Lou Illar - White Crane Kung Fu Studio

Transcription

Lou Illar
from the Author of the
1993 Blockbuster feature film
"Sidekicks. "
All proceeds trom the sa le or lhis publication have been
donated to the Exceptiona l Individua l f und, a charity to
assist tllos e will) disabilities.
fxceptionallndilJi(, lal Fund
Ronald
C.
Schulill gl?amp, Treasurer
4829 West t\I\elairie Avenue
Metairie, LA 70001
(504) 88C).0226 (\
Tax
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ID N umber: 72-122-3780
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The Americanization
of Chinese
New Year
A History of Traditional
New Year Customs and
of the Louisiana Chinese
Lou Illar
KENDALL/HUNT PUBLISHING COMPANY
2480 Kerper Boulevard
P.O. Box 539
Dubuque, Iowa 52004-0539
Copyright © 1993 by Exceptional Individual Fund, Inc.
Library of Congress Card Catalog Number: 93-78096
ISBN 0-8403-8547-1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or
otherwise, without the prior written pennission of the copyright
owner.
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents
Introduction
Chronology of Dynasties and Period
Acknowledgements
Prologue
One
7
The Intellectual and Social Roots
of Chinese New Year
Two
21
Leaving the Ancestral Grounds
Three
33
The Development of Louisiana's
Chinese Community
Four
57
The Classical New Year Tradition
Five
The History Of Chinese New Year
In Louisiana
Bibliography
Vita
83
Introduction
The purpose of this text is to explain the evolution and
Americanization of Chinese New Year in Louisiana. The study
provides an intellectual understanding of the values of the
nineteenth century Chinese. It further discusses their migration to
Louisiana. This work then explains the nature and traditions of the
ancient New Year festivals. Finally, it treats the Americanization of
the New Year celebration in Louisiana. The history of the festival in
Louisiana reveals a continuous struggle for acceptance by Chinese.
It is a cross cultural history that begins in 1871 and ends in 1986.
This study also provides a calendar for past New Year events
that allows researchers the ability to center on past New Year
celebrations in other cities, thereby extending the development of
American Chinese history.
Chronology
of Dynasties
and Periods
YAO
2357-2258 BC
SHUN
2255-2208 BC
TO 1765 or 1522 BC
NEOLITHIC PERIOD
SHANG
WESTERN CHOU
Traditional chronology
1766-1122
Revised chronology
1523-1028
Traditional chronology
1122-772
Revised chronology
1028-772
EASTERN CHOU
771-256
Spring and Autumn era
722-481
Warring States era
480-221
CH'IN221-206
WESTERN (FORMER) HAN
206-AD 25
EASTERN (LATER) HAN
AD 25-220
THE SIX DYNASTIES
221-581
The Three Kingdoms
221-280
Western and Eastern China
265-419
PERIOD OF NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN DYNASTIES
386-535
North
Northern Wei
386-535
Eastern Wei
534-550
v
Chronology of Dynasties & Periods
Western Wei
535-557
Northern Ch'i
550-577
Northern Chou
557-581
South
(Liu) Sung
420-478
Southern Ch'i
479-502
Liang
502-556
Chien
557-581
SUI
581-618
T'ANG
618-906
THE FIVE DYNASTIES
907-960
LIAO
907-1125
SUNG
960-1279
Northern Sung
960-1127
Southern Sung
1128-1279
CHIN (Ju-Chen or Golden Tartars)
1115-1234
YUAN (Mongols)
1260-1368
MING
1368-1644
Hung-wu
1368-1398
Chien-wen
1399-1402
Yung-Io
1402-1424
Hsuan-te
1426-1435
Cheng-t'ung
1436-1449
Ching-t'ai
1450-1457
T'ien-shun
1457-1464
Ch'eng-hua
1465-1487
Hung-chih
1488-1505
Cheng-te
1506-1521
vi
Chronology of Dynasties & Periods
Chia-ching
1522-1566
Lung-ch'ing
1567-1572
Wan-Ii
1573-1619
1620
T'ai-ch'ang
T'ien-ch'i
1621-1627
Ch'ung-cheng
1628-1644
CH'ING
1644-1912
Shun-chih
1644-1661
K'ang-hsi
1662-1722
Yung-cheng
1722-1735
Ch'ien-Iung
1736-1795
Chia -ch' ing
1796-1821
Tao-Kuang
1822-1851
Hsien-feng
1851-1862
T'ung-chih
1862-1875
Kuang-hsu
1875-1908
Hsuan-t'ung
1908-1912
REPUBLIC
1912
vii
Acknow-Iedgements
T
he research for this text was a product of my own life long
personal interest in Chinese culture. As a young undergraduate I
was stimulated by the cross cultural approach to martial art training
that Dr. Maung Gyi of Ohio University gently exposed. As his
martial art student I absorbed a clear distinction between western
thought and eastern tolerance. As a young graduate student in quest
for my first Masters degree under the patient tutelage of Dr. William
Reynolds I was encouraged to discern clarity within intellect and
therein to apply these dialectic skills to an intellectual understanding
of eastern mysticism. After over twenty years of study and two visits
to the Republic of China my life's work was fortunately reflected in
a second Masters degree. Through the determined support of Dr. Joy
Jackson, this folk life perspecti ve on Chinese New Year was accepted
as an unusual thesis effort within the Department of History at
Southeastern University. Her disciplined editing was deeply appreciated. Completing the circle as a Doctoral candidate at Ohio
University I again found myself exposed to the gentle support and
instruction of Dr. Maung Gyi. His personal encouragement and
attachmentto the publication of this project is deeply appreciated by
one who has always drank deeply of the sweet and the bitter of his
intensive cross cultural work.
The author desires to express his sincere gratitude to all those
who have assisted in the preparation of this work. Further it is
important to acknowledge the sincere professional interest and encouragement that Dr. Bertram Groene and Dr. Michael Kurtz
provided toward this research subject in their classes as well as at
the final term of this stud y. A pprecia tion is also extended to Mattana
Sanguanruang for her patient disciplined typing efforts as well as
Grant Kwan for his frequent manuscript deliveries and his always
willing Cantonese translations that kept the Chinese language used
within this text consistent. This project owes its actual publication
birth to the undivided and dedicated academic interests of Mr. Harry
Lu, Mrs. Dolores Kuo and Dr. Charles Kuo of Southern University in
ix
New Orleans, who worked as only sincere academic friends could
to have this book sponsored by the New Orleans Chinese community. A note of credit should be extended to the New Orleans
Cha pter of the Organization of Chinese American Women for their
sponsorship and interest in the historical perspective this text
presents. Finally, this book represents far more than an accom pI ishment in academic study or the crossing of cultures. It represents
through centuries of development the extension of a tradition among
Chinese martial artists. This writing, like my small White Crane
Kung Fu Studio's annual attempt at providing entertainment during
New Year, is an effort to provide proper ceremonial and personal
balance to the classical art of Kung Fu. The author therefore would
like to express his effort to all of those students tha t annuall y perform
at New Year and refer to him as "Sifu". This book is a product of
those celebrations and gratitude should also be expressed to not only
the performers, but their hosts. The following Chinese restaurants
have been responsible for sponsoring a public New Year festival in
Ba ton Rouge and New Orleans: Bamboo House, Chinese Inn, Hunan
Restaurant, Mandarin Seafood, Bamboo Garden, Crimson Dragon,
Chinese Bandits Restaurant, Shing's Restaurant, Nan King, Chinese
Village, and House of Hunan.
x
Prologue
Between January 20 and February 20 in nearl y every major city in
the United States, crowds of American Chinese and a myriad of
others gather as firecrackers clatter to see lion and dragon dances
and to exchange strange slogans like "Cung He Fat Choy."
Television interviewers and cameramen hurriedly banter about attempting to bring some sensibility to the apparent disorder of the
event. What first appears as a disorganized and meaningless gathering, upon closer inspection, however, reveals a sense of unity between friends and family. Whether family, friend or teacher, that
inter-relationship within an American Chinese family will be acknowledged, and valida ted during the New Year holida ys. Chinese
New Year has become an American phenomenum. From their 1871
entry into Louisiana through New Orleans's third and fourth
generation American Chinese, Louisiana's Chinese have always
celebrated New Year. Beneath the smoke and chaos of those New
Year firecrackers is a history, a history that is rich with ancient
tradition and Chinese culture. But there is also hidden another
American legacy that is far more subtle, and equally impressive. It
is the history of a struggle that reveals the patience and character of
American Chinese to achieve in Louisiana an accurate identity and
acceptance. The history of Chinese New Year in Louisiana encompasses far more than an explanation of Chinese folklore and superstition but also offers an insight into the intellect and political
pressures that have altered and eventuall y americanized the Chinese
as well as the holiday. The focus of this effort will be centered in the
investigation of two questions: To what extent has Chinese New
Year been celebrated in Louisiana, and why has it become so accepted as a part of the American-Chinese tradition? In order to
provide complete and adequate answers to these difficult questions,
this study explores several areas that, although not directly involved
in American or Chinese history, offer a necessary intellectual explanation of the recorded activities of American Chinese. Further,
the lunar New Year calendar provided in this prologue was
developed to abbreviate tedious years of research and to offer to
1
Prologue
other American Chinese communities a novel research tool for the
enhancement of their own historical interests.
This text has been confined and restricted by the following
limitations:
1. There has been no history written of the immigration of
Chinese into Louisiana.
2. Most material printed prior to World War II and in some
cases even after is furrowed with a "yellow peril" slant.
Realistic research was hardly evident; writers appeared
satisfied with not understanding and projecting the mysticalor inferior image of the East.
3. The research material for this study was located mainly in
nine libraries:
a. Louisiana State University Library;
b. The Baton Rouge Centroplex Library;
c. The New Orleans Public Library;
d The Tulane Library;
e. The University of New Orleans Library;
f. Southwestern University Library;
g. The Louisiana State Library;
h. Southeastern Louisiana University Library; and
i. The Library of Congress.
The author was fortunate to have also acquired material from
Caves Book Company in Taipei, and interviewed and studied with
Sifu Gwa Gwe Hua. Sifu Gwa for a period of fifty years was annually
declared by the President of the Republic of China the "King of all
Lion Dancers." At 70 years of age hew as a living record of the custom
and tradition attached to the Chinese New Year celebration. The
most difficult research problem presented in the investigation was
the lack of organized indexing within the New Orleans newspapers.
Had it not been for the following computer analysis of past lunar
cycles, the development of the local research presented within the
texts would have been impossible.
Based on the New Year being defined as the second new moon
after the winter solstice, the following guide was used to locate news
articles for this study:
2
Prologue
1910 - FEBRUARY 9
1911 - JANUARY 30
1912 - FEBRUARY 18
1913 - FEBRUARY 6
1914 - JANUARY 26
1915 - FEBRUARY 13
1916 - FEBRUARY 3
1917 - JANUARY 23
1918 - FEBRUARY 11
1919 - JANUARY 31
1920 - JANUARY 21 or FEBRUARY 19*
1921 - FEBRUARY 7
1922 - JANUARY 27
1923 - FEBRUARY 15
1924 - FEBRUARY 4
1925 - (missing)
1926 - FEBRUARY 12
1927 - FEBRUARY 2
1928 - JANUARY 22 or FEBRUARY 21 *
1929 - (missing)
1930 - JANUARY 29
1931- FEBRUARY 17
1932 - FEBRUARY 6
1933 - JANUARY 25
1934 - FEBRUARY 13
1935 - FEBRUARY 3
1936 - JANUARY 24
1937 - FEBRUARY 11
1938 - JANUARY 31
1940 - FEBRUARY 8
1941- JANUARY 27
1942 - FEBRUARY 15
1943 - FEBRUARY 4
1944 - JANUARY 25
1945 - FEBRUARY 12
1946 - FEBRUARY 1
3
Prologue
1947 - JANUARY 22 or FEBRUARY 20
1948 - FEBRUARY 9
1949 - JANUARY 28
1950 - FEBRUARY 16
1951 - FEBRUARY 6
1952 - JANUARY 26
1953 - FEBRUARY 13
1954 - FEBRUARY 3
1955 - JANUARY 23
1956 - FEBRUARY 11
1957 - JANUARY 30
1959 - FEBRUARY 7
1960 - JANUARY 28
1961 - FEBRUARY 15
1962 - FEBRUARY 5
1963 - JANUARY 25
1964 - FEBRUARY 13
1965 - FEBRUARY 1
1967 - FEBRUARY 9
1968 - JANUARY 29
1969 - FEBRUARY 16
1970 - FEBRUARY 6
1971 - JANUARY 26
1972 - FEBRUARY 14
1973 - FEBRUARY 3
1974 - JANUARY 23
1975 - FEBRUARY 11
1976 - JANUARY 31
1977 - FEBRUARY 17
1978 - FEBRUARY 7
1979 - JANUARY 28
1980 - FEBRUARY 16
1981- FEBRUARY 4
1982 - JANUARY 25
4
Prologue
1983 - FEBRUARY 12
1984 - JANUARY 31
1986 - FEBRUARY 9
1987 - JANUARY 29
1988 - FEBRUARY 17
1989 - FEBRUARY 6
... denotes years in which the new moon fell so close to the preceding winter
solstice that it is difficult to determine whether the second new moon falls
during January or February. Verification of the correct date by other means
is needed.
5
The Intellectual and
Social Roots of
Chinese New Year
ONE
"If we investigate the cycle of
things, we shall understand the
concepts of life and death."
I Ching
In
the early morning mist of Taipei Park stand the stoic profiles of
old men moving through their ancient Tai Chi exercises with patient
ease and near perfect unison. This slow silent dance is a meditation
not merely for these aged shadow boxers but for onlookers as well.
After thirty minutes of solemn concentration, the morning silence is
broken by the modem beat of a Rod Stuart rhythm echOing from a
newly initiated aerobics class. Simultaneously, it seems that the fog
lifts as the voices of female drill masters dressed in bright colors and
leotards shout cadence and quick commands to twenty similarly
attired Chinese girls. To American tourists and even to some young
Chinese, this early morning spectacle is merely a sign of the inevitable domination of western thought in Asia, but to those who
understand the nature of China, they, like the country, seem unaffected.
The unique relationship of the aged and youth in the park is
just another sign of an unchanging Chinese social order. Based on a
high level of tolerance or acceptance Chinese have always been most
accommodating to new thoughts, with the stipulation that they do
not violate old principles of social order.
7
Chapter One
Youth serves elder so that elder may serve youth. It has been a
social order marked by social trade-offs. Government has always
seemed secondary because each individual has since childhood been
programmed to express his family role, and family responsibility.
Whether friend, teacher or relative, each understands the responsibility and detail of that role. This chapter will discuss the origins
of these social values and the implementation of that order during
the Ching dynasty. From this unique perspective a general understanding of the reason and habit of America's first Chinese is offered.
The Origin of Lunar New Year
"The Beginning of the Chinese Family"
K. C. Wu indicates in his text, The Chinese Heritage, that the Chinese
Calendar dates back 4687 years to the very beginning of Chinese
culture. 1 The idea of a formal New Year ceremony did not begin until
seven generations later, 2255 B.C. The Yellow Emperor's reign was
the beginning of recorded civilization in China. Huang Ti, the Yellow
Emperor, had delegated to his advisor, Danao, the task of systematizing their lunar calendar. Termed the "ganzhi" system, it
translates as a system of cyclical characters. The effort is an expression of the universal triad, "Heaven, Man, Earth." This unique
calendar is a reflection of man's attempt to harmonize his life within
the two "energies" that subordinate him, heaven and earth. It has
been reasonably suggested that the divisions that were made in both
the terrestrial division and the celestial di vision were initiall y merel y
characters, the beginnings of script. In short, the actual nomenclature
attached to the celestial cycle and the terrestrial cycle were so named
as a reflection of Chinese neumatics, as versed to any mythical
responses. The final formation of an effective calendar did not occur
until the determination ofleap months during the reign of the Yellow
Emperor's grandsons. Yao had successfully calculated the solstices
so that a leap month could be created that not only compromised the
fallibility of lunar time calculations, but did so without damaging
the overall intent of the calendar, which was the determinations of
the seasons. 2
Yao's legacy extends beyond the formation of a regulated approach to the seasons. His rule of China is accredited an unusual
paternal insight. Finding order to seasons and organizing harvests
was no doubt a major accomplishment for his rule, but another more
8
Shun, the originator of the festivals of China. (Photo is a Chinese newspaper's
reproduction of Shun's original sketch. This reproduction was hand carried to
the United States.)
9
Chapter One
significant problem arose during his reign, and his solution
solidified the attitudes of the Chinese far beyond his expectations.
The problem was one of governing. Although he managed to bring
a better order to the prediction of the seasons, he could not bring civil
order to China. His reign and his very civilization were being
threatened by his inability to manage flooding around the region of
the Yellow River. The flooding was dissecting each of the nine
sections of China and Yao was not only receiving reports of anarchy
in the flooded areas, but was unable to communicate with the other
half of his country. Perplexed, Yao turned to the "Four Mountains,"
his four counselors, and invited each to suggest a surrogate who
could bring order to the other half of China, that Yao was then
incapable of reaching. Perhaps, each reflecting the primary rule of a
bureaucracy, self-perpetuation, they nominated Yao's sons. Having
little regard for his sons' political abilities, Yao negated the idea.
Beseeching his select cabinet to consider a personality that truly
could rna tch the divisive na ture of hunger, flooding, and widespread
upheaval, he received a tentative suggestion. They whispered the
name of Shun. Yao asked for information concerning Shun's family.
When disclosure was offered, Yao was told that the father was
stupid, greedy, and lazy. It was noted that his stepmother and
stepbrother literally forced Shun into a position of slavery. Having
been delegated with all of the responsibilities for providing the
family with sustenance, Shun had faced an extremely difficult task.
The flooding had made nearly every family from his region nomadic.
Attempting nearly every possible vocation to support his family,
Shun fished, farmed, engaged in pottery, trade and made utensils
and implements. 3
Shun would have never drawn any attention had he not been
such a charismatic figure. He was an exceptionally gifted man,
impressing all that happened to meet him with a special humility
and enthusiasm. He sought to learn from others more experienced
and knowledgeable. Learning quickly, and taking delight in sharing
any improvements on his learning he may have instituted, Shun
helped many others find safe places to live and work. Throughout
all of this, Shun suffered an abusive father, who beat him, but Shun
never allowed the beatings to stifle his productiveness. If they became too harsh, he would endure them without protest and run
away. He would return later, after his father's mood had changed.
10
Intellectual & Social Roots
Self sacrificing, Shun never had the opportunity to wed. At thirty he
was still sacrificing for his family.4
At this point, Yao decided to consider Shun as a successor to
his throne. The emperor decided to test Shun further and proceeded
to wife him with his two daughters to determine his loyalty and
wisdom. Shun's stepmother and stepbrother were not pleased with
Shun's new interest, but they did not appear displeased with the
dowry the emperor left Shun. They plotted to seize the flocks of
sheep, cattle, and grain that accompanied the royal brides. Daily,
they attempted to steal Shun's possessions, but he cleverly appeared
to anticipate their every move and never let it distract him from his
work or theirs. Finally, they nearly buried Shun alive in a well that
he was digging, with no idea that he had previously dug an escape
tunnel. They traveled to Shun's horne, calculating the division of his
assets among themselves. 5 Shun's stepbrother decided that he
would possess Shun's wives and horne. As he entered Shun's horne,
he rushed into Shun's bedroom anticipating for himself all the
nuances of conjugal bliss; but to his astonishment, he saw Shun,
himself, playing with the lute on his bed. The stepbrother thought
quickly "I have corne because I was much concerned about you."
Shun, with little regard for revenge and only focused on his family's
security, responded, "There are many chores I've left unfinished,
please do them for me." Thus, Shun, through some incredible "Kung
Fu," controlled energy, and preserved harmony within his family.
Following the report of this incident and others, Shun was further
tested by Yao, by being placed in various administrative pOSitions
that Shun used to organize the government and define the relationships between sovereign and subject, between parent and offspring,
between husband and wife, between elder and younger, and between friend and friend. Through all of Yao's testing, Shun never
a ppeared confused. Congruently then, he was exalted to the pOSition
of Co-Emperor and he successfully ordered and unified the divided
sectors of China. In this ordering, he created five types of ceremonies
for his people to express unified participation:
1. The propitious ceremonies, the worshipping of heaven and
ancestral spirits.
2. Somber ceremonies, death and funerals.
11
Chapter One
3. Martial ceremonies, military preparation and conflict.
4. Amicable ceremonies, protocol within public and private
receptions.
5. Elation ceremonies, protocol with weddings and betrotha1.
6
Shun's regulations harmonized his culture through the teaching of roles; this creation of a ceremony dedicated to heaven and
ancestors, would ritualize those stations and roles he earlier
developed. It was during Shun's term that the beginning of the year
was to be marked as a ceremony that purposefully enhanced the
order of Chinese Culture. It acknowledges not only a clever means
of recording his story, but also a means of controlling society?
From Shun's reign perhaps to present times, the Chinese New
Year festival has been symbolic of harmony and unity. As the
Chinese culture ventured short distances from its border, and encouraged the visits of foreign nationals throughout the Sung and
Tong Dynasties, their New Year festival found a home through most
of Southeast Asia. Beyond a doubt, it stands as both the longest
historically recorded festival and probably one of the largest participatory events in which man has ever engaged. More recently, it
has emerged as an American celebration. San Francisco's New Year
celebration has become an event that has involved tourists from all
over the United States. The event now carries other indications of
American acceptance. Baldwin Cooke Publishing Company includes Chinese New Year as a designated Holiday on all of their
calendars. At first glance, there are those who would consider the
event to be merely a mindless exercise in Chinese superstitions, that
have little value in ascertaining a history of progress within twentieth century China. Those who adhere to that insular prerogative
should consider the historical impact of the Chinese Calendar upon
political upheaval and warfare within Southeast Asia. During World
War II, Chiang Kai-Chek's most crucial military movements were
always matched with days that were considered "lucky" by the
Chinese calendar. 8 More recently, the Vietnam War became
heightened by the nature of the jear of the "Monkey." Francis
Gerald, in her book, Fire in the Lake, accords the American failure in
Vietnam to the ignorance and insensitivity of American diplomats,
regarding the impact of "I-Ching" predictions and the "Tete," or
12
Lunar New Year, offensive. As if the shrinking dimensions of this
world do not alone justify study of the history of Chinese New Year,
consider the impact of Asian Americans. Today in San Francisco,
Chinese New Year is commonly accepted as an eclectic ritual that
characterizes through its dynamic portrayal of superstition and
myth, the history of the Chinese people. However, for American
Chinese that hail from smaller communities, San Francisco's New
Year festival may seem foreign and extravagant. Yet, the idea of
celebrating, itself, is not strange to them. They too have received their
identity and self esteem from smaller Chinese New Year celebrations. Thus, the purpose of Shun's efforts seldom have found a
detractor. To be American Chinese is to celebra te Chinese New Year.
Hence, from either San Francisco to the smallest American Chinese
settlement, all relationships between family members, friends, and
politicians, are acknowledged and validated during New Year. As
long as there are Chinese Americans there will be a Chinese Holiday
that all Americans close to Chinese families must celebrate.
Shun's efforts formed the social foundation for a unique people,
the Chinese. What was it to be Chinese in the nineteenth century?
Further, what are the ramifications of that period on the development of American and Louisiana's Chinese?
The Dynamics of Tradition and Custom
#Gold, the Stairway to Heaven"
In a treatise concerning "Gulliver's Travels," George Orwell suggests that "When human beings are governed by 'thou shalt not'; the
individual can practice a certain amount of eccentricity. When they
are supposedly governed by 'love' or 'reason,' the individual is
under continuous pressure to behave and think in exactly the same
way as everyone else."l0 Orwell's theory into man's social response
characterizes the profile of traditional Chinese society. Although
Shun was historically accorded credit for ordering a disorganized
China, in reality he Simply codified a myth and tradition that existed
before. Through the festival, codification preserved a culture, a
protocol, and a manner of thought. By the nineteenth century, China
stood as a unique entity among other countries, unique to the extent
that it was more of a society than it was a government. In short, since
Shun, government has always seemed to be of less importance than
tradition, Le., social customs and etiquette. Some may read custom
13
Chapter One
to mean religion, but in China that has never been the case. Prior to
the very induction of Buddhism by Tamo, churches and religion
have always had secondary importance. Custom in China became
the necessary replacement of government, and it became so structured that it had even replaced religion as the harbinger of mores.
How did this unique society evolve and manifest itself? To
begin with, the early Chinese managed to reinforce their cultural
codes with shamanistic superstitions. Perhaps, this is as close to
accepting a sort of religion as the Chinese could come, but the fact
remains that social behavior has been enforced by irrational superstition. For example, the early Chinese always maintained a free
capitalistic system. Individual workers could work, save their
money, and buy their own land. Oddly, many never saved enough
for land, and they never moved looking for higher payor a cheaper
area in another province. They were static; and, in their minds, for
good reason. These people were rooted by a disciplined reverence
to the family that extended beyond life itself, a reverence that was
rooted in the mythical sense of the "soul." "Han" is a tenn often used
to refer to the traditional Chinese. The tenn is derived from the
Chinese themselves, to the extent that they refer to the ascending
spirit of the dead as "Han." Death has always been a major production with the Chinese, if not a controlling factor, and the rituals about
the event are unique to their culture. According to ancient belief, a
family loved spirit, Han, would ascend into Heaven and assist in the
care and service of Heaven. If the spirit was well cared for, he would
serve as an active force in representing the interests of his living
relatives. However,ifhis "pa," remains, were not cared for, he would
lose his tie to earthly concerns and drift aimlessly without purpose. 11
The net effect of this custom was the binding of the parent
monetarily to his children. An unwritten contract of financial
responsibility linked parent to child, and in death, child to parent.
Parents often postponed having children, or gave children away in
hopes of better providing for a few or even one. The desire to provide
well for the child was grounded in the belief that the child would
honor the parents after their death by caring for their graves and
their ancestral tombs. Love wasn't viewed as an emotion that was
considered self centered, but rather the passing of gold from one
generation onward to the next. Antique golden jewelry and jewels
were handed to future generations. This ancestral obligation conveniently was altered as nineteenth century China's desire for gold
14
finally outweighed its responsibility to provide grave-site
caretakers. "Fung Shwen/' spiritual guides, could find fewer and
fewer balanced sites for proper burials. Thus, cremation and the
painting of the "pa/' or dust of the deceased's remains, onto name
placards, provided an economical alternative to burial. Gradually,
burial became a short ceremony that was less expensive, and most
of all, served those who left home. Travelers could now have their
cremated remains transferred in a vase to a resting place and then
finally enshrined forever by being transposed onto a name plate. 12
This alteration of burial customs made it possible for men to
finally leave their children and wives. Seeking and hoarding gold,
the "Han" usually left a lifetime of pleasure for his eldest, and in
tum, he assumed the responsibility of maintaining the family
through spiritual interaction in hea ven while his gra ve or ashes were
honored. Thus, they ingeniously completed the first and primary
triad relationship, Heaven-Man-Earth. The extension of the family
name provided a constant continuance of this relationship, but over
all, the process was hardly a static one. As already indicated, customs
were never seen as static or dogmatic in interpretation. Risk was a
basic component of the first and primary triad. Consider the entire
relationship of Hea ven, Man and Earth, as an art of balancing. If man
works earth adequately, he received heavenly rewards. The ancestors in hea ven, if honored, would in tum honor their children. Thus,
aside from just engaging in the mundane rigors of daily living, the
Han, by nature, had to allow for the will of heaven to manifest itself
in his life. He saw heaven active within the confines of an "accident"
or "risk." Hence, if a given "Han" survived an unusual tragedy, he
was said to have good "joss," "luck" or "spirits will." All men who
were perceived to ha ve lived well by hea ven' s wishes desired to use
their "joss" here on earth, and the only available use and test of "joss"
was to gamble. Gambling, to the nineteenth century Chinese, then,
was not merely a means of entertainment, but probably as important
as the ritual of pra yer. For within the confines of the gambler's "risk,"
the "Han" could test his status with heaven and allow it to act. Thus,
the game of Mai Jong, all too often, gave the successful an unusually
elevated status. A common Tong Slogan best expresses that
hypothesis, '1t need not matter if you reach wealth from the front
door or the back, only that your family and ancestors profit from the
gain.,,13
15
Chapter One
The process of balancing the components of the triad earth
(work, family, friends), man, and heaven became a business. Simple
bribery, or appeasement of heaven, led to the final goal, being
rewarded for the effort. All nineteenth century Chinese mores in
origin function as a result of this axiom. Chinese Saints were often
bribed by the Han, in an attempt to buy his way into heaven. Later,
in its coverage of Chinese New Year rituals, this study will depict
the traditional bribery of the "Cooking Spirit," and the lucky lion. It
was this appeasement custom of bribing guardian angels, or ancestors, and eventually people that played havoc with the Ching Cadry
system of government officials. The graft during this pre-American
period became cultural. After qualifying by examination for public
office, the "Han" seldom performed his public service unless payoffs
were made. The idea of public service was merely a means to receive
moneyandstatus.Familyorganizationalwaysprovedmoreefficient
than government. From their first contact with their mother and
father, the Chinese child learned the process of balancing the elements of a triad. Mother and father would care for the child, and
indicated that he was someday expected to care for them. This
responsibility was as binding as any business contract. The generic
effect of this cultural graft strengthened the organizational and
operational function of the family or clan. Family and friends were
better suited for dependability than public officials. 14
The family functioned as a self-sustaining unit. Marriages were
arranged through mothers selecting proper rna tes, as well as occu pations and schools. Although the married Chinese woman possessed
great influence and impact on the lives of her children, as a single
woman she was treated as a child. Age similarly carried with it an
incredible social and political strength. Elders usually were the
recipients of lopsided agreements. Grandparents or elderly citizens
usually received the best from younger Chinese for no one dared to
disenchant a senior member of the family, the idea being that these
individuals were near death, and the object was to have them yield
a good report on you in heaven. 1S Even in Communist China today,
the elderly have enjoyed a heritage of being served by youth. Few
would disagree that it was the cultural failure of youthful Chinese
to heed the directives of senior political officials, but a few months
ago in China, that precipitated the slaughter in Tiananmen Square.
Dying was more of a regimented ceremony than any after dea th
funeral. Shamanistic beliefs frowned upon living or sleeping in
16
quarters that had witnessed a death. The thinking was that the spirit
of the dead was believed to linger there and perhaps would anger
and not rest. Finally, in the end the spirit would fail to provide for
the family as it naturally should have. Thus, death houses were
constructed. An ailing senior citizen was moved from his home into
this "joss house" environment. Here, they were fed little, and cared
for less, as the family waited downstairs, for their death. Upon their
death, paper symbols of money, houses, and food were burned by
the family, in belief that their concern transferred these symbolic
gestures into real "necessities" in heaven. Corpses were usually
cremated quickly, and mourning was kept only for public display.
Gold leaflets were placed in the mouth of the dead in the final belief
that it would preserve the spirit. 16
Women too, were compelled to focus their energies on their
social role. Young women usually possessed the most unusually
small feet. As children, their feet were tightly wrapped in cloth to
deter their growth. This foot binding was not merely a "cosmetic"
cultural improvement, but it indicated that the female was not a low
class field worker. Small feet were considered to be sexually more
appealing than large feet. It was considered essential that the arch of
the foot was extremely exaggerated and that the "Han" girl could
not run, less she leave her husband. Women were bought and sold
into marital bliss. No love ties were required, or respected and
wealthier men often married more than once, quite frequently the
first wife's sister. The concept here was to allow women companionship while they spent most of their time alone rearing their family,
as it was not uncommon for men to leave on business ventures for
years at a time. 17
During the unpopular foreign reign of the Chings or Manchus,
subversive organizations were formed by the Han, to negatively
impact taxing and the general authority of the Manchu's or Ching
Dynasty. Since the Han divided all endeavors and organizational
structures by three, it was quite natural to construct a subversive
group around the same division. These triads were originally considered secret "Knights of the Round Table," ironically, because the
unifying factors of this group were purely to preserve the balance of
Heaven, Man, and Earth. These early organizations were termed
triads, and had for the most part, a "robinhood" reputation. Dating
back to the end of the Han Dynasty, such groups held great historical
respect, but it was during the Ching Dynasty that their efforts
17
Chapter One
affected a significant number of provinces. During this period, the
shaolin temples, depicted in the American television production
Kung Fu, became a stronghold of revolutionary martial arts experts.
The Manchus attacked and burned the temple near Canton. Of 128
monks, only 18 escaped. According to the story, 13 or more were
tracked down and killed. The remaining monks formed the Hong
League, so named in memory of the last great Han emperor, Hong
Wu. Hong Wu was not only the founder of one of the renaissance
dynasties, the Ming Dynasty, but he managed to achieve his rule
through the use of the triads. Secrecy was all too often the necessity
that determined life and death. Thirty six secret oaths were taken to
insure dedication, and finally a blood oath of loyalty was secured.
These ceremonies were conducted within the corridors of secret
rooms and halls. Thus, the organization became known as the
"Tongs," after the Chinese term for "Halls." The word "Tong"
initially was used to cloak the Hong League from the Manchus. The
size of the Tongs was incalculable. Secrecy was so maximized that
all too often, a member was only aware of his superior and his
associate. Secret hand signals were used to disclose position, membership and authority. Even those who might break away to follow
other paths knew that someday, somewhere, a triad group would
ask for their assistance, and they would again be bound by their
blood brotherhood. Although their cause was often noble, the Tong
did not always discern the most ethical means of achieving their
goals. The result was tha t they often funded their uprisings by opium
sales, and all too often forced compulsory shop union membership
upon unwilling individuals. Their power centered in their secrecy
and numbers. The pervasiveness of the group was incalculable, but
by the tum of the twentieth century, the Tong's reach had expanded
far enough to recruit two young and energetic men that would affect
Asia and world history, in a manner that even they could not foresee,
Dr. Sun Yat-Sen, and Chiang Kai-Chek. 18
Thus, the nineteenth century Chinese viewed the world from a
unique perspective. Their interests were not in government nor in
national ideology, but in their individual responsibility to their
family and ancestors. Only their celestial family roots in China
provided them with their own sense of security. Cutting the
nineteenth century Chinese from family, or denying them the right
to extend their families through marriage and inheritance, not only
ended their very reason for existence, but worse, it would deny them
18
the right to their ancient family order that was so intrinsic to their
identity. Without a family there could be no "Han."
Notes
lK. C. Wu, The Chinese Heritage (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc.,
1982), p. 32.
2Ibid ., p. 32.
3Ibid ., p. 73.
pp. 69-74.
p. 75.
6Ibid ., p. 74.
7Ibid ., p. 76.
8Sterling Seagrave, The Soong Dynasty (New York: Harper and Row,
1986), p. 392.
9Francis Gerald,Fire in the Lake (New York: Random House, 1980),
throughout.
lOGeorge Orwell, ''Politics vs. Literature: An Examination of Gulliver's
Travels," The Orwell Reader (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co.,
1950), p. 293.
ll Wu, The Chinese Heritage, pp. 16-20. See also V. R. Burkhardt, Chinese
Creeds and Customs (Taipei: Taipei Caves Book Co.), p. 32.
12I bid., p. 21.
4Ibid.,
5Ibid .,
Chen, Annual Customs and Festivals in Peking (Ann Arbor:
University Microfilms International, 1980), p. 66.
l'1ohn King Fairbank, The United States and China (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1983), pp. 115-117. See also Louis Heren, c.P.
Fitzgerald, Michael Freeberne, Brian Hook, David Bonavio, China's
Three Thousand Years (New York: Collier Books, 1974), pp. 137-146.
15Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds and Customs, p. 19.
16Ibid ., pp. 134-144.
13Tun Li
17Judy Lung, Chinese Women of America (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 1986), pp. 8-40. See also Stuart Creighton Miller,
The Unwelcome Immigrant (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1969), pp. 67-68.
18Mary Roberts Coolidge, Chinese Immigration (New York: Holt and Co.,
1909), pp. 389-397. See also Sterling Seagrave, The Soong Dynasty
(New York: Harper and Row, 1985), pp. 57-75.
19
Leaving the
Ancestral Grounds
TWO
liThe root of the empire is the state.
The root of the state is the family."
Mencius
The migration of Chinese into Louisiana was primarily generated
by an overwhelming nineteenth century political, social, and
economic upheaval which to this day remains unparalleled. From
what some estimate as the world's worst rebellion, the Taiping
holocaust, which tallied a death toll of twenty-five million, to a
twentieth centuI) Communist movement, tha t nurtured the remaining dogmas of the Taipings, carne Louisiana's American Chinese.
Unlike other labor that perspired in America's factories, the Chinese
were not permitted an American Dream" or life style. For these
people were to be considered transient and not citizens. The aspirations of an American horne and family were not practical, for very
few were permitted by either their government or the United States
government to bring their wives to this land, that so many still refer
to as "Golden Mountain."
II
As statutes were amended, and years passed, different types of
Chinese entered Louisiana, and with each group carne a separate
story. From the early arrivals of the mid-nineteenth century that
migrated from Kwantung Province, to the nationalist Chinese that
carne to the United States from a China torn by Communism, they
carne in waves. Unlike other groups, citizenship was never easy.
21
Chapter Two
Quotas had to be enforced. Thus, long waiting periods often existed.
Newlyweds faced lengthy separation periods as they waited for
clearance. Newlywed wives, with American Chinese husbands were
commonly isolated and even forgotten on "Angel Island," a U.S.
Island off the coast of California used to detain Asian immigrants.
Marriage, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, for
American Chinese men, was nearly impossible. The only purpose in
working in the United States was to earn enough money to be buried
in China. All too often, living and not dying in Louisiana, was the
only American dream the early Chinese immigrant could afford.
The intent of this chapter is to provide an overview of the
unique migratory history behind Louisiana's American Chinese.
This cha pter will provide a record of the combined events and social
milieu that postulated the various free migrations, exclusions, and
finally quotas, imposed on the Chinese in Louisiana.
China has always stood as a unique entity among other
countries, unique, to the extent that it is more of a society than a
nation. Atthe end ofthe eighteenth century, China was plagued with
an onslaught of discontent. The Manchus, although they often meant
well, were viewed as foreigners, and were not generally accepted as
the valid rulers of China. The net effect was a series of rebellions that
protested a minor tax on farmers. The rebellions were headed by a
secret organization that derived their strength by harboring subversives and practicing esoteric martial arts. This White Lotus Society,
a Tong, caused a rather widespread, yet distinctly disorganized
uprising throughout the densely, populated countryside of China.
Much of the organiza tion' s success was based upon its tradition and
manner. Dating back to the conflict with the yellow turbans, during
the Han Dynasty, this secret triad association found support whenever nationalism seemed threatened. The difficulty within its rebellion with the Manchus was that it was a limited mandate. The cause
manifested itself merely in the alien nature of the Manchusgthemselves, and failed to develop any significant unifying issue. 1
Although they did tax the farmers, the Manchus had great
respect for the importance of agriculture. Thus, the tax, itself, 3
percent of gross, was hardly worth the resistance the White Lotus
organized. Their concern was to rid China of the foreign Manchus
and their efforts would, in the end, be the foundation for a century
of rebellion and infamy that nearly devastated the land of the
22
dragon. On balance, the group grounded their effort in a noble oath
of chivalry, and loyalty, the likes of which has been the focal point
of many a "Kung Fu" movie. Although their brief rebellion may have
proved lucrative for the twentieth century Chinese cinema, it hardly
proved fortunate for China and the Ching Dynasty. It cost them
nearly five years of their general revenue. Throughout China's history, far too often, food was used as her greatest weapon. In this
particular case, the Manchus's starvation tactic would long be
remembered. The triads had built walls around small villages to
protect them from the Manchu armies. In response to their failure to
overrun the walls, the Manchus cut off all food and water to the small
fortresses. The method proved effective, but lingered emotionally
with all who experienced it. The forced cannibalism would long be
remembered. Although the triads boasted a chivalrous nationalistic
cause, to order an effective rebellion, they could not manage a
formidable unification of the various classes of Chinese. The principle problem was that they, in fact, lacked an ideology that would
harmonize China. 20
In 1850, that credo was finally formed and not only mobilized
all of the nation in a resistance against the Manchus, but it caused a
gradual discontent with traditional Chinese methodology. This new
populism burned nineteenth century China and smoldered through
the twentieth century until Mao patterned his doctrine from the
tenets of that populism, the 1850 Taiping Rebellion.21
In 1850, flood control, drought, and famine brought even more
financial pressure upon the unpopular Ching Dynasty. With little
choice, the Manchus increased taxes, but even the collection added
greater governmental expense. Southern China, in particular the
port of Canton, had a problema tic history with the Manchus. In their
conquest of the Han, Southern China was the last to be dominated,
and worse, the Ching military never established an effective control
over the region. The region defied unifica tion. Disorder and calamity
were the norm; predominately due to the diverse rivalry of ethnics
and clans. The calamity was further funded and complicated by the
illegal foreign importation of opium. Unscrupulous landowners,
through opium sales, could afford their own militia and fund their
own feuds. Secret societies, and anti-dynasty brotherhoods, all
fueled the spark that was to ignite China. Oddly, the impetus for
revolt rose from an ethnic minority in Southern China called the
23
Chapter Two
Haka. These non-traditional Chinese had a unique interest and
·
22
h entage.
W. G. Goddard reports that the Hakas were originally driven
from their ancestral land in Honan Province. During the Chin Dynasty, a bloody persecution began in Honan, that could be compared to
the anti-semitic movement of Nazi Germany. The Hakas were forced
to the southern mountains of Fukien Province. Those that remained
in Honan were driven out during the Chin Dynasty and finally took
refuge in the caves of Kwantung Province during the Tang Dynasty.
There in the outskirts of Canton, they were harassed by large landowners and labeled "Haka" or "strangers." They could not own
land; their sons were excluded from public examinations, and thus,
from official pOSitions. Many wandered over the mountains and
became seafarers. 23
In fact, some migrated to the wild island of Formosa, where
they became one of the first tribes to bring civilization to the island
and eventually developed it into the future granary of Fukien
Province. However, those who suffered through past dynasties from
racism in Kwantung, were to receive some relief from the Manchus.
Although the cadry system of government workers was riddled with
corruption, the Manchu or Ching government attempted legitimate
examinations for these positions. For the first time, they were open
to the Hakas and, as a result, represented the only form of upward
mobility ever offered to the group. The passing of these tests granted
the Haka their only opportunity to enter into a bureaucratic career. 24
This egalitarian attitude toward the Haka, opened the door for
the grooming of an incredible demagogue. At four years of age,
Hung Hsui Chuan's parents, in 1829, realized his exceptional intellectual worth and sent the young Haka to school until he was
fourteen. History indicates that the economic strain on the family
was so severe that all schooling stopped at fourteen, and the boy was
forced into independent study. Having already established his extreme intelligence in his formal schooling, the sheer stress of the
examinations evidently proved too much for Hung. He failed, and
fell into what some have suggested as a psychotic delirium. In this
emotional stupor Hung's mania presented him with a vision. 25
It was highly probable that the vision was only interpreted after
Hung had read a Christian propaganda pamphlet, and it was this
superficial idea of Christianity that led Hung not only to believe his
24
vision to be of God and Jesus, but of himself as Jesus's younger
brother. Thus, Hung believed he had a mandate to destroy the
demons on earth and establish his own kingdom. 26
There are more detailed discussions of Hung that speculate the
very nature of his vision. These speculative conclusions indicate that
what Hung actually saw was a "venerable sage who commanded
him to defeat the demons and save humanity." Generally these
speculations are drawn from research that demonstrates the length
of time before the dream's interpretations as six years. In the interim,
Hung had worked as a school master in Canton. The synchronicity
between the fundamental Christian doctrines that he was espousing
as a school master and the nature of his dreams, left him to believe
that he was chosen, and that God had called upon him. His school
lessons began to sound more and more like ministering. Gradually,
his work began to develop converts and his own sect, the God
Worshipers Society, was organized. Realizing his potential power,
Hung took leave to study at a Protestant Mission in Canton for two
months. From his study he selected the rituals which he adopted as
the structure of his own brand of Christianity. Initially, his deviation
may not have been by his own deliberate design. The actual religious
controversy that ensued had probably been inspired by inconsistencies in biblical translations. The language, itself, had no term that
equated with the word "God." Jesuits had used the words "tien/'
Heaven, and "shangti," Lord. Combined, they thought the terms
meant "Lord on High." Protestants translated the word "God," as
"shen" or "spirit." The problem was irreconcilable, and two Bibles
were produced. This discrepancy created a great uncertainty. Hung
astutely chose the Jesuit translation because the term "tien" granted
him the flexibility to supplement his lack of Christian theological
learning with his grasp of Confuscian Doctrine. The Jesuits did not
fully understand the potential of the term "tien.,,27
Giancurlo Finazzo, in his text The Principle of Tien, points out
that the term does not correlate with the western concept of heaven,
but rather it denotes a purely eastern sense of divine intervention.
In short, the term is reflective of a predetermined ordinance over
man's action. This ordinance is thus regarded as the ways of
"heaven." Therefore, it is considered as a Taoist or Confuscian
attitude, granting man the latitude of determining his natural way
as the way of heaven. 28
25
Chapter Two
Initially, Hung's movement gave westerners great hope in
Hung's Christian motivations. The Taipings heralded some extraordinarily modem tenets: abstinence from drugs, equality of women,
monogamy, calendar reform, and standardization of the national
script, were some of their noble attempts at modernizing China.
However, these predominately Haka peoples attempted a totally
iconoclastic religious movement. Although Hung practiced selectivity in his adoption of certain Confuscian Doctrines, they generally
disregarded any semblance of ancestral worship. Thus, they burned
and destroyed Buddhist temples, graves, or shrines. This flagrant
disregard for ancient heritage, polarized many Cantonese, forcing
some into supporting the Manchu reign. Others began a separate
and unrelated triad rebellion north of Canton. 29
It was during this uncertain time that Southern Chinese began
to look toward the United States as a "Golden Mountain." In 1848,
approximately three hundred twenty-five displaced Chinese arrived in the United States. Most of these having little language
facility stayed in and about their own commune in San Francisco
performing menial tasks. One enterprising Chinese merchant ventured from his business and followed other foreign labor about the
California gold mines. He found gold, became wealthy and wrote
home describing his newly acquired life style. His home was the
Szep-Yap region in Kwantung Province and his letter nearly
emptied the village of these uprooted people. 3D
Southern China was gradually being devastated by a religious,
social, and ethnic rebellion that could not sustain itself. The rebellion
appealed primarily to the Haka, not merely because of their leader
Hung, but because of the impoverished and subjugated nature of the
people.
By 1850, open rebellion exploded throughout Kwantung
Province. The first diSCiples were the poor Haka peasants, but other
Haka that had navigated ships to and from Formosa, or burned
charcoal outside of Canton, enlisted in the action. The rebellion's
credo appealed not merely to the subjugated lower class Haka, but
to many intellectuals as well. Hung was, in fact, updating preconfucian doctrine, and the effort provided greater freedom for the
intellect. The "Taipings," a term derived from Taiping Tien- Kuo
"Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace," offered reforms that had not
been heard of since the Chou Dynasty, when Taoist sentiments
26
ebbed high within the Han social order. Hung's group proposed
reforms that China would not see for another hundred years. They
demanded:
Communal Property. They rejected the notion of private
property and desired a common bank and granary. Land was
to be divided into the mystical number nine and then classified
by its quality. The quality determined the number of occupants.
The land was to be freely used, but never considered disposable. Each person could only take what he could use from
the land. 31
The Status of Women. Women became a major issue in the
revolt. The Taipings banished foot binding, which was the
central issue of the subjuga tion of females during the Ching
Dynasty. The Taipings offered equality in opportunity and
matrimony to women. They granted them the chance to take
state examinations and hold civil or military office. Women
marched as soldiers within the Taiping ranks, and were no
longer bought and sold like property.32
Abstinence. The rampant and abusive usage of opium and
alcohol had promulgated the Taipings to ban drugs. Kwantung
Province, in particular the port of Canton, had always posed a
problem in the control of the flow of opium.33
Calendar Reform. The Taipings attempted their own calendar.
It was an effort to westernize the Chinese Lunar calendar with
a seven-day week and a Sunday.34
Literary Reform. The Taipings held little esteem for maintaining traditional mores and traditional writing, and languages
were made to harmonize with collo'!uial speech. The Taipings
became pioneers for literary reform. 5
Reformation of Foreign Influences. With great Christian effort,
the Taipings proved to be equalitarian in their approach and
treatment of foreigners. Knowing fully well that the opium
problem that was so prevalent in and around Canton was
principally caused by the "white devils," they asked for no
contrition. Nor did they involve themselves in the usage of the
27
Chapter Two
foreigners as a derision, which was essentially what they were
36
fast becoming to the Cantonese.
The permanence of these reforms was probably more affected
by the religious perspective of Hung than any other factor. The
Taipings were iconoclasts. They did not tolerate any other religion.
They were monotheistic and were pledged to destroy the trappings
of any other faith. With little restraint, they marched through ancient
burial sites destroying ancient tombs and artifacts.
Although their cause appeared noble, the motives of the Taipings were far from egalitarian. Like far too many demagogues,
narcissism inflicted Hung. His efforts and motives were often greed
tainted. The foreign Christians that initially began to support his
cause, abrogated and formed a Ching alliance. Dissension in Hung's
ranks provided the final blow that made the rebellion a short-lived
historical period. Hung's chief advisor and organizer, Yang, became
widely recognized, as did his capacity for playing the role of God's
medium. Hung would support Yang's claim, that in times of crisis
God would speak through his lips. Hung pronounced Yang to be the
third son of Christ and utilized his talents as Commander in Chief,
but Hung's insecurity led to Yang's demise. In 1856, Hung assassinated Yang, and the Taiping rebellion stopped short of a revolution
leaving twenty-five million dead and regenerating racial hatred for
the Hakas. 37 Kwantung Province proved to be for the Haka a hot
bed of hatred.
From 1854 to 1868 the problems in Kwantung had reversed
themselves. Hakas became the target of angry mobs. Whole clans
were hunted and destroyed. To most Hakas, tales of new free lands
overseas proved far too inviting to resist. They became the first
groups to leave China and migrate to America. To this day, groups
of Hakas live in Hawaii, Jamaica, Canada, and California.
Mrs. Pearl Lin Hom and Mrs. Pa t Lee of Metairie both trace their
ancestry to that early Haka exodus from China. Mrs. Lee notes that
her grandfather, a Hew, settled in Hawaii, and Mrs. Hom's father, a
Lin, settled in Jamaica?8
Like the Fongs and Lins, the early Chinese immigrants to New
Orleans managed to settle here after migrating through other parts
of the United States; but the complexity of the Haka legacy, the
Taiping Rebellion, although over a century old, still influences the
28
lives of their descendants in distant New Orleans. Both Pat Lee and
Pearl Hom expressed an awareness of their Haka ancestry. Each
smiled as they indicated that the other Cantonese may refer to their
Haka roots as "lower class," and "not so good." The irony of the
Hakas's struggle in China,lies in the fact that they were condemned
in their time as liberal reformers, but in the long run, they were the
antecedents of Mao's twentieth century "Peoples Revolution,"
which most twentieth century Haka ardently opposed. 39
As for those that did escape to Golden Mountain, time would
prove that an acceptable foreign performance was an elusive quality.
They still were forced to regard China as their home and burial place;
by tradition they seemed programed to end their lives where they
had begun. Having little to eat and even less to spend, the usage of
credit tickets, tickets that allowed credit for work to be done in the
United States, became extremely popular. By 1852 the port of San
Francisco witnessed the arrival of twenty thousand Chinese. In the
year of 1853 nearly 4,270 Chinese entered California, but amaZing~
during tha t same year came a mass exodus of tha t same magnitude.
What could have sent these adventurers back to the hopeless
turmoil and holocaust in their homeland? America had suddenly
developed a severe dislike for the Han, and even though it had one
major racial problem to solve the Government of the United States
did little to prevent another. Even though they were paid little the
Chinese squandered less. Initially, they worked jobs no one else
would handle, but with persistence they eased themselves into tasks
normally designated to women. They labored in kitchens and restaurants, and laundries. They possessed no voting rights and could
not testify in court. In a land where law and order was usually
determined by a "might makes right" attitude, the short, thin often
malnourished Chinese found himself the victim of crime and at
times inhuman abuse. To further add salt to the irrita tion, the esoteric
and eclectic nature of the Chinese attracted an onslaught of criticism
as well as physical reprisals. 41 Although thorough in paying debts
and often shrewd in managing contracts, their failure to westernize
and develop a sense of perservence frustrated the land that paid
them. Because few men were interested in handling women's work
and because there was such a shortage of the feminine gender in the
West, the Chinese nearly monopolized the laundry business. If there
was any Anglo-American competition, the Chinese merely lowered
their prices and forced the competition from their market. Having a
29
Chapter Two
constant desire for greater gold the successful laundryman would
often open his own restaurant. The shrewd Han seldom served any
exotic dishes, but proper American cuisine with reasonable prices.
Although they were in the laundry and food business they weren't
noted for their cleanliness. To begin with they would often redesign
buildings or construct their own. One newspaper indicated that the
"Mongolians" were "as handy with a saw and hammer as a woman
with a snowball." The net effect was a squalor of shacks and
dangerously insufficient sanitary facilities. Pigpens lined the sides
of streets, and human as well as animal waste covered the unpaved
streets. One observer commented that there was "nothing so offensive as the smell and sight of Chicago'S Chinatown.,,42
In 1868, the Burlingame Treaty had established the right of free
immigration of Chinese into America. Organized labor felt
threatened by the popularity of Chinese labor and the wild, wild
West went on a rampage against the mild-mannered Chinese.
Chinese began to lose not only their money and pigtails to cruel
ruffians, but they were literally beaten and tortured on America's
sacred purple mountains and scalped and hung above her fruited
plain. By 1887, anti-Chinese rioting had aroused so much horror
around Seattle that President Cleveland summoned the military into
the streets of Seattle to calm the disorder.
In the thick of the turmoil the United States changed its im-
migration policy. George Seward was removed from the United
States ministry to China because of his opposition to Chinese exclusion and James Argell replaced him. Argell unfortunately revised
the Burlingame Treaty. Replacing free immigration with the right of
Congress to "regulate, limit, or suspend" the immigration of Chinese
Laborers, while exempting students, merchants and tourists. The
treaty was approved and immediately followed by seven congressional bills to exclude Chinese.
The political atmosphere worsened before it bettered. Terrance
V. Powderly, best known for his leadership of the Knights of Labor
and his adamant stand against Chinese immigration, became Commissioner General of Immigration from 1897 to 1902. In that office
he worked for the reenactment and strengthening of the exclusionary laws. Powderly encouraged anti-Chinese subordinates, issued
new administrative regulation to reduce significantly the number of
Chinese entering the United States. 43
30
American labor had developed a great fear of the effect of a
Chinese work force in America. It was a fear that was fueled by an
uninformed media inundating America with "Yellow Peril" literature. Finally, it was the overwhelming assistance of American
Chinese as well as the Chinese government during World War II that
brought a change in American a tti tude toward Chinese immigra tion.
The 1980s reflected a modern day acceptance of American
Chinese. Statistics reveal them to be one of America's most educated
minorities. Yet, American labor in 1982 still reflected the racial
attitudes of the past as the city of Detroit unfairly placed the responsibility of its unemployment on America's utilization of an Asian
work force. In 1982 the entire American Chinese community was
shocked by the brutal racial sla ying of Detroit Vincent Chin. Not only
was Chin brutally beaten in front of fifteen witnesses, but his killers
were released on probation. Vincent Chin's father was a United
States Army veteran and served during World War II. Despite the
protest of the entire national Chinese community, Vincent's killers
did not serve one day in jail. A federal court did initially find them
guilty of civil rights violation~ but the verdict was overturned by an
a ppella te court in Cincinna ti. 4
In the final analysis "leaving the ancestral grounds" proved to
be more than a struggle to be American for American Chinese. The
Chin murder was a reminder that the most difficult hurdle is still
ahead. Despite the contributions of genera tions of American Chinese
they still must struggle to be accepted.
Notes
19Franz Shurman, trans. Wolfgang Franke, Die Jahrhundert Der Chinesischen Revolution 1831-1949, (Munchen: R. Oldenboury, 1959), pp. 47-
64.
20Ibid .
21Jen Lurven, The Taiping Revolutionary Movement (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1973), p. 23.
22Vincent Y. C. Shik, The Taiping Ideology: Its Sources, Interpretations and
Influences (Seattle: University Washington Press, 1967), pp. 16-17.
2\v. G. Goddard, Fonnosa: A Study in Chinese History (London: Macmillan, 1966), pp. 24-34.
24Ibid .
31
Chapter Two
25Shurman, Die Jahrhundert Der Chinesischen Revolution 1831-1949, p. 55.
26pairbanks, The United States and China, p. 122.
27Shurman, Die Jahrhundert Der Chinesischen Revolution 1831-1949, p. 57.
28Giancurlo Finazzo, The Principle of Tien (Taipei: Mci Ya Publication,
1967), pp. 81-96.
29Shik, The Taiping Ideology: Its Sources Interpretations and Influences, p. 29.
30K. L. Young Zo, ChineseImmigration into the United States 1850-1880
(New York: Association Press, 1971), p. 97.
31Shik, The Taiping Ideology: Its Sources Interpretations and Influences, p. 33.
32Ibid ., p. 34.
33Ibid .
34Ibid .
35Ibid .
36Ibid .
37Zo, Chinese Immigration into the United States 1850-1880, p. 97.
38Interview with Mrs. Pearl Hom, June 15, 1988. Interview with Mrs. Pat
Lee, March 23,1989.
39Zo, ChineseImmigration into the United States 1850-1880, pp. 98-100.
4oIbid .
41She-Shan Henry Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1986), throughout.
42Ibid ., p. 88.
430elber L. McKee, "Chinese Must Go," Pennsylvania History, Vol. 44,
1977, pp. 37-51.
44New York Times, July 16, 1989, p. 27.
32
The Development of
Louisiana's Chinese
Community
T H R E E
"Those who earn their living by
labor are destined to be ruled."
Mencius
Between 1815 and 1835 it is generally accepted that Chinese labor
was used within the Mississippi alluvial valley. Although records of
this early involvement with Chinese labor have been poorly maintained, an oral history of these laborers was left among their descendents along the levee towns of the Mississippi River. It is known
that with the high cost of slaves in both Louisiana, and Mississippi
that few slave owners in either state would risk the life of any slave
in the dangerous digs that constructed these lower Mississippi
levees. Irishmen and Chinese were used to work where no other man
would work, and the Chinese developed a reputation for deep
dangerous digging, and hard labor that would lead to their permanent induction to a post civil war Louisiana. 45
In Louisiana, in 1865, an editorial appeared in the New Orleans
Times that discussed Louisiana's labor shortage. The distinction that
this editorial holds is the fact that not only does it outline with great
clarity the dilemma post Civil War Louisiana faced, but it posed a
solution, the importation of a mythical labor force, the Chinese. The
editorial describes a problem tha t existed prior to the war. It explains
that before the war there was such a scarcity oflabor, tha t "thousands
of acres of the best land were seriously left uncultivated," and worse,
33
Chapter Three
"nine tenths of the crops were indifferently attended." The author
continues to draw a bleak future for Louisiana, by indicating that
labor relief can not be supplied from other quarters of the United
States. The manufacturing centers of the East relied on new immigrants from Europe; while other governmental inducements
drew settlers West. 46
Louisiana's clirna te proved too harrowing for the Irish and
Germans. However, the article continues, China has a great surplus
of labor that have been exposed to generations of hardships. The
"Chinamen" by nature, are naturally industrious and obedient."
They are "intelligent" and "ingenious." They understand the cultivation of rice and sugar. Their nature forbids them from being
dishonest. Thus, they are bound to any contract and require only
rice, vegetables and fruits as sustenance. The article naively suggests
that "wages to Chinamen are nearly unheard of." Chinese are a
laboring class of people tha t are used to labor without reward. Ther
also have few attachments, particularly to their "native country.,,4
The text of that editorial suggests that romantic notions of the
South had not ended with the Civil War. The desire to maintain a
kingdom by peasant or near "slave" labor continued. Those hopes
and dreams were not to be realized, however, for the myth that they
had created about Chinese labor was far from reality.
As indicated earlier, gold, family ties, and family burial territories were an intrinsic part of the nineteenth century Chinese
value system. Having enjoyed a heritage that was founded upon a
history, as well as, analytic prescribed by Confucius, and coupled
with labor experiences in other parts of the United States and Cuba,
the Chinese that emerged in 1870 Louisiana were less apt to be
swindled by vague contracts or mistreatment. Initially, the Chinese
were introduced into the Western Hemisphere through Cuba and
the West Indies. They were what the Cantonese referred to as the
"Koo Lee,: rented muscle. However, in Cuba, the term, as well as
their contracts, was never actually realized. Once laborers began to
work, the Cuban government decided to ignore any Chinese contracts, and trea ted the Han worse than sla ves. They all too frequent! y
failed to uphold food agreements and starved their workers, noting
that it was cheafer than honoring the agreement return clause of
their contracts. 4
34
Chinese workers in the fields of the Merrill Plantation. These three
illustrations were drawn in the fields of the Merrill Plantation by a journalist
for "Every Saturday," a Boston periodical that featured an article on July
29, 1871 entitled 'The Heathen Chinese in the South." A complete copy
of the article is available in the Louisiana State Library in Baton Rouge.
Chapter Three
The early Chinese entry into the United States stands as a record
of abuse. Chinese workers in the Black Hills hardly worried about
contracts. Most of them found their initial contract to work the rails
for the railroad companies intolerable. They fled to the gold fields of
the Black Hills. The Anglos saw them as dishonest, clannish,
idolatrous, and base. They strongly resented the Chinese forwarding
the bulk of their earnings to China, rather than circulating them
throughout the community. Insensitive to the restrictions on exportation of women by the Manchus, they saw the Chinese as inassimilatable and in tum, overran their mining claims and literally
bombed their legal opium dens. Other Chinese, riding on stage
coaches, were often singled out by highwaymen and beaten. The few
Chinese women that existed in the West or northern mining areas
were hardly held in any esteem. Their features were accorded by
white men the same characteristics as "monkeys." They were bought
and sold like slaves long after the Emancipation Proclamation and
the end of the Civil War. Overall, their services were only desired by
Chinese males. In spite of the shortage of women in the West, they
were shunned by white males. 49
Generally, the shortage of women fa vored the individual objectives of the traditionally class-conscious Chinese. Both railroad and
mine needed laundry and food service. As Dr. C. C. Chien explained,
"Chinese always appreciated the opportunity to work their minds,
as versed to their muscle. A bucket of water and soap furnished all
that was necessary for laundry.SO Extra meat, and home grown
vegetables were the beginning of a restaurant." Mrs. Pat Lee best
characterized this phenomenon as she chuckled and described her
grandparents' ingenuity, "My grandparents settled in Hawaii, and
at nearly the day of immigration they opened their restaurant. They
placed fruit crates as tables and chairs in the front of their home and
served dinner leftovers to passersby."Sl
Home in the Land of the Bayou
With these types of difficult experiences behind them, migrant
Chinese came into New Orleans. Aware of the incredulous contract
system that regarded them as a replacement for slave labor, they
organized and demanded fair contracts. The New Orleans
newspaper accounts of 1870 reveal an astute profile of Louisiana's
early Chinese workers. On July 3, one hundred forty-one arrived in
36
The original caption with this illustration read "Chinese cheap labor in
Louisiana-Chinamen at work on the Milloucfon sugar planation. "
New Orleans from previous work in California. Their destination
was the Merrill Plantation in Jefferson Parish, which ran one mile
along the West Jefferson side of the river and ten miles back. At that
time it was considered to be in the suburb of the city, and any
visitation required the use of a ferry.
The first accounts of their arrival continued the myth of the
"Chinese Labor," that editorials had expressed five years earlier. The
paper reported this new labor force to be "stronger and healthier"
than others. It stressed their frugal nature, by claiming that they
"required no meat, only small portions of rice.,,52
It took approximately twenty-six days before the plantation
foreman, F. W. Gardner, as well as the New Orleans Republican,
37
Chapter Three
realized that the major distinction between these Chinese and other
minority labor forces was their intelligence. These Chinese had
become well aware of the abuses of labor in Cuba and other parts of
the Western Hemisphere. Secondly, their very cultural nature compelled them to seek another level of class other than labor. For
example, although most Chinese living in the New Orleans
Chinatown area in 1900 were probably laborers, only seven out of
one hundred thirteen listed themselves as such. In short, the only
reality described in the first reports concerning Louisiana's early
Chinese labor force was their dress. Perhaps, it was their distinction
in dress, eating utensils, and religion that made the exaggerations
about labor believable. "Men dressed in gowns, and pigtailed" were
apparently so outrageous that the other early accounts of them not
eating much because they used "chop sticks" probably made equal
sense. The same newspaper reports emphasized the honesty and
"baptist" nature of the Chinese. "Their leader, Lee Fook Wing, was
a Baptist minister that displayed a great grasp of the Bible, and
preached avidly.,,53
On July the twenty-fourth, the Republican began to undo the
comic Chinese labor image it had initially drawn. In this issue the
paper begins to refer to "John Chinaman," a stereoty~ed image of
the American Chinese immigrant, as a shrewd haggler. 54 The article
discloses that the Chinese had bargained for a five and a half day
work week while being paid for six. Despite the obvious attempt at
a positive disclosure of the Merrill Plantation experiment, the
Republican finally acknowledged a rift between labor and management on July 26. In an article entitled "The Cabbage Revolt," the
Republican further clarified the contract agreement between the Merrill Plantation and the Chinese. In this issue, the paper indicated the
"Chinamen" worked twenty-six days for fourteen dollars worth of
gold and daily rations of two pounds of meat, two pounds of rice,
and one third of an ounce of tea. Difficulty occurred when the
enterprising Chinese were accused of working for extra profit by
planting their own cabbages and selling them. At this point, the news
report obviously drifted from fact because cabbages do not grow for
harvest in twenty-six days. The more probable nature of the free
lance farming was that the Chinese were satisfying their traditional
needs for herbs and exotic vegetables. The herbs were believed to
have a special medicinal value. The net effect of the restriction on
their private farming was a disturbance that caused enough chaos
38
Louisiana's Chinese Community
that it summoned the local police. The workers began to suspect that
their spokesman, Lee Fook Wing, had deceived them and seized him
for questioning. The police forced his release and incarcerated a few
Chinese. They were released after they promised to leave Lee Fook
Wing alone. The dissatisfied workers left shortly after the turmoil. 55
Daniel Liestman suggests that the early Chinese immigrants
had a high level of contract credulity. He pOints out that even though
they were forced in the worst seats available, they always paid their
fare, which was a certain anomaly in the West. Thus, they had little
patience with those who could not be trusted and refused to offer
them business. Liestman pOints out that many of the difficulties the
early Chinese suffered immigrating within American culture
stemmed from the belief that the Chinese were not permanent
settlers.56 More often than not, that credo was correct. They were
transient, but not by choice. They were placed within a cruel dilemma. In Louisiana vernacular they were caught "between a rock and
a hard place," a dilemma that mercilessly twisted them between two
cultures, the Ching or Manchu Empire, that prohibited the transportation of single Chinese women abroad, and forced all Chinese males
to grow long queues or "pig tails" and the American West which had
an incredible shortage of women and a deep dislike for any foreign
labor. The apparel and the queue made the Chinese appear extremely foreign. Worse, having ancestral roots in China coupled with the
desire to marry Chinese, they became the victims of a cross cultural
torture that few would understand or record.
The impact, however, was often subtly recorded in
newspapers. Prior to the cabbage revolt, the Republican referred to
the Chinese as very strange looking men "dressed with pig tails and
gowns.,,57 Rather than explaining the differences, the paper
proceeded to stereotype the oddities as just a part of "John
Chinaman." The Donaldsonville Chief mildly qualified the problem
Chinese had in Louisiana. The paper suggested that "The Pig-tailed
celestials are again flocking to town. Small boys should refrain from
jolting them in the back with brick bats, as they peacefully wander
the streets.,,5B The more obvious report of dehumanization of the
Chinese in Louisiana comes from a New Iberia tabloid, the Louisiana
Sugar Bowl. In 1871, it reported that W. L. Shaffer of Cedar Grove
Plantation whipped a Chinese servant. When the Chinese workforce
responded to the brutality and ceased all work operations in protest
of his action, Lavager Babin, plantation manager, then proceeded to
39
A look at the current location of the Merrill Plantation reveals no sign of
plantation life-only the traffic of the AveI}' ship yard.
apprehend the Chinese that initiated the strike. A Chinese bystander
reported to the court that Babin beat the Chinese agitator in an
attempt to force the fellow to work. Following the beating, the
non-English speaking Chinese ran into his quarters to retrieve his
hat, then he stepped back outside, Babin and his men opened fire,
mortally wounding him and injuring two other Chinese. Babin and
his men were briefly held, pending the next session of Terrebonne
40
District Court and then released. The remaining Chinese left that
Parish.59
Perhaps, the best example of Chinese contract determination
and sheer resolve through systematic harassment comes from Lake
Providence. Chapter II expressed the nature of the strife and disorder
during the nineteenth century Ching Dynasty. As suggested, Canton
and Kwantung Province were the hot bed of this continual social and
political upheaval. Smith and Draeger, in their text, Asian Fighting
Arts, disclose that there was widespread training by families in
Chinese "Kung Fu" or martial arts. 60 Unwittingly, the Lake
Providence Carroll Watchman may have casually reported the activities of one special Kung Fu hero in America. Sterling pOints out
that much of the abusive nature of American men toward the
Chinese male in the nineteenth century stemmed from their demented sense of humor. He reports that Chinese males were tortured
because the American males found their expressiveness, while
writhing in pain, humorous. In one area in the Northwest, drunken
American bullies tied the queues of Chinese to the tail of a horse and
then slapped the horse into a frenzied gallop. Some Chinese did fight
back, and disregarded the traditional passive Han manner. Two
Chinese plantation workers Sam Sing Sam and another that called
himself Marcee dared to be different. They saved their money and
opened a Chinese restaurant on Levee Street in Lake Providence.
Sam and Marcee's efforts superseded all harassment. Not only was
the restaurant noted for its fine food and service, but Sam's manner
of collecting pa yment from incredulous customers was quite unique.
"Sing" means courageous in Cantonese and this fellow evidently
illustra ted the name well. "This gallant little Chinaman" simply bea t
the money out of his much larger and devious clients. Sam's altercations were numerous and frequently reported in the papers.61
Fortunately, Chinese women were accorded at times a great
deal of admiration. Reverend Walter Langtry in an interview concerning the development of the Presbyterian Mission in New Orleans commented, that Chinese women were surprisingly the real
regulators of the Chinese Presbyterian Church in New Orleans.
"They were extremely focused and unbending in their demands
from the Chinese male, and had little patience with drunkenness or
debaucherY. They would bar those of improper behavior from the
church.,,62 Reverend Langtry's description hardly seems consistent
with the traditional role of Chinese women. As previously discussed
41
Chapter Three
in nineteenth century China women were regarded as subservient
and their manner was no less than obsequious, but for the most part
American Chinese women received notoriety and freedom not because of their immigration into a nation that abolished slavery. They
became the strong personalities that Reverend Langtry discovered
only because of sheer "economics." They were rarely found in the
United States, and they were sold for extremely high sums of money.
In 1871 Samuel Jones paid twenty-two dollars a month in gold to
Chinese to do cotton work in his factory at night. He considered the
venture as economical as using convict labor. His foreman, CheFung Che Chung Che, arrived with his wife. The unusual sight of a
Chinese woman in Baton Rouge sparked this superficial, but positive
description, from the Baton Rouge Tri Weekly Advocate. She was a
"fair specimen of female loveliness. Her feet were small (obviously
commenting on the Chinese foot binding tradition) and her natural
hair done up in a waterfall. The wife was striking if not either
beautiful or picturesque.,,63
Little explanation was given as to the wide disparities between
the male and female popula tion. Reading the Tri Weekly Advocate one
would almost believe these Han women were free agents, like
American women. The New Orleans Sunday States - Item in 1899
points out that it was common to buy Chinese women in San
Francisco for a market price of one thousand dollars. Thirty four
years after the abolition of slavery, Chinese women were still clasSI·f·Ied as merc h an d·lSe. 64
Lucy Cohen concludes that the Chinese labor experiments on
the southern plantations failed because of the owners' desire for
contro1. 65 Unfortunately, Cohen only reported half of the story. As
already indicated with the "cabbage revolts," and the "Terrebonne
uprising," the Chinese were also expressing a strong need for independence. Unlike other labor groups that tried organizing unions to
maintain and better their work, they were driven by cultural cravings to develop their own "joss." Thus, many of the original labor
force left Louisiana to mine gold in the Northwest. Others returned
to China, and still others stayed. Not all found that mythical pot of
gold. Some were una ble to purchase a wife and opted to intermarry
with blacks. 66
However, for the most part, in the nineteenth century,
Louisiana offered two economic opportunities for the business
42
oriented Chinese. The cities where they would manage restaurants,
or laundries, and the sea where they benefited from one of
Louisiana's greatest natural resources, "shrimp." In New Orleans, a
Chinese community started along Tulane Avenue, between South
Rampart and Saratoga Streets. It extended on both sides of its one
block existence. From the earliest group to settle in Louisiana, the
Merrill Plantation workers, to the urbanization of Chinese in New
Orleans during the 1880s, these Chinese immigran ts consis tentl y, yet
subtly, displayed their "Han" behavioral patterns. Still, despite the
Taiping ruse, the Chinese sought to balance their relationship with
"heaven." The first church of interest was the Baptist Church, then
the Presbyterian, and Methodist. All three apparently as well organized. The Methodist was the only church that originally touted
a Chinese minister, Reverend Thomas Sing, in 1882.67 The attraction
to the Christian churches wasn't purely theological. The churches
provided English language classes, and the Chinese hungered for
the lanmage facility that enabled them to be independent business
owners. 68 Language offered its advantages. But with the overplay
of the 1880 anti-Chinese labor movement, and the Boxer Rebellion
in 1890, most Chinese were anxious and leery of being tagged
heathen. The "Boxers" or Kung Fu Masters in China had gone on a
rampage. Murdering what some reported incorrectly as thousands
of missionaries, the revolt was settled in gruesome gore tha t characterized the overplayed rebellion. The event triggered some unusual
pressure on the Chinese. Exclusionary laws, and talk of deportation
were not uncommon in the New Orleans newspapers. The Daily
Picayune on February 2, 1885 carried an editorial that reflected dissatisfaction with the unwarranted certification of Chinese and illegal
migration of Chinese from Canada. The editorial suggested that
Chinese exchanged certificates of entry with relatives to defraud
immigration personnel. The article expressed indignation at the
failure of Chinese men to bring women into the United States. No
effort is made to explain the restriction the Manchus imposed on the
tra vel of Chinese women. 69
Citizenships were denied to Chinese during this period. However, there were those who grew impatient with this type of hardline.
Felix McGettrick, commissioner of the U.S. Circuit Court, District of
Vermont, issued certificates of a hearing and determined certain
individuals as having the "lawful right to be and remain in the
United States." Reverend Langtry's text on the history ofthe Chinese
43
Chapter Three
Presbyterian Church in New Orleans suggests that over one
thousand of these certificates were issued and at least one church
member received one, a Mr. Hom in 1896.7°
While the church organizations provided an organization of
lower priority for women, the traditional order of the family was still
regulated by allotting the male the responsibility of managing business affairs. On Leon, a business union concept that was once
devised by the triads in Canton as a method of organizing fair
competition and maintaining a Manchu resistance, was established
in New Orleans as a business men's club.
Such organizations may be traced to the very origin of the New
Orleans Chinatown. As indicated in Chapter I, the term "Tong" in a
traditional Chinese sense could be used to describe any Chinese male
organization, and likewise their organizational structure is formulated along a Taoist triad formula. The common oversight is to
confuse these fledgling organization with the "White Lotus" triads
or the long established Chinese "Mafia" groups that were notorious
drug smugglers. The distinction lies predominatel y in their purpose.
On Leon was originally formulated to resist the "White Lotus"
efforts to extort money from businesses around Canton. The organiza tion initially served as a defensive union for protection against
suppressive groups. However, the group in New Orleans served as
an organizing liaison between rival businesses mediating proper
territorial planning, in labor or contract disputes, and the group
often served as a placement service for skilled labor such as cooks.
Generally, the first type of business established in Chinatown was
the laundry. As Dr. Chien conceded, "It took little overhead to crea te
a laundry business, soap, water, and a bucket and you're ready to
open a business.,,71 Restaurants usually followed as a natural extension of the laundry business. They yielded greater profit, and the
hours were less taxing. Mrs. Mae Lyn Toy owned a laundry in the
1940s in the French Quarter and commented that there was little that
could be done to improve the laundry business. The time involved
to clean and press a shirt was more than the preparation of a meal,
and the accent was on the meal, and not the price or service. "In the
laundry business prices were highly competitive and all too often
we would receive calls at all hours of the night to retrieve a
customer's clothing that he forgot to pick up.,,72
44
Probably the easiest and most prestigious business was the
merchandise business. One of the first of these retail stores was On
Yick. On Yick and Company was one of the oldest Chinese businesses in New Orleans. It originally existed at the turn of the century
in old Chinatown and then later it was moved into the Quarter. The
store retailed Chinese embroidery, slippers, clothing, medicine, and
ladies novelties. It stands to reason that there were fewer of these
stores than the other modes of Chinese business. Any merchandise
outlet required a larger outlay than laundries or restaurants. 73
On Leon not only organized these businessmen, but it provided
the major form of Chinese entertainment, MaiJong. MaiJong,as Dr.
Chien labeled it, may be best described as "the Chinese National
Pastime.,,74 Gambling is seen as a necessity. As David Kwan explained, "The Older Chinese believed luck to be a necessary part of
life and they believed you should not ignore." They used to give
examples to illustrate this concept "if you observed two men leaving
a Hotel at the same time and a falling object from a roof hitting one
and not the other. Would you not see luck as an important part of
life? Old Chinese give these events more importance than young
people. So they teach their children not to be afraid of a gamble."
David Kwan continued to suggest that "really one could get very
wealthy bX merely anticipating correctly when good luck interplay
with life.,,75 Numbers take on an entirely different meaning to
Chinese. The earlier laundries in New Orleans Chinatown offered
specials and cash prizes in a lottery especially designed to entice
customers. If you would understand them, the games were fun and
generally entertaining, but luck was a serious matter. Some would
even conclude that traditional Chinese culture is obsessed with
superstition. In the Black Hills of Dakota, a newspaper characterized
this obsession. The paper humorously reported that a Chinese from
Sturgis had suffered a losing spell. He suddenly leaped from the
table and declared "Me go home killee catee, me den win, damn
ca ttee, he killee me luck!" The man rushed to his la undry, killed three
cats and returned to the game and won fifty dollars. Thereafter, it's
said he killed all cats on sight and he had a consistent run of luck.
Gambling was popular at On Leon. As more Chinese drifted to New
Orleans and still others became more affluent, it began to draw the
attention of what many On Leon members feared most, the Hip Sing.
The Hip Sing Tong, the Association United for Victory, stands
for nearly every injustice the Chinese Association of Merchants or
45
Chapter Three
On Leon originally opposed. On Leon may have had gambling
associations, but with the Hip Sings came extortion, graft, prostitution, drugs and slanted casinos. Both groups in Chinese tradition
refused to do their own "dirty work." Thus even in the twentieth
century On Leon resorted as they did at the end of the Taiping
rebellion to using hired "hatchet men." As the Chinese American
experience reveals in some instances hatchets were actually
employed by these vigilantes. The "boo how doy," as they were
called, usually quelled any Hip Sing threat. If ample funding was
available, as in old Canton, Kung Fu men were usually used, but if
funds were low and there appeared to be no other alternative,
Chinese business men were quite capa ble of grinding their own axes.
In 1925, New York as well as the West Coast witnessed an attempted
take over of all its casinos by Hip Sing. A "Chun Hung" or challenge
was posted. These artfully designated Chinese characters were hardly constructed of decorous language despite their excellent calligraphy. They literally indicated that the On Leon was the scum of the
earth and no member should even gasp the same air as the Hip Sing
Tong. The results were hardly unpredictable. A reign of terrorism
transpired, leaving victim after victim, yet utilizing no battle field.
So it was on September 12, 1925, the very night that New York City
police would nab fifty-one Chinese men in a Tong battle, that the
New Orleans On Leon was threatened by the Hip Sing. Early that
week Dean Chang, Secretary of the New Orleans On Leon, noticed
two strange Chinese that he believed to be gunmen for the Hip Sing.
The police ignored Chang'S warnings and that Saturday night on
September 12 Chin Soo, a twenty-four year old proprietor of a
restaurant at Orleans and Villere, was shot in the chest by two
strange Hip Sing gunmen, while playing poker?6 The gunmen
escaped, and the police began to pay some attention to the On Leon
Associa tion' s fears.
In 1930 following the large Tong conflict in New York and the
Federal response of more stringent exclusionary laws, Chief George
Reyer of the New Orleans police responded to the request of the On
Leon Association and attempted to have any Chinese strangers
picked up for questioning and identification. 77 But prior to this effort
no information was ascertainable to suggest that the police had ever
protected Chinatown before.
Daniel Liestman reports in his discussion of Chinese in the
Black Hills, 1886-1930, that the Chinese were generally peaceful and
46
nearly a separate hidden culture within the American West,
functioning with joss houses, opium dens and their own law and
order?8
New Orleans was not too different. A joss house was a hall that
enshrined a Chinese Saint, usually one that would protect and serve.
Here one could tell his fate by dropping joss sticks or bribe the Saint
with incense and offerings. Despite the popularity of the Christian
churches, both Reverend Langtry and the New Orleans Times Picayune spoke of the continual shamanistic practices at Chinese
funerals. Dr. Chien indica ted that during the decade of the 1930s the
Chinese kept three joss houses in New Orleans. 79 In its discussion of
the New Orleans Chinatown, the Times - Picayune asserts that there
were opium dens, but their locations and their significance has never
been qualified. 80 The only actual evidence of a Chinese opium den
was reported in the August 5, 1948 issue. This article cites a raid held
on a Chinese laundry at 2625 St. Claude Avenue, and the arrest of
the Chinese laundryman within.81 Another earlier article cites a raid
on an opium den, but the owners and customers were both Chinese
and Anglos. Liestman's Chinatown in the Black Hills paralleled the
New Orleans Chinese community even to the extent that his description of Chinese justice typified the rare, but significant violence
associated with the New Orleans community.82
As already established maintaining cultural habits for the most
part placed the Chinese outside of American law and order. Thus, it
is not surprising to note that the Chinese developed their own "Star
Chamber" approach to crime. Liestman describes one celebrated
instance of Chinese Justice commonly tagged the "Yellow Doll" case.
In 1876 in the Black Hills a well dressed and educated Chinese
woman was mutilated by hatchet. Witnesses saw a ~oup of Chinese
flee her house leaving her mutilated body behind. 3 Although the
New Orleans Chinatown never organized that type of violence, they
did suffer some unique displays of violence. An elderly laundryman
in 1961 unsuccessfully attempted suicide by using his belt. When
that broke he successfully used his shirt sleeve. The man was
generally well liked by all, but he had no wife or children. 84 This
type of self-violence was hardly frequent, but it does characterize a
sense of failure, focus and determination that is typically Chinese.
Another elderly laundryman was butchered along with his stepdaughter with a hatchet in their laundry in 1956.85 Unlike the "Yel-
47
Chapter Three
low Doll" case, no one from the Chinese community was ever
implicated, although the methodology was familiar.
The current secretary of the New Orleans On Leon, Mr. Leong
Long, concludes that New Orleans never had the need for a Chinese
vigilante force. Mr. Long suggests "as compared to Chicago New
Orleans was better." In 1937 Long worked at Fong's Chinese Restaurant on Decatur Street in the French Quarter for one dollar a day.
He saved three hundred dollars to travel to Chicago with the On
Leon Association for a National Convention. While there, he and his
brother were robbed at gun pOint, and he lost his entire year's wages.
He concluded "I never liked Chicago after that, and I knew the Kung
Fu I learned in Hong Kong was useless against these Chicago
gangsters with guns. In all the years I lived in New Orleans I never
had to carry a gun.,,86
As secretary of the On Leon Lodge Mr. Long is caretaker of the
very last remnants of the original Chinatown. In the lodge there still
stands the altar to "Kwan Cung," the Chinese patron saint of peace,
and some ancient chairs. Mr. Long indicated that the chairs are over
one thousand years old and the altar was nearly the same. All of these
came from Peking well before Mr. Long came to the United States.
One chair is held in special respect because the last emperor is said
to have sat on it. All of the wood work is striking, not merely in its
detail, but also in substance. The wood used in these chairs is highly
unusual. Each chair is so heavy that one man would find difficulty
in lifting it. The Hall itself is free from any doorway or open window,
and in front of the altar sets a long table that seats approximately
forty, twenty on each side. Kitchen facilities are provided in a back
room. The kitchen could manage a banquet of two hundred. Mr.
Long pointed out that On Leon still produces two banquets a year,
a New Year banquet, and a moon festival dinner. 87
If crime and gangs were not a significant problem to the early
Chinese, the Exclusionary laws were. Outside of the Federal action
tha t sent thousands of American Japanese into American concentration camps, no statutes have ever suppressed the development of a
minority race of American citizens as the exclusionary laws. Families
were separated, innocent American citizens were sentenced to undetermined stays in immigration offices in Seattle and Angel Island,
California. Records of the continual struggle for free immigration
extend from 1888 to modem times. Lena Saunders, one of the
48
original founders of the Chinese Mission of the New Orleans Presbytery wrote to the Secretary of the Treasury requesting the privilege
of sending to China for the wife of a helpful mission member. Her
letter clearly indicated that her mission work was in critical need of
this member's assistance, and that his efforts were only temporary
until his wife became a resident. It took only a month before the office
of the Treasury clearly responded. The office indicated that the wife
of a Chinese laborer "is a person whose original entry into this
country is prohibited" by law and who cannot come to this country
on any terms. She continued her efforts by writing more letters and
visited as many influential persons as each would permit. N evertheless in 1882 the Geary Act was passed. The act not only regulated
and prohibited entry, but it also denied bail and spelled out stringent
restrictions for entry.88
Mr. Long indicated that his father, arriving in 1910, never
believed he could bring his wife to the United Sta tes. Like man yother
Chinese men, he married a black woman and fa thered black children
in the United States. "But somehow through it all my Daddy sent for
me and I left Hong Kong in 1936," Long explained. "I entered the
United States through Seattle, but I was forced to stay locked up in
the United States immigration office with four hundred other
Chinese for seven months. Can you imagine? I was a United States
citizen and treated this poorly" ... at the time "I did not complain
because others were there longer than me ... some for two years or
longer.,,89
As late as 1964, New Orleans Chinese were still dealing with
the remaining echoes of an irresponsible United States Government.
Sam Wong parted with his wife and children in 1934. Never did he
imagine that he would not see them again for thirty years. None the
less it took the pressure of U.S. Senator Russell B. Long to sway the
U.S. consulate in Hong Kong to soften its restraints on Mrs. Wong's
entry.90
Dr. Chien pointed out that World War II was the bitter apple
that changed the life of American Chinese. Prior to the war, Chinese
did not travel by themselves through New Orleans nor did we feel
comfortable moving past the ''Whites Only" Signs. 91
The war brought an incredible support from the Chinese community. Nationally, twenty percent of the American Chinese
population volunteered for service. China had been invaded by the
49
Chapter Three
Ja panese, and they saw this war as their war. Never in the history of
America has an American minOrity supported a war effort with such
involvement. 92 New Orleans hosted Chiang Kai Chek several times,
and the Presbyterian Mission as well as On Leon raised large sums
of money. In fact On Leon funded Chinese efforts even before the
involvement of the United States. 93 Dr. Chien felt that following
Pearl Harbor "there was some confusion between Japanese
Americans as versed to American Chinese but the high visibility- of
American Chinese in the war effort gave us a separate identity.,,94
The Chinese Presbyterian Church made news when one member of its congregation became the first American Chinese to be
accepted in the Navy Air Force. Lieutenant David Chin Bing's
success gave the Community great pride in itself. But the pride
proved far more painful than few ever dreamed. An entire community was at a loss when word arrived that their special contribution to the war effort became New Orleans's only American Chinese
casualty during the war effort. 95 Chin Bing's personal sacrifice extended beyond the standard cliches of dying so that others could
remain free. His death sign posted the responsible residency of a
group of Americans that most of New Orleans had classified as
foreign. Suddenly, they were no longer strangers, but neighbors and
to others they became not just fellow citizens, but friends. Dr. Chien
pOinted out that "we then were accepted by our names. Our children
were not just successful in school, but they were also popular. Some
made the football team and others held class office. We were real
Americans after the war." 96
No longer were promising young Chinese medical doctors
insulted by being denied service at men's clothing stores, or worse,
professional residencies like Dr. Alfred Hew Sr. was. American
Chinese students suddenly found the willing and anxious service
clerks at clothing stores a profound distinction from what they had
seen before the war. The pain of war had finally chiseled a distinct
identity and respect for American Chinese living in New Orleans.
Dried Shrimp: An American Chinese Enterprise
In 1873, a young Chinese business man examined the Mississippi
River Delta on Louisiana's Gulf Coast. Lee Yat was commissioned
by his father, a successful San Francisco business man to locate land
suitable for the development of a large rice plantation. Lee Yat
so
The Barataria Shrimp Colony was drawn by an artist for the "Sunday
States, " November 12, 1899. These dwellings are reminiscent of the
bamboo huts of Kwantung Province and Hong Kong.
decided that a far more profitable business could be developed on
an island in Barataria Bay. The business Lee Yat had in mind was the
dried shrimp business. His ingenuity not only permanently affected
Louisiana's economy, but developed the largest rural colony of
Chinese in Louisiana. In 1874, it was estimated that five hundred
Chinese worked for the business. Its popularity stemmed from
predominately two factors: (1) the American appetite for shrimp and
(2) the incredible secretiveness of the Chinese. To begin with
America's appetite for shrimp was only managed by an expensive
canning process. Far too few could afford the product, and secondly,
the Chinese felt no obligation to divulge their drying methods. The
result was not only a product that was far more affordable and
tantalizing than canned shrimp, but a large isolated colony that
controlled the market on its popular product. 97
51
Chapter Three
The colony was housed in bamboo huts that were stationed on
a huge platform that covered the entire island. The huts were constructed along the outer edge of the platform and the inner circle was
used for drying shrimp. Not only did this colony introduce the
concept of drying shrimp in Louisiana, but it was their ingenuity tha t
developed the horticulture called "hanging gardens." The Chinese
on this island grew all of their vegetables from potted plants that
they hung around the perimeters of their huts and walk way. The
land underneath the deck they had constructed was submerged
under water most of the year. The deck was situated nearly fourteen
feet above the marsh. The colony was comprised of all men until Lee
Jim purchased a wife in San Francisco for one thousand dollars in
1884. Even the women in China cost the same amount. One fisherman Ah Fon saved his money and married a white woman that
eventually left him. According to reports there was no crime, the
colony harmonized well and imbibed only small quantities of liquor
and opium. All consumer goods from clothing to food were imported from China. 98
The groups fished two times a year: from the beginning of
March to the middle of Ma y and the beginning of August to the end
of September. 99
They would form squadrons of eight to a dozen men and
operated a seine of one thousand to twelve hundred feet. When the
day's catch was brought to the deck of the colony, they boiled the
shrimp in huge vats filled with salt water. Following the steaming
they spread the shrimp across the eleva ted deck and stirred them
regularly with rakes so that they could dry evenly.lOO
It was rumored that following the success of the colony most of
the colonists took their wealth and returned to China. l01 However,
rumor often has little to do with fact and in the case of the first
Barataria Chinese fisherman rumor may appease conscience better
than fact. A 1934 edition of the Times Picayune reported that three
sixty five year old Chinese fisherman were deported for not having
resident certificates after working in Barataria Bay for forty years.
Despite the support of local residents and the claim that their merchant certificates were lost ina 1915 flood the men weredeported. 102
So they came to Louisiana from boat and revolution to visit, and
work sugar fields and shrimp farms. These unwilling founders of
Louisiana's Asian community viewed these green wetlands as an
52
opportunity to enrich their homeland with their newly acquired
wealth and learning. For most the "Golden Mountain" never
materialized and the dreams of supporting their ancient Han life
style evaporated in the steamy heat of Louisiana's endless summers.
Imprisoned by their own ambition they became the object of an
irrational sense of domination, repression, and violence. Shackled
by poverty, prejudice, and their own tradition, they became ageless
aliens whose status never altered with the passing of time. From
laundry to restaurant they searched for a means of returning and
securing a life in their homeland. From one generation to another
they became Louisiana's permanent aliens. Ironically, as it was the
winds of a nineteenth century war that pushed their ships toward
an American Dream, it was the winds of another twentieth century
Chinese war tha t secured their right to dream like every other
American. Allied in a Chinese victory all America shared in the
celebration of not merely the termination of a war but the birth of a
new and fresh American minority. These forgotten citizens carried
no bitterness only strength. It was that ever present strength that
made it in vogue to befriend an American Chinese. Thus, it has been
through that traditional friendship that American Chinese now
share their most treasured holiday, Chinese New Year.
Notes
45Robert Harrison, Alluvial Empire (Little Rock: Pioneer Press, 1961), p.
297.
460ulIes Foster and Melvin Dulofsky, Labor in America (Chicago: Halen
Davidson Inc., 1984), p. 194.
47New Orleans Times, July 1, 1865, p. 2.
Chinese in America (New York: Arno Press, 1978), p. 20.
49Daniel Liestman, "The Chinese in the Black Hills, 1876- 1932," Journal
of the West, Vol. 27, 1988, pp. 74-83.
5D:rnterview with Dr. C. C. Chien, February 9,1989.
51 Interview with Mrs. Pat Lee, March 23,1989.
53New Orleans Republican, July 3, 1870, p. 1.
480tis Gibson,
53
Chapter Three
5~iestman, liThe Chinese in the Black Hills, 1876-1932," p. 80.
58Donaldsonville Chief, June 17, 1874.
59Louisiana Sugar Bowl, August 31, 1871, p. 1.
~obert Smith and Don Draeger, Asian Fighting Arts (New York: Kodansha International Ltd., 1974), p. 38.
61Carroll Watchman, April 8, 1875, p. 1.
62Interview with Reverend Walter Langtry, April 10, 1989.
63Tri Weekly Advocate, March I, April 10, 1871, p. 1.
64Sunday States Item, December 11, 1899, p. 1.
65 Lucy Cohen, Chinese in Post Civil War South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State University Press, 1984), pp. 106-107.
66Ibid ., p. 210.
67Times-Democrat, February 27, 1882, p. 6.
68Daily Picayune, February 2,1885, p. 16.
69Ibid ., p. 16.
7'\valter Langtry, Chinese Presbyterian Church 1882- 1982 (New Orleans:
Chinese Presbyterian Church, 1983), p. 16.
71Interview with Dr. Chien, July IS, 1988.
72Interview with Mrs. Mae Lyn Toy, March 11,1988.
74Ibid .
75Ibid .
76yimes-Picayune, September 12, 1925, p. 1.
77Times-Picayune, August 20,1930, p. 1.
78Uestman, liThe Chinese in the Black Hills, 1876-1932," p. 81.
8oTimes-Picayune, December 29,1960, p. 1.
81Times-Picayune, August 5,1948, p. 12.
82Uestman, liThe Chinese in the Black Hills, 1876-1932," p. 79.
83Ibid .
84States-Item, October 31,1961, p. 6.
85States-Item, June 2, 1956, p. 3.
8~nterview with Mr. Leong Long, June 12, 1989.
54
87Ibid .
88Cohen, Chinese in Post Civil War South, p. 98.
89Interview with Mr. Long, June 12, 1989.
90Times-Picayune, December 21,1964, p. 12.
91Interview with Dr. Chien, July 15, 1988.
92Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, p. 117.
93Interview with Mr. Long, June 12, 1989.
94Interview with Dr. Chien, July 15, 1988.
95 Langtry, Chinese Presbyterian Church, p. 91.
9~nterview with Dr. Alfred Hew Sr. M.D., April 20, 1984.
97States-Item, November 12, 1899, p. 18.
98Ibid .
99Ibid .
100Ibid .
101 States-Item, December 13, 1958, p. 1.
55
The Classical
New Year
Tradition
F 0 U R
"Fire in the lake:
The image of Revolution.
Thus, the superior man
Sets the calendar in order
And makes the season."
I Ching
Chinese New Year was traditionally a two-month celebration
that, through superstition and tradition, inculcated and extended a
numerical regulation and order into all phases of Chinese society.
From the assessment of family roles to the selection of a mate, New
Year has been the event that has perpetuated the necessary fundamental value system of Chinese culture. Even though the event
requires the participation of the entire community, it has been regulated to maintain a guarded understanding of the relevance of
friends, family, and business associates. The Chinese have learned
by formality and ceremony that their existence as a culture is predicated upon the survival of the hierarchy of the family institution.
The Development of the Festival
From the celebration's earliest origins it appears that there was a
great deal of theater involved. Even though primitive, the earliest
records of a New Year festival occurred in the fourth century AD.
57
Chapter Four
Chinese history indicates that the festival was centered around
agrarian interests, which could only be fully appreciated in primitive
times. The festival's highlight was its presentation of a unique
theater. Although no stage was used and probably no player ever
distinguished his fantasy from reality, with great seriousness, each
donned a mask and dressed as a noted hero or warrior. Once fitted
for a fantasy battle with imaginary demons, the players moved up
and down the barren fields driving away evil spirits. The idea of
exorcising fields within our modem society sounds nearly outrageous. Yet, within their time these "ghost busters" were taken
seriously. So seriously that their drumming became the foundation
of their success or failure. Even today, as in those ancient times, some
believe the more the drums play at New Year, the better the plants
will grow. By the second century A.D., the festival had become more
formalized. There was a sorcerer with an axe in his hands, and he
had his assistants armed with brooms made of millet stalks. The
warriors were then played in a more symbolic manner by children
dressed in black with red turbans who enacted a mock battle with
bows and arrows. The archery sets which they employed were
carefully constructed from peach wood. Not only are their colors of
dress still popular today as symbols of heaven and luck, but peach
wood throughout the ages of China has been emblematic of immortality, marriage, and long life. The children would shoot the arrows
high into the air, and these arrows would fall supposedly killing the
demons or spirits by the thousands. 103
It is probably safe to assume that in this period the festival was
more theatrics than superstitious cause-and-effect approach to mysticism. The fact of the matter was that the royal family at this point
had already begun to rely on the fruits of medicine for healing as
versed to the magic of "peach wood." They had seen the human body
dissected and had gynecologists, and pediatricians. The shamanistic
rites performed during this time were keyed to uplifting the soul,
not to lifting plagues and pestilence. The use of thousands of welldressed children probably gave the pageant the enthusiasm of youth
that it needed to entertain everyone. It was about this time when
performances became even more detailed. Professional actors were
used to characterize animals representing the twelve animal personalities of the Chinese twelve year system. This concept of associating the characteristics of an animal with the personality or
tendencies of a year would serve as a guide of behavior for ages to
58
come. The performers were again called upon to exorcise the evil
demons. In this case, an actor's performance was based upon the
fantasy of eating these demons. The actor's object was to be believable to the extent that he convinced others he had contacted and
devoured an evil spirit. The event became known as the great "No
Festival." Historical sources provide no explanation for the term, but
do indicate that the festival grew in popularity.l04
By the beginning of the Christian era the festival had broadened
and taken on a wide participatory note that also reflected the entertainment qualities of literature. During this period actors playing the
role of warriors or the twelve animals stalking evil demons cleaned
each house. The players would knock on each door and in dance-like
theatrics play out the battle often using Kung Fu moves that reflected
a dance-like ara besque. They also entertained with song, but nothing
was ever free. The host of each home was expected to pay in rice
.
wme,
or even money. 105
Around two hundred fifty B.C. China gentry, the ruling class,
began to affect not just the New Year festival, but the actual development of Chinese SOciety as well. In the celebration of New Year, it
became a tradition that the gentry were the poised spectators that all
else encircled and depended upon. The gentry usually provided the
money for the performances of the now well developed military
weapon dances of Kung Fu. The performers despite their amazing
a ttributes and popularity were considered lower class. It was nearly
a contradiction to achieve a high level of artistic achievement or star
status only to be shunned from matrimony and social opportunities.
It was this fear of exercise and class status in the end that left China
nearly desperate for athletic competition. The fact of the matter was
and is that those who bore any visible signs oflabor or athletics were
seen as low class. Thus, all other classes had deep fears of having a
sun tan or visible signs of muscles for the upward mobility of the
performer or Kung Fu artist was not negligible. He had to marry his
own kind, and his children inherited his legacy. The net effect of this
inbreeding stifled any significant creativity. Thus, performances
were for the most part seldom changed, i.e., characters from literature, the eight immortals, that first appeared at the tail of the Han
dynasty and originally were presented at New Year festivals by
actors suggesting spiritual immortality by donning stilts and walking about, still are characterized in the same fashion. 106
59
Chapter Four
The Calendar
Looking at the festivities today it is important to note that the
controlling consideration for the New Year festivities, as in prior
times is the calendar itself. The festivities may be regulated by the
calendar and are dependent upon its divination. The traditional
Chinese calendar is far more than an accounting of the days of the
week. It is a manifestation of Confucius's Book of I-Ching or Changes. Confucius's philosophical presumption was not as philistine or
fundamental as the old western maxim "History repeats itself." The
complexity of the Book of Changes dwarfs that concept. The Book of
Changes or the I-Ching Calendar is formulated by an astounding
configuration of numbers that are based upon an observed sequence
of energy patterns. Generally, the objective being not merely to
record history, but to predict it.
Over the years, the effort took on a complex codification of time
divisions and categories. Not only were the years cycled in a pattern
of sixty, and months broken into twelve but the hours of a day were
broken into six daylight hours and six evening hours. For recall
purposes the initial primary year pattern was advanced as comparable to the personality patterns of the animals "that visited Buddha." The Rat riding the Ox's back arrived first; then the Ox, Tiger,
Rabbit, Dragon, Serpent, Horse, Goat, Monkey, Cock, Dog, and Pig.
Each year was described as having trends within it that parallelled
the personality of each animal. To simplify a somewhat rather complex set of distinctions, these trends may be delineated as follows:
Rat years are years of risk and surprise.
Ox years are years that favor conservation and labor.
Tiger years are turbulent times of unrest.
Rabbit years are years of momentous change.
Dragon years are for dreamers of vast success and brilliant
victories.
Snake years are often the times when one of the dreams from
the dragon year becomes reality.
Horse years are years to begin new tasks and to work through
them.
Goat years are years that are witness to some extraordinary ups
and downs.
60
Monkey years, like Dragon years, are gamblers' years. In these
years anything may happen.
Rooster years are years that we should return to our work.
Dog years somewhat provide a sense of insecurity. It is a time
of idealism, good will and generosity.
Pig years are times to enjoy people and to believe in the goodness of mankind. I07
These twelve earth branches are combined with five celestial
sterns or heavenly energies, which are earth, wood, fire, metal, and
water. The interplay of these energies may have an extraordinary
effect on the general earth sign of that year. For example, water runs
through one's fingers and the monkey as well as the dragon are
gamblers' years. But coupled with water some may sugges t luck will
be hard to hold. Every sixty years there occurs a horse year that is
called the Year of Fire Horse. The birth of a Fire Horse child, though
fortunate to the child himself, is thought to be disruptive to horne
and family. Accordingly, 1966 being a Fire Horse year, Japan witnessed an extraordinary abortion rate. Japanese women following
the tenets of the Book of Changes believed children born in that year
would bring undo strain on their family and reacted in kind.
Another oddity that is often reflected in Asian social behavior
is the focus of snake years. Snakes by their very nature concentrate
on one objective until they swallow it. No matter how large its target,
the snake swallows its prey. In earth years it is said that the snake's
appetite and success lead to his own demise. He bursts from his
excessive meaL Earth years are years that require focus on social
order. One infamous earth snake year was 1929, that was the year of
incredible affluence until the stock market crashed at the end of that
year. IOB
The days of the month also carry a five element deSignation.
The point of balance lies in the number sixty. If one lives long enough
to see his sixtieth birthday he is inclined to be congratulated and
honored by all around him. When the Empress Dowager achieved
this status in 1894 a special commemorative set of stamps embodying all the symbols for longevity and felicity were issued. Sixty years
marked a certain wisdom that could only be attained through completing the sixty-year cycle. The month is a microcosm of the grander
cycle in opposition. Its overriding factor is not the personality of the
61
Chapter Four
animals, but the energy cycles and the hours of the day function
about the personality of the aforementioned animals. Again, to
simplify a rather complex system the first and second day of the first
full moon would be water days, the next two days earth and so on.
Every ten days completes the energy cycle twice, but the entire cycle,
in regards to the phases of the moon, could not be completed for
sixty days.l09
As the calendar developed it was used much as an almanac.
Determining planting times and seasons seemed much too mundane
for the Chinese. With the development of Buddhism at the end of
the Han Dynasty, the calendar took on an entirely different characteristic. The Buddhists believed through the lunar calendar they
could predict:
Personality and self-interest;
Finance, how one can gain or lose money;
Relations, short journeys, mental and writing ability;
Property and conditions at the close of life;
Children, pleasure and specula tions;
lllness, work and small animals;
Partnerships, marriage, enemies and lawsuits;
Legacies;
Long journeys and psychic matters;
Profession and honors;
Friendships and ambitions;
Troubles, restraints, and occult sorrows.
They also feel they can predict the approximate time, or under
what conditions the following incidents will occur:
Love, the type of person and the meeting time;
Marriage, when and how it will work out;
Passion, the furious temper kind;
Catastrophe, and how it will occur, or if it will;
Fatality;
Death, when and how;
62
Prison, or other forms of restraint;
Discard, usually family or business quarrels;
Spirit, the stage evolution reached. IID
However, the Buddhists had strict regulations about using
these prognostications for personal gain. It was forbidden. But traditional Buddhism never did fare well in China, and the Chinese
constructed their own Buddhism that allowed the harmony of
heaven, earth, and man. The net result is a calendar that depicts the
best days for cleaning, building, planting and restoring, and identifies lucky days and unlucky days. It identifies good funeral days,
good weeding days, and good days to cut your hair. A typical daily
forecast may read as follows:
13th of the 1st moon. Element: Earth. Do not buy land, invest
money, or set up a bed. A good day to take a bath and undergo
medical treatment. Otherwise one may indulge safely in housecleaning and demolition work. A bad day. "Precious things will
be broken." Il1
More personalized readings may be achieved by flipping three
coins and registering the results with the Kwa or symbols in the
I-Ching manual that is attached to certain calendars. These personal
readings are seldom divulged or else all business decisions would
become too predictable. The I-Ching reading will always regulate
the size of the New Year festival.
Here is a sample of a sixty year cycle as it began in 1927:
1927 the year of the Fire Rabbit
1928 the year of the Earth Dragon
1929 the year of the Earth Serpent
1930 the year of the Iron Horse
1931 the year of the Iron Sheep
1932 the year of the Water Monkey
1933 the year of the Water Chicken
1934 the year of the Wood Dog
1935 the year of the Wood Pig
1936 the year of the Fire Mouse
63
Chapter Four
1937 the year of the Fire Ox
1938 the year of the Earth Tiger
1939 the year of the Earth Hare
1940 the year of the Iron Dragon
1941 the year of the Iron Serpent
1942 the year of the Water Horse
1943 the year of the Water Sheep
1944 the year of the W ood Ape
1945 the year of the Wood Bird
1946 the year of the Fire Dog
1947 the year of the Fire Pig
1948 the year of the Earth Mouse
1949 the year of the Earth Ox
1950 the year of the Iron Tiger
1951 the year ofthe Iron Rabbit
1952 the year of the Water Dragon
1953 the year of the Water Serpent
1954 the year of the Wood Horse
1955 the year of the Wood Sheep
1956 the year of the Fire Ape
1957 the year of the Fire Bird
1958 the year of the Earth Dog
1959 the year of the Earth Pig
1960 the year of the Iron Mouse
1961 the year of the Iron Ox112
The Little New Year or the Bitter Month
The last month of the year is spent preparing for the New Year
festival. This period is identified in different parts of China by two
different names. In Peking the coldest days of the year are usually
evident at the last month of the old year. The timing of the Lunar
New Year has consistently placed the holiday at the end of the
Winter Solstice. Thus, the month before may be termed the "Bitter
64
Mon th." In Kw antung Province the month before Chinese New Year
is busily spent preparing for the festival. Shopping, cleaning and
preparing decorations require so much time that this month is
commonly referred to as the little New YearY3
Because of the distinct family structure for most of Chinese
society there are two natural occurrences that can be expected: the
first is nearly a disdain for structure or organizational formats, and
the second is a tendency to celebrate all festivals privately at horne.
Both are very much reflected through the New Year festivities. Even
though most of the festivities are held behind closed doors within
the confines of the family horne, China itself is generally changed by
numerous outward and visible manifestations of the celebration.
Shrines, wells, and in some cases sacred trees reflect the jubilation of
the times, but all of these could not be properly enjoyed without the
proper anticipation. Thus, Little New Year has its purposeP4
As always the primary concern of the families' activities is
money. In times past, New Year was the most importan t settling da y.
Debts were collected and paid but only after an incredible game of
wits was played out. Seldom was a debt not paid if the collector
a ppeared and requested pa yrnent. However, no one seemed willing
to pay unless they were so sighted. The ritual was predicated on the
supposition that all members of a family had to be horne at New
Year's Eve. Thus, a shrewd collector would call on difficult debtors
on the eve of New Year and attempt to go as far as searching the
premises. If the collector did not find his debtor, payment could be
withheld until the fifth month or the Dragon Boat festival. The only
safe place for a debtor to hide was in the temple. No business
transactions were allowed within the temple's confines.
The stress on the family during little New Year was far more
significant than at any other time. The Holiday required an extraordinary amount of spending. Not only were debts paid, but gifts were
bought for family and friends. All broken or cracked items were
removed and replaced, and money was saved to be given to children
as "lucky money" or "Hung bow." Probably, even more strenuous
was the task of providing each worker in a family business with his
New Year's Bonus. It is this period of austerity and fiscal resfonsibility that sent many to the temples hiding from collectorsY
The period is still balanced by a shopping effort that is nearly
comparable to our Christmas season. Streets are crowded with ped65
Chapter Four
dIers, booths and shoppers searching for the best deal. Sesame, pine
branches, flowering shrubs, flowers, and fruit are big items on
everyone's shopping taste in Taiwan. Sesame and pine branches are
omens of longevity. Usually oranges are bought and wrapped in
fancy paper. As a gift they are allotted in numbers anywhere from
three to twelve. Usually the numbers four and two are avoided. The
fruit itself is probably selected for its color gold, the metal of heaven.
Thus tangerines as well as oranges may be used. Peaches carry a
separate significance because they are identified with the famous
literary hero and Saint, Kwan Cung who took an everlasting blood
oath under a peach tree. Pine branches are also considered an
excellent way of expressing a wish for longevity. The never dying
White Crane always seen on a pine branch is expressed on portraits
and vases. All of these gifts must be given in the right number in
order to provide "luck." Numbers are important to Chinese and
usually the numbers one, two, and four are avoided: One, because
it does not reflect abundance, two, because it is non prosperous, and
four, because as spoken in Chinese, it sounds like "death." Usually
a fish is purchased because the word as spoken in Cantonese sounds
like abundance. Often a carp is purchased for the New Year's second
day evening dinner as a symbol of marital prowess and strength,
since the Chinese carp has the difficult task of climbing currents to
spawnY6
Death and luck become a preoccupation with Chinese shoppers
during the period of little New Year. Live chickens are often purchased as gifts, not merely because of the freshness which Chinese
savor, but because of the avoidance of death. Even the paper that
gifts are wrapped in and plaques of affirmations written upon it are
carefully selected by color. Blue is avoided. It is usually a sign of
mourning. Pink is reflective of a family that has had a death two
years ago, and yellow, three years ago. Red is the true color of good
luck, and white is the color to be avoided, again a symbol of death
and mourningY 7
The last day before New Year's Eve carries most of the excitement for shoppers that Christmas Eve bargains do in the United
States. Toys and red envelopes for money are bought for children.
Silk and paper flowers are favored over real flowers again because
of the constant preoccupation with funerals. Attractive pots, teas,
dwarf trees and porcelain statues of Chinese saints are purchased.
With Cantonese, the most popular of these is Kuan Yin, the angel of
66
forgiveness. It is said that Kwan Yin forgives all no matter how cruel
their deed. Perhaps, the most important shopping legacy is the
purchase of a new portrait of Tsao Wang or as the Cantonese call
him "Tso Kwan," the patron saint of the kitchen. 118
Myths, Legends and Guardian Saints
The New Year celebration is an eclectic festival that harbors within
its rituals nuances of nearly every religion and major historical event
that ever impacted China. The diversity of public displays, communist restrictions and the failure of the Chinese to provide a living
oral history has contributed to these historical displays becoming
meaningless rituals.
If there is one saint that receives special attention during this
period it is "Tso Kwan," the guardian of the Kitchen. Wong Tso or
Tso Kwan is actually a descendent of the original New Year festival
that was held predominately as an agrarian celebration. In his
original form he was probably an animal, but his fabricated life
record now helps grant color to this New Year ceremony.
The following tale originates around Canton and expresses Tso
Kwan's suggested origin. Once there was a poor depressed man
whom a benefactor tried to please by inserting three pieces of gold
into a gift bun. The poor old man unknowingly sold the bun for a
few coppers in order to buy a larger loaf of bread. Destiny or bad
luck would not permit him to become secure. Finally he realized this
fact when he was told the true value of the bun he had sold. Upon
hearing of his error he went home and committed suicide. Following
his death he was granted the privilege of guarding the kitchen and
preventing such misfortune from happening to others. 119
His picture was seldom visible in the kitchen. Through the
years, he was often the most forgotten "saint" in the house. Some
had him placed behind the oven or hearth. But no matter where, on
the twenty-fourth day of the last month, the portrait was brought
out, cleaned, and often covered with liquor. His lips were smeared
with honey or sweet sticky rice, and then he was sent to heaven, as
they burned his portrait. Some households used merely red paper
with Tso Kwan name on it instead of his portrait. Generally, of all
the guardian saints within Chinese culture, Tso Kwan is probably
the least attended. Only at Little New Year did he receive his atten67
Chapter Four
tion. All too often throughout the year the kitchen becomes the site
of numerous disputes or waste. Tso Kwan was literally bribed with
honey so that he said sweet things and inebriated with liquor so that
in heaven he appeared happy with his caretakers. Verses were
usually sung as offerings were given to Wang Tso before he was
burnt and sent on his merry way. The following chant was usually
uttered by those who did not wish to be too eccentric in their
treatment of Tso Kwan.
"0 God of the Hearth!
Here is a bowl of water, and three incense sticks
This year, I am living very miserably,
Next year'cferhaps, you shall eat Manchurian
Sugar!/112
Near the outside of the kitchen, often the entrance area to the
kitchen in most Cantonese restaurants or homes was a well established and kept altar to the Chinese legend and hero, Kwan Cung.
Chinese history indicates that this literary character actually lived,
and for the most part to this very day he stands as the most popular
guardian angel or saint that the Cantonese revere. Originally called
Kwan Yu he lived during the third century A. D. and swore an oath
with two others to restore that Han dynasty that had become fragmented into three disjointed kingdoms. Weakened by the division
the proper descendent to the throne was faced with an evil minister
that attempted a military coup. The effort would have succeeded had
it not been for Kwan Yu's loyalty and courage. His legendary escapades are recorded in a novel called Romances of the Three
Kingdoms. In 1594 the emperor of the Ming Dynasty canonized him,
and his name became Kwan Cung, one who guards the loyal and
unifies mankind. He is often improperly referred to as the Cod of
War. The tenn is improper because the Chinese lacked a word or
concept for Cod and secondly Kwan Cung struggled to prevent
divisiveness, not to make it. Thus, he protects families and organizations from conflict. His task is so important that he also may be
burned and sent to heaven to give an annual report, or more often
than not, if there has been strife and conflict, his image is burned to
be replaced by: a better one. The thinking here was that the portrait
was defective. 12l
68
Dai Sui Fut is the laughing Buddha who sits somewhere in most
Cantonese homes. The term means big statue. His existence is
evidence of the old humorous Chinese saying that "Chinese will do
whatever it takes to reach the other side." The pOint being that Dai
Sui Fut is a part of the eighteen Lo Han or Buddhas that stand as
remembrances of a religion that did not root well in China, Buddhism. The fact that his image is liked and preserved above the other
seventeen Buddha images reflects the nature of not just the independence of the Chinese, but their selectivity. By nature this "Lo
Han" is called the household Buddha in China. His name reflects his
dispensation, kindness. His statue or image is cleaned well over the
little New Year period. In more wealthy homes he may have his
image represented ina large statue with his hands held high as ifhe
is holding up heaven. In other statues he may be sitting with
numerous children on his lap. Usually this piece of porcelain signifies a wish for prosperity. But wherever he is stationed, it won't be
uncommon during the New Year season to beckon a guest to rub his
stomach for good luck. It is equally common to see his costume and
image performing during the New Year festival as a part of the
Chinese Lion Dance. Legend has it that he comes to life during this
period and greets the lion. His performance usually indicates that
this household has a welcoming host for the lion and guests and as
a result, it is hoped that the "lucky lion" will bring great times and
pleasant changes. The actor playing Dai Sui Fut will often put on a
drunken act or a comedy mime with the lion, but his overall goal is
to convince the aadience that the household Buddha Dai Sui Fut,
has corne to life and is welcoming them to his home. 1i2
The Lucky Lion, "Sing See," or lion dance is an interesting and
curious ritual. Dependent on the dancers or actors, the lion can be
an extremely exciting ritual. All too often it is confused with the
Dragon dance. But for the most part, it is readily distinguishable
from the raucous Dragon dance. The primary distinction being
threefold: the date of the dance during the festival, the composition
of the lion itself, and the detail of the dance itself. The lion dance was
usually done on a cleansing day during the first month. Properly
done the lion dance should reveal character or a designated personality that is harmless, yet playful and intelligent. The lion should
play the following emotions; hunger, anger, fear, fatigue, and humor
during a skit of usually thirty to sixty minutes. The length of the
dance and the acrobatic skills that the lion usually displays require
69
Chapter Four
the use of professionals. This dance is customarily performed by a
Kung Fu school that embraces a close relationship with the family
hosting the dance. The dance itself is performed as a sort of exorcism.
The idea being that the drums and the presence of the lion, who
apparently is always accompanied on the streets with the popping
of firecrackers, will frighten away any evil tha t is lurking a bout from
the passing year. He is particularly equipped to handle this dispensation. The lion is gifted with either white fur and beard that grants
him the wisdom, age, and immortality of Lao Tsu, the founder of
Taoism, or long black beard and fur to grant him the courage and
strength of Kwan Cung. If the lion decorated with black fur and a
long black beard is granted a mono-colored red face, the players ha ve
not only taken Kwan Cung's courage and strength and applied it to
their lion but they have taken Kwan's tenacity and fierceness and
intend on driving any other lion dancers away for the red face
symbolizes Kwan Cung's war face. 123
The symbolic nature of the lion dance can seldom be grasped
by merely observing the dance itself. As Mr. Cwa Cwe Hua, Sifu of
Tai Lee for Kung Fu explained"it represents the hopes and dreams
of the poor ... China has always had poverty. Thus, the lion reflects
the history of its poor." Many values were maintained by telling the
various stories associated with the lion dances. Since the poor could
seldom read or write, lion dance stories become a method of transferring the oral history of one family to another. Some historians
concur that this ritual dates back to at least the Tang dynasty when
foreigners and Moslems from the Middle East travelled throughout
China performing and entertaining with animal and acrobatic acts.
Their reasoning sterns from two premises: the first being that, since
China had no lions, the concept had to corne from a foreign influence,
and secondly, since the Persians used the lion as an ern blem and were
in China at that time, one can assume they introduced the dance.
However, as others contend and as expressed earlier in this chapter
the habit of costuming actors as animals for exorcising fields over
the New Year period existed prior to the Han Dynasty. In an interview, seventy-six year old, Mr. Cwa, who was deemed at one point
in his life, the foremost authOrity on Chinese lion dancing for Chiang
Kai-Chek, suggested that the formal lion dance at New Year began
at the end of the Han Dynasty. He claimed at that time a ruthless
emperor was travelling through Southern China. In the course of his
travels, he became lost in the mountains of Kwantung Province. He
70
had no idea of his position or direction and wandered aimlessly.
Without food or water his ruthless army abandoned him and he fell
waiting for death to touch him. But suddenly there appeared what
he initially thought was a monster. Lumbering back and forth this
strange beast seemed to beckon him to follow. He did and to his
surprise the animal had led him to a secret shaolin monastery much
like the one depicted in the television show Kung Fu. There the
monks nursed him back to health and then directed him home. The
monster was actually a small dog that the em£eror brought back
with him now called the Shih Tzu or lion dog. 1 4
Supposedly, he received his name from his tenacity and determination in serving the War Lord. The dog eventually became part
of the royal family, and every year thereafter at New Year, the
emperor asked the "spiritual" descendents of that monastery to
create a skit that expressed his cathartic encounter with the new
infamous, lion dog or "Sing See./I The term Sing See or "waking lion"
is used to best clarify the lion spiritual function. The traditional lion
dance is still always performed by Kung Fu practitioners but, more
recently thanks to modern ingenuity, there now is a more elaborate
Shih Tzu costume. Complete with fur and modern gimmickry, this
modern costume lends itself to a far less disciplined dancing effort.
For no matter how poorly the proponents operate their puppet, it
still appears to be a dog. Such is not the case for the traditional
costume. The practice to achieve proper movement and timing can
be never ending, because it is only through the Kung Fu stepping
patterns that the two dancers perform that the lion is given life. As
a part of the ritual the lion usually eats lettuce as an offering. As he
rips into the "green" the dancer scatters its leaves about the entrance
to the door way of the dwelling he is exorcising. The scattered leaves
are intended to bring financial luck, and the development of this
custom evidently dates back to the Tong resistance that occurred in
Kwantung Province during the 1860s. As the small groups of Tongs
attempted surreptitiously to organize their fragmented subversive
efforts against the Ching Dynasty they found that lion dancing
offered them the best covert media. Altering the dance by employing
a head oflettuce lent the lion dancers the opportunity to express their
resentment to the Ching or Manchu Dynasty. Because of the strong
resentment in Kwantung Province toward these "foreign despots"
the Manchus had regulated strong restrictions against public gatherings. There were very few opportunities to display one's political
71
Chapter Four
position safely. However, the Manchu's own policies of attempting
to adopt and participate in local religions and festivals proved to be
their own nemesis. The Tongs had trained diligently in Southern
Kung Fu styles and employed the lion dance in a unique fashion to
express their anti-Manchu feeling. In Cantonese the term "Ching"
not only referred to the Manchus, but it is also the same term used
to label a head of lettuce. Thus, when the lion dancer kicked and tore
up a head of lettuce during his lion dance, he made a symbolic
political statement, and it was through these efforts that the Tong
could maintain a constant resistance toward the Manchus in Kwan125
.
tung Provmce.
The Dragon Dance is a ritual that usually ends the festival. The
dance has nearly the same festive nature as the lion, but its origins
and function are distinct. As the historical festival of New Year
moved from the agrarian festival with the actors masked like
animals, dedicated to the exorcising of fields to a modern cultural
event the Dragon Dance lost any real importance, and never
developed as the lion dance did. Initially the Dragon was always
associated with water and he was held in great esteem because of
the need for rain. It was believed that the emperor held a close
relationship with the Dragon because the Dragon was considered
the nation's emissary between heaven and earth. Thus, the symbolic
nature of a Dragon moving through the fields is obvious. However,
as cities became progressively the centers of China's overpopula tion,
rains all too often drew disastrous floods. Even today flooding can
be a problem in Taipei and other cities throughout Asia. Thus, the
usage of the Dragon throughout the festival is usually regulated to
the final day of the event. The Dragon dance resembles less a dance
and more of a race as a group of eleven men or children attach
themselves under the tail of the ornately decorated giant puppet and
run through the streets. The large paper head is manipulated by a
pole and each individual in the tail bobs his arms after the head
moves from side to side giving the creature an undulating effect as
if he were floating on waves of water. Unlike the lion dance there
need not be a drum because no drum and drummer could keep pace
with their exaggerated action. In Taipei Dragon Dancers are
notorious for knocking down spectators who accidently get in their
w a y. 126
The third and, for the most part, the most rare and mystical
animal dance is that of the unicorn. Unicorns are seen as omens of
72
good events in China, and as a result the unicorn dance parallels the
lion dance in form and make up. The paper head is smaller and a bit
more oblong while the tail is the same. The dance itself is brief. It
only lasts long enough for the unicorn to snatch the offering that is
exhibited in front of the store he is exorcising, and the dancers merel y
move on to another store front. 127
Parades were common during the festival, the more customary
elements offered the appearance of the various ladies' clubs and
male tong organizations. Usually, these groups dressed in costumes
or uniforms and carried brightly colored flags. One of the more
curious elements of the parades was the appearance of men on stilts
in ancient apparel carrying strange looking gourds and feather
whisks. These actors represented the eight Taoist fairies who became
an important part of Chinese literature and folk lore at the end of the
Han Dynasty. The "eight immortals" as they are termed stand for a
sort of institutionalized tolerance. Each immortal managed to
achieve immortality by separate and distinct methods. Each upheld
a different manner of life, and each achieved his own happiness.
They were favorite subjects of romance, and special objects of adoration. In them is the embodiment of perfect, but still imaginary
happiness. They represent all kinds of people, old'i§0ung, male,
female, civil, military, rich, poor, afflicted and noble. 1 These same
characters along with the infamous Kwan Gung were portrayed in
the more difficult Kung Fu dances during these holidays. The Kung
Fu players would demonstrate one of the eight by dancing with his
particular weapon and mannerisms. Actors in the park would perform in an opera characterizing the adventures of the eight. Their
images are still seen on porcelain, fans, teacups, vases, and paintings.
Aside from Kwan Gung and the mystical eight immortals, there
is another major group of heavenly spirits that received homage
during these holidays. They were the "Spirits of the Door Guards."
During these holidays the door was a very special place. It is the
portal that all friends and family pass through upon a visitation. It
is during these times that the door must be protected from any evil
interference or demons. Each family makes an attempt to protect
their household gates and doors from evil spirits. Obstacles or
screens are usually placed in front of entrance halls, and since one
can never be certain they enlist the protection of a "spiritual door
guard.,,129
73
Chapter Four
These two husky, tough looking" generals" armed with swords
exist in portrait only. Supposedly, they were once superceded by a
more successful rival and forced to live a miserable captivity between the pages of books. As punishment they were to become the
object of study of scholars, who were never to determine where they
had origina ted or w ha t stimula ted their existence. However, despite
their harsh sentence, their legacy has been determined by the arduous efforts of a scholar or, perhaps, the successful fantasy of an
intellect, but supposedly these two guards were once called on to
secure an emperor's gate while he slept from the harassments of the
spirits of enemy soldiers that he had disposed of while in battle. As
long as these men stood guard the spirits never entered and interrupted the emperor's rest. After days of guarding the gate without
rest, portraits of the two guards were pasted on the door. The
portraits proved effective. However, the emperor misunderstood
their value and assumed after a time that the ghosts had given up
and left. He ordered the portraits removed and while asleep he died
l30
tha t night. Thus, the usage of paper door guards became popular.
Doors, gates and windows were at least decorated with red
paper with the names of the door guards on it and fire crackers that
are designed to frighten demons away.
During New Year, spiritual or ancestral guardians are cleaned
and polished throughout the home. In the country on the fifteenth
of the first month, women honor a peculiar spirit guard. This spirit
guard is not merely peculiar because it is a woman, but her post
makes her unique. It is the toilet. Tzu-Ku as she is called has had her
picture hung near toilets and pig pens for hundreds of years. One
might wonder what this ancestral spirit did in real life to achieve
such a high post of residence in the spirit world. Legend and classical
poetry suggests that she lived around 685, Chinese time, and that
she and her husband were entertainers. Her husband was killed by
the local governor, and she was made to serve as one of his wives.
The governor's first wife became jealous of the governor's attraction
to his new wife and poor Tzu-Ku was murdered by the governor's
first wife while in her toilet. In her report to heaven Tzu-Ku had such
compassion that she would not mention the name of either her
murderess or the governor. It was because of her discretion and
unfair treatment that she was awarded the dispensation of guarding
the toilet. It is claimed that she knows all secret affairs but will not
outwardly reveal them. Often during the New Year festival, a figure
74
of her is made of straw holding two chopsticks. Supposedly, if one
asked her a question during a spiritualism session, she would
respond in symbolic poetry. Her message was often a puzzle allow. muc h room f
mg
or'm terpreta t'Ion. 131
The last, but far from the least important ancestor to be
respected and revered during the New Year festivities is the saint
that dispenses wealth, T'sai Shen. An altar or statue is traditionally
found in every horne. He is worshipped on the twentieth day of the
Seventh Moon, but in China a visit to the temple much earlier during
the holiday is seen as a necessity. In Southern China there has al wa ys
been a preoccupation with gambling, and it is not surprising to note
that the saint with this particular dispensation is well tended to
during the New Year. Marshall Ch'ao Kung-Ming is so important
that he receives his proper homage with great regularity on the
Second day of the First Moon. He supposedly was so lucky that no
one could kill him in battle. He was finally disposed of when a
sorcerer created a straw doll in his likeness, sat and chanted over the
doll for forty-nine days. He then shot peach wood arrows into the
eyes and heart of the doll. Marshall Ch'ao died and was given his
unique post. His image is often recognizable by the silver ingot he
holds in his hand or in other instances he is seen as riding the back
of a tiger. Probably, the only consistency that is managed in his
appearance is his black face. Since the color black has always been
associated with the Northern part of China, it is not surprising that
his image wherever he is situated is placed facing North. 132
Food, Entertainment, and Superstition
Compared to other parts of Asia the Chinese have an unusual hustle
to their independent life style. Although labor wasn't accorded
much dignity in their conservative system that was highly competitive among families, traditionally, business dealings, and education
were. But the conservative nature of family doctrines were nowhere
better illustrated than through the superstition and diligent effort
expressed in the New Year festival. Food became a highly symbolic
feature of proper behavior. Despite the plethora of Chinese dishes
listed in popular cook books and the number of dishes indicated on
various Chinese menus, traditional Chinese cooking historicall y was
not nutritious or for that matter frequent. Unlike Thailand where the
easy tone of life brought the popular philosophy "There is always
75
Chapter Four
rice in the field and fish in the pond." Chinese have had to struggle
for food. As a result the largest and most important meal was always
a late family dinner and it was considered the highlight of the day.
A traditional family still eats this late meal and goes to sleep. As
reported earlier food was always a problem in China, and the New
Year's Eve dinner and family festivities were designed to characterize and pay homage to the efforts of ancestors.
Typical of the Confucius order was a clear understanding of
individual family roles and a disclaimer of extreme emotions. As a
result, the New Year's Eve festival was hardly a slanted morose
presentation and manipulation of the suffering of past generations,
but rather a positive approach of balancing those hard experiences
with the innocence and optimism of youth. Everyone received a
special task based upon seniority and sex. Nearly all activities on
New Year's Eve were centered around supporting family roles and
preparing for the New Year. The week before New Year's Day was
usually spent preparing mounds of food and red paper with "good
luck" writings on it, and discarding all broken or damaged
household items. The house was cleaned and, where possible,
polished to a bright shine. New furniture in more affluent homes
was displa yed and finally the entire family appeared in new clothing
on New Year's Eve. By custom they were sequestered from the
outside world. Their entrance gates were locked and pictures of the
door guards placed in proper position. Nearly all of the portraits of
the fa vorite household Kwans or spirits were removed on the twenty-sixth of the twelfth month and burned in the court yard. Usually
any water portal was sealed. These efforts of cleaning, sealing, and
removing cracked or broken objects were managed in hopes of
removing any opportunities for evil demons to hide. The women of
the family were carefully sequestered not merely for New Year's Eve
but for the next five days. This period prior to New Year's Day was
seen as a magical and mystical time. Stories were told on New Year's
Eve to children often to stress the difficulty of the "bitter moon" or
the magic of the period before New Year's Eve. In years past in
managing to pay debts, the poor in China had to sell their furniture
and at times even their children. Superstition suggests that money
given a wa y in this time period will be returned during the New Year.
In a near "Charles Dickens" style, wealthy men would move through
the streets lifting weeping women from their knees and paying their
debts. 133
76
One famous story about the magic of New Year describes a
lonely poor man that lived alone and desired companionship. To
relieve his depression during the "Bitter Moon" he purchased a
picture of a beautiful woman and hung it in his single room dwelling.
Each day prior to New Year's Day, he "Kow Towed," bowed before
the portrait and thanked her for enhancing his small home. On New
Year's Day after visiting a friend and giving him a small present the
man returned home to find the scent of freshly cooked food and a
table set for two. As he looked about the small room he saw that the
woman in the portrait had come to life and prepared his New Year
feast. She loved him and over the years together she bore him
children. His luck had changed granting him greater affluence in his
business, but one day he returned home to find that his lovely wife
had found the vacant portrait and returned to the image on the
portrait. The old man and his children wept, but he realized that the
lovely fairy pictured in the portrait loved him very much and
although limited did her best to improve his life. l34
The above mentioned story and others like it stressed the
importance of family unity and contribution. By eight o'clock at
night all members of the family were home and courtyards were then
covered with pine branches. The effort was managed to devise a
"ghos t buster" of sorts. If there were any evil spirits about, supposedly, they could be heard moving through the branches. In order to
maintain order within such a heavily populated family, the oldest
male or the descendent to whom by reason of age or illness supreme
authority had been given during the New Year festival, a patriarchal
system dominated this holiday. All females obeyed males; wives,
their husbands, sisters, their brothers; and in principle, younger
members, older members. Generally, on this evening there were
three types of ceremonies: the first directed to heaven, the second
directed to the household, and the third directed to ancestors.
The master of the household led the family through each of
these ceremonies. He and only he presented offerings of food,
candles, and incense before an altar table dedicated to Heaven and
Earth. Usually for the Cantonese, a wooden bowl filled with rice,
bright flowers, branches of cedar, and ten pairs of chopsticks made
the usual offering. The table was usually distinctive because of the
large round red silk lantern that represents heaven. The effort was
traditionally made in the court yard allowing the Master of the home
to "Kow Tow" under the sky of heaven. l35
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Chapter Four
Next came the offering before the household spirits. There were
certain areas of the home that were always presented offerings of
fruits, flowers, wines, ginger, or red eggs. These areas were the
stations of the various spirits that were in charge. The entrance hall,
the family hall, the toilet, the kitchen and the Master bedroom. Each
area was either marked with red pa per that had the name of the spirit
in charge or often a new portrait of the spirit would appear later that
eveningY6
After the home protectors had been served and satisfied, the
ancestors received their share of reverence. Thankfulness was the
keynote of this final ceremony. This ceremony was slightly different
than the rest. An ancestral tablet of names handed from one generation to another was placed at an offering table, and after the
household master "Kow Towed" three times, the family New Year's
Eve dinner was placed before the tablet. The thought was not to
expect the food to be eaten by the souls of the ancestors, but to allow
the fumes and the vapors of the dishes to extend to heaven for the
ancestors.
Following the offering, the meal was then eaten by the family.
The meal was vegetarian with some sweet rice or sweet buns that
was always a special treat for the children. This evening was the
beginning of a special holiday for children. After midnight, parents
honored a superstition that forbid them from punishing their
children during the first day of New Year. The children took full
advantage of this time. They realized that no adult would show
anger or displeasure out of fear of offsetting the oncoming year. Yet
their activity often played into their parents objectives. Generally, it
was considered good luck to keep the children awake throughout
the night and their new freedom served as a great incentive. At
midnight the first ceremony of the New Year was always dedicated
to the grandparents of the living family.137
This ceremony was distinctive by its tone and the principles that
it involved. Thus far, all of the ceremonies, except for the homage
paid to the female spirits tha t protected the secrets of the toilet, ha ve
involved only the male members of the family. However, this ritual
distinctively required the involvement of the entire family. The
grandparents were seated in a special area facing the entrance hall.
As they sat stOically they were greeted and granted salutations by
each family member in descending order, as the family "Kow
78
Towed." In action they acknowledged their special position within
the family. The term "Kow Towed" literally means to knock the
head. The ritual requires one to kneel on a cushion and lower his
forehead three times to the ground. The sequence of the participants
indicates the subordination of each member of the family. Aside
from the primary "Kow Tow" to their grandparents the wives must
bow to their husbands, and sisters to their brothers. The youngest
child was always last to bow and was taught early in life the meaning
of respect and how to bow properly. Thus, he was annually indoctrinated and exposed to his debt and responsibility to his elders.
The event bears little outward sign of the festiveness that occurred
throughout the cultures in celebration. Chinese children were not
usually seen as cute or entertaining, but rather the instruments of the
future. After babyhood there was little if any affection expressed for
children or for that matter between spouses. l38
Between the hours of three and five a.m., the Chinese hour of
the tiger, and before the cock crowed more pine branches were
spread over the court yard as the master of the household unlocked
the doors of the home with a mumbled prayer "May the New Year
bring us riches." He then proceeded to lead the family through the
set of triple ceremonies again. Generally New Year's Day was always
held as a day to smile constantly. This fictitious attitude at the
beginning of the year was always created in the hopes that it would
serve as a springboard for positive attitude throughout the year.
During these days all eating was confined to food that had been
chopped or cut in advance. Tradition had it that no cutting instruments such as scissors or knives could be used in this time period.
Gifts were exchanged between friends, but gifts by their nature were
alwa ys conservative and fitting for the status of the recipient. U sually, if a gift was too extravagant the recipient would return it in part
or whole with great gratitude. "Lucky money" or "hung bow" was
given to unmarried children by married relatives. The money was
wrapped in a red envelope and yielded upon the receipt of the child's
New Year greeting and salutation. Fire crackers were popped at the
front of all entrance ways and a roasted pig was often displayed in
front of Dai Sui Fut's image awaiting the evening meal. Usually all
the food that was eaten this day was eaten because of its name; and
if the name lacked a lucky sound, it was renamed and garnished with
labels that expounded good fortune such as "golden cash chicken"
or "ageless long noodles.,,139
79
Chapter Four
The Five Traditional Days of the New Year Festival
New Year's Day was primarily a family affair with gift exchanges
and "lucky money" packets presented to children. Smiling faces and
visits from business associates were common. The stove was left on,
heating the food that was eaten throughout the day. Boiled dumplings were the center of attention offering special surprises of good
fortune, like fortune cookies. l40
On the second day, family visits were exchanged with each
home receiving gifts of coins, paper flowers, food, or fruits.
On the third day, the air crackled with fire crackers and people
packed into the streets to observe Dragon Dances. Others would
dress like one of the famous eight immortals and parade through the
streets on stilts entertaining children. This day also marked the
beginning of the Lion Dance which would go through the fifth day.
The dance was also done at the first day of any business year. Thus,
it might be seen prior to the third day, if the opening day of that
business precedes the third day.141
The fourth day was much like the third. Casual acquaintances
visited and even strangers dropped in for a visit.
The fifth day was a travelling day. Visits were made at great
distances. Food was again cooked and shops were opened.
The Lantern festival occurred at the end of the New Year
fes tival. It was celebra ted a bout ten da ys after the fifth da y. It mar ked
the first full moon of the New Year and lanterns were suspended
from doorways, stairways, and homes. Honoring the full moon,
women wore pearls and little round sweet pastries called moon
cakes were often eaten. l42
Notes
HJ2Times Picayune, October 18, 1934, p. 4.
HBWolfrarn Eberhard, Chinese Festivals (Taipei: Orient Cultural Service,
1984), pp. 1-6l.
I04Ibid .
IOSIbid.
I06Ibid .
80
lO7.Khigh Alx Diegh, I-Ching (New York: Ballentine, 1983), pp. 1-20.
l08Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds, pp. 1-15.
l09Ibid .,
p. 13.
110T . Lobsong Rumpa, The Third Eye (New York: Ballantine, 1958), p. 124.
111Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds, pp. 12-15.
112Rumpa, The Third Eye, p. 125.
113Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds, p. 73.
114Eberhard, Chinese Festivals, p. 37.
116Ibid .,
p. 74.
117Ibid ., p. 75.
118Ibid ., p. 76.
120Ibid .,
p. 36.
121 Ibid., p. 42.
122Ibid ., p. 48.
123L. Illar, "Sing See, The Southern Lion Dance," Inside Kung Fu, (Hollywood: C. F. W. Enterprises, 1983), pp. 64-65.
124Ibid ., p. 65.
125Ibid ., pp. 66-67.
127IIlar, "Sing See, The Southern Lion Dance," p. 164.
128Harry Morgan, Chinese Symbols and Superstitions (Detroit: Gale Publishing Co., 1972), p. 82.
130Ibid .,
p. 155.
mE. T. C. Werner, Myths and Legends of China (Taipei: Caves Book Co.,
1922), p. 145.
132 Ibid ., p. 120.
133Burkhardt, Chinese Creeds, pp. 67-68.
134JuIiet Bredon and Igor Mittrophanow, The Moon Year (New York:
Paragon Book Corp., 1966), pp. 101-102.
135Ibid ., p. 77.
136Ibid .,
p. 30.
81
Chapter Four
138Bredon and Mittrophanow, The Moon Year, p. 74.
140Morgan, Chinese Symbols and Superstitions, p. 160.
141
Ibid .
142Cheng Hou-tien, The Chinese New Year (New York: Holt, Renhart, and
Winston, 1976), throughout.
82
The History of
Chinese New Year
in Louisiana
F I V E
"Within the four seas all men
are brothers."
Mencius
T
he history of Chinese New Year in Louisiana cannot be viewed
in a parochial manner. The entire evolution of what we now term as
"Chinese" New Year is not merely a history of the struggle against
tyranny in China, but a revelation of the strife and oppression that
was suffered by American Chinese as welL In an effort to be acceptable, American Chinese changed the shape of their traditional
celebration. They created an event that included Americans.
Gradually, in their patient quest for acceptance, they slowly rearranged their traditional objectives. The celebrations held during the
New Year festivities in Louisiana today are a sign of that alteration.
The accent and focus of these festivities are as uniquely American
Chinese as the original festival was Chinese. The explanation behind
these modifications are an extension of those wonderful tales that
have harbored the ritual and tradition of Chinese New Year. This
American Chinese legacy is not one of magic or myth, but one of
human strength, ambition, and patience.
Early New Year Celebrations
As previously discussed, the primary reason for the importation of
Chinese labor in Louisiana was the immense need of the South to
83
Chapter Five
find an inexpensive labor force. The traditional antebellum desire to
maintain a continuum of economic advantage forced Chinese and
American supporters into a political and social strategy that not only
Americanized the Chinese, but Sinofied Louisianians.
The New Year festival by intent usually managed to catch an
uninterested media off guard, and historical records of the event
reveal little about the early nature of these 1871 festivities. More
often, after one contract ruse and physical abuse, the Chinese in most
cases became aware of the shackles that their own inability to speak
English placed upon them. An excellent case that illustrates this
point and reflects the first record of a Chinese New Year celebra tion
in Louisiana was the contract dispute at the Oaks Plantation on
Bayou Grosse Tete. In 1871, Senator Edward Gay owned the Oaks
Plantation and had imported the Chinese to work the sugar mills
there. Although no description of the New Year celebration was ever
disclosed, the Chinese insisted on bargaining within their contract
for a three day holiday and restreriod. The Gays, to the chagrin of
the Chinese, granted only one. 14 The Chinese could not express the
im portance of this holida y to their culture, and left the plantation as
soon as they could. The ina bility to express their values proved to be
an overwhelming obstacle as they lacked a means of being understood at the most fundamental level. Although their eldest son,
Hynes Gay, married the daughter of one of the first Presbyterian
missionaries in China, the Gays had little understanding of the Han
people they had hired. Edward's wife, Lavina, once described a
Chinese gentleman that decided to honor her by "kow towing" as
a ppearing to be of drunken beha vi or, and further indica ted tha t the
servant bowed four times,l44 as discussed in Chapter IV, a number
that no Han would ever employ. From the Merrill Plantation in
Jefferson Parish to the Oak Grove Plantation in Terrebonne Parish,
the inability to speak English was not only costing Chinese money
as shown in Chapter IV, but it was all too frequently costing them
their very lives. It was this urgent situation that stimulated New
Orleans Chinese in April of 1884 to enroll in English classes at the
Coliseum Baptist Church. In 1889, the Presbyterian Mission at No.
40 Liberty Street began its own English curriculum. l45
At this point throughout the United States, the Chinese were
viewed with ridicule, suspicion and bewilderment. The language
and cultural gap was a perfect backdrop for the 1890 Exclusionary
Laws that proved so repressive to the Chinese through most of the
84
The New Orleans Chinese Presbyterian Mission on Uberty Avenue.
(Photo was obtained through 'The Historic New Orleans Collections,
MuseurrYResearch Center, Acc. No. 1985.174.56.2)
85
Chapter Five
twentieth century. A reporter in the Black Hills of North Dakota
typified that attitude when he described a New Year festival with
little or no regard for any cultural explanation. He described a
Chinese band at a New Year dinner as playing louder than "17 cats,
10 dogs and a wagon load of coyotes all yelling at once." The same
reporter wrote that the homes of the Chinese were "full of and
offered a complete assortment of Chinese and Yankee liquors, and
they were not there for show but meant business." 146
In 1898, Lena Sanders, directress of the Chinese Mission on
Liberty sought to free her Chinese students from the unfair restraints
of the Exclusionary Laws. Her efforts went beyond writing letters of
appeal. Her strategy seemed to entail the socialization of the now
Christianized Han. It was in this vein that she organized the first
Chinese New Year to be recorded in a New Orleans tabloid. Her
efforts, however, never realized her objective, and the chasm that
had grown between the two cultures extended far beyond Miss
Sanders's understanding. Yet her efforts to communicate the true
nature of the Chinese established a vehicle that stimulated public
interest and eventually created a basic understanding of the Chinese.
With the passing of time, the celebration eventually served as the
relaxing agent that trul y brought the Chinese into their New Orleans
neighborhood.
On January 21, 1890 the New Orleans Times-Democrat made its
first report on Chinese New Year in Louisiana. Miss Sanders had
managed to do what no one else had. She had made the celebration
socially acceptable in New Orleans. Her guest list extended to over
two hundred guests, but her real success was not in the size of the
group that evening, but rather in the quality of the dignitaries that
attended. In a time when it was not politically favorable to fraternize
with Chinese, Mayor Joseph Shakespeare, and Secretary Wright
Schaumberg attended the festivities. The mayor addressed the
group and although he avoided the issue of the Exclusionary Laws,
he did make the following statement: "Among the mixed population
of this city no more law-abiding citizens exist. I confess I was deeply
prejudiced against this group at one time, but I have been completely
converted by their undying industry, perfect obedience to the law,
their honesty, frugality and many other virtues ... I can safely aver
that no Chinaman has ever asked for a free business permit ... and
none are carrying on trades without a license." For the first time in
history a New Orleans mayor sat arm to arm with Chinese. He
86
Chinese New Year in Louisiana
listened as they sang, and talked of missionary work in China. With
large Chinese lanterns glowing in the evening and finally fireworks
bursting in the air, Miss Sanders started the New Orleans Chinese
down a long, but difficult path. A path that would extend from the
Liberty Street mission through nearly a half century of socialization,
until finally a world war aligned them with the Liberty"A venue"
147
which they so long desired to know.
The same issue of the Times-Democrat acknowledged for the
first time the celebration of the event in the Chinese quarter of
Magazine Street by covering two minor incidents associated with
the celebration that was evidently traditional to the New Orleans
Chinatown. George Deadinger, fifteen, while walking home on
Magazine Street near a Chinese Laundry, No. 550 picked up one of
the small explosives that had been thrown during the Chinese festivities in that area. It tore his fingers and palm. Woh Tung, while
firing a bomb in the same place, had his hand badly tom and
burnt. 148
By 1892, Miss Sanders's first effort to publicize the Chinese as
socially acceptable developed support, but not the political support
she had anticipated. The newspaper highlighted her efforts to
produce the second New Year celebration at the mission, but the
guest list was not nearly as significant. Although there were seventy-five Chinese in attendance and two hundred guests the Mayor's
absence was readily apparent in the newspaper report. This report
centered on the Chinese-American effort at decorating the church.
For New Year's Chinese style, it was highly unusual. In fact, the
average Chinese probably likened the atmosphere to a funeral as
versed to a "Sun Nin" celebration. Flowers, the Chinese traditional
emblem of mourning, were used and draped from the mantel as well
as in the chandelier. Spanish moss covered the walls. Despite tradition and superstition, the Chinese still compromised. Two large
Chinese lanterns with Chinese script were made for the occasion in
San Francisco and then transported to New Orleans for the event.
The lanterns were placed near the entrance hall of the mission. The
walls were covered with specimens of oriental art and embroidery
in colored silks. The Times-Democrat indicates that the walls were
also tagged with red cards with Chinese inscriptions of Biblical
passages placed upon them. As indicated in Chapter IV these inscriptions were traditionally Confucian maxims or affirmations of
success for the oncoming year or perhaps, the names of some leg en87
Chapter Five
dary guardian spirits. The report further indicates that the nearly
two hundred "Ladies and Gentlemen and seventy five Chinese"
dined on American food. The banquet table apparently included
turkey, salads, and candy. The center piece was described as a mirror
with two glass swans resting upon it. The piece was surrounded with
pine and candelabra that held red candles. Obviously, the creator of
the center piece was trying to recreate the Chinese insignia for
longevity, a white crane surrounded by pine. The reporter also
commented upon the pleasing fragrance of sandal that permeated
the air from the incense that was burnt throughout the night. The
article carried no report of any political speeches. It merely indicated
the nature of the program and Miss Sanders's teaching staff was
listed. Each wore a special scarlet ribbon that evening in commemoration of the holiday. The staff included "Misses, McFodery,
Kilpatrick, Reynolds, Eber, Hall, Hodd, White, Lloyd, Emerson, and
Mitchell." The report never indicated the male-female ratio of the
mission's Chinese membership, nor did it identify any Chinese that
had participated in the program. The most striking and detailed
reporting was centered on the fireworks display that evening. The
reporter indicated that few had ever seen such a display, and they
shouted with support as the display emitted "golden sparks" that
made the "night luminous.,,149
The same report described the ceremonies that were promoted
at the Coliseum Baptist Church. Although this mission began five
years prior to the Presbyterian Mission there was no pUblicity surrounding any past New Year celebrations. From the timing of this
first publicized event it is highly probable that their efforts were
rooted in the same sympathetic cause. The school was decorated
with "panel pictures in cloth, gold embroidered screens and painted
fans." The entertainment was directed by the minister, Mr. Bussey.
A Chinese pupil named Horn Kip read a short speech offering thanks
to God, and twenty-two Chinese sang in Chinese "Jesus Loves Me"
and other songs. The meeting reported on the progress of a graduate
"Chow Mont Sing" who was ministering and teaching English to his
"bretheren" in Bluefields. The article does not mention firecrackers
nor the attendance of any public officials. Unlike the Presbyterian
Mission, the Baptist Mission never received another reporter for any
of their later New Year events. ISO
The drive for acceptance became so important during the
period of the Exclusionary Laws that the most conservative seg88
ments of American Chinese society began to become actively involved. As indicated in Chapter I, Chinese families have traditionally traced their names back to nearly a thousand years. This family
alignment often created separate clans also fitting within our past
definition of the term "tong." The Gee Kung Tong was a method of
countering the larger and more dominating clan. Roughly translated
the terms mean the unified Free Masons. This group was a
benevolent society that traced its purpose to the exploits of Kwan
Gung, a legendary hero and saint who was discussed in Chapter IV,
and lived during the period of the Three Kingdoms at the end of the
Han Dynasty. The group became popular as a subversive group
during the reign of the Manchus. Maintaining Kwan Gung's attributes they projected three characteristics about their order;
secrecy, benevolence, and respect for women. Actually the group
was originated by a shaolin monk that was up-rooted bi' the
Manchus, and, in tum, formulated this underground effort. 1S
In the United States, the group was the predecessor to On Leon.
It managed loans for the needy and frequently assisted those who
were being dominated by large clans, but historically it had far
greater significance. It was the group that saved Dr. Sun during his
detainment in San Francisco in 1904. They hired a lawyer to protect
him from deportation and eventual execution in China. Even far
more Significant, they were the group that paid for his revolution. 1S2
The group had collected money to use for "benevolent" reasons, one
of which during this time period was the removal of the Exclusionary Laws. But, in the end, these funds were turned over to Dr. Sun.
These Chinese "Knights of the Round Table" would later in the
twentieth century be accused of drug running and a myriad of other
crimes. The group dissipated its activities in New Orleans following
the overthrow of the Manchus.
In 1893, the Times-Democrat carried the first report of such a
meeting in New Orleans. The Gee Kung Tong, Grand Lodge No.7
held a New Year dinner on Sunday evening January 26 at Victor
Restaurant. The paper reported that there was a "languorous air of
Oriental luxury about it that was faScinating to the Americans
present." IS3 The five officers of the club were Wong Goon, secretary:
Mon Beng, treasurer; Joe Lynn, post master; Hom Jung, past traveling agent, and Reverend Thomas Sing, elder of the Methodist
Church. The dinner again was American, but it was far more lavish
than any of the other meals that were described in prior New Year
89
Reverend Sing dressed for a Gee Gung Tong New Year Banquet
as sketched by a "Times Democrat" artist on January 27, 1893.
(Reproduction by Chris Hebert)
90
news reports. The menu consisted of eleven courses from oysters,
red snapper, turtle, and chicken to salads and ice cream. As mentioned in Chapter IV, chicken and fish were considered necessary
entrees in the traditional New Year meal. 154 The dining area was
again covered with the fragrance of sandal incense. The attraction
that evening which made this event newsworthy was the presence
of Reverend Sing. Sing was the traveling representative for the entire
Chee Kung Tong. A Methodist minister, Sing was noted for his
international representation of the Chee Kung Tong. He had just
returned from Washington where he had addressed the House
Committee On Foreign Affairs arguing against the restraints of the
Exclusionary Laws. The group was successful at managing to acquire some political interest in Sing's appearance. Ex-Assistant Recorder David Hollander and Judge E. S. Whitaker headed the list
followed by William Armstrong, William Cafey, C. J. Donaldson,
Harry Hans, B. B. Howard, C. J. Ford, and Henry Gumbel. Hollander
was the master of ceremonies and considered the only non-Chinese
member of the Chee Kung Tong. The Chinese continually referred
to Hollander as Dia Lo, which means "Boss" or "Big Man" in
Cantonese. Even though Sing's address that evening was the focus
of the meeting, the Times-Democrat carried no indication of what he
said. They described him as ha ving an eloquent address and manner
as in the style of "Lord Chesterfield.,,155
Following an after dinner Cigar, numerous toasts, and exotic
libations, the group gathered at the Tong lodge at No. 10 South Basin
Street where even more members of the lodge met for a two-hour
display of fireworks. The Tong lodge had in its possession at that
time the very altar and figure of Kwan Gung that now rests in the
On Leon Hall. Kwan Gung's character being the fore-runner of this
group's principles had special significance to them. Unfortunately,
the Times-Democrat reporter wrote that he was a Chinese God and
that the fireworks were a sacrifice to him. The report did little to
make the Chinese acceptable or understood. However, it does give
insight into the predictable patterns of these American Chinese at
New Year. They reserved their major efforts at any task for the New
Year period. Keeping within tradition, New Year was the best time
to initiate any new business or new friendships, both newspaper
reports and crowd reactions had indicated that Americans were
fascinated with the firework display the Chinese had performed. l56
91
On Leon, The Chinese Business Association of New Orleans. (Photo by
Mona Franklin)
92
The Kwan Gung altar situated within the On Leon Hall. This altar was
mentioned in news tabloids as far back as the first reports of the New
Orleans Chinatown New Year Celebrations.
Unaffected by the poor and slanted news coverage they had
received in the past, and even more hopeful of acceptance, following
the passing of Miss Sanders, the Mission decided with great patience
to continue to make the Chinese more and more visible at New Year.
In 1898, the Mission on Liberty eVidently succumbed to public
interest and provided New Orleans with the largest fireworks display that the city had ever witnessed. With the restrictions on the
importation of Chinese women into the United States, this traditional family holiday for the Chinese had changed its center focus.
Family could only come after friends. The skyrockets that night
sailed and snow balled as never before in to the New Orleans sky. The
Times-Democrat described "long strings of firecrackers, thirty feet at
least, and as big around as a blacksmith's arm, ... strung up to tree
tops.,,157 The Mission provided over an hour and a half of sky rockets
bursting into the night. The reporters' account of the event hailed it
as eclipsing any "celebration given by occidental people who have
made New Orleans their habitat." The display "delighted small
93
The altar to 'Heaven s Lard Lord." This aHar is kept in respect for the Angel
that allows the Chinese to use the property in which the On Leon Hall is
situated. Also pictured here on the side of Kwan Gungs altar are paper
tickets attached to the altar. What orce markedgarrblingdebts now is used
to credit past rontrirutors to the annual Chinese New Year bar"lQJet.
94
boys, who gathered on the sidewalks in untold numbers, and for
blocks around the residents were out on their doorsteps to watch the
pyrotechnic display.,,158 Inside the mission over five hundred
people gathered. There was again American food, and Chinese tea
was served that evening. The only report of the program mentioned
in the news account was that a Chinese student had made a
speech.159
It was the New Year tradition that brought a rather strange
guest to the Mission on March I, 1900. In 1899, Dr. Sun had made
great headway in achieving popular support in Canada's
Chinatowns, and the Chee Kung Tong in most of the Chinatowns in
the United States had already committed their financial support to
his revolutionary cause. Knowing fully well that the Chee Kung
Tong might use the New Year to strengthen and bolster their position, the Manchu Ministry decided to take full advantage of the
ambiance of the New Year season. Knowing that it was considered
improper to argue during this period and that generally all Chinese
take a su bmissive posture over these holidays, they sent Minister Wu
Ting Fang to New Orleans in a shrewd political effort to gain su pport
for their rather traditional cause. The Times-Democrat reported that
as Wu toured the city's Mardi Gras celebration, he was continually
received by American Chinese that followed 8roper Manchu
protocol and "Kow Towed" before Minister Wu. 16 On the evening
of February 28, 1900, the Mission displayed all of its now traditional
Chinese New Year decor with the addition of the yellow flag of the
Manchu Dynasty. But here Mr. Wu found no "kow towing" individuals. There was no special chair of authority established for the
minister. Mr. Wu found himself seated elbow to elbow with dried
shrimp merchants and laundrymen. The small mission on Liberty
Street had taken a great step down Liberty A venue, and, as the sun
rose the next morning in New Orleans, Mr. Wu probably contemplated the rise of another Sun in China. 161
Perhaps, the most histOrically significant New Year celebration
in New Orleans was that ofJanuary 29,1911. The fall ofthe Manchu
government and the rise of Dr. Sun's new China added a fervor to
the people and the festival that had nearly lost its sense of purpose.
Change signaled new hope for the development of Chinese families
in the United States, and at last there would be no Chinese restrictions on visiting China or immigrating from there. The TimesPicayune in a cynical and condescending style reported little accura te
95
Some ek:Jerfy Chinese daim that this chair was once sat in by the last
errperor during the Ming Dynasty. This daim probably is va/d. This altar
was once situated in the Gee Kurg Torg HaD in the New Orleans
Chinatown, ard the Gee Kurg Tong were su,:pJrters of the priOCPIes of
the Mirg Dynasty. Since New Orleans OONSpapers verify its existence in
the nineteenth century, it rrny have left China before the Taiping Rebellion.
96
Above is a prescribed diagram designating the proper layout of the
hall that holds the altar. As indicated in the texts, all interior designs
were approved by an expert in "spiritual" matters. The age of the
diagram indicates how much it, as well as the altar, have been valued
97
Chapter Five
information concerning the celebration. For the first time in the
history of the New Orleans Chinatown, a Mayor was acknowledged.
Unfortunately, he was a fabrication of the reporter as versed to an
actual elected official. The papers informant, Hom Kim, was real,
and owned a restaurant on the corner of Basin and Tulane. He was
described as extremely Americanized, and "wore his hair in a short
football manner." Evidently Hom tried to explain the nature of the
celebration. The problem with the report was that the writer was
more intent on making sport of the Chinese than he was in actually
recording the history regarding this event. He referred to the Chee
Kung Tong as a "queue cutting club" and the Chinese writing
attached to the altar at their lodge that marks gambling debts to be
paid as pink paper with "hieroglyphics on them.,,162 Nearly every
picture was referred to as merely "Joss" instead of explaining the
history and tradition around them. Even though the Chinese were
cutting their queues to become acceptable, this reporter would not
permit them the respect of human acceptability. As in all writing
there was some truth. The article indicated that the shops in
Chinatown would be closed for one full week, and that most of the
Chinese were busy sharing friendships and libations with one
another. It identified the name of the altar "Ming Chow Temple,"
but failed to indicate that the altar was named in memory of the last
Chinese Dynasty to rule China. Finally, the author indicated that
there was a special morning service held at the altar in which ''Wee
Low gave an oration having to do with the giving away of weues
to the barber, but he was not among the fifty that did." 3 No
mention was ever made concerning the purpose behind cutting the
queues or even the reason behind wearing the queue. Although the
New Orleans Chinese had now been freed of the shackles of Manchu
rule, they would not easily remove themselves from the Chinatown
Ghettos of America. Chinese New Year, like the Chinese would
remain obscure. America seemed to be adopting the policy of political avoidance. If it did not see a problem, it believed there was no
problem. Acceptability and visibility would have to become
synonymous before the Chinese could live on this "Golden Mountain."
The next year presented little change in American attitude or
interest in American Chinese. Reading the description of the New
Year celebration in New Orleans that year leaves little optimism of
acceptance in a city plagued with the inequities of racism, but the
98
Times-Picayune did briefly mention a few positive characteristics of
Chinese, and noted in a philistine manner, the Chinese family nature.
Perhaps, it was this one expression of mutual presumption that gave
the Chinese some obscure hope of acceptance. But for the most part,
the article reeked of the Anglo racial presumptions of social superiority that had traditionally immobilized most of America's immigrant labor class. Although the article did not use the term "John
Chinaman," its non-secular approach to its characterization of the
Chinese brought a new and sharper edge to the issue of racism. Not
only did they classify Chinese as "Mongolian," but they were also
labeled "heathens." The reporting on February 18, 1912 gave no
mention of the past New Year celebrations held by the Chinese
Christian Church. The slant again as in 1911 was a condescendin~
and misleading effort at explaining Chinese New Year tradition. 16
Once again the nature and importance of the infamous and
revered character of Kwan Gung was never explained or defined
historicall y, or from a literary perspective, and his particular aggrandizement as an emblem of America's Chee Kung Tong was never
explored. The fact of the matter was the parochial attitudes toward
the Chinese had an extremely rigid racial basis. The Times-Picayune
reported that the Chinese had a "natural clarity," as versed to any
unique perspective or outlook on life. In the same report Kwan
Gung, was made a distortion of the word "Joss" and "Joss" then
made in the copy to appear as synonymous with God, a concept as
indicated in Chapter II that has been historically a linguistical problem, since its early Christian introduction in China. l65 Instead of any
in-depth political or historical explanation of the nature and reasoning behind the important festivities, the copy filed that day
floundered. There was no discussion of the anxious anticipations or
oblique optimism the New Orleans Chinese must have briefly enjoyed. The report hurriedly characterizes the Chinese as '1aughing
and smiling" as they visited friends exchanging "queer" gifts of red
paper. The author was evidently unaware of the Chinese custom of
giving "hung bow," which was discussed in Chapter N. Thecelebration was reported to be of twenty days and consisted primarily of
firecrackers poppingin the streets, and the imbibing of "spirits." This
was hardly the kind of spirit reverence that a credible explanation
of Chinese New Year would engage.
The report quoted a Henry Linn, a prominent business man in
the quarter who tried to rectify the misconceptions by avoiding any
99
Chapter Five
issue that proved too lengthy or difficult. If Linn was quoted correctly he was to have said, "The republic now must get rid of its old
wa ys. We are using all of our firecrackers because we will never
celebrate this day again.,,166 Linn was probably implying that the
new democracy in China would no longer utilize any ancient calendar events. The article finally acknowledges that the New Orleans
Chinese celebrated this holiday at home with either a Christian
Thanksgiving service, or a "heathen ceremony to the Statue of the
heathen Cod." The figure they were probably referring to was Kwan
Cung's. The "heathen" ceremony was described as the placement of
"raw foods and fruit in front of the altar so that the deity might eat
should a sudden hunger gnaw on the vitals." Practically the only
reference to the new democratic reform movement in China was
made as the article referred to the dynasty date of the new government, "annum one the first year of a democratic dynasty in
China.,,167
Even though a western calendar was now used in the new
democratic dynasty of China, the date of the birth of the government
gave Chinese merely another reason to celebrate the New Year
holidays. On February 11, 1918, the new government of China had
its seventh anniversary. As explained in Chapter VII, numbers were
quite a superstitious item to most Chinese. It was that fact and the
curious traditional planning of the new government to begin their
operations during the traditional New Year holidays that brought a
new twist to the New Year celebrations in New Orleans. Forty
Chinese citizens and some marine engineers celebrated the seventh
anniversary of the new Chinese Republic at 1104 1-2 Tulane. The
dinner was a unique attempt to combine a New Year celebration
with the anniversary of the republic. Since New Year had become a
Chinese "Fourth of July," it became an acceptable American celebration. Since America viewed itself as the founder of all democratic
republics, Chinese New Year was merely another celebration that
supported the ideals of democracy. Thus, it reached the highest level
of acceptability and Americanization. It was taxed. Because of the
popularity of the celebration, it was now regulated through a
fireworks permit. Perhaps, it was this new twist of acceptability that
lessened the length of the illuminous display that evening. The
Times-Picayune indicated that the permit was purchased through
Police Superintendent Mooney and that the fireworks lasted thirty
100
minutes, compared to the other re~orted "pyrotechnic" displays this
event was the briefest reported. 16
The name of the Chinese organization that hosted the event that
night was omitted from the report, but the nature of the profile given
indicates that it was probably one of the early meetings of On Leon
or one of the latter meetings of the Chee Kung Tong. The new
Chinese ruler Fong Hok Chung was the center of toasts. M.S. Chow
served as the master of ceremonies, and was reported as being the
group's delegate to the National Association convention in the past
year in New York and was expected to travel to the future site of the
nex t convent ·
Ion·m Ch·lcago. 169
Dr. C. C. Chien provided a personal account of the New Year
celebrations during the thirties in New Orleans's Chinatown. Dr.
Chien had just entered the United States as a part of the regional
consulate of the Republic of China. "I was a young man then and
had different interests," he smiled. "The first thing 1 noticed was
there were no women!" He nearly laughed at his own youthful
interests, but suddenly with further recall he became extremely
deliberate. "I then began to not only see the differences in Chinese
New Year in the United States, but 1 could feel them. There was a
certain sadness that was reflected in all of the men. 1 suspect that
w ha t truly seemed to make this mood so striking was that there were
no children laughing. Chinese New Year is always noisy with the
play of children. Here, there was a silence that I've never known to
be a part of ChiP2se New Year. It was very different but everyone
tried to smile and the lodge was decorated with all of the slogans
and pictures that encouraged us to do that ... Generally, 1 most
remember the banquet. They seemed to always have some special
Chinese dishes that you ordinarily did not see in New Orleans. The
On Leon banquets that are conducted today still serve the same
special dishes, and 1 recall some Chinese musicians playing and
capturing everyone's attention. There were no lion dances or displays of Kung Fu. No one had the money to import such equipment.
Most of the money was s~ent on food and later we tried to find a
Chinese movie to show." 1 0
The Modern Evolution of New Year
The New Year celebration ofJanuary26, 1933 brought great trepidation to the New Orleans's Chinese community. As noted before in
101
Chapter Five
Chapter IV, the Chinese calendar has been traditionally used
throughout Asia, and keeping within the Ja panese tradition of New
Year, the Japanese government decided that it was an excellent
season to engage in a new business, the business of war. The TimesPicayune carried a headline that said so much in but a few words:
"Japan Scheduled to Open Drive on Chinese New Year.,,171 The
move to annex the province of Jehol to Manchuko was timed with
the New Year celebration. l72 The bloody success of that effort was
to give the Japanese the confidence necessary to run a collision
course with allied forces, but despite the atrocities committed upon
the Chinese, allied forces would not engage the Japanese until after
the bombing of Pearl Harbor. Dr. Chien recalled with great enthusiasm the mood toward the New Orleans Chinese after the
bombing of Pearl, "Suddenly everyone knew we were Chinese, and
for once we had an identity. We were friends. We had the same
enemy and they knew from the news reports that we had fought
Japan before the United States." He smiled with pride and declared
"They learned our names and spoke to us" but identity still was not
acceptability.173
During the war effort the New Year celebration gave new
meaning to Chinese unity. The Times-Picayune on February 6,1943
reported clearly that the New Orleans Chinese were gallantly
sacrificing their holiday for the war effort. The article indicated that
the traditional New Year celebration was taking on an entirely
different form and focus. The year 4640 had none of the traditional
merrymaking. There was only one single but patriotic banquet held,
and it was held at the new Chinese Mission now on Roman, where
"a tea was held in the afternoon and a dramatic presentation was
given at night.,,174 The article reported that the celebration centered
on self sacrifice. There were none of the infamous firecrackers that
so pleased the citizens of New Orleans during the nineteenth century. There were no flashes of rockets to illuminate the night. Absent
from the banquet tables was the traditional turkey or meat which
was always a part of these Mission celebrations. They gathered that
night not to celebrate, but to donate the money that was normally
spent on this occasion to the war effort. The silence of their resolve
must have been deafening for as they left the mission that evening
there were no children laughing and gloating over the wonder of a
Chinese celebration. There was only the echo and memories of the
events of the past that had once made it fun to be Chinese in New
102
Orleans. The New Orleans Chinese Consulate stayed open all night
that evening and most Chinese families settled for one day of quiet
... WIt
. h·m th e con f·mes 0 f t h elr
. h orne. 175
festlvltles
Nearly one hundred years after their initial immigration into
Louisiana, the Chinese near obsession with patience and the
sacrifices of a major war finally began to alter the plight of American
Chinese. It was the Wong families' unique interest in celebrating
Chinese New Year together in 1965 that caught all of New Orleans's
attention, and that finally repealed a thirty year injustice. The romantic 1964 copy filed by Janet Rink of the Times-Picayune on the Wongs,
softened the hearts of many readers. The report highlighted the
struggle of Sam Wong to be united with his wife Kuong Yew Sin. In
1934, Wong parted from Hong Kong with the intention of joining his
father, a native citizen of the United States, and after he found an
adequate horne immigrating his own wife and children. Although
Wong was a citizen of the United States, and had saved enough
money to send for his wife, their son and daughter, the United States
Consulate in Hong Kong refused to acknow ledge his citizenry. After
thirty years and the efforts of Senator Russell Long, the immigration
restrictions were finally overcome. The epilogue of the Wong's
plight finally became a matter of public record in December of
1964.176
In 1966, the Vietnam war began to stimulate a slightly more
particular interest in the nature of Chinese New Year. "Tete," the
Vietnamese word for the New Year holidays had stirred America's
interest and curiosity. The celebration itself was correlated by the
press to the amount of resistance the American troops received in
the field. In fact, news reports appeared at times to predict enemy
resistance better than military intelligence. The traditional twelve
celestial personalities of Chinese New Year were to gain widespread
interest, and copy. Although only fundamental explanations were
provided, America began to correlate the behavior of the Viet Cong
with the predicted celestial personality of the oncoming year. As a
result, 1966 brought the year of the Monkey, and as forecasted by
thousands of Vietnamese calendar readers, it also brought a highly
predictable surge of Viet Cong activities throughout South Vietnam.
The year of the Monkey was perceived as a time to gamble. The
traditional populist attitude was to risk it all. The Viet Cong knowing
that adhering to these traditional prognostications was an expression of Vietnamese populism, put the Monkey on America's back.
103
Chapter Five
They gambled with ruthless courage. The net result was a significant
American frustration with its own resolve. General Westmoreland
was relieved of his command, and the United States Government
began to stall its military escalation. The press seemed to feel that the
celestial personality signs made good copy, and gradually sought
out more prognostications for each year of our involvement.
American press copy began to read like a Homerian odyssey. Rather
than harmonizing with traditional celestial prognostications,
American military strategists nearly played the opposite hand,
yielding to conservative strategies in a year that Vietnamese popular
opinion was demanding far more. As a result, the popular side
became that which allowed the Vietnamese to be Vietnamese, and
follow the ancient guidelines of the Chinese calendar. Never yielding
to the cries of "Cassandra," the American military's concept of
''Vietnamization'' seemed theatrical at best. Even though the United
Sta tes offered a rela ti vely democratic form of government and poli tical freedom, there was little regard for popular Vietnamese thought.
The failure of American strategists seemed to add not only
mystique to Chinese New Year in Vietnam, but in this country as
well. Although this holiday was still an item of American derision,
the Baton Rouge Morning Advocate kept the interest of the public with
curious by-lines. Vietnam had made the New Year celebration a hard
memory and cynicism seemed to make it palatable. "Good Year for
Rabbits, Bad One For Chicken Legs," seemed all too often the best
means of gathering a reader's attention. 177 Finally, there were some
reports that attempted to express the significance of the event. These
efforts called upon certain Chinese families to explain the celebrations that had been a neglected part of Louisiana's myriad of ethnic
festivals.
One of the better handlings of the Chinese families' festivities
was presented by the Morning Advocate in January of 1976. The article
reveals the nature of the celebration in Dr. Tony Hu's household.
Hu's entire family was covered in the article and the accent was
primarily centered on the food that was featured that day. Some
customs were described as well as a slight mention of superstition.
There was no mention, however, of any family ceremonies or ancestral ceremonies. The holiday period was expressed as if it were
only one day and little was said concerning the preparation behind
the holiday. The family appeared to be gathering to follow a certain
104
unifying discwline of omitting aggressive words from their daily
vocabularyP
Following the Vietnam Conflict, creating an obvious peaceful
profile was probably a primary objective of both press and the local
Chinese. Elementary schools in the area apparently stimulated by
the news media's reports, called upon educated American Chinese
like Mrs. Amy Lee for programs to entertain and educate American
children to the nature of the Chinese New Year celebration. Mrs. Lee
appeared at Reynolds elementary school, her son's school, in 1980
with a small program for children that consisted of a drum lesson,
children's lion dance, and an explanation of the New Year holiday.
She also submitted to a television talk show that allotted only a few
. t es f or d'lSCUSSlon.
. 179
mmu
In 1980, New Orleans began to show equal if not exceeding
growth in making American Chinese and New Year a publicly
acceptable part of Louisiana. The On Leon New Year banquet featured two great achievements from New Orleans Chinese. The first
concerned the On Leon Association itself. A distinguished white
haired, sixty year old Mr. Lang Toy had become the North American
Chairman of the entire organization, and the son of an American
Chinese Restaurant owner, Mr. Harry Lee had become Sheriff of
Jefferson Parish. No Louisiana Chinese had ever reached such pOints
of political power, and aside from the unified effort they both would
later make to cajole the United States Attorney General's office into
opening a civil rights case against the murderer's of Vincent Chin in
Detroit, this would be one of their few public appearances
together. 1BO
The small On Leon hall on Bourbon Street almost seemed out
of place that night. Pictures of spiritual door guards were placed on
the walls that faced every portal and the incense from Kwan Gung's
altar clouded the air. Cigars seemed to be in every senior members
mouth and nearly everyone had come equipped with their New Year
smile and best dress suit. Mr. Toy's family and close friends wore
red roses and nearly everyone waited in anxious anticipation for the
incredible banquet tha t followed. The ingredients that comprised the
exotic feast were flown in from New York to insure freshness. It
seemed that no expense was spared as a twelve course feast was
served featuring rare Chinese delicacies such as birds nest soup,
abalone, sea cucumber, whole yellow fish, Chinese vegetables or fat
105
Chapter Five
choy which sounds like good luck, steamed chicken on lettuce, sweet
and sour pork, and finally the feast was capped with pyramids of
lucky oranges placed on each table. Sheriff Lee in his address
thanked the ~roup for their support and commended them on their
work ethic. 1
Mr. Toy's address was given in a more traditional manner. He
spoke in Cantonese and brought smiles and nods of approval to his
audience as he reminded them of their achievements. However, the
two hundred that had crowded into the On Leon hall had witnessed
a major change that night. As smiles of personal achievement were
shared by all of those who had attended, the major portion of the
audience there that evening had difficulty sharing Mr. Toy's address. Although the faces were Chinese, many including Sheriff Lee
could not understand Chinese. The acqUisition of American wealth
and power had brought political acceptance, but the cost was nearly
their cultural unity. Suddenly, On Leon, the founders of the
freedoms that brought such success to the ~ounger generation could
not be understood by their own children. 82
The western year 1982 brought the Chinese year of the dog. As
the firecrackers left clouds of smoke and spectators ankle deep in red
paper, the play of the Shih Tzu puppy or lion dance was more
appropriate than ever. With beards snapping to the din of a drum
beat, the colorful and ancient lions adroitly snapped through the
spark and clatter of a calamity of firecrackers. Over five hundred
people gathered to watch the spectacle and nearly all were fascinated
by the play of lion and drum. With fingers in their ears and glowing
faces, children flocked to the front of the crowd. They teased, and
jumped with a startled bolt as the lion snapped his paper mouth and
beard in their direction. With giggles and a guarded smile they then
hurriedly returned to their front row site. Although the elderly
Chinese toward the back of the crowd reminisced about the lion
dances in Canton, this was not China. It was Baton Rouge and as the
Lion Dance ended, few would have suspected that the performance
was managed by some American born Chinese and Occidentals
under the instruction and direction of an American Kung Fu Master,
Louis Illar. 183
At New Year in 1979, Jeffery Cheng asked the group to perform
a public exhibition. Cheng's restaurant, Hunan, had enjoyed a healthy business. Wishing to entertain his patrons and preserve the spirit
106
The Chinese Lion Darce is row very m.JCh
celebration in Louisana.
107
a part of the New Year
Chapter Five
of the New Year celebra tions he knew in Hong Kong, he asked the
group to practice for annual New Year exhibitions at his restaurant.
His efforts fit well within Illar' s objective of expressing the full nature
of Kung Fu. Illar's group had already developed showmanship
qualities by performing some very successful fund raisers for
charity, and he had spent time in Taiwan researching and studying
the dance. However, the spring board that would make them the key
factor in the modem growth and popularity of Chinese New Year in
Louisiana, was their performance at the Baton Rouge Chinese
Association's New Year dinner at the Hilton Hotel in 1980. Over five
hundred American Chinese were invited and Steve Lee one of the
officers of the association had decided to surprise everyone with
some unexpected entertainment. l84
As the nearly all Chinese audience completed their elegant
American dinner, the portioned wall that had enclosed the dinner
party opened and suddenly there was heard an ancient drum beat,
then two lion dancers standing on the shoulders of two others
appeared and walked through the opening. In spite of the ancient,
and respected beat their drum and symbol played, all hands applauded the presence of the Chinese Lion Dancers a t their New Year
banquet. As some stood, with delight others struggled for their
camera. mar later commented that the dramatic lion entry was
symbolic of the lion being here on Gim Sum, the "golden mountain."l85
With the now acknowledged availability of a lion dance to
Chinese organizations and restaurants in Baton Rouge, Illar's group
had a full New Year schedule the following year with nine one hour
shows at nearly every Chinese Restaurant in Baton Rouge. Crowds
of people ga thered wherever the group performed and these shows
became a part of the annual press calendar of the Morning Advocate.
Every television network in the city seemed fascinated with the
action attached to Chinese New Year. Local talk shows had features
on Chinese New Year and the Chinese restaurants overflowed with
business. As activities slowed toward the end of the lunar month,
mar's group traveled and performed for restaurants and organizations out of the Baton Rouge area. Houston, Lafayette, Natchez
Jackson and New Orleans joined in the quest for the "lucky lion."l86
It was the request of the New Orleans based American Chinese
Business and Professional Association of Louisiana, Cab Pa Li, as it
108
Lou Illar's group perfonning the Chinese Lion Dance.
Chapter Five
was called, that brought the greatest change to the nature of Chinese
New Year celebrations in Louisiana. The American Chinese that had
lost touch with the tradition of On Leon, and their own language,
still hungered for their special brand of acceptance. Reared in a city
of debutantes and Mardi Gras Balls, this new generation hungered
to make the society column. It was as if the class structure of New
Orleans had stimulated the ancient class consciousness of these
American born Chinese. The Cab Pa Li gala was held in the Hilton
Hotel on the evening of February 13, 1984. The event went beyond
the tradition of wearing something new on New Year to wearing
something formal. Tuxedos and evening gowns graced all in attendance, and for the most part, the apparel did not seem out place
because the organization managed to acquire as guest speaker, the
Governor elect, Edwin Edwards. Sheriff Lee's political success and
his long time friendship with the Governor had managed to elevate
the New Orleans Chinese vote to a new level of respectability.
Suddenly, a formal New Year banquet was a good place to solidify
political alliances.
Despite their American backgrounds, the organizers had confronted a terrific dilemma in terms of procedure. Yielding face to
seniority and managing parental respect, lent each a thorough understanding as to the real reasoning behind those long traditional
Chinese banquets. Evidently, the intent of serving all of those dishes
during past banquets was to allow the elaborate Chinese protocol
ample time to run its cycle. Following the usual posing for photos, a
lengthy pledge of allegiance ceremony, dinner and a round of long
winded addresses tha t left the American Chinese audience searching
for another course to their brief American meal, most realized that
in the course of their efforts to become"accepted" something was
missing. As the entertainment began late around 1:00 AM, few were
remaining to be entertained. As each left, one family at a time, it
became apparent that without the traditional support of the senior
members of each family, the Cap Pa Li banquet had no predictable
support. The Times-Picayunes "Social Scene," carried a feature story
on the event. With six photos and nine paragraphs the event was
presented as more or less a Chinese social role as versed to a
significant cultural event. 187
Suddenly, the original intent of a unified Chinese Holiday was
gradually being fragmented. Less and less emphasis was placed
upon a unified involvement of the entire Chinese community. No
110
face was granted to age. Despite these problems of purpose, the
group still managed to salvage a significant momentum for the
following year. At the Sheraton Hotel on March 7,1985, the organization drew only three fourths of the original gathering in 1984. Under
the direction of Pat Lee, the event still made the "social scene." The
Times-Picayune carried the event for the second time, but it could not
overcome the natural relaxation that occurred after the first gathering. With social acceptance well established and no identifiable
reason for gathering the groups membership drive relaxed and only
achieved half of the membership that it enjoyed one year before.
Although Congresswoman Lindy Boggs addressed the group as
well as four others, the event was only granted one photo and two
paragraphs in the "Social Scene" of the Times-Picayune. The group
had reached its pinnacle of popularity the year before and it was
obvious that neither the press nor the New Orleans Chinese would
regularly support its efforts at New Year.l88
In 1985, after observing the popularity of the family restaurant
New Year festivities in Baton Rouge, Peter Lu organized a similar
effort at his Hunan Restaurant in Metairie. The event was far more
generous than any other of its nature. A stage was built for Illar and
his group to perform, and masses of food was prepared to give freely
to the spectators. Both Sheriff Lee and Congresswoman Liddy Boggs
were in attendance, but this was hardly a political opportunity. The
program began with an enormous burst of firecrackers that continued through every performance. For those who were unaware of
the custom or nature of these family business celebrations, much of
the atmosphere appeared confusing. An audience of five hundred
thrilled to the clatter and bangs of the trail of noise that the Lion
Dance carried. As dusk fell, the entire audience was presented with
a free twelve course buffet that featured duck, chicken, shrimp, fish,
and other exotic cuisine. The Lu restaurant that day exemplified the
traditional values of the gracious Chinese host. The entire family
validated and acknowledged their relationship with every relative,
teacher, and friend. When the smoke and the red paper were finally
cleared, it was obvious to many that the Lu family had presented a
New Year that few would ever forget. 189
By 1986 the popularity of public family restaurant celebrations
in Baton Rouge had become such an event that the "People" section
of the Morning Advocate had dedicated its entire section to an explanation of these festivities. The effort produced a front page article
111
Chapter Five
explaining Illar's Lion Dance, and his regular schedule of restaurants. Another full page was yielded to an article detailing the
family celebration of Mr. Jeffery Cheng, owner of Hunan Restaurant.
The copy filed by Chris Russo entitled "Family Rings in New Year
in a traditional manner," actually reveals the compromises and the
efforts of the Cheng family to maintain some modem sense of
Chinese New Year in America. 190 The family shared with the
reporter the nature of the New Year dinner and explained the
significance of each dish served at their Baton Rouge gathering.
However, within the script Mr. Cheng subtly reveals his personal
reminiscences of past family New Year gatherings in Hong Kong. In
that time Mr. Cheng was not the grandfather he had become in Baton
Rouge, and he had the responsibility of teaching his own children
the traditional values attached to the legacy of Chinese New Year.
During the traditional family ceremonies, he recalled the difficulty
of managing his youngest daughter's ceremonial bow to her
grandparents. He smiled and noted that the little girl would never
bow properly. The article then explains Mr. Cheng's affection for the
Chinese spirit that guards the wealth of the family. He expressed the
relationship as nearly a Santa Claus fantasy. "If you work hard he'll
enrich~our family with treasure, but if you're lazy he'll leave you
poor." 1 The article indicates that Mr. Cheng congregates with his
entire family in Baton Rouge for every New Year celebration.
Together, they paint small banners, bearing good wishes for the New
Year and shoot firecrackers. Although the article doesn't provide any
real details to indicate the specific nature of their family celebration,
it does provide enough to inform the public of the private and
personal importance of this event. Why did Mr. Cheng develop the
tradition of an annual public New Year festival at his restaurant? As
he gleefully expressed his business efforts to the reporter from the
MorninQ Advocate one point was made clear. "I like my friends" he
said. 19Z'
Thus, from the nineteenth century banquets that lobbied
against the Exclusionary Laws to the modern society pages of the
Times-Picayune, or the entertainment and peoples section of the
Morning Advocate, Chinese New Year has developed a genuine
American flavor. But as that New Year Lion annually dances
through the halls and kitchens of the restaurants in Louisiana, he
often sees on a special candle-lit altar the chivalrous red face and
black beard of an old friend Kwan Cung. He quietly stops there and
112
solemnl y bows three times in memory of his ancient and loyal friend.
After all, the struggle for good friends is what American Chinese
New Year has always been about.
Notes
143William Gay to E. J. Gay, October 6,1870 in Edward J. Gay and Family
Papers, Louisiana and Lower Mississippi Valley Collection, LSU
Libraries, Louisiana State University.
144Lavinia Gay to Nannie, February 2, 1892 in Edward J. Gay and Family
Papers, Louisiana and Lower Mississippi Valley Collection, LSU
Libraries, Louisiana State University.
145Times-Democrat, February 2,1892, p. 3.
146Liestman, Chinese in Black Hills, p. 80.
147Times-Democrat, January 31, 1890, p. 3.
148Ibid .
149Times-Democrat, February 2, 1892, p. 3.
150Ibid .
151 Interview with Mr. David Kwan, April 19, 1989.
152Gibson, Chinese in America, p. 120.
153Times-Democrat, January 27, 1893, p. 3.
154Ibid .
155Ibid .
156Ibid .
157Times-Democrat, February 21,1898, p. 3.
158Ibid .
159Ibid .
160Times-Democrat, March 1,1900, p. 5.
161 Ibid .
162Times-Picayune, January 30,1911, p. 4.
163Ibid .
164Times-Picayune, February 18, 1912, p. 3.
165Ibid .
166Ibid .
167Ibid .
113
Chapter Five
168Times-Picayune, February 11, 1918, p. 7.
169 Ibid .
171 Times-Picayune, January 26,1933, p. 1.
171. Ibid .
174Times-Picayune, February 6,1943, p. 3.
175 Ibid .
176Times-Picayune, December 22,1964, p. 4.
177Morning Advocate, February II, 1975, p. 11.
178Morning Advocate, January 25, 1976, p. 5.
179 Author's recollections.
180Interview with Mr. Long, and author's recollections.
181 Ibid.
182Interview with Mr. Long, and author's recollections.
183Interview with Louis Wang, Lion Dancer, February 5,1989.
184 Ibid .
185 Ibid .
186Ibid .
187Times-Picayune, February 14, 1984, p. 2, and author's recollections.
188Times-Picayune, March 7, 1985, p. 2, and author's recollections.
189Interview with Mr. Wang, and author's recollections.
190Morning Advocate, February 2,1986, p. 3.
191 Ibid.
192 Ibid .
114
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117
Vita
Lou (Lajos) Illar was born to an American Hungarian family in
Washington, Pennsylvania on July 21, 1946. He attended the public
schools in Fredricktown, Pennsylvania and entered California State
College in 1964. While attending college, he began to study Chinese
Martial Arts as a hobby. He graduated in 1967 receiving a Bachelor
of Science Degree in Education.
From January to July of 1967, he taught and counseled
prisoners at the Youth Development Center in Cannonsburg, Pennsylvania. In July of 1967, he began his work at West Virginia
University for a Master of Arts in Rhetoric. He completed that work
in 1969. He then accepted a position at Slippery Rock State College
in Pennsylvania and worked there for five years. Illar then moved
South to teach at Southern University. From 1965, his interest in
Chinese Martial Arts and health exercises never ceased. In 1974 and
1986, he spent his summers in Taiwan learning about the lion dance.
In 1974, he began to perform the dance in Baton Rouge, and began
to teach a professional program of Kung Fu. Th!"ough the years his
work as a martial artist received international acclaim in magazines
and media. Finally in 1986 he was appointed National Arts Liaison
for the Republic of China. In 1989, he completed work toward his
Master of Arts Degree in History at Southeastern Louisiana University, and presently isa doctoral candidate at Ohio University. In 1993
Lou Illar was credited as Associate Producer and Screenwriter for
the movie Sidekicks and is currently working on other film projects.

Lou Illar - White Crane Kung Fu Studio

Transcription

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