Does VOT distinguish homorganic stops in Blackfoot?
Transcription
Does VOT distinguish homorganic stops in Blackfoot?
Does VOT Distinguish Homorganic Stops in Blackfoot? Donald Derrick th 38 University of British Columbia Algonquian Conference, UBC, Vancouver, BC, 2006 Hypothesis Introduction • Blackfoot has no voiced / voiceless stop contrasts. • Blackfoot stops contrast labial, alveolar, and velar (p, t, k) • Blackfoot contrasts homorganic “voiceless” and “preaspirated” stops (Reis-Silva, 2006) “voiceless” t [t] mootokis [motoks] hide/skin • Positive Voice Onset Time (VOT) is the time, in milliseconds, from the stop burst to voicing onset Summary of Reis-Silva’s Analysis Evidence For “h” as “pre-aspiration” vs. Frantz “h” as back fricative 1) No word, phrase, or morpheme ends with “h” (F & R, 1995) 2) The “h” can only occur after vowels (F & R, 1995) 3) The “h” cannot be geminate (Reis-Silva, 2006) 4) The “h” precedes short stop/affricate and “s” only {p, t, k, ts,ks, s, ss} (Reis-Silva, 2006) 5) “h” devoices preceding vowels: V V / _(-)hC (Reis-Silva, 2006) “pre-aspirated” ht [ht] aakohto'tstsii [áakototstsi ] it will come from the north a. [iipiima] ii-pii-m-(wa) TH-enter-F-3PS 'He came in' ii ii / _-hC a. [iipiji] ii-hpi-yi-(wa) TH-dance-TH-3PS 'He danced' Burst Pre-Voicing a. [ipiima] a-i-pii-m-(wa) DUR-TH-enter-F-3PS 'He comes in' b. [ipiji] a-i-hpi-yi-(wa) DUR-TH-dance-TH-3PS 'He dances' i i / _-hC Pre-Aspiration Measurements were taken from two contexts to insure the consistency of results: silent 45 10 48 67 170 Syllable Position Post-Aspiration by Position 110 100 90 aspiration duration 80 70 Significant 31% of the Effect Tools Waveform: PRAAT 4.4.32 Mac Tabulation: MS Excel for Mac Analysis: JMP IN 5.1 Mac Positions Position word-onset prevocalic intervocalic postvocalic Number 72 139 183 24 Mean 37.7 23.3 23.1 10.0 Std Error 1.83 1.31 1.15 3.16 PostHoc: Students’s T-Test 60 50 Position word onse t A prevocalic B intervocalic B postvocalic C 40 30 20 10 4) postvocalic 3) intervocalic 2) prevocalic 0 1) word-onset plosive stops {p, t, k} “voiceless” & “pre-aspirated” silent norma l 45 preaspirated 7 5 120 pre-voiced 138 183 14 24 8 56 5 72 165 335 Storytelling Data • Pre-voicing Counts • Positive VOT • A discrete measure, whether there is voicing during closure (pre-voicing counts), may be more useful word-internally. (Lisker, 1986) Test 2: Do “Voiceless” stops have more “pre-voicing” and/or shorter VOT than“pre-aspirated” stops? (Lisker, 1986) Each Pair Student's t 0.05 position F(3,414) = 24.91, P < 0.0001 Mean 37.7 23.3 23.1 10.0 Significant Word Onsets have greater Aspiration Word Onset Intervocalic Before “s” (postvocalic) After “s” (prevocalic) Special thanks to our Blackfoot Language Consultant Beatrice Bullshields. Conclusion pre-voiced 138 183 8 83 146 266 Hypothesis Partially Supported R2 (1,264) = 29.8% 2 = 109.4, P < 0.0001 Significant 30% of the Effect R2 (3,331) = 31.3% 2 = 145.3, P < 0.0001 Recorder: Marantz PMD 660 Microphone: Countryman EMW P4F05B Lapel Conditions: Field (Signal to Noise 35-40db) Context: Words in Isolation, from Consultant Memory Tokens •VOT measures are known to be different, and sometimes irrelevant, word internally (Lisker, 1986) Test 2 intervocalic postvocalic prevocalic word onse t Consultant: One female Native Blackfoot Speaker Elicitor: Donald Derrick Date: Multiple Recordings 2005/2006 Measurements • But, Blackfoot homorganic stops can only be distinguished word internally because “pre-aspirated” stops only occur there (Reis-Silva, 2006) Test 1 Citation Data Recorder: Marantz PMD 670 Microphone: Sennheiser E845 dynamic Conditions: Field (Signal to Noise 35db) Context: Storytelling from Consultant Memory • The original VOT studies, and most since, are based on word onsets only (see Lisker, 1986) Test 1: Do Word-initial stops have longer VOT and less “prevoicing” than word-internal stops? (Lisker & Abramson, 1964, 1971) Results Methods Consultant: One female Native Blackfoot Speaker Elicitor: Martina Wiltschko Date: One Recording, Summer 2005 • Lisker and Abramson claim VOT is the best measure for distinguishing homorganic stop categories (Lisker & Abramson, 1964, 1971) VOT and pre-voicing can distinguish “voiceless” from “pre-aspirated” stops count post-aspiration norma l 183 23.1 preaspirated 8 2 24.0 Consonant Type Discrete Voicing measures, but not VOT, help distinguish “voiceless” and “pre-aspirated” stops in Blackfoot. Discussion • Test 1: Word onset stops have more aspiration, less pre-voicing • Test 2: Aspiration differences do not distinguish homorganic stops in Blackfoot • Test 2: Discrete pre-voicing counts are much higher in “voiceless” stops • Most VOT studies use word-initial stops; not representative of word-internal stops VOT study methodologies need to change • There are pre-voicing count differences between “voiceless” and “pre-aspirated” stops, but the VOT measure is meaningless. VOT cannot distinguish homorganic stop categories in Blackfoot • Storytelling and citation measure differences were negligible, and not shown here. Both citation and Storytelling speech may be used • This study had only one speaker More speakers are needed to make conclusive statements References Derrick, Donald D. 2005, Singleton and Geminate duration, UBC Paper. Frantz, Donald G., and Russell, Norma Jean. 1995. Blackfoot Dictionary of Stems, Roots and Affixes. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Lisker, Leigh & Abramson, Arthur S. 1964. A cross-language study of voicing in initial stops: acoustical measurements. Word 20:384-422. Lisker, Leigh and Abramson, Arthur S. 1971. Distinctive Features and Laryngeal Control. Language 47:767-785. Lisker, Leigh. 1986. "Voicing" in English: A Catalog of Acoustic Features Signaling /b/ Versus /p/ in Trochees. Language and Speech 29:3-11. Reis-Silva, Amélia. 2006. Pre-aspiration in Blackfoot. 38th Algonquian Conference, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC. Taylor, Allan Ross. 1969. A Grammar of Blackfoot. Linguistics PhD, University of California, Berkeley. Acknowledgements: Thanks to Mario Chávez-Peón, Bryan Gick, Amélia Reis-Silva and Joe Stemberger for help in organization and clarity, and Rose-Marie Déchaine for printing costs. Research funded by SSHRC Grant # 410-2006-2166, Grammatical categories and the universal functional hierarchy, Martina Wiltschko