Gadfly 11-13 rev - Florida Police Benevolent Association
Transcription
Gadfly 11-13 rev - Florida Police Benevolent Association
Volume 25, Issue 4, November 2013 The official quarterly publication of the Big Bend Chapter of the Florida PBA INSIDE 3 Let Us Never Forget!!! 4 From Your Editor 5-6 An Identification of Factors Influencing Police Workplace Motivation 8 Morgan-Byrd Family Rish Park 9 FAMU News 9 A Community In Action 10-11 2013 Year End Rant 12-13 Helping Us or Hurting Us? General Order #5 Professional Development 14 What Is Warrior Culture? 16-23 Police officers’ attitudes, behavior, & supervisory influences: An analysis of problem solving 24 Christmas Trees For Sale And Much, Much More! PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE Steve Slade G reetings to all! As you are well aware, our collective bargaining agreement has expired and we are working in the “status quo” mode. Unfortunately, we had to declare impasse on October 1st, due to the unbelievably poor financial package that the City of Tallahassee offered you. However, we continue to meet in collective bargaining sessions as we await our hearing with the Special Magistrate who has been selected. We are also attempting to mediate prior to that date. Therefore, the expired agreement will remain “status quo” until an agreement is met with the City, through mediation, or a ruling by the Special Magistrate. It is truly unfortunate that we must play these games every three years as public servants who protect this community. At one point, I was optimistic that we could have this completed before the current agreement expired. However, that has faded away! Many would like to use current events against our most “noble” profession and use these attacks as an attempt to back you in a corner to accept anything. However, we will not wavier and we will not accept this. You put your lives on the line for this community, second guessed and “Monday Morning Quarterbacked” by those who can’t do the job, can no longer do the job, or at the very least, forgot how to do it. This is a time that we must stay united and provide the best law enforcement services that this community has seen. Follow your training and adhere to our policies and procedures. Furthermore, protect yourselves at all times; because after every tour of duty, I expect you to go home to your family and loved ones. Many of you continue to ask about your vacation, i.e. snap shot. As I have continuously advised, regardless of what you are being told out of the City’s Retirement Office, if it’s not in writing, then do not count on it. It you want to maximize this expired benefit, hold on to your personal leave until the contract is settled one way or another. The snap shot will either be from October 4, 2013 or when the new collective bargaining agreement takes effect. When I joined the PBA over 20 years ago, it was for the legal representation for disciplinary actions. As I became involved, I quickly understood the Association’s political activity in the fight for my wages, benefits and better working conditions. When I became President, I understood that my purpose was to give you a strong voice within the City of Tallahassee and the Police Department. Although at times our strategy must change, I will always fight to ensure your rights and benefits are protected. Continued on next page “Many would like to use current events against our most “noble” profession and use these attacks as an attempt to back you in a corner to accept anything.” BIG BEND CHAPTER of the Florida Police Benevolent Assn., Inc. 300 East Brevard Street Tallahassee, Florida 32301-1218 (850) 222-3329 ❖ (800) 733-3722 The Gadfly is published by the Big Bend Chapter of the Florida Police Benevolent Association, Inc. solely for the benefit of its members. This is Big Bend PBA’s official medium of expression and is dedicated to improving communications within our community and among members of our respective agencies. President’s Message – Continued from page 1 As we approach the holiday season, I ask that each one of you reflect upon your many blessings and enjoy time with your family and friends. Do not take life for granted and enjoy each day as if it was your last. God Bless, stay safe and protect yourself at all times! Big Bend membership encompasses city and county law enforcement officers employed in the following counties: Calhoun, Franklin, Gadsden, Gulf, Jackson, Jefferson, Leon, Liberty, Madison, Taylor, and Wakulla. PRESIDENT Steve Slade SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT Steve Vaughn VICE PRESIDENT Kathy Connell SECRETARY Tracy Clark TREASURER Tim Clark SERGEANT-AT-ARMS Dan Copelin BOARD MEMBERS TALLAHASSEE POLICE DEPARTMENT Brian Davis Dave Donato Donnie Glunt Zach Lyne Tenitris McInnis Leroy Peck Ryan Pender John Rudd Stephen Stabley Mike VonStein E n j o y y o u r F re e d o m . God Bless our Troops. FSU POLICE Richard Wooten FAMU POLICE John Cotton, Jr. QUINCY POLICE DEPARTMENT Harold Barber EDITOR Mike VonStein Now Accepting Visa & MasterCard! FOR YOUR CONVENIENCE, THE PBA IS NOW ACCEPTING VISA AND MASTERCARD PAYMENTS FOR MEMBERSHIP DUES.* CALL 1-800-733-3722 TO SIGN UP FOR RECURRING CREDIT CARD PAYMENTS SO YOU WON’T HAVE TO WRITE A CHECK EVERY MONTH. PUBLICATIONS SPECIALIST Bob Peterson s r MEMBERSHIP SECRETARY Laura Spraker Opinions and views expressed by guest writers are not necessarily those of this Chapter or editorial staff. Big Bend Gadfly r TM *This option is available for members who are not on Automatic Dues Deduction. -2- November 2013 Let Us Never Forget!!! Warren T. Gay Ernest Kearns Ponce DeLeon Daniel Dale Green Reserve Sergeant Tallahassee Police Department Tallahassee, FL End of Watch: 06/15/1981 Police Officer, ID# 647 Tallahassee Police Department Tallahassee, FL End of Watch: 07/08/1988 Police Sergeant, ID# 255 Tallahassee Police Department Tallahassee, FL End of Watch: 11/13/2002 www.odmp.org/officer/5349-police-officer-warren-t.-gay www.odmp.org/officer/10747-police-officer-ernest-kearns-ponce-de-leon www.odmp.org/officer/16454-sergeant-daniel-dale-green November 2013 -3- Big Bend Gadfly From Your Editor By Michael Von Stein, PBA Board Member – Editor O n my day off, I was sitting in the physician’s office with my kids and I read the front page of the Tallahassee local paper. It was already 36 days old; published on September 11th and titled VIDEO REVEALS SUSPECT ‘BEATING’. The second word used in the article was “shocking” and knowing this word to be an adjective, used as a ‘describing’ word, it definitely was not a neutral word. To have this word used by this local publication as a Monday-morning quarterback reference does not surprise me. From my perspective, this publication’s purpose is to capture the reader(s) attention in order to sell more copies. In the media business world, their goal is to seek a profit and maintain their survival in a digital media age. So I can understand this publications goal of increasing circulation/sales by drawing light on this singled out incident. I think it is not fair that these same Tallahassee residents and guests are not exposed to the horrendous and intense pockets of crime that is centralized within the city limits of the state’s capital city fueled by homelessness, drugs and gang activity, person/property crimes, entitlement abuses, etc., etc. I would not have used the word “shocking” for the later example, but if you have to paint a picture, why not worry about what you are portraying when the amount of crime in this city is perceived as being kept under “wraps” to entice people to move to and attend school in our “fair” city. Understanding how the many aspects of commerce are affected is the much bigger picture and that’s why videos about Florida can be done in the following manner where you can watch it in your temperature controlled personal space as if you were picking an exotic island getaway: http://www.you tube.com/watch?v=avmHjIapdwk#t=12. I get it. When I previously observed this dashboard video that was released to the public by the State Attorney’s Office, I took a neutral stance. I was already familiar with the police department’s Use of Force policies, as a former Defensive Tactics Instructor, and a former Use of Force representative. I have seen and been in situations that could have been scrutinized to this extent. Fortunately, a check and balance system is already in place in most organizations, but when outside influences do not give the organization a chance to follow their established Internal Investigations, opportunists may begin to “grand stand.” Opinions are aroused by emotion and the opportunist(s) are fueled by their personal vendetta/agenda. Heck, I have always said “opinions are like belly buttons and everyone has one” and let us also not forget that this is America and it is our constitutional 1st Amendment right to have an informed or uninformed opinion espoused with inflammatory adjectives when prudent to our goal. I have first-hand knowledge knowing that it is hard for a politician to Big Bend Gadfly pass up an opportunity to solicit public support for an endorsement/election somewhere down the road. I get it. Then there is the quote made by Attorney Conrad and it ends in “This is disturbing. I could not believe that I saw that happening in Tallahassee, Florida. It’s like something you’d see in Detroit or Los Angeles or some other town. This is Tallahassee.” At least his comment is geographically correct! Is it that he really is not aware of the type of crimes that occur in Tallahassee or the fact that Big Bend Law Enforcement is doing the best that they can by doing a job that most people will not do? The question that I immediately wonder about is what is the goal of Conrad’s statement? Hmmm, I see the double edged sword of this profession for Conrad represents a client and even if the Florida League Of Cities pays out a settlement, one day we, you or I, could be in this situation when the next person you place under arrest is represented and has a vested interest in seeking a settlement. I cannot say that I have been morally shocked for Officer(s) summoned to perform a job in such a political climate, but then again I cannot bill people who have placed me in such a position to take law enforcement action under the oath that I sworn to uphold. That money/settlement type article was in this past Sunday’s paper dated October 13th, but I will refrain from comment and keep moving forward. Unfortunately, I also get this. So what is the rationality of why some people do what they do? How much pain are you willing to endure before you get involved or do you think being kicked is an expectation of your job performance? As a law enforcement officer, we all are summoned to uphold our oath to rectify something that has more than likely gone wrong and it needs to be stabilized. Fortunately, the men and women, sworn and civilian, judicial and enforcement are doing the best that we can do at the line level. This issue is dedicated to those who have paid the ultimate sacrifice and those who seek out solutions for a job that nobody else wants to do or is qualified to do with established and accepted polices. Commissioner Maddox said it well in his My View article dated October 23rd submitted that our city is great because it really cares, “In Tallahassee, we give a hoot.” Enjoy these free-thinking articles that might offer some insight. THANK YOU for your duty and mutual sacrifice. Remember, this is your publication, and your submitted articles are appreciated. Happy Holidays ;) -4- November 2013 Abstracts Of: An Identification Of Factors Influencing Police Workplace Motivation Written By Vernon Sommerfeldt • Reprinted Courtesy of Queensland University of Technology To see the entire article, view it at: http://eprints.qut.edu.au/34460/ P olice work tasks are diverse and require the ability to take command, demonstrate leadership, make serious decisions and be self directed (Beck, 1999; Brunetto & Farr-Wharton, 2002; Howard, Donofrio & Boles, 2002). This work is usually performed in pairs or sometimes by an officer working alone. Operational police work is seldom performed under the watchful eyes of a supervisor and a great amount of reliance is placed on the high levels of motivation and professionalism of individual officers. Research has shown that highly motivated workers produce better outcomes (Whisenand & Rush, 1998; Herzberg, 2003). …………………….. Factor analysis revealed five broad Prime Motivational Factors that motivate police in their work. The Prime Motivational Factors are: Feeling Valued, Achievement, Workplace Relationships, the Work Itself and Pay and Conditions. The factor, Feeling Valued, highlighted the importance of positive supportive leaders in motivating officers. Many officers commented that supervisors who only provided negative feedback diminished their sense of feeling valued and were a key source of de-motivation. Officers also frequently commented that they were motivated by operational police work itself whilst demonstrating a strong sense of identity with their team and colleagues. The study showed a general need for acceptance by peers and an idealistic motivation to assist members of the community in need and protect victims of crime. Generational cohorts were not found to exert a significant influence on police motivation. The demographic variable with the single greatest influence on police motivation was tenure. Motivation levels were found to drop dramatically during the first two years of an officer’s service and generally not improve significantly until near retirement age. The findings of this research provide the foundation of a number of recommendations in regard to police retirement, training and work allocation that are aimed to improve police motivation levels. The five Prime Motivational Factor model developed in this study is recommended for use as a planning tool by police leaders to improve motivational and November 2013 job-satisfaction components of police Service policies. The findings of this study also provide a better understanding of the current sources of police motivation. …………………….. Eisenberg, Cummings, Armeli and Lynch (1997) found that, across a wide range of organizations, employee perceptions of management support was directly related to positive job conditions experienced by the employees. The researchers identified particular job conditions which employees believed indicated that the organization supported and valued its employees (Eisenberg, et al.). Employees only attached significance to job conditions that they believed the employer had control over. For instance, career and development opportunities were an important factor because employees considered the organization has control over employee development, training and promotion. Where employees believed the job condition is caused by some factor outside the control of the organization, there is no expectation that management will or should improve the condition. Where employees perceived that management has the capacity to improve a particular poor job but does not, poor motivation and low job commitment are the likely results. The job conditions identified and ranked by Eisenberg in order of importance are: time of personal life, opportunity for challenging tasks, training opportunities, physical working conditions, relationship with supervisor, job security, freedom to adopt own approach to the job, relationship with co-workers, fringe benefits, opportunities to make a contribution to the organization, opportunity for high earning, recognition of work, work schedule, opportunity for advancement, variety and interest in the work itself, status connected with prestigious work and organizations, opportunity to help others and low stress and pressure. It will be noted how closely these 18 factors parallel Herzberg et al.’s (1959) 13 job motivation sub-factors. Beck’s (1999) studies identified these 18 factors as crucial to a police officer’s perception of organizational support and subsequent motivation and commitment towards the officer’s work. Continued on next page -5- Big Bend Gadfly Abstracts Of: An Identification Of Factors Influencing Police Workplace Motivation – Continued from previous page al.). It is generally acknowledged that effective leaders THE ROLE OF POLICE LEADERS IN develop a workplace environment which encourages the MOTIVATING OFFICERS Police leadership is recognized as a critical management development of motivated employees (Herzberg, Mausner & issue (Thibault, Lynch & McBride, 1998). Goldstein (1977) Snyderman, 1959; More et al, 2003). describes the police working environment as volatile as any Positive, motivational police leaders are expected to be other part of the globally competitive marketplace. He argues trustworthy (Porter & Lawler, 2000), convey clear vision and that senior police must possess the same leadership abilities as goals (Waitley, 1995) and be positive and inspirational (Baker, their private sector counterparts. The ability of the leader to 2000). Leaders with these qualities create a stimulating envimotivate his or her subordinates is an essential leadership ronment for officers to work in. The comparatively recent interattribute (Thibault et al., 1998). A police leader’s responsibil- est in Total Quality Management has highlighted the critical ity is to “unleash and direct” an employee’s motivation to role that leaders perform in maintaining a positive and responreach higher levels of performance (Whisenand & Rush, sive work environment. In this regard four critical tasks that 1998). Thibault distinguishes leadership from the concept of leaders must perform in high-performance organizations have power because the leader influences the worker whilst the been identified (Harrison, 1996; Lawler, 1986). They are: worker still has power to refuse compliance whereas power is building trust and openness, presenting a clearly communicatapplied where the worker has no choice or is under duress. ed vision, allowing decisions to be made at appropriate levels, Whisenand and Rush describe police leadership as a process and empowering others (More et al.). These observations are of moving police personnel in a desired also consistent with the comments of direction by cultivating the officer’s willingHerzberg (2003) and Kovach (1989); that ness to move. Bennis and Nanus (1985) leaders must be experts in motivation. defined a leader as: A survey of American police chiefs in 1976 by the International Association of The person who knows what he or she Police Chiefs identified 14 significant wants, communicates it to others, positions police management skills (Thibault, Lynch himself or herself correctly, and then & McBride, 1998). Of these 14 skills empowers others to perform their duties “motivating personnel” was identified by successfully. Hard work pays off in the the police chiefs as the most important A characteristic of leadership which future. Laziness pays off now. (Thibault et al.). Tanenbaum and Schmidt separates it from mere supervision is the long term nature of leadership and its attribute of soliciting (1975) rejected the traditional 3 leadership styles approach voluntary compliance (Tibultet et al., 1998; Whisenand & and argued that leadership is situational and is dependent on Rush 1998). In his research on leadership, Bennis interviewed the situation at the time. They argued that the different func90 acknowledged industrial and business leaders. From these tions which police perform require different styles of maninterviews he identified four key common strategies: a clear agement and leadership. Examples of this are the different vision and projecting it to others, creating meaning through styles of leadership that apply to: taking charge of an emermastery of communication, building trust and faith, and being gency situation and when directing day to day routine work. positive in regard to oneself and others without conceitedness In the former, an autocratic hierarchical response may be (Bennis & Nanus, 1985). The capacity to motivate others is a best whereas the later may best be managed with a democratic participative approach. In line with this, the leaders key element of all these disciplines of leadership. More, Wegner & Miller, (2003, p. 142) state that “a well approach to motivational strategies is likely to change managed police department is easily distinguishable because according to the nature of the police and the task. Whisenand of its positive leadership.” It is therefore a prime responsi- and Rush (1998) state that there are three reasons to study bility of modern police leadership to motivate officers police motivation: to attract the right employees and keep through; empowerment, good communication and positive them, to lead officers to dependably and effectively perform leadership. Some (Charrier, 2000; More et al.) argue that in their duties and to lead officers to go beyond routine and permost police agencies today, authoritarian managers and form self initiated and innovative work. To achieve this in an supervisors are a thing of the past and have been replaced by economic rationalist environment of ever tightening legislaleaders who attempt to lead rather than push their subordi- tive, budgetary and resource restraints requires leaders to nate officers. Modern leaders recognize the importance of have a sound understanding of the factors which exert motiindividual differences, motivating the employee to want to vational influences on police officers and the most effective work productively and the dangers of alienation (More et strategies for applying this knowledge. Big Bend Gadfly -6- November 2013 November 2013 -7- Big Bend Gadfly Morgan-Byrd Family - Rish Park By Lane Wright • Submitted by FSU PD Sergeant Richard Wooten M ost people don’t associate the FSU Police Department (FSUPD) with sunny beaches and lasting family memories, but thanks to a generous donation from the university’s ‘boys in blue,’ the Morgan-Byrd Family will. As part of the Agency for Persons with Disabilities (APD) Partners for Good program, the FSUPD sponsored the Morgan-Byrd’s and three other families to attend Rish Park, a state park specifically designated for persons with disabilities and their families. The FSUPD contribution covered the cost of a three-night stay at the park, as well as money for food and gas. “It was fantastic,” said Jennifer Morgan-Byrd. “We had never been on a family vacation where it was just us. We’re usually staying with relatives.” Mrs. Morgan-Byrd is the mother of three children with Autism aging from 5 to 10 years old. She said after her husband had to quit his job, the financial strain got pretty tight. “Our oldest daughter is on a waiting list [for Medicaid waiver funding] but we aren’t receiving any services,” she said. “Things like therapy sessions and interventions didn’t leave a lot of money left over to go on a vacation. This was the first time for us to have our own little adventure.” Rish Park, located near Port St. Joe on Cape San Blas, boasts nearly 100 acres of white sand, sea-oatcovered dunes, and shimmering water. Newly renovated boardwalks connect cabins to the beach, making them easily accessible for anyone in a wheelchair. And while the children tried a little fishing and had fun discovering turtle egg nests on the beach, they seemed to enjoy the Olympic-sized pool the most. “The children were really excited,” said Morgan-Byrd. “They spent most of the time at the pool.” The FSUPD sponsorship provided more than just money for families like the Morgan-Byrds to have a getaway vacation, it provided a chance to unwind in a way that’s hard to do when you’ve got three children with Autism. “When you’re a caretaker and you’re taking a child to the beach, regardless of the disability, certain challenges can come up,” said Morgan-Byrd. She highlighted the fact that Rish Park makes dealing with some of those challenges a lot easier. “If my child decided he was going to strip off his pants or my daughter had a meltdown, you won’t be judged. Everyone will be okay with it. You don’t have to worry about inconveniencing others.” Thanks to the FSUPD, the Morgan-Byrd family was able to spend a few breezy days on the beach in a way they’d never been able to do before. “We could get up whenever we wanted. There were no obligations; we just went with the flow,” said Morgan-Byrd. “It was hard to leave.” Proud, Professional and PBA! Offering a 20% Law Enforcement Officer Discount Big Bend Gadfly -8- November 2013 Florida A&M University News By FAMU PD Officer Erica Herring EVERY BREAKOUT LEADS TO ANOTHER BREAKTHROUGH T hey are accused of having big hearts, now; one agency has issued warrants for their arrests. On Wednesday, October 3, 2013 more than 400 Tallahassee community citizens were served warrants for their arrest, transported by Florida A&M University Police Department and other law enforcement agencies “locked-up” as “stars behind bars” to benefit the Muscular Dystrophy Association. The jailbirds were arrested at work, taken to the Four Points by Sheraton—the site of the event—and asked to make their final plea calls to raise bail for their freedom. The Lock-Up is the Muscular Dystrophy Association’s premier fundraising program. These high-profile events occur all across the country at various times throughout the year. Business and community leaders and local citizens agree to be “put behind bars for good,” where they utilize the use of their vendors, co-workers, family and friends to get donations that will go toward their “bail.” Each Jailbird has weeks to raise their donations. That way, on the day of the Lock-Up event, they can enjoy the Lock-Up experience by networking with other business leaders and meeting with the individuals and families that they’re helping in their community. All funds raised by the MDA Lock-Up assist the Association in providing lifesaving research, a nationwide network of medical clinics and accessible summer camp experiences to individuals and families affected by neuromuscular diseases. FAMU-PD is proud to be in partnership with Tallahassee Muscular Dystrophy Association. QUARTERLY AWARDS CEREMONY T he Police Department of Florida A&M University awarded Officer Demarro Bryant as Officer of the Quarter and Ms. Calvenia White as Employee of the Quarter for their outstanding contributions to this agency at its quarterly award ceremony in September. “The department selects an officer each quarter,” said Chief Terence Calloway. “The individual can be recommended by any member of the department based on their work production, commitment and efforts beyond their responsibilities to be eligible for the award,” said Calloway. Bryant and White were selected for their hard work and dedication to the department. It is employees like these who play a key role in helping to shape the image of the department here at FAMU by providing good quality customer service. Those who perform with excellence deserve recognition for their contributions. Congratulations to all for demonstrating Excellence with Caring. A Community In Action By Quincy PD Officer Harold J. Barber A pproximately two years ago, Sgt. Eugene Monroe was tasked with starting a community watch group in the Shaw Quarters Community. Sgt. Monroe partnered with Mr. Alphonso Figgers who lives in the Shaw Quarter’s Community and together they held at least one meeting every month at the Washington Lodge on East Jefferson Street in Quincy, Florida. Sgt. Monroe and Mr. Figgers formed a community committee and they began to address the community’s concerns: drugs, home burglaries, and assistance for senior citizens. The committee has also held several community events such as Shaw Quarter Day, Health Fairs, Easter egg hunts, and Senior Banquets. They also deliver fruit baskets to the senior citizens. Through hard work and dedication, Sgt. Monroe, Mr. Figgers and the community committee have rallied the support of others in November 2013 the community, as well as local businesses and organizations. With the assistance of Sgt. Monroe, Mr. Figgers and the community committee, the citizens continue to improve their quality of life and community. I would like to extend a job well done to Sgt. Monroe, Mr. Figgers, the Shaw Quarters Community Committee, and the Community as a whole. I would also like to extend a thank you to the following businesses and organizations for their support and assistance: The City of Quincy, Gadsden County Health Department, Bond Community Health Center, Omega Psi Phi Fraternity, The Gadsden County Times, Mother’s Care Network, and NHBW. All of the aforementioned are true catalysts to the Quincy Police Department motto “Service before Self.” -9- Big Bend Gadfly 2013 Year End Rant By John Rudd, TPD Board Member L et’s do a recap of the year. We had an officer shot at and subsequently told we were out of control. We have had contract negotiations and have been told we are overpaid. We arrested a drunk woman who drove into a house, then fought with the police and we were told we were wrong. We got a new dispatch agency with a new computer system and were told it’s going to be better and faster. Just once, I would like someone to tell me something that doesn’t make me want to yell “Moe runs!” It’s not much, but it’s all I want for Christmas. Stick with me while I get my year end rant out, it may take a minute. We are cops, if we hear or see something suspicious we check it out. We do it at work, we do it at home, we do it on vacation. It’s hardwired into our brains; we can’t help it and it’s saved a lot of lives over the years. So a cop, doing cop stuff, heard something suspicious slightly outside his jurisdiction. He checked it out to see if he needed to A) call the proper authorities or B) not waste their time as it was nothing. For his trouble, he got shot at, a lot. A man whose sole interest in this should have been prosecuting criminals who shot at a person on a public street, who was literally just driving by, decided to make it a forum on how we are out of control and should be brought under the stern hand of the Sheriff. Given that he did not actually present any proof, we are out of control, or that the magical Sheriff’s star would have stopped the gunfire before it started. I’m not inclined to alter my word choice. Contract negotiations are always contentious, we want something, they want something, ultimately you try to work out a deal everyone can live with. Contentious does not begin to explain what our contract negotiations have been like. Forget the small things we asked for to make our life easier that cost nothing, I’ll get right to the money. The fact we were the most dangerous city in Florida, haven’t increased manpower in 20 years, and have grown significantly in that time, basically doing more work with the same number of people, got us a nice “Thank You” from the City. Then they proceed to tell us that we are properly paid and should not ask for more, in fact, we should give more back to keep the pension properly funded, even though it is according to their people and would just mean the city could save money. They base our place in the pay scale off information collected from the internet (bone jur?) and had the audacity to compare us to FHP and Jacksonville, saying we were comparable to both them and they to each other. As we had actuBig Bend Gadfly ally done real research, we can show that, not only are we poorly paid when it comes to total compensation, we actually have the lowest cost to hours worked of similar sized cities. But ignoring all of the research, you have to look no further than our hiring to figure out where we fall in the pay scale. Using the free market theory that to get applicants you must offer competitive pay, you can see exactly how off the numbers are. We had over 30 people apply for the Chief’s job—a good number for the position and about the same number we had apply for the many police officer positions we have. Not 30 applicants for each position, about 30 applicants altogether. The only good thing I can say about the negotiations is that some of the people present truly looked a bit ashamed by their money offer, so I have some hope on this front and I don’t want to paint them all with the same brush. The current unpleasantness, that’s the code for the thing we aren’t supposed to talk about, but everyone else is talking about, and by the time this is printed, we can all talk about. Ours is a nasty business, dealing with people on their worst day and often making them do things they don’t want to do. Sometimes, when people fight with us, they get hurt, sometimes we get hurt, but it’s always up to them, not us. I understand the lawyer making noise about this, he wants to get paid, his interest is clear and financial. I can even understand shady persons with political aspirations trying to get press by beating down the police; we are easy targets. The problem I have is this thing called “Qualified Immunity.” I’m just a lowly street cop, but I know that the Supreme Court of the United States of America, a rung or two higher than a State Attorney, has said repeatedly and loudly, that an officer may use objectively reasonable force and cannot be held liable for it. That means, if it’s not grossly out of line and someone get’s hurt, it’s just a shame, not a crime. When you can’t get anyone with any knowledge about the topic to come in and say it’s wrong, you would think that would be considered objectively reasonable. This is the problem with any position filled by an elected official—they need to stay in the press to keep getting reelected. Usually, long after they should have stopped. And finally, the CAD. If I drop my computer and break it due to negligence, I have to pay for it. That’s fair and I can’t argue with it. I did something dumb and, as a result, we have to replace equipment. So who is going to pay for this broken collection of non-functioning software that was - 10 - November 2013 foisted upon us without testing, background research, or proper training? We were told the CAD would make everything easier and faster since we would all be on the same channel. Great, in the northwest we’ve added about ten percent to the amount of radio traffic we have because we are on the same channel. We’ve added another 50 percent because we have to be logged off and on every few hours or so because the system stops working or just won’t do things it’s supposed to do. I’m no computer wizard, and I don’t know what kind of functionality they asked for when this thing was built, but the simple fact we can’t log off in the car should tell you how much work we can get out of it. For that matter, why did we buy something they had to build? I know, deep in my heart of hearts, some other agency in Florida has computer aided dispatch. They can access tags and licenses with whatever system they have, a month ago we could to. Why can’t we just get what they have? From what I’ve been told, it was because the Sheriff did not want to go to our system and, as usual, the roll over and take it decision-making principle November 2013 kicked in. We are doing four times the work and at least 80 percent of the radio traffic, but we do what the smallest stakeholder wants. Of all the bad ideas I’ve seen implemented, and trust me, there are a lot, this is the most soul crushing, morale killing, and just plain dangerous one ever rolled out. People are going to get hurt because we use garbage and no one high enough to make the changes even seems to care. I’m ranted out now and feel a bit better, but it doesn’t take long for the anger to come back, in fact, every time I get a call, real or magical since sometimes random stuff just shows up, I’m reminded of how well we are cared for and thought of. So I’m going to try some relaxation therapy for the next few months—every time I get agitated I’ll rub my head and say my happy words. I think about what my buddy Maurico Endara does for relaxation, I’m against it personally, but it makes him happy and a chill Mo is fun to be around. So pay me no mind as you see me rubbing my temples chanting “Moe runs,” it’s just trying to get to my happy place. - 11 - Big Bend Gadfly Helping Us or Hurting Us? General Order #5 Professional Development By Officer John Pretti Definition (TPD’s): Career rotation is a structured process to provide opportunities for individual growth and development at all levels. It is designed to promote productive, efficient, and effective job performance and to improve the overall level of individual job satisfaction.(1) Comparing the definition of what professional development is and what it is supposed to do for both the individual and the department is subjective and broad. TPD’s end result is to “promote efficient and effective job performance and to improve the overall level job satisfaction.” The more precise definition of what professional development is, is to Definition (Wikipedia): In workplaces, professional devel- “acquire skills and knowledge” in career development. In opment refers to the acquisition of skills and knowledge my opinion, TPD must adopt a policy geared toward the latboth personal development and for career advancement.(2) ter approach to professional development. In General Order #5 it states “promote productive effiwas asked to write an opinion paper based purely on my cient and effective job performance,” under the caption, experience working within the Tallahassee Police “Motivation.” In my opinion, this policy has resulted in the Department as it concerns career development and oppor- opposite effect and lack of motivation. There is no reason, tunities. This subject is near and dear to my heart and I have certainly no motivation, to gain more knowledge and skill in developed many opinions and thoughts. My experience a position when an officer knows they will be transferred in a extends over 25 years and 11 months as a police officer. I few years. Even if an officer doesn’t want a core position spent my first six years on patrol, 16 years in traffic, one year within the department, it takes at least 15 years to get a day in Target Enforcement Squad, and the rest back on patrol. shift squad position. This raises the question of, are officers in these core positions because they are This article is not about any resentbest qualified for the job, or because it ment I hold against the department, is better hours for their families? How the administration and/or City Hall. If much money has the department spent you are a true friend, co-worker, or in training/equipment to get new offifamily and know me, then you know I cers to the required experience level love the Tallahassee Police where those senior officers were at Department and my job. It is about when transferred? how we got where we are today. I remember when I started, it General Order #5 was written took me four years to get a day shift and revised on 10/01/09. This policy position and six years to get in to the was supposed to further both the department and the officer in his/her Courage is not the absence of fear, but rather traffic unit. When I got selected for the judgement that something else is more the traffic unit, I was selected for the law enforcement career and make the important than fear. position because of my job performdepartment more professional. In my ~ Ambrose Redmoon ance and not who I knew. I never opinion, what this policy has done, as complained that other senior officers were investigators for written, is to take senior experienced officers out of core positions, i.e.: airport, vice, homicide, traffic, etc., and place so many years, because I believed those officers earned to these core experienced officers on day shift squads. There is be in the position. I do not understand why the department doesn’t allow a lot of nice language in this 10 page document, but it boils down to affecting only officers from core positions. What promotions within each division when a person has clearly this has done in the last four years is for the department to shown their leadership abilities within that unit. I know lose important investigative experience in the department, many senior patrol officers, on patrol, who were never intermaking the department vulnerable and exposed. When I ested in becoming an investigator, but would make an excelquestioned this policy, I was always told that transferring lent supervisor. When I was in the Army, the Army didn’t personnel around would give those who wish to get pro- promote from another attachment, but promoted within that moted the experience in an investigative position. unit’s company/platoon. I recall a quote from my First Therefore, this policy should result in producing a more Sergeant that can be applied here, and that is “Always be motivated to take your boss’ position.” Would or could this well-rounded supervisor, but has it?? I COURAGE Big Bend Gadfly - 12 - November 2013 work at TPD? Bottom line is to have a policy that encourages promoting and advancement from within. This kind of policy is just good business practice and makes common sense. This policy encourages the acquisition of needed skills and on the job knowledge. It is with a strong belief that, in the past five years, I have witnessed morale decline to be now at its lowest. I hope that the new commander in chief will revisit General Order #5 and allow the division commander to make the decision as to whether an officer needs to be moved. It should not be up to a tenure policy to move officers since this has proven to create numerous problems in the past five years at the expense of experience, morale, and money. If an officer is performing in the assigned position, leave the officer in that position. If the opportunity permits, promote the officer to a higher ranking position within the section to maintain the skill and knowledge of both. This is the true definition of professional development. This type of policy, in my opinion, is a win-win for the officer, his/her family and the department. “If a man (woman) does his (her) best, what else is there?” ~ General George S. Patton References: (1)Power DMS, (2)Wikipedia Infectious diseases among homeless populations Reprinted Courtesy of the Nursing Times 19.06.13 / Vol 109 No 24 / www.nursingtimes.net Incidence of a range of infectious diseases is higher in homeless people than in the general population. Local studies are needed to inform service planning and provision ationally in England, the number of people sleeping rough is estimated to have risen by 23%, on average, between autumn 2010 and autumn 2011 (Crisis, 2012). People who are homeless die 30 years before reaching the national average life expectancy (Crisis, 2011) and, compared with the general population, they also have a higher prevalence of infectious diseases, associated with malnutrition, long periods of homelessness and high use of medical services. HIV, hepatitis C and tuberculosis are the most heavily studied infectious diseases among homeless populations. However, high rates of other infectious diseases – such as hepatitis A, hepatitis B, diphtheria, foot problems and skin infections – have also been reported. N New evidence A systematic review and meta-analysis of 43 studies (four of which are from the UK), involving 59,736 homeless people, assessed the prevalence of TB, hepatitis C virus and HIV in this population between 1984 and 2012 (Beijer et al, 2012). Results showed that homeless people have a much higher likelihood of having one of these three diseases than the general population, although there was considerable variation between the studies. In the United States, the prevalence of homeless population than in the general population, and the prevalence of hepatitis C viral infection was increased approximately four-fold. In the UK, the prevalence of TB was at least 34 times greater in homeless people than in the general population, and the prevalence of hepatitis C viral infection was approximately 50 times greater. November 2013 HIV prevalence was typically 1-20 times higher in homeless people in the US than in the general population, but no studies were found in the UK. However, there was considerable heterogeneity between studies, suggesting the need for locally based studies to inform service planning and public health measures. Of the 17 studies of TB included in the review, 15 reported TB prevalence being higher than 0.25%, suggesting that universal screening of homeless populations could be considered. The prevalence of TB was higher in studies in which chest radiography was used for diagnosis than in those in which other diagnostic methods were used. The reviewers suggested that screening programs should not be restricted to people presenting to health services with symptoms, which happens less and later in marginalized groups than in general populations. The prevalence of TB in homeless people was positively associated with prevalence in the general population, but this relation did not hold for hepatitis C virus and HIV. The reviewers highlighted this result as potentially important from a public health perspective because it suggests that general population measures to reduce rates of hepatitis C virus and HIV infections might not equate to lower prevalence in homeless people. They suggested that more effective treatment and management should be considered including syringe and needle-exchange programs, first-aid centers in large cities and annual snapshot interventions for homeless populations. NT ● Adapted from Eyes on Evidence (April 2013), a bulletin produced by the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence. Available at www. evidence.nhs.uk/newsletter-signup. - 13 - Carmel Thomason is senior publishing manager, evidence resources, National Institute for Health and Care Excellence References Beijer U et al (2012) Prevalence of tuberculosis, hepatitis C virus, and HIV in homeless people: a systematic review and meta-analysis. The Lancet Infectious Diseases; 12: 11, 859–870. Crisis (2012) The Homelessness Monitor: Great Britain 2012. tinyurl.com/homelessmonitor Crisis (2011) Homelessness: A Silent Killer. A Research Briefing on Mortality amongst Homeless People. tinyurl.com/homelessnessSilentKiller BOX 1. COMMENTARY “The evidence provided by this paper supports current NICE guidance. It is recognized and accepted as standard practice to screen homeless populations for hepatitis, HIV and tuberculosis. Screening for TB is more problematic in primary care, where Mantoux tests are not routinely carried out and blood tests not, as yet, routine. However, a low threshold for referral for chest X-ray, as well as referral to secondary care, is accepted. Screening with a mobile chest X-ray unit in London at sites where homeless people are found has proved effective in case finding and follow up.” Philip Reid is a GP at Great Chapel Street Medical Centre for Homeless People, Soho, London Big Bend Gadfly What Is Warrior Culture? Reprinted Courtesy of Mike at http://prideandpain.blogspot.com/2007/09/what-is-warrior-culture.html I came across an article recently in which the LAPD was criticized for having a “warrior culture.” (See: http:// to view warrior culture as a generally honorable and worthy thing, while liberals see a dangerous, use-violence-first usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/2007-05-12- mentality. Contrast, for example, this essay at the military los-angeles-police_N.htm) The term was used pejoratively website BlackFive (www.blackfive.net/main/2004/05/ to mean a subculture that considers itself separate from defining_charac.html) with this essay by Barbara Ehrenmainstream society and which will reich from Time magazine (http:// content.time.com/time/magazine/ resort to violent means to assert conarticle/0,9171,971388,00.html). trol even if other means are available. My personal view is that a warIn reality, I assume that all major rior culture is not either a morally police departments have a warrior superior subset of society, or a culturmindset given that we provide them al trait that emphasizes revenge, with a variety of tools clearly meant honor, and glory. Rather a warrior to do battle: guns, special vehicles, culture is a society or subculture that armor, etc. focuses on the practice and refineThe idea of a warrior culture could encompass everything from The difference between the good guys and the ment of martial methods to achieve ancient Sparta, the nomads of the bad guys is whether they use human shields some end for that society. This might or they make themselves human shields. manifest itself in a nation that wants Eurasian steppes, the Samurai, various branches of the modern military, police departments, to aggressively expand its boundaries and resources, or it and probably even certain criminal organizations if the idea might result in an organization that is more cautious about is stretched thin enough. The characteristics of the warrior the use of force than society in general. I think the latter is often true of the American military. Whether it’s Iraq or culture seem to include: Darfur or Bosnia, the educated war• There is a warrior caste that rior in the military usually underis clearly distinct from the stands the consequences of his or her rest of the society actions better than the people calling • There is a code to which the on them to perform those actions. warrior is expected to adhere The world of sport fighting and • The group takes precedence martial arts training can’t really be over the individual considered a warrior culture even • The warrior has tools or techthough a contribution is ostensibly niques that are not available made to the evolution of martial arts, to the general population, because the focus is on the individbecause of lack of expertise ual. I can’t blame commentators when they describe a fightor legal restriction Although the warrior code will often contain concepts er, or even a football player, as a “warrior,” but the other key of honor and morality, I would think that the idea of a war- distinction of a warrior culture is that of course its members rior culture is morally neutral. However, the idea seems to often die, sometimes anonymously and without much be interpreted through a political lens. Conservatives seem reward. HONOR Big Bend Gadfly - 14 - November 2013 Gravely wounded soldier shows stunning grit with hospital bed salute Written By Philip Caulfield • Reprinted Courtesy of New York Daily News • October 16, 2013 To see the entire article, view it at: www.nydailynews.com/news/national/wounded-soldier-shows-stunning-grithospital-bed-salute-article-1.1487138#ixzz2j90i1PYz J osh Hargis, 24, brought dozens of Rangers and military leaders to tears when he saluted his commander during a Purple Heart ceremony at his hospital room in Afghanistan. The 24-year-old Ranger was wounded in a suicide bombing and IED attack on Oct. 6. U.S. Army Ranger Cpl. Josh Hargis, 24, salutes his commanding officer during a Purple Heart ceremony in his hospital room in Afghanistan earlier this month. A badly wounded Army Ranger is being hailed as a symbol of American valor after he was pictured saluting his U.S. Army Ranger Cpl. Josh Hargis, 24, salutes his commanding officer from his hospital bed during a Purple commanding officer during a Purple Heart ceremony in Heart ceremony. his hospital room in Afghanistan earlier this month. Draped in a red white and blue quilt, Cpl. Josh Hargis had breathing tubes snaking from his mouth and was unable Commander,” the unit leader's letter said. to open his eyes when he raised his bandaged right arm to “Despite his wounds, wrappings, tubes and pain, Josh his brow in what is now being called “the salute seen around fought the doctor who was trying to restrain his right arm the world.” and rendered the most beautiful salute any person in that Hargis, 24, was seriously wounded in a suicide bomb- room had ever seen,” the letter said. ing and IED attack against his 3rd Ranger Battalion in “Grown men began to weep and we were speechless at southern Afghanistan on Oct. 6. a gesture that speaks volumes about Josh's More than 30 battalion soldiers were courage and character.” on a mission to capture an enemy comThe team leader called it “the single mander at a home in Panjwai district when greatest event I have witnessed in my 10 a woman in a suicide vest blew herself up, years in the Army.” triggering 13 other IEDs, according to the Had she been there, Taylor Hargis told Cincinnati Enquirer and the website the Cincinnati Enquirer, “I would have Guardian of Valor. cried, too.” Four Rangers were killed, and several “I also would have told him how proud others were injured. I am of him, how proud I am to be his wife, Hargis — seen with his wife, Pelted by shrapnel, Hargis suffered for Taylor — was wounded in a how proud I am of the people he’s serving nearly two hours before arriving at an suicide bombing and IED with over in Afghanistan,” she said. Army hospital in Afghanistan, according to attack on the 3rd Ranger Since the photo was taken, the young a letter his team leader wrote to his wife, Battalion in southern soldier’s breathing tube has been removed Taylor, which she posted to Facebook. and he and his wife have spoken on the Afghanistan. Days later, during a Purple Heart cerephone. mony at the hospital's intensive care unit, some 50 Rangers, After a stint at a military hospital in Germany, Hargis is military leaders, doctors and nurses or so people gathered at currently on his way to a hospital in San Antonio. the Cincinnati native’s bedside. Everyone assumed he was “He’s going to be just fine,” Taylor Hargis told the unconscious, the letter said. Enquirer. After the Ranger Regimental Commander pinned the “He was just showing what it means to be a warrior and medal to his blanket, Hargis “began to move his right arm an American soldier,” she said. under the blanket in a diligent effort to salute the November 2013 - 15 - Big Bend Gadfly Police officers’ attitudes, behavior, and supervisory influences: An analysis of problem solving Reprinted Courtesy of University of Cincinnati Online Master of Science in Criminal Justice To see the entire article, view it at: http://onlinecjdegrees.uc.edu/news-resources/criminal-justice-research/policeofficers-attitudes-behavior-and-supervisory-influences-an-analysis-of-problem-solving/ Abstract (Summary) his paper examines the influence of officers’ and supervisors’ attitudes and priorities toward community policing and problem solving over the time officers spend conducting problem-solving activities. Analyzing data collected for the Project on Policing Neighborhoods, a multi-method study of police patrol in two police departments, results show that officers’ perceptions of their supervisors’ priorities for problem solving affect the amount of time they spend conducting these activities, although their own attitudes toward community policing are unrelated to their behavior. We also find that officers’ attitudes regarding problem solving are weakly correlated with their supervisors’ attitudes and, further, that officers’ perceptions of their supervisors’ attitudes are often inaccurate. Police work entails a tension between the exercise of discretion by officers on the street and the control of that discretion by police organizations. Discretion inheres in policing because the task environment is heterogeneous and the technology of policing is “intensive” (see Thompson, 1967), as officers must devise responses to the complex and dynamic situations in which they intervene. Yet in a democratic polity, the public expects that police officers will be constrained not only by the rule of law, but also-and perhaps especially-by bureaucratic rules, regulations, and standard operating procedures. Such “overhead democracy” is one common approach to controlling public bureaucracies (Redford, 1969:70-71). But hierarchical controls, by which officers’ compliance with bureaucratic direction and limitations is monitored and enforced by hierarchical superiors, are unreliable when the task environ- T Big Bend Gadfly ment is heterogeneous and the technology is intensive. They are still less reliable when the technology is not well developed, that is, when the complexity and dynamics of the situations that police handle are not well understood, and no codified body of knowledge guides the application of police resources to produce desired outcomes. Thus, as Bittner (1970) observes, the police must act based on “an intuitive grasp of situational exigencies.” The management of such discretionary choices is, as Whitaker (1979) notes, a “central dilemma of police administration,” and often gives rise to a tension between the discretionary nature of police work and the imposition of hierarchical controls. This tension manifests itself on a day-to-day basis in routine (and nonroutine) street encounters between citizens and police. These encounters present complex contingencies that cannot be taken into account as if-then provisions in rules and procedures, so formal expectations for officers’ choices among alternative courses of action are inevitably vague. Furthermore, only a small percentage of encounters can be directly observed by hierarchical superiors, who consequently have far less than perfect information about both the nature of the situations and how officers handle them (Prottas, 1978). Tension arises in still more dramatic form when police executives attempt to implement organizational changes, whereupon the expectations for officers’ performance shift. Managing discretion is problematic when the rules of the game are stable, but it is still more problematic when the rules of the game change. The rules of the game are changing in some police organizations. The focus of policing is shifting from incident-driven responses to calls for service toward more creative, problem-focused responses (Goldstein, 1990). - 16 - November 2013 Insofar as officers make discretionary choices based on their own judgments, we might expect that their decision making and behavior would be shaped by, and bear strong relationships to, their occupational attitudes and values. Writing almost 20 years ago, Smith and Klein (1984) speculated that much of the variation in officers’ behavior that was unexplained by situational characteristics could be accounted for by officers’ “attitudes, values, and beliefs.” At that time, however, attitude-behavior relationships in police work had been examined only in an exploratory way. This intuitively plausible hypothesis underlies prescriptions for organizational change. For example, Lurigio and Skogan have characterized the implementation of community policing as a process involving a “battle for the hearts and minds of officers” (1994:315). Indeed, many scholars and practitioners suppose that administrators must change officers’ attitudes toward community policing if the program is to have any chance at successful implementation at the street level, assuming that officers’ attitudes toward community policing influence their behavior. Insofar as officers’ choices are constrained by bureaucratic forces, we might expect that their behavior would be affected by the demands of their immediate supervisors, because field supervisors represent the most proximate and perhaps most potent bureaucratic force. Field supervisors work most closely with officers and therefore have the greatest opportunity to monitor what officers do (and fail to do), and to guide officers’ decision making. They negotiate the application of ambiguous rules to complex situations (Manning, 1977:161-179), control the limited rewards and sanctions routinely available to police departments (Van Maanen, 1983), and instruct officers how to perform the police craft (Muir, 1977). Consequently, managing officers’ discretion, especially in a less stable and less predictable organizational environment, is a task that falls first on the shoulders of field supervisors. In this paper, we examine the influences of both officers’ attitudes and supervisors’ expectations on officers’ decision making using data collected through direct observation and structured interviews with patrol officers and field supervisors in two police departments for the Project on Policing Neighborhoods (POPN). Our study bridges the gap between two broad areas of theoretical development and empirical research: the social-psychological literature that has examined the attitude-behavior relationship, and the organizational literature that has described the role of supervision in hierarchical, paramilitary organizations. Specifically, we analyze the relationships among patrol offiNovember 2013 cers’ engagement in problem-solving activities and their attitudes toward community policing and problem solving, their supervisors’ attitudes toward and priorities for community policing and problem solving, and officers’ perceptions of their supervisors’ goals for patrol work. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIOR A substantial body of qualitative research on the police posits that officers’ behavior is shaped by their occupational outlooks. Skolnick (1966) described the “working personality” of police-including suspiciousness, social isolation, and strong in-group loyalty-and its potential relationship to officers’ conformity with the rule of law. Van Maanen (1974) portrayed the acculturation of new officers and the occupational attitudes, values, and norms into which they were socialized. Niederhoffer (1969) characterized patterns of cynicism toward the public and toward the police institution, which he believed affected officers’ receptivity to police professionalization. Yet, all of this research focused predominantly on central tendencies in both outlooks and behavior and therefore does not form a sound basis for testable hypotheses about the relationship between attitudes and behavior. Several studies formed four-fold typologies of patrol officers that depict variation in attitudes and behavior (Broderick, 1977; Brown, 1988; Muir, 1977; White, 1972). Taken together, these studies describe five types of officers and a number of attitudinal dimensions along which officers vary (see Worden, 1995b). This research suggested that officers varied in their outlooks on the police role, citizens, legal restrictions on their authority (e.g., limitations on search and seizure, and on the use of force), and legal institutions (e.g., prosecutors, courts). Moreover, this research suggested that officers’ behavioral tendencies varied correspondingly. Brown (1988), for example, reported that officers who defined the police role as one of crime-fighting and law enforcement were more aggressive on the street-stopping cars and people to conduct field interrogations and searches-than were officers with broader role conceptions. His analysis further suggested that officers whose role conceptions differed in these respects differed also in their approaches to minor disorders and service requests. However, most quantitative research on police behavior has found only weak relationships between officers’ attitudes and their behavior. Smith and Klein (1983) found that Continued on next page - 17 - Big Bend Gadfly Police officers’ attitudes, behavior, and supervisory influences: An analysis of problem solving – Continued from previous page officers’ job satisfaction was unrelated to their arrest decisions. Meyers et al. (1989) and Mastrofski et al. (1994) found that officers’ attitudes, including their individual enforcement priorities, bore weak relationships to their patterns of DUI enforcement. Stith (1990) reported that officers’ attitudes had little effect on their decision making in domestic violence situations. In analyses of dispute resolution, traffic enforcement, and proactive patrol or “aggressiveness,” Worden (1989) found that officers’ attitudes (including their role orientations, perceptions of citizen respect for and cooperation with police, and attitudes toward legal restrictions) “fail to account for more than a very small part of the variation in behavior.” Terrill and Mastrofski (2002) found that officers’ use of coercion was unrelated to their attitudes (also see Worden, 1995a). Such findings led Riksheim and Chermak (1993) to conclude that police behavior is based primarily on situational determinants rather than officers’ attitudes. To our knowledge, only two quantitative studies have found a significant relationship between officers’ attitudes and their behavior. Mastrofski et al. (1995) reported that officers with more positive attitudes toward community policing were significantly less likely to arrest suspects than were officers with more negative attitudes. Officers classified as “positive” toward community policing arrested only 5% of the suspects they encountered, compared to 17% arrested by officers classified as “negative” toward community policing. The authors concluded, “it is remarkable that officers’ attitudes should show a significant relationship at all, given the absence of such results in previous studies” (1995:558). Brehm and Gates (1993, 1997) reported that officers’ rates of “shirking,” or time spent “goofing off” or “loafing,” were influenced by their professionalism, attitudes toward their jobs, and satisfaction with their supervisors. This small body of quantitative research is consistent with a much larger body of social-psychological research on attitude-behavior consistency, which has shown that the estimated relationships between attitudes and behavior are counterintuitively small (Ajzen and Fishbein, 1977; Weinstein, 1972). Innumerable studies have analyzed various forms of behavior and their relationship to attitudes. In their review of this research, Schuman and Johnson (1976:167-168) reported that “few plausible studies fail to find significant relationships,” however, “in most cases investigated, attitudes and behaviors are related to an extent that ranges from small to moderate in degree.” One explanation for weak attitude-behavior relationships is that attitude-behavior consistency is attenuated when the behavior Big Bend Gadfly is subject to the influence of “situational pressures” (Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980). Situational pressures include social norms, the norms of reference groups, and the behavior of others. In general, attitude-behavior consistency is greater when these social forces are congruent with a subject’s predisposition than when they conflict (Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980). Police work is rife with situational pressures, some of which originate in the police bureaucracy. Supervisors’ expectations and priorities would presumably represent significant situational pressures on officers’ behavior because supervisors are responsible for interpreting and enforcing bureaucratic requirements and restrictions. Thus, to the extent that supervisors can influence officers’ behavior, the consistency between officers’ attitudes and behavior may be diminished. SUPERVISORY INFLUENCES Supervisors can, in theory, influence officers’ behavior through several mechanisms. The command model of - 18 - The Big Bend Chapter wishes to thank Beef O’Brady’s for its cooperation and the use of its meeting room for occasional Big Bend Membership Meetings. Please show your appreciation by patronizing its establishments. 1800 Thomasville Road 2910 Kerry Forest Parkway 1208 Capital Circle SE November 2013 supervisory influence is based on the formal authority of police supervisors and holds that supervisors influence subordinates’ behavior by enforcing compliance with bureaucratic requirements and standards of performance (Allen and Maxfield, 1983). As we discussed above, however, the task environment of policing militates against the command model of supervision (Maxfield et al. 1981; also see Allen, 1980; Brown, 1988; Tifft, 1971). In contrast, the exchange or bargaining model of supervision holds that supervisors and officers are mutually dependent: Supervisors rely on their subordinates to be productive and to “lay low and stay out of trouble,” whereas officers rely on their supervisors for small favors (e.g., preferred work schedules, assignments, partners, beats, cars) and for protection from departmental discipline (Van Maanen, 1983). Through such reciprocity, rather than the formal chain of command, supervisors can influence officers’ behavior (Van Maanen, 1983; also see Brown, 1988; Manning, 1977; Rubinstein, 1973). The influence of supervisors would be proportional to the rewards that they can offer to their subordinates; however, these rewards are limited in a public organization regulated by civil service provisions, as many police departments are. Therefore, one might hypothesize that officers’ behavior is influenced by supervisors’ priorities, but only rather modestly. The exchange model of supervision in police organizations resembles transactional leadership identified in management studies (Bass, 1985; Bass and Avolio, 1994; Burns, 1978; Downton, 1973), and it is also similar to most principal-agent models in economics (Moe, 1984). Transactional leadership is based on the premise that an exchange or quid pro quo takes place between leaders and followers. In this exchange, the subordinate performs what is expected of him or her, while the leader specifies the conditions under which those expectations must be met and the rewards that the subordinate will receive when the requirements are fulfilled. Police supervisors could also affect officers’ behavior indirectly by influencing their attitudes, values, and beliefs. Muir (1977) surmised that field supervisors could have a substantial impact on the development of officers’ under- November 2013 standing of people and the judiciousness with which they use their coercive authority. Some supervisors, he reported, took advantage of or made opportunities to teach lessons about human nature and coercive power, and to inoculate their subordinates against cynicism and moral corruption. Such influences may yield greater congruence between supervisory expectations and officers’ attitudes and therefore may increase the consistency between officers’ attitudes and behavior. However, Muir did not maintain that this was common supervisory practice, rather that the supervisor’s role holds potential influence that supervisors may tap. Muir’s observations of the potential influence of patrol supervisors corresponds with the transformational leadership style identified in management research (Bass, 1985; Bass and Avolio, 1994; Burns, 1978; Downton, 1973), and with recent variations on principal-agent models in political science (Brehm and Gates, 1993, 1997; Miller, 1992; Waterman and Meier, 1998). Transformational leaders encourage their subordinates to bring creative perspectives to their work and stimulate a team vision through positive motivation. Although transactional leadership is based on contingent rewards, transformational leadership is based on idealized influence (i.e., viewing the leader as a role model), inspirational motivation, intellectual stimulation, and individualized consideration (Bass and Avolio, 1994). Both transactional and transformational leadership styles are expected to influence subordinates’ behavior. But they may not be equally effective in shaping all varieties of subordinates’ performance. One might expect that transactional leadership would have the greatest effect on officers’ productivity-the number of arrests they make and citations they issue-inasmuch as supervisors can establish clear, numerical expectations for these activities. Moreover, supervisors can readily monitor their subordinates’ compliance, because these activities generate discrete outputs that can be quantified. One might further expect that this effect would be more pronounced for “police-invoked law enforcement” (Wilson, 1968:85-86), such as enforcement - 19 - Continued on next page Big Bend Gadfly Police officers’ attitudes, behavior, and supervisory influences: An analysis of problem solving – Continued from previous page against vice or traffic offenses, because reasonable assump- tions-are likely to influence officers’ behavior. The empiritions can be made about the opportunities that officers have cal research on police supervision, however, has not estito generate such outputs, and in some instances (e.g., an mated the effect of supervisors’ expectations on officers’ open-air drug market) supervisors can directly observe the behavior; nor has this research examined officers’ percepoutcome of enforcement efforts. Transactional leadership tions of their supervisors’ expectations. Moreover, the bulk would be less effective, one might hypothesize, when the of this research has examined supervisory influences over expectations cannot be clearly stated, discrete outputs are traditional activities of patrol officers (e.g., decisions to not generated, and compliance cannot be readily monitored. invoke formal actions), yet has neglected more innovative Thus, as police organizations have evolved and greater forms of policing such as community policing and problemstress has been placed on the goals of community-oriented solving activities, with one exception (DeJong et al., 2001), policing and problem solving, scholars have placed a which we discuss below. greater emphasis on transformational styles of leadership. Under the principles of community-oriented policing, patrol COMMUNITY POLICING AND PROBLEM officers are afforded more discretion and are encouraged to SOLVING develop creative problem-solving approaches. Supervisors Policing traditionally has been incident-driven and are expected to facilitate this transition in objectives by case-oriented, and it has relied predominantly or exclusiveencouraging team building, raising morale, and emphasiz- ly on the actual or threatened use of officers’ coercive ing their role as a coach and mentor (Goldstein, 1990). It is authority. Problem solving, however, is an integral compobelieved that this change in supervisory nent of community policing that approach will strengthen supervisors’ involves the identification and analysis does not of problems. Following Goldstein influences over officers’ behaviors. Several studies have empirically (1990), problems are defined as a set of estimated the effects of supervision on come from winning. Your incidents-such as larcenies or noise dispatrol officer behavior. This body of turbances-that have roots in some comresearch is limited because supervision struggles develop your mon conditions. The formulation of has generally been measured as the responses directed at those conditions amount of time supervisors are present strengths. When you go may include the use of civil laws or at police-citizen encounters. Most of administrative regulations, changes in this research has focused on three genthrough hardships and environmental design, the mobilization eral types of subordinates’ behavior: the of third parties, and other alternatives frequency and duration of encounters to traditional law enforcement. Thus, decide not to surrender, the implementation of community with citizens (Allen, 1980, 1982; Tifft, 1971); discretionary decision making policing and problem solving calls for that is strength. toward citizens, including decisions to officers not only to perform old tasks in arrest or issue tickets (Allen and new ways, but to perform substantially ~Arnold Schwarzenegger Maxfield, 1983; Engel, 2000; new tasks as well. As a result, the shift MotiveWeight.Blogspot.com Mastrofski et al., 1994; Smith, 1984); to problem-oriented policing is truly and officer misbehavior, including paradigmatic in nature. work shirking and departmental violations (Bittner, 1983; One might anticipate that such disruptions of the orgaBrehm and Gates, 1993, 1997; Brown, 1988; Gates and nizational equilibrium would not be enthusiastically Worden, 1989; Reiss, 1971a). No firm conclusions have received; efforts to change not only routines, but also the been reached. Collectively, this body of research suggests rules of the game are likely to confront resistance. Some that the effects of supervision are generally small in magni- analyses of this implementation problem suggest that advotude, but they vary across the types of behavior or tasks per- cates of community policing must first change officers’ attiformed by subordinates and by the measure of supervision tudes, based on the assumption that behavioral changes utilized (for review, see Engel, 2000, 2001). would follow, and that these behavioral changes will not Yet, both the transactional and transformational leader- occur without supportive attitudinal changes. Hence, ship styles imply that supervisors’ expectations for officers’ Lurigio and Skogan (1994:315) have characterized the performance-and officers’ interpretations of these expecta- implementation of community policing as a “battle for the Strength Big Bend Gadfly - 20 - November 2013 hearts and minds of officers,” and Lurigio and Rosenbaum (1994:147) have argued that to lose this battle is “to risk program failure due to apathy, frustration, resentment, perceived inequality, fear of change, and other factors that militate against the successful implementation of community policing.” Accordingly, many evaluations of community policing initiatives (Cordner, 1988; Hayeslip and Cordner, 1987; McElroy et al., 1993; Pate and Shtull, 1994; Rosenbaum et al., 1994; Skogan and Hartnett, 1997; Skogan et al., 1999; Wycoff and Skogan, 1994) have included assessments of officers’ attitudes toward community policing, and other relevant subjective outlooks (such as job satisfaction). Even so, the evidence that bears on these assumptions is rather weak: An aggregate change in attitudes does not establish that officers whose attitudes changed also changed their behavior, nor does this research establish that attitudinal changes preceded behavioral changes. Research on organizational change in policing has maintained that field supervisors are an important piece of the implementation puzzle. Several studies found that past failures of particular strategies and structural changes were partly due to a lack of support among patrol supervisors (Mark, 1976; Sherman et al., 1973; Walker, 1993). Researchers have also argued that successful implementation of community policing hinges on supervisors’ acceptance of the philosophical, structural, and policy changes that community policing entails (Bayley, 1994; Goldstein, 1990; Sparrow et al., 1990; Weisburd et al., 1988; Witte et al., 1990; Wycoff and Skogan, 1994). Supervisors mediate the communication of new expectations to officers and the application of those expectations to street practice. They can facilitate implementation in numerous ways, including using their influence to prompt officers to engage in problem-solving activities, providing the necessary organizational support, and exhorting officers to embrace the philosophy and practice of community policing. One recent study (DeJong et al., 2001) examined the time that officers spend on problem-solving activities. Using POPN data to test hypotheses derived from expectancy motivation theory, these scholars estimated the effects of officers’ opportunities and abilities to engage in problem solving, their perceptions of departmental expectations for conducting problem solving, and the personal and organizational rewards of conducting problem solving. DeJong et al. found that officers with a specialized community policing assignment spent more time on problem solving, and officers who perceived that their supervisors expected them to work on reducing repeat calls for service also spent more time engaged in problem solving. Officers’ own views about problem solving, however, were unrelated to their behavior. Our analysis extends the work of DeJong et al. to include supervisors’ own goals, thereby treating as an empirical question the relationship between supervisors’ goals and officers’ perceptions of supervisors’ goals. HYPOTHESES Problem solving has been described as an activity in which police officers often engage at their own initiative, Continued on next page www.bigbendpba.org November 2013 - 21 - Big Bend Gadfly Police officers’ attitudes, behavior, and supervisory influences: An analysis of problem solving – Continued from previous page rather than in response to a specific directive such as a dispatched call (Goldstein, 1990). As a consequence, whether and to what extent officers engage in problem solving presumably would be affected by their attitudes toward problem solving and community policing. These attitudes may include whether problem solving is a legitimate element of the police role, the priority placed on problem solving relative to officers’ other responsibilities, and officers’ perceptions of the citizenry and beliefs about citizens’ role in addressing public safety matters. We might further expect that supervisors who are favorable toward problem solving and who make it a high priority could to some degree impose their expectations on subordinate officers. Yet, insofar as problem solving does not reliably generate documentable outputs or results, we might also expect that supervisors would be hard-pressed to enforce their expectations, and that their influence on officers’ problem solving could be quite modest. ……….. DISCUSSION Our analysis of the time that patrol officers spend conducting problem-solving activities is consistent with the findings of most previous research that officers’ behavior is only weakly related, if at all, to their occupational attitudes. Previous research has examined police dispositions of disputes and traffic stops, and officers’ responses to domestic violence. Research has also examined the frequency with which police make traffic stops and suspicion stops, and officers’ arrests for driving under the influence. All of these are well-established domains of police work, in which most analyses have found weak or null attitude-behavior relationships. One exception is the analysis by Brehm and Gates (1993), which found that officers who dislike features of their job and are satisfied with their supervisors tend to “goof off” more, while officers who like their colleagues tend to “goof off” less. Hence, it appears that variation in how officers do their jobs is not congruent with their occupational attitudes, while variation in how much officers do their jobs is related to their attitudes. The findings of previous research notwithstanding, one might expect that the officers whose occupational attitudes are the most compatible with problem solving and community policing would be more likely to embrace the practice of problem solving, which represents a substantial departure from widely accepted police practice. Yet for the most part, these expected relationships do not hold. Officers who adopt goals of community policing and problem solving as their most important goals tend to perceive these as their supervisors’ goals also, and they tend to spend more time Big Bend Gadfly engaged in problem-solving activities. Otherwise, however, the time that officers devote to problem solving is unrelated to their attitudes, and it is also unrelated to their training in community policing, assignment as a community policing officer, self-assessed knowledge of community policing, and perceptions of the levels of cooperation from the residents of their beats. These mostly null attitude-behavior relationships could be due to situational pressures that originate in the police organization. In both departments, survey respondents indicated that the organization had only partially succeeded in providing time, information, and rewards for problem solving (see Paoline et al., 2000:587-588), and in both departments, observed officers typically devoted a small fraction of their time to problem solving. The limited organizational support can and should be understood as situational pressures that attenuate attitude-behavior relationships. Even officers who are enthusiastic adherents to a philosophy of community policing will seldom practice it if they do not have the organizational support they need, or if they face organizational impediments. It is also possible that attitudebehavior congruence in this domain of police work is undermined by uncertainty and ambiguity about the nature of problem solving. Even officers who are favorably disposed toward community policing and problem solving may be unsure how to proceed, and even those with training in concepts and principles may be ill-prepared to practice problem solving. It is, we believe, quite telling that the officers for whom problem solving is a high priority spend more time on problem solving to the extent that they perceive-in many instances erroneously-it is a priority for their supervisors. This analysis also shows that the time officers spend on problem-solving activities is subject to modest, but negative, supervisory influence. In particular, officers whose supervisors are strongly oriented toward aggressive patrol spend less time on problem solving. It appears that supervisors who espouse an aggressive patrol style discourage problem solving, either overtly or implicitly, by encouraging their subordinates to make arrests and issue citations, or seize drugs, guns, or other contraband, so that less time is available for problem solving, as they work to meet a different set of supervisory expectations. ……….. Otherwise, and perhaps more remarkably, supervisory influence is negligible, in that officers whose supervisors espouse community policing and problem-solving goals engage in no more problem solving than other officers. Interestingly, however, this appears to be due not simply to their subordinates’ resistance, but rather to a failure of these - 22 - November 2013 supervisors to communicate their expectations, inspire their subordinates to practice problem solving, and facilitate their efforts to do so. Officers who believe that their supervisors espouse goals that are problem-oriented spend more time on problem solving, but officers’ perceptions of their supervisors’ goals did not correspond to supervisors’ actual goals. Establishing priorities is a challenge, particularly in the community era, as calls for service must be handled, and pressure for documentable outputs (such as arrests) with which to demonstrate the agency’s productivity remains. These results raise important questions for future research. Researchers have speculated that as police organizations place greater emphasis on the goals of communityoriented policing and problem solving, the role of patrol supervisors will evolve into one encouraging a “softer” management approach. Supervisors are expected to communicate goals of problem solving by coaching and mentoring officers (Goldstein, 1990). As transformational leaders, patrol supervisors are expected to communicate their priorities with less reliance on their formal authority. This research suggests, however, that supervisors who embrace priorities of problem solving have been unable to effectively communicate these goals to their officers. This finding is also consistent with Engel’s (2002) finding that supervisors classified as having “innovative” supervisory styles did not have a significant influence over officers’ behavior. Unfortunately, we do not know how supervisors communicate-and miscommunicate-their goals and priorities to subordinate officers, nor do we know how officers form their perceptions of their supervisors’ expectations. Furthermore, we do not know whether supervisors induce officers to meet those goals, or whether it is sufficient for them simply to articulate the goals. These are all directions for future research. These findings have important policy implications regarding the potential influence and limitations of supervisors in the implementation of policies at the street level. Goldstein (1990:157) has suggested that “however strongly the head of an agency may elicit a different style of policing, the quality of an officer’s daily life is heavily dependent on how well the officer satisfies the expectations and demands of his or her immediate supervisor.” Yet, one of the problems, it appears, is that supervisors’ priorities for problem solving are not being effectively communicated to officers. In the absence of clearly communicated goals and directives, officers appear to substitute their own priorities for those of their supervisors. This is an impediment to implementation, because as other research has demonstrated, patrol officers have more negative attitudes toward problem solving and community policing than officers of higher ranks (Lurigio and Skogan, 1994; Rosenbaum et al., 1994; Skogan et al., 1999). Although it would seem sensible to believe that police executives would need to “win the hearts and minds of officers” in order to foster change at the street level, the present findings suggest that attitudinal changes alone will likely not influence officers’ behavior. Police administrators are more likely to have an influence over officers’ behavior by training and encouraging their supervisors to effectively communicate their priorities for problem solving and community policing. For initiatives that represent a departure from past practices, such as community policing and problem solving, it may also require extraordinary communication efforts to overcome potential department cultural inertia. ATTENTION MEMBERS: In appreciation of your business, each member will receive a $10.00 gift certificate to Super Suds Express Car Wash for each auto glass replacement. November 2013 - 23 - Big Bend Gadfly Christmas trees for order from Greg Adams The above photograph was taken at our Christmas tree farm in North Carolina. I am pledging a portion of the profit to the TPD Chaplain fund and World Help Child Sponsorship program. Last year we donated $720.00. • Who am I? Greg Adams; I retired after 25 years of service at the Tallahassee Police Department. • How much are our trees? $49 for a 6-7 foot tree. We have larger trees available. See Christmastrees4u.com, go to ORDER NOW for sizes and prices. • What kind of trees are they? Fraser,Canaan fir and Nordman, see photo above. These firs make wonderful Christmas trees. • Are they fresh? Yes, I will personally be cutting and bailing your tree and have them in Tallahassee in 48 hours. • When do I pick up my tree? All day Wednesday, December 4th and Thursday, December 5th at my home (see below). • Greg, how do I order a tree? Go to Christmastrees4u.com and click on ORDER NOW and place your order. • My email address is [email protected] • If you have questions, call 656-7555; please leave a message. My address is 2004 Doomar Drive, Tallahassee, FL 32308. • We are offering delivery this year. My good friend, Brian Bennett, will deliver and set up your tree at a very affordable price. Please contact Brian for arrangements. He can be reached at (850) 408-1537 or by email, [email protected]. Cards and Letters November 2013 - 25 - Big Bend Gadfly JOIN E-PBA TODAY! NOT AN E-PBA MEMBER YET? Become one! Be the first to know about breaking news... direct to your inbox. Don’t wait, sign up today for E-PBA. Go to our website at www.flpba.org and click on the E-PBA link. Knowledge about PBA issues is the strength of our Association. 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Only TALLAHASSEE’S NEWEST LAW ENFORCEMENT UNIFORM AND SUPPLY STORE VISIT US AND MENTION THIS AD TO RECEIVE 20% OFF YOUR PURCHASE AND A $1000each MEMBERS ONLY: Send your check for $10 each (no sales tax) to: FREE POCKET CUFF KEY Florida PBA 300 East Brevard Street Tallahassee, Florida 32301 , 3839 North Monroe Street, Tallahassee, FL (850) 402-1133 www.azarsuniforms.com Big Bend Gadfly - 26 - November 2013 CHANGE OF ADDRESS Have you moved recently, or are in the process of moving? If so, we need your new address! Please notify the PBA office of your change of address so that you won’t miss any important mailings. Name:_________________________________________________ Soc. Sec. 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PBA HEART FUND DEATH AND DISABILITY PLAN I n an effort to help the families of law enforcement officers who are killed or disabled in the line of duty, Florida Police Benevolent Association (PBA) has established a charitable arm which is called the PBA Heart Fund. Because the PBA Heart Fund is a 501(c)(3) organization, contributions are tax deductible. Monies donated to the Heart Fund are used to provide death benefits to the families of officers killed in-the-line-of-duty and disability benefits to officers who are permanently disabled because of an in-line-of-duty disability. Aside from individuals who may want to donate with the tax deduction in mind*, political campaigns may dispose of surplus funds (after the campaign is over) by donating some or all of the surplus to the PBA Heart Fund [s. 106.141 (4) (a) 2., Florida Statutes]. And, of course, other entities (e.g. not-for-profit corporations) may also donate to this cause. The address is: Florida PBA Heart Fund, 300 East Brevard Street, Tallahassee, FL 32301 More information about the Heart Fund may be obtained by calling Florida PBA at 1-800-733-3722. *Receipt for donations will be provided upon request. November 2013 - 27 - Big Bend Gadfly BIG BEND CHAPTER Florida Police Benevolent Association, Inc. 300 East Brevard Street Tallahassee, Florida 32301 Check out the Big Bend Chapter’s website at: www.bigbendpba.org PBA “SUPPORT LAW ENFORCEMENT” TAG SELLING FAST! The Florida PBA “Support Law Enforcement” license tag is a hot item. Over 93,000 tags have been sold so far. The proceeds of this tag are deposited into a charitable fund— Florida PBA Heart Fund—for the Association’s members (see page 27). The intent of the Heart Fund is to provide financial assistance to the families of members who are killed in the line-of-duty and to members who are injured and permanently disabled in the line-of-duty under certain circumstances. The great thing about the contributions made to the Heart Fund, they are taxdeductible! Please ask for the PBA “Support Law Enforcement” tag when you visit your tag office and purchase this tag for your vehicle(s). Keep showing your support for PBA and your fellow officers.