Comparing plant use for cultural-bound children`s health

Comparing plant use for cultural-bound children’s health
issues between Suriname and Western Africa
Project by: T.E. Vossen
MSc research project
University of Leiden, Biology
Period:
January 2013 – October 2013
Supervisors:
Dr. T.R. Van Andel
A.M. Tows MSc
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Table of contents
Title page
Page
1
Abstract
3
1. Introduction
1.1 Maroons in Suriname
1.2 Cultural bound diseases
1.2.1 Ogri ai (the evil eye)
1.2.2 Atita
1.2.3 Fontanels
1.2.4 Stimulating children to walk early
1.3 Childcare and plant use
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2. Materials and methods
2.1 Fieldwork
2.2 Plant collection
2.3 Data analysis
2.3.1 Database arrangement
2.3.2 Statistical analyses
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3. Results
3.1 Similarity in definitions of the four cultural-bound health concepts
3.1.1 Walk early
3.1.2 Ogri ai
3.1.3 Atita
3.1.4 Fontanels
3.2 Similarity of plant use between Ghana, Benin, Gabon, and Suriname
3.3 Differences in plant use for CBC’s among Aucans, Saramaccans and Creoles
3.4 Use of weeds and domesticated herbs
3.5 Opinions on CBCs by Aucans and medical staff in Paramaribo
3.5.1 Aucan opinions
3.5.2 Opinion of medical staff in Suriname
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4. Discussion
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5. Conclusion
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Role of funding sources
15
Acknowledgements
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References
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Appendices
Appendix 1: All plant species and families used in our database, per country
Appendix 2: Interview conducted during fieldwork.
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20
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Comparing plant use for cultural-bound children’s health issues between
Suriname and Western Africa
October 2013
T.E. Vossena,b
a
intern at Naturalis Biodiversity Center, Section National Herbarium of the Netherlands, PO Box 9514, 2300 RA Leiden,
The Netherlands
b
student at the University of Leiden, MSc Science Communication and Society, Biology
ABSTRACT
__________________________________________________________________________________
Ethnopharmacological relevance: Enslaved Africans in Suriname could not bring many plants from
their homeland, however they did take with them their traditional ideas about health and sickness. The
health-illness perception also includes the belief in cultural-bound health concepts (CBC’s), which are
often treated with medicinal plants. CBC’s are ailments that are generally confined to a certain cultural
group or geographic region with similar cultural groups. We focussed on four Afro-Surinamese
cultural-bound health concepts concerning young children: atita, ogri ai, fontanels and walk soon. We
investigated the similarity of the CBC’s and corresponding plant use of the Surinamese Maroons
(descendents from escaped African slaves), Creoles and their ancestral African tribes. We expected the
CBC’s to have similar definitions on both continents and we expected the majority of medicinal plants
used for childcare to be cultivated and weedy species.
Materials and methods: To test this hypothesis, we compared data on the focal CBC’s of two Maroon
populations (Saramaccan and Aucan), Surinamese Creoles, Ghana, Benin and Gabon. All data was
already present, except for data on the Aucan population. The missing data were collected in the
Aucan village Mooitaki, by interviewing local women and by making botanical collections of plants
mentioned during those interviews. Data was arranged in a presence-absence database and analyzed
with a Detrended Component Analysis (DCA) using PCOrd 5.0.
Results: The definitions of the four cultural-bound health concepts were roughly the same on both
continents. Plant use on species level did not show much overlap between Suriname and Africa, while
plant use on family level did overlap. There were 15 plant species that were used on two continents, of
which seven for the same CBC. The majority of the plants used by the Aucans was growing close to
the women’s houses. Medical staff in Suriname was aware of the existence of most CBC’s.
Conclusions: Our data of the two continents showed little overlap on species level, but much overlap
on family level. This indicates that we can accept our hypothesis that Afro-Surinamers have searched
for similar families to treat their CBCs as they remembered from Africa.
__________________________________________________________________________________
1. Introduction
1.1 Maroons in Suriname
Between 1668 and 1823, about
300,000 African slaves were brought to the
Dutch colony of Suriname (Price 1976). They
were forced to live and adapt themselves in a
completely new environment in order to
survive. Use of medicinal and magical plants
was an important factor in their African culture
(Moret, 2013; Voeks, 2009), and they had to
reinvent their medicinal flora in the Americas.
Recent research (Van Andel et al., 2012)
shows that the enslaved Africans were very
flexible in recreating their herbal medicine,
using the knowledge and the plants they had
available to them.
Thousands of slaves escaped from the
coastal plantations and went to live in small
independent communities in the interior
forests. These so-called Maroon societies
became so successful in Surinam that by 1760
the colonial government was forced to sign
peace treaties with three separate African
communities (Price 1976). Today, the
descendants of the escaped slaves still live in
semi-independent communities in several parts
of Suriname, mostly along the main rivers
(Fig. 1) (Price, 2002; Price, 1996). In
Suriname, six Maroon tribes with a total
population of 72,553 exist: Saramaccan,
3
Matawai, Aucan (Ndyuka), Paramaccan, Boni
(Aluku) and Kwinti (ABS, 2005). Descendents
from slaves that stayed on the plantation until
the abolition of slavery in 1863 are generally
called Creoles. They live mainly in the capital
Paramaribo.
1.2 Cultural bound diseases
Although the slaves could not bring
many plants from their homeland, they did take
with them their traditional ideas about health
and sickness. When faced with new and
familiar diseases, the Maroons had to develop
strategies to treat those conditions with African
plants, plants similar to African species they
knew or previously unknown plants from their
new environment (De Medeiros et al., 2012).
Maroon societies consisted of a
mixture of African cultures, for the slaves on
the plantations all came from different African
countries and/or tribes and often did not speak
the same language (Mintz and Price, 1976).
Therefore, we can expect that the slaves’ ideas
about health and sickness intermingled and still
share properties with the ideas found among
their ancestral African tribes. The healthillness perception also includes the belief in
Fig. 1. Maroon tribes of Suriname and French
Guiana, illustration by H. Rypkema.
cultural-bound health concepts, which are
often treated with medicinal plants. These
ailments mostly consist of a variety of
symptoms which causes are, according to the
locals, explained by cultural or magical beliefs
(Van Andel & Ruysschaert, 2011; Van Andel
et al., 2012).
Higgs (2011) defines cultural-bound
syndromes as: “ailments that are generally
confined to a certain cultural group or
geographic region with similar cultural
groups”. In this article, we will use the
adjusted term cultural-bound (health) concepts
(CBC), because some of the ailments we
describe are not syndromes or diseases, but
concepts concerning health and general
functioning of the body (and mind).
Culture-bound concepts occur all over
the world and are likely to be an important
feature for the health perception and medicinal
practices of different cultural groups. For
example, a well-known CBC in Latin-America
is susto (fright), when a person is believed to
lose their soul and become ill as a result of
fright occasioned by an unexpected accident
(Rubel, 1964; Foster, 1953). Another classical
health concept relies on the hot-cold principle
or ying-yang in Asia (Gould-Martin, 1978;
Logan, 1975), and is common to many cultures
in both the Old and New World (Bearison,
Minian, & Granowetter, 2002; Currier, 1966;
Logan, 1975; Maduro, 1983; Martínez, 2008;
Morton, 1980; Mull & Mull, 1988; Wikan,
1989; Laguerre, 1987). In this research, we
will focus on four Surinamese cultural-bound
(health) concepts concerning young children:
atita, ogri ai, fontanels and walk soon. We will
investigate the similarity of the CBC’s and
corresponding plant use of the Surinamese
Maroons, Creoles and their ancestral African
tribes.
1.2.1 Ogri ai (the evil eye)
The evil eye is a well-known cultural
condition that has not only been found in
Maroon cultures, but has been described all
over the world (Elliott, 1992; Martínez, 2008;
Ruysschaert et al., 2009; Ticktin & Dalle,
2005; Dundes, 1981). Evil eye is even
mentioned in Hebrew religious texts (Brav, in
Dundes, 1992), the Koran (Donaldson, in
Dundes, 1992) and the Bible (Apostolides &
Dreyer, 2008; Elliott, 1992).
Similarly to other cultures, Surinamese
Maroons believe that evil eye occurs when a
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person looks too long or too strongly at
someone else (Ruysschaert et al., 2009). This
type of intense look can cause harm to the
subject of attention, whether on purpose (by
praise, envy or greed) or not (Martínez, 2008).
The disease is believed to often affect children,
particularly newborn babies, who are weaker
than adults, and become ill when exposed to a
more powerful energy (Martínez, 2008; Weiss,
1988). Symptoms are diarrhoea, cramps,
crying and feeding problems, that, in the worst
case, can lead to death of the victim (Berger,
2012; Prince & Tcheng-laroche, 1987;
Ruysschaert et al., 2009; Wooding, 1979). The
Maroons in Suriname often resort to a wide
variety of (magical) plant practices to prevent
or cure this feared disease (Van Andel &
Ruysschaert, 2011).
The colour blue seems to be important
to wear off evil eye (Vernooij, 2001); for
example, blue beads (Groover, 1996), or blue
eyes painted on amulets in Islamic cultures
(Berger, 2012). The Saramaccans in
Brownsweg bathe in herbal baths with indigo
(Indigofera suffruticosa) to protect themselves
from the evil eye (Van Andel & Ruysschaert,
2011; Wooding, 1979). Nowadays, cubes of
Reckitt’s Blue have replaced the use of indigo
mostly in ritual baths. Some plants with blue
flowers can also be used, like Commelina
diffusa or Stachytarpeta spp. (Van Andel &
Ruysschaert, 2011).
1.2.2 Atita
A second important cultural-bound
health concept known among Maroons is
zuurte (Dutch), suri (Sranantongo) or atita
(Aucan). A baby suffering atita produces soursmelling faeces in the form of small balls
(similar to okra seeds, Abelmoschus
esculentus) and consequently suffers from
nappy rash and cramps (Ruysschaert et al.,
2009; Van Andel & Ruysschaert, 2011).
A similar condition named atita
(sometimes named manya, el-a or jibioa) was
also encountered during interviews on
traditional medicine for childcare among Fonspeaking women
in Benin
(Towns,
unpublished data). They sometimes believed
the condition was caused by the consumption
of too much sugar by the child or by its mother
during pregnancy (Towns, unpublished data).
A condition called fesse rouge was found in
Gabon, but this type of diaper rash was said to
be caused by parasite infection when children
played naked on dirt floors (Towns,
unpublished data). In the western world, soursmelling defecation has also been reported as a
consequence of malabsorption of saccharides
due to lactase deficiency (Bower, 1964;
Burgess et al., 1964; Holzel, 1967; Holzel,
1968; Neale et al., 1965).
1.2.3 Fontanels
The fontanel is a specific region that is
given much attention to with regard to culturebound concepts. Fontanels are soft spots on the
baby’s head before the bony plates of the skull
close. The fontanel is often subject of many
rituals. Sometimes it is believed spirits can
enter through the fontanel and this region is
thus given extra attention in ritual bathing (Pijl,
2007). Beng mothers in Cote d’Ivoire believe
that the fontanel is the end point of a “head
road” that runs down the throat, and to ensure
the road remains open, mothers use medicinal
paint to apply an orange spot on the baby’s
fontanel spot twice a day (Gottlieb, 2004). In
Benin and Gabon application of simple plant
substances or clay on the baby’s head is also a
way of ensuring the fontanel closes smoothly
(Towns, unpublished data).
CBC’s concerning the fontanels often
include the symptom of a depressed (or fallen)
fontanel. This is believed to be caused by a
blow or fall, or by pulling the nipple out of the
baby’s mouth too quickly while breastfeeding,
causing the palate and the fontanel to “fall”
(Baer & Bustillo, 1998; Guarnaschelli et al.,
1972; Hudelson, 1993; Krajewski-Jaime, 1991;
Mull & Mull, 1988). Symptoms of this CBC
are difficulty eating and nursing, diarrhoea
(yellow to green, watery), fever, coughing,
fretfulness, crying, sunken eyes, vomiting and
weakness
(Baer
&
Bustillo,
1998;
Guarnaschelli et al., 1972; Hudelson, 1993;
Krajewski-Jaime, 1991; Malik et al., 1992;
Mull & Mull, 1988; Weiss, 1988). Locals treat
the disease by applying sticky, ‘cool’
substances on the fontanel (Mull & Mull,
1988); pushing up the palate and applying
ashes or other medicinal substances on the
palate (Baer & Bustillo, 1998; Foster, 1953;
Hudelson, 1993; Malik et al., 1992; Towns,
unpublished data); holding the infant upside
down and slapping on its feet (Baer & Bustillo,
1998; Foster, 1953; Guarnaschelli et al., 1972;
Hudelson, 1993; Krajewski-Jaime, 1991); and
sucking the fontanel (Foster, 1953); of which
5
the last two “treatments” can be very
dangerous to the child (Risser & Mazur, 1995).
An abnormality with the fontanel can
be an indication of a more serious condition. A
sunken fontanel is a symptom of dehydration,
and not seeking medical attention can be fatal
for the child (Baer & Bustillo, 1998;
Krajewski-Jaime, 1991; Malik et al., 1992;
Risser & Mazur, 1995; Weiss, 1988). A
bulging and sometimes warm and pulsing
fontanel can indicate serious illnesses as
roseola, encephalitis, or meningitis (Gottlieb,
2004). Several studies have pointed out a
bulging fontanel as a symptom of (bacterial)
meningitis (Fields, 1961; Longe et al., 1984;
Chotpitayasunondh, 1994). Furthermore, a
bulging fontanel has been associated with
vitamin A deficiency, which leads to an
increased cerebrospinal pressure causing the
fontanel to bulge, and can lead to serious
conditions if not treated (Bass & Fisch, 1961).
1.2.4 Stimulating children to walk early
In the Maroon culture it is important
that the baby learns to walk or crawl soon.
Plants used as tranga wiwiri (‘leaves that make
you strong’ in Sranantongo, the lingua franca
in Suriname) are employed to strengthen the
child and make the baby more active and better
protected against malevolent influences
(Ruysschaert et al., 2009). According to
informants in Benin, being able to walk soon is
seen as a sign of strength of the baby, a proof
that the child is curious and not lazy. In this
way, the child can prove a willful personality
to its parents; and it is supposed to give the
mother more rest (Towns, unpublished data).
There exist also more pragmatic
personal reasons for parents to encourage their
child to start to walk soon (Gottlieb, 2004). In
many African cultures, such as in Ghana or
among the Yoruba people in West Africa
(Adeokun, 1982; Bleek, 1976), a taboo on
postpartum sex exists, and partners can only
resume their sex life when their child reaches a
certain developmental state, such as teething,
being able to walk or weaning, of which the
latter two often coincide (Desgrees-du-Lou &
Brou, 2005; Gottlieb, 2004; Jelliffe & Bennett,
1972; Lockwood, 1995; Zulu, 2001). This
taboo also helps birth spacing between children
(Adeokun, 1982). However, putting the sex life
of the parents to a halt may be a concern to the
mother if she is married monogamously, for if
her child does not start walking soon, her
husband may be tempted to have an affair with
another woman (Gottlieb, 2004; Jelliffe &
Bennett, 1972). Therefore, she may resort to
the use of magical and medicinal plant cures to
hasten her child’s motoric development
(Gottlieb, 2004).
1.3 Childcare and plant use
Plant use for child care is a common
practice and often also contains ritual aspects
(Ruysschaert et al., 2009). The research project
Plant Use of the Motherland-Linking AfroCaribbean and West African Ethnobotany (by
Dr. T. R. van Andel) aims to discover the
origin of Surinamese plant use among tribes in
West Africa. Cultural-bound health concepts
are likely to be shared between Maroons,
Creoles and their ancestral tribes in Africa.
This research will focus on the medicinal plant
use for cultural-bound health concepts with
regard to child care among Aucan Maroons
along the Tapanahoni River. If we compare
this to previously collected data among the
Saramaccan Maroons, Surinamese Creoles and
ancestral tribes in West African countries
(Benin, Gabon and Ghana), we can analyze
how
Afro-Surinamers
adapted
their
pharmacopeia to treat similar health concepts
as in Africa. Therefore we conducted the
following questions:
1) How similar are the four cultural-bound
health concepts (walk early, ogri ai, atita
and fontanels) among Afro-Surinamers
and their ancestral tribes in Africa?
2) What plants are used by Tapanahoni
Aucans for these cultural-bound ailments?
3) What is the similarity in plant use
between Ghana, Benin, Gabon, and
Suriname?
4) How does plant use for these conditions
differ between Aucans, Saramaccans and
Creoles?
We expect that the CBC’s concerning children
have similar definitions in Africa and
Suriname, although there might be slight
differences in symptoms, perceived causes and
treatments. Medicinal plants used in relation to
these diseases are also expected to be similar,
if not by genus or species, then by family or
certain properties as habit, colour or smell. We
expect the majority of medicinal plants used
for childcare to be cultivated and weedy
species, and less to be found in the primary
forest, because usually mothers collect plants
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near their houses, the village, the roadside and
agricultural fields (Ruysschaert et al., 2009;
Ticktin & Dalle, 2005; Towns, in prep.).
2. Materials and methods
2.1 Fieldwork
Fieldwork was conducted from 22
June to 10 July in Mooitaki, Jawsa and
Maainsie, three small villages along the
Tapanahoni river in Southeastern Suriname
with less than 500 inhabitants. We interviewed
25 Aucan (grand-) mothers, after we carefully
explained the purpose of our research and
having them sign an informed consent. Our
questions focussed on the characteristics of the
four cultural-bound health concepts (CBC’s)
atita, ogri ai, fontanels and walk early, and the
medicinal plants used for these health issues.
We asked the women to define these cultural
ailments: their causes, symptoms and
treatments. We also wanted to know why they
used a particular plant for a particular ailment,
to see which characteristics made this
appropriate for treatment. The English
interview (Appendix 2) was translated in
Dutch, Sranantongo and the Aucan Maroon
dialect of Sranantongo. With the help of the
respondents, we made botanical collections of
the medicinal plants mentioned during the
interviews. Between 15 and 22 June, we
arranged meetings with a paediatrician, a
medical doctor and a pharmacologist to hear
their view on the four cultural-bound health
concepts. We were interested to know whether
they could link medical conditions to the
cultural-bound ailments, and if these ailments
were taken seriously in their profession. We
also asked their opinion on the safety of
frequently practised treatments for the four
cultural-bound health issues. On the 4th of July,
we interviewed a local nurse at Drietabbetje, a
bigger village close to Mooitaki. Between 14
and 20 July, we also interviewed some
Saramaccan market vendors at the Vreedzaam
market in Paramaribo and collected the plants
they sold to treat the CBC’s of our interest.
2.2 Plant collection
Plants were collected during the
fieldtrips under guidance of our local guides.
The plants were numbered, described, pressed
and dried in the field, and then stored in
secluded plastic bags to prevent degradation by
heat or insects. Material that was too bulky to
dry, like wood or fruits, was also numbered
and described and then dried on the stove as a
whole. For each species, we recorded the part
used, habitat type, cultivation or weedy status,
recipe, and specific characteristics that
according to our informants were important
regarding its use. We collected two duplicates
of each plant: one specimen was deposited at
the National Herbarium of Suriname (BBS),
and one specimen was taken to the Naturalis
Biodiversity Center (L) for identification.
2.3 Data analysis
2.3.1 Database arrangement
We constructed a database consisting
lists of plants used per cultural-bound concept
in three African countries (Ghana, Benin and
Gabon), Surinamese Creoles and two Maroon
populations (Saramaccans and Aucans). From
now on, we will refer to these six categories as
“populations”, although we are aware that the
data from the African countries can come from
several ethnic groups living in one country. All
plants used for a CBC by a specific population
were noted as present in the spreadsheet,
although this did not mean all plants were used
in combination with each other. All plant
families, genera and species were entered in a
presence–absence data matrix with plant
species in rows and CBC per population in
columns using Microsoft Excel 2010.
The database was based on several
unpublished sources and literature on the
cultural-bound concepts in Ghana (Van Andel,
unpublished data; Irvine, 1961; Abbiw, 1990;
Burkill, 2004; Mshana et al., 2000), Benin
(Towns & Quiroz, unpublished data), Gabon
(Towns & Quiroz, unpublished data),
Saramaccan
Maroons
(Ruysschaert,
unpublished data; Van Andel & Ruysschaert,
2011), and the Creoles (Van Andel &
Ruysschaert, 2011; Stephen, 1998; Wooding,
1979; mamjo.com). The information on plant
use per CBC among the Aucans was collected
during fieldwork and added to the data of the
other five populations.
2.3.2 Statistical analyses
The method for statistical analysis was
adapted from Van Andel et al. (2012). All
plants used for a particular CBC per population
were used as the sample unit in our analysis.
We analyzed the plant species used for each
7
culture-bound health concept (CBC) per
species were used (see Table 3) were left out
of the analysis. We performed a Detrended
Component Analysis (DCA) on species and
family level. DCA enables the identification of
two main axes that cause the distribution of a
CBC per population and corresponding plant
species used in that case. We plotted the first
and second axes in two-dimensional graphs for
all three taxonomic levels to examine the
potential overlap on family or species-level
among samples and to visualize variation
within and between the six populations. All
analyses were performed in the program
PC-ORD 5.0.
3. Results
3.1 Similarity in definitions of the four
cultural-bound health concepts
3.1.1 Walk early
The Saramaccan, Aucan, Beninese and
Gabonese informants mentioned that if a baby
can walk soon, it proves the child is active,
curious and strong, and the mother will have
some more time to do her own work again. In
Ghana, a child was only treated with herbal
medicine when it still could not walk at 3-4
years of age. We did not find evidence of
Surinamese Creoles using stimulants to make
their children walk soon. The Aucan
informants mentioned to us the herbs they used
not only served to make the baby walk soon,
but also to help the baby to become fat and
strong. This enhanced the ability of the child to
trample, crawl, stand up and walk soon. These
medicinal herbs were called “táanga sikin
uwii”: herbs to make the body (litt. skin)
strong. In Table 1, all treatments mentioned by
our informants and in the literature are listed
on population level. All African populations
rubbed plants on legs and joints to make
population. Categories wherein no plant
children walk soon, whilst in Suriname people
used many herbal baths and tended to softly hit
the baby’s legs with brooms, plants or other
items. Drinking decoctions was mentioned on
both continents. The use of rubbing juice from
herbs into skin incisions was only recorded for
Gabon.
3.1.2 Ogri ai
Ogri ai in Suriname can be translated
as the evil eye and is sometimes called sama
mofu (literally “someone’s mouth”, which
means someone has cursed you). Surinamese
Creoles and Saramaccans described ogri ai as
a sickness that babies (or sometimes adults
too) could get when a person looked too
strongly at them or admired them too much
while secretly being jealous. This could
negatively affect the victim’s wellbeing,
whether intended or unintended. Symptoms
included weakness, diarrhoea, vomiting,
Fig. 2. Jewellery to make the baby walk early:
bands made from colourful beads to
“strengthen” the knees. Mooitaki, Suriname.
Photo: T.E. Vossen.
Table 1. Different treatments per Surinamese or African population.
Treatment
Herbal baths
Decoctions
Hitting legs with plants
Hitting legs with broom
Hitting legs with other items
Jewellery (Fig. 2)
Rubbing plants on legs
Massage legs
Skin incisions with herb juice
Population
Saramaccan*
x
x
x
Aucan
x
x
x
x
x
x
Creole
Ghana**
x
x
* Ruysschaert et al., 2009; ** Van Andel, unpublished data; *** Towns, unpublished data.
Benin***
x
x
Gabon***
x
x
x
x
x
8
x
x
crying, reduced appetite, fever and other
abnormal behaviour (Ruysschaert et al, 2009;
Towns, unpublished data; Stephen, 1998;
www.mamjo.nl). The Aucans we interviewed
defined ogri ai in a similar way. To cure the
evil eye, the most popular option in Suriname
was bathing the baby with water containing
Reckitt’s Blue. People also used herbal baths,
jewellery (beads and bracelets) (Fig. 3), and
rubbed asafoetida (a foul smelling substance
made of the roots of the Indian plant Ferula
asafoetida) in the hair of the baby or Reckitt’s
Blue on the head, behind the ears, in palms and
footpads, and between the buttocks of the
child. In Ghana, a similar condition was called
asram (Bazzano et al., 2008). Asram was
defined as a sickness affecting newborns or
even unborn babies, caused by intended or
unintended jealousy. Treatments only included
herbal medicine or baths (Bazzano et al., 2008;
Van Andel, unpublished data). In Benin and
Gabon, records on the evil eye were scarce.
Idehen & Oshodin (2007) mentioned that
babies could suffer from a certain bewitchment
from parents, friends and relations. In Gabon,
baths and infusions were used in protection
against djedimikoki or "fussile nocturne”
(nocturnal rifle), a sort of ill-health or
Fig. 3. Jewellery to protect the baby from ogri ai.
The bracelets are made from fabric, preferably in
the colours black, white, red or blue. Mooitaki,
Suriname. Photo: T.E. Vossen.
misfortune believed to be caused by jealousy
(Quiroz, unpublished data).
3.1.3 Atita
Symptoms of atita in Suriname mainly
included the appearance of the baby’s faeces,
which was said to smell sour, have a yellow
colour, and to come in small balls or look like
diarrhoea with small seed-like (yellowish)
balls. Aucan informants almost always
mentioned the simultaneous occurrence of
diaper rash or rash all over the body (especially
in the face, armpits and between the legs).
African informants only mentioned the
occurrence of rash, itches and eczema
(specifically in the groin and armpits), but did
not mention the colour, form and scent of the
baby’s faeces. Treatments included herbal
baths, plant decoctions, and applying plant
mixtures (mentioned only by Africans) or oil
(only by Surinamese) on the rash. The
pharmacies in Paramaribo also sold Nurse
Harvey or Gripe Water as a remedy for atita
(Fig. 4). Possible causes of atita included the
mother eating too much peanuts (Benin),
bananas or sweet potatoes (Aucans). Some
people said the illness was caused by God
(Gabon, Aucans) or that all children were born
with atita and remedies should be given
Fig. 4. Bottle of Gripe Water. Remedy used for
atita in Mooitaki. Photo: T.E. Vossen.
Table 2. The different designation of the CBC atita in all six populations addressed.
Population Saramaccan* Aucan Creole** Ghana***
atita
atita
Benin**** Gabon****
tumo koko, atita
fesse-rouge
djudjuma
(djindjuma)
* Van Andel & Ruysschaert, 2011; ** internet forums www.mamjo.com and www.coupy.nl; ***
Van Andel, unpublished data; **** Towns, unpublished data.
Name CBC
suri,
zuurte
9
preventively (Aucans). On Creole internet
forums food allergy was sometimes reported as
a cause for atita, but also liver or digestion
problems and intestinal worms (also mentioned
in Benin). Lastly, in Gabon, informants said
fesse rouge was caused by the baby sitting with
his bottoms on the dirt, which was polluted by
microbes. Some Aucans suggested that
pregnant women could get atita too, mainly
suffering from the rash and itch. If the
expecting mother had the condition while
pregnant, the newborn would surely also get
atita.
3.1.4 Fontanels
No records on herbal medicine for the
fontanel were found among Saramaccans.
Aucans called the fontanel ‘bwébwé’
(probably an African term) and applied
coconut oil on the fontanel when the baby had
a cold, just like Creoles. Oil was also used by
the Gabonese population. In some cases
(mainly Creole, Beninese and Gabonese) it
was believed that a spirit could enter through
the fontanel, and the soft spot often got extra
attention during ritual baths (Van der Pijl,
2007; Towns, unpublished data). Aucan
women mentioned that the fontanel had to
move up and down, so you knew the child’s
heart was beating. To stimulate these
movements, people chewed maize or
nengrekondre pepre (Aframomum melegueta)
seeds and spat these on the fontanel. In Gabon,
this was done with kola nuts (Cola sp.), while
mashed Aframomum melegueta was rubbed on
the child’s palate. Some Aucan mothers also
mentioned the presence of a black substance
on the baby’s head or fontanel, which they
called amon. This substance was carefully
scraped off the head with coconut oil. In
Ghana, a beating fontanel would be treated by
applying pastes on the fontanel (Van Andel,
unpublished data). According to Irvine (1961),
problems with the fontanel were linked to
cerebral diseases in Ghana. Bazzano et al.
(2008) described a condition named puni that
was mentioned in Ghana, characterized by
changes in the baby’s skull not necessarily
relating to the fontanels. Beninese mothers
applied pastes on the fontanel in order to
secure the correct closure of the fontanel.
Other treatments included herbal baths,
decoctions, and washing the head. These
remedies were similar in Gabon, where people
also smeared substances on the palate and
rubbed herbs on the baby’s head. In Suriname,
we did not find a clear cultural connection
between the fontanel and the baby’s palate.
Table 3 lists the number of plant
species used per CBC in the populations
studied. Few plants were used for evil eye in
Benin and Gabon and for fontanels by
Surinamese and Ghanese populations. Atita
was not represented by frequent plant use
among Ghanaians, while early walking was not
an important CBC among Surinamese Creoles.
3.2 Similarity of plant use between Ghana,
Benin, Gabon, and Suriname
Figure 5 depicts the results of the
DCA on species level for the six populations
and the four culture-bound concepts. There
was little overlap between plant species used in
Africa and in Suriname for the four CBCs.
Within the African populations (Ghana, Benin
and Gabon), there was also little overlap on
species level. Plant use among Surinamese
Maroons and Creoles, however, showed much
more overlap on species level. There were 15
species that were used on two continents, of
which seven for the same CBC: Paullinia
pinnata (walk early, ogri ai), Aframomum
melegueta (fontanel), Musa sp. (atita),
Scoparia dulcis (walk early), Cecropia peltata
(walk early), Eclipta prostata (atita) and Senna
alata (atita).
Table 3. The number of plant species per culture-bound health concept per population.
Walk early
Evil eye
Atita
Fontanelles
Total nr. of
plant species
Saramaccans Aucans
Creoles
Ghana
60
36
1
35
20
15
33
32
11
0
7
2
104
69
26
Suriname
Africa
146
Benin
20
11
2
4
35
Gabon
41
0
40
35
102
32
1
35
28
84
205
10
Fig. 5. Scatter plot showing clustering per population (indicated by colour) and per culture-bound concept
(indicated by shape) on species level (n = 336 species, including 37 unidentified species). Axes represent a
relative scale of DCA values.
Fig. 6. Scatter plot showing clustering per population (indicated by colour) and per culture-bound concept
(indicated by shape) on family level (n = 82, excluding the 37 unidentified species without a family assigned).
Axes represent a relative scale of DCA values.
11
Figure 5 shows that plant use on
species level appears to cluster according to
geographical location rather than per culturebound concept. This implies that each
population, on both sides of the Atlantic,
adapted their plant use to what plant species
were available in their direct surroundings.
each other than to plant use of the Creoles. The
fact that Creoles use less species indicates that
these CBC’s are less important to them. Plant
use by the Creoles also seems to be more
influenced by Europeans, for example onion
(Allium sativum), fennel (Foeniculum vulgare)
and indigo (Indigofera suffruticosa).
If we look at plant use on family level
per population and CBC (Fig. 6), we see much
more overlap and almost no division between
Africa and Suriname. Only the Ghanaian plant
use seems to differ somewhat from the other
populations, spreading over a wider section of
the plot.
3.4 Use of weeds and domesticated herbs
Of the 73 plant medicines mentioned
during interviews with Aucans, 61 (83%) were
growing around the village. Just five were
growing in the rainforest and seven species
were bought in the city. Figure 7 shows that
women collected or cultivated the majority
plants used for CBC’s nearby their house. Only
a minority (17%) had to be collected further
away: in the rainforest or at the city market.
Several common medicinal plant
families (e.g. Fabaceae, Euphorbiaceae,
Asteraceae) occur on both sides of the ocean.
Africans in Suriname must have searched for
the same families in the New World to treat the
culture-bound concepts from their African
heritage. The most commonly used plant
families are listed in Table 4. These do not
only include the most commonly occurring
families that contain a lot of weeds and herbs,
but also less common families with aromatic
properties (e.g. Myrtaceae, Verbenaceae,
Lamiaceae, Zingiberaceae, Piperaceae).
3.3 Differences in plant use for CBC’s among
Aucans, Saramaccans and Creoles
Of the 146 species used in Suriname,
ten plant species were used medicinally in all
three Surinamese populations. Furthermore,
the Creoles shared three plant species
exclusively with the Saramaccans and five
plant species with the Aucans. The
Saramaccans and the Aucans shared 25 plant
species used medicinally for any of the four
CBC’s. This implies that the plant use of the
two Maroon populations is more similar to
Table 4. The most commonly used plant families,
mentioned at least for one of the four CBC’s on
each continent.
Family
Fabaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Asteraceae
Arecaceae
Malvaceae
Sapindaceae
Rubiaceae
Piperaceae
Zingiberaceae
Poaceae
Lamiaceae
Verbenaceae
Plantaginaceae
Myrtaceae
Annonaceae
Citation frequency*
Suriname
Africa
8
8
8
6
7
6
6
7
5
7
7
3
4
6
8
2
5
4
8
1
2
7
6
2
5
2
6
1
3
4
* Nr. of times mentioned in absence-presence data
matrix, regardless of ethnic group or specific CBC
Fig.7. Diagram (n=73) showing the percentages of plants that were close to the women’s houses (the green
pigments) and the percentages of plants collected in the rainforest or bought elsewhere.
12
3.5 Opinions on CBCs by Aucans and
medical staff in Paramaribo
3.5.1 Aucan opinions
During the interviews with the Aucan
women, we found that all informants used
cubes of Reckitt’s Blue to bathe the baby to
protect or cure it from the evil eye. When
asked why the colour blue was so important for
that matter, the respondents did not know a
specific reason, only that they learned this
method from their older family members and
ancestors. We also asked whether the plants
they used for the CBC’s had any specific
qualities that made them suitable to treat a
certain CBC. No clear answers were given to
this question, only one informant mentioned
that when boiling red cotton (Gossypium
barbadense), the water turned red and that was
useful for curing atita. Some plants were
mentioned as more important than others, but
opinions differed among informants. Most
replied that all plants to treat one of the CBC’s
were equally important. The women usually
tried to cure the baby with plant remedies first
before seeing a doctor, however almost all
informants said that if the baby really got sick
(with a fever for example) they would go to the
local health post. The Aucan informants
mentioned that the local nurse and even some
pharmacies in the city knew remedies for atita,
while almost none of the informants would
bring a child to the doctor for evil eye, to help
it walk soon or treat its fontanels. According to
the Aucan women, most doctors did not even
know the existence of the evil eye, so this CBC
had to be cured by folk and plant remedies.
Informants would seek medical help if the
reason for delayed walking of a child was a
suspected handicap. None of the informants
had experienced trouble with the closing of the
fontanels, hence they had not visited a doctor
for that CBC. All women mentioned that
bathing (with or without plants) was very
important in the Aucan culture, because they
believed this helped a baby to become strong
and healthy.
3.5.2 Opinion of medical staff in Suriname
All three medical professionals we
interviewed in Paramaribo indicated that they
were familiar with the CBC’s atita, evil eye
and fontanels. According to these specialists,
problems with the fontanel were first
associated with fever convulsions, which are
now treated by paracetamol, a medicine almost
everyone has access to nowadays. Therefore,
people did not come to the doctor for the
fontanels anymore. The medical staff we
interviewed mentioned that almost no one in
Suriname consulted a doctor in the case of evil
eye, because the majority of the medical staff
believed the evil eye was nonsense, and only a
few doctors adjusted to this “superstition”.
They knew about the practice of bathing the
child with Reckitt’s Blue. One doctor said that
Reckitt’s
Blue
mainly
consisted
of
natriumsulphide, and because it was diluted in
a large amount of water when bathing, the
bathing itself and even drinking a small sip of
the water was probably not harmful for the
child.
A pharmacologist and one doctor
described atita as a condition in young babies,
having soft faeces containing small grains,
bowel cramps and crying. According to the
specialists and the local nurse of Drietabbetje,
the diaper rash that Aucan mothers saw as
another symptom of atita, was caused by
leaving on the diapers for too long. According
to one doctor, there existed no medical
definition of atita. He doubted whether the
condition was caused by lactose intolerance,
because breastfed babies could get atita too.
His opinion was that perhaps the intestinal
flora had to adapt to the uptake of proteins
from breast milk. The grains in the faeces
could be undigested protein matter, caused by
a not fully developed bacterial culture in the
intestine. This explanation for atita was also
given by a paediatrician at the Academic
Hospital of Paramaribo.
The nurse in Drietabbetje indicated
that communication about safe use of herbal
medicine was very important, but also said that
local people did not always follow her advice.
The use of herbal medicine, and the species of
herbs were hard to monitor. People did not tell
the nurse what they used, or said they used a
medicine for which they did not know the
ingredients, because it was made by someone
else. The local nurse and the paediatrician,
who also worked in the interior for some time,
said that in few cases, wrong usage of herbal
medicine could be fatal for a child. They both
experienced the death of a child from
poisoning with herbal medicine that came to
the medical mission too late for treatment.
13
4. Discussion
The definitions of the culture-bound
concepts were found to be roughly the same
among the three Surinamese populations. In
comparison to the Africans, the Surinamese
did not address the shape of the fontanel (eg.
sunken or bulging) in certain disease concepts.
The Africans on the other hand did not have
well documented definitions of evil eye,
although sicknesses with the same cause –
jealousy, mainly - was mentioned. The
occurrence of atita and the importance of a
child walking early was almost equally
documented for the six populations we
addressed in this study. Atita even went by the
same name among Aucans and Beninese.
We found that women mostly used
weeds and domesticated crops for CBC’s
regarding child care. Research on medicinal
plant use by women in Benin and Gabon also
indicated that most plants were found in
women’s gardens or directly around the village
(Van Vliet, 2013; Towns, in prep). Women are
often confined to a limited space around their
house, are not allowed or able to venture deep
into the rainforest or buy medicine in the city.
Therefore, they have searched (and found)
medicinal species that were growing close by
and in abundance, like weeds, plants in
secondary vegetation and cultivated plants.
Voeks
(1993)
mentioned
the
dominance of pantropical weeds and
domesticated (food crop) species in herbal
medicine on both continents, and suggested
that the descendants of the slaves continued to
use these “familiar” species in favour over
finding new cures. This similarity of medicinal
plant species in both Africa and the Caribbean
was also proposed by McClure (1982). Our
analysis, however, found little overlap between
African and Surinamese medicinal plant
species, even though the majority of the
species were domesticated or weedy. Previous
research of Van Andel et al. (2012) also
showed that African heritage of the medicinal
use of bitter tonics in Suriname was not
reflected in the use of similar plant species.
Apparently,
descendants
of
African
populations in the New World have used their
surrounding new flora in a creative way. Apart
from looking for similar African families and
continuing to use many pantropical weeds and
domesticated species, they also searched and
found new Surinamese plants to use for similar
African health concepts.
Another comparative ethnobotanical
study similar to ours showed a comparison
between medicinal plants used on three islands
of the Vanuatu (Bradacs et al., 2011). They
found a small overlap of 11% on all three
islands, which they explained by differences in
climate, vegetation and culture on the islands.
We found only 4.4% overlap (15 out of 336
sp.) mentioned for Suriname and Africa, but
within Suriname, the plant use of the three
populations on species level overlapped for
29.4% (43 out of 146 sp.). Overlap in
medicinal plant species seems to depend more
on the local flora than on specific cultural
beliefs and uses.
The use of medicinal plants might also
change over time, rather than by migration or
geographical separation alone. Between 1766
and 1771, the Swedish corporal Dahlberg
described a plant called “atita” which he found
in Suriname. He was told that the plant was
used medicinally to cure worm infections in
small children, by washing them with plant sap
and drinking a decoction. Lanjouw & Uittien
(1935) identified Dahlberg’s plant as Cleome
gynandra. Upon their further inquiries, they
encountered another plant that was also called
“atita”, Oldenlandia herbacea. Only one
Aucan mother recognized Oldenlandia
herbacea as an ‘atita herb’, while it was
growing everywhere in the village. Cleome
gynandra was not present around the Aucan
villages and none of the informants recognized
it from the picture we showed them.
Nowadays, Nepsera aquatica is known as
“atita wiri” on the Vreedzaam medicinal plant
market in Paramaribo and amongst the
Saramaccan population (Van Andel &
Ruysschaert, 2011). However, our Aucan
respondents referred to Senna chrysocarpa as
“atita wiri”. We did not find evidence for the
use of Oldenlandia and Cleome among
Creoles. So besides differences in plant use
between ethnic groups, it seems that certain
medicinal plants are also favoured in a certain
period of history and are forgotten again later
on.
In this study, it appeared that medical
staff in Paramaribo was well informed about
the CBC’s we were interested in. However,
mothers were hesitant to search medical care
for a cultural or magical disease, because they
thought the medical staff would not take them
14
seriously. When a condition becomes serious
and turns into a more severe disease, there
should not be a taboo on going to a doctor to
get medical treatment. Doctors should be
aware that their approach to the cultural and
magical diseases can influence the willingness
of traditional people to go to a hospital with
their ailments. Even in the Netherlands, some
Creoles indicated on internet forums that they
would not go to the doctor with a traditional
disease, because they would not be able to
help. A mutual understanding among medical
staff and traditional people must be established
in order for healthcare to work optimally.
5. Conclusion
The definitions of the four culturalbound health concepts were quite similar on
both continents. Atita was known in Africa and
Suriname with similar symptoms. Evil eye and
jealousy-caused diseases were found on both
continents as well. Fontanels seemed to be a
more important CBC in Africa than in
Suriname. The ability of a child to walk early
also was important on both continents, even
though in the Aucan culture walk early was
usually imbedded in what they called “táanga
sikin”; making a baby fat and strong. The
Aucan women mostly used domesticated crops
and weedy species growing nearby in the
village to treat the CBC’s. The plant use of the
two Maroon populations was more similar to
each other than to that of the Creoles. In Africa
and Suriname, seven plant species were used
for the same CBC’s. Our data of the two
continents showed little overlap on species
level, but much overlap on family level. This
indicates that we can accept our hypothesis
that Afro-Surinamers have searched for similar
families to treat their CBCs as they
remembered from Africa.
Role of funding sources
This study was funded by the
Netherlands Organization for Scientific
Research (NWO ALW-Vidi) who granted Dr.
T.R. van Andel funding for her postdoc
research. Student participation was facilitated
by the Alberta Mennega Stichting and the Van
Eeden Fonds. These funds had no involvement
in the collection, analysis, and interpretation of
data.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Dr. T.R. van
Andel who made it possible for me to
participate in this research. Her useful
comments
and
excellent
supervision
contributed to the creation of this article. I
thank Dr. T.R. van Andel, A.M. Towns MSc.,
S. Ruysschaert MSc. and D. Quiroz MSc. for
the contributed fieldwork data. Thanks go to
Prof. Dr. D. Mans, Dr. R. Bipat, Dr. W.
Zijlmans, and Zuster Selviëve for participating
in our interviews for medical specialists.
I want to thank Minke Reijers and
Amber van der Velde for their pleasant
company and their help during the fieldwork.
I give thanks to all our informants who
were so kind to participate in this research:
Cecilia Toika and Rinia Bessini, for being
excellent hostesses and providing us so much
information; Densasi Misidjan, who also
aqcuianted us with the Aucan cuisine; Sylviaan
Naawi; Carmen Sentère; Maafie (Asafie)
Bessini; Johanna Papaikodo; Betsie Bange;
Imelda Asangke; Rita (Afununu) Misidjan;
Ingrid Batjoeman, who also showed us how to
rock the Aucan dancefloor; Cecilia Nagie;
Sabali Bessini; Tutu Gazon; Patricia (Tresia)
Naawi-Bertolina, who kindly gave us her
homemade kwak; Gonda Magdonal; Elina
Apai; Telia Misidjan; Sonnia Misidjan;
Romenia Atipa; Malta Asida; Doede Misidjan;
Fransje Lominda; Juliana Asangke; Elisa
Satio; and Yolanda Amimba, who was so
patient with us on the Vreedzaam market in
Paramaribo.
15
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Websites
www.mamjo.com
www.coupy.nl
18
Appendices
19
Appendix 1: All plant species and families used in our database, per country.
Family
Acanthaceae
Acanthaceae
Acanthaceae
Acanthaceae
Acanthaceae
Adiantaceae
Amaranthaceae
Amaranthaceae
Amaranthaceae
Amaranthaceae
Amaranthaceae
Amaranthaceae
Amaranthaceae
Amaryllidaceae
Amaryllidaceae
Anacardiaceae
Anacardiaceae
Anacardiaceae
Annonaceae
Annonaceae
Annonaceae
Annonaceae
Annonaceae
Apiaceae
Apiaceae
Apiaceae
Apiaceae
Apocynaceae
Apocynaceae
Apocynaceae
Apocynaceae
Apocynaceae
Apocynaceae
Species
Acanthus montanus (Nees)
T.Anderson
Justicia calycina (Nees) V.A.W.
Graham
Justicia flava (Vahl) Vahl
Justicia pectoralis Jacq.
Justicia secunda Vahl
Pityrogramma calomelanos
Alternanthera brasiliana (L.)
Kuntze
Alternanthera pungens Kunth
Amaranthus blitum L.
Cyathula prostrata (L.) Blume
Dysphania ambrosioides (L.)
Mosyakin & Clemants
Pfaffia glomerata (Spreng.)
Pedersen
Pupalia lappacea (L.) Juss.
Allium sativum L.
Amaryllidaceae sp.
Anacardium occidentale L.
Lannea acida A.Rich.
Mangifera indica L.
Annickia affinis (Exell) Versteegh
& Sosef
Annona muricata L.
Monodora tenuifolia Benth.
Uvaria chamae P.Beauv.
Xylopia aethiopica (Dunal) A.Rich.
Eryngium foetidum L.
Ferula asafoetida L.
Foeniculum vulgare Mill.
Pimpinella anisum L.
Allamanda cathartica L.
Carissa spinarum L.
Marsdenia latifolia (Benth.)
K.Schum.
Pergularia daemia (Forssk.) Chiov.
Rauvolfia vomitoria Afzel.
Secamone afzelii (Roem. & Schult.)
K.Schum.
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
Creoles
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
20
Family
Araceae
Arecaceae
Arecaceae
Arecaceae
Arecaceae
Arecaceae
Asparagaceae
Asparagaceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Asteraceae
Balanophoraceae
Begoniaceae
Bignoniaceae
Bignoniaceae
Bignoniaceae
Bignoniaceae
Bignoniaceae
Boraginaceae
Boraginaceae
Species
Philodendron hederaceum var.
hederaceum
Arecaceae sp.
Cocos nucifera L.
Elaeis guineensis Jacq.
Mauritia flexuosa L.f.
Raphia hookeri G.Mann &
H.Wendl.
Asparagus warneckei (Engl.)
Hutch.
Dracaena fragrans (L.) Ker Gawl.
Acanthospermum hispidum DC.
Acmella caulirhiza Delile
Bidens pilosa L.
Chromolaena odorata (L.) R.M.
King & H. Rob.
Cyanthillium cinereum (L.) H.Rob.
Eclipta prostrata (L.) L.
Elephantopus mollis
Emilia coccinea (Sims) G.Don
Launaea taraxacifolia (Willd.)
Amin ex C.Jeffrey
Mikania micrantha
Mikania psilostachya DC.
Rolandra fruticosa (L.) Kuntze
Sphaeranthus senegalensis DC.
Struchium sparganophorum (L.)
Kuntze
Tilesia baccata (L.) Pruski
Tithonia diversifolia (Hemsl.)
A.Gray
Unxia camphorata L. f.
Thonningia sanguinea Vahl
Begonia glabra Aubl.
Crescentia cujete L.
Dolichandra unguis-cati (L.)
L.G.Lohmann
Mansoa alliacea (Lam.)
A.H.Gentry
Stereospermum kunthianum Cham.
Tabebuia serratifolia
Cordia curassavica (Jacq.) Roem.
& Schult.
Cordia schomburgkii A.DC.
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
x
x
Creoles
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
21
Family
Boraginaceae
Burseraceae
Cannabaceae
Cannabaceae
Chrysobalanaceae
Chrysobalanaceae
Chrysobalanaceae
Cleomaceae
Clusiaceae
Combretaceae
Combretaceae
Combretaceae
Combretaceae
Combretaceae
Commelinaceae
Commelinaceae
Commelinaceae
Commelinaceae
Commelinaceae
Commelinaceae
Connaraceae
Convolvulaceae
Convolvulaceae
Convolvulaceae
Convolvulaceae
Convolvulaceae
Costaceae
Costaceae
Crassulaceae
Cucurbitaceae
Cucurbitaceae
Cucurbitaceae
Cucurbitaceae
Cucurbitaceae
Cyperaceae
Cyperaceae
Ebenaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Species
Heliotropium indicum L.
Boswellia papyrifera (Del.) Hochst.
Trema micrantha (L.) Blume
Trema orientalis (L.) Blume
Chrysobalanaceae sp.
Couepia sp.
Licania spec.
Cleome viscosa L.
Garcinia sp. CF
Combretum aphanopetalum Engl.
& Diels
Combretum collinum Fresen.
Pteleopsis suberosa Engl. & Diels
Terminalia catappa L.
Terminalia glaucescens Planch. ex
Benth.
Combretum micranthum G.Don
Commelina diffusa Burm.f.
Commelina erecta L.
Palisota ambigua (P.Beauv.)
C.B.Clarke
Tripogandra diffusa
Tripogandra serrulata
Cnestis ferruginea Vahl ex DC.
Evolvulus alsinoides (L.) L.
Ipomoea mauritiana Jacq.
Ipomoea pileata Roxb.
Ipomoea tiliacea
Merremia tridentata (L.) Hallier f.
Costus scaber
Costus spp.
Bryophyllum pinnatum (Lam.)
Oken
Cucumeropsis mannii Naudin
Cucurbitaceae sp.
Kedrostis foetidissima (Jacq.)
Cogn.
Melothria pendula L.
Momordica charantia L.
Cyperus prolixus
Scleria secans (L.) Urb.
Diospyros guianensis (Aubl.) Gürke
Alchornea cordifolia (Schumach. &
Thonn.) Müll.Arg.
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
Creoles
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
22
Family
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Species
Croton gratissimus Burch.
Croton sp.
Croton trinitatis Millsp.
Euphorbia hirta L.
Euphorbia thymifolia L.
Jatropha multifida L.
Mabea piriri Aubl.
Macaranga spinosa Müll.Arg.
Mallotus oppositifolius (Geiseler)
Müll.Arg.
Maprounea africana Müll.Arg.
Maprounea guianensis Aubl.
Maprounea membranacea Pax &
K.Hoffm.
Plagiostyles africana (Müll.Arg.)
Prain
Ricinus communis
Acacia erythrocalyx Brenan
Acacia sieberiana DC.
Acacia tenuifolia (L.) Willd.
Albizia ferruginea (Guill. & Perr.)
Benth.
Andira spec.
Arachis hypogaea L.
Bauhinia guianensis
Bocoa prouacensis
Caesalpinia bonduc (L.) Roxb.
Caesalpinia pulcherrima (L.) Sw.
Crotalaria micans Link.
Crotalaria retusa L.
Cynometra megalophylla Harms
Daniellia oliveri (Rolfe) Hutch. &
Dalziel
Desmodium adscendens (Sw.) DC.
Desmodium barbatum (L.) Benth.
Desmodium ramosissimum G.Don
Desmodium velutinum (Willd.) DC.
Distemonanthus benthamianus
Baill.
Erythrina senegalensis DC.
Fabaceae sp.
Fabaceae sp.
Indigofera suffruticosa Mill.
Mimosa myriadena (Benth.) Benth.
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
Creoles
x
x
x
x
x
x
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
23
Family
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Fabaceae
Huaceae
Hypericaceae
Hypericaceae
Hypericaceae
Lamiaceae
Lamiaceae
Lamiaceae
Lamiaceae
Lamiaceae
Lamiaceae
Lamiaceae
Lamiaceae
Lauraceae
Loganiaceae
Loranthaceae
Loranthaceae
Loranthaceae
Loranthaceae
Loranthaceae
Species
Mimosa pudica L.
Mimosa quadrivalvis var.
leptocarpa (DC.) Barneby
Mucuna sp.
Parkia biglobosa (Jacq.) G.Don
Pentaclethra macrophylla Benth.
Prosopis africana (Guill. & Perr.)
Taub.
Pseudopiptadenia suaveolens
(Miq.) J.W. Grimes
Pterocarpus erinaceus Poir.
Pterocarpus santalinoides DC.
Pterocarpus soyauxii Taub.
Senna alata (L.) Roxb.
Senna chrysocarpa (Desv.)
H.S.Irwin & Barneby
Senna occidentalis (L.) Link
Senna quinquangulata (Rich.)
H.S.Irwin & Barneby
Stylosanthes fruticosa (Retz.)
Alston
Afrostyrax lepidophyllus Mildbr.
Harungana madagascariensis Lam.
ex Poir.
Vismia guianensis (Aubl.) Pers.
Vismia macrophylla Kunth
Clerodendrum capitatum (Willd.)
Schumach. & Thonn.
Clerodendrum sp.
Hyptis atrorubens
Hyptis suaveolens (L.) Poit.
Ocimum americanum L.
Ocimum campechianum Mill.
Ocimum gratissimum L.
Premna quadrifolia Schumach. &
Thonn.
Cassytha filiformis L.
Spigelia anthelmia L.
Oryctanthus alveolatus (Kunth)
Kuijt
Oryctanthus florulentus (Rich.)
Tiegh.
Phthirusa pyrifolia (Kunth) Eichler
Phthirusa stelis (L.) Kuijt
Struthanthus syringifolius (Mart.)
Mart.
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
x
Creoles
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
24
Family
Lycopodiaceae
Malpighiaceae
Malpighiaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Malvaceae
Marantaceae
Marantaceae
Marantaceae
Melastomataceae
Meliaceae
Meliaceae
Meliaceae
Menispermaceae
Moraceae
Moraceae
Moraceae
Moraceae
Musaceae
Myristicaceae
Myristicaceae
Myrtaceae
Myrtaceae
Myrtaceae
Myrtaceae
Myrtaceae
Myrtaceae
Myrtaceae
Species
Lycopodiella cernua (L.) Pic. Serm.
Hiraea faginea
Stigmaphyllon sinuatum (DC.)
A.Juss.
Abelmoschus esculentus (L.)
Moench
Cola caricifolia (G.Don) K.Schum.
Cola nitida (Vent.) Schott & Endl.
Cola sp.
Gossypium barbadense L.
Grewia sp.
Hibiscus acetosella Welw. ex Hiern
Hibiscus sp.
Hibiscus sp. CF
Sida acuta Burm.f.
Sida linifolia Juss. ex Cav.
Waltheria indica L.
Ischnosiphon arouma
Ischnosiphon gracilis
Ischnosiphon puberulus
Nepsera aquatica (Aubl.) Naudin
Carapa guianensis Aubl.
Khaya senegalensis (Desv.) A.Juss.
Turraea heterophylla Sm.
Abuta grandifolia(Mart.) Sandwith
Ficus glumosa (Delile)
Ficus schumacheri (Liebm.) Griseb.
Ficus sp.
Milicia excelsa (Welw.) C.C.Berg
Musa spp.
Pycnanthus angolensis (Welw.)
Warb.
Virola surinamensis (Rol. ex Rottb.)
Warb.
Campomanesia aromatica (Aubl.)
Griseb.
Campomanesia grandiflora (Aubl.)
Sagot
Eugenia partisii
Eugenia sp.
Myrciaria floribunda (H. West ex
Willd.) O. Berg
Psidium guajava L.
Syzygium guineense (Willd.) DC.
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
x
x
x
Creoles
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x*
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
25
Family
Nyctaginaceae
Ochnaceae
Oleaceae
Onagraceae
Orchidaceae
Papaveraceae
Passifloraceae
Pedaliaceae
Pedaliaceae
Phyllanthaceae
Phyllanthaceae
Piperaceae
Piperaceae
Piperaceae
Piperaceae
Piperaceae
Piperaceae
Piperaceae
Piperaceae
Plantaginaceae
Poaceae
Poaceae
Poaceae
Poaceae
Poaceae
Poaceae
Poaceae
Poaceae
Poaceae
Polygalaceae
Polygonaceae
Polyporaceae
Portulacaceae
Pteridaceae
Rapateaceae
Rhamnaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Species
Boerhavia diffusa L.
Lophira lanceolata Tiegh. ex Keay
Schrebera arborea A.Chev.
Ludwigia decurrens
Vanilla heterolopha Summerh.
Argemone mexicana L.
Barteria fistulosa Mast.
Ceratotheca sesamoides Endl.
Sesamum indicum L.
Bridelia ferruginea Benth.
Hieronyma alchorneoides var.
alchorneoides
Peperomia pellucida (L.) Kunth
Piper aduncum L.
Piper arboreum Aubl.
Piper avellanum (Miq.) C. DC.
Piper bartlingianum (Miq.) C. DC.
Piper guineense Schumach. &
Thonn.
Piper hispidum Sw.
Piper marginatum Jacq.
Scoparia dulcis L.
Bambusa vulgaris Schrad.
Cymbopogon citratus (DC.) Stapf
Eleusine indica (L.) Gaertn.
Imperata brasiliensis?
Olyra latifolia L.
Oryza sativa L.
Paspalum conjugatum P.J. Berg.
Saccharum officinarum L.
Zea mays L.
Carpolobia alba G.Don
Coccoloba sp.
Pycnoporus sanguineus
Portulaca oleracea L.
Acrostichum aureum L.
Saxofridericia acueata
Maesopsis eminii Engl.
Chassalia kolly (Schumach.)
Hepper
Duroia aquatica (Aubl.) Bremek.
Gardenia ternifolia Schumach. &
Thonn.
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
Creoles
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
26
Family
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rubiaceae
Rutaceae
Rutaceae
Rutaceae
Sapindaceae
Sapindaceae
Sapindaceae
Sapotaceae
Sapotaceae
Schizaeaceae
Siparunaceae
Smilacaceae
Solanaceae
Solanaceae
Solanaceae
Solanaceae
Solanaceae
Urticaceae
Urticaceae
Urticaceae
Urticaceae
Urticaceae
Verbenaceae
Verbenaceae
Verbenaceae
Verbenaceae
Species
Geophila repens (L.) I.M.Johnst.
Oldenlandia affinis (Roem. &
Schult.) DC.
Oldenlandia herbacea
Psychotria capitata Ruiz & Pav.
Psychotria sp.
Psydrax palma (K.Schum.) Bridson
Rubiaceae sp.
Sabicea calycina Benth.
Sarcocephalus latifolius (Sm.)
E.A.Bruce
Spermacoce verticillata L.
Uncaria guianensis (Aubl.)
J.F.Gmel.
Citrus aurantiifolia (Christm.)
Swingle
Citrus bergamia
Clausena anisata (Willd.) Hook.f.
ex Benth.
Allophylus africanus P.Beauv.
Paullinia pinnata L.
Vouarana guianensis Aubl.
Baillonella toxisperma Pierre
Vitellaria paradoxa C.F.Gaertn.
Lygodium volubile
Siparuna guianensis Aubl.
Smilax schomburgkiana
Capsicum annuum L.
Nicotiana tabacum L.
Physalis angulata L.
Schwenckia americana L.
Solanum americanum Mill.
Cecropia obtusa Trécul
Cecropia peltata L.
Cecropia sciadophylla Mart.
Laportea aestuans (L.) Chew
Myrianthus arboreus P.Beauv.
Lantana camara L.
Lippia alba (Mill.) N.E.Br. ex
Britton & P.Wilson
Lippia multiflora Moldenke
Stachytarpheta cayennensis (Rich.)
Vahl
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
Creoles
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
27
Family
Verbenaceae
Viscaceae
Vitaceae
Vitaceae
Vitaceae
Vitaceae
Zingiberaceae
Zingiberaceae
Zingiberaceae
Zingiberaceae
Zingiberaceae
Species
Stachytarpheta jamaicensis (L.)
Vahl
Viscaceae sp.
Cissus aralioides (Welw. ex Baker)
Planch.
Cissus dewevrei De Wild. &
T.Durand
Cissus quadrangularis L.
Cissus sp.
Aframomum melegueta K.Schum.
Aframomum spp.
Renealmia alpinia (Rottb.) Maas
Renealmia floribunda K.Schum.
Zingiber officinale Roscoe
indet.abak
indet.abone
indet.ahunyankua
indet.AMT.oabi
indet.AMT1157
indet.AMT1173
indet.AMT1288
indet.AMT6606
indet.AMT7105
indet.AMT7112
indet.AMT7173
indet.AMT7238
indet.AMT7272
indet.AMT8590
indet.AMT8604
indet.AMT8606
indet.boboneyesam
indet.DQ189
indet.DQ219
indet.DQ231
indet.DQ232
indet.DQ380
indet.enkalley
indet.kngawa
indet.lobupòlò
indet.menyak-abam
indet.minbubu noir
indet.montoelantoe
indet.moviovio
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
x
Creoles
Africa
Ghana Benin Gabon
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
28
Family
Species
Country
Suriname
Saramaccans Aucans
Africa
Creoles Ghana Benin Gabon
indet.mulandeboudie
x
indet.ndengua
x
indet.ndibnjiho
x
indet.oswon
x
indet.otzishelle
x
indet.ovindamey
x
indet.TVA5948
x
indet.zin-unkun
x
* This plant (Abuta grandifolia) was left out of the analysis, because it was not mentioned in one of
the interviews but mentioned under different circumstances.
29
Appendix 2: Interview conducted during fieldwork.
Questions regarding child’s health and plant use
Date:
Place:
Information on informant:
1. Age:
2. Ethnicity:
3. Place of birth:
4. Place of residence:
5. Language:
6. Religion:
7. Occupation:
8. Education:
9. Nr. of children:
The specific culture-bound concepts and plants used:
3.1 – Do you know the disease atita/zuurte/suri?
3.2 – Can you list the symptoms?
3.3 – How old are the children that get the disease?
3.4 – What causes this disease?
3.5 – Do you use plants to cure this disease?
3.6 – Which plants do you use to treat the disease?
(recipe, plant parts)
3.7 – What is it that makes this plant useful for treating atita?
(Is it the taste? Color? Growth habit?)
3.8 – What is the most important atita wiri? Why?
3.9 – Where can we find these plants? Can you show me?
3.10 – Are there any other rituals involved in the treatment?
(e.g. prayers, jewellery, bathing, obiaman)
3.11 – Do you think this treatment is safe for the child?
3.12 – If your child has atita, would you go to the doctor with it?
3.13 – Does the nurse/doctor in the hospital know what atita is?
4.1 – Do you know the disease ogri ai?
4.2 – Can you list the symptoms?
4.3 – How old are the children that get the disease?
4.4 – What causes this disease?
4.5 – Do you use plants to cure this disease?
4.6 – Which plants do you use to treat the disease?
(recipe, plant parts)
4.7 – What is it that makes this plant useful for treating ogri ai?
(Is it the taste? Color? Growth habit?)
4.8 – What is the most important ogri ai wiri? Why?
4.9 – Where can we find these plants? Can you show me?
4.10 – Are there any other rituals involved in the treatment?
(e.g. prayers, jewellery, colours, bathing, obiaman)
4.11 – What is the role of the colour blue in the treatment of ogri ai?
4.12 – Do you bathe the child with Reckitt Blue? And let him drink from it?
4.13 – Do you think the treatment is safe for the child?
4.14 – If your child has ogri ai, would you go to the doctor with it?
4.15 – Does the nurse/doctor in the hospital know what ogri ai is?
30
5.1 – Do you know conditions related to the baby’s fontanel?
5.2 – Can you list the symptoms?
5.3 – How old are the children that get the disease?
5.4 – What causes this disease?
5.5 – Do you use plants to cure this disease?
5.6 – Which plants do you use to treat the disease?
(recipe, plant parts)
5.7 – Do you rub the medicine on the fontanel?
5.8 – What is it that makes this plant useful for treating fontanelles?
(Is it the taste? Color? Growth habit?)
5.9 – What is the most important fontanel wiri? Why?
5.10 – Where can we find these plants? Can you show me?
5.11 – Are there any other rituals involved in the treatment?
(e.g. prayers, jewellery, smear paste on the head, bathing, obiaman)
5.12 – Does it scare people that they can see the fontanel move sometimes?
5.13 – Do you think the treatment is safe for the child?
5.14 – Do you think abnormalities of the fontanel could be a sign of something serious and should
be treated by a doctor?
5.15 – If your child has fontanelles, would you go to the doctor with it?
5.16 – Does the nurse/doctor in the hospital know what fontanelles is?
6.1 – Do you think it’s important for a child to walk early?
6.2 – Can you list the symptoms?
6.3 – At what age children have to learn to walk?
6.4 – Why do the children have to walk as early as possible?
6.5 – Do you use plants to help children to walk early?
6.6 – Which plants do you use to make children walk early?
(recipe, plant parts)
6.7 – What is it that makes this plant useful for this?
(Is it the taste? Color? Growth habit?)
6.8 – What is the most important walk early wiri? Why?
6.9 – Where can we find these plants? Can you show me?
6.10 – Are there any other rituals involved in the treatment?
(e.g. citing mantra’s, jewellery, obiaman, hitting, dancing, bathing)
6.11 – Do you think the treatment is safe for the child?
6.12 – Would you go to the doctor if your child doesn’t start to walk soon?
6.13 – Will the nurse/doctor in the hospital understand the problem?
Herbal medicine and childcare:
7.1 – Is bathing important for treating children’s diseases?
7.2 – Is bathing important for the overall health of babies and children?
7.3 – Why is bathing so important?
7.4 – Do you think it is safe for the child to bathe often?
7.5 – Can too much bathing, or bathing with the wrong ingredients, harm the child?
31
8.1 – Do you know this plant (Cleome gynandra)? show picture
8.2 – Which uses does this plant have?
Cleome gynandra
9.1 – Do you know this plant (Oldenlandia herbacea)? show picture
9.2 – Which uses does this plant have?
Oldenlandia herbacea
32
10.1 – Do you know this plant (Indigofera suffruticosa)? show picture
10.2 – Which uses does this plant have?
Indigofera suffruticosa
11.1 Have I forgotten an important children’s disease in Surinamese culture?
33