HelloWork,Sayonara1【 卿? :LessSecureEmployment
Transcription
HelloWork,Sayonara1【 卿? :LessSecureEmployment
HelloWork,Sayonara1【 卿? :LessSecureEmployment andtheZ;8'孟g8'5'ofJapan,sI.ostDecade ScottNORTH O30んor乙 碗'γε君∫め2G厂 α∂磊o'ε3c乃oo1(ゾHz∫ 〃7αη30'θ ηoθ5 WhatWasLostduringJapan,sLostDecade? DuringJapan'slong`:LostDecade'(roughly1990-2004),constructioncranes piercingtheskylines,shinynewcarstravellingthehighways,andwell-heeled,well-travelled,citizensgavetheappearanceofprosperity.Foreignvisitors丘equentlyremarked,`lf thisisarecession,thpnIhopewehaveonesoon'.ButunderneaththefagadeofundiminiShedgrOWth,aCertainmeaSUreOfSeCU.rityWaSbeing10St.FOrOrdinaryJapaneSe,perhapS themostimportantmanifbstationofthislosswasashiftinemploymentpatterns. ThepurposeofthispaperistospecifyhowgrowinguncertaintyintheJapanese employmentsystemcoincidedwiththeexpansionoftwindeflationarythreats.Thefirst wasdeflationintherealeconomyanditssocio-eConomicconsequences.Followingclose behindcamedeHationintheinteq)ersonal,emotionaleconomy.Putsimply,inthecollapse 飴llowingJapan's`BubbleEconomy'(roughly1985-1990),reductionsin`pe㎜anent' employmentandthecorrespondingriseoftemporaryjobsmeantdegradedlabourfbr increasingnumbersofJapanese,whoalsosuffbredalossofself」esteemastheirmarket valueandfhtureprospectsdeclined.Theincreasedpolarizationofthelabourfbrcesimultaneouslyunde㎜inedmiddle-classstabiliWandstimulatedtheexpansionofwhatmight betemledaneconomicandemotionalunderclass. Z吻βz4θηcε(るプGloわ α1Zレ εη6な ThesedevelopmentswerenotuniquelyJapanese.Duringthe1990s,industrial nations'strategiesfbrorganizingworkandeconomicactivityincreasinglyimitatedthe `rightsizing'practicedintheUnitedStates .Forexample,thefactoryclosuresthatrevived NissanunderCarlosGhosn,hadparallelsinGe㎜any,where丶blkswagenthreatenedto moveafactorytoEastemEuropeifworkersdidnotgrantworkinghoursconcessions. GMannounceditsintentiontolayofftensofthousandsinEurope,cutsGe㎜anscalled `Wild輪st'style ,lalthoughtheywerereallynomoreradicalthanmeasurestakenby Toyotatobecometheworld'smostprofitablemanufactureL21nSpain,thesiestadeclined ascustomarySpanishworkingpracticeswerere飴 ㎜edto且tthedemandsofglobalcom- petition.31nvestor-classdemandshomogenizedculturesofworkacrossbordersandtime zones,whilelanguageandculture,timeanddistanceremainedobstaclestothe飴 1Landler2004. 2Kamata2004. 3Nash2004. 67 ㎜ation 68 ScottNORTH ofacorrespondingglobalworkingclass.4 1nJapan,theimperativeoffaster,cheaperproductionmeantthatcherished,local employmenttraditionswanedatafasterpace.Asaculturalideal,workinpost-warJapanwaslong-te㎜employment,withsalaryandbene且tsawardedvariablyovertheli艶 courseof .駕α18workers,inpropo丘iontothelikelyneedsoftheir魚milies.5Thislong-te㎜ Japaneseemploymentsystemanditsaccompanyingsenioritybasedwageswerepossible becauseofcontinuouscorporategrowth.ButthatgrowthattenuatedWhentheBubble Economycollapsed. Duringtheheydayofthisemploymentsystem,theJapanesenamefbrtheunemploymentof且cewas5加 ん〃gアδoη'♂ 加 肋 職 業 安 定 局:theof且ceofemploymentsta- bility.DuringtheLostDecade,asifinrecognitionofthefhndamental.changesinthe Japaneseemploymentsystem,thenamechangedto伽 アδ 〃励 π(HelloWork)ハ ワ ー ク.Thehappy-soundingneologismattemptedtoputacheerfUlfaceonagrimshift: 伽 甲employment(切 δ 雇 用),withitsconnotationsofstabili取andIong-te㎜rewards, towork,withitsconnotationsofhourlyremunerationandlimited-te㎜contracts.Japaneseworkerswhosaid`hello'toworkand`sayonara'toん のノ δjoinedindustrialworkers elsewhereinsayinggood-byetothepredictablelifbstylestabilitythathadgenerallyaccompaniedlong-te㎜employment. ContingentEmploymentinthePost-bubbleJapaneseEmploymentSystem EmploymentinJapanwasalwayscontingentonthehealthoftheeconomy. Restructuringinhardtimeswascommon,withfbmalepart-timersthefirsttogo.Despite recenteconomicstagnationandnarroweruseoflong-te㎜employment,whencompared toEuropeandtheUS,long-te㎜employmentandsenioritywagesremaincharacteristic oftheJapaneseemploymentsystem.6Whatchangedwastheunprecedentedwaythat post-bubblerestnlcturingateintothecoreofpemlanentmaleworkers.Comingonthe heelsofaperiodofexplosivegrowthandinnatedexpectations,thepsychologicalimpact ofthisunexpecteddeclinewasgreat.Butitshouldnothavecomeasasurprise. Evenatitsmostrobust,thesystemfUmishedthebene且tsoflong-te㎜employment onlytoaminorityofJapaneseworkers,perhaps30percentofthetotalifpublicsector employeesareincluded,7Nevertheless,asasocialidealandanindividualgoal,longte㎜employmentwasapowerfUlmotivatingfbrcebehindJapan'spos伽areconomic competitiveness.Itlegitimatedlabourmarketcompetitionasameritocraticstructure,one thatparticularlyrewardedacademicachievement. AftertheBubble,eachofthefburfbundationsoftheJapaneseemploymentsystem wascompromisedtosomeextent.Thesefbundationswere:1)balancedagecomposition oftheworkfbrce;2)higheconomicgrowth;3)expectationsofthecontinuedexistenceof 五㎜s;and4)stableindustrialstructure.8Largecohoれsoflow-paidyoungworkersonce 4Silver2003。 5Rebick2005. 6Sato1997,Kato2001. 7CastellsI996,p.269. 8HattoriandMaeda2000. ロ ー ・ HelloWork,SayonaraKの δ? 69 gavetheiryouthfUlenergyandproductivitytosubsidizeoldercohorts'highersalaries. Thissacrificewasseenasfairbecausetheyoungworkersexpectedtobenefitsimilarlyas theyagedandtheirfamilyneedsgrew.Itwasalsosupportedbypresuppositionsaboutthe naturalnessofgenerationalsuccession.Buttheratioofyouthtoagelostitspyramidshape becausethebirthrateplummetedafterl974. Inaddition,asthebubblecollapsed,Japan'sexposuretocompetitionf沁mlowercostfbreignproducersgrew.Companiesmovedtoreduceburdensomefixedlabourcosts associatedwithlong-temlemployment.Layof飴andban㎞ptcies,eveninlarge且 ㎜s thoughtimmunetothem,aswellasincreasingof聴horeproduction,signaledthatworkers couldnotrelyo面 ㎜s'continuedexistenceorbenevolentcommitmentto`pe㎜anent' employment.W6rkersandfi㎜s.alikereconsideredtheimplicitcontractinwhichlongte㎜employeeloyaltywasrewardedinthelongrun. Asthecostofdevelopinghumancapitalwithin且 ㎜srose,retaininglabourbecame arisk.Firmsconsequentlybeganreplacingsenioritywageswithmeritbasedpaysystems inaneffbrttoattractskilledworkerswhocouldboostcompetitiveness.Thisstoodin markedcontrasttolong-tememployment,whereininternaldevelopmentofhumancapital wasseenasam句orJapanesebusinessadvantage.9 ThusSho丘er-te㎜wOrkbegantodisplacelong-te㎜emplOyment.aIntempOraryand contingentlabour,且rmsfbundflexibilityfbrcopingwiththeglobalcompetition.Prior to1990,contingentlabourwasoverwhelminglyfbmale.SociologistManuelCastells hypothesized,thatthe`occupationalsubservience'ofsuchahighlyeducatedgroupof peoplewouldnotlast.Hewrote,`[1]tisjustamatteroftimeuntilthehiddenflexibility oftheJapaneselabourmarketdiffUsestothecorelabourfbrce,callingintoquestionwhat hasbeenthemoststableandproductivelabourrelationssystemofthelateiロdustrial era'.loBytheturnofthecen加ry,thetransfbrmationpredictedbyCastellsonthebasis ofdata丘omthelate80sandearly90swaswellunderway,althoughnotfbrthereasons Castellspredicted.Somewomengainedaccesstolong-term,careeremployment,bbut themoreominousdevelopmentwasincreasingnumbersofmenjoiningwomenonthe periphery. ∠1Gア てル レ〃29ル1〃201膚'り2(∼ プ ル 五zη堅∫ η01μ そ)7んεアr5 In1982,about90percentofJapan'slabourfbrcewasemployedfhll-tim6.Ten yearslater,sixteenpercentofJapaneseworkersweretemporary,contract,orhourly employees.llBy2002,thesenon-regularworkerswereathirdofthelabourfb士ce,㎞own collectivelyincommonparlanceasソ 諺7πδ'.12 Thete㎜ ル 瀰wascoinedinthelatel980s.AcombinationoftheEnglishword `丘ee'andtheGe㎜anwordfbrworker ,`arbiter',〃 πδdesignatedpeoplewhowere neitherstudentsnorregular(5θ LabourandW61fare,ルrπ 觀 δspecifiedyoungpeople(15-34)doingα 9Dore1973. 10Castellsl996,p.272. 11HousemanandOsawaI995. 12ノ 正 規),fUll-timeemployees.FortheMinistryofHealth, 〉蹠 んε∫〃彩θんか,6January2003,p,1. 削 わα∫'o(part-time 70 ScottNORTH work)andthosetemporarilyunemployedafterleavingsuchwork,ratherthancontract workersofvariouskinds.13 However,manyresearchersdisagreedwiththisnarrowdefinition,fbritobscured thebreadthofchangesintheemploymentsystemandtheattendantsocialconsequences. GendaandMaganuma14identi且edanewgroupofpeople,especiallyyoungpeople,whom theycalledNEET,anacronymfbr`notinemployment,education,ortraining',Inthe viewofoneanalyst,NEETshouldbecountedaslatentプ 勿厂而 ノ5Suchbroaderdefinitions emphasizedthepracticalsimilaritiesbetweencontractworkersandル 厂πδ.Thecontingent empIoymentavailabletothesenon-regularworkersdidnotsupportfamiliesorlifb-plans asreliablyasregular,long-te㎜employment. Duringthebubbleyears,increasingdemandfbrlabourmadetheル 痂 δlifbstyle aviablealternativetoalifbcoursecircumscribedbycorporatedemands.Forabrief historicalmoment,theincreaseinル ァ磁representedtheemergenceofanemployment strategythatpromisedgreaterindividualf士eedom.c Butwhenthebubblepopped,ル 厂而ceasedtorepresentchoice.Insteadthey symbolizedthedownsideofglobalization'simpactontheopportunitystructureof Japanesesociety.Japan'semploymentsystemhadlonghadadualstnlcture,withdivisions betweenregularandnon-regularworkersanddiffbrenttracksfbrmenandwomen.The gapsgrewa負erl97516and,inthepost-bubbleera,theclassdivisionbetweenpe㎜anent andtemporaryworkersbecametherigidbasisfbrthewideninggapbetweenthenew middleclassandtheworkingclass.17ThesociologistYamadal8famouslycharacterized thisasa`hopegap:'thosewholostthesocialcompetitionfbrfUlltimejobswereleft hopeless. Forcompanies,thevariouskindsofプ レ πδrepresentedsavingsoffbrtypercent ormoreoverregularemployees.Therapidgrowthoftheル7π δminorityafterl990 symbolizedhowinequalitiesofwealth,opportunityandspiritgrewatafastpaceand seemedcertaintocontinuetoexpand.Asathirdoftheworkfbrce,theプ wasbecomingvisibleenoughtochallengelong-te㎜employmentasamainstream expectatlon. 加5∫oセ 劾 ε ハセw,Cz41∫z41℃(∼プCo漉'η9θ 厩 〃b7んd Increaseduseoftemporarylabourandsimultaneousdeclineinpe㎜anent血ll-time positionswascontemporaneousandintegratedwithseveralotherevolvingsocialtrends. Theseincludeddeflationandchangingconsumptionpatterns,birthratedecline,broken schooltoworklinks,changeingenderno㎜s,andsocialweli諭re且nanceproblems. Insecureemploymentmirroredotherchangesinsocialstructureandledtoincreasingcompetitionontheonehandandaltered(lowered)expectationsontheotheLWhile 13Kosugi2003,p.1-3. 14GendaandMaganuma2004. 15Maruyama2004,p.31-32. 16Hashimoto2000. 17V晒atanabeandSato2000. 18Yamada2004. 加 πδpresence HelloWork,SayonaraKの δ? 71 manyyoungpeopleofmeansredoubledtheireffbrtstogainentrytotheshrinkingnumber ofcareertrackjobs,agrowingminorityofyoungPeoplewerecompeIledbycircumstancestopursueotherlifbgoals,1eadingtoincreasedpluralisminJapanesesociet》 ㌃ Increasinglyubiquitous,thepresenceofthecontingentminoritywasanimplicitcritique unde㎜iningthe伽 , αoflong-te㎜maleemploymentandsendingpsychologicalshock wavesripplingthroughthesociety.191nthelongrun,thisshake-upmaypromoteimovation,buttheimmediateconsequenceofthedivisionoflabourbetweenpemlanentand temporaryworkerswastopromotesocial丘agmentationandeconomicinsecurity .Several manifbstationsdeservemention. ∠)(舜o"oη.Fallingpricesandassetvaluestendtoincreaseunemploymentandlowerwages,DeHationarypressureonJapan'seconomyafter1990damagedthejobprospectsofyoungjobseekersandledtofallingwagesfbrmanyofthosewhoremainedemployed。Companiesreducedworkfbrceslargelythroughattrition,nothiringreplacements fbrolderworkerswhoretired,andbydumpingcostlymiddle-aged,middlemanagers onafnliates.Whencircumstancescompelled且 sho宜 一te㎜andpa丘 ㎜stoaddlabour,theyhiredlower-cost , 一timeworkers. Co〃3〃 麗 ρ'∫oη.Low-wageworkershavel6sstospend.DeclinesinJapaneseconsumptionreduceddemandfbrproductsandaddedtothepressureon且rmstocutcosts . Thedropinconsumptionwasespeciallysharpfbrhouseholdsheadedbyyoungerpeople (aged20-40),thosemostlikelytobeル 廨 δ.20Althoughpricesfbllasretailerscompeted fbrconsumers,pricecutsspurredthedeHationarytrend. Consumersgrewconservativeafter1990duetouncertaintiesaboutwagesand employmentandfbarsaboutretirement.Joyaboutamild,relativeuptuminconsumption afterl999wastemperedbyreportsinwhich50%ofhouseholdsadmittedtodrawingon savingsto伽anceincreasedconsumption.211n2004,theCentralCouncilfbrFinancial ServicesIn鉤 ㎜ationfbundthat22%ofhouseholdswerewithoutsavings ,thehighest levelsince1963.22eThiswasindicativeofgrowingclasspolarizationandthereemergence ofan`underclass'livingpaydaytopayday,withlittletofallbackoninemergencies .One infivehouseholdshadlessthantwomillionyeninyearlyincome.23 Consumerswhoboughthomesduringthebubblewerealsosaddledwithhighinterestrateloans,whichfUrtherdepressedconsumption.Lowinterestratesandfallinghome pricサscouldstimulateconsumption,butthescarcityofgood,long-temユjobsreducedthe numberofprospectivebuyers.Still,in2004,fbrthefirsttimeinl4years ,landpricesrose insomeurbanlocations,suggestingthatthedeflationaryfloorwasneaL β 孜)んθη3伽o〃o〃 微 五'η総.Whencompaniesincreasinglyrelyontemporary workers,youngpeoplewhocannotfindfUll-timejobssoonaftergraduationarelikely toexperiencesign丗cantlylowerlifbtimeeamings.Theli血sbetweenschoolandwork whichlonglegitimatedschoolrankingsandsocialstrati且cationbasedoneducation brokenbythechangedclimatefbrhiring.Yamadasymbolizedschool-to-workasasystem 19RobersonandSuzuki2003. 20PrimeMinister'sOface2003,p.28. 211bid.,p.43. 22ね ραη7拗 ε5,21September2004a. 23Lopez2006. , ,were 72 ScottNORTH ofpipesthatoncesmoothlysortedanddeliveredstudentstoappropriatelocationsinthe labourfbrce,butfヒomwhichプ 加 而nowincreasinglyleak.24Withoutthepayoffofstable, fUl1-timeworkandthesocialmembershipitconfbrred,manystudentslostthedesireto competeorthehopeofsuccess.Thesituationwassodire,thatagroupofscholarsof ル 厂褫andyouthorganizedaconfbrencetoarguefbrtheneedtoestablishanewfieldof study,whichtheycalled`hopeology'.25 Them句orityofgraduatesdripPing丘omthemainstreamintoノ ン厂砺typejobsde- sired釦ll-timework,butcouldnot且ndit.Fu曲e㎜ore,thosewhodid且nd釦ll-timework immediatelyoutofschoolwereoftendismayedbylongworkinghoursarisingf士omrelianceontheshrinkingnumberoffhll-timeemployeesexpectedtobearanincreasingly heavyburdenofresponsibility,fSeparationratesfbryoungemployeesrose,withnearly halfofhighschoolgraduatesand35%ofuniversitygraduatesquittingtheirjobsinside threeyearsofbeinghired.26 Whethertheyquitorwereunableto且nd蝕ll-timeworkinthe五rstplace,adirect consequencewasthatyoungpeoplefbunditdif丘culttostartfamiliesoftheirown.A growingnulmberremainedル 厂而beyondtheageof30,althoughtheirinitialambitions werethesameasclassmateswho鉛undlong-te㎜employment.Itwaspredictedthat regularworkers'averagesalarieswouldbenearlydoublethoseoftheirpart-timeernployedcontemporariesbyage50.27Suchfbrecastsonlyincreasedル 厂砺'ssenseofbeing betrayedbythesystem. C加 η9加gGε η∂乙rハ リ7〃25α 掘Pρ ρ〃10'わ η7ア θ刀譫.Oneemergingstrategicresponse tothechangingemploymentclimatewastomodi取genderedbehaviourno㎜s.Tocushionthepossibilitythattheirhusbandsmightbelaidof£ortomaintainthefamilystandard oflivinginaerawhenmen'sjobshadstagnantorfallingwages,ortocounterthelackof bellefitscommontomostpart-timejobs,Japanesewiveswbrkedmoreandtooklesstime outtohaveandraisechildren.Becausemellwillingtosharehouseworkandchildcare werescarce,youngwomenincreasinglyavoidedmarriagealtogether.Thesestrategies,in combinationwitholder,continuingtraditions,suchnothavingchildrenoutofwedlock, meantcontinuousdeclineinthebirthrate.9 Arelatednewstrategyfbryoungmerl丘ustratedbylabourmarketconditionswas todropoutoftheJapanesedream.Insteadofstrivingtorealizethesalarymanprovider ideal,asmallnumberofyoungmaleworkerssought,withvaryingdegreesofenthusiasm, toaccepthourly-wagejobsandseeksatisf乞ctionoutsidework,sometimesinfamilylifb.28 Althoughmen'sfamilyworkparticipationexhibitedaslowrise,itdidnotkeeppacewith thegrowthofthecaredeficitcausedbywomen'sincreasedworkfbrceparticipation. 30c'α1晩 肋 肥.Low-wageworkreducedtaxrevenuesfbrpensionsandothersocial welf吾reprograms。Theimbalanceingovemmentrevenuesandpaymentsgrewintandem withtherapidagingofthepopulation.Thesocialwelfaresystemwasdesignedfbrfamilieswithafhll-time,malebreadwinnerandafhll-timehousewifbavailabletoprovide 24Yamada2004,p. .88. 25Declarationof`Hopeology'Symposium.15∫uly2005.TokyoWbmen'sPlazaHall. 26PrimeMinister'sOf且ce2003,p.71. 271bid.,p.69. 281to2003. HelloWork,SayonaraKの δ? 73 caretoeldersandchildren.Evenattheirpeak,suchhouseholdswereaminorityoffamir lies.`Thesocialsecuritysystemconstnlctedintheperiodofhighgrowthwasdesignedon thequestionableassumptionthatone-thirdofsocietyde且nedtheno㎜',29asonecriticof thesystemputit.Thesystem'sinadequaciesbecameobviousinthepost-bubbleperiod. Insum,thesocio-economicconsequencesofdegradedemploymentwereaworsenedhiringclimate,fallingwagesandslumpingconsumerdemand,whichspurredfUrther expansionofpart-timersandadecreaseinhiringnewfUll-timeworkers.Thesocialconsequencesincludedadecreaseinsocialcapitalandproductivitycausedbythedecrease intrainingthataccompaniedlong-te㎜employment.Fu曲e㎜ore,lesssecureworkhad anegativeeffbctonhouseholdfinances,marriageandbirthrates.Y6ungpeoplewithout secureemploymentfbundithardertobecomeindependentffomtheirparents,resulting indelayedmarriageand飴werchildren.Thelong-te㎜ef飴ctsofdeHationandcontingent employmentwereweakerfamiliesandheavierburdensonunder-fUndedsocialservices. ノゆo誌 ハセwE〃20'加 α1劭 漉 κ10∬ By2050,50%ofyoungpeople15-34maybe伽 而ofsomekind.30Whatsortof livesaretheylikelytohaveandwhatimpactwillthep703ρ θσofs豆chliveshave?The economicanddemographictrendscanbecalculated.Equallyimportant,butfarlessoften apPreciated,aretheemotionalconsequencesofdeflatedexpectations. Intheearly1960s,Japaneseeconomicgrowthwashailedasa`miracle'.Ezraand SusanneVbgel,socialpsychologistsffomHarvardUniversity,wroteabookaboutthis periodcalled加 α誌 ハセw超 翩 θC1α ∬.311nittheydetailedthe`brightnewlifb'of salarymenandtheirfamiliesintheTokyosuburbs.TheVbgelsdescribedtheadvantages ofsalarymanlifbandhowitprovidedstabilitythatmadesalarymenmoredesirablemarriagepartnersthanothermen.Salarymencouldpredictwithsomecertaintythearcof theircareersahdeamings,aswellaswhentheywouldhavetimeof£Salarymen'swives didnotneedtowork.Thankstothelong-te㎜employmentsystemandsenioritywages, theycouldconcentrateonconsumptionandsocializingtheirchildrenfbrentryintothe salarymanworld,eitherassalarymenortheirwives.Family,company,schoolingand communitywerethepillarsuponwhichthistmstworthyworldrested.Theimage合the Vbgelscapturedinthe1960sbecametheidealizedstereotypeofJapanesefamilylifbinto theboomyearsofthelatel980s. FortyyearsaftertheVbge1'sbookappeared,KaneharaHitomi'snovel,H劭 ρ'03〃 蛇 に ピ ア ス32sharedtheA㎞tagawaPrizefbrbest且rstnovel.Thestoryandchar- actersof地 伽 ψ1α5〃causedasmallsto㎜ofcontrover忌y,飴rthenovelintimately portrayedthesocialandfamilialdecaythatconservativecriticslikeHayashiMichiyoshi33 claimedwassappingorderandvitalityffomJapanesesociety.Althoughbasedonherown 290sawa2002,p.266. 30Maruyama2004,pp.85-88. 31Vbgel1963. 32Kanehara2004. 33Hayashi1996. 切' 74 ScottNORTH experiencesgrowingupinTokyo'spost-bubbleル7而subculture,Kaneharadeniedthat herbookwasacommentoncontempgraryJapan.Rather,shesaid,itwasastoryaboutthe heart.34Takingheratherword,whatkindofheartdidherbookdescribe? InthisstoryofatrioofyoungTokyoitesandtheirル 所 δsubculture,weseea wretchedurbanworldofemotionalpovertyandinarticulateemptiness.Rui,Amaand Shiba,asadistwhorunsatattooparlornamed`Desire',aretheprotagonists.Shibapierces bodypartsandsellshardwarefbrstretchingthepiercingsintogapingholes.Hehelped Ama,aル 所 δ,splithistongueintoasnake-likefbrk,withwhichhecouldholdacigarette. Amaisheavilydecoratedwithtattoos,includingawondrousdragon.Hiswild,spikyhair isdyedred.`Punk'inappearance,Ama'stattoosandpiercingsaremorethanmerefashion. Thesplittongueisextreme,butstillconsistentwiththerecentbodymodificationpractices ofyoungJapanesewhor(オectnotionsofethnichomogeneityandfnialobligationstolive withthebodiestheirparentsgavethem.35 Anotheψ 厂而,Rui,Ama'sgirlfhend,narrates.EntrancedbyAma'slingualdexterity andrepeatedviewingsofavideoofthepr6cessofgettingasplittonguedownloadedf士om theintemet,RuistartsdownthatroadherselfAsthenovelrushestowardamorbidend, theholeinthecentreofRui'stongueexpandsintandemwiththewideninggapbetween Ruiandherselfandsociety.Thepiercingisakindofpenetration,which,likesex,is heronlywayoffbelingexistence.Sheis丘equentlydrunk,outoftouchandunableto recognizeoracceptherfbelings. SeenthoughRui'seyes,thethreeliveoutsidesocialno㎜s.Shecoldlydescribes sadisticviolence,alcoholabuse,sexualexperimentationandmurder.Bythestorゾsend, Rui'svoiceisflat-lining.Thewa㎜thofthehumanhearthasbeenextinguished.Notyet twenty-five,thereisnothinglefttoanticipatebutdeath. FarremovedffomtheVbgelりssalarymanhouseholds,Kanehara'ssemi一 portraitofdepravityanddespairhadreallifbequivalents.Betweenl990and2003, Japan'ssuicideratenearlydoubled,exceeding30,000peopleperyear.Them句orityofthe victimswereyoullgm6n(15-24)andthoseintheirprime(45-54)whosesuicideratewas 5timesthatofwomenthesameage.361twasassumedthatmanyfbllintodespairbecause theirbusinesseshadfailedortheyhadlosttheirjobs.Unabletomeetobligationstotheir 魚miliesoremployeesduetotherecession,theytooktheirlivesinthetime-honored displayofsinceritythatgrantsameasureofredemption. MoStdisturbing,perhaps,werethegroupsuicidesofyoungJapanese.Meetingin onlinechatroomsdevotedtothetopic,youngpeoplewithnootherconnectiontoone anotherchoosetoendtheirlivestogether,of㌃enbycarbonmonoxidepoisoninginsealed carsonlonely,remoteroads.Thesedeathpactsseemedtobelastattemptsatfinding community.37 Meanwhile,manyotheryoungpeopleremainedisolatedintheirhomes,somenot ventu.ringoutfbrmonthsatatime.Theserecluses,estimatedtobeasmuchasonepercent 340nishi2004. 35Miller2004。 36DesapriyaandIwase2003,p.284. 37Harding2004. 且ctional HelloWork,Sayonaraκ 75 の δ? ofJapan'spopulation,38suf驚red丘om`socialwithdrawalsyndrome',or痂 々 紋)〃207∫ 引 き 籠1り,Oneaccountviewedtheirbehaviourasarationalresponsetothelossofcertainty aboutthefhturecausedbydiminishedemploymentopporUmitiesthatwouldcausea sizableproportionoftheyounggenerationtofallbelowthelivingstandardsoftheir parents.39 TheVbgels'accountofsuburbanlifbwasaproudviewofthenewmiddleclass duringtheperiodofhigh-speedgrowth.Kanehara'sstoryandcharacters,however, symbolizedanemotionalunderclassdevolvingonthecmmblingedgesofthatearlier middleclassdream.ItwasadevelopmentthatmanyJapanesewishedtoignore.Inthe wordsofGeorgeBemardShaw,`Theworsesintowardourfbllowcreaturesisnotto hatethem,buttobeindiffbrenttothem:that'stheessenceofinhumanity'。40Theル ァπδ subcultureKaneharadepictedwasrifbwiththisindif艶renceanditinspired丘osty contemptf士omthemainstream.Allthreecharactersintemalizedsociety'sindiffbrentgaze anditbecamethelensthroughwhichtheysawthemselvesandothers.SocietywastoRui whatthesunistoasnake.Buttherewasnoblameinheraccount,onlyinevitability.Like the㈱ んo脚 尸landthesuicidevictims,shecan't且ndherwayoutofthedar㎞ess.Indeed, sheandher丘iendswelcomeit,fbritgivesthemaplacetohide. 7》・orc∫ η9五'η ん∫ わεかレεθηCoη'〃298η'E〃 望ρ1αソ〃2θ η'α η{ノ石「 η20〃oア201D(グZα"oη Whilescholarsandbureaucratsconcernedwiththeノ 加 而phenomenonquickly calculatedtheala㎜ingsocio-economicconsequencesofcontingentwork,theequally worrisomeconsequencesfbrthelesseasilyquanti且edemotionaleconomyreceivedIess attention.Howcantheeffbctsoflessstableworkontheemotionaleconomybeunderstood? oneplacetostartisMauss'sideathatexchangesoffbelingsarethecurrency ofdailylifb,thegiftsthatanimatereciprocalsocialaction.41Astheranドsofル tempsswelled,troublesomegapsillincome,healthandoutlookgrewbetweenfUll-time employed,fUll-fledgedmembersofsocietyandpart-timeemployed,partialmembers. DuringtheLostDecade,Japan'sGinicoefncient,ameasureofincomeinequality,grew rapidly.Dependingonwhowasmeasuring,itrosetoeitherO.32420rO.49843by2004,up 丘omO.27in1980. Asinothers6cieties,growingincomeinequalityinJapanqreatesincreasingsocial distance:thegreaterthegap,theweakertheflowofemotionalexchangesandthegreater thedeHationintheinterpersonalandsocietalemotionaleconomy.WhatdeHationaryconsequencesmaybeexpectedtospreadasnon-standardworkincreases? D砌 傭 加4P1那 た α1αη41晩 吻1旋o肋.Biologists㎞owthatlowerrankedmem- bersofanimalsocialhierarρhiesdiesoonerandlivelesshealthylives.Humansocietyis 38Zielenzinger2006. 39Jones2006. 40Shaw1901,TheDevirsDisciple,ActII. 41Mauss1954. 42Economist15June2006. 43Lopez2006. 湧 δand 76 ScottNORTH noexception.TheWhitehallStudy,atwo-partlongitudinalassessmentoftherelationship betweenstatuslocationandhealthinawell-paidhierarchy(theBritishcivilservice),in whichallmembershadgovemmentprovidedhealthcare,fbundthatthelowest-ranked membershad2to3timeshigherratesofmortalitythanhighestrankedbureaucrats.Rank aloneexplainedmoreofthevarianceinmortalityratesthanallotherriskfactorscombined.44 0therstudiesoutsideJapanalsoshowedthatlow-incomecontractworkerswith lowlevelsofco-workersuppo丘hadpoorerhealthprospectsthanpe㎜anent,well-supportedworkers,45thatIow-incomepeopleweremorelikelytobeindenialaboutthehealth riskstheyfacedasaresultoftheirdisadvantagedstatus,46andthatsocioeconomicstatus wastightlycorrelatedtodiffbrencesinstressor-healthrelationships.47Allthesefindings wereconsistentwiththenotionthatsocioeconomicinequalitieswillberenectedinphysicalandmentalhealth.Fu曲e㎜ore,thereisevidencethatthe24/7economyandassociatedprolifbrationofnon-standardscheduleshasnegativeeffbctsonchildren'swellbeing, regardlessofsocioeρonomicstatus.Forexample,intheeighty-fburpercentofdual-eamer householdsinAustraliathathadatleastoneworkeronanon-standardschedule,children manifbstedmoreproblematicbehavioursthaninfamilieswithtwoparentsworkingon standardschedules.48 Thelinksbetweenworkandwellbeingaresupportedbystudiesofthelinksbetweenworkandpersonality.Deskilledwork,suchasiscommonintemporaryjobs,tends todegradetheworkerswhodoit.49Lesscomplexworkanddiminishedoccupationalself= directionapPeartoreduceintellectualflexibilitythroughoutthelifbcourse,50although thereisstillmuchwedonot㎞owabouttheseprocesses. 碓cおoη7勧 εDε 吻 砌 【 露 侃4Fo碗 かP現 γc乃010gy.Speed,lowcostandflexibility arewhatbusinessesseektogainthroughcontingentemployment.WorkerS,however,lose stability.Stabilityisneededfbrleisure,fbrlove,fbrtimetolistentochiIdrenandspouses, tocreate,toeat,topromotepersonalandco㎜uni取health. Scholarsof飴milyli魚 ㎞owthatthedemandsofmodemeconomiesalterthe sharednowoftimethatcomprisesfamilylifb.Timetogetherisreplacedbyindividual, seldomcomplementary,flowsoftime.Itiscommonfbrfamilymemberstomeetneetinglyintheintersticesofworkschedules,whichdominatebothphysicalandemotional needs.Throughphone,faxandemailworkersareneverreallyaway丘omwork,evenat home.Lifbisthusexperiencedas`affustratedsenseofcontinualinterruption'.51 Punctuatedbythedemandsofthepro且tmotive,thisintemlptedstreamofhumanemotionpollutesratherthanreplenishesthecommonemotionalaquifbrthatsociety drawsf士om.Futuregenerationsareaffbcted,too.LessafHuentfamiliestendtohave'worse 44Ma㎜ot1994. 45Liukkonen,etal.2004. 46Macintyre,McKayandEllaway2005.1 47Grzywaczetal.2004. 48Strazdinsetal.2004. 49Brave㎜an1974. 50Ko㎞1997. 51Ventura1995. HelloWork,Sayonaraκ(ワ δ? health.Theirchildrenbecomeparentssooner,andarelesspreparedfbrwork,parenting andsocialresponsibility.Thus,thecycleofneglectandignorancestartswithparentstoo pressedfbrtime(duetolowwagejobsthatareinadequatetomakeendsmeet)toattendto theirchildren'sneeds.Childrennotwellcaredfbrmayhavedifacultycaringfbrothers. Childrellnotadequatelyvalidatedbyoverworkedorabsentparentsaremorelikely tomissoutongainingrecognitionasstudentsbecauseofbehaviourproblemsrelated.to notgettingenoughaffbctionathome.Butthechainofindiffbrencecanstartatanyage. Adultswhoaredeniedthesocialhonorofstable,fUll-timeemploymentwillbelessable tomarryortorai.sechildrenduetoincomeortimepressures.Theyarelikelytocontributelesstothecirculationofpositiveemotionthatpromotessocialstability.Instead,the divisionsbetweenwimersandlosers,負rst-classandsecond-classcitizens,insidersand outsidersbecomesocialfaultlines. E〃20'∫o刀01Eco〃o〃2∫ ε5.Sociologistsofemotionsfindthatthesef乞ultlinescorre- spondroughlytodivisionsbetweenthreetypesofemotionaleconomies.The`economy ofgratitu.de'52isthemeetingplaceoflargersocialchangesandpersonalrelations.The phraseeconomyofgratitudeimpliespositiveemotionalexchange,mutualobligationand respect.Butitalsohasanegativemoment,whichmightbecalledtheeconomyofresentment.Thissecondfb㎜is,however,stillanexchangeof飴elings,althoughtheyaresour ones.Themostdangeroustypeistheeconomyofindif琵rehce,akindofemotionaltrade embargoorwithdrawalofone'scurrencyfヒomtheemotionalcirculation,whichfbrestalls thepossibilityofmaturation.ThisisthetypeofheartdescribedbyKanehara,thesuicide statistics,orthe乃 訛 訛o〃207∫tales. Afbw,highlyskilledル 痂 δmaybenefit丘ompart-timeworkbygainingmorecon- troloftheirtime,butunskilled,sec6nd-classworkersseethevalueoftheirtime.de且ated. Inmodernli艶,thepriceofone'stimeindexesthevalueofone'sli偽.Whenweworkonly pa貢 一time,ourvalueisonlysome魚ctionofthatofthefUll-timeno㎜. Inthelessprivilegedpartsofthe`faster-cheaper'economy,mindfhlnesshasbeen replacedbymindlessness.RuididnotmindifShibaabusedher,didnotmuchmindifshe diedorwaskilled.Herheartwasdryandshelackedeventraditionalculturalidentityto sustainherselfTheenvironmentshegrewupin-theperipheryofpost-bubbleJapanese society-didnotteachhertovalueherfbelingsorappreciatetheirsignalfhnction.Emotionshavebeencalled`amessengerfヒomtheself'.53Ruitriedkillingthemessenger,fbr themessage,`Y6uarenothappy.Yburlifbisempty.Ybuhavenopuq)ose',waspainfhl tohear. AccordingtoChristopherLasch,54peoplelikeRui,narcissistslackinganautonomous,well-definedsel£representtheneuroticpersonalityoftheageofadvancedcapitalism.Raisedinfamiliesweakenedbythepullofmarketdemands,theyaredeniedthe experiencesofparentalloveanddiscipline,`optimalfhlstrations',`transitionalo切ects' anddailycontactwiththefatherrequired丘)rsublimatingauthorityandthusachieving maturity.Suchchildrenremaininpsychicinfancy,theprisonersoffhntasiesofomnipotenceandfbarsofannihilation. 52Hochschild2003. 53Hochshild1983,P.x. 54Laschl977. 77 78 ScottNORTH WbuldRuiandA.ma,腕 窺 んo〃207∫orsuicidevictimsrecognizethisargument?Itis partoftheinsidiousnatureofcontemporarycapitalistdominationthatpeopledonotnoticeitsef琵ctsontheirsocialrelatio且s.Inaddition,thedominantJapaneseculturalstrategiestrainpeopletoreveredisciplinarypracticesthatenablethespeedupinproductionto continueinde且nitely,evenglorifyingthe3uppressionofphysicaloremotionalneedsas Vlltue. F〃 漉 δareanythingbutahomogeneouscategoryandル 尸而livesarevaried.But lackoffUllmembership,beingtemporaryandonlypartiallyvalued,isasharedaspectof theル7砺experience.Membershipisamajorcomponentofthelinkbetweencontingent employmentandemotionaldeflation.Lowstatusintheworkplaceorinsocietydamages selfesteemandcon且dence.NotbeingafUllmemberisacontinuousinsult .Whilebeinga ル 痂 δseemsinitiallytomakepeopleslightlyhappierwiththeirworkinglivesthanregular employeesbecausetheyareataremove丘omthepressuresoflong-te㎜employment,it wouldseemthatthissmall,sho丘 一te㎜gainobscuresalarge,long-te㎜loss.Marxargued thatmakinglong-te㎜losseslooklikeasho貢 一te㎜gainswasthedistinguishingtrickof capitalismAlthoughthelocalJapaneseidealoflong-te㎜employmentwasfbratimea partialbulwarkagainstsuchtrickery,nowthetrickhasbecomeglobal. Long-temlemploymentgavepeopleasenseofenduringmembershipinanemotionalcommunitythatwasworthstrivingfbLTotheextentthatlabourbecamecontingent,thiswaslost.Theideologyofco叩orate血milismwasexposedasalie:no且 ㎜is willingsacrificeitselffbritsworkers,whilethesacrificeofworkersissimplyacostof doingbusiness.Temporaryworkers,andthosewhospendtheirdayswonderingifthey willbenexttobemadetemporary,areeasilymanipulated. 3〃 配 脚 αリ ノ Sta丘ing丘omthequestionofhowchangesintheemploymentsystemtransfb㎜ed thelivesofJapaneseworkersduringthe`LostDecade',thispaperhasarguedthattherisingtideofglobalneo-1iberalcapitalismunde㎜inedthestabilityofJapan'semployment practices.Wavesofrestnlcturingerodedlong-te㎜employment,leavingbehindtemporaryandcontingentwork.Temporaryworkerscameinmanyvarieties,butwhateverthey werecalled,theirpartofthelabourfbrcewasgrowingatarapidrate.Asaconsequence, thegapbetweenregularandtemporaryemployeesgrewintoanincreasinglywideand rigidsocialclassgap.Widelyac㎞owledgedtrendsandsocialproblemsassociatedwith theemploymentgapincludedpriceandwagedeflation,decliningconsumption,falling savingsrates,laterandlessmarriage,fbwerchildren,brokenlinksbetweeneducationand work,andpredictedshortfallsinpensionfUndsandsocialwelfareprograms. Anothercriticaleffbctwasthedef[ationoftheemotionaleconomythataccompaniedexpansionofthetemporarylabourfbrce.WhenjuxtaposedwiththerisingexpectationsandstabilityofVbgel's.ノ ∂poη 否1>セwル θ襯1θClo85,recentstatisticalandanecdotal evidencerevealedthedefiatedexpectationsoftoday'syouth,howtenuouslytheywere linkedtom句orsocialinstitutions,andhow丘igidtheemotionalzθ'老gε subculturewas.Trans飴 ㎜edemploymentdirectlyaf驚ctedworkers'waysofli飴,expec- tations,self=imagesandcapacitiesR)rintimacy 競oftheル7ヵ δ HelloWork,SayonaraKの δ? ThereducedanddegradednowoffbelingsintheemotionaleconomywasalatentIinkbetweenclassandemploymentgapsandnegativephysicalandmentalhealth outcomes.Unstable,non-pe㎜anentworkcontributedto魚mily丘agmentation.Underappreciated,temporaryworkershadlesstocontributetotheeconomyofgratitude.Instead, theyaddedtothenegativeeconomiesofresentmentandindiffbrence,helpingtherebyto reproducecyclesofignoranceandneglect. ContingentEmployment:ACommonI)is紐ster? Thematerialisttraditionholdsthatashumanitytransfb㎜snaturetomeethumanneeds,soshallhumansbecome.Thesocialrelationsofproductionthatariseout oftheproductionofmateriallifbarethefbundationofboththepoliticalandemotional economy.Indii琵rencetowardtheenviro㎜entandhumanneedsaresymptomaticofan impoverishedunderstandingofhowthetwoarerelated.Byroutinelysuppressingand igno血gemotionalmessagesinthepursuitof魚ster,cheaperproduction,humanityis,in 鉛ct,suppressingandignoringitselfDepressionandanxietyaresignalsthatcrucialneeds arenotbeingmet,buttheseemotionalsignalsneedtobetakenseriously.W6mayrecoil atthehopelessnessofRui'stale,butweshouldrealizethatpeoplelikeheraremorethan statistics,althoughbirthratestatisticstellthestory:theconditionsfbrhumanreproduction deterioratedrapidlyinJapanduringtheLostDecade. AnxietyisrifbinthedevelopedworldandJapaneseworkersarenotaloneintheir 色arsaboutthefhture.ArecentHakuhodolnstituteofLifbandLivingreportstatesthat Japaneseconsumers'emotionalstatesaredominatedbygrowingfbelingsof`anger,anxietyandmisery'.55 The`fbaroffalling'outofthemiddleclasshasbeenamotivefbrceintheUSfbr morethan30years.56Two-incomef琶miliesintheUSeammoretodaythansingle-incomefamiliesagenerationago,buttheyhavemuchlessdisposableincome.57Theyfbar bankruptc》 もareangryattheoutrageoussalariesofchiefexecutives,andworrythattheir childrenwillnotbeabletohavemiddleclasslivesbecausejobsarebeingexportedto countrieswithlowerlabourcosts. Japan,too,isheadinginthisdirectionbecausehereconomyistiedtothatoftheUS andalsobecauseJapanisaglobalcompetitorAsinAmerica,dual-incomecouplesarethe no㎜nowandthes6cialcontractinwhichloyalserviceassuredoneli色timemembership inthemiddleclassisunderstress.58 TheAmericanstrategyhasbeenoffもhoring.Americanworkerscosttentothirteen timesasmuchasworkersinMexicoorShanghai.AworkerinGM'spartssubsidiary notedhowthatcostdiffbrencethreatensjobsecurity,saying,`Y6ucan'tcounton30years ofworkanymore'.Highlightingthelinksbetweeninsecureemploymentandemotional apathy,anothersaid,`Peoplethinkitdoesn'tmatter,alotoftimes,whatyoudo.Ybuhad 55Ha㎞hodoInstitute2004, 56Ehrenreich1989. 57Zucke㎜an2004. 58Zunz,SchoppaandHiwatari2002, 79 ScottNORTH 80 pride.Notnow.Ittearsyourheartout'.5gThelossofsecurejobshasdestroyedAmerican communities,suchasFlint,Michigan,showndramaticallyinMichaelMoore's1989創m RO49ε7α η4漉. Japanese且 ㎜sof飴hore,buttheirotherresponsetoglobalcompetitivepressurehas beentoexpandthecontingentlabourfbrceathome.Theresultsofcreatingalow-wage labourpool,economicandemotionalhollowing,aresimilartotheAmericanexperience. `Te㎜ 一employment',Toyota'seuphemismfbrmakinginsecur衂so跏dsecure,breedsa ruthlesscrisismentalityamongtemporaryworkers,whoarepaidonlyhalfofwhatregularemployeesmake.TheresultofToyota'ssingle-mindedfbcusonprofitisadramatic increaseinmentalhealthproblemsatthecompany.60 WhatMightBeI)one? Whilepointingoutthesourceofproblemsisimportant,itdoesnotfbllowthat therearesimpleremediesfbreitherofthetwokindsofdenationthatthreatentoexpand Japan'semotionalunderclass.Thereare,however,thingswemightconsideLFirst,it makesnosensetoblamethevictims.Them司'orityofルr砺arenotノ 諺7而bychoiceand itisdoubtfUlthatcompellingthemtodomiIitaryservice,asaleadingJapanesepolitician suggested,61wouldimproveeithertheirjobprospectsorthecountry.F〃7而areasymptom ratherthanacause. Fromtheperspectiveoftheyoung,thecauseiscoΦoratemanagement,whichis miredinthepatriarchalidiomofthepast.Elderly,out-of=touchmanagerscamotspeakto present-dayneedsandwillnotlistentothevoicesofyouthbutonlycontrivetoseemto belisteningfbrthesakeofapPearances.62 Giventherealitiesofglobalcompetition,Japan'semploymentsystemmustchange evenmoreradicallysothatatruemarketfbrlabourandtalentcangrow.・Ratherthan prefbrringonlyschool-leavers,employersshouldleamtorespectlaterachievementsothat therewillbeincentivesfbrpeopletotakerisksandworkatcontinuousself=improvement. Therehavetobeoppo血lnitiesfbr`losers'tobecome`winners',andfbrwomenandmen tomoveinandoutofthelabourfbrceasrequiredtomeetfamilyneedswithoutfbarof losingthefamilyhome. OnewaytosimultaneouslyaddressbotheconomicandemotionaldeHationisto reducestandardworkinghoursandhiremorepeople.TheKelloggCompanyintheUnited StatespioneeredthisapproachduringtheGreatDepression.Sharingtheworkbetween morepeopleallowedworkerstimefbrfamily,communityandindividual丘eedomIt wasparticularlyattractivetowomen.Theincreasedcostofhiringmoreregularworkers wasoff忌etbyadramaticriseinproductivity.Thesurprising血ndingofthisgreatsocial experimentwasthatwhenpeopleworkedless,theydidbetterworkoη lives.63 59HakimandPeters2004. 60Kamata2004. 61K句imoto2004. 62Mathews2004,p.126. 63Hunnicutt1996. げledmorefUlfilling HelloWork,SayonaraKbツ δ? 81 Thegovernmentcouldhelppeopleunderstandtheimportanceofahealthy emotionaleconomybyincorPoratingalternativemeasuresofprogressintoitsassessments . ThegovernmentofBhutan,fbrexample,hasreplacedGrossNationalProduct(GNP) withGrossNationalHappiness(GNH),ameasurethatrecognizesthatthepurposeof economicactivityoughttobeli色satis飴ction.64Maybewiththatkindofgovernment leadership,workersinJapancoulddiscoverintheirlivesavalueindependentofwork . Butwhatisofthegreatestimmediateimportanceistoenfbrcethelawson workinghoursandove丘imepay.Whenpeopleworkfbr丘ee,theyaretellingtheir employersthattheirtimeisworthnothingtothem.ThiscustomofselfLenslavement degradesempIoymentbyreducingthedemandfbrlabourasitreduceswages .Itisan institutionalizedmanifbstationofindiffbrencetoselfthatspursdeflationintheemotional economy.Incombinationwithsocialpathologiessuchassuicide ,痂 ん∫ んo吻oガ,school refhsal,classroomcollapse,increasingdivorceanddecliningbirthrates ,workingfbr 丘eeisanindicatoroftheextenttowhichtheeconomyofgratitudehasbeenreplaced byeconomiesofresentmentandindif琵rence.Suchphenomenade且netheboundaries Japan'snewemotionalunderclass.TheyalsohaveasignalfUnctiohthatshouldstimhlate imaginativeapproachestoachievingindividualandsocialmaturity . REFERENCES .43α痂5乃 肋 ゐ朋.5September2004,p.9. Brave㎜an,Harry・ 五〇わo厂o雇 ∫∫ 励Cε 伽 脚oかC@1'α θ 伽7脚"oη 舵 ゐ1物Dθ97α ぬ 珈(ゾ%厂 ん1励 ε肋 η一 ワ.NewY6rk:MonthlyReviewPress,1974. 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However,thiswasdueprimarilyto .theincreasedtenureoflargecohortsofworkers,aged50and above.Ybungerworkers,betweentheagesof20and49,hadmuchlowertenurerates,afUnction ofbothageandanincreasingtendencytoquitmorequicklythanearliergenerations(Hattoriand Maeda2000,10andl2,Chartsland3). bThepercentageofwomenincareertrackpositionswasabout3percent(オ3α 痂 翫 吻 わ跚5 September2004,p。9)。 cMathewsandhisteamfbundthatル 厂而stillbelievethattheirworkstyleoffbrsanescapef士om theJapanesemainstream.Theysaidtheywerehappierthanregularemployees.ButMathewsalso notedthatonlyasmallpercentageo肋 痂 δwillhavethe`pluckandskilrtoachievesuccessonthe periphery.Inthelongrun,regularemployeesaremuchmorelikelytobewimers(Mathews2004, P.132). dThissectionreliesheavilyonthe2003κ 欲 〃〃蜘 ∫θ'んα醜 加 ん〃訥o国 thePrlmeMinister'sOface.Ihavesummarizedits且ndings,withoutburdeningthetextwiththe comprehensivestatisticaldatathatinterestedreadersca耳findinthepagesoftheWhitePaperfbr themselves. eAveragesavingsoftherespondinghouseholdswas¥13.98million. fCo呻laintsaboutbeingfbrcedtoworkunpaidovertimehaveincreased.ProfbssorK(jiMorioka estimatedthatJapaneseworkersputinover¥27trillionworthofunpaidovertimein2002,equalto 8・18millionfUll-timejobs.Therewasalsoarapidriseinthenumberofcompaniesdisciplinedby LabourStandardsInspectiono缶cesfbrf琶iluretopayovertime,considered`asignofadeteriorating laborenvironment'.(ノ 勿o刀77〃2θ513August2004) gThebirthratehaslongbeenbelowreplacementlevel.Estimatesarethattwenty-fburpercentof womenboma負er1974willnotmarryintheirlif夸timesandfbrty-twopercentwillnothavechildren (Linhart2004). 民 生 活 白 書publishedby