflicting
lineages with mediating support by traditional and religious leaders from other clans of Galmudug
and financially and technically facilitated by CRD - a southern/central of Somalia based partner
institution of Interpeace. This peace deal still prevails in these communities.
8.5 Peace and institution-building, development and stability bottom-up approach
In 2006 and 2008 Galmudug, and Himan & Heb regional administration were respectively
successfully set up by community-based and driven peace-building and reconciliation bottom-up
approach in which all stakeholders have come together, resolved their differences in their respective
communities through dialogue, and peace and confidence building measures without top-down
intervention by central authorities or external actors. Consequently, the former chaotic and conflictridden regions have succeeded to set up their own administrations and secure relative peace and
order in their areas where the regional institutions keep the security and provide limited services like
sanitation of towns.
These community peace-building efforts and reinvented institutions crated a space for almost free
movement of people and trade within these regions and to and from neighbouring ones which also
41
attracts and encourages inflow of local and Diaspora investment in a variety of small businesses and
substantial construction of dwelling homes and some real estate like hotels and modern villas for
rent which could not happen before the formation of these semi-autonomous administrations. This
generates limited but steady economic growth that provides incomes and employment
opportunities for hundreds of people and families.
Moreover, these community-owned and built administrations created space for humanitarian aid to
come in and reach the needy people as well as rehabilitation and provision of basic public services
such as education, healthcare and water supply by the Diaspora community and private sector in
partnership with local and external NGOs and agencies. However, these services cannot meet 70% of
the real and basic needs of the population. The institutional formation process was initiated, funded
and led by the Diapoara.
But the other central regions, namely, Hiran region and eastern part Galgadud are under the control
of the militant group of Al-Shabab like the entire southern regions. Only western Galgadud districts
of Dusa Mareb, Abud-waq, Ballamballe, Heraale, and Gura-El are free from Al-Shahab which are
controlled by the Traditional religious Sufi groups called Ahlu Sunnah wal Jama’a (ASWJ), which
fights and defends these areas from Al-Shabab attacks, and supported by the traditional elders and
to community to keep the security and allow international humanitarian aid and provision of basic
public services by the private sector and Diaspora to come in and get going on.
Despite these accounts of successes of small and medium conflict resolutions and peace-building
efforts, stakeholders told the Team about some unresolved and pending conflicts between some
communities and other problems which they see as challenges to peace and security in the area.
8.6 Unresolved Conflict between Reer Nabaale Saleban Abdalla Sub-clans
There has been a bloody feud that began over access to water and pasture in 1998 between Naabale
lineage of Sa’ad and minority sub-clan of Dir by the name Saleban Abdaala in the district of
Afbarwaqo in northern Galmudug territory. This long running conflict that claimed the lives of many
tens of men and maimed many others has abated in the last several years it has been resolved and
the hostility and deep mistrust remain between the two sides. This unresolved conflict brought
severe hardship and misery to both sides as they have lost much needed resources in the fighting
campaign during which period both communities have been mutually displaced from their
traditional water and pasture land in which they co-owned and co-inhabited for centuries.
Why this conflict persists between these communities? It is because there is lack of tolerance and
sense of compromise on the part of the traditional leaders of the communities which is unusual trait
Somali tradition. The traditional and religious leaders of the other Galmudug communities tried
many times to mediate the two sides but to no avail. CRD also intervened to bring together and
facilitate for them a dialogue in order to broker a peace and reconciliation between these
communities but there has not been positive response from either.
8.7 Unfinished Peace Agreement between Sa’ad and Saleban Sub-clans
In 2005 as described under sub-head in B) sub-section section 4.1.2 above, a ceasefire and partial
phase 1 peace agreement was reached between Sa’ad and Saleban sub-clans to stop their bitter
42
conflict which was to be followed a phase 2 comprehensive and final peace agreement in which
blood compensation of the hundreds of men killed, huge property damages and land dispute should
have been settled. This final part of the aftermath of the conflict is unresolved and that is why there
is tension and recurrent acts of killing and revenge killing between the two communities by
discontented gunmen whose loved ones and relatives were lost in the previous conflict and have not
been compensated.
8.8 Unresolved Border Conflict Galmudug and Puntland in Godod and Ga’mafale Area
In the dry season of Jiilal (winter) of 2010 there was bloody conflict between two pastoralists
communities belonging to Galmudug and Puntland in dozens of lives were lost and many sustained
injuries over water and pasture at water-wells of Godod and Ga’mafaleh on the northern border
between the two regions.
That conflict displaced the Galmudug’s pastoralist community from their centuries old traditional
grazing and water areas. There have been several interventions by the traditional leaders and
authorities of both sides as well as a high level TFG ministerial delegation to mediate the resolve the
fray but all these efforts ended fruitless owing to the intransigency on the Puntland side. At present
the situation is calm but the Galmudug community which was displaced from their traditional
pasture and water land wants to return to their area and this is a potential conflict source which may
one day explode between Galmudug and Puntland if not resolved before such unfortunate scenario
happens.
8.9 Threat posed by Al-Shabab
The conflict prevailing between the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG) based in
Mogadishu and its other Somali and external allies, on the one hand, and the militant religious
movement of Al-Shabab which controls parts of the central regions and almost all southern regions,
on the other hand, is the biggest unresolved conflict which is in the way of restoration of effective
central government and normality of life in Somalia.
This conflict which is a continuation and more dangerous by-product of the unresolved 20-year-old
civil war whose direct and indirect spill-over effects constitute a real spectre and threat to the
relative peace and security existing in the central regions such as Galmudug, Himan & Heb and west
of Galgadud Region unless the institutions of these regions get assistance to make their joint
defensive plan and take the necessary measures as soon as possible. For example, in the conflict
currently going on between clan fighters belonging respectively to Galmudug and Himan & Heb
regions, Al-Shabab movement is involved in the side of the latter region.
However, the Team examined and found that there is keen and enthusiastic willingness and
readiness on the part of all the stakeholders to conjoin a peace and reconciliation conference and
there is a capacity of the institutions in the target area to embrace such immensely important peace
initiative and contribute to make it a success.
43
In addition to the explanation, discussion and exchange of ideas with the above referred various
stakeholders, the Team asked each group of them the answers to this topic question and their
unanimous responses of what causes conflict in these various territorial levels are the following.
9.1 What causes conflict at local level?
lack of capacity for governance and developmental politics
ineffective governance and law and order.
tribalised and self-interested politics
lack of justice and fairness
uncontrolled armed militias
pirates especially in coastal central regions
lack of enough civic education and patriotic consciousness
competition over little resources (water, pastures, economic and job opportunities)
spread of guns in the country
border dispute between different newly self-established regions
poverty and lack of economic and job opportunities
mistrust and misperception between clans from unsettled civil war grievances
crimes (killing, revenge, rape, robbery, theft, etc.), and
religious sectarian extremism., and
Interested external interferences
9.2 What causes conflict at regional level?
lack of mature, visionary and developmental politics
ineffective governance and law and order.
lack of accountability and transparency
poverty and lack of job and economic opportunities
pirates especially in central coastal regions
crimes (killing, revenge, rape, robbery, theft, etc.)
mistrust and misperception between clans from unsettled civil war grievances,
territorial dispute between different newly self-established regions
negative political and economic competition between these regions instead of friendly
cooperation,
religious sectarian extremism, and
Interested and negative external interferences.
44
9.3 What causes conflict at central level?
lack of mature, visionary and developmental politics
ineffective governance and law and order
lack of accountability and transparency
pirates especially in coastal regions
poverty and lack of economic and job opportunities
lack of enough civic education and patriotic consciousness
religious sectarian extremism, and
Interested competing external interferences with negative and complicating effects.
All the different stakeholders groups have unanimously agreed the above causes of small and big
conflicts which sometimes overlap at different territorial and community levels.
10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women Participation in the Process?
Somali society is mainly traditional male dominated one where women rights and participation in
public affairs has always been minimal. For the first time the right of women to participate in public
affairs began in 1958 when women voted in a general election in the UN Trusteeship Italian
administered Somalia and again after the independence and Act of Union between Italian and British
all adult Somali women voted in 1961 Referendum and legally became equal citizens. From that time
young women were recruited in the civil service and armed forces though in limited numbers. But
the best period of explicit affirmative policy of women emancipation was in the 1970s period during
the height of the socialist orientated revolutionary regime
At the time record numbers of women were enrolled in all government institutions with many
promoted to high positions as directors, director generals, diplomatic officials, commissioned
officers in the armed forces office officers, MPs, and ministers. This progressive gender policy has
been back-tracked from the 1980s as that government has become increasingly weak until its
disintegration 1991. As a result, during the 20 years of the men driven civil war women almost lost
most rights of their rights of equal citizenship and participation in public affairs.
The present Transitional Federal Government has allocated women for 12% quota in all public
institutions. But it does not make good its policy as women MPs in the parliament are much less
than that quota and there only one women affairs minister in the cabinet while in most regional and
district authorities exclude women especially so in those controlled by Islamic traditional or militant
groups.
Somali women have great capabilities and resiliency of doing great things in private and public
spheres at times of peace or conflict. Since the outbreak of the civil war 1991 most men ceased to be
family breadwinner and women taken over and have struggling the roles of winning the bread,
45
raising the children and husbands and supporting the extended by doing various petty businesses
and jobs. In addition, unlike men have been playing important role in every peace imitative in
Somalia.
The Somali women’s ability to make peace is epitomised by the world famous initiative taken by
Kenyan Somali women. For example, about ten or so years ago, in Wajir District of Kenya, a group of
women headed by Mrs. Dekha Ibrahim (who was killed in car crash a couple of weeks ago, alas!)
initiated a peace action and succeed to resolve an all out war after men had failed. Thus, Mrs. Dekha
and her women group made a lasting peace for the community. About this women peace initiative a
famous and exemplary lesson was filmed and replicated in many parts of the world which needs to
be emulated by other Somali men and women alike. Women in Somalia have the same abilities of
peace-building but their abilities and actions are either neglected or belittled by men of their
traditional mentality of looking women down.
However, the known best practices of ensuring women of participation in public affairs processes to
which the many and diverse stakeholders consulted with by the Assessment Team agreed, include
to:give affirmative empowerment support
allocate and legally guarantee good percentage of positions in all institutions by authorities
as they are not electable due to current dominant male and clan attitude;
ensure participation of women representatives in public meetings and conferences of policy
debate and formulation, decision-making and implementation of development programmes.
Give women prominent role in conflict resolution and peace-building processes as they are
absolute peace-drivers have the abilities to shame and stop men from conflict and hostile
actions.
11. Best Practices of Organising a Peace Conference?
The Team discussed with the stakeholders about best practices of organising a peace conference and
their responses were as outlined below:To make a good plan and preparation for the conference work and ensure attendance by all
the necessary stakeholders.
To adopt bottom-up community-owned and driven approach possibly facilitated by honest
and peace-seeking authority or similarly goodwill body in terms of resources and skills.
To identify genuine and honest stakeholders who have legitimacy and influence in society
and their willingness and readiness to participate in the conference as owners, contributors
and co-managers.
To ensure inclusivity in terms of all social groups (including women
representatives/delegates) and relevant authorities in order that the conference to be truly
participatory conference.
To choose for a appropriate neutral venue appropriate time (e.g. not in dry season or a time
of conflict) agreeable for all.
To lay down good ground rules for the procedures and deliberations.
46
To check that participant stakeholders come with a spirit of goodwill, respect, compromise
and moderation geared to the achievement of success for the conference, and
To make collective decision-making by the all participant stakeholders who must abide by
and implement the resolutions/agreement.
12. Relations between Central Regions and between them and TFG
12.1 Strained and Tenuous Relations between the Central Regions
The central regions have been badly affected by the civil war and its adverse aftermath of instability,
intra and inter clan fighting, marauding unruly armed militias, repetitive and prolonged droughts,
internal migration, IDPs and piracy especially coastal areas, of which the combination has caused (and
causes) widespread and severe humanitarian situation. During the greater part of the last 20 years
these regions have been off-limits of humanitarian and relief aid due insecurity and remoteness from
the centre and as a result there has not been intervention by central interim and TFG governments and
external humanitarian organisations. Only in the last several years could internal and external NGOs
and aid agencies could come in and provide limited humanitarian aid. Meantime while there has not
been (isn’t still) formal relationship and cooperation between these regions although they are socially,
economically and security-wise interdependent.
In Galmudug, and Himan and Heb regions relative normalcy has returned after administrations have
been respectively set up in 2006 and 2007 and the control in northern Galgadud Region was taken over
in 2009 by an Ethiopia-backed traditional religious Sufi armed group called Ahlu Sunnah wal Jama’a
(ASWJ) which defends the area from the militant group of Al-Shabab. Afterwards there has been some
degree of peace and security, increased movement of people and goods within and between these
regions. But the relations and cooperation between them have been informal and tenuous and at
times strained by occasional fare-ups of conflict over water, pasture and boundary disputes or by
religious sectarian hostility.
For example, there are occasional conflict and tension between Galmudug and Mudug Region of
Puntland over the imaginary line which divides the Galkayo city in north and south parts respective
controlled by the two aforesaid entities and on some boundary areas outside the city. On the other
hand, there are recurrent bloody incidents between Galmudug and Himan & Heb on the border over
land area between them. Last month in that same area there was a big bloody confrontation in which
about 40 people were killed and many others injured. This conflict has not yet been resolved although
there is an ongoing negotiation between the traditional and religious leaders of two sides and
mediation effort conducted by traditional leaders from Galgadud Region. There is hope to peacefully
resolved this conflict
In October 2010 Adado, the capital of the Himan and Heb regional Administration was attacked and
briefly occupied by ASWJ’s militia force from western territory of Galgadud Region due perception that
the former has relations with Al-Shabab. Afterwards the relationship between Himan and Heb and
ASWJ based in western part of Galgadud region has soured.
47
The Hiran Region is controlled by Al-Shabab group save Matabaan District adjacent western part of
Galgadud Region and which is under the authority of ASWJ group. The there is no formal relations
between Hiran and other central regions except people and trade movement.
12.2 Minimal Relations between Central Regions and TFG
On the other hand, the relations between these relations and the TFG is either very little or nonexistent. Being bogged down in Mogadishu the TFG has no capability or even will to reach out these
regions and help them overcome their difficulties. The some TFG officials make rare contacts via
telephone or visits to these regional entities on selective basis just to solicit support from them or for
publicity stunt.
That is why it is quite pertinent, imperative and timely to propose a bottom-up approach of Jointogether Peace Initiative for these regions after so long a time that the top-down approach subscribed
to by the TFG has proved to be elusive and infeasible project. The TFG needs to exist to keep the
symbolism of the Somali state but cannot be expected to reach these regions and help them sort out
their problems.
13. Table 3: Phase 1: Organisational Ownership and Legal Structure of the Peace Conference
S/No.
Objectives
Conference
1
Peace &
reconciliation
2
=
of Nature
participants
of Ownership
of
conference
Diverse
social Community
local Stakeholders owned
Regional
authorities
Approach
Roles
of
participants
Bottom-up
Community
driven
Leading and
decisionmaking
Support&
ceremonial
opening
&
closing
Resources and
technical
facilitation
Legal
Endorsement &
oversight
Supportive
patrons
=
3
=
GNY/management facilitators
=
4
=
TFG
representatives
=
Key quests
14. Conclusion
The field, and desk work mission of this Assessment Report undertaken from 2nd June to 7/8/2011 by
NorSom/GSA/Consultant to explore the necessary background information (history, economic, social,
security, etc.) and identification of the various genuine peace stakeholders and their views and
consent for Phase 1 of ‘Peace Join-Together Action’ in the target area has been largely successful.
48
The vital information obtained and the willingness, readiness, desire and pelage of support displayed
by the aforesaid stakeholders can be surely built on a Phase 2 project of Joint-together peace and
reconciliation conference for the relevant target area.
There exists a relative peace and stable situation conducive to the undertaking for a broad peacebuilding initiative to back-up the development programmes going on in the area and there is an
absolute need for this noble idea because without strong peace developmental programmes cannot be
sustainable.
Given these fact findings the holding of a bottom-up community owned and driven joint peace and
reconciliation conference facilitated by YME/NorSom/GSA is quite possible and feasible initiative
unless unforeseen negative circumstances could happen to disrupt the current favourable situation.
17. Recap of Background Info, Recommendations, Expected outcomes and Activities
Necessary and adequate background information obtained from the target area.
Need, willingness and pledge of support ascertained from all the stakeholders. The
stakeholders on a broad level has been mobilized and prepared.
Without strong peace development programs are unsustainable
Authorities cannot create and assure development nor provide public services. They just
concentrate on security. This is not a situation that can endure.
There is relative but fragile peace and security in the area which highly need to be
consolidated.
Peace conferences and joint together actions are highly recommended and highly demanded
from all the stakeholders that has expressed them.
There should be a support, implementing and monitoring mechanism to follow up and assist
the stakeholders for the implementation of the outcomes of the peace conferences and joint
together actions. It will be essential to set up a peace center which also can host a peace radio.
Installation of a radio station in the area is highly needed to promote peace, reconciliation,
security and corporation between the regions and communities.
After the conference there should be socio-economic development projects from both the
authorities and international actors so peace and security can be sustainable.
15.3 Activities to be undertaken in an upcoming project:
I.
II.
Mobilize the diaspora for a peace project in the area
Coordinating activities with other actors.
49
III.
Arrange and facilitate workshops (conferences) and joint together/unification meetings
with the stakeholders. The project in regards to this should be split into a series of
activities.
For example:
a. First between Galmudug , Himan & Heb and Ahlu Sunnah community stakeholders
(traditional clan and religious leaders, and civil society members with supported by the
regional authorities) to present and explain the project to them and obtain their
endorsement
b. A peace-building conference for religious leaders will be held early.
c. Then peace building meetings, peace caravan and other smaller conferences will be
held.
d. Women peace building activities, capacity building, peace caravan etc. in collaboration
with a Somalia Women Organisation
e. At the end of the first year an eventual general conference for all stakeholders.
f. An eventual institution-building regional conference for the target regions.
The political perspective is very important for the sustainability of the activities. The
political implication
The starting point of the conferences meeting should be: “Peace and stability are
indispensable basis for sustainable development” in relation to WASH interventions and
other development issues such as health, schools etc.
The peace conferences/meeting should then discuss many important themes such as
security, piracy problems, illegal arms spread, rehabilitation for ex-militia and ex-pirates,
women participation in peace process, a peace and development agency, clan related issues,
prospect of unifying various administrations, etc
During the small peace conferences both important themes and stakeholders with influence
will be more evident. The attitude towards peace initiatives will be promoted and embraced.
At the end of the project period there could be one bigger peace conference to try to sum up all the
conclusions and all the good ideas. A declaration shall be signed by the stakeholders. The latter is the
appropriate as it first unpacks the peace and reconciliation issues and sums them up with a major
conclusive conference.
IV.
Initiating and establishing a peace centre called Peace and Development Agency for the
target regions.
The main activity after a first period with peace conferences/meetings/seminaries for this
pilot project is the creation of a Peace and Development Agency(PDA) for the Central
Regions. The PDA will not exclude other offices/centers, but will complement other actors.
The PDA will have a bottom-up approach.
The Peace and Development Agancy for Central Somalia:
50
The peace agency should as far as possible not be related directly to any country or any
International NGO, but be independent. It should be the diaspora that “own” the Centre.
The formal owner of the Centre should be NorSom (and Nordic Union?) and GSA. The
diaspora together with the local partner should as far as possible be looked upon as the
initiator and owner of the Centre. The expressed “owner” should be “the communities”. To
assure the independence of the Centre a Council should be designed by the communities,
the civil society and the authorities: 1. one large Council representing the most important
institutions (included here clans, religious leaders, authorities etc.) and the civil society
(including women associations, youth etc.). One executive committee should then be
designed by the Council.
To avoid that the Centre is looked upon as a competitor it should be emphasized that the
Centre complements others peace offices/centres in the area. It should also at the beginning
be emphasized that the centre is assisted by the Norwegian MFA. As no other
offices/Centres in the whole area are directly related to Norwegian MFA it should not be
seen as a competitor to other.
For a detailed plan for the Peace and Development Agency see attachment “Peace and Development
Agency for Central Somalia.doc”
By Omar Salad – BSc (Hons.), DipSocPol, DipGovPol
Consultant
Nairobi, Friday 12/0/201
51
18. Appendix 1 : Lists of diverse stakeholders
Lists of diverse peace stakeholders identified in the target area.
The following are the lists of diverse peace stakeholders of the target area who were identified,
discussed with, exchanged views, asked questions in the Questionnaire and gave answers from of 922 July 2011 by GNY/consultant team.
On 7/7/2011 the Team called on the President of Galmudug Regional State, briefed about the
mission and obtained his consent and pledge of support.
List of Sa’ad clan traditional leaders - meeting took place on 9/8/2011 in Galkayo
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
Yusuf Hashi Elmi – Elder & Chairman of the Elders Council
Osman Nuur Qayd
- Elder & deputy Chairman
Mohamud Mohamed Geesay
- Elder
Salad Ali Hiddig
- Elder
Abdullahi Mohamed Duale
- Elder
Yassin Mohamud Gani
- Elder
Mohamed Jama Halane
- Elder
Ali Salad Khaireh
- Elder
Hirsi Hubane Gedi
- Elder
Abdullahi Hassan Gedi
- Elder
Muse Bered Kulan
- Elder
Mohamed Jimale Wardheere
- Elder
Maalin Nur Abdi Omar
- Elder
Abdullahi Yusuf Sabriye
- Elder
Abdi Hussein Cabdulle
- Elder
Ahmed Diriye Abdi(Gafane)
- Elder
Hassan sheikh Ahmed Ali
- Elder
Abdi Jama Nur
- Elder
List of Madhibaan & Kuulbeer subclans (of Midgan) traditional leaders and other responsible
members - meeting took place on 10/7/2011 in Galkayo.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Abdirahman Salad Shabeel
Salad Jama Warsame
Ahmed Adan Guufle
Ahmed Hasan Wehliye
Mohamed Abdille Mire
Hersi Jama Baadi
Abdullahi Haji Hassan
Hassan Hersi Naaleeye
Abdi Dahir Halane
- traditional leader
- youth leader
- security officer
- teacher
- member of youth
- professional
List of Sheekhaal Clan traditional leaders - meeting took place on 10/7/2011 in Galkayo
52
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Sultan Abdi Elmi Abdirahman
Mohamed Adan Elmi
Hasan Nur Elmi
Hussein Mohamed Ali
Haji Nur Ali Hashi
Haji Osman Ali (alias Oluuke)
- Sultan
- elder
- elder
- elder
- elder
- elder
List of Qubays (Dir) clan traditional leaders - meeting took place on 10/7/2011 in Galkayo.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
Mohamed Absir Arroole
Sheikh Abdullahi Rooble Farah
Hussein Moalin Abdullahi Idris
Burhan Warsame Jimaale
Bashir Ali Dhoorre
Ahmed Mohamud Jama
Mohamed Mohamud Ali
Cabdullahi Sabriye Gedi
Abdullahi Mohamed Haji
Mohamed Hussein Mohamud
Mohamed Ahmed Elmi
Mohamed Sheikh abdulkadir
Ali Yusuf Farah
-traditional leader
-businessman
-businessman
-businessman
-businessman
- businessman
-professional
-professional
-teacher
- youth leader
-youth member
List of women organisations leaders and members -meeting took place on 10/7/2011 in Galkayo.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Shamso Ahmed Siyaad
Habibo Mohamud
Maymun Ali Nur
Hawo Hersi Ahmed
Nadifo Adan Adde
Nadifo Ahmed Yare
Lul Abdullahi Nohamud Yare
Habibo Adan Mohamed
Muhubo Salad Diriye
Anab Mohamud Ali
Fadumo Abdullahi Abdi
Asha Hussein Ali
Zahro Hassan Aded
Hindi Ahmed Elmi
Leyla Ali Mohamed
Halimo Warsame Jama
Maryan Nooleeye
Halimo Ali-Dheere
Muraayad Abdullah
- Minister for Women affairs
- chairwoman for Midnimo (unity) Women Org.
- member
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
i- =
53
List of Galmudug university lecturers and secondary schools teachers - meeting took place on
11/7/2011 in Galkayo.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Abdulkadir Mohamed Shirwa – Galkayo (Galmudug ) University president and lecturer
Hussein Salad Wehliye
- Mudug (Galmudug) University President and lecturer
Mohamud Adam Abdulle
- teacher of Al-Sha’ab primary/Secondary School
Wahid Ahmed Mohamed
- eacher of SYL Secondary School
Ahmed Hadi Hassan dahir
- teacher of Mudug Secondary School
AbdiNasir Abdullahi Abdi
- GSA
Mahdi Mowlid Ahmed
- teacher of Mudug University
List of Galmudug NGOs heads – meeting took place on 12/7/2011 in Galkayo.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Nur Hashi Omar
Ali-Dahir Mohmud Hersi
Mahad Mohamed Elmi
Abdi Hassan Jama
Mohamed Haji Ereg
Nur farah
Adan Ali
Mahad Mohamed Salad
Mustaf Hassan Ali
- SDRO
- SDRO
- MPHDO
- MPHDO
- SOSDA
- Horsed
- SOHDO
- Galmudug Concern
- =
=
List of Galkayo and Mudug universities students’ and secondary schools youth committees (of
Galmudug –meeting took place 12/7/2011.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Farhan Ahmed Ashkir
Muno Abdi Ali
Qaali dahir Ahmed
Waris Mohamed Adan
Shukri Mohamed Nur
Maryan Adan Ali
Rawdo Yusuf Farah
Ahmed Saman Adan
Mohamed Jama Salad
Muse Ali Salad
Aided Mohamed Ali
Mohamed Mohamud Samantar
Abdi Mohamud Hersi
Mohamed Ali Ahmed
Ahmed-Kheyr M. Mohamed
Ahmed -Sharif Omar Mohamud
- Secretary of students/Youth Org.
- student
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
- =
List of Galmudug main traditional religious leaders – meeting took place on 18/7/2011 in Galkayo.
1. Sheikh Ahmed Sheikh Yusuf
2. Moallim Mohamed Adan Mohamed Jumale
- leader of council of sheikhs
- member
54
3. Sheikh Mohiyadin Sheikh Yusuf Barre
4. Moallim Bashir Mohamed Ali
5. Sheikh Ali Mohamed Abdulle (Sh.Ali Dhere)
-=
-=
-=
List of Galmudug members of salafi religious group called An-Nabawi – meeting took place on
21/7/2011 in Galkayo.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Sheikh Mohamud Sheikh Ahmed Hasan (Abu Sheyba)
Abdiweli Muse Lugey
Ali Tahlil Hssan Fanah
Sakaria Ali Tahlil ( alias ina Ali Atosh)
- group leader
- member
- =
- =
List of Galmudug Business committee – meeting took place on 22/7/2011 in Galkayo.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Yusuf Jama Duale
Abdul Jama Dharas
Cabdi sahane Nur
Abdirisak Adan Dholey
Abdikarim Sheikh Ahmed
Dahir Ahmed Diriye
- Chairman
- Vice Chairman
- member
- =
- =
- =
List of Galgadud Region Traditional leaders and elders met and discussed by the GNY/consultant
members – meeting took place on 22/7/2011 in Galkayo, Galmudug.
Ayr Sub-clan of Habardigir Clan
1. Ugas Hassan Ugas Mohamed
2. Jama Ujubey
- Tel: +252-615969701
- Elder
3. Yaasin Haashi Ugaas
- Elder
4. Mohamed Adan Roobleh
- Elder
5. Hashi Hassan Abdi
- Elder
6. Jamaal Sheikh Abdi
- Elder
Duduble Sub-Clan of Habargidir Clan
1. Ugas Isse Ugas Mohamed Ugas Farah
2. Hasaanj Hussein Dhabarro
3. Hussein Ali Abddulle
4. Haahir Isse Farah
Murursade Clan
- Tel: +252-615326612
- Elder
- Elder
- Elder
1. Ugaas Abdullahi Ugaas Hashi
2. Ismail Hussein Afyare
3. Abdulle Mohamed Farah
4. Moallin Abdi Jawaabe
Waysleh Sub-clan of Abgaal Clan
1. Sultan Abdullahi Ali Wardheere
- Tel: +252-615963420
- Elder
- Elder
- Elder
- Tel: +252618605596
55
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Ibrahim Sheikh Ahmed
Mohamed Ali Yusuf
Hassan Hirabe
Mohamed Ali Ulussow
Omar Mohamed Afrah
- Elder
- Elder
- Elder
- Elder
- Elder
After returning from the fieldwork to Nairobi, the Team met and discussed with following groups of
stakeholders as part of the identification of additional relevant and important stakeholders of the
target area.
On 6/8/2011 in Nairobi met and discussed with Mrs. Zahra Ugas Farah, head of FERO, women’s
organisation based who knows and implemented peace and reconciliation in the target area
On 6/8/2011 Team met and discussed in Nairobi the following leading representatives from
Wagardha’ sub-clan of Marehan clan of Abud-waq District of Galgadud region.
3. Sultan Abdulaziz Omar (alias Sultan Beyle)- traditional leader
4. Yassin Issa Wardheere (a senior journalist).
On 8/7/2011 the NorSom/Consultant Team met and contacted via telephone in Nairobi and
discussed with the following important traditional leaders of Hiran Region.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Ugas Abdirahman Ugas Khalif
- Hawadle clan
Sheikh Abukar
-=
Sheikh Muumin
-=
Abdi Hussein Gedi (ex-mayor of Beletweyn city) - Jajeele clan.
On 12/8/2011 Team met and discussed a laureate of Nobel Prize Alternative award and many other
prestigious awards Mrs. Asha Haji Elmi, leader of the Somali Women and Children (SWC), who has
put forward the idea that women are sixth clan of Somalia since they are not counted by the five
clans that make up the Somali population. She warmly welcomed the peace idea and pledged
support with special empathise that of the elation of women’s rights and roles and she will bring
high profile women members from across central regions to the peace conference to be planned.
0n 18/8/2011 the Team made a working Ramadan breaking dinner for 16 important stakeholders
belong to Galmudug and Himan & Heb regions in Nairobi and discussed about the peace initiative
whose names listed below:17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
Abdisamed Guled
Abdullahi Jama
Mohamed Ga’aliye (junior)
Mohamed Ali Nur
Hassan M. Jabuti
Hussein Abi
Abdikarim M. Mohamud
Abdi Dheere
Abdullahi Ambarre (ex col.)
- Galmudug Vice President
- Galmudug Minister of Finance and Trade
- Galmudug Minister of Fisheries and Ports
- Galmudug Minister for Planning and International Cooperation
- Galmudug representative in Kenya
- elder of Galmudug
- Sultan of Galmudug
- Entrepreneur of Galmudug based in Nairobi
- of Galmudug
56
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
Abdi Ali
Abdikarin Ibrahim Moh’d
Abdullahi Moh’d Bakad
Mohamud Qolaaf
Mohamed Dha’adde
Abdi Kuus (ex col.)
Mohamed Ahmed
-elder of Galmudug
- elder of Himan and Heb
- elder of Himan & Heb
- sultan of Himan & Heb
As already mentioned, all these diverse and important social groups and authorities, who are the
genuine peace seeking stakeholders in Galmudug, and traditional leaders of most of Galgadud clans,
who are also the primary community stakeholders, have all unanimously expressed their favourable
opinions about the concept and survey of this peace initiative intended for the central regions and
promised full support for it when the opportunity comes (see the list of names of above diverse
social groups stakeholders attached in the appendix).
All these diverse social groups, who are peace stakeholders, expressed their favourable opinion of
peace -building effort in the central regions and promised full support for it when the opportunity
comes.
Table 1: Various Social Stakeholders or agencies met and discussed by GNY/Consultant in Nairobi, or in Galkayo, Galmudug or contacted via telephone.
S/No.
1
2
3
Type of Stakeholders
Interpeace
Peace & Life
Two meetings with Traditional
leaders and civil society
members of the target area
Place
meeting
of
Nairobi
Nairobi
2
1
Grand Total of
number
of
people
2
1
Nairobi
10
20
5
18
5
18
Galkayo
Galmudug
9
9
Galkayo
Galmudug
6
6
13
13
19
19
4
Mareg regional State Leaders
Nairobi/London
5
Sa’ad sub-clan elders
Galkayo
Galmudug
6
Madhiban & Kulbeer subclans elders & C/society
7
8
Number
of
people in each
group
Sheikhal clan elders
Qubays sub-clan elders &
Business people
9
Women’s organisations
10
Uni. Lecturers and
Galkayo,
Galmudug
Galkayo
Galmudug
57
Sec.
teachers
Schools
11
NGOs
12
Uni & Secondary
students/youth
committees
13
14
Traditional Religious
leaders
Peaceful religious
salafist group
15
Business committee
16
Traditional leaders
and
elders
of
Galgadud Region
17
1 traditional leader
and 1 c/society
member
of
Marehan clan
18
3 traditional leaders
of Hiran Region
19
Leader of Women’s
FERO
Leader of Women &
Children org.-SWA
20
21
Galkayo,
Galmudug
Galkayo,
Galmudug
7
7
9
9
Galkayo,
Galmudug
16
16
Galkayp,
Galmudug
5
5
4
4
6
6
Galkayo,
Galmudug
20
20
Nairobi
2
2
Nairobi
3
3
Nairobi
1
1
Nairobi
1
1
Nairobi
2
2
Nairobi
Nairobi
4
16
4
16
Galkayo,
Galmudug
Galkayo
Galmudug
Wargadha’
traditional
&C/society leaders
Hiran
Region
traditional leaders
16
important
persons (including
five
Galmudug
ministrs and 11
elders
from
Galmudug
and
Himan & Heb
Grand Total
172
58
18 Appendix 2: Terms Of Reference
TERMS OF REFERENCE
Galmudug, Himanand Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan Peace and Join-together action
Yme/NorSom/GSA
Introduction
The demand for peace and stability is great in Somalia. The TFG has not solved the complexes problems
of Somalia, but the alternatives to TFG seem few. The civil war has destabilized much of the country
and led into a “chronic” humanitarian crisis.
Yme in association with NorSom have worked in Central Somalia (Galmudug, Himanand Heb,
Galgaduud and Hiiraan) since 2006 and know the area well. Yme has today become one of the main
WASH actors in Somalia. The Implementing partner throughout all the projects in Central Somalia has
been GSA (General Service Agency). They have their head office in Galkacyo, Mudug and also one
office in Dhusamareeb, Galgaduud.
Through different WASH interventions supported by both MFA and UN OCHA GSA /NorSom/ Yme
(G/N/Y) have gained extended experiences from community work before, during and after the
implementation of WASH projects. This community work consists of meetings which gather elders and
villages leaders, religious leaders and women Associations in the communities. This has become an
imperative for the implementation of the G/N/Y projects and plays a crucial role to obtaining
consensus and ownership for the projects and sustainability for the activities.
GSA, NorSom and Yme benefit the trust of the authorities (Galmuduug state), and Ximan and Xeeb.
GNY implements WASH projects in areas controlled by Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah (ASWJ).
Target area for the intervention
The target area for the assessment is the central regions of Somalia.
The central regions consist of Galmudug Regional State, Himan and Heb, Galgadud and Hiiraan Regions
of Somalia. This study relates to and will cover Phase 1 of a peace and reconciliation joint action
program for these regions. There will be a Phase 2 joint action Program built on the study, findings and
recommendations of Phase 1.
Objective of the assessment
The main objectives of the assessment are:
Objective 1
59
To indentify the possibility to conjoin the peace seeking stakeholders in the Galmudug, Himan and
Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan region.
Objective 2
Indentify together with the stakeholders best practices for peace building activities
More specifically, the Assessment will:
Conduct an inquiry of stakeholders from different main locations in the area of intervention.
Examine the willingness and capacity of institutions in the area for a broad peace initiative.
Analyse the feasibility of alternatives
Determine the appropriate methods and strategies for future peace projects in the area
Scope of the assessment
The idea behind the action is to gather all the most important clan leaders, authorities and religious
leaders (The Stakeholders) in Central Somalia to 1) to build mutual trust 2) to identify problems and
3) agree on sustainable solutions for improved stability. This action consists of two phases. A
preliminary study (assessment) phase (Phase 1) and a project phase (Phase 2). Phase 2 is planned as a
major peace and reconciliation conference over several weeks, and a follow-up program with
continuous peace meetings in Galkacyo. The observations on the field in Phase 1and the final
assessment report will constitute the basement and determine much of the content and methodology
for phase 2.)
In the assessment the Stakeholders will identify what can be obtained by a process to join together
and how to organize peace/reconciliation events.
The assessment shall entail the following specific tasks:
Task 1:Background
The assessment will give an overview over the actual situation in the targeted area.
1. General Background
Common modern history and Interconnectedness and interdependence of target regions
Geography and Environment Situation
Economy ties (describe main economic drivers, productive and trade activities and
interaction, infrastructures, Diaspora roles, etc.),
Specific and common peace, security and conflict.
2. Political and Administrative Governing Structures
Types, levels and legitimacy of institutions
When, how and by whom they established,
Legal framework,
Powers, roles and responsibilities and effectiveness,
Attitude to/degree of decentralization,
Human and material resources,
60
Consultation with and participation of constituents in policy formulation, decision-making
and planning and development programs implementation processes,
Accountability and transparency,
Delivery of services (if yes, which types and what extent).
3. Societal Dynamics - Urban and/or Clan Contexts
Clans/sub-clans (linkages by ancestry or otherwise) in each district of regions
Areas they dwell/control and how they cooperate, integrate, rights of minorities and
women, etc.
Customary law system (xeer, sharia)
Traditional and religious leaders’ roles and responsibilities in society/clans: conflict
prevention/resolution, peace-building
keeping and maintenance of security, and institution-building
relation and cooperation with political and administrative institutions
4. State of Peace and Conflict in these Regions
Pre-civil war, during and now
Drivers of conflict (e.g. armed rival groups, etc. etc.)
Drivers of peace, reconciliation, and Institution-building, and development and stability.
Challenges to peace and security.
5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, social and Security Issues
6.1
6.2
Migration, IDPS, and Poverty
Relations between the Central Regions
Between them, Puntland and Somaliland.
Between them and the TFG
8. External Relations of the Regions
Task 2: What causes conflict both locally and regional/central? Both in gathering information from
the field and desk work?
The assessment team shall meet and interview peoples from the different stakeholders in Nairobi and
during the field work in Somalia. To identify and obtain the list of actual peace stakeholders as:
Traditional officially titled Clan leaders: Ugases, Imams, sultans, and nabadoons (peacemakers)
Traditional peace-seeking religious leaders
Elders from certain district towns and villages
Peace seeking religious leaders.
Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a
Civil society, women and youth associations
TFG representatives
Regional authorities
Questionnaire
61
Task 3: How small or/and big conflicts can be resolved and people live side by side in peace according
to the stakeholders?
Task 4: Best practices of ensuring women participation in the peace process.
The assessment will focus on women participation and how women can be included in decision making
processes. A strategy has to be established for ensuring that women actively participate in peace
actions. Women associations will be important stakeholders for the assessment.
This points and questionnaire will be finalized after meeting with somalian women consultant in
Nairobi.
Task 5: Best practices of organizing a peace and joint-together action covering central regions.
The Assessment shall propose a strategy by which the stakeholders may in the best way collaborate to
establish common points and agreement on conflict-causing issues.
The strategy should include varicosity in stakeholders and broad participation of the different
stakeholders. The different regions will be included in taking into consideration population figures,
security issues and availability.
Authorities Participation is a point that needs special consideration. The Assessment shall examine
range of authorities’ participation.
Methodology
The assessment will be conducted as a combined field-work and interviews in target areas, meetings in
Nairobi and desk study. The output will be in the form of a written report covering the issues outlined
here.
Expected outputs
The Assessment team shall produce an assessment report which includes the following:
Providing a background analysis of the targeted area as to a peace and joint-together action.
Providing a comprehensive analysis of the stakeholders view on what causes conflict and
tension in the whole region and how conflict and instability can be resolved
Establish a list of stakeholders
Determine best practice of organizing a Peace and Joint-Together action covering the central
regions
Determine best practice of ensuring women participation in the Peace process
Organisation of the Assessment
Time frame:
Date
Place
Description
Preliminary work with a Terms of Reference with inputs
5 days Norway
from MFA
Ressources persons
Yme,
NorSom
62
Talks with Norwegian Embassy, InterPeace and/or other
26.06Nairobi structure and meetings with consultant(s). The TOR will be
02.07
finalized.
Yme, NorSom,
Consultant
Meeting with Life and Peace Institute and Somalian Women
02.07Nairobi consultant. 2 conferences with Central region clan leaders
NorSom, Consultant
07.07
and other leader
1 month effective field work. Mohamad Elmi Sabrie and
07.07Somalia Omar Salad and two GSA staff member. GSA to organise the NorSom,Consultant
07.08
trip in Somalia.
GSA
07.08Nairobi The assessment team will finalize a draft assessment report. NorSom, Consultant
15.08
The assessment team together with the Program Manager of
15.08Yme will meet the Norwegian Embassy, Interpeace and
Yme, NorSom,
Nairobi
22.08
other structures. A final draft report with a proposal for
Consultant
phase 2 will be finalized.
5 days Norway Finalizing the report and submitting it to MFA
Yme, NorSom
By the 15th of August 2011, an assessment report, according to Terms of Reference, will be
presented for comments.
By the 20th of August The Agency and the consultant will present 4 original final draft reports to the
agency. This final report will also include a proposal for a phase 2.
This final draft report will be subjected to comments from both GSA and Yme. Within 5 days the
assessment report will be submitted to MFA
Team
The assessment team in Somalia:
Omar Salad: Consultant for the assessment. CV attached
Mohamed Elmi Sabrie, director NorSom
GSA: Two or three members of GSA will be part of the field work.
63

ASSESSMENT REPORT 2011 PHASE 1

Transcription

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