liberty league
Transcription
liberty league
The American Liberty League, 1934-1940 Author(s): Frederick Rudolph Source: The American Historical Review, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Oct., 1950), pp. 19-33 Published by: American Historical Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1840619 Accessed: 06/07/2010 21:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aha. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Historical Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Historical Review. http://www.jstor.org The AmericanLibertyLeague,1934-1940 FREDERICK RUDOLPH IN March,1934,theNew Deal was a yearold. The economiccollapsewhich had provokedit and theconfusedbut determinedactivitiesof theNew Deal had become,by then,profoundly disturbing to men whosegods wereAdam Smith and HerbertSpencer.For them both the depressionand Franklin Roosevelt'ssolutionscontainedunwholesomequantitiesof uncertainty and change. Correspondence,reflectingdespair and anger, flowed from one citadelof economicpower to another,mostof it destinedto remainin the privatefilesforwhichit was intended.Some of it, however,foundits way into the chambersof Congressand eventuallyinto the public press.There the anguish of what has come to be called the AmericanWay was from time to time documentedand recorded.Of such a characterwas the exchange of lettersbetweenthe Du Pont Building in Wilmingtonand the Empire State Building in New York in March, 1934, betweenR. R. M. Carpenter,a retiredDu Pont vice-president, and JohnJ. Raskob,a retired chairmanof the Democraticpartybut a stillactivevice-president of theDu Pontorganization. "Five negroeson myplace in South Carolinarefusedworkthisspring.. . sayingtheyhad easy jobs withthe government," Carpenterwrote."A cook on mry houseboatat FortMyersquit becausethegovernment was payinghim a dollar an hour as a painter."What Mr. Carpenterasked of Mr. Raskob was thathe, who mighthave theear of thePresidentfortheasking,inquire of Mr. Rooseveltwhetherhe knew wherethe countrywas going; his own at his place in South Carolina and on his houseboatin Florida, experiences, had convincedhim thatthe directionswerealtogether contrary to American promise.Mr. Raskob was inclinedto agree,but,he said,he was now out of politicsand, besides,he had a betteridea. "You haven'tmuch to do," he wroteCarpenter,"and I know of no one thatcould bettertake the lead in tryingto inducethe Du Pont and GeneralMotorsgroups,followedby other to definitely big industries, organize to protectsocietyfromthe sufferings is whichit bound to endureif we allow communisticelementsto lead the people to believethatall businessmenare crooks."Raskob went on to suggest thattherewas a need for"some verydefiniteorganizationthatwould come out openlywithsomeplan foreducatingthepeopleto thevalue of encouragingpeople to work; encouragingpeople to get rich." He feltthat I9 20 FrederickRudolph R. R. M. Carpenter, and his friends Pierreand Ireneedu Pont,wereespeciallyequippedto takeon thattask,fortheywere"in a positionto talk directly witha groupthatcontrols a largershareof industry . . . thanany othergroupintheUnitedStates."1 Of suchbeginnings was theAmericanLibertyLeague.On AugustI5, 1934, an organization suchas Raskobhad contemplated in was chartered Washington, D.C., dedicated to "teachthenecessity ofrespect fortherights ofpersons andproperty ... and... thedutyofgovernment toencourage and protect individual and groupinitiative and enterprise, to foster therightto work,earn,saveand acquireproperty, and to preserve theownership and lawfuluse ofproperty whenacquired."2 And fromitsbirthuntilitsdeath, its mostfaithful financial backersweretheDu Pontand GeneralMotors groupsuponwhomRaskobhadcounted.3 The LibertyLeague was as indigenously Americanas theNew Deal whichitwasdetermined todestroy. Itsunsuccessful efforts tounseatFranklin Roosevelt, itsphilosophy andprogram, thetechniques whichitusedinorder to surviveas longas it did-thesearenotthematerials ofan un-American movement. Theyarethecompound ofa setofemphases which, although they foundlittlesupport in theNew Deal, areas mucha partofthestructure of Americanvaluesas are thosewhichhavebeencarriedalongin succeeding Democratic administrations since1932. The LibertyLeague represented a vigorousand well-stated defenseof nineteenth century individualism and a moreexplicit and determined liberalism, elaboration ofthatposition than willbe foundelsewhere inAmerican history. It wasorganized ata timewhen ofruggedindividualism byandlargethephilosophy hadstopped performing in Americansociety, butthatis notto saythatit had lostall function-it forexample,a stronghold upon the imaginations of men stillretained, whoseexperiences supported itspromises. Although theNew Deal and the of Americanpoliticalpreferences sinceI932 hardlyarguesforthe history oftheposition survival therewastoo whichtheLiberty Leaguemaintained, muchof a thoroughly in themovement American character to permitthe 1 New York Times,Dec. 2I, I934. The correspondence was disclosedduringtheNye munitionshearingsin the Senate.When JouettShouse,presidentof the League, informedthe press of the formationof the organization,he disclosedthatRaskob was one of its primemovers. Ibid.,Aug. 23, I934. 2 AmericanLibertyLeague, AmericanLibertyLeague: A Statementof Its Principlesand Purposes(Washington,I934). '3 The League made periodicreportsto Congresson the stateof its finances and the source of its income.These may be foundreportedin the New York Times forJan.II, I935; Jan.26, I936; Mar. I7, I936; Apr. 9, I936; JuneI2, I936; Sept. I2, I936; Oct. 22, I936; Jan.8, I937; Mar. I2, I937; JuneI2, 3937; Sept. II, I937; Mar. II, I938. A studyof the reportsindicates thattheLeague spentovera milliondollars;thatShouse,in I936, was thehighestpaid political organizerin the UnitedStates,at a salaryof $36,ooo and $i8,ooo forexpenses;and thatof the $483,000 collectedin I935, overone thirdwas contributed by membersof the Du Pont family. The American Liberty League, I934-40 21 conclusionthatit was an unimportant, flash-in-the-pan combinationof undercoverpoliticalpartyand overtpressuregroup. The AmericanLiberty old and League was much morethanthat.Indeed,it symbolizedessentially establishedtraditions and valuescomingfaceto facewithnew social,political, and economicfacts.In such a case, new facts,howeverunalterable,do not immediatelysucceed in overcomingold values. At least until now, it has beenthenatureof civilizedsocietiesthatmen have complicatedtheirlivesby seekingto reconcilethe irreconcilable;such,in a way, was the aim of the AmericanLibertyLeague. It emphasizedthevalues which,by its lights,deservedencouragement and protection fromnew factsat whichit balked,and fromcertainother values in the societywhich it chose to ignore or deemphasize. At a time when the Republicanpartywas bankruptof leadershipand purpose,the AmericanLibertyLeague becamethe spokesmanfora business civilization,and a defenderof that civilizationfromthe attacksof the adin Washingtonand of lessergroupsfromtherightand theleft, ministration thefollowersof FatherCoughlin,theTownsendites, theSocialists,theSharethe-Wealthmovementof Huey Long. "Businesswhich bears the responsibilityfor the paychecksof privateemploymenthas littlevoice in government,"it complainedin itsStatementof Principlesand Purposes,proceeding then to becomein the mid-thirties the mouthpieceof organizedAmerican conservatism.4 At a time when economicdistressencouragedan increasing emphasisupon the forgotten man and the commonman,it came to the defenseof the uncommonman who stood at the pinnacle-the uncommon man, whose freedomto followthe bentof his naturaltalents,unfettered by government regulationand control,had long been an ingrainedtenetof the Americanfaith.The rosterof itsofficers and ofitschieffinancialcontributors is a rosterof the uncommonmen of thetime,themen whoseambitionsand abilitieshad been rewardedwiththe success,the power,and the prestigeto whichAmericansof everybackgroundhave beentraditionally conditionedto and du Lammot of a vastindustrial aspire:Irenee,Pierre, Pont,controllers empire;ErnestT. Wier, steelman; Will L. Clayton,Texas cottonbroker; AlfredP. Sloan, presidentof GeneralMotors;Edward F. Hutton,chairman of GeneralFoods; J.Howard Pew, presidentof Sun Oil; William S. Knudsen,also of GeneralMotors;JosephE. Widener,Philadelphiatransportation magnate;Sewell L. Averyof Montgomery Ward; GeorgeH. Houston,presi4 AmericanLibertyLeague: A Statement of Its Principlesand Pturposes. FromAugust,1934, untilNovember,1936, theLeague made the firstpage of theNew York Times thirty-five times; in the absenceof organizedRepublicanism, the presslooked to it foroppositionsentiment on New Deal legislative proposals. 22 FrederickRudolph proAnd withthemwerecorporation lawyers, dentofBaldwinLocomotive. a mixture whorepresented someacademicians, andothers politicians, fessional Theyweremenwho of businesswithpoliticsor businesswithacademics. of social to thatcombination or experience, out of conviction subscribed, streamof whichevokeda constant Darwinismand Americanexperience ofthe and pressreleasesfromtheoffices radioaddresses, pamphlets, leaflets, includedAlfredE. Smith,1928 presidential League.5Its spokesmen Liberty was a storyout of candidateof the Democraticparty,whosebiography oftheDemocratic candidate HoratioAlger;JohnW. Davis,I924 presidential of Colby,Secretary partyand chiefcounselforJ.P. Morgan;Bainbridge Hearst; Randolph William for attorney and StateunderWoodrowWilson atLehigh; Administration oftheCollegeofBusiness director Neil Carothers, Alat Princeton; finance of international professor EdwardW. Kemmerer, ofWilliamGrahamSumner, at Yale and student bertG. Keller,professor withthetranswhichwasshotthrough a Scienceof Society whoconstructed andSamuelHardenChurch, tosocialinstitutions; ferofDarwiniananalysis ofitsnational The membership in Pittsburgh. headoftheCarnegieInstitute of interests business successful from the largely drawn was council advisory permitted statesof theNorthand East,whosecontributions theindustrial ofthe theLeagueto spendovera milliondollarsto defenditsconstruction in whicha concernforindividual AmericanWay-a businesscivilization the worshipof success,thehighvalueof individualism, romantic liberty, inof economic in a tradition wereembedded personalpowerand prestige thanas a dreamto lessas a reality in America, whichsurvived dependence befulfilled. in ordertopromote itself Leaguedressed The cloakin whichtheLiberty wasmadeofrespectable partialselfgeneralities, anditsprogram itsposition It suphypocrisy. and frequently embarrassing delusion,intensesincerity, it United States; of the theConstitution intensity portedwithworshipful to an in opposition and ofliberty placeditselfon thesideoftheindividual the judgmentof the it respected bureaucracy; government encroaching of federal theseparation who had so wiselyincorporated fathers founding it deofthestatesintothegreatnationaldocument; powersand therights fendedtheAmericanrightto enjoythesweatof one'sown laborand the fewcouldfindfault, Withitsannounced purposes ofone'sability.6 rewards 5Reportingon theactivitiesof the firstseventeenmonthsof theLeague, Shousemaintained that 1,363 weeklynewspaperswere acceptinga specialLeague news service.New York Times, of speeches Jan.26, I936. In addition,each monthsaw the publicationof pamphlets,consisting and radio addressesof League spokesmen,as well as speciallypreparedstudiesof New Deal in Washington. byLeague researchers legislation 6 For the main directions of LibertyLeague thought,use was made of its seriesof Bulletins The American Liberty League, I934-40 23 but as FranklinRoosevelttold his pressconference on the day followingthe announcementof the formationof the organization,the League reminded him of a grouporganizedto upholdtwo of theTen Commandments.7 William E. Borah, said a headline in the New York Times, "Backs Plan of LibertyLeague," yet deep in the columnof the storyitselfone could find Borah, facingup to the questionof industrialmonopoly,declaring,"The powerwhichclosesthe door of opportunity . .. in thebusinessworldleaves me cold to all theirpanegyricsabout liberty.... There is no libertyworthy of the name withouteconomicfreedomand social justice."8It was thisabsence of any concernforthe social and economicdislocationsof the 1930's which documentedthe League's great skill at self-delusion.It sincerely thoughtthat it had somethingvital to sell,but it miserablymisjudgedthe consumerswhom it hoped to win. Frantically, it triedto save a people who wouldnotbe saved. Howeverwell it represented certainAmericanvalues,theLibertyLeague ran counterto othervalues in Americansocietywhich foundmore fertile soil in the economicdistresswhichfollowedthe stockmarketcrashof I929. Americanbenevolenceand humanitarianism, when called upon to face the could findno solugreatestunemployment problemin the nation'shistory, tion in the well-roundedphrasesof the foundingfathersor in the fearsof the AmericanLibertyLeague. R. R. M. Carpenter'sanxietyover the behaviorof his farmhandsin Carolinaand ofthechefon hisFloridahouseboat was not the kind of anxietywhichAmericansocietyin generalwas experiencing.For mostAmericans,as successiveRooseveltvictoriesdemonstrated, it seemedaltogethermore importantto look afterthe ill-fed,the ill-clothed, and the ill-housedthan to pay heed to Mr. Carpenter'sdespair;and, in the process,it seemeda lesserevil thatthe government take on a greatand allencompassinghumanitarianfunctionthan thatthe veryAmericanvalue of be thwartedby a too rigiddevotionto a past way of doing humanitarianism things.If therehad been a streakof benevolencein theannouncements, publications,and radio addressesof the LibertyLeague, one wonderswhether anyonewould have taken them seriously,but,even so, it is an inescapable conclusionthattheabsenceof anyhumanitarian concernwas a seriousdrawback to its growth.When one of its academicspokesmendescribedthe depressionas somethingof a healthtonicintendedto rid theeconomicsystem of harmfulpoisons,it displayedits lack of a warmappreciationof the social and Documents(1934-36), in whichthe basicpositionof theLeague is carefully and frequently expoundedby itsspokesmenand staffwriters. 7 NewYorkTimes, Aug.25, I934. 8 Ibid.,Sept.25, I 934. 24 FrederickRudolph ofthoseeconomic theeradication whichhadattended illnesses and economic acforunionrepresentation Its attackupontheNLRA provision poisons.9 freewiththeindividual voteas an "illegalinterference cordingto majority domof theworker. . . to sellhisownlaboron hisownterms"couldonly the underlying factors be takenas a refusal to admitthesocialandeconomic of itsIllinoisdivisionreWhenthechairman growingunionmovement.10 of the by seizingtheaccumulation marked,"You can'trecoverprosperity theLeaguewas andtheunlucky," it to thethriftless and distributing thrifty livinghabitsorasking peoplewithcareless charging theAmerican explicitly with statistics in unemployment themto acceptall thebad luckreflected one Elmer WhentheLeaguefounda farmer, patienceand good humor.11 whowouldsayforpublication WillisSerl,RouteOne,Delavan,Wisconsin, Northor Southof hisneck. . . needsa anything that"thefarmer without was humanitarianism prodin thepantsandnota patontheback,"American PartlybecausetheLeagueeitherdid notcareto or foundno unimpressed. sentiAmerican andcharacteristic waytoenliston itssidethiswell-developed failure.12 ment, itinvited whichmightbe deAnd if it did notcareto makeuse of thestrength coulditdependupon neither impulse, rivedfroman ingrained humanitarian humoras a weaponwithwhichto attacktheNew Deal and its works. in Americaperhapsreached ofpoliticalwarfare Laughteras an instrument ofAbrahamLincoln,butthe in thehomelypolitical speeches itsrefinement in as a constant maybe recognized valueofhumorin theartofpersuasion RooseFranklin through ofBenFranklin life,fromthewitticisms American Unionin I944. Yet, theTeamsters velt'sremarks abouthisdogFalla before Liberty League.It sought humorcouldnotbe puttoworkfortheAmerican Administraoftheactivities oftheWorksProgress laughsin an enumeration catamusiclessons,artprojects, library tion:ratextermination campaigns, however, loging,and dancesby SallyRand,thefandancer.The laughter, one mightsayabouttheNew Deal, theunderwas hollow,forwhatever couldnotbelaughedat.13 Quite withwhichitwasconfronted lyingproblems was trueof theLiberty thereverse League.SenatorBorah,a yearafterthe thathe was a backerof theLeague,deannounced Timeshad mistakenly claredof theDu Ponts:"TheyweredeeplymovedabouttheConstitution 9 AmericanLibertyLeague,Document28, Government NBC speechof Apr. by Experiment, LehighUnidirector of theCollegeof BusinessAdministration, by Dr. Neil Carothers, versity, p. 6. 10 Bulletin2 (September, p. I. I935), " Document29, Ralph M. Shaw, chairmanof theIllinoisDivisionof the AmericanLiberty Sea Island,May 3I, I935, p. I3. League,speechbeforetheGeorgiaBar Association, 12 Leaflet 5, A FarmerSpeaks (1936?). 13 Document78, WorkRelief(November,I 935), p. I5. I7, I935, The AmericanLibertyLeague, 1934-40 25 an asit."14In Richmond of theUnitedStates.Theyhad justdiscovered Leagueras a Liberty defining theVirginialegislature, addressed semblyman butashamedofit,[or] a manraisedas a Demo"a manwhois a Republican bythebarrelandsugarbythesack,made cratwho'sbecomeabletobuyflour hat."15 coatand stove-pipe one tripto New Yorkand boughta forked-tail outlast address scene of his as the Wilmington selecting Roosevelt, Franklin to speakon tookthe opportunity side New York in the I936 campaign, an old taleof Lincoln'saboutthewolfwho,having recounting "Liberty," to complained lambbya shepherd, beentornfromtheneckofan innocent orworse, Forbetter ofhisliberty.16 theshepherd thathe wasbeingdeprived source distress area better intimesofeconomic thecomplaints ofthewealthy andthemisery ofthemany.The effectiveofhumorthanarethediscontent nessof LibertyLeague humorwas limitedto thealreadyconvinced-the in and defenders and theirapologists economically wealthyand powerful and themajorpoliticalparties. universities, thebarassociations, might In the 1930's an organization with"sound"Americanprinciples to attaina membership ofmorethanI50,000 at itspeak, havebeenexpected ofhumor. of a humanitarian impulseor thesanction without theassistance Butit couldnotgo muchbeyondI50,000 ifitturneditsbackuponthecomhim.Jouett mon man or insincerely used the cultwhichhad enthroned of the League-onetimechairmanof the Democratic Shouse,president againstthe headof theAssociation and former committee executive party's in August,1934, on theambiwheninterviewed Eighteenth Amendment, to thathe expected toldreporters tionsand intentions of his organization, The nextdaytheTimes enlisttwoto threemillionpeoplein thecrusade.17 Reprehadbeenrevisedupwardtofourmillion.18 thathisestimates reported officers oftheLeagueand a oneofthefirst sentative JamesW. Wadsworth, that"thefirststep senatorfromNew York,announced Republican former the intoseveraldivisions, laborers, farmers, organizing willbe organization publicandothergroupsthatareall in thesameboat.19 The chairinvesting oftheLeague,in November, I934, tolda radio manoftheMissouridivision ofthecountry wascreated togivethecitizens audiencethattheorganization ofpublicopinion";a similarsentiment "themeansforcollective expression of theLeague,whichdeclaredthatit in theplatform had beenexpressed New York Times,Apr. i i, I 93 6. 27, I1936. 16 Samuel I. Rosenman, ed., The Public Papersand Addresses of FranklinD. Roosevelt,V (New York, 1938), 557-58. Wilmington, Delaware, Oct. 29, I936. 17 New York Times, Aug. 23, I934. 1" Ibid.,Aug. 24, I 93419 Ibid. 14 15 Ibid.,Feb. 26 FrederickRudolph people. . . an opporwould"providefortherankand fileoftheAmerican forselfish of anyand all groupsworking theinfluence . . . to offset tunity people American to the itself presented League Thus,theLiberty purposes."20 oftheir to givethema voicein theaffairs designed as a popularmovement, Leaguebowedto thecult Liberty to thisdegreetheAmerican government; "The Leaguedoesnot of thecommonman.In Moscow,Izvestiareported, it intendto limititselfto theupperstrataof society; aimsto conquerthe masses."21 evidenceof the degreeto whichthe is sufficient The record,however, oftheLeague No laboror farmdivisions commonman failedto respond. wasits subsidiary indeed,theLeague'sonlyinterest-group wereeverformed; Furlawyers. ofcorporation largely composed NationalLawyersCommittee, LibAmerican needed the people American its that the thermore, suggestion of to a trustin theeffectiveness themrancounter ertyLeagueto represent fees whichhad n8 membership For an organization populargovernment.22 monthswas nota veryconin itsfirstseventeen or dues,75,000members vincingshowingdespiteShouse'sfeelingthatthereceiptof one and two "fardownintothemass meantthattheLeaguewasreaching dollardonations of Americanpeople."23At a luncheonmeetingof the AmericanLiberty League of New York,heldin theEmpireStateBuilding,Shousetoldhis to addressthisclub to havetheopportunity thathe was "delighted listeners cross an excellent and itsaffiliations in itsmembership which. . . represents Eighteenmonthslaterin an of America."24 sectionof thegreatmetropolis toemphasize thatitwould"continue official theLeaguedeclared publication were thesestatements Whether ofthemasses."25 theprotection oftherights as thefactthattheyall is notso important or ofignorance bornofhypocrisy to thecommonman whomtheLeaguesomehowhopedto werea tribute of wealth theprivileges to thecontrary, itsprotestations winby defending, The League,likethevalueswhichit upheld,was in a sense and position. valueswhichcouldnot ofannoying factsandprevailing in a complex trapped 20 Document 74, The National Lawyers Committee of the American Liberty League, radio addressof EthanA. H. Shepley,chairmanof theMissouriDivision,broadcastoverStationKMOX, St. Louis, Nov. 6, I935, p. 2. Also,American Liberty League: Its Platform (Washington,I934). 21 P. Lapinskiin Izvestia, quoted in "A Russianon theA.L.L.," Living Age, vol. 347 (November,I934), 277-78. of War, refusedto join the group. "I am 22 PatrickJ. Hurley,HerbertHoover's Secretary tryingto rule the nation.It is ridiculousforany class to come opposed,"he said, "to minorities Everydistrictelectsa Congressmanand forwardwith the statementthatit is not represented. everystatetwo Senators."New YorkTimes, Aug. 30, I934. 23 Ibid., Sept.8, I934. 24 Document25, Congress at the Crossroads, Jouett Shouse to the AmericanLibertyLeague Club ofNew York,Mar. 30, I935, broadcastbyCBS, p. 2. 25 Bulletin, Aug. I5, I936, p. I. LibertyLeague, 1934-40 The American 27 ofmasbythenecessity be shovedaside;itstrialsweremademoreapparent A removement. as a popular and wealth a property querading defenseof was a radioaddresses and its sponsored curringthemein its publications fearfora of Americanwealth,an embarrassing fearof theredistribution In its activeyearsit agreedwithFranklinRoosevelt popularmovement. bonusand to thethirty-hour to thesoldier's twice:in hisopposition exactly week. of requirements Caringno moreforthecommonmanthantheminimum built have could the League, nonetheless, Liberty demanded, publicrelations ofthedemagogues had it adoptedthetechniques a largerpopularfollowing in suchgroupsas the membership who wereamassinga moreimpressive clubs,and in theUnionforSocialJusTownsendclubs,Share-the-Wealth was tice.Its appeal,however, pitchedon a levelwhichplaceditsemphasis had verylittleofwhichmostAmericans uponthedefenseof something of thedecade,theNew Deal inThe trulypopularmovements property. forthecommonman,fortheaged,for something specific cluded,promised rather whiletheLibertyLeague offered underprivileged, theeconomically in holdersfromthepeopleand fromtheirgovernment to protect property ofthe grewoutofa misreading That theLeague'sambitions Washington. thattheunwhenoneconsiders apparent becomesrather temper American offices andstaff throughofan elaborate headquarters Washington toldefforts of overa milliondollarswentintoa and theexpenditure out thecountry theLeague,after disappointing; whoseresultswereso pitifully movement see it overwhelmingly only to Deal in I934 New guns on the all,turnedits whichitused-theConstitusymbols in I936. The emotive to office returned theAmeriofIndependence-and tion,theSupremeCourt,theDeclaration and Washington, can heroesto whomit appealedforsanction-Jefferson, opinmass in manufacturing useful beenextremely Lincoln-havegenerally mustalsohave and thesanctions ion in theUnitedStates,butthesymbols thepeoplewanted.In the1930's thecultof beenputto use forsomething to in American embedded society thecommonmanhad becomesufficiently mustdisregard organization makeclearthatanypressure groupor political way theveryhardest Leaguelearned Liberty itatitsownperil;theAmerican on his way up undertheauspicesof thatthecommonman,who started leaderin givingthedirections had replacedtheindustrial AndrewJackson, inAmerican life. had placed whichAmericans Withsimilarperil,it ignoredtheemphasis werepartand parcelof theAmerican Freedomand liberty uponequality. bygiantcorwhich,whenfostered of a freedom Way,butas thedefenders Rudolph Frederick 28 porations, at leastlookedlike license,theLeague was evenmoresuspect becauseof itssilenceon thecompelling American valueofequality. The potential Leaguemember mightlistentoitsspokesmen on theradio or read its profusion of pamphlets and bulletinswithoutdiscerning any awareness oftheequalitarian strainin American thinking. Few Leagueofficialswereas outspokenly antiequalitarian as Frederick H. Stinchfield in an addressat Salt Lake City,wherehe quotedgenerously fromAlexisCarrel, whoseobservations wereso completely contrary to Americanaspiration. "The democratic ideal has alreadydetermined the predominance of the weak,"Stinchfield quotedfromCarrel."The onlywayto obviatethedisastrouspredominance of theweakis to developthestrong. . . . Todaythe weakshouldnotbe artificially maintained in wealthand power.... Each individual mustriseor sinkto thelevelforwhichhe is fitted bythequality ofhistissuesand ofhissoul."26Yet,iffewwentso faras Stinchfield, none showedmuchmoreconcern forequality thanRaoulE. Desvernine, chairman of theLeague'slawyersdivision, who wentno further thantheexpression ofa common in Chicagowhien Leagueplatitude he insisted, "Allhaveequalityof rightsunderthe Constitution and beforethe law."27Actually, the League'sinterest in equalitywas a somewhat obverseone: it was willing thatChristian ministers directthemselves towardthebusinessof building Christians of equal character, so longas theyceased"wastingtimeon the ofthetime;28 superficial" socialand economic it was eagerthata problems greater equality be introduced since"interest in goodgovernment oftaxation wouldbe heightened if a largernumberof personswererequiredto pay sometax."29Butit had no seriousinterest in openingwidertheavenuesof or thevariouslegissocialand economic opportunity bymeansofeducation of theNew Deal. The Leaguemighthaveconvinced lativemeasures some concerned aboutequalityofeconomic one thatit was seriously opportunity had it remembered at anytimeduringthecourseofitshistory theposition had takenon monopoly. ofprinciples whichitsfirst statement and purposes thatit was opposedto thespread At thattimetheLeaguehad announced thequestionit gaveeloquenttestiofmonopolies. By subsequently ignoring The ofthatposition. League,indeed,had cutoutan monyto theinsincerity thatit ambitiously impossible job foritself,whenone considers hopedto 26 Document Heritage?(Salt Lake City,January, I936), p. 6. go, The Constitution-Whose sanctionin quotationsfromThe Federalistand fromJohnMarshall. Stinchfield foundfurther 27 Document88, Americanism at the Crossroads, speechof Raoul E. Desvernine,beforethe RepublicanRound Table Luncheon,HamiltonRepublicanClub, Chicago,Jan.I5, I936, p. 7. 28 Document43, The Duty of the Churchto the Social Order,speechof S. Wells Utley, memberNational AdvisoryCouncil,AmericanLibertyLeague, beforeMichiganAssociationof Congregational Churches, May2I, 29 I935. Document83, A ProgramforCongress(December,I935), p. 12. The American LibertyLeague, I934-40 29 accomplish itspurposesby ignoring thecommonman and by refusing to call upon eitherthe humanitarian or equalitarian valuesin Americansociety.The Liberty Leaguerseitherdid notknowtheircountry or theywere unusually adeptatplanning failure. of PerhapsthemostcuriousfacetoftheLeague'shistory was thefiction nonpartisanship, maintained and nurtured fromitsoriginsuntilits dying day.Shouse,forinstance, disclosed theplansandintentions oftheLeaguein a visitto theWhiteHousein earlyAugust,1934, askingifthePresident objected.30 Whenhe toldthepressoftheneworganization on August22, I934, he remarked, "It is definitely notanti-Roosevelt."31 In April,I936, and later duringthepresidential campaign ofthatyear,Leagueofficials reiterated that theirgroupwasa "nonpartisan organization founded todefend theConstitution."Onlyincidentally, theysaid,do we findourselves opposedtoFranklin and theNew Deal.32The lengths to whichnonpartisanship could Roosevelt and former be takenwas demonstrated by JamesM. Beck,Leagueofficial it solicitor generaloftheUnitedStates,whenhe askedin a speechwhether be that"theAmerican couldpossibly peoplewillabandonthefaithofWashingtonandFranklin, ofJefferson andHamilton, ofMarshallandLincoln,of Clevelandand McKinley. . ." " When the electorate of everystatebut Maineand Vermontreturned FranklinRooseveltto theWhiteHouse in November, I936,theLeaguebegantopruneitsstaff andgaveup itscustom ofissuingperiodic pressreleases;Washington observers thenpredicted that, in linewiththeLeague'shistory ofpseudononpartisanship, "aftera decent thattheLeague'scareerwas notcoevalwiththe interval has demonstrated and campaignagainstPresident Roosevelt, sustenance will be withdrawn theLeague will disappear."34 Whateverthereasons,theLeague actedaccordingly. ofvirtuous thereweretwoserioushandicaps in theposition Strategically, to maintain. It fooledno one; nonpartisanship whichtheLeaguepretended and it amountedto a self-imposed on thekindof attackwhich limitation couldbe madeupontheNew Deal andFranklin Roosevelt. Americans prefer to attackmenratherthanissues,a preference whichmaybe a function of or of theirwarinessof ideas; in anycase, theirdevotionto individualism however, theLeaguecouldnotand did notinvolveitselfin concerted per30New York Times,Aug. 25, 1934. Rooseveltrespondedthatit was none of his business, but,evenso, he had no objection. 31 Ibid.,Aug. 23, I934. 32 Ibid., Apr. 20, I936. See also Document6, Progressvs. Change,speechof JouettShouse beforeBondClub of New York,Nov. 20, I934. 33 Document22, WhatIs the Constitution betweenFriends?,speechof JamesM. Beck,Mar. 27, I935, p. 8. 34 New YorkTimes,Dec. 20, I936. 30 FrederickRudolph sonalattacksuponthePresident or uponthepersonalities of theadministration. On the otherhand,the New Dealersthemselves had no qualms abouttheirown partisanship, and the LibertyLeague,forthem,became synonymous withDu Pont,economicroyalists, and moneybags; indeed, evenafteritsexpiration, theLeaguewasa symbol ofselfish greedandspecial interests. The fact,moreover, thatall six of the originalofficers weredetermined opponents oftheNew Deal destroyed theeffect ofnonpartisanship whichitsmixedRepublican and Democratic membership was supposedto convey.35 For a whiletheLeaguedidappeartobe composed ofmoreDemocratsthanRepublicans, butbyJanuary, 1936,whentheLeaguesponsored a well-publicized dinnerin Washington at whichAl Smithattacked theNew Deal, ArthurKrockwas writing in the Timesthatthe"members of the League mightbe classedas themostconservative groupin thecountry towhatthe day.... The Leagueis dominated byRepublicans." Considering LibertyLeague appearedto be-"a conservative group,inimicalto the President and his policies,politicalin personnel, financed bytheDu Ponts andcreated forthesolepurposeofbringing backtheOld Deal"-it is understandablewhythe backersof the League expectedthata rational"nonto itsgrowth.3" The Leaguehad partisan" positionmightbe advantageous triedto adopttheprotective ofa popularmovement takcoloration without ing veryseriously theproblems of thecommonmanand by ignoring the equalitarian emphasis in American values;whenitsoughtfurther todisguise itsbackingand itspurposes bycallingthemnonpartisan, it openeditselfto thechargeofgrosshypocrisy. and psychoThe New Deal, on theotherhand,foundreadyideological logicalmaterial in itsattackuponthedepression and uponitscritics in the in Americanlife,as well and practice manifest divergence betweentheory exas in a growing popularfrustration whichhad grownoutofunrealistic nurtured pectations by the nationalfaith.The League'sdevotionto the to itscritics ofmoreassistance thanto successstorywas probably American has preitself.For, althoughit mightinsistthat"equalityof opportunity and that"<poor vailedunderthe Americanformof government" boysin haveamassedwealthwithno capitalexceptamnumbers almostcountless .. . andtheincentive oftheprivate . .. thrift bition, energy property system," werestrong reminders ofa in thedepthofthedepression suchdeclarations 35 The first of the League were JouettShouse,Democratand politician;JohnW. six officers Davis, Democratand politician;AlfredE. Smith,Democratand politician;Nathan I. Miller, du Pont, Republicanand politician;JamesW. Wadsworth,Republicanand politician;and Iren6ee Democratand industrialist. 36 Arthur Krock,New YorkTimes,Nov. I0, I 934. The AmericanLibertyLeague, 1934-40 3I very real disparitybetweenpromiseand performancein Americanlife.37 JohnJ.Raskob,usingthestoryof his risefromragsto richesas an argument forjoiningthe League, was, in the I930's, too farremovedfromthe experience of mostAmericansto do muchmorethanremindthemthattimeshad in the economicand social The League was not interested surelychanged.38 realitieswhich confrontedthe Americanpeople; its concernwas with the frameworkwhich,with otherfactors,had ideologyand the constitutional enabledyoungmen in the past to amass greatfortunesand to arriveat stationsin lifewhichcarriedprestigeand power.In bettertimes,itsthoroughly Americanphilosophymighthave had greaterdevotion;in bad times,however,othervalueswhichtheLeague couldnotsuppresswereboundto flourish of and concernoverthemalfunctioning -humanitarianism,equalitarianism, thenationalideology. of the League was littlebetterdesignedto bringthe The performance desiredresultsthan was its approach.Its firstand almostonly practicalalto theNew Deal was to suggestthattheRed Crossbe commissioned ternative on the unconThe effectof its pronouncements to handle all directrelief.39 of the National Labor RelationsAct was to encourageindusstitutionality trialiststo disregardthe collectivebargainingprovisionsof the legislation, throwingstrugglingunions into courtsall over the countryand leading eventuallyto the sit-downstrikesof I936.4? It discoveredthatThomas Jeffersymbolfortheleftthanfortheright,even son provedto be a moreeffective thoughhe once had said that"were we directedfromWashingtonwhen to sow, and when to reap, we should soon want bread."41The presenceof twelveDu Ponts at its I936 dinnerat whichAl Smithspoke destroyedthe desiredeffectof the presenceof the boy fromthe streetsof the East Side; indeed,whenSmithspentthesummerof I936 in a moreconcertedattackon the New Deal, he carefullyrefrainedfromacceptingLibertyLeague sponsorship.In I936, too,theRepublicanpartyaskedtheLibertyLeague, by then a politicalliability,to "stay aloof fromtoo close alliance with the Landon campaign": the League co-operatedby announcingthat it would remain nonpartisanduringthecampaign,and it neverdid endorseLandon.42When betweenFriends?p. I 8. WhatIs theConstitution New YorkTimes,Feb. I, 1936.This was a page-I story. 39 Ibid., Dec. 9, 1934. The suggestion was made by Shouse in a speechbeforethe Beacon SocietyofBostonthenightbefore. 40 Ibid.,Apr.21, I937. 41 Document58, The Imperilment of Democracy,radioaddressof FitzgeraldHall, president of the Nashville,Chattanooga,and St. Louis RailwayCo., underauspicesof KentuckyDivision of theAmericanLibertyLeague,Julyi8, 1935. 42 New York Times,JulyI, I936. The front-page headlineof the Times declared:" 'Nonpartisan'Fighton RooseveltIs OpenedbytheLibertyLeague." 37 38 FrederickRudolph 32 theLeaguesponsored a six-day institute attheUniversity ofVirginiaon"The Constitution and theNew Deal," Virginius Dabney,theRichmond editor, reported that"theaudienceswereso openlyhostileto theLeague and its spokesmen thattheroundtableprovedsomething ofa boomerang."43 Congressional investigations disclosed thattheguidingfigures oftheLeaguewere largecontributors to all and sundryanti-NewDeal groups;theDu Pont brothers, AlfredSloan,andJohnJ.Raskobweretheprincipal financial backers,forinstance, of theSouthern Democratic convention at Maconin I936, whenEugeneTalmadgemadehisbidforthepresidency, withtheassistance ofGeraldL. K. Smith,inheritor ofthetogaofHueyLong;lesserright-wing groupsliketheCrusaders, Sentinels oftheRepublic, NationalConference of Investors, and theFarmers'Independence Council-mostofthemmasthead organizations, operatedby professional publicists and lobbyists, manyof whom,liketheprincipal officers andbackers oftheLeague,wereveterans of theprohibition repealmovement-owed substantial financial backingto the same smallgroupof industrialists who sponsored theLibertyLeague.A Timeseditorial observed at thetimethattheLeague'sfounders weremaking somerather poorinvestments.44 In an imaginary and a Future conversation betweena FutureHistorian Historian's Wife,HamiltonBassoin theNew Republicin I936 causedhis historian's wifeto ask: "There'sone thingI'd liketo know.Whywas the Liberty Leaguefounded?" The FutureHistorian answered: "That'sanother It is as if a bandof menjoinedtogether to assassinate theirbest mystery. friend. It comesundertheheadofabnormal has psychology. Myfriend Jones written an excellent on thesubject. . . called'An Investigation monograph WhenAffected intotheBehaviorof Millionaires by a SevereCase of the . .. In answerto yourquestion, it is fairly safeto saythat Jitters.' however, theLiberty to defeatRoosevelt II."" Basso,hisFuture Leaguewas formed and thehistorian's Historian, friend Joneswereall quiterightas faras they went,buta lookat theLiberty Leagueis morethana casestudyinopposition totheNew Deal orin millionaire It is,as well,a studyoftheanguish jitters. valuesin a timeof severeeconomic of American collapse.BoththeLeague and theNew Deal wereconstructed ofAmerican butthosewhich materials, wentintotheNew Deal, giventhefactswithwhichtheywereintended to cope,builta moredurablestructure. ina smallitemonpage20, On September 24, I940, theNewYorkTimes, 43 Ibid.,July2I, I935. "4Ibid., Apr.I7, 1936. 46 HamiltonBasso, "Tle LibertyLeague Writes,"New Republic,XXCVII (July22, I936), 319-21. The Amnerican LibertyLeague, I934-40 33 announcedthat the AmericanLibertyLeague, afterfour yearsof silence, had expired;it statedsimplythat"Recently. . . the offices in the National PressClub wereclosed."Four yearsearliera Yale professor had prematurely concludedthat"had it not been forthe AmericanLibertyLeague with its constantexposition, exposure,and panning,theNew Deal would have setits rootsand claws moredeeplyintoour nationalfleshand it would have taken yearsto extricateit."46ProfessorWesterfield's misreadingof the timesand of thepossibilities of theLeague had been symbolicof theLeague's approach and performance. It had misreadAmericanhistoryand character;it had misjudged contemporary opinion,drawingon the developmentof a business civilization,romanticindividualism,concernforliberty, and the worshipof successand power and prestigeas the sole ingredients of its construction of theAmericanWay. It had maintainedtheobviousfictionof nonpartisanship long afterit was apparentto everyonethatits aims werepolitical.It became a symbolof greed,reaction,and coldheartedconstitution worship;while it defendedliberty,it scornedequality-at a time when economicand social factsprovidedmorefertilesoil foran equalitarianemphasis.It failedto develop into the mass movementit had anticipated,permitting all that was Americanabouthumanitarianism, thecultof thecommonman,equalitarianism, and concernfor ideologicalperformance to be poured into the edifice which the New Deal was constructing on the ruinsof nineteenthcentury individualism and liberalism. Williams College 46Leaflet4, The AmericanLibertyLeague. Dr. Ray BertWesterfield, professor of political economy,Yale University, fromthe New Haven Register,Jan.27, 1936. reprinted