The Chilean Horse Vol I-4 They Saw and They Conquered

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Chapter I-4
They Saw and They Conquered…from Hispaniola to New
Extremadura
The reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula assured the new Spanish kingdom the
effectiveness of having 20 percent of their total forces made up of “jinetes” mounted on light
warhorses. The term “jinete” was originally used to specify a soldier that mounted a light
warhorse, and did not refer to just any rider on horseback, as is now the case. The point is that
the importance of the light horse in warfare was now firmly established.
When King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella sent Christopher Columbus to the new world,
they came to the realization that there was an incalculable amount of land left for them to
“discover” and lay claim to. In these territories, many natives would need to be dominated by
force. In light of the decisive advantage horses provided in mobilization, carrying capacity and
warfare, it became clear that sending equines to the Americas was a necessity.
Columbus Reintroduces Equids to the Western Hemisphere
In 1493, in preparation for his second journey to the Americas, Columbus received
approval to take with him 20 warhorses and five auxiliaries, which were all mares. These would
be the first equine representatives to leave Spain for the Americas. The five mares offered the
dual possibility of serving as backup mounts, as well as initiating a breeding program in the
Americas, since Columbus and his crew had not sighted any horses in the initial voyage of
1492.
Figure I.92
The Four Trips Cristopher Columbus made to America
No one seems to know the total number of horses that were included in this shipment but
historians do tell us there were other horses aside from the official purchases. Men, such as
Alonso Ojeda, brought along their private mounts on this journey and others may have done the
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same. Likewise, we don’t know how many horses actually arrived on the island of Hispaniola,
as it is reasonable to think there were losses while crossing the Atlantic.
Relatively good Spanish horses had
been chosen as candidates for what would
become the re-introduction of equids to the
Americas.
Unfortunately, the bloodstock
agents who prepared the shipment of horses
were bribed into selling the good stock and
replacing them with common hacks of
insignificant value. Upon his return to Spain,
Admiral Columbus informed the king and
queen of Spain of the unjust dealings.
Nonetheless, this strange twist of fate was
probably a saving grace of the Spanish
interests in the New World. This plan gone
awry provided hardy horses for Isabella’s new
settlement that were, in fact, better suited to
Figure I.93 Cristopher Columbus bids his farewells to
the harsh environment found in the New
King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella as he departs on his
first journey to the Americas.
World.
Other shipments to the new continent
followed, as the Spanish royalty realized the need for a greater number of equines in the
expansion of their empire. Six more mares arrived with Columbus in 1495. Since a royal decree
in 1494 made it obligatory that all ships sailing to the Americas take at least a dozen mares, we
must assume that this shipment had suffered a 50 percent mortality rate. Equine death rates of
30-50 percent were not unusual occurrences in transatlantic travel in the 15th, 16th and 17th
centuries. On the 23rd of April 1497, 14 more mares were sent to La Hispaniola. By 1500, the
Spanish crown had accumulated 60 broodmares in their settlement in the Americas.
With time, greater emphasis was put on sending mares, so that the equine numbers could
expand in America via stud farms that were started in La Hispaniola, Jamaica, Cuba, Puerto
Rico, Nicaragua and Panama. Spain promoted horse breeding in the West Indies due to the fact
that mule production was very popular in Spain. Not only did mules command attractive prices,
but in times of war there was much less chance that the government would confiscate them.
Besides, it was illogical that Spain could provide the horse needs for all their territories in the
Americas when these were 25 times larger in area than the motherland.
It is worth noting that exclusively designated breeding stallions had not been included in
any of the previous shipments. The first stud horses in the Americas were the “jineta”
warhorses, all of which were intact males. Although the term “a la jineta” is associated with a
short stirrup leather, two-point seat riding style used by the light cavalry, “jineta” horses
referred to smaller, lighter and more limber horses (or large ponies) used in the light cavalry,
regardless of the riding style used. Most often, these were either northern jacas or crosses of
Barb/Andalusi and northern jacas of around 1.46m (14.2 hands) in height. These were the timetested specifications Moorish horseman looked for in choosing their mounts for the “a la xineta”
exhibitions and warfare. The fact that all the warhorses sent to the Americas were stallions
offered a wide genetic variation for a breeding program that was limited in increasing
broodmare numbers.
The court recognized that soon there would be a scarcity of horses to send to the
Americas, due to the popularity and greater profit of the mule production in Spain. As a result,
in 1494, a decree was signed that prohibited all men from riding mules. Only clergy and women
were permitted their use. In 1501, another decree in Granada reiterated the same orders that
were already causing a significant effect on promoting a resurgence of horses in Spain.
In an effort to speed up the self-sufficiency of horse production in the Americas, in 1507,
the same agents that had sent over poor quality horses in 1493 gained approval to export a
further 106 mares. Governor Nicolas Ovando received this last large shipment of horses sent to
La Hispaniola in the capital city of Santo Domingo. These horses were purchased in Seville,
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Sanlucar and Huelva, but it is very doubtful that the specimens sent to the Caribbean island
were representative of the horses that brought this area fame.
In spite of the prestigious breeding grounds where these mares were purchased, one
would have to imagine that taking into account the following factors: 1) the scarcity of horses in
Spain; 2) the tainted reputation of the agents, and 3) the declining marketability for horses of
northern Spanish breeding-- the broodmares shipped to America were probably of no greater
quality than the original shipment. In fact, the 14 years that elapsed may very well have shown
the greater adaptability of these more rustic horses with bloodlines from northern Spain. That
may very well explain why the government approved dealing once again with agents that had
had their dishonest nature disclosed by Columbus himself.
What should be equally apparent is that the continual discovery of new routes to sectors
of the Americas that could be claimed for Spain caused a growing need for additional horses.
This made equine quantity much more important than quality. Whatever the budget was for
ensuring La Hispaniola became a major American horse-breeding center, the money was better
spent in buying greater numbers of cheap horses. In addition, if we accept that the type of horse
that no longer had a justification in the modern armies of Europe offered advantages for the
conquering armies of America, then one is hard-pressed to fantasize about shiploads of beautiful
Andalusi types becoming the foundation for the breeds of the Americas.
Still, the main objective was clear. The desired end product was a quantity of warhorses
that would compete against an enemy that was on foot. Since there was a distinct bias against
the idea of using mares under saddle, this increased the pressure for rapid growth. The pioneer
horse breeding efforts in America would show the way to the global automobile market in
centuries to come. What was needed was a cheap, low maintenance, low expenditure, tough and
durable mode of transportation.
Until the production out of the Caribbean breeding centers was assured, Spain kept
sending whatever they could afford to part with in the mother country, applying the philosophy
of the Spanish proverb that says, “In the land of the blind, a one-eyed man is king”. Spanish
breeding efforts in the homeland were in a position of creating one of the best cavalries ever
known, as well as capitalizing on an attractive world market. On the other hand, the counterparts
they were establishing in America were hard-pressed to meet the demands, regardless of the
quality they offered. So, as much as they tried to promote the idea of including broodmares on
the voyages to America, the majority of the slots on the ship went to fulfill the immediate need
for warhorses. This is clear from Columbus’ third trip in 1498, when 40 “jineta” warhorses were
included in the journey.
Satellite Breeding Centers throughout the Caribbean Basin
Initially, the Spanish leaders prohibited the export of breeding livestock from the
Caribbean islands to the mainland, in order to monopolize their production. As the upcoming
text will attest, such a prohibition proved impractical in light of the fever that existed for
exploring new lands easily within reach. By 1524, breeding animals had been smuggled to the
South and Central American mainland and others reached North American shores even before
that. In 1526, King Charles I (Charles I in Spain and simultaneously the Charles V in Germany)
eventually decided to lift the unrealistic ban.
It would not be long before the headquarters of the “Viceroyalty of the Indies” would be
officially dispersing large numbers of horses to adjacent lands. These horses, in turn, would be
used in starting up new breeding centers. In 1509, Alonso Ojeda took 12 horses from La
Hispaniola on his expedition to conquer the Darien region in Panama. It would be only four
years later that Vasco Nuñez de Balboa would make the first sighting of the Pacific Ocean that
would open up an entire new coastline to the Spaniards for exploration and conquest. It appears
that some mares must have made their way to Panama in the first two decades of the century.
By 1526, in the year King Charles’ ban was lifted, horse breeders already existing in Panama
were supplying Francisco Pizarro with the first horses going to Peru. Panamanian horse
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breeders received another boost when, in 1535, 400 horses and soldiers left La Hispaniola for
the conquest of what would become the land of Veraguas (now Panama).
Horses from La Hispaniola were also integrated into the neighboring islands and other
surrounding mainland establishments. Early settlements had been formed in Puerto Rico
(1508), Jamaica (1509) and Cuba (1511). Soon, these would become producers of equines
destined to ripple out to other parts of the Americas.
Towns were established in Nicaragua, Colombia and Venezuela in the first decade of the
16th century, and within three to five decades these, too, would become important suppliers of
warhorses for ambitious new expeditions by the conquistadors. Although Colombia was
discovered in 1502, by 1538 there were 400 horses leaving this territory to explore lands in the
interior of Colombia and parts of Peru. The first livestock to reach Colombian “llanos”
(flatlands) were driven over the Andes to the town of Santa Fe (now Venezuela) in 1541.
Cristopher Rodriguez is credited for importing livestock to Venezuela in 1548 and large
importations followed from the island of Margarita in 1569.
In 1519, Hernan Cortés took his first 16 horses (including one mare that foaled aboard the
ship en route to their destination) into the land known as New Spain (now Mexico), which had
been discovered, but not settled, by the conquistador Grijalva. By the time he marched the
streets of Tenochtitlán in victory, Cortés had accumulated a total of 86 horses as a result of
incoming reinforcements over the previous two years. By 1527, the Spaniards were importing
significant numbers of equines needed to start exploring the large extensions of the Aztec
empire. They not only bought horses in La Hispaniola, but also in the outpost breeding farm in
Cuba.
Cortés’ rebellious reputation
earned him a Spanish embargo on
any horse going to New Spain and
islanders boycotted all shipment of
mares to New Spain for 25 years.
These efforts to curtail horse
production were in vain, as in
1544 horses thrived in New Spain
(Mexico) to the extent that it was
considered one of the greatest
horse producers in the Americas.
By the turn of the century, they
had the largest horse inventory in
the Western Hemisphere. Chiapas
acquired the most fame as a horseFigure I.94 Spanish influence in the Americas brought elegance to
breeding center, and Cortés
many stock horse cultures.
himself became a cattle magnate
and primary horse breeder in his own right.
In 1519, horses not only reached southwestern North America, but also that year Baron
de Léry took horses to Sable Island in Nova Scotia. Two years later, the first horses would also
reach the southeastern coast of North America. Ponce de León took both horses and cattle with
him as he explored the newly found Floridian peninsula. Although this first venture was not
successful in establishing a settlement or livestock breeding grounds, in 1539 Hernando de Soto
purchased 350 horses in Cuba to set out to explore parts of Florida hitherto unknown to
Europeans. Eventually, the horses introduced into this region would make their way north into
the hands of the Chickasaw natives who made a name for themselves in trading their ponies
with the English colonists that would bring fame to the colonial Quarter Mile horse.
In 1529, Pizarro also depended on a secondary breeding establishment as the Queen
Mother of Spain instructed he be given 25 mares and a similar number of stallions from
Jamaica. In 1530, horse breeders from León and Granada in New Valladolid (Nicaragua) also
supplied Pizarro with horses that were destined for his dreams of conquering Peru. These cities
were the most important horse-breeding centers of Central America, having acquired fame akin
to that of Chiapas and Santo Domingo.
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Once determined to make the expedition to the Peruvian coast, Pizarro counted on 37
horses he had accumulated in Panama. This showed the convenience of breeding centers on the
Pacific coast for supplying the needs of the exploration of western South America. In spite of
the demands of supplying their subsidiaries, in 1536 La Hispaniola was able to round up 200
horses on short notice to send to Pizarro, who was confronting another Inca uprising.
The land we know as Brazil was first visited by the Portuguese in 1500. However, it
would not be until the second through the fifth decades of that century that coastal settlements
would be established. In 1530, cattle and horses were brought in from the motherland. In 1541,
Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca brought in a significant number of Spanish horses, which
journeyed through Brazil in route to Asuncion (now Paraguay). Eventually their influence
would spread through southern Brazil and northern Argentina. Settlements began in
northeastern Brazil in 1550, and ranching was to become one of the most pursued activities in
the dry plains that would eventually be known as “sertao”.
As the Spaniards discovered and settled new lands in the
Western Hemisphere, new horse- breeding centers also projected
themselves out to the edges the identified lands. Here, horse
breeders not only supplied the needs of the new territory, but
they also created a commercially advantageous post to furnish
the needs for the uncharted lands beyond. All the connections for
distributing new bloodlines had their hub in Santo Domingo.
This was the capital of the only viceroyalty in the Americas up
until the death of its Viceroy, Diego Columbus (brother of the
Admiral), in 1526.
In fact, in 1532 there were so many horses in La
Hispaniola that they could be purchased for one-fourth of their
original value. By 1560, the historian Mr. Echagogian made
note that the island contained 50,000 head of cattle and an
“uncountable” number of horses. In 1590, José Acosta wrote that
Figure I.95 Alvar Nuñez Cabeza
cattle wandered through the fields and forests of Santo
de Vaca was one of the truly great
explorers of the 16th century and
Domingo by the thousands, where they were hunted for their
he was responsible for taking
hides and the meat was left to rot. By the end of the 16th century,
horses directly from Spain to
historians were making mention of brigades of 500 horses,
South America.
marching in parades organized in Santo Domingo. In the 1600s,
Father Alcoce witnessed 20-30,000 head of wild horses in the San Juan Valley alone, and, in the
18th century, Father Sanchez Valdeverde said wild horses were still being hunted in Santo
Domingo. Nevertheless, due to the cost of local sea fares, acquiring horses for exploratory
missions around America in the 16th century was still expensive. This emphasizes how
important it was that in-house breeding centers substitute the need to receive horses from Spain,
as the cost of cross-Atlantic equine relocation was even more prohibitive.
Peru Becomes a Major Horse Breeding Center that Supplies Meridional South America
In reviewing the expansion of equine breeding in the Americas, one realizes that many of
the trails lead to Peru. The Inca Empire was, undoubtedly, one of the greatest representatives of
Native American culture and, additionally, it offered one of the most lucrative compensations
during the entire era of Spanish conquest. So, it is not surprising that a lot of Spanish resources
went to this conquered empire that lay on the outskirts of the Spanish territories. The city of
Lima was founded just two years after establishing control over the Incas. This decentralized
the control that had been based in Cuzco, while rapidly creating the port infrastructure that
could offer the motherland the capability of efficiently harvesting the goods this rich land had to
offer.
So, in November of 1533 when Pizarro and his forces were victorious in taking over
Cuzco, the highest imperial capital of the world, the incredible conquest of the Inca Empire was
terminated. It had all begun with an offensive on September of 1532 when Pizarro led a mere
168 soldiers and 62 horses, in a surprise attack on the enemy camp where 80,000 adversaries
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were attending to their Inca leader Atahualpa, just 14 months earlier. When all was said and
done, in the Springs of Cajamarca 6,000-7,000 native warriors lay dead in their tracks and the
maximum symbol of Inca power was a valuable hostage.
We must not forget that it took the Romans 19
years to conquer the Iberian Peninsula. The Moors
found much less resistance after they had been in the
Iberian Peninsula for 7 years but it would take them
21 years before they reached the northern border in
the Pyrenees. So to imagine that Pizarro would have
the Incan empire at his mercy in a bit more than one
year is almost unfathomable.
How such an accomplishment was pulled off
against insurmountable odds is the justification for
many books on the subject. We do know that the
Inca Empire was in a frenzied power struggle
between two brothers fighting for a throne left
vacant by the previous emperor and his logical
successors. Conveniently, for the conquistadors, the
Inca royalty had succumbed to European diseases
that had reached the highlands of the Andes long
before the Spaniards that inoculated these germs in
the continent. What these events signify to our topic
Figure I.96 This famous statue of Francisco
is that a whole new sector of a cultured Native
Pizarro in Trujillo honors the illiterate hometown
America was opened up to the exploding surge of
pig herder that helped discovered the Pacific
Ocean and went on to conquer one of the greatest
Spanish conquest and colonialism. From an
and richest empires in the New World.
eventual Viceroyalty of New Castile (Peru), a
functional Spanish nucleus would be established that could launch Spanish control in every
direction south of the Portuguese territories of Brazil. These areas would become the “cattle
raising territories” that, aside from Chile, touch on parts of the present day countries of
Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. The latter four are homeland for the Criollo breed of
horse of a somewhat similar origin and whose subsequent history after the period of conquest
bears little in common with the Chilean Horse.
Establishing an equine population was an important component for the development of
Peru. Horses had arrived in Peru from the Dominican Republic (Hispaniola), Puerto Rico,
Jamaica, Nicaragua (New Valladolid), Panama and Colombia (Golden Castile). However, aside
from the initial shipments intended to meet Pizarro’s urgent needs of invading the Inca Empire,
almost all other equine importations into Peru were from New Valladolid (Nicaragua). By 1532,
before the conquest was formally concluded, horse breeding had already commenced in Peru.
In 11 short years, this area became the third major center of Spanish activity in the New World.
In 1543, it would be known as the Viceroyalty of New Castile (Peru), and alongside New Spain
(Mexico), one of the greatest contributors of wealth to the homeland.
Peru quickly became self sufficient in the provision of its local horse needs and only rare
importations were made by people of great influence. Peru was notorious for maintaining the
ambiance and tradition of the Spanish Royal Court. This required horses of the highest quality
for parade and exhibition purposes. Originally, some of these were sent from Spain, but it would
not be long before they were importing this caliber of horse from Chile.
The majority of the horse breeding in Peru was carried out in the southern part of the
viceroyalty that was called Chárcas. This encompassed a portion of land that went from the
south of Cuzco all the way to what is now Copiapó (then known as Copa Yapo) in Chile, and
from the Pacific Ocean eastwards to what is now Paraguay. Lake Titicaca and most of Bolivia
was included in this prime horse-breeding region.
Such a vast suitable extension caused a boom in horse breeding, as horses were a tactical
part of all types of development. By 1553, there were nearly 3,000 horses in Peru, and the great
majority, were descendants of the 166 broodmares that existed in Hispaniola in 1507. Just three
decades later, between 1580 and 1590, there was one owner in Peru by the name of Jaén de
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Bracamoros who had 4,000 broodmares distributed across 10 different estancias. The rapid
increase in horse numbers in Peru not only denoted the complexity of the viceroyalty, but also
the role Peru would play in establishing the horse in the surrounding territories that were in the
process of being explored.
By the end of the 16th century, Peru claimed to have horses equal in caliber to those in
Spain, and was breeding a diversity of equines for racing, parades, war games, workhorses and
horses with comfortable gaits for long-distance journeys. The latter grew in popularity in Peru
because of the abundance of sandy terrain in which their smooth paddling gait proved
advantageous. This inclination to move at a “broken pace” was accompanied by a great
endurance, as it was common to see horses travel day after day for distances of 125 km (78
miles). By the 17th century, the main emphasis was almost exclusively on producing beautiful
horses with a smooth gait.
Andalusi Types Had a Less Significant Role than Credited in Spanish Expansion
Before straying too far from the topic of imported Spanish horses, permit me to touch on
the subject of just how much influence elite “Andalusian type” horses had in American horse
breeding. One of the most frequently mentioned examples originates in Peru. It is an interesting
anecdote that takes place in 1534. It is reported that a Mr. Illan Suares de Carbajal imported a
stallion and a mare directly from Spain to Peru. The fact that this is so often mentioned informs
us that just four decades after the arrival of the first domestic horses in America, importations
from the mother country were not at all common. For all practical purposes, the policy of
sending Spanish horses to the Americas only lasted for the first 15 years after Columbus first set
foot in the New World.
The explanation for this probably lies in the abundance of paperwork for permits and
inspections that were required in Seville at the time. Undoubtedly, this had much to do with the
Spanish decrees during the reign of King Charles I that further reinforced the prohibitions on the
exportation of finely bred horses from Andalusia that had been established by King Ferdinand I
in 1507. Soon after the discovery of the Americas, Spanish conflicts in Naples and Africa
drastically increased the demands for warhorses, and thus it was pronounced that no more
horses were to be sent to the Indies (America). In the particular instance mentioned above, the
permission for Mr. Carbajal was granted, as the horses were for Don Francisco Pizarro, the new
Marquis de Atavillos who was clearly a new national hero after having conquered one of
America’s richest, most organized and most extensive native empires.
This example is often cited as further proof of the high quality horses that were sent to the
Americas. Although there is no denying that the horses brought for the likes of Pizarro must
have been of a very good caste, I would have to question just how much impact they had in the
general equine population. Elegant horses for a political leader were usually justified to make
impressive public appearances in front of the multitudes. The fact that Pizarro imported a mare
could mean that he may have had some interest in reproducing more of these better quality
horses and, in some manner, these genes could have trickled into the population of Peruvian
equines. However, a possibility exists that his interest was simply geared towards the sport of
jousting, as both the stallion and mare were trained for this and other equestrian events that
Pizarro was very fond of participating in.
The often-expressed thought that surely such finely bred animals would have been used
intensively in the breeding programs of the day defies the customs of the time, and to a large
extent, the Latin mentality that still perseveres. In the colonial period throughout the Americas,
it was not common to breed stallions to outside mares*. The more aristocratic the owner and the
finer the caliber of the horse, the less likely these genes would be disseminated amongst a large
* “Outside mares” is a term used in the industry to describe mares that come in to breed to a stallion
from outside of the breeding farm. In private breeding farms, these would be mares not owned by the
proprietor of the stallion. In commercial farms with mixed horse ownership, the term can refer to mares
that are not permanently residing in the breeding establishment.
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number of mares. Part of the special feeling derived by owning privileged horses came from
knowing that others did not possess anything similar. To this day in Latin America, the concept
of selling stud fees is unusual and sharing the asset of a stallion is rarely considered over
owning your own stud horse. So, I have serious doubts about just how much of an influence
these fine horses had in the horse-breeding programs of Peru.
There are speculations of other leaders that could have been influential in bringing over
high- quality Spanish horses to the Americas. According to the version Luis Bañuelos de la
Cerda gives of the origins of a much-touted Guzman and Valenzuela line of horses, the Ponce
de León family could have had ties with the breeders in Andalusia. In his well-documented
book, Historia y Origen del Caballo Español, Juan Carlos Altamirano questions the validity of
the Bañuelos de la Cerda explanation. He cites how the names of Valenzuela, Guzman and
Manrique all tie in to the original horses selected for the Royal Stud in Cordoba.
Regardless of the truth, the timing of events definitely makes the more romanticized
conclusions in America harder to believe. Both Ponce de León governors had their terms of
influence in the first quarter of the 16th century, when supposedly Luis Manrique was just
beginning to breed horses. The horses that, much later, would have had to carry the Guzman and
Valenzuela name were not really famous until the final quarter of the 16th century.
Interestingly, the timing of their fame also coincides with the period in which the fruits of the
selective efforts of the Royal Stud of Cordoba were also being recognized.
Nevertheless, since Juan Ponce de León was the Governor of Cuba and Puerto Rico, and
Pedro Ponce de León was the governor of Venezuela, it is speculated that they surely must have
imported horses from these later famous lineages from southern Spain. In spite of the fact that I
am not aware of any documentation backing up this even having taken place, further speculation
permits people to correlate the running walk gait of the Trochadores of Venezuela and
Colombia, and the ambling gait of the Puerto Rican Paso Fino to this supposed influence of
elite horses from Andalusia.
The justification for this comes from those who feel the Andalusian, as well as the Barb
horse, have an innate tendency to “pace”. Some claim this is best witnessed in foals that are
often observed with their appendages in a pacing pattern. Without intending to disclaim these
explanations about breeds that I am certainly not an expert on, I would like to clarify that the
tendency to amble is present in a small number of horses of just about any breed. In fact, gait
analysis of fossil footprints of Hipparion equids indicates that the running walk was performed
as early as 3.5 million years ago. The truth is that, in some individuals of all breeds, and in most
individuals of some selected breeds, this is an instinctive pattern of movement. Therefore, this
should make us consider it as one of the natural gaits.
Young foals can be excused for a lot of unusual gaits as they learn to coordinate their
movement. Without negating the inherited aspects of gait, there is probably also a learned factor
that must be considered. In fact, most horses can be taught a running walk, even when this is not
seemingly their gait of choice. Part of the confusion lies in the subtle differences between the
various symmetrical gaits.
The classical two-beat Standardbred trot and pace seem easy enough for most of us to
distinguish. However, the running walk that is a more common component of the ambling
breeds is puzzling to us. Through the eyes of a purist, observers are perplexed that they are
mentioned as “pacing” breeds when there isn’t a perfect lateral symmetry in the stance and
suspension phases. No doubt the term “smooth-gaited breed” would be more appropriate than
“pacing breed”. The most important point to get across is that all closely symmetrical gaits must
be considered natural, and although some genes will carry a stronger propensity to amble, most
horses can also perform rudimentary examples of all these gaits if enough time and patience are
taken to teach them.
Whether the Andalusian and Barb breeds have a slightly higher percentage of
individuals with aptitudes to smooth-gaited performance is unknown to me. What is crystal
clear, however, is that both are considered trotting breeds and ambling gaits are NOT the
general tendency in the breed, nor is it the objective of their breeders. They may have other,
even more common, traits with ambling breeds, such as high knee action, lateral paddling and
long cannon bones, but none of this changes the fact that they are trotting breeds. For this
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reason, I find it curious that we try to justify the ambling breeds of the Americas through an
Andalusian and Barb heritage, when in fact there were horses from northern Spain that were
purposely selected for these smooth-riding gaits for centuries before they arrived in America.
Since it is known that the smooth-riding gait is not a dominant gene, it would be easy,
by means of crossbreeding and selection, to create a separate specialized group of trotters for
other objectives. However, it would be a much harder and more prolonged goal to start off with
trotting breeds hoping to create smooth-gaited ambling types. Surely it is more than
happenstance that native horses of Costa Rica (Costa Rican Saddle Horse), Panama
(Panamanian Criollo), Puerto Rico (Paso Fino), the Dominican Republic (Ajilado Pacers),
Cuba (Cuban Criollo), Venezuela (Trochador from the llanos and the Guajiro from Punta
Gallina Peninsula), Colombia (Paso Fino, Colombian Paso and Trochador from the llanos),
Ecuador (Quiteños and Parameros) and Peru (Peruvian Paso, Serrano and Morocucho),
ALL have a strong predilection to perform some variation of smooth-riding gaits. All these
countries are close to the original site of entry of the domestic horse in the Americas. The
evidence seems too categorical to not conclude that a good percentage of the horses that arrived
in the Americas had a strong predisposition for ambling gaits.
Figure I.97
Figure I.98
Figure I.99
Peruvian Paso
Colombian Paso Fino
Puerto Rican Paso Fino
Three examples of the many smooth-gaited breeds from the region around the original horse breeding centers of the Americas.
Before getting back to the horse’s journey into meridional South America, I would like to
clarify that I don’t wish to imply that the horse types from the southern part of the Iberian
Peninsula had no role in the formation of the breeds of the Americas. Unquestionably, the
Andalusi type horses had had a profound impact in the Iberian Peninsula throughout the more
than seven centuries of the various Moorish mandates. The Andalusi was an Iberian or Spanish
Barb (depending on whether the type was described before or after 1491) that, according to
Robert Moorman Denhardt, was “perfected by the Moors in Al Andalus by the year 1200 and
continued to have a worldly repute until 1600”. As we will see later this statement erroneously
combines the merits of two very different efforts. One was a result of the diversity of goals and
breeding programs that were implemented during the various Islamic groups that ruled the
Iberian Peninsula until 1492. The other was the well organized and meticulously executed plan
carried out in the Royal Stud of Cordoba that in 1600 culminated with a narrowly defined breed
that was not Spanish Barb at all, but rather the Purebred Spanish Horses we have come to
know as Andalusians.
Personally, I see little to indicate that the Moors had a “breed” mentality. Much of the
literature related to horses that has been translated from the period of Moorish rule in the Iberian
Peninsula deals with practices of chivalry, practices of good animal husbandry, defining the
physiological traits of the horse, stipulating the principles of their style of equitation, mounted
war tactics and in a general sense, even venerating a good horse. Genealogical records are
nowhere to be seen. The concept of breed purity does not seem to be a part of the Berber
mindset.
Unlike the Bedouins of the Arabic Peninsula who kept careful mental and written records
of female family lines in which even producing one crossbred foal eliminated stallion and mare
from any consideration in future purebred reproduction, the Berbers were very keen to
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crossbreed. In the Bedouin culture, without a doubt, the mare was the most prized possession.
Not only did they feel (and time has proven them right) that they had a more important
contribution in breeding, but they were also their preferred warhorses. The Berbers, on the other
hand, would not ride a mare, and were in great part responsible for the mentality of only riding
stallions that was to be inherited by the Spanish kingdom.
Even before the Arab invasion had conquered the Barbary Coast, small numbers of Arab
horses were already being used in the Barb horse population. This cross gave rise to an
“improved Barb” that did not lose its characteristic breed type but did benefit from a greater
size and refinement. The exchange of genes between the African Barb horse and the Southern
Peninsula Horse that was native to southern Iberia took place many times over the course of
history, including long before the Visigoths were ousted from power. Once the various Moorish
factions -- which numbered at least eight, with each having its turn in power -- ruled in alAndalus, there was a wide range of appreciation for the native horse types, their crosses with the
Barb and even some sophisticated efforts to breed a “pure” Barb type.
The fact is that even while the Barb horse is arguably one of the oldest breeds, if not
THE oldest known to man, there is scarce information about a purebred registry, and many of
the finest stables in northern Africa will admit to their horses being further “improved” with
Arabian bloodlines. My contention is that the Moors were influential in bringing back a more
refined and athletic horse. The Iberian horse they inherited from the Visigoths had swayed
drastically from the type of horse that the Iberian heritage identified with and was transformed
into the bulkier charger used in the popular jousting tournaments of the time. So, I don’t doubt
that the Andalusi type quickly gained recognition. Regardless of its genetic composition, it was
a more agile mount that would be appealing in all of Europe, a continent that was also coming
out of the Middle Age mentality that the Barbarian kings so closely identified with.
As the Moorish-ruled lands slowly tapered down to an isolated southern part of the
Iberian Peninsula, the northern kingdoms took the initiative to maintain the purity of their horse
types. Thirty years before the discovery of America, King Henry of Castile prohibited crossing
“Andalusi type” horses with native horses or donkeys from northern Spain. So, for at least three
decades prior to sending horses to the Americas, northern-type horses were thriving with their
distinctive characteristics intact.
I don’t question that, even if all the horses arriving in America were jacas, rocines,
Mesteños or Castellanos, the bloodlines from southern Spain would certainly still have been
sprinkled in the genealogy of many of the candidates picked to populate the Americas.
Additionally, even though I question the validity of the genetic contribution of a small number
of horses imported by political appointees, there are other examples that validate Spanish Barb
of “Andalusi type” horses as part of the American horse makeup.
On the 13th of February, 1502 (some sources say 1500) the new governor Nicolas de
Ovando took with him 10 Spanish horses of “good bloodlines” as he sailed to his assignment in
the island of La Hispaniola. Obviously, “good bloodlines” could come from various types of
horses. Which “good bloodlines” he chose may have been influenced by the conclusion of the
previous nine years regarding what types of horses were best suited for the variables to be
encountered in the New World. The 10 quality studs may have even been of different Spanish
horse types.
In view of the fact that in those years the “Andalusi” types inherited from the Moors
were the rage inside and outside of Spain, and added to the governor’s lack of personal
experience in the Americas, most likely a reference to “good bloodlines” would be related to
what was popular at the time. Ironically, the fact that they are mentioned as “Spanish” horses
rather than “Andalusians” may be a key to defining them more as the Andalusi type. When the
Andalusian breed was eventually formalized with a preliminary registry for the horses of the
Royal Stud of Cordoba in 1579, it took on the generic name of “Spanish Horse” (in 1912 it was
registered in the Spanish Stud Book as Purebred Spanish Horse or “Pura Raza Español” also
abbreviated P.R.E.), as opposed to the regional term “Andalusian” that has held fast in the
Americas. In reality, the breed more or less as we know it today was not fixed in type until
around 1600. Regardless of their origin, 10 quality stallions, for use with the more or less three
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dozen broodmares that were present upon their arrival, plus the 106 mares that would arrive five
years later, could certainly have left a mark of quality in the future American horse breeds.
Another sector of the Americas where later imports of Spanish horses are known to have
taken place is the northern coast of South America. Conquistadors landed in New Granada (a
part of Venezuela) in 1521 and 1522, but it was not until Juan de Ampies established the city of
Coro in 1526 that formal horse breeding with seed stock from Hispaniola took place. Two years
later, the German Ambrioso Ehinger exported 80 Spanish horses from San Lucar de Barrameda.
Since he arrived with more horses than he loaded in Spain, and losses in the crossing were
inevitable, we must assume that 30 to 50 percent of his shipment was picked up in the Antilles.
For the next two years, the German representatives took numerous shiploads full of island
horses of whatever quality they could obtain cheaply to New Granada, taking advantage of a
permit that they had been granted by King Charles V (in Germany). Since their business in
America did not focus on quality, and it provided them with excellent profits, one must assume
that the purchases in San Lucar were also based on low investments.
In 1530, there was a more conscientious effort to import better quality Spanish horses to
New Andalusia (eastern Venezuela). Christopher Rodriguez took 10 mares and two stallions
from Jerez de la Frontera in Andalusia. It is unknown how many arrived at their destination, and
one must assume that their impact was limited, since in the same year Antonio Sedeño took a
large group of horses from Puerto Rico to New Andalusia. All the horses that continued to
populate New Andalusia were from the Caribbean breeding centers, as only one other royal
permit was granted to import Spanish horses and it was never used. This would hint that, for
some reason, the experience of C. Rodriguez did not meet with approval. Once again, this
example shows that the occasional Spanish horses that reached the Americas after the initial 15
years of more aggressive shipments of foundation horses had little impact in American horse
production.
Two years after Cartagena of the Indies was founded in 1533, Fernandez de Lugo took
200 horses of both sexes from his native Canary Islands and the mainland of Spain with the
intent of discovering the Golden Castile (Colombian) province of Santa Marta. The mention of
horses from the Canary Islands is interesting, not because they were of any prestigious lineage,
since they probably were not, rather because they were perhaps more adapted to the tropical
conditions. Many settlers in the Americas preferred the Canaries horses over Spanish imports
for this reason, as the latter were less adapted to the challenging tropical climate and,
furthermore, they were more expensive.
In any event, many horses were immediately demanded for expeditions in Santa Marta. In
just two years after the arrival of the 200 Spanish horses, Jimenez Quesada left Santa Marta
with 100 horses, Juan Vadillo with 582 horses and Juan Jimenez with 70, meaning that a
constant supply of island horses was also arriving at Santa Marta. During the second year the
breeding center of Santa Marta was in operation, the governor pleaded for more island horses as
only 12-15 horses were left in his town. There is little evidence to back up the much-touted
claim that Santamarteño horses had a direct link to horse types imported from Spain in the
period of conquest.
Another isolated example that came about in the period of conquest was a horse named
“Alcaydejo”. This was the first breeding stallion that was used in the city of Asunción, which at
the time was part of the province of Río de Plata. This horse was one of 50 shipped out of Spain
in 1541 with Álvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca. Arriving in Santa Catarina on the coast of Brazil, he
engaged in an inland trek that today would cross two Brazilian provinces before arriving in what
is presently the heart of Paraguay. “Alcaydejo” was one of the 26 survivors to reach Asunción
as he traveled under the careful supervision of his owner Francisco Peralta. It is said the stallion
was from Jerez de la Frontera in Andalusia and that he was as good a representative as that city
had to offer.
It is doubtful that the other 49 horses in the 1541 shipment were from such privileged
bloodlines. Asunción also had some remnants of horses from a shipment that had been sent to
them by the settlers of Nuestra Señora de Santa Maria del Buen Ayre (presently Buenos Aires).
Nufrio Chávez also contributed horses from Chárcas, Peru on various trips he made to this
pioneer settlement. Twenty-three years after the arrival of the Álvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca,
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Asunción had a herd of a thousand horses, but each subsequent generation diluted further the
influence of “Alcaydejo”. Three years later, Felipe Cáceres and Juan de Garay supplied
additional horses from Chárcas when they led the majority of the townspeople from Santa Cruz
back to Asunción. Before going off on his own to re-establish Buenos Aires, Juan de Garay
made one more trip to Asunción with horses from Chárcas and Tarija in Peru. In spite of having
received one outstanding Spanish horse, the overall prominence of Chárcas lineages in
Asunción horse breeding is an example worth mentioning, because it shows how limiting one
contributor can be to a population. Needless to say, Chilean cities did not have the foundation or
contribution of a high-classed Spanish import such as “Alcaydejo” during centuries of horse
production.
In summary, we must conclude that, during the first 58 years of equine exports to the
Americas, not a single horse from the Andalusian breed was included. In fact, it is even
doubtful that many, if any, high quality Moorish Andalusi types were considered for such highrisk trips. During the first 43 years after the Spanish horses were prohibited from going to the
Indies, precious few special royal permits were granted to allow horses to leave the country.
Although these few probably were better quality horses, they still were not representative of
what we have come to know as the Andalusian breed, since the true type of this race was not
defined until the end of the 16th century. The limited number of better-quality horses sent to the
Americas after 1507 had a very small impact in shaping the equine population of the Americas
that was, by and far, more influenced by the early arrivals in Hispaniola and the selective
breeding programs that were developed from them throughout the Western Hemisphere.
Were there Horses Present in the Argentine Pampas to Greet the First Conquistadors?
Just when Equus first arrived to Argentina has become somewhat of a mystery in that
country that always emits grandeur. A. Amenguino claimed to have discovered palaeontological
evidence that supposedly proved the existence of equids in Argentina long before the arrival of
the Spanish colonizers. Some have speculated that this provided reason to think horses that
were roaming the pampas when the conquistadors brought the first European specimens to the
Americas. Such a conclusion is difficult to substantiate.
These sorts of thoughts have been fueled over time by the reports that Columbus made to
the King of Spain after his fourth voyage. Supposedly, he saw that natives on the shores of
Veraguas, Panama had horses that they used in battle. Cortés is also quoted as having said that
the Aztecs recognized the horses as animals their forefathers had known. While the fear that
some Indians showed upon first seeing horses was given as proof of their novelty to the
conquered regions, it is known that the famous Inca leader Atahualpa showed no fear
whatsoever, and the Mapuche Indians in southern Chile, likewise, were never in awe of the
steeds that accompanied the conquistadors. Still, it cannot be denied that the native languages
had no word to describe the horse. Often, terms that imitated the word in foreign languages
were used, or in other cases horses were described in reference to dogs since these had been the
previous animal of burden of North American natives.
No doubt, South America was home for many equid genera of which the Onohippidium
and the Hippidion were the most numerous. I have already touched on archaeological findings
that verify the common existence of equids and man in South America as recently as 8-11,000
years ago. Still, up until now, no evidence indicates that any equids were present in the Western
Hemisphere in the six to nine thousand years prior to the arrival of Columbus.
Moreover, the insinuations that a pocket of prehistoric horses persisted in Patagonia and
the Pampas and later mixed with the equines introduced by settlers would imply the presence of
a “caballine” Equus genus in South America. For successful crossing with domestic horses, not
just any prehistoric equid would do, but a species of Equus that is chromosomatically
compatible with Equus caballus would be a must. Presently, there are no findings in South
America that ascertain the existence of any Equus caballus prior to the arrival of European
explorers. The fossils of Equus curvidens that have been found in South America are
anatomically thought to be much more similar to zebras.
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What has contributed to the speculations and resulting confusion is that some feel that in
1527 Sebastian Cabot may have seen horses along the edge of the Paraná River when sailing
around the Province of Río de la Plata in Argentina. At the time, horses had yet to be introduced
to La Plata by Europeans. In fact, only a year earlier had the first equines been purchased with
the plan to explore Peru and the actual arrival of the horse to this region doesn’t take place until
1532.
Figure I.100
Guanacos are a wild camelid that have a hair coat pattern that is similar to the “pangaré effect” that is seen
in many wild horses. Their agility and gaits of movements are comparable to those of a horse and thus from
afar someone not familiar with this species, could confused them with a type of equine.
Since the observation of 1527 was logged in after the fact, (some say in 1533 and others
in 1544) as a sighting from a ship, it is possible that from a distance, large camelids were
mistaken for equines. Certainly, guanacos have the agility of movement and galloping motions
that are comparable to horses and their homogeneous hair coat color is also similar to wild horse
types. The unfamiliarity with South American camelids may have prompted Adm. Cabot to
draw a horse on his planisphere of observations as the closest possible way of making note of
what he observed. However, no scientific finding thus far can substantiate claims of the
proponents that feel equids were actually sighted, so it is hard to give them serious
consideration as a possible contribution to the Argentine equine population.
What is known for certain is that, in 1535, just three years after Pizarro invaded Cuzco,
Pedro de Mendoza resolved to settle the eastern shores of the Americas. It is said that he
imported directly from Spain 16 cows, two bulls, 32 horses (stallions and mares), 20 goats, 46
head of sheep and 18 dogs. Other reports by Ulderico Schmiedel and Eduardo Olivera indicate
that the number of equines varied between 72 and 76, and Silvia Loch states that the figure was
100 stallions and mares. In reality, in light of their fate over the coming years, the numbers are
really irrelevant. Oftentimes, numbers differ because authors don’t stipulate whether they are
referring to the gross numbers embarked or net numbers disembarked. Pedro de Mendoza
unloaded his livestock in the province of La Plata (Argentina) where he intended to be the
founder of a new community to be known as Santa Maria del Buen Ayre (Buenos Aires).
After six years of being unable to cope with the continuous attacks of local Native
Americans, Mr. Mendoza retreated to his country of origin, where he hoped to obtain more
reinforcements, but unfortunately he died during the ocean passage. The remainder of the
settlers of Buen Ayre abandoned the stronghold and the remaining livestock were left to fend
for themselves. The most common report it that a mere seven stallions and five mares were said
to be the scant survivors of all the original horses imported into the new land. Perhaps a more
credible source is Friar Juan Rivadeneyra who reported to King Phillip II that 44 equine horses
were left behind upon abandoning the fortress.
Whatever the number, for the most part they had been kept in the confines of the
settlement, where their numbers dwindled to offset the famine brought on by the limited
mobility of the pioneers. This small number of liberated horses was the beginning of a feral
population of horses in Argentina that, 40 years later, was estimated to have multiplied to
12,000 head. Since the Mapuche Indians crossed the Andes Mountains and invaded the Pampa
natives in the 1570’s, it is viable that horses from Chile also contributed to the estimated
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inventory of the Argentine plains. Expeditions across to the eastern side of the Andes were also
made by Diego de Almagro (1535), Diego Flores de León (1541), Francisco Villagran (1553),
Pedro Sarmiento (1584) and Iñigo López in 1623, all or part of which may have lost horses into
what is now Argentina.
Other horses arrived to the area between the first and second founding of the city of
Buenos Aires. In 1541-1542, the Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca voyage brought in another 26
horses of both sexes. In 1550, Nuñez del Prado made another expedition to the area and joined
up with the previous explorers. Since both Pedro de Mendoza and Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca were
noblemen and the former was a prominent horseman from Granada, where good lineages of
horses prevailed, it is thought that the horses that first arrived to Argentina must have been of
fairly good-quality stock.
As I will reiterate many times in this book, the logic that a man from a prestigious horse
breeding area of Spain would venture to take expensive horses in transatlantic travel to later fall
in the challenges of untamed lands, is not as reasonable as choosing more rustic and costeffective alternatives. Certainly, the depictions of the older Criollos of Argentina would not
inspire the confidence in their having come from a more refined origin. Even if such were the
case, the centuries of uncontrolled breeding in the wild would most likely offset any advantage
of more select origins from the Old World.
In 1573, the Argentine towns of Santa Fe and Cordoba were both founded by Gerónimo
Luis de Cabreras and other settlers, accompanied by trustworthy horses. In 1574, Juan de Garay
took 20 of these horses and soldier reinforcements on rafts that traveled up the Paraná River to
help in the containment of the Charrúa natives in what is now Uruguay. A mishap that destroyed
the rafts liberated the horses to establish a feral population of equines in that region. These
animals would be later reinforced by more numbers of equines coming from Paraguay.
Notwithstanding all his other accomplishments, Juan de Garay is best known for the
successful reestablishment of Buenos Aires in 1580. Upon arrival at the abandoned settlement,
he found it surrounded by huge number of undomesticated horses. Some of these horses were
captured, domesticated and ridden by the Native Americans long before the European settlers
learned how to contain the wild horses on the open plains. Historians describe them as small,
coarse horses that were mostly bays and sorrels. Many other bands of wild horses in the
southern part of Patagonia would not be seen by Europeans for another 300 years. By the
middle of the 1600’s there was a whole host of “baguales” or “cimarrones” (as untamed horses
were known to locals) that spread throughout the pampas of Argentina.
As the Patagonian frontiers to the south were explored, the pioneers never stopped seeing
bands of feral horses ahead of them. In the depths of southern Argentina, expeditions by Emilio
Solanet in 1911 and 1912 led to the discovery of an especially noteworthy type of native horse
that was bred by the Chackmatt Native Americans in what is now the province of Chubut,
Argentina. These horses, progressively bred in Dr. Solanet’s ranch “El Cardal”, would become
an important part of the pillar of the modern Argentine Criollo breed.
Even before the formal registry of the Argentine Criollo breed in 1918, a stereotype of
the Criollo type existed in Argentina. However, during the first 20 years of the registry, much
bickering would take place between breeders that wanted to select for these characteristics that
in large part represented the native horse of Argentina and others with more artificial ideals that
were closer to the standards already established for the Chilean Horse.
In 1909, the Argentine Criollo was described by Dr. Desiderio Davel to be very similar
to the Barb in stature and proportions, but differed in being thicker and more convex in the
head. They came in all hair coat colors, but the grays and dark colors were the most common at
the time. White markings on the extremities as well as the body were also common. Dr. Davel
considered the two most admirable traits of the Argentine Criollo to be their dependability and
their hardiness. He also mentions how much endurance they showed, as well as will power to
withstand hardships. He considered the breed the prototype of the stock horse, with the ideal
aptitudes to drive and work cattle. However, he mentions that it is also commendable for longdistance trips, pulling carriages or for use as a military horse. Although the Argentine Criollo
was not given a fair opportunity to prove its merit as a cavalry horse in the early 20th century, it
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had a long history of excellent references, not only in South America, but also in South Africa
and Transvaal.
Like the Chilean Horse, the Argentine Criollo also has to claim part of its origins from
the equines supplied from the province of Tucumán (part of Chárcas). In 1580, 500 horses were
taken to Buenos Aires by the governor Garay and Juan Torre de Vera y Aragón. However, these
numbers were small in comparison to the wild herds of horses that had multiplied from the
horses that were abandoned or escaped the original settlers that arrived in 1535. By the mid
1600’s, Argentina had more horses than they knew what to do with and only the effort of
capturing them and breaking them was necessary in order to market them elsewhere. Chile was
always the main destination of the Argentine horse. The long confrontation with the Mapuches
in southern Chile demanded a constant supply of warhorses. Not only was there a large turnover
from the casualties of war, but there were also losses from Indians who had mastered an
excellent horsemanship and effectively stole and or killed mounts from the Spanish forces,
making constant replacements necessary.
Diego de Almagro Frisks the Lands that Lie South of Cuzco for Treasures
The feats of the conquistadors throughout the Americas have been truly amazing.
Astonishingly, foot soldiers and horsemen crossed an ocean of uncertainties for months on end
without the sight of land. In little wooden ships that were hardly a match for the capricious
nature of a potentially infuriated Neptune of the Seas, they cared for small horses in slings with
too little to eat for themselves and their four-legged friends. They set foot on tropical lands of
impenetrable vegetative growth, full of bogs and swamps, invaded by hordes of insects, and
environmental conditions unlike anything they had ever imagined, no less experienced. They
lived through decades of disillusionment in finding the kind of compensating wealth that
motivated their risk-ridden adventures. It is hard to believe that they showed a rapid supremacy
over such well-organized Native American empires that ridiculously outnumbered them in both
New Spain (Mexico) and New Castile (Peru).
The harsh journeys over a diversity of inhospitable terrains, with innumerable natural
calamities to overcome and rebound from, the sudden confrontation with antagonistic natives
and the lurking pressure of the unknown, is surely hard for us to comprehend in this day in age
when many of us experience so little human suffering. Yet, it is doubtful that a better example
of courage, fortitude and tenacity can be described of both Spanish men and horses than the trip
that Diego de Almagro made in discovering the land we now call Chile. The story is worth
recounting, so we can appreciate what historical occurrence expulsed the birth of the Chilean
Horse.
In July of 1535, Diego de Almagro departed from Cuzco (3467m/11,268ft a.s.l.) with 50
soldiers at his charge, heading southward on the Inca road that remarkably traverses the
longitudinal axis of the Andes Mountains. The first 400 km were a well-trodden route that took
them by the western portion of Lake Titicaca, an impressive body of water found at 4,615 m
a.s.l. (15,000 ft), making it the highest lake in the world. As they continued southward, they
passed to the east over the Desaguadero River that drains the overflowing waters of the Titicaca
into Lake Aullaga. In Paria (near present day Oruro), he met with another Spaniard by the name
of Saavedra who provided him with reinforcements. Among those transferred were soldiers and
a large troop of thousands of Native Americans who were forced to labor by African slave
foremen. In a recent book titled Almagro Por la Huella de la Conquista (2003) its authors S.
Nuño García and J. Niño Valenzuela calculated that around 15,000 Native Americans took part
in Diego Almagro’s expedition. The natives were expected to carry cargo on their backs, as did
the llamas that accompanied them. The latter had a slightly higher carrying capacity of 30 kg
(66 lbs.). In this fertile valley, de Almagro rested for a month while making all the preparations
for the first desert crossing of his adventure.
Once crossing the eastern edge of Lake Aullaga (at 4,000m/13,000 ft. a.s.l.), they then
proceeded over 50 leagues (200 km or 125 miles) of unpopulated lands that were sterile and dry.
After crossing the Chincha Highlands (at 4,615m/15,000 ft. a.s.l.) that remained snow-covered
in spite of the spring thaws, they reached Tupiza (3,385m/11,000 ft. a.s.l.) by the month of
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October. To the southwest of the highlands lay the immense Uyuni Salt Flats. With an area of
12,000 sq. km. (4,633 sq. mi.) they are the largest salt flats in the world. Their 25m-50m deep
crust is a reserve of over 64,000,000,000 metric tons of salt. This landmark that served to orient
prehistoric travelers is still a reference marker for astronauts who look down upon planet Earth
from outer space.
Figure I.101 The fine Chilean painter Pedro Subercaseaux captured the moment that Diego Almagro was
departing from Cuzco in search of precious metals in a territory that would become known as Chile.
Travel was slow, yet the well-supplied caravan found itself energetic and comfortable in
the “altiplano” (highland plains) surroundings. The calendar denoted it was spring, and the
unexpected foals that were born along the way corroborated this. Valuing their addition to the
entourage, the foals were placed in slings that were carried by the natives until the offspring
were old enough to follow their dams.
De Almagro rested two months in Tupiza waiting for the highland grains (a nutritious
grain indigenous to this region known as “quinoa”, Chenopodium quinoa) to mature, so they
could harvest what was needed to nourish his crew and animals. During the 900 km (approx.
563 miles) they had traveled, the horses had worn out the supply of horseshoes. The lack of iron
in the region forced them to substitute traditional horseshoes with softer copper ones. Previous
Spanish expeditions in Mexico and Colombia had also been forced to make horseshoes out of
abundant soft metals, such as gold, in the absence of iron. How ironic that Spaniards who had
come expecting to find roads paved with gold, now had their horses wearing out what little gold
they had, thus returning this precious metal to the land from whence it came!
When leaving Tupiza in January of 1536, Almagro’s group encountered the first
confrontations with the belligerent Native Americans who were from the Diaguita-Calchaquí
nation. The journey came close to an abrupt ending as de Almagro’s horse was shot out from
under him. An arrow skimmed by the conqueror’s leg and penetrated the heart of his faithful
companion. Don Diego had to be quickly rescued, as his horse fell on top of him. Once
regaining control of matters, the expedition continued to Chicoana that was west of the presentday city of Salta, Argentina. Here they rested once again, waiting for the snows of the previous
winter to melt in the middle of summer months.
Fifty more men joined him here, making a total number of 250 Spanish soldiers.
Historians don’t all agree on how many countrymen actually accompanied Diego de Almagro
on this journey. The estimated figures vary from 200 to 560, and probably differ depending in
what part of the trip the head count was taken. Regardless, the proportion is small in comparison
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with the total number of persons in the undertaking. Whenever Spaniards arrived, horse
numbers increased as well. The “caballeros” would generally have the privileged positions
astride a horse. The total number of equines now numbered 282.
The wait until February in Chicoana was not a prudent decision, as the rivers overflowed
with the melting snows and summer rains when they resumed their trek. It took a whole day to
cross the Huachipa River. Although there were no human casualties, many llamas and their
cargo were washed away by the strong river current. Rather than putting their lives at risk,
scores of carrier Indians took advantage of the havoc and fled. The Spaniards were left with a
partially rescued cargo and not enough natives to carry the loads. In order to not use up the
diminished food supplies they had salvaged, they collected the sweet, starchy algarrobo pods
from this drought-tolerant leguminous tree (Prosopis dulcis) that sends it roots as deep as 15
meters (49 ft.) into the ground in search of water. For a time in much of the highlands, the men,
horses and beasts of burden were sustained by this palatable and singular source of nutrients.
They crossed the desert of Campo del Arenal in seven days, and then went over the
highlands of Galumpaja before crossing the salt deposits of Laguna Blanca. Following the Inca
route into the inevitable mass of highlands that lay before them, they had approximately 300 km
of travel over treacherous winding trails inundated in a haze of clouds that coiled their way
around one mountain after another. This trajectory often saw mountain peaks above 6,000 m
(19,500ft.) a.s.l. It must have been an amazing spectacle to see thousands of men and animals
slowly progressing in single file on these precipitous mountain paths.
If a traveler was to keep his sanity, it was best to keep his eyes fixed anywhere but down
the seemingly eternal basins, where falling rocks were never heard to hit bottom. The narrow
trails that zigzagged up and down the steep and rocky gradients gave little opportunity for
comfortable rest stops. Physical demands to maintain the sure-footed pace were required in the
both the rhythmical push of the climbs and muscular contractions that braced the repetitive
slides of the descents, which were performed well beyond the comfort level of oxygenation.
Finally, the fleet of adventurers was forced to enter the confines of the passageway that
crosses from Argentina to Chile in the last days of March, 1536. Called the “The Passage of
San Francisco”, this part of the Andes has the normal problems of all mountain cuts. The path is
at 4,747m (15,428 ft.) a.s.l., and has a clear view of Mt. San Francisco and Mt. Copiapó which
stand at 6,020m (19,565ft.) and 6,080m (19,760ft.) respectively. This path was full of fallen
rocks, recently weaned from the cleavage of the parental mountain by drastic changes in
temperatures. Unlike the riverbed crossings, the mountain path had rocks of all sizes that were
incredibly sharp and angular. However carefully the crossing was made, the rocks inevitably
took their toll by cutting into the feet of the men, while breaking and bruising the hooves of the
unshod animals.
The lack of resources in the area forced the travelers to carry everything they needed, yet
the amazingly low temperatures demanded more than de Almagro’s group could provide. The
altitude seriously restricted oxygen intake and created extremely cold, glacial nights that
constantly risked the freezing of bodily extremities or of life itself. The channeled formation of
the pass created very strong, cutting winds that increased the chill factor, while denying any
type of sanctuary in which to retreat. In the best physical conditioning, such a challenge would
be difficult to withstand, but the men and animals were already weary from poor nutrition, the
long demanding journey and the many battles with natives along the way.
The altitude sickness (known as “puna” in the region) also decisively lowered the
physical and psychological drive of all living beings. Lest we forget, these domestic horses were
at altitudes equal to the maximum heights inhabited by a member of the Equus genus, namely
the Kiang wild ass of Tibet. Less adaptable horses showed the classical symptoms of “brisket
disease” due to pulmonary hypertension and congestive right heart failure. Eventually, edema
was evidenced in the chest, in the intermandibular space and finally in the ventral part of the
abdomen. Towards the end, the horses showed labored breathing, reluctance to move,
recumbence and death.
The cold, windy nights found the natives crying like children, ruing the day they were
forced to leave their homelands. Around them lay an unwelcoming environment with no plants,
no animals, nor even anything combustible to start a fire. They could only count on the
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continual cutting rocks and the sporadic line of fatalities that were left in the path of their
journey. Such fatalities were quickly visited by condors that tore off pieces of flesh from the
fresh carcasses of valiant men and animals.
Many men lost the tips of their fingers, noses and ears. Some unexpectedly left their toes
inside their boots when these were removed. Many horses died of hypothermia and starvation,
and some simply gave up on life as they refused to continue on bruised, broken or bleeding
hooves. In one particularly cold night at over 4,000 m (13,000 ft), 70 men met their maker when
no firewood could be found.
De Almagro decided to forge ahead with 20 men on the best-conditioned horses to scout
the uncharted road to come. Just 700 km (438 mi.) to the south, a peak of the Andes Mountains
called Aconcagua jutted out at 6,959 m (22,617 ft.) making it the highest mountain outside the
Himalayan Mountain chain. During three days of travel -- two of these with no food or water -they were able to find the Quebrada of Paipote that led them to the valley of Copa Yapo (now
Copiapó) that was booming with native villages. There, de Almagro acquired supplies and
faithfully went back to rescue the rest of his convoy that had not advanced from where he had
left them.
For 30 leagues, or 120 km (75 mi.), the members of the expedition were forced to travel
with practically no supplies as they crossed the desert to the north of Copiapó. When the
straggling procession of listless travelers finally arrived at Copiapó, the head count was down to
240 Spaniards, 1,500 natives, 150 African slaves and 112 horses. In the first 1,700 km (1,063
mi.) of the expedition, 10 Spaniards had died (all were casualties of battle), 170 horses perished
(60 percent of those that made the journey), and likewise was the fate of a countless number of
African slaves as well service and carrier Native Americans that no one bothered to keep track
of.
In May of 1536, the expedition reached the River Conchali (near modern day Los Vilos),
and soon they were near the shores of the Pacific Ocean where they sighted a ship that brought
them supplies, iron, weapons and all that was necessary for the new conquest. In modern times
of satellites, maps and the exactitude of GPS readings, it is hard for us to conceive of the
uncertainties of travel into unexplored lands, no less coordinate a meeting between a party
traveling on foot for three quarters of a year and a ship at sea for four months.
This was one of three ships that had been traveling since January of 1536. However,
because of their inexperience and trying to remain visible near the coastline, they traveled
against the Humboldt Current and the summer winds. During the prolonged trip, two of ships
developed irreparable water leaks and could not continue. As a result, only one of the three
vessels was able to join up with Diego de Almagro in Coquimbo.
Once re-supplied, the horses were shod and goods were loaded, and the expedition
continued toward the valley of Aconcagua. After the 600 km (375 mi.) journey, a regional
governing Inca (“curaca”) awaited them and had large festivities in their honor. However, in
reality what de Almagro was beginning to discover was a disenchanting realization. Not only
was there no gold in these southern lands, but, moreover, most of the region was made up of
very poor agrarian towns. Additional bad news informed that further south there were Indians
that were very fierce warriors known as the Mapuche.
The last hope for a turn of luck was deposited in the person of Gomez de Alvarado, who
was commissioned to continue southward with 70 mounted soldiers. Near the river Maule (near
present day Talca) was the first time the scouting party encountered hostile Indians. The
Spaniards easily overran these and subsequent warriors who tried to put up a front. However,
eventually they came upon a large organized gathering of Mapuche natives in the merger of the
Ñuble and Itata rivers (near present day Chillán). This would be the first confrontation between
Spaniards and Mapuches and it would set the precedent for what would continue for the 345
years to come.
A large number of Indians charged, but eventually they retreated after leaving many dead
behind. The Spaniards captured hundreds of prisoners. On the other hand, although they only
had two casualties, the Spaniards found they had 30 horses and many men wounded. Alvarado,
who had been ordered to head for Magallanes, (unbeknownst to him it lay a further 2,734 km or
1,709 miles away) realized the natives were going to be a serious obstacle. After his 400 km
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(250 mile) excursion between the winter months of July and September, he turned around and
headed back north.
Slowly, the mission was falling apart. In one day, the conquistador Diego de Almagro
saw 100 service Indians die. Realizing that no riches could be found amongst such poverty, de
Almagro decided to return to Peru. While awaiting the return of Gomez de Alvarado, de
Almagro’s son arrived at the Valley of Aconcagua in the care of Ruy Díaz and 110 soldiers that
had been aboard one of the ships that had previously been unable to meet up with the
expedition. They had disembarked and headed southward along a more coastal crossing that
took them between scantly flowing river valleys that reached the edges of the Tarapacá,
Atacama and Antofagasta deserts. By arriving at Aconcagua, they gained valuable experience,
having covered a good 1,000 km over extremely barren land in a three-month period of time.
Along the way, they encountered some native villages where they forcibly took possession of
their grains. Although water was scarce, there were more water holes then than exist now. In
the desert crossing, they lost 12 soldiers, as well as most of their horses.
When Gomez de Alvarado finally returned from the south with pessimistic news, the
head conquistador was more disillusioned than ever. De Almagro had been willing to stay and
form a settlement, but his companions made him realize that they had nothing to show for their
hardships and his son would be limited in his progress. As a result, he headed back northward to
Copiapó in September of 1536. The only valuables that were accompanying the Spaniards on
their trek back were the prisoners they had accumulated. Almagro went ahead with 30 riders and
they reached Copiapó in 15 days of hard riding over approximately 740 km. There, he found
two more Spanish groups with a total of 105 additional soldiers awaiting him.
One group commanded by Orgoñoz had left Cuzco in mid January, reaching Copiapó in
seven months, since they crossed the Andes in the middle of winter. Two Spaniards had been
lost to hypothermia and another four in battle. Twenty horses also lost their lives in the crossing.
The other group, led by Juan de Herrada, left in the month of March, crossing the Andes
between August and September of 1536. This group sheltered themselves from the winds by
stacking up the cadavers of natives that had died in previous crossings. The horses that had died
in previous journeys had been preserved by the cold, and these became a source of meat for
Herrada and his group.
At the time, the city of Cuzco was in a state of rebellion, and the group of de Almagro,
Herrada and Orgoñoz decided to return to try and regain control of this city that lay along the
southern border of New Castile (Peru). Pizarro, on the other hand, was concerned that New
Toledo had been granted to Diego de Almagro, rather than being kept under his own
jurisdiction. He feared that Cuzco could be assigned over to the new territory of New Toledo. A
confrontation was in the making, and the urgency to return made de Almagro contemplate
which route was the quickest to get back to Cuzco. The majority agreed to follow the coastline,
since Ruy Díaz proved the crossing was viable.
They took off in the early days of November 1536, again abandoning any idea of
settlement. In fact, it would not be until 1662 that a Franciscan mission would be established in
Copiapó, and a formal village with that name was not in the making until 1744. They filled
dried paunches of guanacos and llamas, as well as gourds with water, to confront the early needs
in crossing the desert. They took off in groups of eight Spaniards and helpers at a time, so they
could take turns arriving at the water holes. In this manner, these would have time to replenish
themselves between groups. In the populace of Atacama, the expedition rested 18 days before
crossing the deserts of Antofagasta and Tarapacá.
The surviving horses no longer counted on horseshoes, but in the sandy surface of the
desert it was not horseshoes they needed. Instead, the search was for the energy to pull every
footstep out of the gripping ground that radiated a dry heat that efficiently chapped the lips,
formed hard dry crusts in the nostrils and dehydrated the body. The long line of humans and
animals stepping ankle deep into the powdery desert floor produced a colossal blinding cloud of
fine silten dust (called “chusca”) that congested and irritated the respiratory tract to the point of
causing chronic coughs and nose bleeds. The reflection of a constantly radiant sun evoked
daytime temperatures of above 44 degrees Celsius (111 degrees Fahrenheit) in a land where
shade is an unknown commodity. In contrast, freezing night temperatures forced all living
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things to huddle together for warmth. Sporadic afternoon sandstorms brought a relief from the
heat, but the sandpaper winds slowed progress and filled every orifice of the body with irritable
grains of mineral crystals. These ambient conditions were even more inhospitable than the
environments faced by the most desert tolerant Equus in the world, the Somali ass of the
Danakil Depression.
The long trajectory that had initiated in Cuzco almost a year before had efficiently culled
those horses that had poor hooves, thin skin, meager hair coat, skittish or timid personalities,
heart conditions, anhydrosis (inability to sweat), anemia or an accelerated rate of metabolism.
Only the hardiest survived the punishing ordeal. Crossing the Tarapacá Desert, which has a 200
km (125 mi.) stretch where no mountain rivers reach the Pacific Ocean, claimed another 20
horses from the dwindling group of equine companions. Once past this desert, conveniently
spaced river valleys permitted the expedition’s safe return to Cuzco. All adjectives, such as
hardiness, toughness or durability, fail to do justice to the equines that returned home.
Overall, the Diego de Almagro expedition covered some 6,000 km (3,750 miles). Men
and animals traveled from sea level to over 5,000 m (16,250 ft.) a.s.l. while enduring bitter cold
air temperatures and fatal chill factors, as well as blatantly hot days in totally barren deserts.
They covered rocky trails with steep precipices, they forged raging rivers and they dragged
themselves through heavy dry sands and asphyxiating fine chalky silt.
Of the 521 Spaniards in the total expedition, 47 died and great numbers were maimed for
life with both physical and psychological injuries. Undoubtedly, the greatest tragedy was in the
number of Native American carriers and servers that gave up their lives in order that more
Spaniards could survive. The lack of respect for these poor souls denied any accountability for
the numbers that perished. Perhaps it is best we do not know the appalling figure.
More than half of the horses utilized in the expedition died. Perhaps this is not a
staggering figure for animals that often faced similar mortality rates in the transatlantic travel
that brought their ancestors to the New World. Still, the discovery of Chile charged a hefty price
in loyal horseflesh. Most likely, more than 300 horses littered the preliminary trails of conquest.
As sad as this may seem, it hints to the type of unplanned selection that would be responsible
for such hardy and enduring horses in Chile in the four centuries to come.
Many of the initial horses that made their way into Chile had to pass these same tests of
courage and vigor. The route of entry from the prime horse breeding grounds of the viceroyalty
of New Castile (Peru) was always from the north. This required traversing both the highest
mountain chain in the Western Hemisphere and the driest deserts of the world. Behind these
geological boundaries, Chile was assured of receiving foundation horses that had the remarkable
hardiness, soundness and valor that are still seen in Chilean Horses today. Once within the
country, they continued to be tested under the requirements of war and stock horse usage in the
rugged mountainous terrain that comprises four fifths of the topography of this country. This
extraordinary story of Chile’s discoverer serves to symbolize just why such an exceptional
breed has come about.
Pedro de Valdivia Promotes Chilean Horse Breeding
Although Diego de Almagro’s amazing round-trip journey into Chile discovered an
entirely new territory for Spain, the conquistador returned to Peru disillusioned with not having
found the kind of riches that had carried the less energetic Francisco Pizarro to fame. The fact
that Diego de Almagro did not establish any settlements in Chile, nor did he ever make another
trip back to the lands he is credited for discovering, clearly pointed out that his objectives were
strictly fame and fortune. In spite of Diego de Almagro’s lack of a more developmental vision,
other Spaniards would pick up the slack and re-initiate the conquest and colonization phase in a
part of the world where, by European standards, the Native Americans were neither cultured nor
wealthy.
Pedro de Valdivia valiantly started an expedition in 1540 that was composed of 150 men,
75 of which were mounted soldiers that may have also been leading some broodmares. The
horses most likely originated from the fertile valleys of Chárcas, Peru. This was the prime
horse-breeding ground of Peru, but upon arriving in Chile, Mr. Valdivia wrote back to his
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emperor and described the incredibly lush surroundings that he found in Chile. This, he was
certain, had a much greater potential to produce the kind of warhorse he would need to carry on
the conquest of the lands leading to Magallanes. Don Pedro now had a clear priority that he
must establish a breeding center as soon as possible to gain the self sufficiency of horses
required to carry out his plans.
In response to
Valdivia’s petitions to
Peru, in 1543 Alonso de
Monroy brought another
70 horses from Chárcas
from an area around
Pasco known as Potosí,
in what was then known
as the province of
Tucumán*. The owner
of this group of horses
was the
clergyman
Rodrigo González de
Marmolejo. Some of
these horses must have
been mares, as in the
following year Rodrigo
González de Marmolejo
is officially considered
Chile’s first established
Figure I.102 In 1541 Pedro Valdivia determined the site where he would establish his
horse breeder. Thus, we
first settlement in Chile. This hill that is known as Santa Lucia can be visited to this day.
Pedro Valdivia set out to
conquer and colonize New Toledo and New Extremadura (northern and central Chile) he had a
Royal Land Grant in Chárcas, so, no doubt, he had many contacts in that region that served him
well in continually supplying horses.
This relationship between Pedro de Valdivia and Father Rodrigo González de Marmolejo
would become and ongoing example of “you scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours”.
Valdivia’s ambitious plans constantly required financing and horses. Father González de
Marmolejo had the funds and the desire to provide both, but also clearly expected compensation
from the new lands that the conqueror Valdivia was taking over in his charge.
Father González de Marmolejo arrived in Lima in 1532, along with Alonso de Córdoba
who was said to be a relative of Martín and Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba. The latter were
thought to be breeders of Guzman and Valenzuela horses back in Spain. Regardless of the
accuracy of this supposition, if the company he kept meant anything, it would seem that the
priest had an affinity for horse breeding. The critical information is that while in Lima, the
priest lent Pedro Valdivia 30,000 pesos, and in 1543, he also contributed the money for the
shipment of 70 horses into Chile. Although horses were badly needed for exploratory missions,
it seems as much as half of this shipment could have been comprised of mares. Regardless of
the number of mares that did in fact start the first horse breeding operation in Chile, clearly
starting a broodmare band met the ambitions of both men. What was lacking was a piece of
property with workers that could carry out the horse-breeding project.
In 1544, as partial payment, Valdivia gave Father González de Marmolejo the royal
grants for Indian labor from a Picó tribe, north of Melipilla. He also assigned him the natives
from the tribe of Chief Michimalonco in Aconcagua. By 1545, Pedro de Valdivia was soliciting
the authorities in Peru that he be sent horses to replace the ones he had lost in battle, as well as
asking for more mares to add to the 50 “he” had already accumulated. Of course, in reality the
* The present-day province of Tucumán is much smaller than the definition established in the period of
conquest, although it is found in its entirety within that old geographical definition.
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mares were in the possession of his befriended priest, and Valdivia’s petitions were based on
Father González Marmolejo eventually being the one to produce the equine needs for further
conquest. Undoubtedly, this petition was well received, as establishing equine breeding
programs that could curtail the need to import more horses to fulfill the requirements of the
conquest had been an established policy since the discovery of the Americas.
Importations of horses continued to trickle in from various parts of Peru, while the
numbers of Chilean mares progressively increased. In 1546, eight Spaniards arrived in La
Serena with 10 unbroken mares from Chárcas. In 1547, Diego Maldonado and García de
Cáceres brought another shipment with 60 mares of identical origin. In the same year, they were
also responsible for importing 20 intact males from Peru. In 1548-49, Valdivia sent an
expedition to Peru to re-supply Santiago with assets that were lost in a great fire in the city.
Although all the horses were saved from the fire, 50 more horses were brought from Cuzco in
the trip of 1549.
After this latest importation, more consequence was given to the care of the horses that
were accumulating outside of Santiago. A specific area was assigned to the horses and a
permanent horseman was put in charge of the breeding program. It was dictated that any Indian
caught shooting arrows, throwing stones or doing anything harmful to the horses should have
their hands cut off and the owner of the native would be responsible for any damages incurred.
The year 1551 was to be an important one in the progress of livestock production in
Chile. Francisco Villagra brought in the first large shipment of warhorses, as 400 head arrived
from Chárcas. That same year, he also brought in 200 selected mares from Chárcas, more than
doubling the total number of broodmares in Chile to 320. The properties that had been in Father
González de Marmolejo’s possession since 1543 were actively breeding so many horses that the
Town Council of Santiago ordered the branding of all his mares, offspring and stallions. There
was enough interest in this breeding project that the governor assigned the horseman in charge
to inspect all the breeding of mares, and thus assured the proper crosses were being carried out.
In 1553, Valdivia finalized the repayment of his loans by giving Rodrigo González de
Marmolejo the deeds to a farm in Quillota, two farms he owned in Santiago, and a gold mine in
Marga-Marga. This would not be their last dealing, but instead part of an ongoing relationship
between the clergyman and the conqueror in which the latter was repeatedly supplied with
money and horses for his needs to expand the Spanish territories. The future certainly looked
promising for Father González de Marmolejo and other Chilean horse breeders, as their
broodmare bands were in lands with more favorable climatic conditions. Their horses quickly
gained more prestige than their Peruvian counterparts.
Although horse breeding had received a shot in the arm with the equines imported by
Villagra, only a small number of bovines had entered the country before the first official
importation of cattle in 1552. In 1555, 140 head of cattle were brought in by sea. Two decades
later, there must have been a substantial number of cattle, as the Valley of Casablanca was
assigned to Father González de Marmolejo’s old friend, Alonso de Córdoba, in order to graze
his 20,000 head of cattle. Clearly, both these early settlers were doing well for themselves.
The period of conquest (1535-1610) in Chile required a continual juggling between the
need to obtain the horse numbers required for dominating the territories and the accumulation of
breeding stock numbers that, at some point, could reduce the dependency on imports. The
simultaneous struggle of battling the region’s Native Americans and establishing the pioneer
settlements seemed a contradictory demand on the early settlers.
For example, the foothold obtained in the town of Santiago came about after four
continuous years of warfare with the natives. It was reported that, during those four long years,
pioneers had to work the land with “a plow in one hand and a spear in the other”. Little by little,
more stability was found in the land behind the front lines of pioneers that tried in vain to gain
ground on the proud Mapuches. Development progressed, but with the ever-present reality that
a Mapuche attack was always a possibility.
The wooded terrain that was characteristic of the central valleys of Chile of the time,
were full of an abundance of tall forage. The trees offered a natural shelter for the broodmare
bands that sought cover from the summer heat and chilling rains of the winter. Horses were
turned out in the daytime and expected to withstand whatever inclement weather arose.
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However, the lack of fences augmented the constant risk of theft by astute Mapuches in search
of the edible horsemeat. This caused the breeders to bring in their broodmares every evening.
Eventually, the Mapuches would value the horse’s athletic qualities more than their
palatable muscle fibers. The power gained in having mounted warriors made raids to steal
unattended horses even a greater threat to the early breeders. To this day, confining valuable
horses at night is a traditional production method in Chile. At the present time, the fear of
breeders is not only theft, but also field slaughtering of animals that are used for human
consumption as fresh or dried meat. The fresh meat is not generally commercialized as
horsemeat, but substituted for beef in order to cut costs. The dried meat, on the other hand, is
made into a popular jerky that is known as “charqui”. It is justifiably palatable to much of the
Chilean population that, in large part, has ancestors that considered this product quite normal.
In the early history of Chile, the aptitudes of the horses used for breeding were tested like
few other places in the world. Traditionally in this era, the Old World customs used only
stallions in battle. However, in this new frontier that confronted the most vigorous opposition of
any Native Americans in this hemisphere, the demands of warfare and the lack of a greater
supply of horses required both stallions and mares to be used by the Spanish forces. As a result,
the animals that survived and found their way back to the breeding farms were well-tested for
the traits that breeders were trying to propagate.
Eventually, Chile would succumb to the tradition of only riding stallions in combat.
However, the initial scarcity of horses created a very highly selected foundation of animals in
the budding breeding farms of the time.
Governor García Hurtado de Mendoza Sets a High Standard for Horsemanship
In 1557, the 21-year-old son of Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, the Marquis of Cañete and
the Viceroy of New Castile (Peru), was nominated to be the governor of Chile. The young
García Hurtado de Mendoza was from a noble family of Castilian descent. At 17 years of age,
García enlisted in his first battle, and over four years carried out an impressive campaign on
several fronts. He had a serious personality, was extremely religious, decisive and a good
administrator who was very mature for his age. The aptitudes he possessed for the battlefield
were deeply engrained in his family background, and he was known to never shy away from his
enemies.
García Hurtado de Mendoza’s expedition from Peru to Chile was unlike any seen in this
territory since the arrival of Diego de Almagro. Four-hundred-and-fifty recruits had been
gathered and trained in Peru from Spaniards that had made their way to the viceroyalty as
adventurers, late arrivers in search of royal land and labor grants, or simply ruffians that turned
into troublemakers for the Peruvian authorities. Throughout the colonies it was a common
procedure to ship off undesirables as militia for conquistadors exploring new lands. So, the
viceroy prepared and equipped the 450 Spaniards to make up the incoming reinforcement that
would be accompanying his son when he presented himself to the head post in Chile that had
been vacant for the past three years. One-hundred-and-fifty of the men made the journey to
Chile on horseback. The remaining 300 arrived by ship with enough ammunition to keep Chile
supplied for years to come. The number of incoming Spanish soldiers on this occasion was so
significant that it increased the Spanish population in Chile by 40 percent.
Although Governor Hurtado was not a breeder per se, his arrival was responsible for
some of the better horses entering Chile early on in its history. The Peruvian viceroy Andrés
Hurtado de Mendoza had accumulated 500 horses in Peru to supply his son with the horsepower
to make an impressive stand against the indomitable Mapuches. The governor arrived by ship,
but eventually would make his arrival on horseback accompanied by 150 of the better horsemen
in his regiment, riding their “jineta” warhorses. The famous early 20th century Chilean
hippologist, Uldaricio Prado, felt the horsemen and horses arrived from Spain, thus making a
significant contribution to Chile in equine bloodlines and polished military horsemanship.
However, the classical Chilean historian Francisco A. Encina clarifies that all 450 of the
Spanish soldiers were a makeshift regiment organized in Peru, and the 500 horses were also
gathered around the capital of the viceroyalty.
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Both authors make mention that García Hurtado de Mendoza had a personal entourage
that included some private guards and around 40 (U. Prado mentions 42, which may have
included two horses for his personal guard) “luxurious” stallions of very high caliber that were
the talk of the town. This young nobleman had the reputation of being one of the best horsemen
of his day. Amongst his personal mounts, he had steeds for battle, others for equestrian war
games and yet others for parades, all being of a beauty and spirit with which he could clearly
show his outstanding horsemanship. Regardless of whether his personal horses came with him
from Spain, or they were hand-picked prized Peruvian specimens offered by his father, there is
little doubt that they brought to Chile a quality of horse that had not been seen before. What is
certain is that during his son’s governorship, Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, the viceroy of New
Castile, sent down to Chile another 300 horses and mares with Captain Martín de Avendaño.
Figure I.103 García Hurtado de Mendoza had a tremendous impact on the type of horse that
would become identified with Chile. In this etching presented by Ovalle we see a short statured,
close coupled horse with a semi convex nasal profile that is very similar to the modern Chilean
Horse. Moreover, this world renowned rider established a high standard for horse husbandry
and equitation that is still evident today.
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The short four-year stay of this new governor had several crucial effects on the evolution
of Chile. The influence of 42 quality stallions may have found its way into the Chilean gene
pool, as all these horses were left behind upon the termination of his duties in 1561. On the
other hand, he did not donate his horses to any breeder or government program, but instead
disposed of them amongst his captains and soldiers. Since these horses went into the hands of
common men whose main occupations required riding a dependable horse into battle, the
impact of these bloodlines may not be as great as many Chilean horsemen have proudly
supposed.
Regardless of the effect of his horses, it is certain that García Hurtado de Mendoza’s
horsemanship left its mark on Chile. The “a la jineta” riding style that the governor and his best
accompanying horsemen exhibited surely was quickly imitated throughout the territory. The
war games and parades that Governor Hurtado started became a long-standing tradition that was
very popular with the masses.
These events did much to popularize the riding style, as well as to stimulate the Chilean
breeders to produce the most impressive horses for occasions that received so much public
recognition. It is no coincidence that the arrival of this excellent horseman coincides with
municipal demands to supervise the breeding of all broodmares, which were assigned the most
suitable crosses. In fact, this is most likely the greatest assurance that the bloodlines of some of
the governor’s personal horses were being spread among some of the better broodmares of the
country during the four years he resided in Chile. It is known that the parades and tournaments
popularized by the governor gave rise to a variety of specialized horse types for these various
public events. Thus, it is easy to suppose that the genes of the specialized horses that
accompanied García Hurtado de Mendoza were offered for use to the better breeders that
competed to out-produce themselves.
The impressive tournaments with a variety of equestrian war games displayed the
dexterity of the better-mounted Spanish soldiers, while also showing the incomparable skills of
the governor himself. In an era that was tainted with continual battles and skirmishes with the
natives, these parades and tournaments provided a welcome distraction to a general public that
needed the moral support to continue to withstand the hardships of a seemingly endless war.
The presence of the young governor began to show the necessity for other types of horses
that differed from the warhorse. This justification for horses of more specificity also gave rise
to more specialized professions. This new mentality brought in by the young Governor Hurtado,
created the line of work of the “domador” (horse tamer) that broke the horses to be ridden while
teaching them the basic signals of equitation. After a good foundation, the horse moved on to
the “arreglador”, who was the more polished trainer that taught the horse the intricacies of a
higher-level equitation. These two specialized professions remain in the Chilean tradition today,
as most owners of the “corralero” horses count on both to do a competent job of training their
horses. It is interesting to note that the origins of this concept started way back when one of the
world’s most respected horsemen arrived to these lands in 1557.
One of the most popular parades that started as a yearly holiday was the March of the
Royal Banner. In this event, the coat of arms of the city, an emblem of the apostle Saint James
(Santiago) on horseback, was taken out of the main cathedral and paraded down the primary
streets of the city. A large array of horses accompanied the procession. Tall, flashy, highstepping, high-schooled horses with the most luxurious decorations imaginable were the order
of the day. The crowds mobbed to see the beauty of the skilled attainment of horse and rider,
and this would become one of the most attended events in years to come.
The fact that this event received so much attention motivated breeders to produce the
most impressive animals possible for this parade. So, in essence, Governor Hurtado’s
innovation not only lifted the public spirit, but also injected breeders with the incentive to aspire
to the goal of even higher caliber horses. Soon, these horses were the talk of the Americas, and
Chile’s place as a leader in the ranking of breeders of quality horses was assured.
These outstanding horses commanded high prices by the municipalities of the major
cities. These entities purchased the best possible horses available to exhibit the new governors
of the kingdom when they were presented to the populace of these main cities. Other countries
in this hemisphere also sought these high-caliber parade horses. Occasionally, some reached
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European shores as well. This great demand favored the breeders and, as a result, horse breeding
became a lucrative endeavor that commanded an expanding number of suppliers.
In four short years as Governor of Chile, García Hurtado de Mendoza left a lasting impact
in the territories of the Kingdom of Chile. He reaffirmed its borders by laying the groundwork
for founding the towns of Mendoza and San Juan on the eastern side of the Andes. He
penetrated the domain of New León by starting settlements in the island of Chiloé on the
southernmost sector of the occupied lands of the central region. He sent Juan de Ladrillero on
expeditions as far south as Cape Horn to lay claims to the southern tip of the continent, where,
in 1843, Fort Bulnes would eventually pave the way for the city of Punta Arenas. In essence,
Governor García Hurtado de Mendoza consolidated everything south of New Castile (Peru) as
part of the Kingdom of Chile.
The reason this part of history is so fundamental to our study of the Chilean Horse is that
our contemporary idea of Chile is the narrow country that extends itself 4,300 km (2,688 miles)
between the 18th and 56th southern parallels down the western side of the Andes Mountains. It is
important that we realize that, although the development of the country has basically taken place
on the Pacific shore, much of the less-developed expanses on the opposite side of the Andes
were considered part of its realm as well. A comparison can be made with the expansionist
period of the United States of America, when the majority of the development and population
was found in the states along the eastern corridor while huge territories awaited progress in the
western states, including lands on the other side of the Rocky Mountains.
In 1534, Diego de Almagro was assigned the governorship of New Toledo, which was
designated as the land 200 leagues south of the meridional border of New Castile, which that
very same year had been extended 70 leagues farther south to give Pizarro title to the hub of the
wealth of the Inca Empire. Although this granted de Almagro rights down to the 25th southern
parallel, his expedition, in fact, took him as far as the Valley of Mapocho. De Almagro’s
advances put him well into another 200-league stretch of land known as New Andalusia, which
had officially been assigned to Pedro de Mendoza in another decree of 1534. However, after
Pedro de Mendoza abandoned the settlement of Santa María del Buen Ayre, in 1548, the
maximum authority of the Royal Audience of Lima (Peru) expanded Pedro de Valdivia’s newly
formed New Extremadura all the way down to the 41st southern parallel. The fact that the
Chilean governorship was granted all the land 100 leagues (633 km) east of the Pacific coast
promoted the establishment of some cities on the eastern side of the Andes. The Argentine
cities of Santiago del Estero (1551), Mendoza (1561), San Juan (1562) and San Luis (1564)
were all founded by explorers that initiated their explorations from Chile. Moreover, when in
1555, Princess Joan of Asturias confirmed the expansion of the Governorship of Chile to
include all the land reaching the Strait of Magellan, the previously defined 100-league width, in
effect, gave Chile the ownership of the entire southern tip of South America below the 41st
southern parallel (essentially all of Patagonia).
Unfortunately, the important territorial definitions proclaimed by Governor Hurtado de
Mendoza on the eastern side of the Andes, which were later backed by Spanish royal decrees,
were not potentiated by the Chilean governments. In 1563, King Phillip II segregated the
provinces of Tucumán, Juries and Diaguitas to be included in the Audience of Charcas, thus
taking Chile’s initiative away from the city of Santiago del Estero. In 1776, when the last
Viceroyalty in the Americas was pronounced under the name of Río de la Plata, it was not only
assigned the provinces of Buenos Aires, Paraguay, Potosí and Santa Cruz, but also Cuyo, which
contained the Chilean cities of Mendoza, San Juan and San Luis. Perhaps it is the reality of
having lost invested time and resources in settlements on the eastern side of the Andes that
diminished Chile’s interest in doing more of the same in the land it possessed below the 41st
southern parallel. The fact that the conflict with the Mapuches was still not resolved also made
penetrating these lands south of the Diamond River (Río Diamante) a logistical problem. This
was aggravated by the fact that the Mapuche nation had already understood the potential of
these lands, and thus had established themselves as the dominating Native American tribe on
both sides of the Andes.
As a result of this turn of events, an incredible opportunity for Chilean expansion was
lost. Had even the weakest efforts to settle this part of meridional South America been made,
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Figure I.104
16th Century S.A.
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Figure I.105
The previous map and this close up of the cities that were founded by Chile (in the gray area) show the way South America
th
was divided in the 16 century. The gray area with the grid indicates the territory (more than half the nation) that Chile
incredibly forfeited to Argentina in 1881 while it was gaining the mineral rich area north of the 27th parallel by winning the
War of the Pacific (1879-1884).
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today a very different tune would be sung. Even in 1818, after giving birth to the Republic of
Chile, this country would not invest in securing its hold on the Patagonian region that made up
more than 50 percent of its national real estate. Years later, simultaneous conflicts with Bolivia
and Peru in the north and border skirmishes with Argentina in the south would force Chile to
prioritize its military focus on the potential for harvesting the mineral wealth on the
septentrional (northern) extremity. The outbreak of the War of the Pacific* of 1879 would
loosen Chile’s grasp on the precious lands of Patagonia. In 1881, a treaty with Argentina would
define the highest Andean peaks as the new border between the two countries, so that each
owned the sources of the watersheds that drained to their corresponding side of the dividing
mountain range. After 334 years of transandean land ownership, for the first time Chile was
sadly limited to the southwestern shoreline of South America.
There is no doubt that in many regards Governor García Hurtado de Mendoza was a
gifted visionary who was fortunate to have passed through Chile. Still, we have to be cautious in
assigning him too many accolades as it seems he was also a great self-promoter. Carlos
Valenzuela Solis de Ovando points out in his book El Paso de los Guerreros (4th Edition) that
evidence from documents collected by Toribio Medina which were studied meticulously by
Crescente Errázuriz and Tomás Thayer Ojeda point out that many “historical” facts about
García Hurtado Mendoza were made up. When Don García de Mendoza was named viceroy of
New Castile, he did a great deal to influence the historians (the Jesuit priest Bartolomé de
Escobar and the poet Pedro de Oña in particular) of the time to record false triumphs in his
efforts to dominate the Mapuche nation during his assignment as governor in Chile. The
chroniclers who did not cooperate in recording his distorted version of history were persistently
belittled. The famous poet Alonso de Ercilla y Zuñiga whose poem La Araucana is the most
famous account of the times, was one of various scholars that were victimized by the influences
of the viceroy. In 1613, when the Spaniard Dr. Cristobál Suárez de Figueroa is commissioned
by the son of the deceased viceroy to write the biography Los Hechos de Don García Hurtado
de Mendoza, Cuarto Marqués de Cañete, the inaccurate accounts concerning the second
governor of Chile would gain even more repute. Undoubtedly, having arrived in Chile with so
much pomp, bringing with him the military might of an impressive numbers of soldiers,
ammunition and quality horses, gave rise to the lifelong disappointment of not being able to
bring the Mapuche nation to its knees. Regardless of this fact, his passing through Chile left an
enduring impression on the caliber of horses and horsemanship that is still felt to this day.
* The War of the Pacific (1879-1884) where Chile confronted Peru and Bolivia should not be confused
with the Pacific War (1937-1945) which was a conflict between the U.S.A. and Japan.
The War of Arauco Puts Pressing Demands on the Chilean Horse Industry
Too often the conquest of the Americas is thought of as the dominance of the “civilized”
cultures of Europe over the “savages” of the Western Hemisphere. I suppose there are many
good reasons to justify this kind of thought, as the societies of Europe were well into the Iron
Age and those of the Americas had yet to fully depart from the Stone Age. Still, it is easy to
judge others by one’s own measuring stick, while overlooking the values and priorities of other
cultures that view progress in light of a different set of priorities.
If we are not to underestimate the early development of horse breeds in the Americas, it is
required that we understand that for the most part, this Hemisphere was not a land of
headhunters, witchdoctors, hunter-gathering cavemen. From the onset of the conquest, the
continent offered assiduous, stable, civilizations that merited respect for their virtues as
organized societies. The disregarding mentality imposed by the European nations invading
America, abolished much of the obvious contributions Native Americans could have made in
becoming a part of a new racial blend. However, unlike the segregating policies of the English
colonists, the process of ethnic intermixing promoted in Latin America inevitably established a
people that had the crucial elements to take the relationship between man and horse to new
heights
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In actuality, Native Americans had much to offer. In the social order of the Aztecs, we
can find the roots of American democracy. Not only did they elect their rulers, but they also
divided the military and civil responsibilities by electing specialized leaders whose decisions
required the approval of a council that represented all the territorial sectors of their domain. As
you read on, you will see that the Mapuches had a similar mentality of specialized leadership
that gave all candidates the possibility to prove their worth publicly in order to obtain support.
Although there were also examples of other tribes with ruling families, like most Native
American cultures the Mapuches had a somewhat socialistic structure in regarding all assets as
communal. The privileges were either repartitioned each year or after the death of the user. For
the most part, the less capable, the handicapped and the elderly were taken care of, as
indigenous cultures were very attentive about caring for the basic needs of food and clothing for
all their citizens. Regardless of how simple or complex, or how democratic or totalitarian the
specific Native American societies were, all of them contributed a greater sensitivity to the
conscientious, harmonizing role that mankind should play as an integral part of nature.
The America that the European man discovered may have seemed uncivilized in
comparison to what was taken for granted as the norm in Europe. After all, the human sacrifices
still carried out in parts of the Americas, had long been left in the past in the Old World. The
stylish clothing, wigs and popular cosmetics of the Old World were contrasted with native
cultures that did not shy away from exposing parts of their bodies or finding a smoky corporal
scent more appealing than the European perfumes. The native perception of art seemed crude
alongside the formality of gentlemanly combat, formal dance, written music, marble sculptures,
oil paintings and operas. The required dominion of formal equestrianship for all “true
gentlemen” was nowhere to be seen in these new lands, even after the Native Americas adopted
the horse into their societies. The written language of Europe was perceived as a new erudition
that hinted cultural superiority. When Columbus made his first journey to the Americas the first
grammar book for a modern language had already been released and just a year later the first
Spanish dictionary was also was made available. Certainly, the first white settlers must have
found the New World a backward place judging from all the things they did not find.
However, the first 50 years of the conquest of America, before settling in Chile and
confronting the Mapuche people, surely had to offer some reasons for respecting the Native
American cultures that had been subjugated by the Spanish Empire. The Aztec and Inca empires
already conquered by Cortés and Pizarro were a particular testimony of the complex social
orders that had evolved by the time the first Europeans set foot on the continent. Yet, how could
the European conquerors have made an objective evaluation of these cultures that were so
different from their own?
The grandeur of most cultures is judged by the magnitude of their architecture, the beauty
of their art, the advancement of their scientific discoveries and the impact of their engineering
feats. Throughout Mexico and Guatemala there are numerous pyramidal temples of astounding
beauty. Although none are of the height of the great pyramids of Egypt, the Pyramid of the Sun
in Teotihuacán, Mexico is larger in volume. Still, most all the pyramids, temples and palaces of
the Americas are more intricate in their pattern and adornment than their Egyptian counterparts.
The amazing engineering exploits in America are too many to mention. Imagine walking
over a ridge and looking down into a lush valley and seeing a marvelous, shinning, bustling,
orderly and complex floating city situated in a crystal clear lake unlike anything ever seen in
your homeland. Tenochtitlán (now Mexico City) was an intricate labyrinth of streets, navigable
canals, bridges and floating foundations for construction and cultivation. It was a larger city
than Paris which was the largest urban center in Europe at the time. Hernán Cortés and his men
surely must have pinched themselves a time or two to assure that they were not in the middle of
a dream that seemed more like some heavenly fairy tale.
When the conquistadors went to South America they also saw floating gardens used in
Lake Titicaca by cultures that today continue to surprise scientists with their technological
advancement. The terracing and irrigations systems first observed by the Europeans in the
1500’s in the highlands of Peru, still merit comparison with any modern intensive farming
practices. The list of cultivated edible and medicinal plants that the Americas have contributed
to the world would be too long to innumerate. Three fifths of all crops cultivated in the world
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today come from Mesoamerica alone. Few places have soil conservation practices that compare
with the agricultural planning of the Incas and the entire “altiplano” (highland plains) culture is
an impressive example of being incredibly effective in maintaining long-term soil fertility. In
other parts of America slash and char tactics were carefully implemented to increase
productivity and longevity of agronomical lands by incorporating charcoal into the physical
mixture of soils.
In Peru, the strategically positioned, huge stone, three tier Inca fortresses that expose both
flanks of attackers, impress military analysts to this day. The methodology of that stone
masonry was just a sampling of Mesolithic construction that was used in many kinds of Incan
structures. The incredible precision in the joining of huge beveled boulders that are up to 18
meters (28 feet) wide and weigh over 100 tons, represent a cyclopean architecture that compares
with the marvels of the Mycenaean Greek civilization. Yet, nothing could speak more highly of
the engineering capacity of the Incas, than the famed “Inca Road”. Not even the road
construction laurels of the Roman Empire compared with the quality and precision of the Inca
network of thoroughfares that Europeans found laid out from Ecuador to Chile.
Sculpturing had progressed in parts of the Americas to a level that compared with the best
civilizations of the Old World. Often times the sculptures were incorporated to the architectural
design, in a similar fashion that was customary in great civilizations of Eurasia. Quality
ceramics were seen throughout the Americas and many illustrated incredibly realistic
representations. Textiles were wonderfully intricate and colorful. Gold, silver and copper were
shaped into delicate jewelry and detailed works of art that are still revered to this day. Theater,
dance, ritual sports, poetry (either as narrated prose or sung lyrics) were all a valued part of the
Maya, Quiches, Aztec and Inca cultures.
The knowledge of astronomy was so advanced it was not surpassed by European
astronomers until the 16th century. Even in the exploits of the Tiwanaku culture, edifices made
of huge rocks can be found with astronomical orientations. Similarly, the gigantic geoglyphs in
Nazca that are only appreciated from the sky are thought to have purposeful layouts based on
the heavenly points of reference. The astronomical calendars of the Aztecs were both
wonderful works of sculptured rock art and a summary of predictable celestial events. Actually
Mesoamerican societies developed three distinct and very accurate calendars.
Mathematical principles were also more advanced than in the Old World. The zero was
already in use in America by the beginning of the Christian era, while the concept would not be
introduced in Eurasia until it was discovered in India during the 6th century. The concept of
position in order to facilitate the math calculations was also well established and ahead of its
time. Methods of inventory and accountability of statistics were so meticulous in the Inca
Empire that modern day scholars, marvel at the organizational awareness of this regime. The
Aztecs not only had normal schools that taught religion and the doctrine of war, but they also
had a higher level education for those privileged enough to study astronomy, history, law,
medicine and music.
The Mayas and quiches had ideographic writing, similar to the hieroglyphics of Egypt
and they were already starting to move towards a phonetic writing. Many of these American
societies showed discipline in recording their religious traditions and history in writing. Once
they learned the Latin alphabet, they enthusiastically wrote books about complex subjects
regarding the origins of man, their culture, documentaries on war and specifics concerning
magical powers.
Surely many of these accomplishments must have been evident to the conquistadors
regardless of how poorly they were prepared for the task of appreciating foreign cultures. At
least a portion of the leaders were “hidalgos” (short for “hijos de algo”) that lacked assets
usually designated to the first born son, but came from a good upbringing. On the other hand,
many of the commanding officers were illiterates that came from small towns in Spain that
offered little exposure to worldly ways. Worse yet, most of the militia were antisocials that were
given the option to face death sentences, rot in jail or discover the Americas. Such a merger of
men could surely not be very sensitive to the values of the societies they overpowered against
insurmountable odds. In ambitious, greedy and many times vengeful eyes, there was little room
for empathy or admiration.
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We also cannot forget that the church played an important role in the conquest, as priests
were among the essential members of expeditions whose faith often helped them surge ahead
into a world of uncertainties. In order to be totally fair with the religious orders of the times, we
must concede that this was the era of the Spanish Inquisition and a total lack of religious
tolerance was not only considered proper conduct, but plainly justifiable by examples in the Old
Testament. Surely a similar attitude must have prevailed when destroying the remainders of
native ideologies that due to their incomprehensible differences were considered pagan and
barbaric.
So if the conquistadors were somewhat oblivious to the many extraordinary Native
American cultures they had crushed in the past 50 years, what possibly could they respect of a
Mapuche nation with a more rudimentary agrarian, hunter/gatherer sustenance? After bringing
the powerful Aztec and Inca Empires to their knees in short order, what could there be in the
Chile that merited their respect? An eighteen year old boy would become the revelation that the
Spanish Crown never could have imagined possible.
Figure I.106
Lev Traru, popularly remembered as “Lautaro” in Chilean history, was undoubtedly one of the most gifted military leaders and
tactician in Chilean history. Although his accomplishments are many, he is best remembered for introducing the horse to the
Mapuche culture, making them one of the earliest Native Americans tribes to have the advantages of the added mobility.
The end of the Chilean period of conquest (1535-1610) brought about a crucial change in
the type of battle that would be fought south of the Bío Bío River. An observant 12 year old
Native American stable boy by the name of “Lev Traru” (in the mapudungún language of the
Mapuche this means “Speedy Falcon”), who his patrons designated with the Spanish name
Lautaro, learned his responsibilities well. His keen sense of how to handle a horse was highly
touted by the Spaniards militia who took the time to teach him all about this animal that the
Mapuches had previously looked upon only as a source of meat.
After six years of servitude and once adept in the skills of horsemanship, Levtraru
escaped from the Spanish settlement taking two horses with him. He found his way back to his
people, who coincidently had recently united representatives from all the “reguas” (individual
communities) to elect an “apo” (tribal leader). After a test of strength in which the warrior,
Caupolican, soundly defeated all comers by carrying a heavy log in his shoulder for three
consecutive days and two nights, the matter of the “apo” was resolved.
During the entire year of 1552 the Mapuches had been repeatedly defeated by the
aggressive bearded invaders from the north. The unsuccessful confrontations had made these
valiant people regroup and consider what must be done to protect their lands from being taken
from them. Rarely was a wartime hierarchy assigned a singular authoritarian leader as the
Mapuches saw this as a sign of vulnerability for a tribe that was spread out in many “reguas”
over a broad stretch of territory. However, now it was clear that unification with a determined
priority on war was required. That meant putting a capable person in charge of this vital mission
so it might assure the survival of Mapuche society.
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It was precisely when considerations were being made for the appointment of the “toqui”
(general) that the young Levtraru arrived mounted on one horse and leading another. In
dismounting, he immediately discredited the myth that horse and rider were one and explained
that horsemanship was something they were all capable of learning. He spoke convincingly of
his having worked closely with a Spanish Captain Marcos Veas for many years and that he
understood well the Spaniard’s strategies, strengths and weaknesses. He had given much
thought as to how to defeat them. He visualized manners of unseating the Spanish mounted
soldiers and contemplated the advantage of new forms of weapons used in conjunction with
more effective tactics that would assure Mapuches victories. The thorough knowledge that
Levtraru had of the Spanish trespassers was evident, but equally so was his intelligence, his
communication skills (a much appreciated talent, as public speaking was emphasized at a very
young age in the Mapuche culture) and his innate sense of leadership. When he finished
speaking this gifted teenager felt a rush of adrenalin as he looked over the multitude of strong
and vigorous braves, most of whom were his elders. Their faces were flushed with excitement
and everyone present was chanting his name in unison as it was evident that now the Mapuches
had discovered their “toqui” (Commander of War). Caupolican approached Levtraru and with a
sharpen sea shell and cut his long hair to shoulder length reaffirming not only that he too was
now a warrior, but more importantly, he pronounced him as the “toqui” that would lead a force
of 40,000 Mapuches against the Spaniards.
As promised, Levtraru not only taught his fellow Mapuches to become experts astride a
horse but he also showed them how to train their mounts by non-violent means. This led to
further instruction on how to take advantages of mounted warfare. By the end of 1553, after a
full year of training, the Mapuche nation had become the one of the first independent Native
Americans to incorporate the horse into their society. Only the proud Arawaks in the islands of
Hispaniola and Cuba had taken up the horse in battle before them. Having done so in the last ten
years of their resistance to the Spanish proved too late, since their extermination as a people
came about in 44 short years.
In contrast, thanks to Levtraru, the horse was accepted early on by the Mapuches. More
importantly, the horse became an integral part of Mapuche life and although they found favor in
the convenience of a being more mobile in matters of transportation or food acquisition, it was
in war that they capitalized most the newfound coexistence with their equine friends. Levtraru
showed his people how to use the lance from horseback, how to ride the horses two a stride
when relocating troops and how to pick up wounded comrades in the fields of war. The horse
became a key instrument of espionage and crucial information was now conveyed at speeds that
the old “conas” (running messengers) could not match. Belying his young age of 18 years,
Levtraru showed privileged military genius that went well beyond incorporating the horse into
his people’s war arsenal.
Battlegrounds were carefully selected and studied before luring the Spanish to the
advantaged site for a confrontation. Often, this was accomplished by exiting from battlefields
and letting his enemy assume victory. Other times, it was in letting enemies retreat when he
could have finished them off, so they would spread fear and doubt in the minds of their
colleagues. Persistently, Levtraru struggled to change the Mapuche custom of unbridled
celebrations as soon as the enemy withdrew from a battle. Emphatically, instead he urged a
policy of pursuit and total annihilation. More than once he let his enemy retreat from open battle
fields knowing that he had sealed off corridors of departure where Mapuche braves awaited
carrying out the certain carnage.
His warriors were assigned specialized functions that were implemented according to a
well thought-out plan. Gone were the days of thoughtless charges of courageous free for alls of
unprotected combatants. Now the Mapuche army was shielded by hard leather armor made from
the hide of sea elephants. Leather helmets with a cushioned interior were also part of the
protective gear. The men were divided into battalions of mounted warriors, foot soldiers with
lances, and divisions of archers and all of whom were expected to make their entrance to the
battlefield from assigned directions and on command of a designated group leader. Rather than
use full force, Levtraru preferred to fight in tiered attacks that mentally and physically wore
down his enemy’s aggressiveness as they confronted rested units of Mapuches that fought with
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fervor. Horses were no longer feared and braves on foot often constrained the Spaniard’s
mounts by vigorously embracing the horse’s forelegs. While immobilizing the steed they also
deviated the soldier’s attention long enough for a fellow warrior to give a mortal blow. Another
innovated weapon popularized in Levtraru’s time was the “flying club”. This was a short,
weighty, top-heavy piece of wood that the Mapuches mastered in throwing with accuracy. By
taking aim at the riders they could knock soldiers off their mounts or in cases of frontal charges
they aimed at the horses legs in order to cause fractures that dropped the rider down to the
ground.
The battlegrounds were previously prepared with pot holes (called “pozos de lobos” or
wolf wells) that were camouflaged with loose grass so that horses and foot soldiers would fall
and break their legs upon making their charges. Large traps were also excavated of a depth a
horse and rider could not climb out of and often time in the bottom they had fatal pointed
spikes. Mounted units were lured around bends in the forest where a wide formation of 100 to
200 men held sharp wooden spikes at 45 degree angles that had the back end imbedded in the
ground. One line of short spikes was held my men in a kneeling position. Another line of men
standing held longer spikes above the latter. Yet another line was formed by long spikes held by
a third row of warriors furthest back. Behind the impenetrable wall, natives with bows and
arrows showered the charging Spaniards with arrows. When the charge was curtailed at the
spiked wall they were hit with a barrage of stones thrown by sling shot experts positioned on the
flanks. These would then follow up with a furious attack using large heavy clubs that could split
open a human cranium in a single blow. In the moment of hand-to-hand combat, a type of
Mongolian lasso (Mapuches referred to them as “huachis”) was used to unseat the advantaged
rider. This noose that was fixed on to the end of a 4 meter (13 ft.) lance that was dropped over
the head and then pulled tight around the neck of Spaniards distracted in the fury of battle, so
that they could then be pulled back off their saddles. Most received mortal club blows before
reaching the ground.
Levtraru provided too many
examples of military proficiency to list
them all. Some were tactics that were
way ahead of their time and others
were similar conclusions derived by
famous military commanders of
worldly empires whose existence this
illiterate young man knew nothing
about. At any rate, under Levtraru’s
leadership the Mapuches accumulated
continuous victories that destroyed
major Spanish strongholds, such as the
forts at Tucapel, Concepción, and
Angol. In the former he terminated the
life of the founder and first governor
of Chile, Pedro de Valdivia. Having
Figure I.107 Throughout the Americas Native Americans tried to
outwitted and defeated one of Spain’s
destroy Spanish settlements in hopes that they could deter the intruders
most brilliant military leaders, who
from establishing permanent residence on their lands.
had gained personal fame in the
Spanish wars in Flanders, Italy, Peru and Chile, brought great embarrassment to the entire
Spanish crown.
Only the famine that was brought on by unusually dry years and the unattended crops of a
society that was too busy fighting for their lives would decrease the offensive of the Mapuche
people. As Jared Diamond points out so well in his excellent analysis of our American history,
Guns, Germs and Steel, the pathogenic microbes of the Europeans often did more damage than
the effects of brave men with sophisticated weapons. The Mapuches were no exception, as
largely due to the affects of typhus in three short years their numbers dwindled to one third of
what they had been when Levtraru started his campaign. Some communities had losses of up to
80% from this and other plagues introduced by the conquistadors
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139
In spite of the depressed resources in the Mapuche camps, the colonists were in greater
chaos in having lost both their confidence and their leader. It would be several years before a
new Governor would be appointed and Levtraru felt certain that the time was right to push the
Spaniards out of their last large stronghold in Santiago. Once again his thoughts were too
progressive for his people as although the Mapuche nation was known for its valor, they
traditionally had never been aggressors outside of the lands they proclaimed between the Bío
Bío and the Tolten Rivers. Ironically, twenty years later the Mapuches would continually cross
the Andes to raid settlements in La Plata that offered easy resources of more warhorses.
Eventually, the Mapuches would dominate the Patagonian natives and create settlements of their
own that raised Cain for over a century in the Viceroyalty of La Plata as well as the later formed
Republic of Argentina.
So in spite of the fact that the Mapuche had dwindled to 14,000 warriors (largely due to
their susceptibility to European diseases that were brought by the Spaniards) Levtraru was only
able to drum up 800 soldiers to press on towards Santiago. Ironically, his unforgiving ways with
other more passive tribes that were submissive to the colonial rule, would be his demise. It
would be one of these fellow Native Americans that would divulge the whereabouts of his camp
to Spaniards that carried out a nocturnal surprise attack. Had it not been for a betrayal that led
to his tragic death at 23 years of age, the lands south of the Bío Bío may have very well had an
independent history of their own.
Levtraru’s most acclaimed, and often only remembered legacy has been his role in
incorporating the warhorse into what would become the most tenacious native opposition in the
Americas. A full two centuries before most of the North American tribes took up the use of the
horse the Mapuches were using war ponies in battle against the Spanish forces that were now on
a more level playing field with their valiant opponents. Without discrediting the gallantry of the
Mapuche people, it must be said that evidence points to the fact that most Native American
tribes were very difficult to subdue once they became part of the “horse culture”. One of the big
differences in the duration of the Arauco Wars was the fact that the Mapuche people were one
of the first tribes to accept the horse as an instrument of battle. Similar experiences can be seen
in Patagonia on the eastern side of the Andes and throughout much of the southwestern United
States, where multitudes of mounted tribes frustrated the U.S. cavalry until the advent of the
revolver and repeating rifle.
It was not long before the Spanish admitted that the Mapuches surpassed their own
equestrian aptitudes. In fact, in time they would come to be known as the most effective
mounted military force ever. Admittedly, this is a too-often used cliché to describe mounted
warriors throughout history. Still, the fact that the Spanish could make such an assessment at the
peak of their global expansion as an empire that had confronted a wide number and variety of
opponents is recognition enough.
At the end of the 16th century the tranquility in the lands north of the Bio Bio River, as
well as the large number of livestock throughout those areas, required that an ordinance be
declared whereby livestock need not be kept up overnight. This gave way to large herds of
“cimarrona” mares that were not wild, but void of routine handling. Their only function was
reproductive, and, for a limited time, they were herded in so that they could be used to thrash
wheat. The rising status of what would soon become a full-fledged Spanish colony now seemed
to count on the major resources that were needed to subsist.
By 1603, Melipilla was one of the principal cities in Chile and the main breeding center
to meet the great demand the conquistadors had for more horseflesh. Rodrigo González de
Marmolejo was, by far, the principal breeder that had contributed local horses to the cause.
Before his passing, his cooperation was compensated once again, as Pedro de Valdivia
recommended the elderly clergyman for the post of bishop in Santiago. Yet, in spite of the
expanding horse production in Chile, the casualties of war were responsible for the governors
continually pleading to the Viceroyalty of New Castile (Peru) for more horses.
As optimistic as the future of horse-breeding seemed in Chile, the fact is that inability to
dominate the Mapuches to the south of the Bío Bío was causing a great drain on the horse
inventories of the Spanish militia. As a result, there was little option but to consider
supplementing the needs with importations of horses from the other side of the Andes. The
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140
areas south of La Plata were overflowing with horses that simply needed to be caught and
broken.
In 1609, Captain
Pedro Martinez was asked
to deliver 1,500 stallions to
the Argentine city of
Mendoza, where Chilean
forces would take them
across the Andes. The
Spanish division in Chile
had a standing order for
another 500 stallions per
year from the province of
Tucumán in Peru. However,
the Chilean dependency on
horses from Argentina
Figure I.108 In all the great plains of the Western Hemisphere horse numbers
continued until the end of
increased exponentially. Much like the western USA the pampas on the eastern side
The colonial period in the
of the Andes Mountains provided an unlimited supply of horses for the taking.
early 1800’s. Between 1855
and 1859, Chile still imported 17,598 stallions from their eastern neighbor. Numbers began to
dwindle after the formation of the Republic, as in the period from 1860 until 1865 Argentine
imports totaled only 7,607, and from 1879 until 1883 imports reduced further to 6,267 horses.
Although these numbers seem impressive, it must be remembered that Chile’s need for
horses was because of the insufficiency of warhorses. In Argentina, only male horses were
broken to ride and all fillies and mares remained wild in order to increase the breeding stock.
So, in spite of the fact that many Argentine horses made it across the Andes into Chile, these
had little incidence in the type of horse that was bred in Chile.
As early as 1607, Alonso de Rivera, the governor of Tucumán, reported to his Majesty in
Spain that it was difficult to expand the sales to Chile because therein they had a better quality
horse. In 1611, Governor Jaraquemada made mention that these Argentine importations brought
in a lower caliber horse than was already available in Chile. He pointed out that it was essential
that the producers realize that their horse production could command appealing prices and a
trustworthy market. The great majority of the broodmare owners were producing mules at the
time, as there was a very healthy market for these in Peru. Much like what had happened in
Spain, mule markets became the downfall of good horse production. Nonetheless, by the end of
the 17th century, Chile would already have the reputation of having the best horses in South
America.
As the new colony of Chile emerged in the 17th century, the country was divided in half.
North of the Bío Bío River, there was clear evidence of progress in establishing a society that
was more civilized by European standards. South of the Bío Bío River, however, the Mapuches
became more organized and effective opponents, as the horse became a more important part of
their military power. In these lands overflowing in year-round forage, the Mapuche benefited
from an ever-growing number of free-roaming horses in their region.
Recognized by the Spaniards as the most effective mounted militia in history, the
Mapuche made impressive stands with as many as 3,000 mounted soldiers confronting the
representatives of the Spanish empire. Mounted on horseback, they skillfully handled a long
spear and small leather shield. Their infantry added the use of heavy clubs, and although the
mention of the bow and arrow has been inconsistent by historians, it seems it was a legitimate
weapon for foot soldiers while the long lance and the club were the weapon of choice atop
horses. * What IS certain is that with just as much fervor as the Mapuche took up and perfected
* There are stories passed on for generations that young warriors had to pass a test in order to go into battle. One of
the challenges was to shoot a bird in flight with a bow and arrow and beforehand they had to predict if their arrow
would pierce the bird through the right wing, left wing or body. (pers. com from Hernán Cruz Castillo)
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141
the use of the horse, they scoffed at the idea of using the muskets and pistols that had become a
part of the Spanish array of weapons.
In hand-to-hand combat the Mapuches were merciless, clubbing to death their opponents
with little regard for those not putting up resistance. Some European historians describe how at
times after killing a particularly valiant Spanish soldier, the Mapuche warrior cut into the
sternum of the fresh cadaver and yanked out the heart. Consuming a bite full of the still warm
organ was done in the hope of acquiring part of that bravery that was respected in the difficult
confrontation with the recently slain soldier.* The only live prisoners taken by the Mapuches
were women. As many as 200 white and mestizo women were taken at a time and forced into
Mapuche society. These European women were a little-mentioned source of mestizos that
incorporated themselves into the tribes of the Native Americans.
Figure I.109 The only live prisoners taken by the Mapuches were women. Note the long lances used by the
Mapuche warriors, as well as the “boleadoras” the brave on the left is swinging over his head. These were 2-3
rocks that were tied to llama tendons that were used to strike opponents or to throw and wrap around the legs
of horses to down a mounted soldier.
It is said that the Mapuches chose not to have sovereign chiefs that reigned over all their
own tribes. As a result, they would be much less willing to accept the imposition of someone
outside their tribe ruling over their people. Proudly, they had put a halt to the southern
expansion of the Inca Empire at the Maule River, although it is stated that the cold rainy climate
of southern Chile was their ally against these northern trespassers. With the arrival of new pale
skinned invaders, they were intent on stopping the Spaniards from establishing themselves south
of the Bío Bío River. We must not forget that the Spanish military had recently conquered much
of Europe and was considered one of the best-trained military forces of the time.
* Information from Dutch display in Museum of Talca exhibited in the year 2000
The use of the Chilean horse was a crucial part of the Native American opposition.
Purposely, their war ponies were kept as thin as racehorses and a great deal of training and
conditioning was given to make the horses as useful as possible in battle. The Mapuche warriors
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142
were no less demanding of themselves, as going into war they put themselves on strict diets to
accustom their body to get by on a minimal amount of ground barley. They complemented their
diets with a demanding physical workout that were known as “collullanlin” ( Valenzuela, C. 4th
Ed, pp.33) which meant “like an ant’s waist” as they were convinced that to be effective soldiers
they had to be light and agile. Often, the infantry was carried to the battle site straddled behind
mounted warriors, so that they could arrive to the confrontations with more energy. As the
Mapuche people gained more resources, more experience and more victories, the war escalated
to new heights that continued to prevent Spanish dominion past the Bío Bío River.
At the beginning of the 17th
century the Spanish changed their
century-long strategic war tactics.
During all of the 16th century, terror
had reigned in the form of “malocas”
and “campeadas”. This aggressive
Spanish course of action destroyed
Native American crops and villages
indiscriminately and showed no
compassion for the Native American
lives of any age or sex. Ironically, this
“big stick policy” would be effective
for General Julio A. Roca almost two
centuries later, when he is credited
with eliminating the defiant natives
from further contention in southern
Argentina. For whatever reason, the
long experience in Chile proved that
this method only further encouraged
Figure I.110 In general Europeans conquerors showed no mercy in
the resistance of the Mapuche tribes.
their effort to dominate the Native Americans. Aside from total
At the turn of the 17th century the
massacres it was common to punish rebellious captives by cutting off
their hands and arms. Death sentences included sitting the prisoner on
Spanish in Chile altered their offensive
a sharp metal stake which penetrated through the entire body.
mentality that tried to overtake the
Mapuche strongholds south of the Bío Bío River. Instead, they implemented a defensive
position of simply protecting their lands north of the aforementioned river. Development north
of the Bío Bío River was offering more potential than had previously been imagined. These
lands had flourished in agricultural production and the royal herds now numbered 20,000
broodmares. Still, this only points out how great the demand for warhorses continued to be, as
every year horses were imported from the other side of the Andes. By 1805, Governor García
Ramón was still importing 1,500 horses from Argentina to be used in combat against the
Mapuches.
Certainly, there were also great losses of horses in battle, both to the elements and to
raiding parties of natives. In 1639, Governor Alonso de Rivera mentions that in re-conquering
the city of Angol more than 5,000 horses were lost, killed or drowned. As many as 270 horses
were reported drowned in one day of river crossings!!! So, there was unquestionably a large
turnover of horses apt for battle.
As Chile entered the second decade of the new century, it would be assigned the status of
a colony. The population would begin to concentrate more on developing the growing and
prosperous society that was unfolding from the footholds obtained by the intrepid and
adventurous spirit of Diego de Almagro and the visionary dedication of Pedro de Valdivia. Both
contributed to Chilean history, in part, because of the merits of the horses that lived up to their
expectations. The period of conquest had continued to put the same equine virtues to test for
175 years of exploration, settlement and combat. Now, the new colony would have to determine
how the capacity of this valuable inheritance could be utilized to expand national production
and improve the quality of life of its citizens.
March 2008 edition
143
March 2008 edition

The Chilean Horse Vol I-4 They Saw and They Conquered

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