HelloWork,Sayonara1【 卿? :LessSecureEmployment

Transcription

HelloWork,Sayonara1【 卿? :LessSecureEmployment
HelloWork,Sayonara1【
卿?
:LessSecureEmployment
andtheZ;8'孟g8'5'ofJapan,sI.ostDecade
ScottNORTH
O30んor乙
碗'γε君∫め2G厂
α∂磊o'ε3c乃oo1(ゾHz∫
〃7αη30'θ
ηoθ5
WhatWasLostduringJapan,sLostDecade?
DuringJapan'slong`:LostDecade'(roughly1990-2004),constructioncranes
piercingtheskylines,shinynewcarstravellingthehighways,andwell-heeled,well-travelled,citizensgavetheappearanceofprosperity.Foreignvisitors丘equentlyremarked,`lf
thisisarecession,thpnIhopewehaveonesoon'.ButunderneaththefagadeofundiminiShedgrOWth,aCertainmeaSUreOfSeCU.rityWaSbeing10St.FOrOrdinaryJapaneSe,perhapS
themostimportantmanifbstationofthislosswasashiftinemploymentpatterns.
ThepurposeofthispaperistospecifyhowgrowinguncertaintyintheJapanese
employmentsystemcoincidedwiththeexpansionoftwindeflationarythreats.Thefirst
wasdeflationintherealeconomyanditssocio-eConomicconsequences.Followingclose
behindcamedeHationintheinteq)ersonal,emotionaleconomy.Putsimply,inthecollapse
飴llowingJapan's`BubbleEconomy'(roughly1985-1990),reductionsin`pe㎜anent'
employmentandthecorrespondingriseoftemporaryjobsmeantdegradedlabourfbr
increasingnumbersofJapanese,whoalsosuffbredalossofself」esteemastheirmarket
valueandfhtureprospectsdeclined.Theincreasedpolarizationofthelabourfbrcesimultaneouslyunde㎜inedmiddle-classstabiliWandstimulatedtheexpansionofwhatmight
betemledaneconomicandemotionalunderclass.
Z吻βz4θηcε(るプGloわ α1Zレ εη6な
ThesedevelopmentswerenotuniquelyJapanese.Duringthe1990s,industrial
nations'strategiesfbrorganizingworkandeconomicactivityincreasinglyimitatedthe
`rightsizing'practicedintheUnitedStates
.Forexample,thefactoryclosuresthatrevived
NissanunderCarlosGhosn,hadparallelsinGe㎜any,where丶blkswagenthreatenedto
moveafactorytoEastemEuropeifworkersdidnotgrantworkinghoursconcessions.
GMannounceditsintentiontolayofftensofthousandsinEurope,cutsGe㎜anscalled
`Wild輪st'style
,lalthoughtheywerereallynomoreradicalthanmeasurestakenby
Toyotatobecometheworld'smostprofitablemanufactureL21nSpain,thesiestadeclined
ascustomarySpanishworkingpracticeswerere飴
㎜edto且tthedemandsofglobalcom-
petition.31nvestor-classdemandshomogenizedculturesofworkacrossbordersandtime
zones,whilelanguageandculture,timeanddistanceremainedobstaclestothe飴
1Landler2004.
2Kamata2004.
3Nash2004.
67
㎜ation
68
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ofacorrespondingglobalworkingclass.4
1nJapan,theimperativeoffaster,cheaperproductionmeantthatcherished,local
employmenttraditionswanedatafasterpace.Asaculturalideal,workinpost-warJapanwaslong-te㎜employment,withsalaryandbene且tsawardedvariablyovertheli艶
courseof
.駕α18workers,inpropo丘iontothelikelyneedsoftheir魚milies.5Thislong-te㎜
Japaneseemploymentsystemanditsaccompanyingsenioritybasedwageswerepossible
becauseofcontinuouscorporategrowth.ButthatgrowthattenuatedWhentheBubble
Economycollapsed.
Duringtheheydayofthisemploymentsystem,theJapanesenamefbrtheunemploymentof且cewas5加
ん〃gアδoη'♂
加
肋
職 業 安 定 局:theof且ceofemploymentsta-
bility.DuringtheLostDecade,asifinrecognitionofthefhndamental.changesinthe
Japaneseemploymentsystem,thenamechangedto伽
アδ 〃励 π(HelloWork)ハ
ワ ー ク.Thehappy-soundingneologismattemptedtoputacheerfUlfaceonagrimshift:
伽
甲employment(切
δ 雇 用),withitsconnotationsofstabili取andIong-te㎜rewards,
towork,withitsconnotationsofhourlyremunerationandlimited-te㎜contracts.Japaneseworkerswhosaid`hello'toworkand`sayonara'toん
のノ
δjoinedindustrialworkers
elsewhereinsayinggood-byetothepredictablelifbstylestabilitythathadgenerallyaccompaniedlong-te㎜employment.
ContingentEmploymentinthePost-bubbleJapaneseEmploymentSystem
EmploymentinJapanwasalwayscontingentonthehealthoftheeconomy.
Restructuringinhardtimeswascommon,withfbmalepart-timersthefirsttogo.Despite
recenteconomicstagnationandnarroweruseoflong-te㎜employment,whencompared
toEuropeandtheUS,long-te㎜employmentandsenioritywagesremaincharacteristic
oftheJapaneseemploymentsystem.6Whatchangedwastheunprecedentedwaythat
post-bubblerestnlcturingateintothecoreofpemlanentmaleworkers.Comingonthe
heelsofaperiodofexplosivegrowthandinnatedexpectations,thepsychologicalimpact
ofthisunexpecteddeclinewasgreat.Butitshouldnothavecomeasasurprise.
Evenatitsmostrobust,thesystemfUmishedthebene且tsoflong-te㎜employment
onlytoaminorityofJapaneseworkers,perhaps30percentofthetotalifpublicsector
employeesareincluded,7Nevertheless,asasocialidealandanindividualgoal,longte㎜employmentwasapowerfUlmotivatingfbrcebehindJapan'spos伽areconomic
competitiveness.Itlegitimatedlabourmarketcompetitionasameritocraticstructure,one
thatparticularlyrewardedacademicachievement.
AftertheBubble,eachofthefburfbundationsoftheJapaneseemploymentsystem
wascompromisedtosomeextent.Thesefbundationswere:1)balancedagecomposition
oftheworkfbrce;2)higheconomicgrowth;3)expectationsofthecontinuedexistenceof
五㎜s;and4)stableindustrialstructure.8Largecohoれsoflow-paidyoungworkersonce
4Silver2003。
5Rebick2005.
6Sato1997,Kato2001.
7CastellsI996,p.269.
8HattoriandMaeda2000.
ロ ー
・
HelloWork,SayonaraKの
δ?
69
gavetheiryouthfUlenergyandproductivitytosubsidizeoldercohorts'highersalaries.
Thissacrificewasseenasfairbecausetheyoungworkersexpectedtobenefitsimilarlyas
theyagedandtheirfamilyneedsgrew.Itwasalsosupportedbypresuppositionsaboutthe
naturalnessofgenerationalsuccession.Buttheratioofyouthtoagelostitspyramidshape
becausethebirthrateplummetedafterl974.
Inaddition,asthebubblecollapsed,Japan'sexposuretocompetitionf沁mlowercostfbreignproducersgrew.Companiesmovedtoreduceburdensomefixedlabourcosts
associatedwithlong-temlemployment.Layof飴andban㎞ptcies,eveninlarge且
㎜s
thoughtimmunetothem,aswellasincreasingof聴horeproduction,signaledthatworkers
couldnotrelyo面
㎜s'continuedexistenceorbenevolentcommitmentto`pe㎜anent'
employment.W6rkersandfi㎜s.alikereconsideredtheimplicitcontractinwhichlongte㎜employeeloyaltywasrewardedinthelongrun.
Asthecostofdevelopinghumancapitalwithin且
㎜srose,retaininglabourbecame
arisk.Firmsconsequentlybeganreplacingsenioritywageswithmeritbasedpaysystems
inaneffbrttoattractskilledworkerswhocouldboostcompetitiveness.Thisstoodin
markedcontrasttolong-tememployment,whereininternaldevelopmentofhumancapital
wasseenasam句orJapanesebusinessadvantage.9
ThusSho丘er-te㎜wOrkbegantodisplacelong-te㎜emplOyment.aIntempOraryand
contingentlabour,且rmsfbundflexibilityfbrcopingwiththeglobalcompetition.Prior
to1990,contingentlabourwasoverwhelminglyfbmale.SociologistManuelCastells
hypothesized,thatthe`occupationalsubservience'ofsuchahighlyeducatedgroupof
peoplewouldnotlast.Hewrote,`[1]tisjustamatteroftimeuntilthehiddenflexibility
oftheJapaneselabourmarketdiffUsestothecorelabourfbrce,callingintoquestionwhat
hasbeenthemoststableandproductivelabourrelationssystemofthelateiロdustrial
era'.loBytheturnofthecen加ry,thetransfbrmationpredictedbyCastellsonthebasis
ofdata丘omthelate80sandearly90swaswellunderway,althoughnotfbrthereasons
Castellspredicted.Somewomengainedaccesstolong-term,careeremployment,bbut
themoreominousdevelopmentwasincreasingnumbersofmenjoiningwomenonthe
periphery.
∠1Gア
てル レ〃29ル1〃201膚'り2(∼ プ ル 五zη堅∫
η01μ
そ)7んεアr5
In1982,about90percentofJapan'slabourfbrcewasemployedfhll-tim6.Ten
yearslater,sixteenpercentofJapaneseworkersweretemporary,contract,orhourly
employees.llBy2002,thesenon-regularworkerswereathirdofthelabourfb士ce,㎞own
collectivelyincommonparlanceasソ
諺7πδ'.12
Thete㎜
ル 瀰wascoinedinthelatel980s.AcombinationoftheEnglishword
`丘ee'andtheGe㎜anwordfbrworker
,`arbiter',〃
πδdesignatedpeoplewhowere
neitherstudentsnorregular(5θ
LabourandW61fare,ルrπ
觀
δspecifiedyoungpeople(15-34)doingα
9Dore1973.
10Castellsl996,p.272.
11HousemanandOsawaI995.
12ノ
正 規),fUll-timeemployees.FortheMinistryofHealth,
〉蹠 んε∫〃彩θんか,6January2003,p,1.
削 わα∫'o(part-time
70
ScottNORTH
work)andthosetemporarilyunemployedafterleavingsuchwork,ratherthancontract
workersofvariouskinds.13
However,manyresearchersdisagreedwiththisnarrowdefinition,fbritobscured
thebreadthofchangesintheemploymentsystemandtheattendantsocialconsequences.
GendaandMaganuma14identi且edanewgroupofpeople,especiallyyoungpeople,whom
theycalledNEET,anacronymfbr`notinemployment,education,ortraining',Inthe
viewofoneanalyst,NEETshouldbecountedaslatentプ
勿厂而 ノ5Suchbroaderdefinitions
emphasizedthepracticalsimilaritiesbetweencontractworkersandル
厂πδ.Thecontingent
empIoymentavailabletothesenon-regularworkersdidnotsupportfamiliesorlifb-plans
asreliablyasregular,long-te㎜employment.
Duringthebubbleyears,increasingdemandfbrlabourmadetheル
痂 δlifbstyle
aviablealternativetoalifbcoursecircumscribedbycorporatedemands.Forabrief
historicalmoment,theincreaseinル
ァ磁representedtheemergenceofanemployment
strategythatpromisedgreaterindividualf士eedom.c
Butwhenthebubblepopped,ル
厂而ceasedtorepresentchoice.Insteadthey
symbolizedthedownsideofglobalization'simpactontheopportunitystructureof
Japanesesociety.Japan'semploymentsystemhadlonghadadualstnlcture,withdivisions
betweenregularandnon-regularworkersanddiffbrenttracksfbrmenandwomen.The
gapsgrewa負erl97516and,inthepost-bubbleera,theclassdivisionbetweenpe㎜anent
andtemporaryworkersbecametherigidbasisfbrthewideninggapbetweenthenew
middleclassandtheworkingclass.17ThesociologistYamadal8famouslycharacterized
thisasa`hopegap:'thosewholostthesocialcompetitionfbrfUlltimejobswereleft
hopeless.
Forcompanies,thevariouskindsofプ
レ πδrepresentedsavingsoffbrtypercent
ormoreoverregularemployees.Therapidgrowthoftheル7π
δminorityafterl990
symbolizedhowinequalitiesofwealth,opportunityandspiritgrewatafastpaceand
seemedcertaintocontinuetoexpand.Asathirdoftheworkfbrce,theプ
wasbecomingvisibleenoughtochallengelong-te㎜employmentasamainstream
expectatlon.
加5∫oセ 劾 ε ハセw,Cz41∫z41℃(∼プCo漉'η9θ
厩 〃b7んd
Increaseduseoftemporarylabourandsimultaneousdeclineinpe㎜anent血ll-time
positionswascontemporaneousandintegratedwithseveralotherevolvingsocialtrends.
Theseincludeddeflationandchangingconsumptionpatterns,birthratedecline,broken
schooltoworklinks,changeingenderno㎜s,andsocialweli諭re且nanceproblems.
Insecureemploymentmirroredotherchangesinsocialstructureandledtoincreasingcompetitionontheonehandandaltered(lowered)expectationsontheotheLWhile
13Kosugi2003,p.1-3.
14GendaandMaganuma2004.
15Maruyama2004,p.31-32.
16Hashimoto2000.
17V晒atanabeandSato2000.
18Yamada2004.
加 πδpresence
HelloWork,SayonaraKの
δ?
71
manyyoungpeopleofmeansredoubledtheireffbrtstogainentrytotheshrinkingnumber
ofcareertrackjobs,agrowingminorityofyoungPeoplewerecompeIledbycircumstancestopursueotherlifbgoals,1eadingtoincreasedpluralisminJapanesesociet》
㌃
Increasinglyubiquitous,thepresenceofthecontingentminoritywasanimplicitcritique
unde㎜iningthe伽
,
αoflong-te㎜maleemploymentandsendingpsychologicalshock
wavesripplingthroughthesociety.191nthelongrun,thisshake-upmaypromoteimovation,buttheimmediateconsequenceofthedivisionoflabourbetweenpemlanentand
temporaryworkerswastopromotesocial丘agmentationandeconomicinsecurity
.Several
manifbstationsdeservemention.
∠)(舜o"oη.Fallingpricesandassetvaluestendtoincreaseunemploymentandlowerwages,DeHationarypressureonJapan'seconomyafter1990damagedthejobprospectsofyoungjobseekersandledtofallingwagesfbrmanyofthosewhoremainedemployed。Companiesreducedworkfbrceslargelythroughattrition,nothiringreplacements
fbrolderworkerswhoretired,andbydumpingcostlymiddle-aged,middlemanagers
onafnliates.Whencircumstancescompelled且
sho宜 一te㎜andpa丘
㎜stoaddlabour,theyhiredlower-cost
,
一timeworkers.
Co〃3〃 麗 ρ'∫oη.Low-wageworkershavel6sstospend.DeclinesinJapaneseconsumptionreduceddemandfbrproductsandaddedtothepressureon且rmstocutcosts
.
Thedropinconsumptionwasespeciallysharpfbrhouseholdsheadedbyyoungerpeople
(aged20-40),thosemostlikelytobeル
廨 δ.20Althoughpricesfbllasretailerscompeted
fbrconsumers,pricecutsspurredthedeHationarytrend.
Consumersgrewconservativeafter1990duetouncertaintiesaboutwagesand
employmentandfbarsaboutretirement.Joyaboutamild,relativeuptuminconsumption
afterl999wastemperedbyreportsinwhich50%ofhouseholdsadmittedtodrawingon
savingsto伽anceincreasedconsumption.211n2004,theCentralCouncilfbrFinancial
ServicesIn鉤
㎜ationfbundthat22%ofhouseholdswerewithoutsavings
,thehighest
levelsince1963.22eThiswasindicativeofgrowingclasspolarizationandthereemergence
ofan`underclass'livingpaydaytopayday,withlittletofallbackoninemergencies
.One
infivehouseholdshadlessthantwomillionyeninyearlyincome.23
Consumerswhoboughthomesduringthebubblewerealsosaddledwithhighinterestrateloans,whichfUrtherdepressedconsumption.Lowinterestratesandfallinghome
pricサscouldstimulateconsumption,butthescarcityofgood,long-temユjobsreducedthe
numberofprospectivebuyers.Still,in2004,fbrthefirsttimeinl4years
,landpricesrose
insomeurbanlocations,suggestingthatthedeflationaryfloorwasneaL
β 孜)んθη3伽o〃o〃
微
五'η総.Whencompaniesincreasinglyrelyontemporary
workers,youngpeoplewhocannotfindfUll-timejobssoonaftergraduationarelikely
toexperiencesign丗cantlylowerlifbtimeeamings.Theli血sbetweenschoolandwork
whichlonglegitimatedschoolrankingsandsocialstrati且cationbasedoneducation
brokenbythechangedclimatefbrhiring.Yamadasymbolizedschool-to-workasasystem
19RobersonandSuzuki2003.
20PrimeMinister'sOface2003,p.28.
211bid.,p.43.
22ね
ραη7拗 ε5,21September2004a.
23Lopez2006.
,
,were
72
ScottNORTH
ofpipesthatoncesmoothlysortedanddeliveredstudentstoappropriatelocationsinthe
labourfbrce,butfヒomwhichプ
加 而nowincreasinglyleak.24Withoutthepayoffofstable,
fUl1-timeworkandthesocialmembershipitconfbrred,manystudentslostthedesireto
competeorthehopeofsuccess.Thesituationwassodire,thatagroupofscholarsof
ル 厂褫andyouthorganizedaconfbrencetoarguefbrtheneedtoestablishanewfieldof
study,whichtheycalled`hopeology'.25
Them句orityofgraduatesdripPing丘omthemainstreamintoノ
ン厂砺typejobsde-
sired釦ll-timework,butcouldnot且ndit.Fu曲e㎜ore,thosewhodid且nd釦ll-timework
immediatelyoutofschoolwereoftendismayedbylongworkinghoursarisingf士omrelianceontheshrinkingnumberoffhll-timeemployeesexpectedtobearanincreasingly
heavyburdenofresponsibility,fSeparationratesfbryoungemployeesrose,withnearly
halfofhighschoolgraduatesand35%ofuniversitygraduatesquittingtheirjobsinside
threeyearsofbeinghired.26
Whethertheyquitorwereunableto且nd蝕ll-timeworkinthe五rstplace,adirect
consequencewasthatyoungpeoplefbunditdif丘culttostartfamiliesoftheirown.A
growingnulmberremainedル
厂而beyondtheageof30,althoughtheirinitialambitions
werethesameasclassmateswho鉛undlong-te㎜employment.Itwaspredictedthat
regularworkers'averagesalarieswouldbenearlydoublethoseoftheirpart-timeernployedcontemporariesbyage50.27Suchfbrecastsonlyincreasedル
厂砺'ssenseofbeing
betrayedbythesystem.
C加
η9加gGε
η∂乙rハ リ7〃25α 掘Pρ
ρ〃10'わ η7ア θ刀譫.Oneemergingstrategicresponse
tothechangingemploymentclimatewastomodi取genderedbehaviourno㎜s.Tocushionthepossibilitythattheirhusbandsmightbelaidof£ortomaintainthefamilystandard
oflivinginaerawhenmen'sjobshadstagnantorfallingwages,ortocounterthelackof
bellefitscommontomostpart-timejobs,Japanesewiveswbrkedmoreandtooklesstime
outtohaveandraisechildren.Becausemellwillingtosharehouseworkandchildcare
werescarce,youngwomenincreasinglyavoidedmarriagealtogether.Thesestrategies,in
combinationwitholder,continuingtraditions,suchnothavingchildrenoutofwedlock,
meantcontinuousdeclineinthebirthrate.9
Arelatednewstrategyfbryoungmerl丘ustratedbylabourmarketconditionswas
todropoutoftheJapanesedream.Insteadofstrivingtorealizethesalarymanprovider
ideal,asmallnumberofyoungmaleworkerssought,withvaryingdegreesofenthusiasm,
toaccepthourly-wagejobsandseeksatisf乞ctionoutsidework,sometimesinfamilylifb.28
Althoughmen'sfamilyworkparticipationexhibitedaslowrise,itdidnotkeeppacewith
thegrowthofthecaredeficitcausedbywomen'sincreasedworkfbrceparticipation.
30c'α1晩
肋 肥.Low-wageworkreducedtaxrevenuesfbrpensionsandothersocial
welf吾reprograms。Theimbalanceingovemmentrevenuesandpaymentsgrewintandem
withtherapidagingofthepopulation.Thesocialwelfaresystemwasdesignedfbrfamilieswithafhll-time,malebreadwinnerandafhll-timehousewifbavailabletoprovide
24Yamada2004,p.
.88.
25Declarationof`Hopeology'Symposium.15∫uly2005.TokyoWbmen'sPlazaHall.
26PrimeMinister'sOf且ce2003,p.71.
271bid.,p.69.
281to2003.
HelloWork,SayonaraKの
δ?
73
caretoeldersandchildren.Evenattheirpeak,suchhouseholdswereaminorityoffamir
lies.`Thesocialsecuritysystemconstnlctedintheperiodofhighgrowthwasdesignedon
thequestionableassumptionthatone-thirdofsocietyde且nedtheno㎜',29asonecriticof
thesystemputit.Thesystem'sinadequaciesbecameobviousinthepost-bubbleperiod.
Insum,thesocio-economicconsequencesofdegradedemploymentwereaworsenedhiringclimate,fallingwagesandslumpingconsumerdemand,whichspurredfUrther
expansionofpart-timersandadecreaseinhiringnewfUll-timeworkers.Thesocialconsequencesincludedadecreaseinsocialcapitalandproductivitycausedbythedecrease
intrainingthataccompaniedlong-te㎜employment.Fu曲e㎜ore,lesssecureworkhad
anegativeeffbctonhouseholdfinances,marriageandbirthrates.Y6ungpeoplewithout
secureemploymentfbundithardertobecomeindependentffomtheirparents,resulting
indelayedmarriageand飴werchildren.Thelong-te㎜ef飴ctsofdeHationandcontingent
employmentwereweakerfamiliesandheavierburdensonunder-fUndedsocialservices.
ノゆo誌
ハセwE〃20'加
α1劭 漉 κ10∬
By2050,50%ofyoungpeople15-34maybe伽
而ofsomekind.30Whatsortof
livesaretheylikelytohaveandwhatimpactwillthep703ρ
θσofs豆chliveshave?The
economicanddemographictrendscanbecalculated.Equallyimportant,butfarlessoften
apPreciated,aretheemotionalconsequencesofdeflatedexpectations.
Intheearly1960s,Japaneseeconomicgrowthwashailedasa`miracle'.Ezraand
SusanneVbgel,socialpsychologistsffomHarvardUniversity,wroteabookaboutthis
periodcalled加
α誌
ハセw超
翩
θC1α ∬.311nittheydetailedthe`brightnewlifb'of
salarymenandtheirfamiliesintheTokyosuburbs.TheVbgelsdescribedtheadvantages
ofsalarymanlifbandhowitprovidedstabilitythatmadesalarymenmoredesirablemarriagepartnersthanothermen.Salarymencouldpredictwithsomecertaintythearcof
theircareersahdeamings,aswellaswhentheywouldhavetimeof£Salarymen'swives
didnotneedtowork.Thankstothelong-te㎜employmentsystemandsenioritywages,
theycouldconcentrateonconsumptionandsocializingtheirchildrenfbrentryintothe
salarymanworld,eitherassalarymenortheirwives.Family,company,schoolingand
communitywerethepillarsuponwhichthistmstworthyworldrested.Theimage合the
Vbgelscapturedinthe1960sbecametheidealizedstereotypeofJapanesefamilylifbinto
theboomyearsofthelatel980s.
FortyyearsaftertheVbge1'sbookappeared,KaneharaHitomi'snovel,H劭
ρ'03〃
蛇 に ピ ア ス32sharedtheA㎞tagawaPrizefbrbest且rstnovel.Thestoryandchar-
actersof地
伽
ψ1α5〃causedasmallsto㎜ofcontrover忌y,飴rthenovelintimately
portrayedthesocialandfamilialdecaythatconservativecriticslikeHayashiMichiyoshi33
claimedwassappingorderandvitalityffomJapanesesociety.Althoughbasedonherown
290sawa2002,p.266.
30Maruyama2004,pp.85-88.
31Vbgel1963.
32Kanehara2004.
33Hayashi1996.
切'
74
ScottNORTH
experiencesgrowingupinTokyo'spost-bubbleル7而subculture,Kaneharadeniedthat
herbookwasacommentoncontempgraryJapan.Rather,shesaid,itwasastoryaboutthe
heart.34Takingheratherword,whatkindofheartdidherbookdescribe?
InthisstoryofatrioofyoungTokyoitesandtheirル
所 δsubculture,weseea
wretchedurbanworldofemotionalpovertyandinarticulateemptiness.Rui,Amaand
Shiba,asadistwhorunsatattooparlornamed`Desire',aretheprotagonists.Shibapierces
bodypartsandsellshardwarefbrstretchingthepiercingsintogapingholes.Hehelped
Ama,aル
所 δ,splithistongueintoasnake-likefbrk,withwhichhecouldholdacigarette.
Amaisheavilydecoratedwithtattoos,includingawondrousdragon.Hiswild,spikyhair
isdyedred.`Punk'inappearance,Ama'stattoosandpiercingsaremorethanmerefashion.
Thesplittongueisextreme,butstillconsistentwiththerecentbodymodificationpractices
ofyoungJapanesewhor(オectnotionsofethnichomogeneityandfnialobligationstolive
withthebodiestheirparentsgavethem.35
Anotheψ
厂而,Rui,Ama'sgirlfhend,narrates.EntrancedbyAma'slingualdexterity
andrepeatedviewingsofavideoofthepr6cessofgettingasplittonguedownloadedf士om
theintemet,RuistartsdownthatroadherselfAsthenovelrushestowardamorbidend,
theholeinthecentreofRui'stongueexpandsintandemwiththewideninggapbetween
Ruiandherselfandsociety.Thepiercingisakindofpenetration,which,likesex,is
heronlywayoffbelingexistence.Sheis丘equentlydrunk,outoftouchandunableto
recognizeoracceptherfbelings.
SeenthoughRui'seyes,thethreeliveoutsidesocialno㎜s.Shecoldlydescribes
sadisticviolence,alcoholabuse,sexualexperimentationandmurder.Bythestorゾsend,
Rui'svoiceisflat-lining.Thewa㎜thofthehumanhearthasbeenextinguished.Notyet
twenty-five,thereisnothinglefttoanticipatebutdeath.
FarremovedffomtheVbgelりssalarymanhouseholds,Kanehara'ssemi一
portraitofdepravityanddespairhadreallifbequivalents.Betweenl990and2003,
Japan'ssuicideratenearlydoubled,exceeding30,000peopleperyear.Them句orityofthe
victimswereyoullgm6n(15-24)andthoseintheirprime(45-54)whosesuicideratewas
5timesthatofwomenthesameage.361twasassumedthatmanyfbllintodespairbecause
theirbusinesseshadfailedortheyhadlosttheirjobs.Unabletomeetobligationstotheir
魚miliesoremployeesduetotherecession,theytooktheirlivesinthetime-honored
displayofsinceritythatgrantsameasureofredemption.
MoStdisturbing,perhaps,werethegroupsuicidesofyoungJapanese.Meetingin
onlinechatroomsdevotedtothetopic,youngpeoplewithnootherconnectiontoone
anotherchoosetoendtheirlivestogether,of㌃enbycarbonmonoxidepoisoninginsealed
carsonlonely,remoteroads.Thesedeathpactsseemedtobelastattemptsatfinding
community.37
Meanwhile,manyotheryoungpeopleremainedisolatedintheirhomes,somenot
ventu.ringoutfbrmonthsatatime.Theserecluses,estimatedtobeasmuchasonepercent
340nishi2004.
35Miller2004。
36DesapriyaandIwase2003,p.284.
37Harding2004.
且ctional
HelloWork,Sayonaraκ
75
の δ?
ofJapan'spopulation,38suf驚red丘om`socialwithdrawalsyndrome',or痂
々 紋)〃207∫ 引 き
籠1り,Oneaccountviewedtheirbehaviourasarationalresponsetothelossofcertainty
aboutthefhturecausedbydiminishedemploymentopporUmitiesthatwouldcausea
sizableproportionoftheyounggenerationtofallbelowthelivingstandardsoftheir
parents.39
TheVbgels'accountofsuburbanlifbwasaproudviewofthenewmiddleclass
duringtheperiodofhigh-speedgrowth.Kanehara'sstoryandcharacters,however,
symbolizedanemotionalunderclassdevolvingonthecmmblingedgesofthatearlier
middleclassdream.ItwasadevelopmentthatmanyJapanesewishedtoignore.Inthe
wordsofGeorgeBemardShaw,`Theworsesintowardourfbllowcreaturesisnotto
hatethem,buttobeindiffbrenttothem:that'stheessenceofinhumanity'。40Theル
ァπδ
subcultureKaneharadepictedwasrifbwiththisindif艶renceanditinspired丘osty
contemptf士omthemainstream.Allthreecharactersintemalizedsociety'sindiffbrentgaze
anditbecamethelensthroughwhichtheysawthemselvesandothers.SocietywastoRui
whatthesunistoasnake.Buttherewasnoblameinheraccount,onlyinevitability.Like
the㈱
んo脚
尸landthesuicidevictims,shecan't且ndherwayoutofthedar㎞ess.Indeed,
sheandher丘iendswelcomeit,fbritgivesthemaplacetohide.
7》・orc∫
η9五'η ん∫ わεかレεθηCoη'〃298η'E〃
望ρ1αソ〃2θ
η'α η{ノ石「
η20〃oア201D(グZα"oη
Whilescholarsandbureaucratsconcernedwiththeノ
加 而phenomenonquickly
calculatedtheala㎜ingsocio-economicconsequencesofcontingentwork,theequally
worrisomeconsequencesfbrthelesseasilyquanti且edemotionaleconomyreceivedIess
attention.Howcantheeffbctsoflessstableworkontheemotionaleconomybeunderstood?
oneplacetostartisMauss'sideathatexchangesoffbelingsarethecurrency
ofdailylifb,thegiftsthatanimatereciprocalsocialaction.41Astheranドsofル
tempsswelled,troublesomegapsillincome,healthandoutlookgrewbetweenfUll-time
employed,fUll-fledgedmembersofsocietyandpart-timeemployed,partialmembers.
DuringtheLostDecade,Japan'sGinicoefncient,ameasureofincomeinequality,grew
rapidly.Dependingonwhowasmeasuring,itrosetoeitherO.32420rO.49843by2004,up
丘omO.27in1980.
Asinothers6cieties,growingincomeinequalityinJapanqreatesincreasingsocial
distance:thegreaterthegap,theweakertheflowofemotionalexchangesandthegreater
thedeHationintheinterpersonalandsocietalemotionaleconomy.WhatdeHationaryconsequencesmaybeexpectedtospreadasnon-standardworkincreases?
D砌
傭
加4P1那
た α1αη41晩
吻1旋o肋.Biologists㎞owthatlowerrankedmem-
bersofanimalsocialhierarρhiesdiesoonerandlivelesshealthylives.Humansocietyis
38Zielenzinger2006.
39Jones2006.
40Shaw1901,TheDevirsDisciple,ActII.
41Mauss1954.
42Economist15June2006.
43Lopez2006.
湧 δand
76
ScottNORTH
noexception.TheWhitehallStudy,atwo-partlongitudinalassessmentoftherelationship
betweenstatuslocationandhealthinawell-paidhierarchy(theBritishcivilservice),in
whichallmembershadgovemmentprovidedhealthcare,fbundthatthelowest-ranked
membershad2to3timeshigherratesofmortalitythanhighestrankedbureaucrats.Rank
aloneexplainedmoreofthevarianceinmortalityratesthanallotherriskfactorscombined.44
0therstudiesoutsideJapanalsoshowedthatlow-incomecontractworkerswith
lowlevelsofco-workersuppo丘hadpoorerhealthprospectsthanpe㎜anent,well-supportedworkers,45thatIow-incomepeopleweremorelikelytobeindenialaboutthehealth
riskstheyfacedasaresultoftheirdisadvantagedstatus,46andthatsocioeconomicstatus
wastightlycorrelatedtodiffbrencesinstressor-healthrelationships.47Allthesefindings
wereconsistentwiththenotionthatsocioeconomicinequalitieswillberenectedinphysicalandmentalhealth.Fu曲e㎜ore,thereisevidencethatthe24/7economyandassociatedprolifbrationofnon-standardscheduleshasnegativeeffbctsonchildren'swellbeing,
regardlessofsocioeρonomicstatus.Forexample,intheeighty-fburpercentofdual-eamer
householdsinAustraliathathadatleastoneworkeronanon-standardschedule,children
manifbstedmoreproblematicbehavioursthaninfamilieswithtwoparentsworkingon
standardschedules.48
Thelinksbetweenworkandwellbeingaresupportedbystudiesofthelinksbetweenworkandpersonality.Deskilledwork,suchasiscommonintemporaryjobs,tends
todegradetheworkerswhodoit.49Lesscomplexworkanddiminishedoccupationalself=
directionapPeartoreduceintellectualflexibilitythroughoutthelifbcourse,50although
thereisstillmuchwedonot㎞owabouttheseprocesses.
碓cおoη7勧
εDε 吻 砌 【
露 侃4Fo碗
かP現 γc乃010gy.Speed,lowcostandflexibility
arewhatbusinessesseektogainthroughcontingentemployment.WorkerS,however,lose
stability.Stabilityisneededfbrleisure,fbrlove,fbrtimetolistentochiIdrenandspouses,
tocreate,toeat,topromotepersonalandco㎜uni取health.
Scholarsof飴milyli魚
㎞owthatthedemandsofmodemeconomiesalterthe
sharednowoftimethatcomprisesfamilylifb.Timetogetherisreplacedbyindividual,
seldomcomplementary,flowsoftime.Itiscommonfbrfamilymemberstomeetneetinglyintheintersticesofworkschedules,whichdominatebothphysicalandemotional
needs.Throughphone,faxandemailworkersareneverreallyaway丘omwork,evenat
home.Lifbisthusexperiencedas`affustratedsenseofcontinualinterruption'.51
Punctuatedbythedemandsofthepro且tmotive,thisintemlptedstreamofhumanemotionpollutesratherthanreplenishesthecommonemotionalaquifbrthatsociety
drawsf士om.Futuregenerationsareaffbcted,too.LessafHuentfamiliestendtohave'worse
44Ma㎜ot1994.
45Liukkonen,etal.2004.
46Macintyre,McKayandEllaway2005.1
47Grzywaczetal.2004.
48Strazdinsetal.2004.
49Brave㎜an1974.
50Ko㎞1997.
51Ventura1995.
HelloWork,Sayonaraκ(ワ
δ?
health.Theirchildrenbecomeparentssooner,andarelesspreparedfbrwork,parenting
andsocialresponsibility.Thus,thecycleofneglectandignorancestartswithparentstoo
pressedfbrtime(duetolowwagejobsthatareinadequatetomakeendsmeet)toattendto
theirchildren'sneeds.Childrennotwellcaredfbrmayhavedifacultycaringfbrothers.
Childrellnotadequatelyvalidatedbyoverworkedorabsentparentsaremorelikely
tomissoutongainingrecognitionasstudentsbecauseofbehaviourproblemsrelated.to
notgettingenoughaffbctionathome.Butthechainofindiffbrencecanstartatanyage.
Adultswhoaredeniedthesocialhonorofstable,fUll-timeemploymentwillbelessable
tomarryortorai.sechildrenduetoincomeortimepressures.Theyarelikelytocontributelesstothecirculationofpositiveemotionthatpromotessocialstability.Instead,the
divisionsbetweenwimersandlosers,負rst-classandsecond-classcitizens,insidersand
outsidersbecomesocialfaultlines.
E〃20'∫o刀01Eco〃o〃2∫
ε5.Sociologistsofemotionsfindthatthesef乞ultlinescorre-
spondroughlytodivisionsbetweenthreetypesofemotionaleconomies.The`economy
ofgratitu.de'52isthemeetingplaceoflargersocialchangesandpersonalrelations.The
phraseeconomyofgratitudeimpliespositiveemotionalexchange,mutualobligationand
respect.Butitalsohasanegativemoment,whichmightbecalledtheeconomyofresentment.Thissecondfb㎜is,however,stillanexchangeof飴elings,althoughtheyaresour
ones.Themostdangeroustypeistheeconomyofindif琵rehce,akindofemotionaltrade
embargoorwithdrawalofone'scurrencyfヒomtheemotionalcirculation,whichfbrestalls
thepossibilityofmaturation.ThisisthetypeofheartdescribedbyKanehara,thesuicide
statistics,orthe乃
訛 訛o〃207∫tales.
Afbw,highlyskilledル
痂 δmaybenefit丘ompart-timeworkbygainingmorecon-
troloftheirtime,butunskilled,sec6nd-classworkersseethevalueoftheirtime.de且ated.
Inmodernli艶,thepriceofone'stimeindexesthevalueofone'sli偽.Whenweworkonly
pa貢
一time,ourvalueisonlysome魚ctionofthatofthefUll-timeno㎜.
Inthelessprivilegedpartsofthe`faster-cheaper'economy,mindfhlnesshasbeen
replacedbymindlessness.RuididnotmindifShibaabusedher,didnotmuchmindifshe
diedorwaskilled.Herheartwasdryandshelackedeventraditionalculturalidentityto
sustainherselfTheenvironmentshegrewupin-theperipheryofpost-bubbleJapanese
society-didnotteachhertovalueherfbelingsorappreciatetheirsignalfhnction.Emotionshavebeencalled`amessengerfヒomtheself'.53Ruitriedkillingthemessenger,fbr
themessage,`Y6uarenothappy.Yburlifbisempty.Ybuhavenopuq)ose',waspainfhl
tohear.
AccordingtoChristopherLasch,54peoplelikeRui,narcissistslackinganautonomous,well-definedsel£representtheneuroticpersonalityoftheageofadvancedcapitalism.Raisedinfamiliesweakenedbythepullofmarketdemands,theyaredeniedthe
experiencesofparentalloveanddiscipline,`optimalfhlstrations',`transitionalo切ects'
anddailycontactwiththefatherrequired丘)rsublimatingauthorityandthusachieving
maturity.Suchchildrenremaininpsychicinfancy,theprisonersoffhntasiesofomnipotenceandfbarsofannihilation.
52Hochschild2003.
53Hochshild1983,P.x.
54Laschl977.
77
78
ScottNORTH
WbuldRuiandA.ma,腕
窺 んo〃207∫orsuicidevictimsrecognizethisargument?Itis
partoftheinsidiousnatureofcontemporarycapitalistdominationthatpeopledonotnoticeitsef琵ctsontheirsocialrelatio且s.Inaddition,thedominantJapaneseculturalstrategiestrainpeopletoreveredisciplinarypracticesthatenablethespeedupinproductionto
continueinde且nitely,evenglorifyingthe3uppressionofphysicaloremotionalneedsas
Vlltue.
F〃 漉 δareanythingbutahomogeneouscategoryandル
尸而livesarevaried.But
lackoffUllmembership,beingtemporaryandonlypartiallyvalued,isasharedaspectof
theル7砺experience.Membershipisamajorcomponentofthelinkbetweencontingent
employmentandemotionaldeflation.Lowstatusintheworkplaceorinsocietydamages
selfesteemandcon且dence.NotbeingafUllmemberisacontinuousinsult
.Whilebeinga
ル 痂 δseemsinitiallytomakepeopleslightlyhappierwiththeirworkinglivesthanregular
employeesbecausetheyareataremove丘omthepressuresoflong-te㎜employment,it
wouldseemthatthissmall,sho丘
一te㎜gainobscuresalarge,long-te㎜loss.Marxargued
thatmakinglong-te㎜losseslooklikeasho貢
一te㎜gainswasthedistinguishingtrickof
capitalismAlthoughthelocalJapaneseidealoflong-te㎜employmentwasfbratimea
partialbulwarkagainstsuchtrickery,nowthetrickhasbecomeglobal.
Long-temlemploymentgavepeopleasenseofenduringmembershipinanemotionalcommunitythatwasworthstrivingfbLTotheextentthatlabourbecamecontingent,thiswaslost.Theideologyofco叩orate血milismwasexposedasalie:no且
㎜is
willingsacrificeitselffbritsworkers,whilethesacrificeofworkersissimplyacostof
doingbusiness.Temporaryworkers,andthosewhospendtheirdayswonderingifthey
willbenexttobemadetemporary,areeasilymanipulated.
3〃 配 脚 αリ ノ
Sta丘ing丘omthequestionofhowchangesintheemploymentsystemtransfb㎜ed
thelivesofJapaneseworkersduringthe`LostDecade',thispaperhasarguedthattherisingtideofglobalneo-1iberalcapitalismunde㎜inedthestabilityofJapan'semployment
practices.Wavesofrestnlcturingerodedlong-te㎜employment,leavingbehindtemporaryandcontingentwork.Temporaryworkerscameinmanyvarieties,butwhateverthey
werecalled,theirpartofthelabourfbrcewasgrowingatarapidrate.Asaconsequence,
thegapbetweenregularandtemporaryemployeesgrewintoanincreasinglywideand
rigidsocialclassgap.Widelyac㎞owledgedtrendsandsocialproblemsassociatedwith
theemploymentgapincludedpriceandwagedeflation,decliningconsumption,falling
savingsrates,laterandlessmarriage,fbwerchildren,brokenlinksbetweeneducationand
work,andpredictedshortfallsinpensionfUndsandsocialwelfareprograms.
Anothercriticaleffbctwasthedef[ationoftheemotionaleconomythataccompaniedexpansionofthetemporarylabourfbrce.WhenjuxtaposedwiththerisingexpectationsandstabilityofVbgel's.ノ
∂poη 否1>セwル
θ襯1θClo85,recentstatisticalandanecdotal
evidencerevealedthedefiatedexpectationsoftoday'syouth,howtenuouslytheywere
linkedtom句orsocialinstitutions,andhow丘igidtheemotionalzθ'老gε
subculturewas.Trans飴
㎜edemploymentdirectlyaf驚ctedworkers'waysofli飴,expec-
tations,self=imagesandcapacitiesR)rintimacy
競oftheル7ヵ
δ
HelloWork,SayonaraKの
δ?
ThereducedanddegradednowoffbelingsintheemotionaleconomywasalatentIinkbetweenclassandemploymentgapsandnegativephysicalandmentalhealth
outcomes.Unstable,non-pe㎜anentworkcontributedto魚mily丘agmentation.Underappreciated,temporaryworkershadlesstocontributetotheeconomyofgratitude.Instead,
theyaddedtothenegativeeconomiesofresentmentandindiffbrence,helpingtherebyto
reproducecyclesofignoranceandneglect.
ContingentEmployment:ACommonI)is紐ster?
Thematerialisttraditionholdsthatashumanitytransfb㎜snaturetomeethumanneeds,soshallhumansbecome.Thesocialrelationsofproductionthatariseout
oftheproductionofmateriallifbarethefbundationofboththepoliticalandemotional
economy.Indii琵rencetowardtheenviro㎜entandhumanneedsaresymptomaticofan
impoverishedunderstandingofhowthetwoarerelated.Byroutinelysuppressingand
igno血gemotionalmessagesinthepursuitof魚ster,cheaperproduction,humanityis,in
鉛ct,suppressingandignoringitselfDepressionandanxietyaresignalsthatcrucialneeds
arenotbeingmet,buttheseemotionalsignalsneedtobetakenseriously.W6mayrecoil
atthehopelessnessofRui'stale,butweshouldrealizethatpeoplelikeheraremorethan
statistics,althoughbirthratestatisticstellthestory:theconditionsfbrhumanreproduction
deterioratedrapidlyinJapanduringtheLostDecade.
AnxietyisrifbinthedevelopedworldandJapaneseworkersarenotaloneintheir
色arsaboutthefhture.ArecentHakuhodolnstituteofLifbandLivingreportstatesthat
Japaneseconsumers'emotionalstatesaredominatedbygrowingfbelingsof`anger,anxietyandmisery'.55
The`fbaroffalling'outofthemiddleclasshasbeenamotivefbrceintheUSfbr
morethan30years.56Two-incomef琶miliesintheUSeammoretodaythansingle-incomefamiliesagenerationago,buttheyhavemuchlessdisposableincome.57Theyfbar
bankruptc》
もareangryattheoutrageoussalariesofchiefexecutives,andworrythattheir
childrenwillnotbeabletohavemiddleclasslivesbecausejobsarebeingexportedto
countrieswithlowerlabourcosts.
Japan,too,isheadinginthisdirectionbecausehereconomyistiedtothatoftheUS
andalsobecauseJapanisaglobalcompetitorAsinAmerica,dual-incomecouplesarethe
no㎜nowandthes6cialcontractinwhichloyalserviceassuredoneli色timemembership
inthemiddleclassisunderstress.58
TheAmericanstrategyhasbeenoffもhoring.Americanworkerscosttentothirteen
timesasmuchasworkersinMexicoorShanghai.AworkerinGM'spartssubsidiary
notedhowthatcostdiffbrencethreatensjobsecurity,saying,`Y6ucan'tcounton30years
ofworkanymore'.Highlightingthelinksbetweeninsecureemploymentandemotional
apathy,anothersaid,`Peoplethinkitdoesn'tmatter,alotoftimes,whatyoudo.Ybuhad
55Ha㎞hodoInstitute2004,
56Ehrenreich1989.
57Zucke㎜an2004.
58Zunz,SchoppaandHiwatari2002,
79
ScottNORTH
80
pride.Notnow.Ittearsyourheartout'.5gThelossofsecurejobshasdestroyedAmerican
communities,suchasFlint,Michigan,showndramaticallyinMichaelMoore's1989創m
RO49ε7α
η4漉.
Japanese且
㎜sof飴hore,buttheirotherresponsetoglobalcompetitivepressurehas
beentoexpandthecontingentlabourfbrceathome.Theresultsofcreatingalow-wage
labourpool,economicandemotionalhollowing,aresimilartotheAmericanexperience.
`Te㎜
一employment',Toyota'seuphemismfbrmakinginsecur衂so跏dsecure,breedsa
ruthlesscrisismentalityamongtemporaryworkers,whoarepaidonlyhalfofwhatregularemployeesmake.TheresultofToyota'ssingle-mindedfbcusonprofitisadramatic
increaseinmentalhealthproblemsatthecompany.60
WhatMightBeI)one?
Whilepointingoutthesourceofproblemsisimportant,itdoesnotfbllowthat
therearesimpleremediesfbreitherofthetwokindsofdenationthatthreatentoexpand
Japan'semotionalunderclass.Thereare,however,thingswemightconsideLFirst,it
makesnosensetoblamethevictims.Them司'orityofルr砺arenotノ
諺7而bychoiceand
itisdoubtfUlthatcompellingthemtodomiIitaryservice,asaleadingJapanesepolitician
suggested,61wouldimproveeithertheirjobprospectsorthecountry.F〃7而areasymptom
ratherthanacause.
Fromtheperspectiveoftheyoung,thecauseiscoΦoratemanagement,whichis
miredinthepatriarchalidiomofthepast.Elderly,out-of=touchmanagerscamotspeakto
present-dayneedsandwillnotlistentothevoicesofyouthbutonlycontrivetoseemto
belisteningfbrthesakeofapPearances.62
Giventherealitiesofglobalcompetition,Japan'semploymentsystemmustchange
evenmoreradicallysothatatruemarketfbrlabourandtalentcangrow.・Ratherthan
prefbrringonlyschool-leavers,employersshouldleamtorespectlaterachievementsothat
therewillbeincentivesfbrpeopletotakerisksandworkatcontinuousself=improvement.
Therehavetobeoppo血lnitiesfbr`losers'tobecome`winners',andfbrwomenandmen
tomoveinandoutofthelabourfbrceasrequiredtomeetfamilyneedswithoutfbarof
losingthefamilyhome.
OnewaytosimultaneouslyaddressbotheconomicandemotionaldeHationisto
reducestandardworkinghoursandhiremorepeople.TheKelloggCompanyintheUnited
StatespioneeredthisapproachduringtheGreatDepression.Sharingtheworkbetween
morepeopleallowedworkerstimefbrfamily,communityandindividual丘eedomIt
wasparticularlyattractivetowomen.Theincreasedcostofhiringmoreregularworkers
wasoff忌etbyadramaticriseinproductivity.Thesurprising血ndingofthisgreatsocial
experimentwasthatwhenpeopleworkedless,theydidbetterworkoη
lives.63
59HakimandPeters2004.
60Kamata2004.
61K句imoto2004.
62Mathews2004,p.126.
63Hunnicutt1996.
げledmorefUlfilling
HelloWork,SayonaraKbツ
δ?
81
Thegovernmentcouldhelppeopleunderstandtheimportanceofahealthy
emotionaleconomybyincorPoratingalternativemeasuresofprogressintoitsassessments
.
ThegovernmentofBhutan,fbrexample,hasreplacedGrossNationalProduct(GNP)
withGrossNationalHappiness(GNH),ameasurethatrecognizesthatthepurposeof
economicactivityoughttobeli色satis飴ction.64Maybewiththatkindofgovernment
leadership,workersinJapancoulddiscoverintheirlivesavalueindependentofwork
.
Butwhatisofthegreatestimmediateimportanceistoenfbrcethelawson
workinghoursandove丘imepay.Whenpeopleworkfbr丘ee,theyaretellingtheir
employersthattheirtimeisworthnothingtothem.ThiscustomofselfLenslavement
degradesempIoymentbyreducingthedemandfbrlabourasitreduceswages
.Itisan
institutionalizedmanifbstationofindiffbrencetoselfthatspursdeflationintheemotional
economy.Incombinationwithsocialpathologiessuchassuicide
,痂 ん∫
んo吻oガ,school
refhsal,classroomcollapse,increasingdivorceanddecliningbirthrates
,workingfbr
丘eeisanindicatoroftheextenttowhichtheeconomyofgratitudehasbeenreplaced
byeconomiesofresentmentandindif琵rence.Suchphenomenade且netheboundaries
Japan'snewemotionalunderclass.TheyalsohaveasignalfUnctiohthatshouldstimhlate
imaginativeapproachestoachievingindividualandsocialmaturity
.
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ENDNOTES
aAveragetenurefbrallworkersrosefヒomroughly9.5yearsin1982tojustoverllyearsin1998.
However,thiswasdueprimarilyto
.theincreasedtenureoflargecohortsofworkers,aged50and
above.Ybungerworkers,betweentheagesof20and49,hadmuchlowertenurerates,afUnction
ofbothageandanincreasingtendencytoquitmorequicklythanearliergenerations(Hattoriand
Maeda2000,10andl2,Chartsland3).
bThepercentageofwomenincareertrackpositionswasabout3percent(オ3α
痂
翫
吻 わ跚5
September2004,p。9)。
cMathewsandhisteamfbundthatル
厂而stillbelievethattheirworkstyleoffbrsanescapef士om
theJapanesemainstream.Theysaidtheywerehappierthanregularemployees.ButMathewsalso
notedthatonlyasmallpercentageo肋
痂 δwillhavethe`pluckandskilrtoachievesuccessonthe
periphery.Inthelongrun,regularemployeesaremuchmorelikelytobewimers(Mathews2004,
P.132).
dThissectionreliesheavilyonthe2003κ
欲 〃〃蜘
∫θ'んα醜
加 ん〃訥o国
thePrlmeMinister'sOface.Ihavesummarizedits且ndings,withoutburdeningthetextwiththe
comprehensivestatisticaldatathatinterestedreadersca耳findinthepagesoftheWhitePaperfbr
themselves.
eAveragesavingsoftherespondinghouseholdswas¥13.98million.
fCo呻laintsaboutbeingfbrcedtoworkunpaidovertimehaveincreased.ProfbssorK(jiMorioka
estimatedthatJapaneseworkersputinover¥27trillionworthofunpaidovertimein2002,equalto
8・18millionfUll-timejobs.Therewasalsoarapidriseinthenumberofcompaniesdisciplinedby
LabourStandardsInspectiono缶cesfbrf琶iluretopayovertime,considered`asignofadeteriorating
laborenvironment'.(ノ
勿o刀77〃2θ513August2004)
gThebirthratehaslongbeenbelowreplacementlevel.Estimatesarethattwenty-fburpercentof
womenboma負er1974willnotmarryintheirlif夸timesandfbrty-twopercentwillnothavechildren
(Linhart2004).
民 生 活
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