Wellbeing and Health Partnership – Executive Group
Transcription
Wellbeing and Health Partnership – Executive Group
Wellbeing and Health Partnership Healthy Lifestyles Strategic Board Meeting to be held 3 March 2011, 1pm – 3pm, A Committee Room, Civic Centre Helen Wilding, Wellbeing and Health Partnership Coordinator Contact Officer: Tel: 0191 211 6461 Email: [email protected] M Khaw, H Lamont, D Robinson, D Tabari, H Golightly, J Adams, Membership: T Durcan, C Drinkwater, one VCS rep to be confirmed J. MacMorran, H. Pearson, J Fraser, D Stobbs In attendance: H Wilding, L Robinson AGENDA Time Item 1. 1.00 Introductions and Apologies for Absence 2. 1.10 Theories and Practice of Behaviour Change Lead Paper For FS Presentation Discussion JF verbal Information NICE Behaviour Change Guidance Applying behavioural insight to health 3. 1.55 Update: Sexual Health Group (key questions: what can we do to enable this work? How can learning from this topic be transferred to other areas?) 4. 2.10 Family based interventions 5. 2.25 What’s new? Page 1 of 2 Research and data Policy and guidance Conference opportunities and Discussion DR information 6. 2.40 ‘Hot topics’ round robin 7. 2.50 Minutes of meeting held 13 January 2011 8. 2.55 AOB 9. 3.00 Date and Time of Next Meeting: 28 April, 1pm – 3pm Page 2 of 2 Information Wellbeing and Health Partnership Healthy Lifestyles Strategic Board Meeting held on 13 January 2011, 1pm – 3pm, Swan Room, Civic Centre Minutes Item No Item 1. Action Present: Meng Khaw, Acting Director of Public Health for Newcastle (Chair) Frances Blackburn, Newcastle Hospitals NHS Trust Judith MacMorran, Smoke Free Newcastle Dr Jean Adams, FUSE/University of Newcastle Roger Mould, NCVS David Stobbs, Eat Well Group Chris Drinkwater, Healthworks Newcastle In attendance: Helen Wilding, Wellbeing and Health Partnership Coordinator Emma Burton, Administrative Assistant (Minute Taker) Naomi Warne, PA to Director of Public Health Claire Horton, NCC Sarah Cowling, Healthworks Newcastle Apologies: Page 1 of 3 2. Tony Durcan, NCC Dianne Tabari, Newcastle & North Tyneside Community Health Health Literacy: Introduction and overview of discussions at WHO Subnetwork meeting What does this mean for the future? What should we do differently? 2.1 3. CH referred to the Health Literacy report giving the board background information discussions took place and the following points were made: The work of Healthworks is a local example of improving health literacy There is a link between health literacy and Social Marketing which we discussed last time The groups discussion identified 3 different dimensions – Health Literacy with respect to using health and social care systems; health literacy with respect to own lifestyles; health literacy with respect to understanding and influencing all the factors that influence your health Update: Eat Well Newcastle (key questions: what can we do to enable this work? How can learning from this topic be transferred to other areas?) 3.1 DS gave the board an update of the newly emerged Eat Well group which have recently met and elected a Chair. This group will initially meet every six weeks then moving to quarterly and report to The Healthy Lifestyles Board. A sub-group will develop the JSNA for The Eat Well group and this will act as a strategy to help develop the action plan. It was agreed The Healthy Weight Group report to the Eat Well Group and link in with Active Newcastle. The group will report to the Healthy Lifestyles Board. 4. What’s new? Research and data Policy and guidance Applying behavioural insight to health Public health outcomes framework Page 2 of 3 Conference opportunities Core Cities collaborative Birmingham 31 January 4.1 The Chair informed the board that he had recently met with Mima Catton to discuss academia or service organisations; it was suggested to join this up with FUSE. Meng is initiating this and will keep the board informed. Action: JB to take back to FUSE to suggest 4.2 Helen referred to the Applying behavioural insight the health document which was added to agenda for information. Action: It was agreed to put this on forward plan and include an invite to a health psychologist 4.3 The board were asked to read the information handout provided on proposals for public Health outcomes framework and report back with any comments, it was noted we need to rely on other mechanisms to get information so we can take forward in a smart way. 5. ‘Hot topics’ round robin 5.1 The group were notified ‘No Smoking Day will take place on 9 March 2011 a briefing session has been arranged jointly with North Tyneside on 4 February. The Board were asked to encourage people to join the event. 6. Minutes of meeting held 25 November 2010 6.1 Minutes from the meeting were largely agreed, The Chair referred to action 2.3 this action is still outstanding. HW to chase up response from CL 7. AOB 7.1 CD referred to the Transitional funding of preventive activities in local communities handout and asked The healthy Lifestyles Board to support a recommendation that lead commissioners for the Local Authority and the NHS including GP Consortia and public health convene an early meeting with Healthworks and the joining Dots Project to explore a pooled approach to transitional funding of the preventive element of this programme for the year 2011/12. Meng welcomed issues raised for discussion but ultimately said that commissioning decisions cannot be made at this forum. 8. Date and time of next meeting: 3 March 2011, 1pm – 3pm Page 3 of 3 JB HW/JA HW !""#$%&'()*+,-%./0,#( %&1%'+2(2.(+*,#2+( Behavioural Insights Team Foreword Many of the most pressing public policy issues cannot be addressed without thinking about the behaviour of individuals. Behavioural science and behavioural economics show us that, very often, we do not behave in a way that we would be expected to if we were perfectly ‘rational’ human beings. Many of us still have not insulated our lofts, despite the fact that doing so will reduce our energy bills; we very rarely switch our bank accounts, despite the fact that we may benefit from higher saving rates elsewhere; and we may not yet have committed to becoming an organ donor, despite the fact that the majority of us would be willing to do so if asked. This paper shows that, by understanding how people react and behave in different situations, we can design policy to go with the grain of how people behave rather than against it, both improving outcomes and respecting people’s autonomy. Improving the health of citizens and communities is a clear case of where we need to apply this type of thinking. Prompting people to become organ donors when they register for a driving licence is a great example of this – and one that will ultimately save lives. This is not a traditional government document. In many ways it reflects a new approach, which is as much about government working in partnership with others as about announcing new policies from Whitehall. An example of this is the work on smoking cessation, the result of a partnership between the Behavioural Insights Team, Department of Health and Boots, which will test new ways of encouraging people to make more effective quit attempts. This paper contains numerous other examples, which are designed to help ministers and officials to develop policy that is less intrusive, imposes fewer costs on business and society and is often more cost-effective than traditional regulatory or legislative interventions. One of the key points made in the recent Public Health White Paper is to give local communities the capacity and confidence to try out and evaluate the kinds of approaches illustrated by this paper. We therefore hope that the fresh approach this document brings will spark new ideas and innovation across our local communities. Anne Milton Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Public Health Oliver Letwin Minister for Government Policy Applying behavioural insight to health Summary of contents Introduction This sets out the importance of behaviour in policy making, the role of the Behavioural Insights Team in the Cabinet Office and how behavioural science insights can be applied to health using the MINDSPACE framework. Case studies 1. Smoking: drawing on commitment and incentive devices, we are launching a new smoking cessation trial with Boots. 2. Organ donation: we are introducing a trial of ‘prompted choice’ for organ donation, which we believe will significantly increase the number of donor registrations. 3. Teenage pregnancy: how teenagers who mentor toddlers are significantly less likely to become teen parents themselves. 4. Alcohol: Welsh universities will be trialling new methods to encourage students to drink less alcohol using social norm techniques. 5. Diet and weight: we will be establishing a partnership with LazyTown, the popular children’s TV show, which will encourage healthier behaviour in children. 6. Diabetes: new devices are helping children to manage their conditions in ways that are practical and fun. 7. Food hygiene: how the new National Food Hygiene Rating Scheme will empower people to make better choices when it comes to the hygiene standards of food. 8. Physical activity: numerous innovative schemes have been set up, including the ‘Step2Get’ initiative in London, which incentivises pupils to walk to school. 9. Social care: we have established a partnership to develop a reciprocal time credit scheme to help catalyse peer-to-peer provision of social care. Conclusion These approaches show the effect that behavioural insights can have upon citizens’ health and wellbeing. We must continue to grow and share our evidence base, evaluating new approaches as we go. Acknowledgements The Behavioural Insights Team would like to thank in particular Department of Health ministers and officials, whose expertise and support were vital. Thank you also to all the organisations and individuals who developed these innovative examples and ideas, as well as the academics who we consulted. If you’d like to share with us ideas and initiatives that demonstrate an application of behavioural insight to health, please email the Department of Health team at: [email protected] This is a discussion paper. Its purpose is to encourage public debate. 3 4 Applying behavioural insight to health Introduction 3+*(%4".02,&5*(.6()*+,-%./0( “There has been the assumption that central government can only change people’s behaviour through rules and regulations. Our government will be a much smarter one, shunning the bureaucratic levers of the past and finding intelligent ways to encourage, support and enable people to make better choices for themselves.” This new approach, which draws on insights from behavioural science and behavioural economics and is embedded in the recently published Public Health White Paper, represents an important part of the Coalition Government’s commitment to reducing regulatory burdens on business and society, and achieving its policy goals as cheaply and effectively as possible. It is also part of the Government’s answer to how we can spend public money more effectively. We currently spend over £2.5 billion a year on treating smoking-related illness, but less than £150 million on encouraging smoking cessation. We spend an estimated £2.7 billion on treating the results of excessive alcohol consumption, but only £8.7 million on promoting healthy drinking levels (against £800 million spent on promotion by the alcohol industry).2 Coalition Commitment, May 20101 Many of today’s most important policy issues have a strong behavioural component. From crime and anti-social behaviour, to education and health – our behaviours as citizens, parents and neighbours significantly affect the quality of our lives and that of others. The Government can influence people’s behaviour in a number of different ways. Tough laws could be implemented, with fines for those who fail to comply with new legislation, and bans could be introduced that prevent people from eating certain types of food or engaging in particular types of activities. But, as this paper shows, there are many options between bans and doing nothing – the false choice implied by some commentators. We can give citizens more or better information. We can prompt people to make choices that are in line with their underlying motivations. And we can help to encourage social norms around healthier behaviours in ways that avoid Cialdini’s ‘Big Mistake’ (see box). Avoiding Cialdini’s ‘Big Mistake’3 Robert Cialdini, Professor of Psychology and Marketing at Arizona State University and author of one of the most widely read books on the psychology of influence, argues that policy makers and professionals are prone to a frequent mistake. In their well-intentioned desire to highlight and address important social issues, policy makers often inadvertently communicate that the ‘problem behaviour’ – be it not paying your taxes or dropping litter – is relatively widespread. This signals to people that, even if we don’t like or approve of the behaviour, lots of other people are doing it. And, if we know anything from behavioural science, it is that behaviour is strongly influenced by what we think others are up to (see Section 4 on student drinking). Applying behavioural insight to health This paper does not attempt to be comprehensive or to suggest that behaviour change techniques are the silver bullet that can solve every problem. Rather, it sets out numerous examples of where local authorities, charities, government and private sector organisations are already developing responses that encourage healthier behaviours. It also points to where more could be done. And finally, in many areas – including organ donation and smoking cessation – this paper demonstrates how the Behavioural Insights Team has been working with partners to introduce new and innovative policy solutions. 3+*(0.#*(.6(2+*(7*+,-%./0,#( 8&1%'+21(3*,4( The Behavioural Insights Team plays a key role in this agenda by supporting government departments in designing policy that better reflects how people really behave, not how they are assumed to behave. In carrying out this role, the Behavioural Insights Team draws on academic and empirical evidence from the world’s leading behavioural economists and social psychologists. This academic research is a valuable tool in helping ministers and officials to develop policy that is less intrusive, imposes fewer costs on business and society and is often more effective than traditional regulatory or legislative interventions. The Behavioural Insights Team is a small team of civil servants and academic experts based in the Cabinet Office. It is led by Dr David Halpern, and has a steering group chaired by the Cabinet Secretary Sir Gus O’Donnell. Professor Richard Thaler, the Ralph and Dorothy Keller Distinguished Service Professor of Behavioral Science and Economics at the University of Chicago,4 is an unpaid adviser to the Behavioural Insights Team. 9.-%&'(60.4(15%*&5*(2.(".#%5$( “It turns out that the environmental effects on behaviour are a lot stronger than most people expect.” Daniel Kahneman, Nobel Laureate, Economic Sciences5 This paper is informed by the growing body of research on what influences behaviour. One practical issue is that the sheer volume and technical language of the behavioural science literature over recent decades can present a significant barrier to the policy maker. For this reason, the Institute for Government, in partnership with the Cabinet Office, was commissioned to review this literature and draw together its key findings in an accessible form for professionals and policy makers. This led to the publication of the MINDSPACE report, which brings together the insights of behavioural science in a simple and practical check-list (see table on page 6). An explanation of the key elements of MINDSPACE and the behavioural science behind each of the examples in the paper is provided at the end of each section. 5 6 Applying behavioural insight to health M I N D S PAC E Messenger We are heavily influenced by who communicates information Incentives Our responses to incentives are shaped by predictable mental shortcuts such as strongly avoiding losses Norms We are strongly influenced by what others do Defaults We ‘go with the flow’ of pre-set options Salience Our attention is drawn to what is novel and seems relevant to us Priming Our acts are often influenced by subconscious cues Affect Our emotional associations can powerfully shape our actions Commitment We seek to be consistent with our public promises, and reciprocate acts Ego We act in ways that make us feel better about ourselves Behavioural science in an easy format: a summary of the main influences described in the MINDSPACE report (Cabinet Office and Institute for Government, 2010) 6 The Behavioural Insights Team draws from this wide body of research and uses the MINDSPACE framework to support the work of those making decisions that impact upon the health and wellbeing of citizens. These decision makers are not limited to civil servants in Whitehall, but extend out to charities, businesses and local authorities. !""#$%&'()*+,-%./0,#(( %&1%'+2(2.(+*,#2+( “Behaviour change is the great challenge for health... The reforms we are bringing will empower you – the professionals – to commission services that work – to apply the best technology and the best new insights of social psychology and behavioural economics to achieve real improvements in public health.” Secretary of State for Health Andrew Lansley, speech to Faculty of Public Health, July 2010 In the UK today, behavioural and lifestyle factors are thought to be major contributors in around half of all deaths. Most of these causes are well known, not just by professionals, but by the general public. They include smoking, unhealthy diet, excess alcohol consumption and inactive lifestyles. Some causes are less well known. For example, social isolation is associated with more than a doubling of the risk of many forms of mental illness, heart disease and early death.7 The lifestyle factors that impact upon people’s health and wellbeing are often deeply entwined in the fabric of our everyday lives. In these areas, passing an Act of Parliament is unlikely to have the desired effect. Strong-armed regulation is not the answer to rebalancing our diets, changing our desire to drink too much alcohol on a Friday night, or making our lives more active. Applying behavioural insight to health :+.(%1(2+%1(;.5/4*&2(6.0<( Tobacco High blood pressure As reflected in the Public Health White Paper, the key players in the future will not be ministers and civil servants in Whitehall. In many cases, the key players will not be those in government at all, but local and national businesses, communities and charities. They will also be local authority public health professionals, GP commissioners, head teachers of schools, and other public sector professionals such as job centre staff. Generally, it will also be down to individuals too – smokers who want to quit, parents who would like their children to walk to school, adults who would like to eat and drink a little more healthily. Alcohol Cholesterol Overweight Low fruit and vegetable Physical inactivity Illicit drugs Unsafe sex Iron deficiency 0 5 10 15 Percentage of healthy years of life lost due to behavioural factors in wealthy nations (World Health Organization, 2002) Focusing on the behaviours that cause illness is part of a broader change in the Government’s approach, set out in the Public Health White Paper published in November 2010, which will fundamentally change our ‘National Sickness Service’ to one that is more focused on preventing ill-health. The creation of a strong, local base for the promotion and commissioning of public health should also create the conditions for innovation and experimentation, pushing forward our understanding about what works, while opening the door to new delivery partners. In short, we need to think about new and costeffective ways of encouraging healthy behaviour, by addressing the causes of ill-health rather than seeking to cure the consequences of them. Of course, there is a role for central government too, not least in getting the overall framework right. Government also has a role in ensuring there is transparent health data and that, where relevant, government works with national businesses and other organisations to ensure that we all live up to our responsibilities in supporting healthy lifestyles – the Public Health Responsibility Deal is an example of this. Government may also have a role in supporting further research and the spreading of best practice, discussed briefly in the concluding section of this document. In a world where general practitioners, public health professionals and local communities increasingly hold the budgets and power, we hope that some of the ideas contained here will spark interest well beyond Whitehall. 7 8 Applying behavioural insight to health 1. Smoking More than a quarter of all deaths are smoking related1 There are currently 8.5 million adult smokers in the UK.2 Smoking creates both psychological and physiological addiction, and though it is widely known that smoking is bad for you, smokers still tend to underestimate the risks to them personally.3 All of these factors are important in understanding why it is so hard to quit. We know that 65 per cent of smokers want to quit and the majority have unsuccessfully tried to give up in the last five years.4 Increasing the success rate and frequency of smokers’ quit attempts is a top public health priority. =*1%'&%&'(,&(*66*52%-*(14.>%&'( 5*11,2%.&("0.'0,44*( There is an extensive evidence base for current tobacco control policy. Within this, there is evidence that people can respond to incentives to make a quit attempt and stick with it during the incentivised period.4 This is particularly true if the incentives are relatively large. For example, smokers in the USA who were given $750 over the course of a year were three times more likely than the control group to quit smoking. 5 But evidence on incentives is very mixed and they have their downsides. We know that oneoff incentives may condition us to maintain our behaviour only if we continue to be rewarded. The danger with time-limited trials is that after the incentives have stopped, the individual may begin smoking again. We also know that individuals will often respond more strongly to losing something they value than to being given a reward of equivalent value, and that incentives tend to be more effective at forming permanent habits if they reward us only sometimes.6 Another approach to encouraging positive behaviours is to use commitment devices.7 The evidence from a range of studies suggests that people are more likely to respond in a positive way when they have entered into some kind of commitment with another individual or group, which could be in the form of a ceremony or signing a pledge in the presence of someone the individual in question trusts. Applying behavioural insight to health M I N D S PAC E Building on this research, the Behavioural Insights Team has been examining a range of ways in which individuals might be encouraged to stop smoking by using loss aversion and commitment devices. Individuals who commit to quitting smoking in a way that they stand to lose something should they fail to achieve their objective, and who are not rewarded too frequently, are more likely to be successful. So, for example, quitters could be asked to sign a contract where they lose or keep rewards based on whether they pass regular smoking tests that prove they have not smoked. Successful ongoing commitment could be encouraged by introducing a regular lottery for people to win prizes. Thanks to a new collaboration between Boots, the Behavioural Insights Team and the Department of Health, Boots UK has committed to developing a smoking cessation trial that could launch in early 2011, seeking to encourage people to make more successful quit attempts. This trial will be designed using insights from behavioural science and medicine, and will build on the NHS-commissioned stop smoking services already provided in their stores. The Behavioural Insights Team will work in 2011 to extend these trials to other areas, should they prove successful. Ego, Incentives, Commitment and Salience Evidence shows that smokers, despite knowing the damaging effects of smoking, tend to underestimate its negative impact on their own health.8 This reflects a widespread ‘attributional bias’ that leads to most people overestimating the chances that good things will happen to them (such as winning the lottery) and underestimating the chances that bad things will happen. Such psychological defences make us feel better (ego), but they can also inhibit us from changing our behaviour. It has also been found that when our behaviour and beliefs are in conflict – known as ‘cognitive dissonance’ – it is very often our beliefs that we change rather than our behaviour. Hence if we are undertaking a behaviour that we believe is dangerous, such as smoking, rather than correct the ‘dissonance’ by quitting, we instead adjust our beliefs about the danger. In terms of successful programmes to encourage quitting, several effects are likely to be involved. First, small incentives can sometimes work better than medium to large incentives since these create a helpful dissonance – emphasising that the quitter is motivated not by the incentive itself, but by the intrinsic value of giving up smoking. Second, commitments where we promise to ourselves and others – particularly involving other people we care about – are known to be a powerful force in behaviour change. Third, the form of the incentives matters too: lotteries are a way of multiplying the impact of small financial incentives, and intermittent rewards can be more effective at maintaining change. Finally, there is a strong case for shaping the incentives around the profile of nicotine addiction and withdrawal, increasing the salience and profile of support and rewards in the critical period two or three days into the programme, when the negative effects of withdrawal are especially pronounced. 9 10 Applying behavioural insight to health 2. Organ donation Every day three people on the organ transplant waiting list die1 8&50*,1%&'(.0',&(;.&,2%.&( 0*'%120,2%.&(2+0./'+(( "0.4"2*;(5+.%5*( donation in England. While good progress has been made, with an increase in donor numbers of over 20 per cent since 2008, the Government is determined to explore all avenues for increasing donor rates still further.1 There are more than 10,000 people on the waiting list for an organ transplant and every day three people on the waiting list die. Currently only 27 per cent of us are on the NHS Organ Donor Register, despite the fact that surveys consistently show that 65 per cent of us would be willing to donate an organ and 90 per cent of us are in favour of organ donation.2 One such avenue is that of ‘prompted choice’, whereby a person is required to make a choice about if they would like to be an organ donor when completing, for example, a driving licence application form. Prompted choice has already been successfully applied to organ donation registration in several US states. Since 2008, Illinois has required that all driving licence applicants actively decide whether to register as a donor or not. The percentage of donors signed up to the register has increased from 38 per cent to 60 per cent as a result. At the start of the year, Texas also implemented such a system and donor registration rates have already doubled. Most recently California announced in October that it would introduce prompted choice to driving licence applications.3 England currently has an ‘opt-in’ system, whereby active consent is required to become an organ donor, instead of an ‘opt-out’ system, whereby consent is presumed. A review by the Organ Donation Taskforce in 2008 concluded that, although presumed consent may have the potential to increase donor rates, itt would also have the potential to undermine ne the concept of donation as a gift and erode trust in NHS professionals. The Government ment has therefore concentrated on the Taskforce’s skforce’s recommendations to improve the infrastructure supporting organ d ar c r o don r n S NH a Org o Don ist g e R er Applying behavioural insight to health 11 M I N D S PAC E Salience and Defaults Given the large percentage point difference between the number of individuals currently registered as organ donors in England and those who say that they would be willing to become donors, the Behavioural Insights Team considers that offering a prompted choice is likely to significantly increase the number of organ donor registrations. Thanks to a collaboration between the Behavioural Insights Team, Department of Health, NHS Blood and Transplant, Department for Transport and Driver and Vehicle Licensing Agency (DVLA), we can announce that a system of prompted choice will be trialled in England in 2011. This will be introduced to the DVLA online application form for renewing and applying for driving licences and if this approach proves to be as effective as evidence in the USA suggests, it can be extended to other registration routes. There are many things that we mean to do but never get around to. A major reason for this is that we live for today at the expense of tomorrow. This is known as ‘hyperbolic discounting’ and it refers to how people discount the future heavily compared with the present. So even though it may appear that there is little effort involved in signing the Organ Donor Register, this effort is immediate (salience), whereas the gain is distant. Hence our good intentions never come to pass (see also Section 8 on physical activity). Prompted choice has been found to be a highly successful approach to addressing the issue of discounting the future in a number of areas, and is based on the insights around the power of defaults. Changing the default options for pensions to a system of prompted choice has led to around 70 per cent of employees deciding to save more, versus around 40 per cent who opt into a pension scheme. This is lower than the 90 per cent who stay in an optout pension scheme – an even simpler default – but has the advantage of making the choice a conscious one. Another recent high-profile use of prompted choice resulted from the long legal battle between the EU and Microsoft, with the resolution being that instead of new PC users being automatically directed to using one particular browser, users are required to make a choice from a menu of five options. 12 Applying behavioural insight to health 3. Teenage pregnancy Britain has the highest rate of teenage pregnancy in Western Europe1 Evidence shows that being pregnant young can lead to adverse effects in young people’s lives – including low self-esteem, depression, poor relationships, reduced educational achievement and increased risk of social deprivation and adopting risky behaviours.2,3,4,5,6 3**&1(,&;(3.;;#*01( Teens and Toddlers is a UK charity which tackles teenage pregnancy in an unusual way. Teenagers take part in a 20-week programme where they mentor a toddler. Each week they spend time supervising and playing with a toddler at a nursery, experiencing first hand the demands and responsibilities of parenthood. This is then followed by sessions run by trained support workers who teach them about child development, parenting skills, sexuality and relationships. These sessions also provide a forum for the teenagers to discuss their experiences with each other. Teens and Toddlers found that over a six-year period, the pregnancy rate of those who had participated in the programme was 2.7 per cent, in contrast to the national teenage average of 4.1 per cent. This lower rate was achieved in spite of the higher-risk teenagers that the programme targeted.7 The Department for Education believes that this is a promising initiative, and as a result is supporting a randomised controlled trial to provide a robust assessment of the impact on teenage pregnancy rates. The widespread practice by many schools when it comes to preventing teenage pregnancy is to bring in young teenage mothers to discourage pupils from following their lead. In many cases this will be ineffective or even counter-productive. In contrast, the Teens and Toddlers approach actively brings home the enormity of the responsibility of bringing up a child, fosters emotional development and has been shown to change young people’s behaviour. The Teens and Toddlers charity co-funds each of these initiatives, and so far it has been taken up by 26 local authorities, with over 6,000 teenagers taking part. Thanks to the reforms set out in the Public Health White Paper, power will be devolved to local authority public health professionals – giving them the freedom to innovate. This means that it will become much easier for local authorities to partner with charities like Teens and Toddlers, paving the way for this kind of innovative approach to become more widespread. M I N D S PAC E Norm, Messenger and Ego Our behaviour is strongly influenced by what we see other people doing – called the ‘declarative’ or ‘descriptive’ social norm. For example, experiments have found that the proportion of people dropping a leaflet on the ground rose from 10 per cent to 40 per cent as the number of similar pieces of litter already on the ground rose from one to eight or more.8 In short, we are heavily influenced by what other people are doing. These effects help to explain why sending a teenage mother into schools to discourage teenage parenthood is problematic (messenger). The challenge is made greater by what psychologists call the ‘Romeo and Juliet’ effect – the tendency, especially strong in young people, to actively react against being told what to do (ego). The elegance of approaches such as Teens and Toddlers is that they avoid the traps of reinforcing the wrong social norm or telling young people what to do, and instead catalyse the emotional development of the young person, while at the same time reducing teenage pregnancy. Applying behavioural insight to health 13 4. Alcohol Alcohol-related illness costs the NHS around £2.7 billion a year1 Alcohol costs the NHS around £2.7 billion a year and the cost of alcohol-related crime may be as high as £7.2 billion.1 As a nation, we drink 345 million litres of alcohol a year.2 A review of undergraduate drinking found that 52 per cent of male and 43 per cent of female students reported drinking above recommended levels. In comparison, figures for 16–24-year-olds in the general population are 37 per cent and 33 per cent respectively.3 mixed, demonstrating the need to identify the specific behavioural influences involved.7 In order to test the efficacy of initiatives aimed at reducing alcohol consumption, the Welsh Assembly Government and the charity Drinkaware are working together to develop and run a year-long pilot advertising campaign. This campaign will communicate accurate drinking levels to all university students in Wales. The pilot will start at the beginning of the next academic year. M I N D S PAC E ?*;/5%&'(,#5.+.#(5.&1/4"2%.&( %&(/&%-*01%2%*1( We know that people are influenced by what they think other people are doing, even if the reality is different.4 In the case of binge drinking, evidence has shown that students consistently overestimate how much alcohol their peers drink. 5 Recent trends suggest that excessive drinking patterns which begin during student years continue into adulthood, and so reducing alcohol consumption at this age is critical. Several university campuses in the USA have used social norm campaigns in an effort to reduce heavy drinking. In 1994, the University of Arizona set out to correct the false perception of how much students’ peers drank. Using posters, flyers and word of mouth, they communicated the real levels of drinking among students and as a result reduced the pressure to drink. Between 1995 and 1998, the campus experienced significant decreases in the rate of heavy drinking among undergraduate students.6 However, evidence from other trials has been more Norms and Salience Work on alcohol shows the effects of social norms in action (specifically those called ‘descriptive norms’). We generally do what we see or think others are doing, but an important twist is that our estimate of what other people are doing is often distorted. More specifically, we use various mental shortcuts or ‘heuristics’ to judge the frequency of a behaviour, and these shortcuts can sometimes mislead us. For example, we may estimate how frequent an event is by how readily we can call to mind an example (the ‘availability heuristic’). Hence we are prone to thinking that flying is dangerous because we can easily call to mind an example of a plane crashing (salience).8 Similarly, one can see why students might overestimate the level of drinking among their fellow students. The loud noise of a small number of fellow students heading home drunk in the early hours is hard to ignore (salience), but the silent majority are much less visible. The availability heuristic leads us into thinking far more students drink to excess than actually do, and this can influence our behaviour. 14 Applying behavioural insight to health 5. Diet and weight Six out of ten adults are overweight, costing the UK economy around £7 billion a year1 Six out of ten adults in the UK are overweight.1 This costs the NHS around £4 billion a year and, because being overweight is associated with increased morbidity and more certified sick days, the total economic cost is £7 billion a year.1 Overweight and obesity levels for children also remain disturbing, with nearly a quarter of all 4-year-olds and nearly a third of 10-year-olds overweight or obese.2 @+.""%&'(20.##*$(0*A;*1%'&(%&( B*C(9*D%5.E(F@!( The quality of our diet reflects levels of obesity. Most people know that they should eat more fruit and vegetables but in England 65 per cent of adults eat fewer than five portions of fruit and vegetables a day,3 even though nutritional experts suggest that fruit and vegetables should make up about a third of the food we eat each day.4 A pilot experiment conducted by Collin Payne of New Mexico State University College of Business found that a simple line of yellow tape together with a sign placed across a shopping trolley could prompt shoppers to choose to buy more fruit and vegetables. The tape and sign designated one part of the trolley for fruit and vegetables and the other for all other purchases. By visually prompting people in this way, there was a large increase in the amount of fruit and vegetables purchased, without a decrease in profitability for the retailer. 5 Evidence suggests that making the trolley even more visually engaging by including an appealing picture of fresh fruit and vegetables is likely to make this even more effective. Visual prompts are already widely used by supermarkets and food manufacturers. But there is the potential for visual prompts to be introduced in more ways that help people make healthier food choices. Examples include experimenting with the design of trolleys and considering the order or height of healthier options on supermarket shelves. A recent example of this is the collaboration between Asda and the Department of Health’s Change for Life campaign, whereby social norm messages were advertised on trolleys.6 In the future, the Behavioural Insights Team will be reaching out to partners in the private, public and voluntary sectors to examine where trials of this kind might be most effective. Applying behavioural insight to health 15 9.2%-,2%&'(5+%#;0*&(( 2.()*(+*,#2+$(%&(85*#,&;( LazyTown is an Icelandic TV and live show which is watched by children all over the world. Its healthy superhero Sportacus motivates children to eat healthily and be active. In Iceland, several LazyTown initiatives have been run in partnership with the Government and private sector. For instance, children between 4 and 7 years old were sent an ‘Energy Contract’ that they signed with their parents, in which they were rewarded for eating healthily, going to bed early and being active. In one supermarket chain, all the fruit and vegetables were branded ‘Sports Candy’ – LazyTown’s name for fruit and vegetables – leading to a 22 per cent increase in sales.7 Since LazyTown became mainstream in 1996, Iceland’s child obesity levels have started falling – one of the few places in the world to show such a trend (see graph).8 There is much that local authorities, supermarket chains and those with a role in public health might learn from the Icelandic initiatives. In order to test whether these will have a similar impact in the UK, the Behavioural Insights Team and the Department of Health have now established a partnership with LazyTown. This national initiative will be developed using behavioural science insights and will involve partnering with nurseries up and down the country. Coordinated at a national level, local health professionals will also have a crucial role in delivering this initiative, and this relationship will be indicative of the devolved principles of the newly created Public Health England. The Behavioural Insights Team will continue to play a role in helping to facilitate new and innovative initiatives of this kind. Obesity among 9-year-old children in Iceland Obesity levels (%) 25 LazyTown has been mainstream in Iceland since 1996 20 15 10 5 0 1930 1940 1950 LazyTown presentation to Cabinet Office, 2010 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 16 Applying behavioural insight to health G4".C*0%&'("*."#*(2.(4,>*( +*,#2+%*0(5+.%5*1()$("0.-%;%&'( 4.0*(%&6.04,2%.&( Advocates have argued for a number of years for clearer labelling of the calorific and nutritional content of foods. Indeed, Secretary of State for Health Andrew Lansley has said he wants to go further on getting restaurants, takeaways, fast food outlets and others to provide calorie information. In ways like this, people can be empowered to make a healthier choice through the provision of relevant information. Research from behavioural science suggests that the key to communicating information effectively is to do it in relevant and engaging ways. Soon-to-be published research suggests that well-designed labels can reduce the calorific levels of a snack chosen by around 20 per cent, especially when done so in relevant and engaging ways.9 However, critics rightly point out that even the most ‘unhealthy’ of items can be perfectly healthy when part of a balanced diet. This suggests a strong case for giving consumers a more holistic account of their diet against which they can make choices. Bringing together ideas of transparency, behavioural economics and the capabilities of today’s technology and store cards, many potentially powerful possibilities exist. The Department of Health’s Public Responsibility Deal team is currently working to secure voluntary agreements from the food industry to commit to outof-home food labelling in 2011. Evidence suggests that consumer behaviour might also be positively stimulated by food retailers in other ways, such as offering customers three-month summaries of the nutritional profile of the food that they buy, set against a healthy average. M I N D S PAC E Priming, Salience and Affect The ideas in this section illustrate a number of behavioural effects. Several illustrate the power of priming and salience – such as priming shoppers to think about buying healthy food. People show a strong tendency to anchor to an object or a number that we are primed with, such as how much fruit to eat. For example, if people are asked: “How many countries are there in Africa? Is it, for example, x?” their answer is strongly anchored to the arbitrary number that is mentioned, even when they are specifically told that this is not the right answer. These ‘anchoring’ effects are particularly relevant in relation to the yellow tape on the supermarket trolley, but also to the well-known campaign to eat ‘5 a day’ for fruit and vegetables.10 Finally, we might note that diet is an area where short-term emotional responses tend to overpower longer-term, more ‘rational’ thinking (affect). In a study, where workers were offered a prize next week of fruit or chocolate, 74 per cent chose fruit. But when the delivery van arrived on the day and said they had ‘lost’ the form and again asked what the person wanted, around 70 per cent claimed to have chosen chocolate. In other words, there are various opportunities for products and services that allow people to pre-commit to healthier options.11 Applying behavioural insight to health 17 6. Diabetes M I N D S PAC E Incentives and Salience 2,940 diabetic children in the UK are admitted to hospital every year as a result of failing to keep their blood sugar levels under control1 From 1996–2005 the proportion of people with diabetes in Britain rose from 2.8 per cent to 4.3 per cent.2 Of those, just over 21,000 under-17s have type 1 diabetes.3 Managing diabetes requires regular monitoring of blood sugar levels and this consistent, regular monitoring can prove especially challenging for children and their parents. 7,$*0H1(B%&2*&;.(=%;'*2(;*-%5*( 4,>*1()#..;A1/',0(2*12%&'(6/&( ,&;(0*C,0;%&'(6.0(5+%#;0*&( A collaboration between Bayer Healthcare and Nintendo DS has led to the development of a Didget device which gives points to diabetic children in return for them consistently consenting to regular pin-prick blood-sugar tests. These points can be used on Nintendo games or in the Didget web community, where children can compare their performance against others. This device shows how using fun, innovative products can have very practical effects on people’s health and wellbeing.4 Developers of other non-health technologies may also have cost-effective ideas that local authorities and GP commissioning consortia may wish to trial or, if appropriate, prescribe. As is often the case, blood testing for diabetes juxtaposes short-term pain – literally in this case – for a long-term gain (incentives). This is a problem that most adults struggle with, but which children may find even more difficult. One option is to try to make the long-term gain (or avoidance of loss) clearer, but an alternative is simply to create an immediate gain (salience). In this case, the Nintendo game introduces an element of fun even before the discomfort of the test, so the pain is being discounted too. Of course, the game itself helps to distract attention from the discomfort of the test, and since the game continues after the test, the pain looms smaller in the memory. This relates to what are called ‘primacy and recency effects’ – we remember most clearly the first and the last part of an experience. 5 18 Applying behavioural insight to health 7. Food hygiene There are over a million cases of food poisoning a year in the UK, costing the NHS and business £1.5 billion a year1 Of the million plus cases of food poisoning a year in the UK, 20,000 people are hospitalised and 500 die. Food Standards Agency research has found that people primarily judge hygiene standards of food outlets on the appearance of an establishment (68 per cent), appearance of staff (44 per cent), cleanliness of toilets (33 per cent) and word of mouth (22 per cent). 3+*(&*C(I..;(J$'%*&*(( ?,2%&'(@5+*4*( Up until now, people have had to make judgements on the hygiene of restaurants and food outlets based on appearance and hearsay alone. This is now set to change, with the recent launch of the National Food Hygiene Rating Scheme by the Food Standards Agency, in partnership with local authorities. The aim of this scheme is to empower customers to make more informed decisions when it comes to the hygiene standards of food premises. This national scheme, building on a number of local authority-led pilots, will enable people to view simply summarised hygiene information online and on stickers voluntarily posted on the entrance door or window of restaurants and food outlets. The ratings range from 5 (very good) to 0 (urgent improvement necessary). Evaluation of the pilot schemes found that 7 in every 10 customers are unlikely to enter a restaurant rated below the midpoint in the scale.2 Schemes similar to this one have already worked successfully in both Denmark and California. In Denmark, there was an increase in good hygiene scores from 70 per cent to 86 per cent since the scheme launched in 2002,3 and in California there was a 13 per cent drop in food-borne disease hospitalisations.4 The National Food Hygiene Rating Scheme was launched in November 2010 and the Behavioural Insights Team will be working with the Food Standards Agency to make the information generated by the scheme as widespread and accessible as possible. One option is to encourage respected restaurant reviewers and organisations such as Time Out, Top Table and the Good Food Guide to rank restaurants on their hygiene standards as well as the quality of food, service and atmosphere – which will be possible for the first time due to the availability of this information. M I N D S PAC E Salience Evidence suggests that when information is made public and salient, such as the hygiene standards of a restaurant, this exposure will motivate that restaurant to improve their standards. Exposing potential customers to this kind of hygiene information, particularly when they are booking and made aware of this information in advance before they are in a hungry, or ‘hot’, state, can dramatically change their choices and in so doing strongly drive hygiene improvements without the need for further regulation. Applying behavioural insight to health 19 8. Physical activity If people who engage in low levels of physical activity were more active, we could save more than £900 million a year1 If recommended levels of activity were met, 1 in 10 premature deaths could be prevented.2 Over the last century, the number of people employed in inactive professional or managerial roles has more than doubled, while the proportion of people employed in active, skilled or unskilled jobs has decreased by two-thirds. A key challenge for improving physical fitness is tackling our increasingly inactive lifestyles at work and play: sitting on public transport rather than walking, using escalators rather than stairs, playing video games and watching television rather than playing sports.3 Most people are aware of the health benefits of taking the stairs instead of the escalator, but when faced with the choice, we usually take the easy option – particularly when others are doing the same. 3+*("%,&.(12,%01(%&(@2.5>+.#4( Volkswagen has been working in Sweden to develop the ‘Fun Theory’ campaign, which predicts that by making things fun, we can change our behaviour for the better. Volkswagen launched a competition asking people to submit their ideas for green and other pro-social innovations. Over 700 ideas from more than 200 countries were submitted, all of which were judged by a panel of Swedish experts in behavioural science and the environment. The piano stairs was one of the most popular ideas. For one day in a Stockholm metro station, Volkswagen installed motion-sensor piano keys so that musical tunes were played as people climbed the stairs. A before-and-after study showed that 66 per cent more people than normal took the stairs rather than the escalator. Making the stairs eye-catching and fun to climb had a motivating effect. In addition, once more people started taking the stairs, others tended to follow.4,5,6 This was just a one-day trial and so we do not know the long-term effects of such an intervention. However, trials such as this do demonstrate that there are creative ways to encourage people to choose the more active option. These insights can be applied to many areas beyond tube and railway stations – for example, architects and town planners play a key role in designing more active environments, whether through the layout of parks or the positioning of stairs (relative to lifts) in a building. 20 Applying behavioural insight to health B%>*H1(KL@(%L+.&*(,""(( ,&;(MK0%;H( As detailed in the recent Public Health White Paper, when it comes to running, Nike has been turning its attention to motivational tools. They have recently launched the Nike+ GPS iPhone app, which allows you to track your run, receiving live updates as you go. The app also informs the user how fast they are running and delivers motivational messages from famous athletes such as Paula Radcliffe and Lance Armstrong. ‘The Grid’ is another innovative initiative that turns running into a game.7 Phone boxes in London have been branded, identifying themselves as visual markers for people to run from one to the next, typing in their personal ID number as they go. It is a competition to be the fastest to find all the phone boxes, and scores are uploaded automatically to the Grid website where runners can compare their scores against those of others. Nike has put both of these tools to good use when it comes to its youth running projects in the UK. Partnering with Charlie Dark – a teacher, writer and DJ – they organise weekly running groups (called ‘Run Dem Crew Youngers’) 8 where they combine creative workshops with runs. Charlie uses the Nike+ app on his iPhone to give regular feedback to the young people, and they have used the Grid game to create a competition between 11 running groups across the country. There is potential for these kinds of tools and ideas to be used at a local level, perhaps creating group running clubs set up in partnership with public health professionals, community organisations and local sports clubs. 8&5*&2%-%1%&'("/"%#1(2.(( C,#>(2.(15+..#( As highlighted in the Public Health White Paper, Transport for London’s and Intelligent Health’s ‘Step2Get’ initiative combines swipe card technology, online gaming and rewards to incentivise pupils to walk to school. So far it has been piloted in two London secondary schools, where pupils were given a card to swipe machines placed on lamp-posts along a route to school. The more miles they walked, the more points they earned, which could then be redeemed for rewards that included cinema tickets and Topshop vouchers. They could then track their progress online and also compare it with that of other classes. A third of all pupils signed up to Step2Get, and this not only increased the number of children walking to school by 18 per cent, but resulted in more of them getting to class on time. Also, as a result of the visibility of the lamp-post swipe machines and seeing others walking to school, a new social norm was created. -B LF 3P BE oÉi He WZ i k[ W Z He >_ ]^ Xk ho H eW Z [d 7l bZ fe e B[ Éi [d 7l Éi od kX C Wh 9^khY^>_bb 8[ ee [bZ H eW Z 8 PP ZH eW Z hoÉ B[ [m WhZ iH eW Z MM 3 PB E WZ He ed SB d mo 7b 3 PB E FY BO E = WhZ [d i ET JE F 8[ fj ec 9 iH eW Z [[ d SU USF$PV $FO USF 4IPQQJOH$FO Ij =[ eh ][ Me h iH eW Z fb[ He WZ CW M_cXb[Zed Gk di [b He WZ ) J ]Ò FW ham Whereas children used to go out to play, more of their time is now spent on inactive pursuits such as watching television and playing computer games. Computer games are here to stay, with average weekly gaming time averaging 12.2 hours a week. However, recent technological developments have led to game consoles such as the Nintendo Wii requiring players to use body movements to control on-screen action – thus increasing the opportunities for physical activity. "M h_l [ h_d bl[ Z[ h [: If Z eW [H NC MFE P O d hZ[ =W hZ W hd [=hel[ F_d Ij CW N.4)%&%&'(-%;*.(',4%&'( C%2+(*D*05%1*( k[ H_Y WhZ 7 Ij Ij hWH :e 7hj^ 4D IP PM khH e W Z Applying behavioural insight to health 21 Next year, this initiative is going transatlantic and approximately 30,000 pupils from London and New York will be competing with each other to walk the most miles. The winning city of the ‘International Walk to School Challenge’ will be announced during the 2012 Olympic Games.9 Could local authorities and schools work with providers such as Intelligent Health to expand a scheme like this beyond London? The health and related cost savings have been shown to be significant – notably the reduction in rush-hour congestion. Whether you use lamp-posts or phone boxes as your markers, these prove useful devices for motivating people to be more active. Studies by Liverpool John Moores University found that, compared with video gaming, active gaming on the Wii significantly increased total body and upper limb movement in adolescent boys and girls. This was a result of participants being on their feet and using wireless handheld remotes to play the games, with the associated increases in energy expenditure and heart rate significantly greater than sedentary gaming. The studies found that, when using the Wii console, the participants’ energy expenditure increased 156 per cent above resting. Based on the average gaming week of 12.2 hours, this translates to a potential 1,830 calories burned per week when using the Wii.10,11 With more motion-controlled gaming consoles entering the market (such as Kinect for Xbox 360 or Move for PlayStation 3) and the huge popularity of the games played on these platforms (Wii Sports Resort was the second most popular video game in the world in 2009), the potential to shift to more physically active gaming is significant.12 With this knowledge, parents can be empowered to make healthier choices when it comes to which computer consoles and games they buy for their children. 22 Applying behavioural insight to health N+,&'%&'(2+*(1.5%,#(&.04( ,0./&;(5$5#%&'( The introduction of bike hire schemes in major cities across the world offers a fascinating test of conventional versus behavioural economics. In conventional economics, it would be expected that introducing a large number of relatively cheap and easy-to-hire bikes would make it less likely that people would buy a bike themselves. In contrast, behavioural economics suggests that the effect would go the other way – that seeing more people cycle would create a new social norm and visual prompt, encouraging more people to want to cycle. The answer? Bike retailers have reported significant increases in bike sales since the advent of London’s bike hire scheme. This is an interesting lesson for other cities considering taking up similar schemes. Also, if the cycling stations and bikes themselves act as such a positive visible cue, perhaps their presence could be made even more prominent in future schemes. M I N D S PAC E Norms, Affect and Salience There is ongoing academic debate about the exact causal relationship between exercise, diet and weight, and specifically around how much exercise is a cause or effect on changes in weight. We certainly know that individual differences in weight are strongly and causally linked to levels of movement, but there has also been growing study of how obesity (and exercise) appears to spread through social networks (norms), as most famously illustrated by the long-term, cross-generational Framingham Health Study in the USA.13 Like other lifestyle habits, exercise is strongly affected by our tendency to discount future gains, such as being fit and feeling good, relative to short-term pains. The Harvard economist, David Laibson, often uses the specific example of exercise to illustrate our deeply ingrained tendency to procrastinate. Exercising today involves immediate sweat and effort, with the benefits being realised in the long term – we are therefore less inclined to exercise as much as we should. By contrast, the idea of exercising tomorrow looks very attractive. Hence we intend, quite sincerely, always to exercise tomorrow.14 The examples in this section seek to turn this problem around, such as through adding an immediate pleasure up front with the fun of the piano stairs (affect and salience), or by changing the social norm around exercise with the city bike hire scheme.15 Applying behavioural insight to health 23 9. Social care Social care for the elderly costs government more than £16 billion each year1 as demand increases – there will be a projected 1.6 million more adults in England over the age of 18 with a care need by 2026 (a 30 per cent increase).4 The UK population is expected to increase to 67 million by 2020.2 The number of those aged over 85 will increase by 50 per cent by 2020.2 Increases in life expectancy will mean greater numbers of people with greater health and care needs. Demand for informal care from family, friends and community members is projected to rise by 40 per cent by 2022, particularly affecting those without children and those who do not have relatives living close by.3 !(1.5%,#(5,0*(50*;%21(15+*4*( Despite the significant contribution of informal care to support friends and family, we know that there is sizeable unmet need for social care in the current system. This unmet need will grow rapidly Enabling people to help one another, by unlocking currently under-utilised time and skills, will be crucial to ensuring that older people can live a happy and independent lifestyle for as long as possible. The ‘Fureai Kippu’ scheme has been developed in Japan over the past 15 years, and is a powerful example of an alternative approach to social care. The unit of care (the ‘Fureai Kippu’) is an hour of time earned for individuals who help older people with any aspects of their care that the national healthcare system does not cover: for Growth of the number of Fureai Kippu branches May 2003 2001 1998 1996 1992 0 100 200 300 400 Source: Lietaer B (2004) Complementary currencies in Japan today: Their history, originality and relevance. International Journal of Community Currency Research 8:1–23. 24 Applying behavioural insight to health example help with shopping or food preparation, or with the daily bath (a ritual in Japan). These Fureai Kippu can be saved for the individual’s own use in the future, or transferred to someone of their choice, typically a parent or family member who lives elsewhere in the country and who needs similar help. There are now more than 400 Fureai Kippu branches in Japan, involving tens of thousands of active participants. 5 Because the elderly participating in this scheme now have a support system at their own home, the time when they have to be moved to expensive retirement homes can be significantly postponed, and the period they are spending in hospitals after a medical problem can also be much shorter. All this reduces the costs to society of elderly care, while improving the subjective quality of life of the elderly themselves.6,7 Drawing on these insights, the Behavioural Insights Team, together with the Department of Health, the Department for Work and Pensions and the Department for Communities and Local Government, is working with the Royal Borough of Windsor and Maidenhead – one of the four Big Society ‘vanguard communities’ announced by the Prime Minister in July 2010 – to develop a reciprocal time-credit scheme to help catalyse more peer-to-peer provision of social care. The Royal Borough will be designing and testing the feasibility of a local ‘CareBank’ model, which enables all residents to gain time-credits in return for voluntary activity in support of older people. The project will be co-designed with the local community to develop exchange mechanisms and incentive schemes that maximise opportunities for everybody to participate as both givers and receivers. If successful, it is hoped that localities in other parts of the country would develop their own social care time-credit and, with an effective nation-wide exchange platform, people could start to trade credits across different localities. M I N D S PAC E Commitment A series of studies has shown the remarkable relationship between social connection or isolation and ill-health. In longitudinal studies, social isolation has been found to be associated with two- to five-fold increases in age-adjusted mortality rates, particularly in men.8 Social isolation has also been found to decrease survival rates after the onset of a condition, reduce post-operative survival rates, and even – under experimental conditions – increase susceptibility to specific viruses, such as the common cold.9 The causal pathways for these effects are increasingly well understood. They include not only the direct effects of caring support – making sure that we are fed and warm – but also demonstrable positive effects on the immune system that seem to result from confiding in others.10 The care credit scheme described rests heavily on the power of reciprocity and commitment – our desire to help others who have helped us. Applying behavioural insight to health 25 Conclusion There is no reason why we cannot succeed in tackling today’s rising tide of chronic lifestylerelated diseases. Some trends are already encouraging, such as the overall falls in smoking rates (though there are still rises in some key groups). Other trends are more worrying, such as rising levels of children who are overweight. In most cases, success will not come from a single ‘silver bullet’. Instead it will come from a combined approach between many partners – local communities, professionals, businesses and citizens themselves. A key objective of the coming years will be to try out behavioural approaches – to experiment at local level – to find the most effective ways of adjusting our lifestyles in ways that keep or put citizens in the driving seat and make it easy to live a happy and healthy life. The current state of our knowledge – about both health and behavioural science – gives us many powerful clues about what is likely to work, but there is a great deal that we do not know. In such cases, we must ensure we test new approaches in a robust way – preferably with randomised control trials and before and after measures – supported with evaluations that will help other areas learn the lessons. In recognition of this need, a new Policy Research Unit on Behaviour and Health was announced in the recent Public Health White Paper. It is clear to us from our work with the Department of Health, health professionals and businesses that there is a great deal of energy and enthusiasm for the new health agenda. If we can combine the insights from behavioural science with this enthusiasm and professional expertise, the benefits are likely to be very substantial indeed – fewer lives lost, better value for money and better health. Designing in experimentation Though behavioural science gives us a good starting point for how communities and citizens can improve health, there is a strong case for trying and testing variations in approach. When you use many well-known websites or browsers, the page you are directed to is often one of two or more versions, varying slightly in wording or position. This enables the site’s designers to see whether any of the variations work significantly better. This approach, sometimes known as A-B testing, enables a constant process of innovation and learning, but is very rarely used in the public sector. Public health professionals can learn much from these types of careful experimentation, such as which kinds of link or information from a public website lead to more attempts to quit smoking or joining the organ donation register. The same applies for other kinds of approaches to encourage healthy behaviour. Even within the examples presented in this paper, there are many possible variations in approach. For example, there are many different combinations of the schemes to help smokers quit, to encourage more active lifestyles, or to improve diets. The fact is we generally cannot know in advance which combination will work best. But we can easily find out. We – local communities, citizens, public health professionals – can try out alternative combinations. What we must do is ensure that such trials are framed in a robust way – preferably with randomised control trials and before and after measures – supported with evaluations that will help other areas learn the lessons, and with transparency of results so that others can study and learn from what happened. 26 Applying behavioural insight to health References and useful links 8&20.;/52%.&( 1. HM Government (2010) The Coalition: Our Programme for Government. London: HM Government. 2. Department of Health (2010) Healthy Lives, Healthy People: Our Strategy for Public Health in England. London: Department of Health. 3. Cialdini R (2003) Crafting normative messages to protect the environment. Current Directions in Psychological Science 12(4): 105–109. 4. Thaler RH and Sunstein CR (2008) Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth and Happiness. New Haven CT: Yale University Press. 5. Kahneman D (2008) Two big things happening in psychology today. Edge. 6. Cabinet Office and Institute for Government (2010) MINDSPACE. Influencing Behaviour through Public Policy. London: Cabinet Office. 7. Halpern D (2005) Social Capital. Cambridge: Polity Press. @4.>%&'( 1. Peto R, Lopez AD, Boreham J and Thun M (2006) Mortality from Smoking in Developed Countries 1950–2000. Clinical Trial Service Unit and Epidemiological Studies Unit, Oxford University: www.ctsu.ox.ac.uk/~tobacco 2. Robinson S and Bugler C (2008) Smoking and drinking among adults. General Lifestyle Survey 2008. Newport: Office for National Statistics. 3. Weinstein D, Marcus S and Moser R (2005) Smokers’ unrealistic optimism about their risk. Tobacco Control 14(1): 55–59. 4. Cahill K and Perera R (2009) Competitions and incentives for smoking cessation. Cochrane Collaboration. 5. Volpp K et al. (2009) A randomised controlled trial of financial incentives for smoking cessation. New England Journal of Medicine 360(7): 699–709. 6. Cabinet Office and Institute for Government (2010) MINDSPACE. Influencing Behaviour through Public Policy. London: Cabinet Office. 7. Giné X, Karlan D and Zinman J (2010) Put your money where your butt is: a commitment contract for smoking cessation. American Economic Journal – Applied Economics 2(4): 213–235. 8. Weinstein N (1987) Unrealistic optimism about susceptibility to health problems: Conclusions from a community-wide sample. Journal of Behavioral Medicine 10(5): 481–500. See also NHS Choices, Smokefree: http://smokefree.nhs.uk/ Applying behavioural insight to health 27 O0',&(;.&,2%.&( 1. Department of Health (2008) Organs for Transplants: A Report from the Organ Donation Taskforce. London: Department of Health. 2. Department of Health (2008) The Potential Impact of an Opt Out System for Organ Donation in the UK: An Independent Report from the Organ Donation Taskforce. London: Department of Health. 3. Abadie A and Gay S (2006) The impact of presumed consent legislation on cadaveric organ donation: A cross-country study. Journal of Health Economics 25(4): 599–620. See also NHS Blood and Transplant: www.uktransplant.org.uk 3**&,'*("0*'&,&5$( 1. Office for National Statistics (2009) Social Trends 38. London: Office for National Statistics. 2. Grimm KJ (2007) Multivariate longitudinal methods for studying developmental relationships between depression and academic achievement. International Journal of Behavioral Development 31(4): 328–339. 3. Harden A, Brunton G, Fletcher A and Oakley A (2009) Teenage pregnancy and social disadvantage: Systematic review integrating controlled trials and qualitative studies. British Medical Journal 339: b4254. 4. Jordahl T and Lohman B (2009) A bioecological analysis of risk and protective factors associated with early sexual intercourse of young adolescents. Children and Youth Services Review 31(12): 1272–1282. 5 Meier AM (2007) Adolescent first sex and subsequent mental health. American Journal of Sociology 112: 1811–1847. 6 Thornberry TP (1987) Toward an interactional theory of delinquency. Criminology 25: 863–891. 7. McDowell A (2004) A Retrospective Analysis of the Efficacy of the Teens and Toddlers Programme. London: Children Our Ultimate Investment UK. 8. Cialdini RB, Reno RR and Kallgren CA (1990) A focus theory of normative conduct: Recycling the concept of norms to reduce littering in public places. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 58(6): 1015–1026. See also Teens and Toddlers: www.teensandtoddlers.org !#5.+.#( 1. Department of Health (2010) Healthy Lives, Healthy People: Our Strategy for Public Health in England. London: Department of Health. 2. Rickards L, Fox K, Roberts C et al. (2004) Living in Britain: Results from the 2002 General Household Survey. London: Office for National Statistics. 28 Applying behavioural insight to health 3. Gill JS (2002) Reported levels of alcohol consumption and binge drinking within the UK undergraduate student population over the last 25 years. Alcohol and Alcoholism 37(2): 109–120. 4. Thaler RH and Sunstein CR (2008) Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth and Happiness. New Haven CT: Yale University Press. 5. Bellis MA, Hughes K, Cook PA and Morleo M (2009) Off Measure: How We Underestimate the Amount We Drink. London: Alcohol Concern. 6. Johannessen K and Glider P (2003) The University of Arizona’s Campus Health social norms media campaign. In Perkins HW (ed.) The Social Norms Approach to Preventing School and College Age Substance Abuse: A Handbook for Educators, Counselors, and Clinicians. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. 7. Moreira T, Smith LA and Foxcroft DR (2009) Social norms interventions to reduce alcohol misuse in university or college students. Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews 3: CD006748. 8. Tversky A and Kahneman D (1973) Availability: A heuristic for judging frequency and probability. Cognitive Psychology 5(2): 207–232. See also DrinkAware: www.drinkaware.co.uk =%*2(,&;(C*%'+2( 1. Government Office for Science (2007) Foresight – Tackling Obesities: Future Choices – Modelling Future Trends in Obesity and the Impact on Health, second edition. London: Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills. 2. National Statistics and NHS Information Centre (2009) National Child Measurement Programme: England, 2008/09 School Year. London: NHS Information Centre. 3. Bates B, Lennox A and Swan G (2010) National Diet and Nutrition Survey. Headline Results from Year 1 of the Rolling Programme (2008–09). London: Food Standards Agency and Department of Health. 4. Lock K, Pomerleau J, Causer L et al. 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Journal of Environmental Health 67(7): 32–36. L+$1%5,#(,52%-%2$( 1. Britton A and McPherson K (2000) Monitoring the Progress of the 2010 Target for Coronary Heart Disease Mortality: Estimated Consequences on CHD Incidence and Mortality from Changing Prevalence of Risk Factors. London: National Heart Forum. 2. World Health Organization (European Region) data: www.euro.who.int 3. Department of Health (2009) Be Active, Be Healthy: A Plan to Get the Nation Moving. London: Department of Health. 4. www.rolighetsteorin.se 5. www.youtube.com/watch?v=ivg56TX9kWI 30 Applying behavioural insight to health 6. www.thefuntheory.com 7. Nike Grid: www.nikegrid.com 8. Nike Run Dem Crew Youngers: www.rundemcrew.com/rdc-youngers/ 9. Step2Get and International Walk to School Challenge: www.intelligenthealth.co.uk 10. Graves L, Stratton G, Ridgers ND and Cable NT (2007) Energy expenditure in adolescents playing new generation computer games. British Journal of Sports Medicine 42(7): 592–594. 11. Graves L, Ridgers ND and Stratton G (2008) The contribution of upper limb and total body movement to adolescents’ energy expenditure whilst playing Nintendo Wii. European Journal of Applied Physiology 104(4): 617–623. 12. NPD Group, GfK Chart-Track Ltd and Enterbrain Inc (2010) The Top Global Markets Report. 13. Christakis NA and Fowler JH (2007) The spread of obesity in a large social network over 32 years. New England Journal of Medicine 357(4): 370–379. 14. Laibson D (1998) Self control and saving for retirement. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1: 91–172. See also London Cycle Hire: www.tfl.gov.uk/barclayscyclehire @.5%,#(5,0*( 1. Featherstone H and Whitham L (2010) Careless: Funding Long-term Care for the Elderly. London: Policy Exchange. 2. Office for National Statistics (2007) 2006 Based Projections. 3. Botsman R and Rogers R (2010) What’s Mine is Yours: The Rise of Collaborative Consumption. New York: HarperCollins. 4. Department for Communities and Local Government (2010) Local Authority Resource Account. 5. Lietaer B (2004) Complementary currencies in Japan today: History, originality and relevance. International Journal of Community Currency Research 8: 1–23. 6. Cacioppo JT and Patrick W (2008) Loneliness: Human Nature and the Need for Social Connection. New York: Norton and Co. 7. Halpern D (2010) The Hidden Wealth of Nations. Cambridge: Polity Press. 8. Berkman L (1983) The assessment of social networks and social support in the elderly. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society 31(12): 743–749. 9. Cohen S, Doyle W, Skoner D et al. (1997) Social ties and susceptibility to the common cold. Journal of the American Medical Association 277 (24): 1940–1944. 10. Kiecolt-Glaser JK, Fisher LD, Ogrocki P et al. (1987) Marital quality, marital disruption, and immune function. Psychosomatic Medicine 49(1): 13–34. This is a discussion paper. Its purpose is to encourage public debate. Published by the Cabinet Office Behavioural Insights Team Publication date: December 2010 © Crown copyright 2010 Behavioural Insights Team Issue Date: October 2007 Behaviour change at population, community and individual levels NICE public health guidance 6 1 NICE public health guidance 6 ‘Behaviour change at population, community and individual levels' Ordering information You can download the following documents from www.nice.org.uk/PH006 • The NICE guidance (this document) which includes all the recommendations and details of how they were developed. • A quick reference guide for professionals and the public. • Supporting documents, including an evidence review and an economic analysis. For printed copies of the quick reference guide, phone the NHS Response Line on 0870 1555 455 and quote N1230. This guidance represents the views of the Institute and was arrived at after careful consideration of the evidence available. Those working in the NHS, local authorities, the wider public, voluntary and community sectors and the private sector should take it into account when carrying out their professional, managerial or voluntary duties. National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence MidCity Place 71 High Holborn London WC1V 6NA www.nice.org.uk © National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence, 2007. All rights reserved. This material may be freely reproduced for educational and not-for-profit purposes. No reproduction by or for commercial organisations, or for commercial purposes, is allowed without the express written permission of the Institute. 2 Introduction The Department of Health asked the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE or the Institute) to produce public health guidance on the most appropriate generic and specific interventions to support attitude and behaviour change at population and community levels. This guidance provides a set of generic principles that can be used as the basis for planning, delivering and evaluating public health activities aimed at changing health-related behaviours. The guidance should be read in conjunction with other topic-specific public health guidance issued by NICE. It does not replace any of this guidance. Future NICE guidance that aims to change people’s behaviour will be based on the principles outlined in this guidance. The guidance is for NHS and non-NHS professionals and others who have a direct or indirect role in, and responsibility for, helping people change their health-related knowledge, attitudes and behaviour. This includes national policy makers in health and related sectors (including those with a responsibility for planning or commissioning media, marketing or other campaigns), and commissioners, providers and practitioners in the NHS, local government, the community and voluntary sectors. It is also relevant for the research community (including those who oversee research funding), social and behavioural scientists, and health economists working in the area of health-related knowledge, attitude and behaviour change. The Programme Development Group (PDG) has considered a range of evidence, key theories, economic data, stakeholder comments and the results of fieldwork in developing these recommendations. Details of membership of the PDG are given in appendix A. The methods used to develop the guidance are summarised in appendix B. Supporting documents used in the preparation of this document are listed in appendix E. Full details of the evidence collated, including fieldwork data and activities and 3 stakeholder comments, are available on the NICE website, along with a list of the stakeholders involved and the Institute’s supporting process and methods manuals. The website address is: www.nice.org.uk This guidance was developed using the NICE public health programme process. 4 Contents 1 Public health need and practice................................................................6 2 Considerations..........................................................................................8 3 Recommendations..................................................................................19 4 Implementation .......................................................................................27 5 Recommendations for research..............................................................28 6 Updating the recommendations ..............................................................31 7 Related NICE guidance ..........................................................................32 8 References .............................................................................................32 9 Glossary..................................................................................................35 Appendix A: membership of the Programme Development Group, the NICE Project Team and external contractors ..........................................................37 Appendix B: summary of the methods used to develop this guidance ...........41 Appendix C: the evidence ..............................................................................50 Appendix D: gaps in the evidence..................................................................55 Appendix E: supporting documents ...............................................................56 5 1 Public health need and practice There is overwhelming evidence that changing people’s health-related behaviour can have a major impact on some of the largest causes of mortality and morbidity. The Wanless report (Wanless 2004) outlined a position in the future in which levels of public engagement with health are high, and the use of preventive and primary care services are optimised, helping people to stay healthy. This ‘fully engaged’ scenario, identified in the report as the best option for future organisation and delivery of NHS services, requires changes in behaviours and their social, economic and environmental context to be at the heart of all disease prevention strategies. Behaviour plays an important role in people’s health (for example, smoking, poor diet, lack of exercise and sexual risk-taking can cause a large number of diseases). In addition, the evidence shows that different patterns of behaviour are deeply embedded in people’s social and material circumstances, and their cultural context. Interventions to change behaviour have enormous potential to alter current patterns of disease. A genetic predisposition to disease is difficult to alter. Social circumstances can also be difficult to change, at least in the short to medium term. By comparison, people’s behaviour – as individuals and collectively – may be easier to change. However, many attempts to do this have been unsuccessful, or only partially successful. Often, this has been because they fail to take account of the theories and principles of successful planning, delivery and evaluation. At present, there is no strategic approach to behaviour change across government, the NHS or other sectors, and many different models, methods and theories are being used in an uncoordinated way. Identifying effective approaches and strategies that benefit the population as a whole will enable public health practitioners, volunteers and researchers to operate more effectively, and achieve more health benefits with the available resources. 6 Health inequalities Social and economic position is directly linked to health. In the UK, there is a health inequalities gradient, with the least advantaged experiencing the worst health. Social and economic conditions can prevent people from changing their behaviour to improve their health, and can also reinforce behaviours that damage it. Health inequalities are the result of a set of complex interactions, including: • the long-term effects of a disadvantaged social position • differences in access to information, services and resources • differences in exposure to risk • lack of control over one’s own life circumstances • a health system that may reinforce social and economic inequalities. These factors all affect people’s ability to withstand the stressors – biological, social, psychological and economic – that can trigger ill health. They also affect the capacity to change behaviour. Changing behaviour Actions to bring about behaviour change may be delivered at individual, household, community or population levels using a variety of means or techniques. The outcomes do not necessarily occur at the same level as the intervention itself. For example, population-level interventions may affect individuals, and community- and family-level interventions may affect whole populations. Significant events or transition points in people’s lives present an important opportunity for intervening at some or all of the levels, because it is then that people often review their own behaviour and contact services. Typical transition points include: leaving school, entering the workforce, becoming a parent, becoming unemployed, retirement and bereavement. 7 This guidance provides a systematic, coherent and evidence-based approach, considering generic principles for changing people’s health-related knowledge, attitudes and behaviour, at individual, community and population levels. Strategies for reaching and working with disadvantaged groups are considered and the health equity implications assessed. 2 Considerations The PDG took account of a number of factors and issues in making the recommendations. Key theories 2.1 The PDG was influenced by a number of different theories, concepts and accounts of behaviour and behaviour change, drawn from the social and behavioural sciences. These include: resilience, coping, self-efficacy, planned behaviour, structure and agency, ‘habitus’ and social capital. (Ajzen 1991, 2001; Antonovsky 1985, 1987; Bandura 1997; Bourdieu 1977, 1986; Conner and Sparks 2005; Giddens 1979, 1982, 1984; Lazarus 1976, 1985; Lazarus and Folkman 1984; Morgan and Swann 2004; Putnam 2000.) (For more details see appendix A.) 2.2 The PDG discussed efforts to use policy and legislation to change behaviour (although relatively little formal evidence on legislation was identified). Such measures tend to work through a combination of awareness-raising, compulsion and enforcement, providing legislative or environmental ‘structure’ to the decisions people make about their behaviour. It was noted that legislation can appear to be a simple and powerful tool, and the evidence suggests that introducing legislation, in conjunction with other interventions, can be effective at the individual, community and population levels. However, it also suggests that it can be subject to contingencies and side effects, 8 including criminalisation, compensating or displaced behaviour, and lack of public support (Gostin 2000; Haw et al. 2006; WHO 2005). 2.3 The PDG observed that people’s health behaviours may change, depending on their social and material circumstances and their time of life. It was also noted that many other factors (such as place of birth, parental income, education and employment opportunities, or the impact of prejudice and discrimination) can have both direct and indirect effects on health, and on people’s ability to change, leading to a cumulative effect over the life course (Graham and Power 2004; Kuh et al. 1997). The PDG considered the concept of the life course and evidence was sought on the potential benefits of intervening at key life stages or transition points. Explicit, formal evidence (at the level searched) was scarce. 2.4 The PDG further noted that the knowledge and evidence from different disciplines are very different in the concepts they use, the assumptions they make about cause and explanation, and (sometimes) the methods that they favour. Consequently, combining knowledge and evidence from different levels – such as the social and the individual – is extremely difficult. To ensure that as broad a range as possible of knowledge and evidence was taken into account, the PDG adopted a pluralistic approach that acknowledged the value of different forms of evidence and research methods. 2.5 The psychological literature is extensive and provides a number of general models of health behaviour and behaviour change. However, the research literature evaluating the relevance and use of these models is inconsistent. For example, it includes multiple adaptations of particular models, poor study designs and studies that fail to take account of all the confounding factors. Having considered some of the more commonly used models of health behaviour, the PDG concluded that the evidence did not support any particular model (although some have more evidence of effectiveness than others). For this reason, it believes training should focus on generic 9 competencies and skills, rather than on specific models. These include the ability to: • critically evaluate the evidence for different approaches to behaviour change • design valid and reliable interventions and programmes, that take account of the social, environmental and economic context of behaviours • Identify and use clear and appropriate outcome measures to assess changes in behaviour • employ a range of behaviour change methods and approaches, according to the best available evidence • regularly review the allocation of resources to interventions and programmes in light of current evidence. Definitions 2.6 For the purposes of this guidance, human behaviour is defined as: ’the product of individual or collective human actions, seen within and influenced by their structural, social and economic context’. These actions produce observable social, cultural and economic patterns which limit – or enable – what individuals can do. The recommendations in this guidance span the individual, social and group processes involved in human behaviour. 2.7 The PDG considered the psychological models showing relationships between knowledge, attitudes and behaviour, according to the various definitions outlined in the identified literature. The PDG noted that for some actions the links between intentions and behaviour can be described precisely. However, simple models do not capture more complex or population-level dynamics. 2.8 Although the evidence on psychological models was found to be limited, a number of concepts drawn from the psychological literature are helpful when planning work on behaviour change with individuals. 10 When used in conjunction with recommendations here on planning and social context, these concepts could be used to structure and inform interventions. They include: • outcome expectancies (helping people to develop accurate knowledge about the health consequences of their behaviours) • personal relevance (emphasising the personal salience of health behaviours) • positive attitude (promoting positive feelings towards the outcomes of behaviour change) • self-efficacy (enhancing people’s belief in their ability to change) • descriptive norms (promoting the visibility of positive health behaviours in people’s reference groups – that is, the groups they compare themselves to, or aspire to) • subjective norms (enhancing social approval for positive health behaviours in significant others and reference groups) • personal and moral norms (promoting personal and moral commitments to behaviour change) • intention formation and concrete plans (helping people to form plans and goals for changing behaviours, over time and in specific contexts) • behavioural contracts (asking people to share their plans and goals with others) • relapse prevention (helping people develop skills to cope with difficult situations and conflicting goals). 2.9 Coordinated attempts to promote or support behaviour change can take a number of forms. These activities can also be delivered at a number of levels, ranging from local, one to one interactions with individuals to national campaigns. Many terms are used to describe these activities and sometimes these are used interchangeably (see glossary). Broadly, interventions can be divided into four main categories: 11 • policy – such as legislation, workplace policies or voluntary agreements with industry • education or communication – such as one to one advice, group teaching or media campaigns • technologies – such as the use of seat belts, breathalysers or child proof containers for toxic products • resources – such as leisure centre entry, free condoms or free nicotine replacement therapy. 2.10 This guidance adopts the NICE definitions for public health interventions and programmes, unless another specific term has been used in the literature (such as ‘campaign’ to refer to a media initiative). See ‘The public health guidance development process: an overview for stakeholders including public health practitioners, policy makers and the public’ (details in appendix E). 2.11 Whether an intervention or programme is delivered to individuals, in community or family settings, or at population level, the effects are rarely restricted to one level. For example, a brief primary care intervention aimed at reducing alcohol consumption among individuals could have an impact: • on the individual’s behaviour (for example, level of alcohol consumption, individual health outcomes, or incidence of domestic violence) • on the local community (for example, local alcohol sales, alcoholrelated crime or accident and emergency [A&E] events) • at population level (for example, national alcohol sales and consumption, national statistics on alcohol-related crime and A&E events, or demographic patterns of liver cirrhosis). Planning and design 2.12 The PDG noted that it is important to specify three things with respect to any intervention that aims to change behaviour. First, be as 12 specific as possible about its content. Second, spell out what is done, to whom, in what social and economic context, and in what way. Third, make it clear which underlying theories will help make explicit the key causal links between actions and outcomes (Davidson et al. 2003; Pawson 2006; Weiss 1995). The PDG noted that the evidence is often very weak in these respects. 2.13 It is important for those planning health improvement interventions to be clear about the behaviours that need to be changed, any relevant contextual changes that also need to be made, and the level at which the intervention will be delivered (individual, community or population). The following questions should be used as a guide: • Whose health are you seeking to improve (target population/s)? • What behaviour are you seeking to change (behavioural target)? • What contextual factors need to be taken into account (what are the barriers to and opportunities for change and what are the strengths/potential of the people you are working with)? • How will you know if you have succeeded in changing behaviour (what are your intended outcomes and outcome measures)? • Which social factors may directly affect the behaviour, and can they be tackled? • What assumptions have been made about the theoretical links between the intervention and outcome? 2.14 A range of resources provide access to good quality, up-to-date evidence on the effectiveness of interventions and programmes aimed at changing behaviour. These include: NICE public health guidance, research and review databases (for example, the Database of Abstracts of Reviews of Effectiveness, the Cochrane Library, Medline, and the Social Science Citation Index), and current texts on behaviour change (for example, Conner and Norman 2005). 13 When drawing up plans to change people’s behaviour, enough time needs to be set aside to consult these resources to establish which interventions and programmes will be most appropriate. 2.15 Time and resources should be set aside for evaluation. The size and nature of the intervention, its aims and objectives and the underlying theory of change used should determine the form of evaluation (see below). 2.16 Attempts to change behaviour have not always led to universal improvements in the population’s health. For example, different groups (measured by age, socioeconomic position, ethnicity or gender) react differently to incentives and disincentives, or ‘fear’ messages. Effective interventions target specific groups and are tailored to meet their needs. This is particularly important where health equity is one of the goals. Service user views may be helpful when planning interventions. 2.17 The cultural acceptability and value of different forms of behaviour varies according to age, ethnicity, gender and socioeconomic position. It is important not to stereotype or stigmatise groups or individuals because of these variations. This can be avoided by working closely with communities over time, by tackling prejudice and discrimination in professional practice, and by using needs assessments to gather local and cultural information to ensure interventions are tailored appropriately. 2.18 Changing behaviour may not be a priority for the individuals being targeted. People do not necessarily make their own long-term health a priority and may want to focus on other, more immediate needs and goals (for example, relieving stress, or complying with peer pressure). 2.19 Some damaging and, therefore, apparently negative health behaviours may provide positive psychological, social or physical benefits for individuals in certain social and cultural contexts. For example, smoking cigarettes may provide ‘time out’ for people in 14 difficult circumstances. Effective interventions take account of the social, cultural and economic acceptability of the intervention and the target group’s attitudes toward the behaviour. They recognise diversity in the values people use to guide their lives and behaviour. 2.20 Interventions may have unintended and negative consequences. When planning an intervention, it is often helpful to conduct a prospective health and equity impact assessment. 2.21 No single method can be universally applied to influence all behaviour and all people. Universal interventions do not invariably have uniform effects, and may be more effective among some population groups, or in some settings, than others. 2.22 An intervention aimed at changing one behaviour may inadvertently lead to other changes. For example, someone who gives up smoking may start eating more food to compensate, leading to other health risks. 2.23 Motivated individuals actively seeking to make changes in their behaviour require a different approach from those who are unmotivated. The latter may need more information about the benefits of change, as well a realistic plan of action. Equally, different methods may be required at different times and to reach different people. This guidance identifies the broad principles. 2.24 Enabling individuals and communities to develop more control (or enhancing their perception of control) over their lives can act as a buffer against the effects of disadvantage, facilitating positive behaviour change. 2.25 A range of cognitive, social and environmental resources can help to boost the resilience of people living in difficult circumstances. These resources can help promote their health and protect them against illness and other negative outcomes. They include a positive attitude to health (leading to positive, health-related behaviours), coping skills 15 and ‘social capital’, the relationships of trust and reciprocity built up through, for example, friendship, family and faith networks. 2.26 Action taken earlier, rather than later, in an individual’s life can sometimes be more effective at preventing health-damaging behaviours. Consequently, interventions that focus on children and young people (and usually, their carers too) are important. However, interventions with other population groups can be highly effective and cost effective. An example is action to prevent falls among older people. 2.27 All interventions need to be developed and evaluated in stages, using an established approach such as the Medical Research Council’s framework for the development and evaluation of complex interventions (Campbell et al. 2000; see also Campbell et al. 2007; Flay 1986; Nutbeam 1998). Such an approach will help ensure interventions are based on the best available evidence of feasibility, acceptability, safety, effectiveness, efficiency or equity. Delivery 2.28 As well as focusing on individual factors, it is important that policy makers and commissioners take steps to address the social, environmental, economic and legislative factors that affect people’s ability to change their behaviour. 2.29 A large number of mechanisms could be used to influence behaviour but the amount of evidence varies. Generally, there is far more evidence on activities aimed at individuals than on policies and other activities aimed at tackling the wider determinants of health. The evidence on efficacy and equity is also variable. The PDG could not review all the possibilities, but noted that the following mechanisms were successful in some circumstances: • legislation and taxation • mass media campaigns 16 • social marketing • community programmes • point of sale promotions. 2.30 Population-level interventions have the greatest potential, however, if supported by government and implemented effectively. (Legislation making it compulsory to wear seatbelts in the front seats of cars is an example of a highly effective, population-level intervention.) 2.31 Epidemiological theory suggests that even small degrees of change, over time, can result in significant improvements in population-level health (Rose 1985). Population-level interventions could be an effective and cost-effective way of changing behaviour. 2.32 The PDG noted that a wide range of policies and the actions of a range of government and non-governmental organisations impact directly and indirectly on health. (Relevant policies and actions include those related to taxation, the licensing laws and the benefits system.) This could be explicitly acknowledged by carrying out routine health impact assessments on how a policy, law or system affects people’s health-related behaviour. It could also be acknowledged through partnership and cross-government working. 2.33 The level of skills, knowledge and the competencies required by those providing health-related interventions will differ, according to their specific role. However, some are central to most public health activity. These include: knowledge of the full range of difference approaches to behaviour change, competence in planning and evaluation, understanding the principles of non-discriminatory practice; and the ability to use evidence from research and practice. 2.34 The PDG noted that the capacity of the public health workforce requires assessment. An education and training strategy to support the development needs of those involved in helping to change people’s behaviour (within both NHS and non-NHS settings) could improve effectiveness. National training standards to reflect the skills 17 and competencies described in the recommendations would support their implementation. Evaluation 2.35 The distinction between monitoring and evaluation is important. Monitoring involves routinely collecting information on a day to day basis and using shared information resources and statistics to keep local and national health activity under surveillance. It is part of quality and safety assurance. Evaluation, on the other hand, is the formal assessment of the process and impact of a programme or intervention. Where an intervention is employed that has already been rigorously evaluated (for example, in NICE public health guidance) and demonstrated to be effective in equivalent conditions, then monitoring, rather than a full evaluation, is likely to be sufficient. 2.36 Complex public health interventions can be systematically evaluated, based on the relevant theory and evidence, if they use a wellplanned, ‘staged’ approach to evaluation. 2.37 Formal outcome and process evaluation can be challenging, but it is an important way of assessing efforts to change behaviour. An effective evaluation is based on clearly defined outcome measures – at individual, community and population levels, as appropriate. Qualitative research looking at the experience, meaning and value of changes to individuals may also be appropriate. Methods and outcome measures are identified during the planning phase. In addition, effective interventions specify their ‘programme theory’ (or reason why particular actions are expected to have particular outcomes). They also use a framework of ‘action – reason – outcome’ to guide evaluation (Campbell et al. 2000; Campbell et al. 2007; Flay 1986; Nutbeam 1998; Pawson 2006; Weiss 1995). 18 3 Recommendations This document is the Institute’s formal guidance on generic principles that should be used as the basis of initiatives to support attitude and behaviour change. When developing the principles the PDG (see appendix A) considered the evidence of effectiveness (including cost effectiveness), relevant theory, fieldwork data and comments from stakeholders. Full details are available on the Institute’s website at: www.nice.org.uk/PH006. The reviews that informed this guidance are listed in appendix B. The evidence reviews, supporting evidence statements and economic appraisal are available on the Institute’s website at: www.nice.org.uk/PH006. Key theories, concepts, and other evidence that informed this guidance are listed in appendix C. On the basis of the evidence considered, the PDG believes that where interventions and programmes are applied appropriately, according to the principles outlined in this guidance and in conjunction with other topic-specific NICE guidance, then they are likely be cost effective. In some circumstances, they will save money. For the research recommendations and other gaps in the evidence see section 5 and appendix D, respectively. The guidance highlights the need to: • Plan carefully interventions and programmes aimed at changing behaviour, taking into account the local and national context and working in partnership with recipients. Interventions and programmes should be based on a sound knowledge of community needs and should build upon the existing skills and resources within a community. • Equip practitioners with the necessary competencies and skills to support behaviour change, using evidence-based tools. (Education providers should ensure courses for practitioners are based on theoretically informed, evidence-based best practice.) 19 • Evaluate all behaviour change interventions and programmes, either locally or as part of a larger project. Wherever possible, evaluation should include an economic component. Planning Principle 1: planning interventions and programmes Target audience Policy makers, commissioners, service providers, practitioners and others whose work impacts on, or who wish to change, people’s health-related behaviour. Recommended action • Work in partnership with individuals, communities, organisations and populations to plan interventions and programmes to change health-related behaviour. The plan should: − be based on a needs assessment or knowledge of the target audience − take account of the circumstances in which people live, especially the socioeconomic and cultural context − aim to develop – and build on – people’s strengths or ‘assets’ (that is, their skills, talents and capacity) − set out how the target population, community or group will be involved in the development, evaluation and implementation of the intervention or programme − specify the theoretical link between the intervention or programme and its outcome − set out which specific behaviours are to be targeted (for example, increasing levels of physical activity) and why − clearly justify any models that have been used to design and deliver an intervention or programme 20 − assess potential barriers to change (for example, lack of access to affordable opportunities for physical activity, domestic responsibilities, or lack of information or resources) and how these might be addressed − set out which interventions or programmes will be delivered and for how long − describe the content of each intervention or programme − set out which processes and outcomes (at individual, community or population level) will be measured, and how − include provision for evaluation. • Prioritise interventions and programmes that: − are based on the best available evidence of efficacy and cost effectiveness − can be tailored to tackle the individual beliefs, attitudes, intentions, skills and knowledge associated with the target behaviours − are developed in collaboration with the target population, community or group and take account of lay wisdom about barriers and change (where possible) − are consistent with other local or national interventions and programmes (where they are based on the best available evidence) − use key life stages or times when people are more likely to be open to change (such as pregnancy, starting or leaving school and entering or leaving the workforce) − include provision for evaluation. • Disinvest in interventions or programmes if there is good evidence to suggest they are not effective. • Where there is poor or no evidence of effectiveness (or the evidence is mixed) ensure that interventions and programmes are properly evaluated whenever they are used. 21 • Help to develop social approval for health-enhancing behaviours, in local communities and whole populations. Principle 2: assessing social context Target audience NHS and non-NHS policy makers and commissioners planning behaviour change interventions or programmes for communities or populations, especially disadvantaged or excluded groups. Recommended action • Identify and attempt to remove social, financial and environmental barriers that prevent people from making positive changes in their lives, for example, by tackling local poverty, employment or education issues. • Consider in detail the social and environmental context and how it could impact on the effectiveness of the intervention or programme. • Support structural improvements to help people who find it difficult to change, or who are not motivated. These improvements could include changes to the physical environment or to service delivery, access and provision. Principle 3: education and training Target audience Policy makers, commissioners, trainers, service providers, curriculum developers and practitioners. Recommended action • Provide training and support for those involved in changing people’s health-related behaviour so that they can develop the full range of competencies required. These competencies include the ability to: 22 − identify and assess evidence on behaviour change − understand the evidence on the psychological, social, economic and cultural determinants of behaviour − interpret relevant data on local or national needs and characteristics − design, implement and evaluate interventions and programmes − work in partnership with members of the target population(s) and those with local knowledge. • Appropriate national organisations (for example, the Faculty of Public Health, the British Psychological Society, the Chartered Institute of Environmental Health and the Nursing and Midwifery Council) should consider developing standards for these competencies and skills. The standards should take into account the different roles and responsibilities of practitioners working both within and outside the NHS. • Ensure fair and equitable access to education and training, to enable practitioners and volunteers who help people to change their health-related behaviour to develop their skills and competencies. • Review current education and training practice in this area, and disinvest in approaches that lack supporting evidence. Delivery Principle 4: individual-level interventions and programmes Target audience Commissioners, service providers and practitioners working with individuals. Recommended action • Select interventions that motivate and support people to: 23 − understand the short, medium and longer-term consequences of their health-related behaviours, for themselves and others − feel positive about the benefits of health-enhancing behaviours and changing their behaviour − plan their changes in terms of easy steps over time − recognise how their social contexts and relationships may affect their behaviour, and identify and plan for situations that might undermine the changes they are trying to make − plan explicit ‘if–then’ coping strategies to prevent relapse − make a personal commitment to adopt health-enhancing behaviours by setting (and recording) goals to undertake clearly defined behaviours, in particular contexts, over a specified time − share their behaviour change goals with others. Principle 5: community-level interventions and programmes Target audience NHS and non-NHS policy makers and commissioners planning behaviour change interventions and programmes for communities or subgroups in the population. Recommended action • Invest in interventions and programmes that identify and build on the strengths of individuals and communities and the relationships within communities. These include interventions and programmes to: − promote and develop positive parental skills and enhance relationships between children and their carers − improve self-efficacy − develop and maintain supportive social networks and nurturing relationships (for example, extended kinship networks and other ties) 24 − support organisations and institutions that offer opportunities for local people to take part in the planning and delivery of services − support organisations and institutions that promote participation in leisure and voluntary activities − promote resilience and build skills, by promoting positive social networks and helping to develop relationships − promote access to the financial and material resources needed to facilitate behaviour change. Principle 6: population-level interventions and programmes Target audience National policy makers, commissioners and others whose work impacts on population-level health-related behaviour. Recommended action • Deliver population-level policies, interventions and programmes tailored to change specific, health-related behaviours. These should be based on information gathered about the context, needs and behaviours of the target population(s). They could include: − fiscal and legislative interventions − national and local advertising and mass media campaigns (for example, information campaigns, promotion of positive role models and general promotion of health-enhancing behaviours) − point of sale promotions and interventions (for example, working in partnership with private sector organisations to offer information, price reductions or other promotions). • Ensure population-level interventions and programmes aiming to change behaviour are consistent with those delivered to individuals and communities. 25 • Ensure interventions and programmes are based on the best available evidence of effectiveness and cost effectiveness. • Ensure the risks, costs and benefits have been assessed for all target groups. Evaluation Principle 7: evaluating effectiveness Target audience Researchers, policy makers, commissioners, service providers and practitioners whose work impacts on, or who wish to change, people’s healthrelated behaviour. Recommended action • Ensure funding applications and project plans for new interventions and programmes include specific provision for evaluation and monitoring. • Ensure that, wherever possible, the following elements of behaviour change interventions and programmes are evaluated using appropriate process or outcome measures: − effectiveness − acceptability − feasibility − equity − safety. Principle 8: assessing cost effectiveness Target audience Policy makers, research funders, researchers and health economists. 26 Recommended action • Collect data for cost-effectiveness analysis, including quality of life measures. Where practicable, estimate the cost savings (if any) when researching or evaluating behaviour change interventions and programmes. This is particularly pertinent for research: − on mid- to long-term behaviour change − comparing the effectiveness and efficiency of interventions and programmes delivered to different population groups (for example, low- versus high-income groups, men versus women, young versus older people) − comparing the cost effectiveness of primary prevention versus clinical treatment for behaviour-related diseases. 4 Implementation NICE guidance can help: • NHS organisations meet DH standards for public health as set out in the seventh domain of ‘Standards for better health’ (updated in 2006). Performance against these standards is assessed by the Healthcare Commission, and forms part of the annual health check score awarded to local healthcare organisations. • NHS organisations and local authorities (including social care and children’s services) meet the requirements of the government’s ‘National standards, local action, health and social care standards and planning framework 2005–2008’. • National and local organisations within the public sector meet government indicators and targets to improve health and reduce health inequalities. • Local authorities fulfil their remit to promote the economic, social and environmental wellbeing of communities. 27 • Local NHS organisations, local authorities and other local public sector partners benefit from any identified cost savings, disinvestment opportunities or opportunities for re-directing resources. • Provide a focus for children’s trusts, health and wellbeing partnerships and other multi-sector partnerships working on health within a local strategic partnership. NICE has developed tools to help organisations implement this guidance. The tools will be available on our website (www.nice.org.uk/PH006). • Slides highlighting key messages for local discussion. • Costing statement. 5 Recommendations for research The PDG has made the following recommendations to plug the most important gaps in the evidence. Recommendation 1 Who should take action? Research councils, national and local research commissioners and funders, research workers and journal editors. What action should they take? • Include as standard in research reports: − a description of what was delivered, over what period, to whom and in what setting − information on the impact on health − clear definitions of the ‘health outcomes’ measured − a report of differences in access, recruitment, and (where relevant data are available) uptake, according to socio- 28 economic and cultural variables such as social class, education, gender, income or ethnicity − a description and rationale of the research methods and forms of interpretation used, and where relevant the reliability and validity of the measures of behaviour change adopted. • Ensure research studies on behaviour change always: − identify and account for the different components of change among different social groups − pay attention to minority ethnic and religious groups − include social variables wherever possible (for example, social class or education) in every study − consider the impact of age and gender on the effectiveness of interventions and programmes. • Promote the inclusion of process as well as outcome data. • Encourage those in charge of randomised controlled trials on health-related behaviour change to register with a trial register. Recommendation 2 Who should take action? Research commissioners and funders. What action should they take? • Encourage research that takes into account the social and cultural contexts in which people adapt or change their behaviour and the factors that encourage or inhibit change. These include: − the role of support networks, neighbourhood resources and community action − the relationships that help protect and build people’s resilience 29 − the way people adapt positively to adverse socio-structural conditions − social processes that strengthen the mutual support provided by families and other forms of households − the clustering of health behaviours − the material circumstances in which people live, including income levels, environmental characteristics of neighbourhoods and work-related factors. • Use embedded process evaluations that include the perspectives of recipients. • When studying the mechanisms of adaptation and change, use mixed method ethnographic research, longitudinal studies and qualitative approaches, as well as multivariate and interactive statistical models. • Support development of new methods for collating and synthesising a range of evidence on effectiveness. These methods should meet the highest scientific standards. Recommendation 3 Who should take action? Policy makers, research commissioners and local service providers. What action should they take? • Collect baseline data at the outset of interventions or policy changes and allow for an adequate length of time for evaluation. • Develop evaluative approaches which can accommodate the complexities inherent in community and population-level interventions or programmes, including multiple and confounding factors. 30 • Develop methods for synthesising and interpreting results across studies conducted in different localities, policy environments and population groups. • Formulate rigorous and transparent methods for assessing external validity and for translating evidence into practice. Recommendation 4 Who should take action? Policy makers, research funders and health economists. What action should they take? As a matter of urgency, commission research on the cost-effectiveness of behaviour change interventions. This should cover: • interventions over the mid to long term • interventions aimed at specific population groups (for example, low-income groups, men versus women, young people versus older people) • primary prevention versus clinical treatment for behaviour-related disease. More detail on the evidence gaps identified during the development of this guidance is provided in appendix D. 6 Updating the recommendations NICE public health guidance is updated as needed so that recommendations take into account important new information. We check for new evidence 2 and 4 years after publication, to decide whether all or part of the guidance should be updated. If important new evidence is published at other times, we may decide to update some recommendations at that time. 31 7 Related NICE guidance Much of NICE guidance, both published and in development, is concerned with changing people’s knowledge, attitudes and behaviours to prevent and tackle disease and illness. For more details go to: www.nice.org.uk/guidance 8 References Ajzen I (1991) The theory of planned behaviour. Organisational Behaviour and Human Decision Processes 50: 179–211. Ajzen I (2001) Nature and operation of attitudes. Annual Review of Psychology 52: 27–58. Antonovsky A (1985) Health stress and coping. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Antonovsky A (1987) Unravelling the mystery of health: how people manage stress and stay well. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Bandura A (1997) Self-efficacy: the exercise of control. New York: Freeman. Bourdieu P (1977) Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bourdieu P (1986) The forms of capital. In Richardson J, editor Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education. New York: Greenwood Press. Campbell M, Fitzpatrick R, Haines A et al. (2000) Framework for design and evaluation of complex interventions to improve health. British Medical Journal 321:694–6. Campbell NC, Murray E, Darbyshire J et al. (2007) Designing and evaluating complex interventions to improve health care. British Medical Journal 334: 455–9. Conner M, Norman P (2005) Predicting health behaviour: research and practice with social cognition models. Maidenhead: Open University Press. 32 Conner M, Sparks P (2005) Theory of planned behaviour and health behaviour. In Conner M, Norman P Predicting health behaviour: Research and practice with social cognition models. Maidenhead: Open University Press. Davidson K, Goldstein M, Kaplan RM et al. (2003) Evidence-based behavioral medicine: what it is and how do we achieve it? Annals of Behavioral Medicine 26:161–71. Flay BR (1986) Efficacy and effectiveness trials (and other phases of research) in the development of health promotion programmes. Preventive Medicine 15: 451–74. Giddens A (1979) Central problems in social theory: action, structure and contradiction in social analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. Giddens A (1982) Profiles and critiques in social theory. London: Macmillan. Giddens A (1984) The constitution of society: outline of the theory of structuration. Berkeley: University of California Press. Graham H, Power C (2004) Childhood disadvantage and adult health: a lifecourse framework [online]. Available from: www.nice.org.uk/page.aspx?o=502707 Gostin L (2000) Public health law. California: University of California Press. Haw S, Gruer L, Amos A et al. (2006) Legislation on smoking in enclosed places in Scotland. Journal of Public Health 28: 24–30. Kuh D, Power C, Blane D et al. (1997) Social pathways between childhood and adult health. In Kuh DL, Ben-Shlomo Y, editors. A life course approach to chronic disease epidemiology: tracing the origins of ill health from early to adult life. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lazarus R (1976) Patterns of adjustment. New York: McGraw Hill. 33 Lazarus RS (1985) The costs and benefits of denial. In Monat A, Lazarus R Stress and coping: an anthology. New York: Columbia University Press. Lazarus R, Folkman S (1984) Stress, appraisal and coping. New York: Springer. Morgan A, Swann C, editors (2004) Social capital for health: issues of definition, measurement and links to health. London: Health Development Agency. Nutbeam D (1998) Evaluating health promotion – progress, problems and solutions. Health Promotion International 13: 27–44. Pawson R (2006) Evidence based policy: a realist perspective. London: Sage. Putnam R (2000) Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon & Schuster. Rose G (1985) Sick individuals and sick populations. International Journal of Epidemiology 14: 32–8. Wanless D (2004) Securing good health for the whole population: final report. London: HM Treasury. Weiss CH (1995) Nothing as practical as good theory: exploring theory-based evaluation for comprehensive community initiatives for children and families. In Connell JP, Kubisch A, Schorr LB et al. editors. New approaches to evaluating community initiatives: concepts, methods and context. Washington DC: Aspen Institute. WHO (2005) Seventh futures forum on unpopular decisions in public health. Regional office for Europe [online]. Available from: www.euro.who.int/InformationSources/Publications/Catalogue/20050608_1 34 9 Glossary Assets Assets are the skills, talents and capacity that individuals, associations and organisations can share to improve the life of a community. An assets approach focuses on the strengths rather than the weaknesses (or deficiencies) found in groups or communities. Communities For the purposes of this guidance, communities are defined as social or family groups linked by networks, geographical location or another common factor. Determinants of health The wide range of personal, social, economic and environmental factors which determine the health status of people or communities. These include health behaviours and lifestyles, income, education, employment, working conditions, access to health services, housing and living conditions and the wider general material and social environment. Health inequalities The gap or gradient in health, usually measured by mortality and morbidity, between population groups identified by social characteristics, including different social classes, ethnic groups, wealth and income groups, genders, educational groups, housing and geographical areas. Interventions Clearly circumscribed actions that help promote or maintain a healthy lifestyle. Life course The life course is a term used in social epidemiology to describe the accumulation of material, social and biological advantages and disadvantages during a lifetime. Population The aggregate of individuals defined by membership of a social, geographic, 35 political or economic unit (for example, members of a state, a region, a city or a cultural group). Programmes Multi-agency, multi-packages and/or a series of related policies, services and interventions or other actions focused on broad strategic issues. They can involve a suite of activities that may be topic, setting or population based – and may involve changes to organisational infrastructures. Promoting and supporting behaviour change A number of terms are used to describe attempts to promote or support behaviour change and sometimes these are used interchangeably. They include: initiative, scheme, action, activity, campaign, policy, strategy, procedure, programme, intervention and project. Resilience The ability to withstand or even respond positively to stressors, crises or difficulties. Self-efficacy Self-efficacy is a person’s estimate or personal judgment of his or her own ability to succeed in reaching a specific goal. Social capital Social capital is commonly defined as those features of a society, such as networks, social trust and cohesion, that facilitate cooperation among people for mutual benefit. Socioeconomic status A person’s position in society, as determined by criteria such as income, level of education achieved, occupation and value of property owned. Transition points Points of change during a lifetime or the life course (for a definition of life course, see above). Examples include: leaving school, entering or leaving a significant relationship, starting work, becoming a parent or retiring from work. 36 Appendix A: membership of the Programme Development Group, the NICE Project Team and external contractors The Programme Development Group (PDG) PDG membership is multidisciplinary. It comprises researchers, practitioners, stakeholder representatives and members of the public as follows. Professor Charles Abraham Professor of Psychology, Department of Psychology, University of Sussex (CHAIR) Professor Mildred Blaxter Hon. Professor of Medical Sociology, Department of Social Medicine, Bristol University Dr Vicky Cattell Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Psychiatry, Queen Mary, University of London Ms Vimla Dodd Community Member Professor Christine Godfrey Professor of Health Economics, Department of Health Sciences and Centre for Health Economics, University of York Dr Karen Jochelson Fellow, Health Policy, King's Fund Ms Miranda Lewis Senior Research Fellow, Institute for Public Policy Research Mr Terence Lewis Community Member Professor Miranda Mugford Professor of Health Economics, School of Medicine and Health Policy and Practice, University of East Anglia Professor Ray Pawson Professor of Social Research Methodology and Research Director, School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds Professor Jennie Popay Professor of Sociology and Public Health, Institute for Health Research, University of Lancaster Professor Wendy Stainton Rogers Professor of Health Psychology, Faculty of Health and Social Care, The Open University Professor Stephen Sutton Professor of Behavioural Science, Institute of Public Health, University of Cambridge 37 Professor Martin White Professor of Public Health, Institute of Health and Society, Newcastle University Ms Ann Williams Community Member Dr David Woodhead Development Manager Public Health, The Healthcare Commission Expert cooptees to the PDG Professor Roisin Pill Emeritus Professor, University of Wales College of Medicine Professor Robert West Professor of Health Psychology and Director of Tobacco Studies, Cancer Research UK Health Behaviour Unit, University College London NICE Project Team Professor Mike Kelly Director of CPHE Jane Huntley Associate Director of CPHE Dr Catherine Swann Technical Lead Chris Carmona Analyst Dr Lesley Owen Analyst Clare Wohlgemuth Analyst Dr Alastair Fischer Health Economics Adviser 38 External contractors External reviewers: effectiveness reviews Review 1: ‘A review of the effectiveness of interventions, approaches and models at individual, community and population level that are aimed at changing health outcomes through changing knowledge, attitudes or behaviour’, carried out by the Cancer Care Research Centre, University of Stirling. The principal authors were: Ruth Jepson, Fiona Harris, Steve MacGillivray (University of Abertay), Nora Kearney and Neneh Rowa-Dewar. Review 2: ‘Review of the effectiveness of road-safety and pro-environmental interventions’, carried out by the Institute for Social Marketing, University of Stirling. The principal authors were: Martine Stead, Laura McDermott, Paul Broughton, Kathryn Angus and Gerard Hastings. Review 3: ‘Resilience, coping and salutogenic approaches to maintaining and generating health: a review’, carried out by the Cardiff Institute of Society Health and Ethics (CISHE), Cardiff University. The principal authors were: Emily Harrop, Samia Addis, Eva Elliott and Gareth Williams. Review 4: ‘A review of the use of the health belief model (HBM), the theory of reasoned action (TRA), the theory of planned behaviour (TPB), and the transtheoretical model (TTM) to study and predict health-related behaviour change’, carried out by The School of Pharmacy, University of London. The principal authors were: Professor David Taylor, Professor Michael Bury, Dr Natasha Campling, Dr Sarah Carter, Dr Sara Garfied, Dr Jenny Newbould and Dr Tim Rennie. Review 5: ‘The influence of social and cultural context on the effectiveness of health behaviour change interventions in relation to diet, exercise and smoking cessation’ carried out by The School of Pharmacy, University of London. The principal authors were: Professor David Taylor, Professor Michael Bury, Dr Natasha Campling, Dr Sarah Carter, Dr Sara Garfied, Dr Jenny Newbould and Dr Tim Rennie. 39 Review 6: ‘Social Marketing: a review’, carried out by the Institute for Social Marketing, University of Stirling. The principal authors were: Martine Stead, Laura McDermott, Kathryn Angus and Gerard Hastings. External reviewer: expert report ‘Evidence for the effect on inequalities in health of interventions designed to change behaviour’. The author was Professor Mildred Blaxter (Chair of the PDG). External reviewers: economic appraisal Economic analysis: ‘The cost-effectiveness of behaviour change interventions designed to reduce coronary heart disease: A thorough review of existing literature’; and ‘The cost-effectiveness of population level interventions to lower cholesterol and prevent coronary heart disease: extrapolation and modelling results on promoting healthy eating habits from Norway to the UK’. This is the final phase two report for a project entitled ’Health economic analysis of prevention and intervention approaches to reducing incidence of coronary heart disease’. This was carried out by the Health Economics Research Group, Brunel University. The authors were: Julia Fox-Rushby, Gethin Griffith, Elli Vitsou and Martin Buxton. Fieldwork The fieldwork was carried out by Dr Foster Intelligence. 40 Appendix B: summary of the methods used to develop this guidance Introduction The reports of the reviews and economic appraisal include full details of the methods used to select the evidence (including search strategies), assess its quality and summarise it. The minutes of the PDG meetings provide further detail about the Group’s interpretation of the evidence and development of the recommendations. All supporting documents are listed in appendix E and are available from the NICE website at: www.nice.org.uk/PH006 41 The guidance development process The stages of the guidance development process are outlined in the box below: 1. Draft scope 2. Stakeholder meeting 3. Stakeholder comments 4. Final scope and responses published on website 5. Reviews and cost-effectiveness modelling 6. Synopsis report of the evidence (executive summaries and evidence tables) circulated to stakeholders for comment 7. Comments and additional material submitted by stakeholders 8. Review of additional material submitted by stakeholders (screened against inclusion criteria used in reviews) 9. Synopsis, full reviews, supplementary reviews and economic modelling submitted to the PDG 10.The PDG produces draft recommendations 11. Draft recommendations published on website for comment by stakeholders and for field testing 12. The PDG amends recommendations 13. Responses to comments published on website 14. Final guidance published on website Key questions The key questions were established as part of the scope. Initially they formed the starting point for the reviews of evidence and facilitated the development of recommendations by the PDG. The overarching question was: What are the most appropriate generic and specific interventions to support attitude and behaviour change at population and community levels? The subsidiary questions were: 1. What is the aim/objective of the intervention? 2. How does the content of the intervention influence effectiveness? 42 3. How does the way that the intervention is carried out influence effectiveness? 4. Does effectiveness depend on the job title/position of the deliverer (leader)? What are the significant features of an effective deliverer (leader)? 5. Does the site/setting of delivery of the intervention influence effectiveness? 6. Does the intensity (or length) of the intervention influence effectiveness/duration of effect? 7. Does the effectiveness of the intervention vary with different characteristics within the target population such as age, sex, class and ethnicity? 8. How much does the intervention cost (in terms of money, people and time)? What evidence is there on cost effectiveness? 9. Implementation: what are the barriers to implementing effective interventions? These questions were refined further in relation to the topic of each review (see reviews for further details). Reviewing the evidence of effectiveness Six reviews of the evidence, one cost-effectiveness review and one economic modelling report were conducted. In addition, a number of important theoretical and methodological principles were taken into account. The empirical evidence about behaviour change is very varied and methodologically diverse. Areas of focus can include one or more of the following: • the individual, including the psychological processes affecting individuals • social factors 43 • large-scale policy and legislative arrangements • empirical investigations and observations • propositional and modelling approaches. Identifying the evidence It is not always appropriate – or even possible – to carry out controlled trials or gather experimental evidence for public health interventions, including those covering legislation or policy. The search process initially followed standard NICE processes. However, as relatively little evidence on behaviour change addresses effectiveness or cost effectiveness, the review of the literature was extended to cover theoretical, descriptive and empirical studies of a type not normally reviewed for NICE guidance. The goal of the primary studies varied and included efficacy, effectiveness, the theoretical elegance of models, implementation and programme evaluation. Some studies included all or some of these elements. The economic modelling for this guidance reflected the state of the literature. There are few evidenced-based reviews on the effect of behaviour change interventions on social and health inequalities. There is evidence that the uptake of interventions or response to health education messages differs by social circumstances, and this has historically, widened the health inequalities gap. Evidence about interventions intended to narrow the health inequalities gap had to be drawn from the outcomes and methods described in other sorts of literature. Databases were searched to identify the evidence relevant for each review. Since very different types of evidence were being gathered for each review, no common core set of databases was searched. Further details of the databases, search terms and strategies used are included in the individual review reports. 44 Selection criteria Inclusion and exclusion criteria for each review varied and details for each review can be found at www.nice.org.uk/PH006. Summary of reviews • Review 1 included systematic reviews and meta-analyses which focused on public health, health promotion or primary care-led interventions which contained an educational or behavioural component. • Review 2 (part one) included reviews of intervention studies that evaluated the effectiveness of road safety interventions. Part two included reviews of intervention studies that evaluated the effectiveness of ’pro-environmental behaviour’. • Review 3 (part one) included reviews that provided an overview of conceptual, theoretical or research issues in relation to resilience, coping and salutogenesis. It also included reviews of interventions explicitly linked to one of these theories. Part two included reviews of empirical evidence on positive adaptation in conditions of socio-structural adversity. • Review 4 included reviews of four behaviour change models. • Review 5 included reviews of empirical data on the effectiveness of interventions designed to change knowledge, attitude, intention and behaviour with respect to smoking, physical activity and healthy eating. Specific attention was focused on whether or not effectiveness was influenced by the individual’s position in the life course, the intervention’s mode of delivery or the social and cultural context. • Review 6 included reports on the strategies used by marketeers to influence low-income consumers and any evidence of effectiveness. Quality appraisal Papers included in the reviews and additional empirical and theoretical data were assessed where appropriate for methodological rigour and quality using 45 the NICE methodology checklist. This is set out in the NICE technical manual ‘Methods for development of NICE public health guidance’ (see appendix E). Each study or paper was described by study type and graded (++, +, -) to reflect the risk of potential bias arising from its design and execution. Study type • Meta-analyses, systematic reviews of randomised controlled trials (RCTs) or RCTs (including cluster RCTs). • Systematic reviews of, or individual, non-randomised controlled trials, casecontrol studies, cohort studies, controlled before-and-after (CBA) studies, interrupted time series (ITS) studies, correlation studies. • Non-analytical studies (for example, case reports, case series). • Expert opinion, formal consensus, theoretical articles. Study quality ++ All or most of the checklist criteria have been fulfilled. Where they have not been fulfilled the conclusions are thought very unlikely to alter. + Some of the checklist criteria have been fulfilled. Those criteria that have not been fulfilled or not adequately described are thought unlikely to alter the conclusions. - Few or no checklist criteria have been fulfilled. The conclusions of the study are thought likely or very likely to alter. The studies or papers were also assessed for their applicability to the UK where this was possible and the evidence statements were graded as follows: A Relevant – review makes direct reference to a UK population. B Probably relevant – review from outside UK but most likely equally applicable to UK settings. 46 C Possibly relevant – review from outside UK and needs interpreting with caution for a UK setting. D Not relevant – review is from outside UK and is not relevant to a UK setting. Summarising the evidence and making evidence statements The review data were summarised in evidence tables (see full reviews). The findings from the reviews were synthesised and used as the basis for a number of evidence statements relating to each key question. The evidence statements reflect the strength (quantity, type and quality) of evidence and its applicability to the populations and settings in the scope. Economic appraisal The economic appraisal consisted of a review of economic evaluations and a model of cost effectiveness. Review of economic evaluations A systematic search of Medline, Embase, NHS EED, OHE HEED, NCCHTA, CEA Registry (Harvard University) was undertaken in June 2006, using a specified set of search terms, as well as inclusion and exclusion criteria. Following a review of 4122 abstracts and 225 papers, 26 papers were retained for full review, using a standard set of piloted questions. The data extracted included: background, population characteristics, interventions and alternatives, main features and findings and three sets of quality review criteria. Cost-effectiveness analysis An economic model was constructed to incorporate data from the reviews of effectiveness and cost effectiveness. The results are reported in: ‘The costeffectiveness of population level interventions to lower cholesterol and prevent coronary heart disease: extrapolation and modelling results on promoting 47 healthy eating habits from Norway to the UK’. They are both available on the NICE website at: www.nice.org.uk/PH006 Fieldwork Fieldwork was carried out to evaluate the relevance and usefulness of NICE guidance and the feasibility of implementation. It was conducted with policy makers, commissioners, service providers and practitioners whose work involves changing people’s health behaviour. They included those working in local and national government, the NHS and in charitable organisations. The fieldwork comprised: • Qualitative interviews carried out by Dr Foster Intelligence with 97 individuals, either in small groups or individually, across 30 sites. Participants included: representatives from the DH, other government departments and arm’s length bodies; directors of public health in PCTs and strategic health authorities; public health advisers, health promotion staff and NHS practitioners (including GPs, practice nurses, community midwives, health visitors and health advisers); community-based school nurses; health trainers; and commissioners, service providers and practitioners working in local and national charities. The fieldwork was conducted in London, Greater Manchester and the West Midlands to ensure there was ample geographical coverage. Grid analysis was used to determine common ground and differences of opinion. The main issues arising from the fieldwork are set out in appendix C under ‘Fieldwork findings’. The full fieldwork report is available on the NICE website: www.nice.org.uk/PH006 How the PDG formulated the recommendations At its meetings held between July 2006 and February 2007, the PDG considered the evidence of effectiveness and cost effectiveness and theoretical and methodological evidence. Initially, discussions focused on the 48 evidence outlined in the reviews (see appendix B). The PDG also considered evidence on cost effectiveness, evidence from fieldwork, additional review material and a range of theoretical and methodological approaches (see appendix C). In addition, at its meeting in May 2007 it considered comments from stakeholders and the results from fieldwork to determine: • whether there was sufficient evidence (in terms of quantity, quality and applicability) to form a judgement • whether, on balance, the evidence demonstrates that the intervention is effective or ineffective, or whether it is equivocal • where there is an effect, the typical size of effect. The PDG developed draft recommendations through informal consensus, based on the theoretical ideas that informed its view of behaviour, and the degree to which the available effectiveness evidence could support these ideas. The draft guidance, including the recommendations, was released for consultation in April 2007. The guidance was signed off by the NICE Guidance Executive in September 2007. 49 Appendix C: the evidence This appendix sets out a summary of the key behaviour change theories (empirical, theoretical and methodological) and other, additional evidence used to inform the recommendations. It also sets out a brief summary of findings from the economic appraisal and the fieldwork. The reviews, economic appraisal and fieldwork report are available on the NICE website (www.nice.org.uk/PH006). Key theories The reviews were unable to capture all material related to behaviour change. This is because the evidence is broad, the methods used are diverse and the assumptions made about science, knowledge and explanation vary considerably. Some evidence focuses on particular components of human actions, much is theoretical, and some consists of models of human behaviour (see also appendix B). The PDG has also, therefore, drawn on a range of theoretical and methodological evidence. This evidence is briefly outlined below. Resilience and coping: Antonovsky (1985, 1987) and Lazarus (1976, 1985; Lazarus and Folkman 1984) Antonovsky argued that there are ‘health-giving’ or ‘health-generating’ factors in many situations. These ‘salutogenic’ factors can help people withstand or respond positively to stressors, crises or difficulties. They help to protect against vulnerability and disease and may help maintain good mental and physical health. Lazarus argued that people develop habitual ways of coping with life. However, although they may be highly effective from the individual’s point of view, some coping mechanisms (like smoking or excessive alcohol consumption) may damage their health and the health of others. Behaviour change and readiness to change behaviour takes place in this context. 50 ‘Habitus’: Bourdieu (1977) Bourdieu argued that many of the things that people do and believe are so familiar and habitual that they go largely unnoticed (because they are part of their ‘habitus’). This makes changing them very difficult. Social capital (Bourdieu 1986; Putnam 2000; Morgan and Swann 2004) Social capital is commonly defined as those features of a society, such as networks, social trust and cohesion, which facilitate cooperation among people for mutual benefit. It was of interest because of the way these factors might influence health behaviours and people’s ability to change. Society: Giddens (1979, 1982, 1984) Giddens argued that society was the product of interaction between individual human behaviour and the social structure. He argued that the human actions or agency produce societal patterns. The patterns repeat themselves to such a degree that structures emerge. Although those structures change, sometimes gradually, sometimes rapidly, individuals are aware of them and orient their actions in line with them (and are constrained by them). The Theory of Planned Behaviour: (Ajzen 1991) and Bandura’s construct of self-efficacy (1997) The Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) is the most widely applied model of beliefs, attitudes and intentions that precede action (Ajzen 2001; Conner and Sparks 2005). TPB proposes that intention is the main determinant of action and is predicted by attitude, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control (PBC). PBC is a person’s perception of whether or not they can control their actions and is closely related to Bandura’s construct of self-efficacy (1997). Both PBC and self-efficacy are likely to bolster intentions and sustain action because people are more likely to attempt actions that are controllable and easy to perform. 51 Additional evidence The PDG drew on other sources for a general understanding of wider public health issues. These included: The former Health Development Agency's evidence base at: www.nice.org.uk/page.aspx?o=hda.publications Conner M, Norman P (2005) editors. Predicting health behaviour: research and practice with social cognition models. Maidenhead: Open University Press. Cost-effectiveness evidence The health economic analysis compared and contrasted the costeffectiveness of behaviour change interventions aimed at reducing coronary heart disease (CHD) and delivered across the life course. Two phases were completed. The first involved a review of the cost-effectiveness of interventions designed to promote healthier lifestyles and to reduce the risk of developing CHD. In the second phase, a model was developed to determine the cost effectiveness of a population-based behaviour change intervention. Phase one: comparing the cost-effectiveness of behaviour change strategies to reduce the risk of CHD Many interventions aimed at tackling multiple risk factors fell into the ‘likely to be very cost effective’ category (£0–£20,000/per cost per quality adjusted life year [QALY]). These included a mix of population-level and individual interventions for adults over the age of 30. Interventions aimed at changing the behaviour of adults with specific CHD risk factors (such as smoking, poor diet and low levels of physical activity) fell into the ‘likely to be very cost effective’ category. Two non-advisory interventions (labelling of foods containing trans-fatty acid and a population-based programme promoting a healthier diet) also fell into the ‘likely to be very cost effective’ group. 52 Significant gaps in the evidence were noted. There was little evidence on the cost-effectiveness of using behaviour change interventions with specified subgroups (for example, 19–30 year olds, low-income groups, pregnant women, and particular ethnic or disadvantaged groups). The quality of evidence was also a cause for concern. For example, there was a lack of reliable data from which to extrapolate the long-term health outcomes. In addition, only a limited number of economic evaluations had been conducted alongside RCTs of behaviour change interventions to reduce CHD. Phase two: modelling In the second phase, a deterministic Markov chain simulation model was developed of a population-wide intervention to lower cholesterol and prevent CHD. The intervention was carried out in Norway in 1990. It included a mass media campaign and information delivered to a range of sectors including academia, the agricultural sector and schools. The model extrapolated the results to England and Wales in the first decade of 2000. In the base case, an incremental cost-effectiveness ratio (ICER) of £87 per QALY (£116 per life year) was estimated. However, it was noted that the health benefits were underestimated, as this model only reported those related to CHD. Sensitivity analysis estimated that the intervention would be highly cost effective in a wide range of situations. Fieldwork findings Fieldwork aimed to test the relevance, usefulness and the feasibility of implementing the recommendations, and the findings were considered by the PDG in developing the final recommendations. The fieldwork was conducted with commissioners, service providers and practitioners involved in a wide range of services and activities relevant to health-related behaviour change. For details, see ‘Fieldwork on generic and specific interventions to support attitude and behaviour change at population and community levels’ at www.nice.org.uk/PH006. 53 Fieldwork participants were fairly positive about the recommendations and their potential to support attitude and behaviour change at the individual, community and population levels. The recommendations were seen to reinforce aspects of a range of government policies and initiatives, including providing support to achieve certain public service agreement (PSA) targets (for example, to reduce teenage pregnancies and to reduce health inequalities). While participants did not view the recommendations as offering a new approach, the principles they are based on have not been implemented universally. They indicated that wider and more systematic implementation would be achieved if there was: • clarity about how the recommendations apply to people in different roles • more information about how to implement some of the recommendations • further information on how compliance with the recommendations will be determined. 54 Appendix D: gaps in the evidence The PDG identified a number of gaps in the evidence related to behaviour change interventions and programmes, based on an assessment of the evidence. These gaps are set out below. 1. Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of behaviour change evaluations is lacking, in particular, in relation to specific sub-groups (for example, 19–30 year olds, low-income groups and particular ethnic and disadvantaged groups). 2. Evaluations of behaviour change interventions frequently fail to make a satisfactory link to health outcomes. Clear, consistent outcome measures need developing. 3. Evaluations of interventions based on specific psychological models tend not to relate the outcome measures to the model. As a result, it is difficult to assess the appropriateness of using the model as a means of describing behaviour change. 4. Few studies explicitly address the comparative effect that behaviour change interventions can have on health inequalities, particularly in relation to cultural differences. 5. There is a need for more information on the links between knowledge, attitudes and behaviour. Conflation between them should be avoided. 6. There is a lack of reliable data from which to extrapolate the long-term health outcomes of behaviour change interventions. The Group made five recommendations for research. These are listed in section 5. 55 Appendix E: supporting documents Supporting documents are available from the NICE website (www.nice.org.uk/PH006). These include the following. • Reviews of effectiveness − Review 1: ‘A review of the effectiveness of interventions, approaches and models at individual, community and population level that are aimed at changing health outcomes through changing knowledge, attitudes or behaviour’ − Review 2: ‘Review of the effectiveness of road-safety and proenvironmental interventions’ − Review 3: ‘Resilience, coping and salutogenic approaches to maintaining and generating health: a review’ − Review 4: ‘A review of the use of the health belief model (HBM), the theory of reasoned action (TRA), the theory of planned behaviour (TPB), and the trans-theoretical model (TTM) to study and predict health-related behaviour change’ − Review 5:‘The influence of social and cultural context on the effectiveness of health behaviour change interventions in relation to diet, exercise and smoking cessation’ − Review 6: ‘Social Marketing: a review’. • Expert report − ‘Evidence for the effect on inequalities in health of interventions designed to change behaviour’. • Evidence briefings and other reviews and toolkits published by the former Health Development Agency (available on the NICE website at www.nice.org.uk/page.aspx?o=hda.publications) 56 • Economic analysis: − ‘The cost-effectiveness of behaviour change interventions designed to reduce coronary heart disease: a thorough review of existing literature’ − ‘The cost-effectiveness of population level interventions to lower cholesterol and prevent coronary heart disease: extrapolation and modelling results on promoting healthy eating habits from Norway to the UK’. • A quick reference guide (QRG) for professionals whose remit includes public health and for interested members of the public. This is also available from the NHS Response Line (0870 1555 455 – quote reference number N1230). For information on how NICE public health guidance is developed, see: • ‘Methods for development of NICE public health guidance’ available from: www.nice.org.uk/phmethods • ‘The public health guidance development process: an overview for stakeholders including public health practitioners, policy makers and the public’ available from: www.nice.org.uk/phprocess 57 Changing Health Related Behaviour: What is the Role of Behavioural Science in Improving Public Health? Falko Sniehotta, PhD Reader in Health Psychology Where and how to intervene Individual interventions Societal interventions • reduce motivation to engage in unhealthy behaviours • increase motivation to engage in healthy behaviours • motivation into action and sustain healthy behaviours (behavioural skills) • enhance self‐regulation • attitudes and culture • incentive structures • restrict or enhance opportunities Dynamic process of interaction between societal and individual level. E.g. walking/cycling: motivation + opportunities ‘Behaviour change at population, community and individual levels’: NICE review 2007 Three models of intervention development and implementation 1. RE‐AIM (Glasgow et al., 2001) 2. Precede–Proceed Model (Green & Kreuter, 1992) 3. MRC Guidance for the development and evaluation of complex interventions for health (Craig et al., 2008) RE‐AIM: A model of sustainable implementation of effective, generalisable, evidence‐based interventions. Reach ‐ How do we reach the targeted population with the intervention? Efficacy ‐ How do we know our intervention is effective? Adoption ‐ How do we develop organizational support to deliver our intervention? Implementation ‐ How do we ensure the intervention is delivered properly? Maintenance ‐ How do we incorporate the intervention so that it is delivered over the long term? Glasgow et al. (2001) The RE-AIM Framework for Evaluating Interventions: What Can It Tell Us about Approaches to Chronic Illness Management? Pt Educ Couns 2001;44:119-127. Green and Kreuter's (2005) Precede–Proceed model of health program planning Green, L.W., Kreuter, M. W. (1992). CDC's Planned Approach to Community Health as an application of PRECEDE and an inspiration for PROCEED. Journal of Health Education 23: 140-147 Development and Evaluation of complex interventions – the ‘new’ MRC model Craig et al., 2008; BMJ Structure of the evidence base for behaviour Interventions change interventions Behavioural determinants e.g. cognitive, social, motivational & environmental Behaviour e.g., exercise; physical activity Physiological & biochemical variables e.g. neurological & muscular processes Health outcomes health, mobility and quality of life Hardeman, et al. (2005) A causal modelling approach to the development of theory‐based behaviour change programmes for trial evaluation. Health Education Research, 20(6):676‐687 Determinants of health Structure of the evidence base for behaviour Interventions change interventions Behavioural determinants e.g. cognitive, social, motivational & environmental Behaviour e.g., exercise; physical activity Physiological & biochemical variables e.g. neurological & muscular processes Health outcomes health, mobility and quality of life Hardeman, et al. (2005) A causal modelling approach to the development of theory‐based behaviour change programmes for trial evaluation. Health Education Research, 20(6):676‐687 Effects of behavioural interventions on health Interventions Good evidence from systematic reviews of RCTs for effectiveness of behavioural interventions on all outcome levels Key challenges: • Considerable heterogeneity of effect sizes • Small to medium effects • Lack of sustainability Behavioural determinants e.g. cognitive, social, motivational & environmental Behaviour e.g., exercise; physical activity Physiological & biochemical variables e.g. neurological & muscular processes Health outcomes health, mobility and quality of life Hardeman, et al. (2005) A causal modelling approach to the development of theory‐based behaviour change programmes for trial evaluation. Health Education Research, 20(6):676‐687 What is a complex intervention? • Number of interacting components • Number and difficulty of behaviours involved • Number of groups or organisational levels targeted • Number and variability of outcomes • Degree of flexibility or tailoring permitted Features of Behaviour Change interventions 1. Behaviour change techniques (BCTs), e.g., prompt goal setting or self‐monitoring of behaviour 2. Modes of delivery, e.g., individual vs. group delivery; intensity, duration, technology use, materials, facilitator variables, etc 3. Theory: theoretical mediators, rationale for combining elements, cover story of intervention 4. Procedural and clinical features: e.g., techniques and features to establish rapport, adherence, communication and fidelity as well as facilitator skills, features and training. Abraham & Michie, 2008; Hardeman et al., 2002; Araújo-Soares et al., 2009; French et al (submitted) Features of Behaviour Change interventions 1. Behaviour change techniques (BCTs), e.g., prompt goal setting or self‐monitoring of behaviour 2. Modes of delivery, e.g., individual vs. group delivery; intensity, duration, technology use, materials, facilitator variables, etc 3. Theory: theoretical mediators, rationale for combining elements, cover story of intervention 4. Procedural and clinical features: e.g., techniques and features to establish rapport, adherence, communication and fidelity as well as facilitator skills, features and training. Abraham & Michie, 2008; Hardeman et al., 2002; Araújo-Soares et al., 2009; French et al (submitted) Behaviour change techniques: reliable taxonomy Involves detailed planning of what the person will do to change physical activity and healthy eating behaviours including, at least, a very specific definition of the behaviour e.g., frequency (such as how many times a day/week), intensity (e.g., speed) or duration (e.g., for 15. General encouragement how long for). In addition, at least one of the following 16. Contingent rewards contexts i.e., where, when, how or with whom must be specified. This 17. Teach to use cues could include identification of sub-goals or preparatory behaviours and/or specific contexts in which 18. Follow up prompts the behaviour will be performed. 1. General information 2. Information on consequences 3. Information about approval 4. Prompt intention formation 5. Specific goal setting 6. Graded tasks 7. Barrier identification 8. Behavioral contract 9. Review goals 10. Provide instruction 11. Model/ demonstrate 12. Prompt practice 13. Prompt monitoring 14. Provide feedback 19. Social comparison 20. Social support/ change 21. Role model 22. Prompt self talk 23. Relapse prevention 24. Stress management The person is asked to keep a 25. Motivational interviewing record of specified behaviour/s. 26. Time management This could e.g. take the form of a diary or completing a questionnaire about their behaviour. CALO-RE taxonomy for diet and PA 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 18. 19. 20. Provide information on consequences of behaviour in 21. general 22. Provide information on consequences of behaviour for 23. the 24. Individual 25. Provide information about others' approval 26. Provide normative information about others' 27. behaviour 28. Goal setting (behaviour) 29. Goal setting (outcome) Action planning 30. Barrier identification/Problem solving 31. Set graded tasks 32. Prompt review of behavioural goals 33. Prompt review of outcome goals 34. Reinforcing effort or progress towards behaviour 35. Provide rewards contingent on successful behaviour 36. Shaping 37. Prompting generalisation of a target behaviour 38. Prompt self‐monitoring of behaviour 39. Prompt self‐monitoring of behavioural outcome 40. Prompting focus on past success Provide feedback on performance Provide instruction Model/ Demonstrate the behaviour Teach to use prompts/ cues Environmental restructuring Agree behavioural contract Prompt practice Use of follow up prompts Facilitate social comparison Plan social support/ social change Prompt identification as role model/ position advocate Prompt anticipated regret Fear Arousal Prompt Self talk Prompt use of imagery Relapse prevention/ Coping planning Stress management Emotional control training Motivational interviewing Time management General communication skills training Provide non‐specific social support Michie, Ashford, Sniehotta, Dombrowski, Bishop & French (in press – Psychology & Health) 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. Goal: set behavioural goal Standard: decide target standard of behaviour (specified and observable) Monitoring: record specified behaviour (person has access to recorded data ofbehavioural performance e.g. from diary) Record antecedents and consequences of behaviour (social and environmental situations and events, emotions, cognitions) Feedback: of monitored (inc. self-monitored) behaviour Comparison: provide comparative data (cf. standard, person’s own past behaviour, others’ behaviour) Social comparison: provide opportunities for social comparison e.g. contests and group learning Discrepancy assessment: highlight nature of discrepancy (direction, amount) between standard, own or others’ behaviour (goes beyond simple self-monitoring) Contract: of agreed performance of target behaviour with at least one other, written and signed Planning: identify component parts of behaviour and make plan to execute each one or consider when and/or where a behaviour will be performed, i.e. schedule behaviours (not including coping planning—see 11 Coping planning: identify and plan ways of overcoming barriers (note, this must include identification of specific barriers e.g. “problem-solving how to fit into weekly schedule” would not count) Goal review: assess extent to which the goal/target behaviour is achieved, identify the factors influencing this and amend goal if appropriate Discriminative (learned) cue: environmental stimulus that has been repeatedly associated with contingent reward for specified behaviour Prompt: stimulus that elicits behaviour (inc. telephone calls or postal reminders designed to prompt the behaviour) Reward: contingent valued consequence, i.e. if and only if behaviour is performed (inc. social approval, exc. general non-contingent encouragement or approval) Punishment: contingent aversive consequence, i.e. if and only if behaviour is not performed Omission: contingent removal of valued consequence, i.e. if and only if behaviour is not performed Negative reinforcement: contingent removal of aversive consequence, i.e. if and only if behaviour is performed Threat: offer future punishment or removal of reward contingent on performance Fear arousal: induce aversive emotional state associated with the behaviour Anticipated regret: induce expectations of future regret about non-performance of behaviour Graded tasks: set easy tasks to perform, making them increasingly difficult until target behaviour performed Instruction: teach new behaviour required for performance of target behaviour (not as part of graded hierarchy or as part of modelling) e.g. give clear instructions Shaping: build up behaviour by initially reinforcing behaviour closest to required behaviour and systematically altering behaviour required to achieve contingent reinforcement Chaining: build up behaviour by starting with final component; gradually add components earlier in sequence Behavioural rehearsal: perform behaviour (repeatedly) Mental rehearsal: imagine performing the behaviour repeatedly Habit formation: perform same behaviour in same context Role play: perform behaviour in simulated situation Behavioural experiments: testing hypotheses about the behaviour, its causes and consequences, by collecting and interpreting data Modelling: observe the behaviour of others Vicarious reinforcement: observe the consequences of others’ behaviour Self talk: planned self-statements (aloud or silent) to implement behaviour change techniques Imagery: use planned images (visual, motor, sensory) to implement behaviour change techniques (inc. mental rehearsal) Cognitive restructuring: changing cognitions about causes and consequences of behaviour Relapse prevention: identify situations that increase the likelihood of the behaviour not being performed and apply coping strategies to those situations Behavioural information: provide information about antecedents or consequences of the behaviour, or connections between them, or behaviour change techniques Personalised message: tailor techniques or messages from others to individual’s resources and context (includes stages of change-based information; doesn’t include personal plans and feedback) Verbal persuasion/persuasive communication: credible source presents arguments in favour of the behaviour. Note, there must be evidence of presentation of arguments; general pro-behaviour communication does not count. Social support (instrumental): others perform component tasks of behaviour or tasks that would compete with behaviour e.g. offering childcare Social support (emotional): others listen, provide empathy and give generalised positive feedback 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. Anti-depression skills training Biofeedback Differential reinforcement Escape Extinction Flooding Group contingencies Implosive therapy Avoidance Counter-conditioning Distraction Exposure Fading; thinning Flooding in imagination Habit reversal Negative punishment Non-contingent delivery of reinforcing stimuli Overcorrection Peer-administered contingencies Problem identification Rational emotive therapy Reinforcer sampling Response cost Response priming Satiation Screening Social skills training Stress inoculation program Symbolic desensitisation Thought stopping Time out Token economy Activity scheduling Adventitious reinforcement/superstitious conditioning Altering antecedent chains Anger control training Assertion training Buddy system Clarification (supportive therapy) Classical conditioning Community reinforcement Covert conditioning Covert sensitisation Deflection techniques Discrimination training Emetic therapy Encounter (existential analysis) Fishbowl Fogging Functional communication training Functional family therapy Identification (psychoanalysis) Instigation Interpretation (psychoanalysis) Least-to-most prompting Lottery Most to least prompt sequences Motivational techniques Multiple exemplar training (generalisation) Natural maintaining contingencies (generalisation) Negotiation training Paradoxical instructions 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. Positive reinforcement Positive scanning Premackian reinforcers Rate reduction Reassurance (supportive therapy) Recapitulation Reframing Reinforcer displacement Response priming Restitution Rule release Self-exploration Self-help Small group exercises Stimulus generalisation Stimulus narrowing Systematic rational conditioning Thinning Turtle technique Vicarious punishment Michie et al., (2008) Applied Psychology: An International Review 1. 2. 3. Identifying Effective Change Techniques in Interventions Designed to Promote Physical Activity and Healthy Eating • Systematic review and meta‐analysis • 84 interventions • average of 6 techniques • small effect d = 0.37 (95% CI 0.29 to 0.54, N = 28,838) • self‐monitoring – associated with effectiveness (14.6% variance explained). – Interventions including this technique had a medium effect size of d = 0.57. – Interventions combining self‐monitoring with at least one other technique derived from control theory were more than twice as effective as the other interventions with d = 0.60 d = 0.26 respectively Michie S, et al (in press) Identifying Effective Techniques in Interventions: A meta‐analysis and meta‐regression Health Psychology Features of Behaviour Change interventions 1. Behaviour change techniques (BCTs), e.g., prompt goal setting or self‐monitoring of behaviour 2. Modes of delivery, e.g., individual vs. group delivery; intensity, duration, technology use, materials, facilitator variables, etc 3. Theory: theoretical mediators, rationale for combining elements, cover story of intervention 4. Procedural and clinical features: e.g., techniques and features to establish rapport, adherence, communication and fidelity as well as facilitator skills, features and training. Abraham & Michie, 2008; Hardeman et al., 2002; Araújo-Soares et al., 2009; French et al (submitted) Modes of delivery • • • • • • • • Face to face vs. telephone vs. online Group vs. single intervention Nurse delivered vs. GP delivered Home based vs. hospital based Use of materials Duration, intensity, frequency, lengths etc. Training of facilitator Etc Features of Behaviour Change interventions 1. Behaviour change techniques (BCTs), e.g., prompt goal setting or self‐monitoring of behaviour 2. Modes of delivery, e.g., individual vs. group delivery; intensity, duration, technology use, materials, facilitator variables, etc 3. Theory: theoretical mediators, rationale for combining elements, cover story of intervention 4. Procedural and clinical features: e.g., techniques and features to establish rapport, adherence, communication and fidelity as well as facilitator skills, features and training. Abraham & Michie, 2008; Hardeman et al., 2002; Araújo-Soares et al., 2009; French et al (submitted) Why theory? What does theory do? • Enables cumulative science • Provides a shared language • Summarises known evidence • Explains observations • Allows prediction • Enables intervention • Problem of ‘implicit’ theory ‘a theory is a set of statements that organizes, predicts and explains observations; it tells you how phenomena relate to each other, and what you can expect under still unknown conditions’ Bem, S and Looren de Jong, H (1997) Theoretical issues in Psychology, Sage publications: London. p. 15 How does Theory help in developing and delivering interventions? • Identify targets (e.g., cognitive or social determinants of behaviour) • Suggest behaviour change techniques • Suggest sequences or combinations of techniques and determinants • Allows for tailoring of interventions (e.g., stage theories such as the ‘TTM’ /’stages of change model’ Evidence very weak! • Provides a ‘cover story’ for intervention content Choosing a theoretical approach many theories of behaviour • 33 theories and 128 constructs generated • In four overlapping areas: – motivation – action – organisation – behaviour change • Simplified into 11 domains of theoretical constructs • Interview questions associated with each domain Michie, S., Johnston, M., Abraham, C., Lawton, R., Parker, D. and Walker, A. (2005) Making psychological theory useful for implementing evidence based practice: a consensus approach, Quality and Safety in Health Care, 14, 26‐33. Motivation theories explain why people want to do things • Theory of Planned Behaviour • Theory of Reasoned Action • Protection Motivation Theory • Health Belief Model) • Social Cognitive Theory • Locus of control theories • Social Learning Theory • Social Comparison Theory • Cognitive Adaptation Theory • Social Identity Theory • Elaboration Likelihood Model • Goal Theories • Intrinsic Motivation Theories • Self‐determination theory • Attribution Theory • Decision making theories eg. social judgment theory, “fast and frugal” model, systematic vs. heuristic decision making • Fear arousal theory Action theories explain why people do things • • • • • • • • • • • Learning theory Operant theory Modelling Self‐regulation theory Implementation theory/automotive model Goal theory Volitional control theory Social cognitive theory Cognitive Behaviour therapy Transtheoretical model Social identity theory Organisation theories explain how groups and organisations influence what people feel and do • • • • • • • • Effort‐reward imbalance Demand‐control model Diffusion theory Group theory eg. group minority theory Decision making theory Goal theory Social influence Person situation contingency models Simplifying theory: domains of behavioural determinants 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. Knowledge Skills Role and identity •Self-efficacy Beliefs about capabilities •Control – of behaviour, and material and social Beliefs about consequences environment Motivation and goals •Perceived competence Memory, attention and decision processes•Self-confidence •Empowerment Environmental context and resources •Self-esteem Social influences •Perceived behavioural Emotion control •Optimism/pessimism Plans Michie, S., Johnston, M., Abraham, C, Parker, Lawton, R, Walker, A (2005) Making psychological theory useful for implementing evidence based practice: a consensus approach. Quality in Health Care, 14, 26‐33. Buildings blocks of behaviour change Self-regulation • Self-monitoring • Awareness of standards • Means and skills Planning • Action Planning • Coping Planning Motivation •Attitudes •Perceived Norms • Self-efficacy •Emotion Knowledge & Skills Environment & Social influence Buildings blocks of behaviour change Self-regulation • Self-monitoring • Awareness of standards • Means and skills Planning • Action Planning • Coping Planning Motivation •Attitudes •Perceived Norms • Self-efficacy •Emotion Knowledge & Skills Environment & Social influence Buildings blocks of behaviour change Self-regulation Implemental phase • Self-monitoring • Awareness of standards • Means and skills Planning • Action Planning • Coping Planning Decisional phase Motivation •Attitudes •Perceived Norms • Self-efficacy •Emotion Knowledge & Skills Environment & Social influence Buildings blocks of behaviour change Self-regulation Implemental phase • Self-monitoring • Awareness of standards • Having means and skills How can I change? Planning • Action Planning • Coping Planning Decisional phase Motivation •Attitudes •Perceived Norms • Self-efficacy •Emotion Knowledge & Skills Environment & Social influence Would I like to change? Features of Behaviour Change interventions 1. Behaviour change techniques (BCTs), e.g., prompt goal setting or self‐monitoring of behaviour 2. Modes of delivery, e.g., individual vs. group delivery; intensity, duration, technology use, materials, facilitator variables, etc 3. Theory: theoretical mediators, rationale for combining elements, cover story of intervention 4. Procedural and clinical features: e.g., techniques and features to establish rapport, adherence, communication and fidelity as well as facilitator skills, features and training. Abraham & Michie, 2008; Hardeman et al., 2002; Araújo-Soares et al., 2009; French et al (submitted) The problem with behaviour change • Attempts to change people’s behaviour are often geared towards: – Raising Knowledge (lecturing) • – Providing Advice (instructing) • – “Did you know that…” “Why don’t you…” Motivating (scaring) • “If you don’t … then …” Persuasive communications and targeted cognitions: UK safer sex leaflets 1. disease severity 2. knowledge/info 3. susceptibility 4. self-efficacy 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 5. others’ attitudes 6. attitudes to behaviour 7. intention to change Impact on behaviour (correlation) Average number of messages in UK health Abraham, C., Krahé, B., Dominic, R., leaflets & Fritsche, I. (2002). Does research into the social cognitive antecedents of action contribute to health promotion? A content analysis of safer-sex promotion leaflets. British Journal of Health Psychology, 7, 227-246. Health Risks • Stroke • Cancer of mouth, throat, oesophagus • Cancer of larynx • Coronary heart disease • COPD • Asthma exacerbations • Lung Cancer • Pancreatic Cancer • Peptic ulcer • Bladder Cancer • Osteoporosis • Cervical Cancer • Peripheral artery disease Other effects of smoking • Yellowing of teeth/fingers • Hair, skin, breath and clothes smell of tobacco • Skin around eyes and mouth wrinkled • Reduced fertility • Increase risk LBW baby • Increased risk spontaneous abortion • Increased risk premature labour • Cost (20 cigs/day costs £1000 per year) The benefits of quitting Within hours....... 8 hours Nicotine and carbon monoxide levels halved, Blood oxygen levels return to normal 24 hours Carbon monoxide eliminated from the body 48 hours Nicotine eliminated from the body, Taste buds start to recover Action on Smoking and Health (ASH) Factsheet Number 11: Stopping Smoking. http://www.ash.org.uk The benefits of quitting Within months ....... 1 month Appearance improves – skin loses greyish pallor, less wrinkled Regeneration of respiratory cilia starts Withdrawal symptoms have stopped 3‐9 months Coughing and wheezing decline Action on Smoking and Health (ASH) Factsheet Number 11: Stopping Smoking. http://www.ash.org.uk The benefits of quitting Within years ....... 5 years The excess risk of a heart attack reduces by half 10 years The risk of lung cancer halved Action on Smoking and Health (ASH) Factsheet Number 11: Stopping Smoking. http://www.ash.org.uk The Sums Certain short term consequences are often more important for decision Smoking is bad for you making than uncertain long term + consequences Giving up smoking is good for you = ¼ of people smoke? Designing interventions • Start from an analysis of the nature of the behaviour to be changed • Use a systematic approach to selecting from the range of interventions and policies available – Need a framework that meets criteria of • comprehensive coverage, • coherence (categories mutually exclusive and same level of specificity) and • linked to a model of behaviour – Systematic review identified 18 existing frameworks, none met all these criteria Michie, van Straalen & West 2010 The Behaviour Change Wheel Service prov Behaviour source Pe rsu asi on Modelling Tra inin n o i g t a Educ Ca pa bil it Physical In tiv n e c i i on t a s Environmental/ social planning Policy type G ui de Michie, van Straalen & West 2010 lin e s ision L l e g ca is l a Fis tion Coercio n E ion n ict re viro str s t ru nm Re c tu en ir n tal g Re Motivation Intervention type n io t la u g Reflective y Psychological Non reflective Social Physical it y n u ort p Op Enable ment/ resourc es on/ i t a c i un Comm ing t marke Intervention types Education Imparting knowledge e.g. on health risks Persuasion Incentivisation Using communication to induce belief or knowledge Creating expectation of reward Coercion Creating expectation of punishment or cost Training Imparting skills Restriction Reducing availability Environmental Changing the physical context restructuring Modelling Providing an example for people to aspire to Enablement/ resources Increasing means/reducing barriers Policy types Communication/ marketing Guidelines Fiscal Regulation Using print, electronic, telephonic or broadcast media Creating documents that recommend or mandate practice Using the tax system Legislation Establishing rules or principles of behaviour or practice Making or changing laws Environmental/ social planning Service provision Designing and/or controlling the physical or social environment Delivering a service The Behaviour Change Wheel Service prov Behaviour source Pe rsu asi on Modelling Tra inin n o i g t a Educ Ca pa bil it Physical In tiv n e c i i on t a s Environmental/ social planning Policy type G ui de Michie, van Straalen & West 2010 lin e s ision L l e g ca is l a Fis tion Coercio n E ion n ict re viro str s t ru nm Re c tu en ir n tal g Re Motivation Intervention type n io t la u g Reflective y Psychological Non reflective Social Physical it y n u ort p Op Enable ment/ resourc es on/ i t a c i un Comm ing t marke “He who loves practice without theory is like the sailor who boards ship without a rudder and compass and never knows where he may cast” Leonardo Da Vinci, 1452‐1519 [email protected] Spare slides Matrix based approach Theory / Mediators Modes of Delivery Behaviour Change Techniques Theories of How to change behaviour • Self‐Regulation • Operant Learning • Social Cognitive 3 theories which not only explain behaviour, but • explain how to change behaviour • have evidence of changing behaviour Social Cognitive Theory (Bandura) CHANGE BEHAVIOUR by changing self-efficacy by: Mastery experience Verbal persuasion Vicarious experience Physiological attributions Bandura, A (1977 Self-efficacy: toward a unifying theory of behavioral change. Psychological Review 84, 191-215 Operant Learning Theory (Skinner) CHANGE BEHAVIOUR by changing antecedents and/or consequences A B Antecedents Behaviour e.g. environment C Consequences e.g. reward/punishment predicts reinforcement http://www.bfskinner.org/Operant.asp Behaviour change techniques from OLT Techniques directly related to OLT • • • • • • Positive reinforcement Reward Punishment Extinction Negative reinforcement Vicarious reinforcement fundamentals of reward/punishment • Differential reinforcement • Reinforcement of alternative behaviour • Stimulus generalisation • Stimulus narrowing • Shaping • Chaining • Thinning • Token economy • Habit reversal Action Control Self‐regulation theory CHANGE BEHAVIOUR by • Goal setting • Self-Monitoring GOAL Compare behaviour with standard Act to reduce discrepancy No gap goal met • Comparison • Effort to reduce discrepancy Discrepancy noticed Disengage from goal Carver C & Scheier M 1998 On the self-regulation of behaviour. New York, Cambridge University Press Identifying Effective Change Techniques in Interventions Designed to Promote Physical Activity and Healthy Eating • Systematic review and meta‐analysis • 84 interventions • average of 6 techniques • small effect d = 0.37 (95% CI 0.29 to 0.54, N = 28,838) • self‐monitoring – associated with effectiveness (14.6% variance explained). – Interventions including this technique had a medium effect size of d = 0.57. – Interventions combining self‐monitoring with at least one other technique derived from control theory were more than twice as effective as the other interventions with d = 0.60 d = 0.26 respectively Michie S, et al (in press) Identifying Effective Techniques in Interventions: A meta‐analysis and meta‐regression Health Psychology Intention‐Behaviour Gap Physical Exercise Following Cardiac Rehabilitation I Intend to engage in vigorous exercise at least three times a week for at least 30 min after my discharge. Behaviour 4 months following discharge Exercise at least 3 x 30 minutes Exercise less than 3 x 30 minutes agree not agree Inclined Actors Disinclined Actors Inclined Abstainers Disinclined Abstainers 53.2% 38.9% 0% 7.9% Sniehotta, F. F., Scholz, U., & Schwarzer, R. (2006). Action plans and coping plans for physical exercise: A longitudinal intervention study in cardiac rehabilitation. British Journal of Health Psychology, 11, 23–37. Societal influences Individual psychology Food Production Individual activity Activity Food Consumption environment Biology Foresight, 2007 Bandura, A. (1986). "Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory." Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall. e.g. Personality, Identity Beliefs and cognitions PERSON BEHAVIOR e.g. Verbal Responses Motor Responses Social Interactions ENVIRONMENT e.g. Physical surroundings Family and Friends Other social influences Behaviour change practice Traditional approach Collaborative approach Health professional as expert Patient as expert in own life Patient told what to do Supporting patient finds own solutions Extrinsic motivators Intrinsic motivators Patient required to facilitate change Collaboration & assistance in facilitating change Ignores barriers to change Addresses barriers to change Technique for behaviour change Social/ Professional role & identity Knowled ge Skills Beliefs about capabiliti es Beliefs about consequenc es Motivati on and goals Memory , attention , decision processe s Goal/target specified: behaviour or outcome 1 2 1 3 2 3 1 3 1 3 3 3 3 1 1 Monitoring 1 2 3 3 3 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 2 3 3 2 2 2 1 3 2 1 2 23 1 1 1 1 2 3 1 2 2 Self-monitoring Environme ntal context and resources 1 2 Social influenc es Emoti on Action planning 1 1 1 3 2 3 3 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 3 Contract 2 1 3 2 2 2 2 Rewards; incentives (inc Self-evaluation) 1 2 1 1 3 3 3 2 1 2 1 2 2 3 3 3 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 Graded task, starting with easy tasks 1 1 3 3 2 2 2 3 2 2 3 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 1* Increasing skills: problem solving, decision making, goal setting 1 2 3 3 3 3 2 2 3 2 1 2 3 2 1 2 1 2 3 1 Stress management 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 3 3 2 1 1 Coping skills 1 2/3 3 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 2 1/2 Michie S, Johnston M, Francis JJ, Hardeman W, Eccles MP. (2008) Applied Psychology: An Review. Special an 2International Review. 1 2 3 2Applied Psychology: 2 1 1 3 2 Rehearsal ofInternational 3 3 3Issue l t kill 3 3 1 1 The Behaviour System: Behaviour emerges from interactions between …. Capability Motivation Psychological or physical ability to enact the behaviour Behaviour Reflective and non-reflective mechanisms that activate or inhibit behaviour Opportunity Physical and social environment that enables the behaviour The Behaviour System: CMOB Capability Motivation Opportunity Capability, Motivation and Opportunity must be present for a Behaviour to occur Behaviour The system is in dynamic equilibrium and a change in behaviour may require a sustained change in one or more of the other elements system for choosing interventions and policies Behaviour source Policy type: decisions made by authorities concerning interventions Ca pa bil it Physical Motivation Intervention type: activities designed to change behaviours Reflective y Psychological Non reflective Social Physical it y n u ort p Op Motivation Reflective Beliefs about what is good and bad, conscious intentions and decisions as per e.g. Theory of Planned Behaviour Nonreflective Emotional responses, desires and habits resulting from associative learning and physiological states Reflective-Impulsive Model, Strack & Deutsch, 2004 PRIME Theory of Motivation, West, 2006