Archeological Investigation of the L`Hermitage

Archeological Investigation of the L'Hermitage Slave Village
Katherine D. Birmingham
Joy Beasley, Editor and Principal Investigator
Archeological Investigation of the
L' Hermitage Slave Village
Monocacy National Battlefield
Frederick, Maryland
By:
Katherine D. Birmingham
with contributions by:
Joy Beasley
Megan Bailey
Tom Gwaltnev
Michael Hait
'
Joy Beasley, Editor and Principal Investigator
Occasional Report No. 20
Regional Archeology Program
National Caoital Reqion. National Park 5ervice
U. 5. Department ofthe Interior
Washington, D. C.
Stephen R. Potter, Ph.D.,Series Editor
2014
Chapter
11
A Summary of Genealogical Research into Descendents of the
L'Hermitage Slave Village Community
Michael Hait
The men and women enslaved by the Vincendidre
famtly on llHermitage (the later Best Farm) led
disparate lives. Some died in slavery, as would be
expected, while others survived the institution to
live the latter parts oftheir lives in freedom.
The story of the I'Hermitage slave community is
cornplex. The archeological investigation provides physical evidence ofindividual's lives at
L'Hermitage-where they lived, what they ate, what
they owned or used, even what they believed. But
their story did not end when Victoire Vincendidre
sold the plantation. It did not end when the slaves
themselves were sold or emancipated. The storv
continued through the remaind-er of t heir liver,
and the lives of their children and their children's
children. lThether sold to another state or freed
within Maryland, these slaves individually provide insight into the nature of antebellum chattel
slavery. Genealogical research reveals that some of
these slaves and their descendants went on to own
land, attend universities around the countrv. and
lead highly successful lives.
Dr. James M'Cune, in his introduction to Frederick Douglass's autobiography My Bondage and My
Freedom, wrote,
formation is complicated by the nature of antebellum chattel slavery. Enslaved men and women did
not create their own records; they appear almost
exclusively in the records oftheir owners. In order
to successfully reconstruct the lives ofthese enslaved people, therefore, one must first identify the
slave owner.
The second complication concerns how slaves are
most often identified in these records. V?ith rare
exceptions, enslaved people are identified without surnames. Thorough research must therefore
begin with a determination ofthe identity of each
slave to which each record refers. In other words,
the researcher must ask himself. "is this 'Iohn' the
John' I am looking for?"
This same issue hinders research into the lives of
former slaves after manumission or emanciDation
as well. Iflho did'John' become as a free man? The
adoption of surnames did not follow any discernible pattern; evidence must be located to prove
that the slave John' became John Murdock' in
freedom. Contrary to what seems like common
knowledge, not all slaves-in fact very few slaves
in Maryland-adopted the surname of their slave
owner. None of the slaves that the Vincendidre
family owned adopted the Vincendidre surname.
When a man raises himself from the lowest
condition in society ro the highest, mankind pay
him the tribute oftheir admiration; when he accomplishes this elevation by native energy, guided by prudence and wisdom, their admiration
Overcoming these obstacles in order to reconstruct
the lives ofthe former Vincendidre slaves reoulres
is increased;
slavery into freedom.
Genealogi€al Scholarship
Modern genealogical scholarship shares much
with historical biography. According to the Genealogical Proof Standard recomrnended by the Board
for the Certification of Genealogists, all genealogical research must meet five conditions: (1) that we
conduct a reasonably exhaustive search for all records that might contain pertinent information; (2)
that we completely and accurately cite the sources
of each item of information located; (3) that we
analyze and correlate the collected information to
assess its quality as evidence; (4) that we reconcile
Complications Researching the Lives of Slaves
Historical records often contain rich detail about
the lives of slaves. Unfortunatelv. access to this in-
any conflicting evidence presented by contradictory information; and (5) that we reach a soundlyreasoned, coherently-written conclusion based on
all evidence.
but when his course, onward and
upward, excellent in itself, furthermore proves a
possible, what had hitherto been regarded as an
impossible, reform, then he becomes a burning
and shining light, on which the aged may look
with gladness, the young with hope, and the
down-trodden, as a representative ofwhat they
may themselves become (Douglass 1855:2).
By exploring the lives and family histories of former slaves, one can clearly witness this ascent from
thorough research and skillful analysis ofreiords.
Archeological lnvestigation of the L'Hermitage Slave Village
By collecting all pertinent information, as required
by the first condition noted above, we are able to
learn far more about the subjects of our research
than would be possible by only reviewing a small
portion ofthe available records. Ve also discover
that individual records often contain errors-errors only identifiable through the collection and
correlation ofnumerous records. In order to reconcile the effors that appear in some records we must
idqntify and evaluate the source of the information
in prder to determine its reliability. Discovering
and reconciling these errors allows us to reach
mQre accurate conclusions.
Leaving l'Hermitage
Records surrounding the Vincendidre farnily prior
to 1820 almost exclusively relate to the family's
establishment of their lives in Maryland. In 1819,
however, Madame Magnan de la Vincendidre died,
and the records begin to tell a different story. The
1820 U. S. federal census for Frederick County
reports total slaveholdings of fifty-two slaves. By
1.822_Victoire began to significantly decrease this
numoer.
The first recorded sale of a slave by Victoire Vincendidre occurred on 19 June 1822: a female slave
named "Indianna" to one Edward Smith ofTennessee (Frederick County Land Records IFLCR] JS
16:16*17). Unfortunately, due to the common name
of the purchaser and the vagueness of his location,
no further information has yet been located about
Indianna.
The next recorded sale followed the first bv iust a
few months. On 14 November 1822 Victoire Vince4didre advertised a public auction to be held on
Monday, 25 November, selling plantation property, including livestock, farming utensils, wagons,
carts, and "a number oflikely SI,4VES, FOR LIFE"
(Baltimore Patriot Nov 14 1822:3). Less than a week
later, and before the scheduled auction, Victoire
sold three young men-Emmos, John, and Ramond/Raymond-to Richard T. Ifoolfolk of Baltimore (FCLRJS 15:771).
This purchase by Richard T. Woolfolk actually
served as one ofthe earliest in !(oolfolk's career as
a slave trader. The nephew and agent ofnotorious
Baltimore slave trader Austin IToolfolk, Richard
T. I(oolfolk immediately sent all three young men
to New Orleans to be sold at market in the Deep
South (Clayton 2007:61).
Victoire sold another single slave named Daniel to
"Frederick L. E. Dugas" ofAugusta, Georgia, on 8
March 1824 (FCLRJS 33:568). Louis Frederick Edward Dugas was Victoire's nephew, the son of her
older sister Pauline.
98
On 13 June 1825 Victoire sold what likely amounted to the remainder ofthe plantation's field laborers-seventeen slaves-to Nicholas Wilson of Iberviile Parish, Louisiana (FCLRJS 22:518). Among
these seventeen slaves were two that came with the
associates ofthe Vincendidre family from SaintDomingue to Maryland. The male slave "Manuel"
was declared by Pierre Laberon on 7 August 1794
in Frederick County, Maryland (FCLR !flR 11:754).
The female slave "Fillele" was declared by Jean
Payen Boisneuf on 28 December 1793 in Frederick
County (FCLR WR 11:755). The rest of these seventeen slaves were younger, including several that
were likely the children of either Manuel or "Fil-
lele."
The 1825 personal property assessment record
for Frederick County reflects these various sales,
as the nurnber of slaves then owned by Victoire
had fallen to thirty. The diference of twenty-two
slaves between the 1820 and 1825 records is the
exact number ofslaves sold during this period: one
each to Edward Smith and Frederick Dugas, three
to Richard T. S0oolfolk, and seventeen to Nicholas Wilson. No further sales of slaves by Victoire
Vincendidre appear in the Frederick County deed
books after 1825.
On 9 June 1827 Victoire sold LHermitage to John
Brien of Frederick County (FCLRJS 25:551-554),
but she still owned a twenty-eight and one-quarter
acre parcel ofland,part of The Resuruey onTuscarora, that she had purchased from her brotherinJaw Bradley S. A. Lowe in 1821 (FCLRJS 12:
432-434). She likely lived on this land with the
remaining slaves for at least a few months, until
8 March 1828, when she purchased a house and
lot fronting on Second Street in Frederick-town
(FCLRJS 29r 49-51). She sold the Tuscarora property to John T. Neighbours on 2 April 1834 (FCLR
JS 46:18-19). Victoire then lived at the Second
Street home until her death in 1854 (MSA. Frederick County Inventories IFCI] GH 1:343-346).
On 9 April 1830 Victoire manumitted an enslaved
thirty-year old woman named Matilda Murdock
and her two-month old son Robert (FCLRJS 33:
568). The 1830 U. S. federal census, enumerated
as of 1 June, shows that Matilda and Robert were
both still living with Victoire two months later, together with iust six slaves. As she probably lived in
town by this time, she had no need for any further
field laborers; it seems almost certain that these
six slaves, as well as the newly-freed Matilda and
infant Robert, were house servants or skilled laborers.
Victoire freed another woman named Justine
Brown "for divers qood causes and considerations
chapter 1'l: A Summary of Genealogical Research into Descendents
of the L,Hermitage Slave village communrry
me thereunto moving more especiously for her un_
commonly good conduct" on 25 July 1834 (FCLR
JS 42113). The 1840 U. S. federal census shows onlv
four slaves owned: two males and two females.
This number was likely inaccurate as other records
identify at least five peopte still in Victoire,s service
at this time.
A woman named Caroline, aged thirty-nine years,
and her daughter Cornelia, aged five years, were
manumitted by Victoire on 19 June 1844 (FCLR
HS 2!:523-524). These two were the last slaves
that Victoire freed before her death in 1854. The
1852 personal property assessment for Frederick
County identified just three enslaved men still in
Victoire's service: John, Augustus, and Cornelius
(MSA, Frederick County Assessment Record 1852).
In her will dated 7 June 1849 Victoire bequeathed
these three remaining slaves as legacies: Augustus,
son of "Carolina," to her nephew Enoch Louis
Lowe; and John and Cornelius to her sister Adelaide V. Lowe. Shortly before her death, on 9 July
1853, Victoire amended her will with a codicil, in
which she manumitted these three men. Tohn. son
of Matildal and Augustus and Cornelius,-sons of
Carolina. Both of the mothers, Matilda and Caroline, had been previously manumitted by Victoire,
as noted above (MSA, Frederick County Original
Itlills IFCOIr], Victoire Vincendidre. Marvland
State Archives).
All ofthese slaves-those sold and those freedsurvived after leav ing L Hermit age. Identifying
them and, where possible, their descendants,
provides valuable information in the study ofthe
legacy of the Vincendidre plantation.
the 27 ult. [i.e. 27 Jrily] with 60 slaves which were
purchased on the toint account of myself & Gov.
Johnson" (EdwardJ. Gay and Family papers, Mss.
1295, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge). His
estate nventory contained '.One bundle ofpapers
containing nineteen pieces entitled bills of sales
of Sixty Slaves purchased in 1825 numbered from
1st to last" (Iberville Parish Probate Court [Ippc],
Probate file 257, Nicholas Wilson). This bundle indicates that $Tilson completed nineteen purchases;
only three of these were recorded in Frederick
County.
It seems most likely that Nicholas Wilson traveled
south to Louisiana by land, purchasing additional
slaves along the way. No slaves owned by Nicholas Wilson-and specifically none of the slaves
purchased in Frederick County-appear on the
inward manifests as entering through the port of
New Orleans. On the other hand, S(ilson,s property, called Evergreen Plantation, lay on the Mississippi River, so they may have traveled in part by
water.
On 22 September 1825 l7ilson sold two slaves'Jerry a negro man aged twenty five years, and
Magdelaine a negro girl aged foutteen years,'-to
Pierre Broussard of St. Martin Parish, as payment
for debts (Iberville Parish Conveyance Records
[IPCR] K: 380,381, no. 512). Magdelaine was one
of the young slave s born on L'Hermitage and taken
to Wilson's Evergreen Plantation.
Nicholas Wilson probably died in October 1825,
as his estate was inventoried and appraised from
1 November to 4 November 1825. This inventory
listed, among his personal property, all slaves
owned at the time ofhis death. Among the slaves
were most ofthose purchased in Frederick County: 'A family ofSlaves Composed ofl7illiam aged
The Slaves Sold to Nicholas Wilson
On 13 June 1825 Victoire Vincendidre sold seventeen slaves to Nicholas I(ilson of Iberville parish,
Louisiana: Louisa, Kitty, Sucky Ben, Fillille, Marg
Jane, Nicholas, John, Magdalene, Polly, Manuel,
Molly, Marceline, Anthony, Priscilla, and Felix
(FCLRJS 22:518). That same day, Wilson also purchased two additional slaves from other farms in
Frederick County. From Henry M. Jamison, STilson purchased "a Mulatto boy a slave for life about
15 years of age named Lee" (FCLRJS 22:518-519).
Frorn lfilliam Marbury, the executor ofthe estate
of John T. Shaaff"late of the District of Columbia
fdeceased]," V/ilson purchased a man named William aged fifty-five years, "late the property ofJohn
T. Shaaff Dec[ease]d" (FCLRJS 22:519).
After l(ilson's death the administration of Evergreen Plantation, and all of its slaves, fell to his
Though no records ofpurchases in other states
have yet been located, Nicholas \i/ilson wrote to
his "dear friend" Colonel Andrew Hynes ofTennessee, on 9 August 1825, "I arrive[d] at home on
widow Eliza Erwin S(ilson. Eliza formed a oartnership with Matthew Bacon Sellers on 7 June
1829, selling him a one-half interest in the plantation, livestock, farming tools, and fifty-nine ofthe
slaves. Molly, Anthony, Marcellina and Priscy were
50 years his wife Fillette aged 35 yeats, her children Jane 9 years, Mary six years, Nicholas 3 years
& John one year"; "Manuel aged fifty years, Molly
42, Prissey 8, Marcellina 1 year"; 'Anthony 16
years"; "Ben 7 years an orphan"; "Louisa 14 years,,;
and "Kitty 12 years" (IPPC Probate file 257). Sucky,
Polly, and Felix also purchased from Victoire
Vincendidre-do not appear on this inventory
just over four months later. It is possible that thev
died. escaped. or were sold during the voyage from
Maryland to Louisiana.
Archeological Investigation of the L,Hermitage Slave Village
amo-ng those included in this partnership (IpCR
L: 630-632, no. 674). The nature of the parinership
was such that Sellers would control the olantation
on behalf of EIiza Wilson, though she maintained
ownership and received a halfinterest in the profits
(IPCR L: 612-633. no. 675). The parrnership dissolved less than two years later, on 6 April 1831
(lfCR M: 432-433, no. 442).
Erwin Wilson herself died on 3 January 1834.
, a5 sometimes happens. the origisuccession file for Mrs- \flilson has been lost.
the Iberville Parish Conveyance Record
do contarn numerous transactions associ-
with the administration of her estate. Most
to this discussion, on l0January 1843, a
meeting was held, in the course of which the
then living on Evergreen Plantation were diinto six lots, for distribution among Nicholas
Eliza's children. Several of the slaves born in
ck County appear in this division, including
Manuel," John 'Joyce," Molly, "Big Anthony,"
"Prisey & her child," Mary "& her childlen," and Marcelline (IPCR V 199-202,no. 134).
Fqr the first time s ince leaving LlHermitage, these
sl4ves were separated, divided among Nicholas and
Ellza's children. Some of them were later sold to
still other owners as well. Uncoverins the stories of
thp lives ofthese seventeen slaves who went from
Maryland to Louisiana is a dificult task.
"Qld Manuel and Molly"
Pierre Laberon, an associate ofthe Vincendidre
family and fellow French emigr€, declared but a
si4gle slave in Frederick County on 7 August 1794:
a man named Manuel, aged about twenty-five years
(FQLR \(rR 11:754). Manuel was likely born in e!
ther France or Saint-Domingue, as Laberon mentions his property on the island in his will. Laberon
wtrote his last will and testament in French on 23
December 1794, "in the South Chamber ofthe East
Pavillion on the I and of LHermitase." The sixth
article ofthis will read. -l give and bequeath to
the Citizen L"Citoyenne"T Victoire Pauline Marie
Gabriel Bellumeau de la Vincendidre the Nesro
Manuel my Slave" (FCO!(, Pierre Laberon,Ii4SA).
Manuel does not appear in any further records in
Frederick Maryland until the sale by Victoire Vincendidre to Nicholas Vilson.
In the bill ofsale to Nicholas lflilson, Manuel, aged
fifty years, appears together with a female slave
named Molly, aged forty-five years. Molly does not
appear in other records of the Vincendidre familv.
and it has not yel been delermined when she came
into their service. However, it seems quite likelv
that Manuel and Molly lived as a man and wife,
though not allowed to enter into a legal marriage
under Maryland Iaw. Several ofthe slaves also sold
100
to Nicholas lrilson are of age to have been the children of Manuel and Molly, though no relationships
are explicitly idenrified, including Anrhony. prjscilla, and Marcelline (FCLRJS 22:518).
At the 1843 division of Eliza Erwin lfilson's
slaves, Manuel and Molly both fell into Lot no. 1,
descending to Catherine (!(ilson) Chestnut Verv
(IPCR V: 199 202.no.134). Tn December 1850
Catherine filed a petition in the Sixth Judicial
Court for East Baton Rouge Parish to be allowed
separate administration of her property, due to
mismanagement by her husband Dr. Lorin Very.
In the petition she identified "Old Manual,,, aged
sixty years, and Molly, aged fifty years, among the
property that she owned in her own right, as inherited from her parents (Schweninger reel 5, Record
20882612).
The lack of detail on the lives of Manuel and Mollv
is un fortunately typical for slaves. As mentioned
above, enslaved people created very few records
on their own. They could not legaLly marry, own
property, or testify in court under normal circumstances. These actions typically create records. On
the other hand, they do appear in the records of
their owners, but only when it became necessary
to record property, especially through records of
property transfer, such as sales, rnortgages, and estate records. Gleaning the information from these
records to reconstruct what little can be known
about their individual lives is a necessary skill.
'When
the slaves belonging to the succession of
EIiza Erwin Wilson's estate were divided, Manuel
and Molly both fell to Lot no. 1. The other slaves
who may have been their children were not part
of this lot, so they went to other homes. Anthony,
called "Big Anthony," age thirty years, went to Lot
no. 2, going to the Wilsons' youngest daughter,
Caroline Eliza V(ilson. Priscilla, called "Prisey,"
aged twenty-three years, and her unnamed child,
went to Lot no. 4, descending to a son, Alexander
'Wilson.
Marcelline, aged nineteen years, fell to Lot
no. 6, going to another son, John Nicholas Wilson
(IPCR V:199-202, no. 134).
On 3 February
1845
John N. I(ilson sold several
slaves to A. T. Leftwich, including "Big Anthony
[sic] agd. 24 yrs, Marcellane agd 22 years and her
infant child" (IPCR If, no. 213). This "Big Anrhony" was called "Little Anthony" in the division. On
18 April ofthat year, John N. Ifilson, Augustin T.
Leftwich, andJesse Leftwich entered into a partnership by the name of "Leftwich and Wilson," to
establish a sugar plantation. S(ilson brought into
the partnership a plantation in Terrebonne Parish,
Louisiana, while Augustin Leftwich brought the
slaves that ITilson had earlier sold him, including
Chapter
1
l: A Summary of
Genealogical Research into Descendents of the L'Hermitage 5lave Village Community
Anthony, Marcelline, and her still unidentified
child (IPCR
u7, no. 306).
Anthony and Marcelline appear in the 1870 U. S.
federal census, the first after the Civil \Var and
the abolition of slavery. Somehow between 1845
and 1870 they had found their way to plaquemines
Parish, where they appear as Tony and Marcelline Wilson. Also living with them at this time are
several children, including probable sons Clement,
Adam, Sampson, and Louis V/ilson, and daughter Sylvie Strilson. On 16 April 1885 Tony urilson,
with Caesar Howard and Clem Pierson. ourchased
a farm on the banks ot the Mississippi River in
Plaquemines Parish (Plaquemines Parish Conveyance Record [PPCR] 26: 45-42 no. 5728). By 1900
Tony and Marcelline ITilson no longer appear in
the federal census; they have likely died by this
time. Their youngest son Louis \qilson, born about
July 1865-the first of their children born free
lived on property owned in the village of Sainte
Sophie, Plaquemines Parish in 1900, possibly the
same property that Tony had purchased fifteen
years earlier ( lq00 U. S. Census).
"Fillette"
Among the three slaves thatJean Payen Boisneuf
registered in Frederick County was a "Negroe
Girl Fillele," about eight years old (FCLR \fR
11:755). Like Pierre Laberon, Payen Boisneuf also
bequeathed all his real and personal property,
including his slaves, to "the Ladies Vincendidre
born of the lawful marriage of the late Mr. Etienne
Vincendidre of my parent, and Miss Magnan his
wife, currently living with their mother on the
land of Miss Victoire Vincendiire, the eldest of
them, located in Frederick County" (FCOri?, Payen
Boisneuf, MSA). About thirty years later, "Fillille"
was one of the slaves Victoire Vincendidre sold to
Nicholas Wilson in 1825. Sold with her at this rime
were four of her likely children: Jane, Mary, Nicholas, andJohn (FCLRJS 22:518). On the same day
Wilson also purchased a man named l(illiam from
the estate ofJohn T. Shaaff (FCLR JS 22:519).
Iyhen Nicholas !flilson died iust a few months
after arriving at home with the slaves from Maryland, the inventory of his estate lists,'A family of
slaves compose oflfilliam aged 50 years his wife
iillette 35 years, her childrenJane 9 years, Mary
6 years, Nicholas three years, and John one year
valued at seventeen hundred and fifty dollars"
(IPCR K: 397-401, no. 534). Villiam was the only
slave purchased from the Shaaf estate in Frederick
County, and here Fillette was described as his wife.
Under the laws of most states, including Maryland,
enslaved people could not enter into legal contracts. This included marriage. On the other hand
the Catholic Church allowed slaves to Dartake in
the sacraments, including marriage. Even when
not solemnized in the church, slaves would often
enter unofficial marriages, living together or apart
as "man and wife." Historian Emilv \trest wrote of
cross-plantation marriages,
Historians have found it difiicult to assess the
extent and nature of slave cross-plantation
marriages (that is, where husband and wife
lived on diferent slaveholdings). This is largely
because white sources give no basis for estimating their scale or character. Estate papers and
business records often list slaves belonging to
a particular owner, but such lists give no indication ofspouses and other relatives ofthose
slaves who might belong to neighbours. Similarly, except for scattered comments on visiting
privileges given to certain slaves, or references
to the possible advantages and inconveniences
ofallowing
slaves to marry offthe plantation,
owners took little interest in the visour ofsuch
unions (West 1999).
This passage describes the difficulty of studying
slave marriages, and it applies here. There simply is
no record that William and Fillette were married in
Maryland.
On the other hand, why did Nicholas Wilson feel
compelled to purchase the fifty-year old l(illiam
from the Shaaff estate? One possible reason could
be because he was purchasing William's wife and
children from Victoire Vincendidre. Considering the rest ofthose slaves purchased in Frederick
County, it seems more likely that this was the case.
The only adults (over the age of sixteen) that were
purchased were Manuel, Molly, and Fillette and
!flilliam. Manuel and Molly are never described
as married, but they consistently appear together
in lists of slaves through the 1843 division ofEliza
Erwin l(ilson's estate. Unfortunately, because of
the lack of records, we cannot determine ifthis was
an initiative taken by lfilson to keep these families together, or a demand to do so by the devoutly
Catholic Victoire Vincendidre. In fact, we cannot
state with certainty that William and Fillette even
knew each other in Maryland, much less that they
were married there. It is possible that their "marriage" was facilitated by Nicholas u0ilson for his
own gain or that he was simply mistaken about
their relationship.
Records in Iberville Parish do not directly report
any other information on Fillette's life, but we can
infer information about her death. Throughout
her tenure as head of Evergreen Plantation, Eliza
Erwin Wilson mortgaged the slaves on several occasions and entered several partnerships. Each of
Archeological Investigation of the L'Hermitage Slave Village
these recorded instruments identified slaves by
name and age. Fillette appears in each of these in_
struments through 1829. By the next instrument,
recorded in 1831, Fillette is no lonser listed. This
suggests that Filiette probably dieJ between 1829
and 1831.
The Murdock Family
Victoire Vincendidre did not sell any slaves after 1825. On 9 April 1830 Victoire manumitted a
female slave named Matilda Murdock, and her
two-month old son Robert (FCLRJS 33:568). She
appears in the 1830 census, enumerated less than
two months later on 1 June, still living in Victoire's
household (1830 U. S. Census).
Quite unusual for slaves during this time period,
Matilda Murdock appears to have lived in a monogamous relationship with another slave named
Robert Murdock. Robert and Matilda are identified as the parents for two children baptized at
St. John the Evangelist Roman Catholic Church
prior to Matilda's manumission-John and the
above-named Robert. As described above. crossplantation marriages were quite commonJ especially among smaller slaveholdings. Robert has not
yet been located in any other records; he Iikely was
owned by one of Victoire's neighbors.
Matilda appears to have shared Victoire's religious
devotion. Twenty years after her manumission,
Matilda was living as a "servant" at St. John's Literary Institution in Frederick. St. John's Literary Institution was a Jesuit-run boys' academy, still in operation today as the now-coeducational St. John's
Catholic Prep in Frederick. Matilda was buried at
St. John's Cemetery on 22 January 1867 (MSA, St.
John the Evangelist Death Register 1822:35).
John Murdock, Robert and Matilda's eldest known
son, was one of the three slaves manumitted by
Victoire Vincendiire in her will (FCO!{1, Vincendiere). Like his mother, John married while
still enslaved, contrary to Maryland law Unlike
his mother, there is a record ofthis marriase in the
records ofSt.John the Evangelisr Roman Catholic
Church. The marriage register records the marriage ofJohn and [Mary] Catharine, both slaves,
on 16 June 1849 (MSA, St. John the Evangelist
Marriage Register 1822: 44). The death certificate
ofJohn and Mary Catharine's daughter AIice
(Murdock) Swann reports that Mary Catharine's
maiden surname wasJones, but this has not been
confirmed in contemporary records (MSA, Maryland Board of Health death certiflcate, Alice Swan,
1904). Mary Catharine did not belong to Victoire
Vincendidre; this was another cross-plantation
marriage.
Howevet Mary Catharine was manumitted be-
fore John was. As rale as records ofthe marriase
ofslaves may be, this couple creared an even m"ore
unusual record. On 22lanuary 1855 George and
Maria Williams, free people of color in the town of
Frederick, sold a town lot on Mantz Street to Mary
Catharine Murdock. "(a free negress. wife ofJohn
Murdock a negro slave)" (FCLR ES 5:414-415).
John and Mary Catharine Murdock became property owners while John was still enslaved.
John was freed on 27 December 1856 by Victoire
Vincendidre's sister Adelaide V. Lowe (FCLR ES
10:66). Three years later, on 30 December 1859,
John and Mary Catharine mortgaged the property for a loan of $350 from the Frederick Town
Savings Institution (FCLR BGF. 5:86-87). This
money was likely used two months after ihe date
ofthe mortgage. On 25 February 1860 Catharine
Murdock purchased, at the cost of $450, "hef the
said Catharine Murdock's three children Matilda,
Alice and Emma, my negro slaves to serve the said
Catherine Murdock until they shall have severally
reached the age oftwenty five years" from Mary
A. Schleigh (FCLR BGF. 5:252-253). Matilda, Alice, and Emma were not legally manumitted, but
were instead purchased by their mother from their
owner-probably their mother's former owner. The
three young girls did not remain enslaved until the
age of twenty-five, as the State of Maryland enacted
a new Constitution abolishing slavery effective 1
November 1864. The mortgage was released on 1
November 1865 (FCLR BGF. 5:86-87).
John and Mary Catharine mortgaged the Mantz
Street house several more times over the next few
years, each time paying their debt so that the mortgages were released (FCLRJI{ILC 4:395; FCLR CM
2:6391164I). On 31 October 1872 John and Mary
Catharine Murdock purchased over sixty acres
of land called Araby from John V. Hane (FCLR
CM 9:225-226). Two years latet, on 13 November
1874, they sold the property back to Hane (FCLR
TG 2:273). On 27 November 1882 John Murdock
purchased another lot in town on the south side of
All Saints Street, fromJarnes and Mary E. Hooper
(FCLR AF 5:577).
John died on 16 March 1899. His obituary spoke
of his good character, calling him "one ofthe best
known colored residents" and "an honest. industrious man," and further noting that "Ib]y his good
character he was generally respected" (The News,
17 March 1899:3). John was buried in the St. John
the Evangelist Cemetery-the same cemetery where
Payen Boisneuf, Mme. Magnan de la Vincendidre,
and Victoire Vincendidre were laid to rest (MSA, St.
John the Evangelist Death Register 1889: 59).
Chapter
1
'l: A Summary
of Genealogical Research into Descendents of the L'Hermitage Slave Village
Community
On 28 October 1892 Mary Catharine Murdock
purchased at a tax sale another town lot on the
north side of West All Saints Srreet (FCLRJLJ
3:296). On 7 luly 1903 she sold this house to Georse
D. and Mary Catharine Moore (FCLR DHH
17:427-428).
Mary Catharine was extremely old when she died
in 1926. Her obituary notes the name by which she
was often known in town-"Aunt Kitty"-and reports that she was 106 years of age. It further states
that "[s]he was a devoted member of St. John's
Catholic church" (Frederick Post,lanuary 28 7926).
It is no surprise, then, that she is buried in the St.
John's Cemetery with her husband.
John and Mary Catharine Murdock had a total of
nine children, but only three appear to have had
children of their own: daughters Mary Matilda
(Murdock) Stanback, Emma (Murdock) Mathews,
and Clara Ann (Murdock) Snowden. Three of their
children died in 1904: Alice (Murdock) Swann on
8 January, Charles Robert Murdock on 31 October,
and Joseph E. Murdock on 2 Febru ary (The [Fred-
erickl Netus 1904:3; Holdcraft 2002:830).
Daughter Mary Matilda and her husband James
T. Stanback moved to Allegheny City in Altegheny
County, Pennsylvania, where they raised four children (1900 U. S. Census). Daughter Clara Ann and
her husband ITilliam M. Snowden moved to nearbv
Pitlsburgh, also in Allegheny County, and raised
four children oftheir own (1900 U. S. Census).
Daughter Emma and her husband John Matthews
had four children. The couple died tragically
while their children were still young, and their
two daughters Addie and Mary Lillie were raised
by their grandmother. Both daughters also died
young, just five weeks apart in 1910, when Mary
Lillie was only twenty years old (The [Frederick]
News,2 June 7910: 4).
The Ridgely Family
"Caroline" and her five-year-old daughter Cornelia
were manumitted by Victoire Vincendidre on 19
June 1844, the last of her slaves freed before her
death (FCLR HS 2l:523-524).
Soon after being freed, Caroline moved to Baltimore. Caroline Ridgely, mulatto, appears as a
servant in the household of Villiam Cooke in 1850
(1850 U. S. Census). By 1853 she was living at "6 al
rear 143 n Eutaw" in Baltimore: house number 6
in the alley at the rear of 143 North Eutaw Street
(MSL, Matchett's Baltimore Directory for 1853-4:
355). ln 1856 Caroline appears at I Euiaw Court,
working as a washwoman (MSA, Woods' Baltimore
Directory for 1856-52317). She lived in this house
for the rest ofher life.
Both Augustus and Cornelius were baptized, as
"illegitimate" children of Caroline, ar Sr.
John the
Evangelist Roman Catholic Church in Frederick
(MSA, St. John the Evangelist Baptismal Register 1822: 18,80). These sons were bequeathed to
Vicloire Vincendiere's sister and nep-hew. wirh instructions to manumit them after her death. Both
sons were freed by 1857.
By 1860 all three of her children had been freed
and were living with her at 1 Eutaw Court (1860 U.
S. Census). Caroline died a washwoman on 4 July
1869 in Baltimore (Baltimore Sun ltly 5, t869,2).
However, beginning with her children, the Iives of
Caroline's descendants demonstrate the heishts to
which the descendanrs of slaves ca n ascend even
during the period of Reconstruction and later seg-
regatlon.
Augustus Ridgely also lived in Baltimore for the
remainder of his life. No record ofhis death has
been located, but he most likely died about 1879His children, Augustus and Gertrude, were living
with his sister Cornelia and her second husband
ri illiam H. Waters by 1880 (1880 U. S. Census).
On 5 December 1857 Cornelius Ridgely enlisted in
the U. S. Navy for a term ofthree years, at Norfolk,
Virginia (U. S. Navy, I(eekly returns of enlistments
at Naval Rendezvous, 6: 287). According to a letter
contained in his widow's pension application file,
Cornelius reenlisted at Norfolk on 22 June 1861,
serving on the U. S. S. Minnesota. He was injured
during his service in the Civil War, and medically discharged on 22 November 1863. The ITar
Ieft him unable to perform physical labor, so he
became a barber, working at the U. S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland (Mrs. Delia Ridgley,
widow's pension certificate no. 6553; service of
Cornelius Joseph Ridgley; Case Files ofApproved
Pension Applications of Widows and Other Dependents of Civil War and Later Navy Veterans,
1861-1910; NARA). Cornelius married Delia Magnus at Norfolk, Virginia, on 25 October 1866 (Norfolk City Marriage Register 1853: 80). They moved
to Annapolis by 1870 (1870 U. S. Census).
Cornelius and Delia lived for years in a house on
Hanover Street in Annapolis owned by the Female Orphan Asylum ofthe City ofAnnapolis. On
20 May 1875 they purchased the house from the
Trustees of the Asylurn (AACLR SH 9:292-293). On
12 April 1877 Cornelius purchased another lot on
Pleasant Street, near the corner of Clay and Pleasant streets (MSA, AACLR SH 12:232-233). On 24
Archeological Investigation of the L'Hermitage Slave Village
August 1877 they purchased another nearby lot on
Clay Street, near the corner ofClay and Pleasant
streets, in Delia's name (MSA, AACLRSH 72:222).
Cornelius died intestate in Annapolis on 13 May
1879 (Cri7 widow's pension certificate 6553). Delia's
mother Sarah Magnus, aged sixty-seven years,
moved in with Delia and their young children, all
ofwhom were under twelve years of age (1880 U.
S. Census). By 1900 two of Cornelius and Delia's
daughters had married, and their husbands were
also living in the family property (1900 U. S. Cen-
District of Columbia in the mid-1930s, supervising
the restoration ofthe Frederick Douglass Home
ground in Anacostia. He served in the U. S. Army
during l(orld War II, and received a Bronze Star for
his service in Italy. After the War, he was employed
as a teacher. In the 1950s he became the assistant
principal for Cardozo High School in'Washington.
He served in this position for six years, then became the principal ofthe school. He served in this
capacity until his reiirement in 1979. Randall died
on 4 January 1989 in Washington, D. C. (lYashington Post,19 Jan 1989:D6).
sus).
In 1902 Delia purchased two other house lots in
Annapolis, one on Conduit Street and one on Calvert Street (MSA, AACLR GI( 26:195-196; MSA,
AACLR GW 30:381). By 1910 Delia and her divorced son Louis Ridgley were living in the house
on Conduit Street (1910 U. S. Census). Delia later
moved to the District of Columbia with her daughter Caroline (Ridgley) Evans. She died in Caroline's
home on 2 August 1919 (District of Columbia
death certificate no 254276 (1919), Delia Ridgley;
Washington Times,3 Lugust 1919:9). In her will
she bequeaths the several properties in Annapolis
to her children, either individually or collectively
(MSA, Anne Arundel County I(/ill Book OBD
2:f9I-194). The properties owned collectively were
sold to individual children by the remaining heirs
(MSA, Anne Arundel County Circuit Court Equity
Papers, Case no. 4470 (1920); MSA, AACLR lfNW
13:492; MSA, AACLR rifNrJT 23:199-200).
Cornelius and Delia's daughter Caroline married
Clarence Carnot Evans, and they lived in l/ashington, D. C. by 1910, where they raised six children.
Cornelius and Delia's son CorneliusJ. Ridgley, born
in Annapolis in 1874 married Charlotte C. Bishop,
daughter of the Ridgely's neighbors Dr. Ifilliam
and Annie Bishop. The younger Cornelius attended
Howard University Medical College in rl9ashington, from 1896 to 1900 (Lamb 1900:258). He did not
become a doctor, howeveq instead working for the
federal government (1930 U. S. Census). Cornelius
died on 7 March 1937 in l(ashington (AAC!(B
!(MH
1:196).
Cornelius and Charlotte's daughter Doris J. Ridgley, born 18 August 1907, married Colonel DeMaurice Moses. She also attended Howard University,
and received a Master's Degree from Columbia
University. After teaching elementary school in
rWashington for several years, she and her husband moved to Harlem, New York, where she was
employed as a social worker for the New York
City Department of Welfare. She also later taught
developmentally-disabled children in Jamaica, New
York. She died on 7 November 2004 at the age of
ninety-seven years. One of her sons, still living, is
also a physician. (Washington Past, November 14
2004).
One ofthese children was Dr. Clarence Carnot
Evans (Jr.), born in 1897. Clarence received a Bachelor's Degree from Howard University in Washington, D. C., and graduated from its College of
Dentistry in 1919. In 1937 he received a Master's
Degree in Dentistry from Northwestern University. He served as the Head ofthe Department of
Clinical Dentistry at Howard University's College
of Dentistry from 7929 to 1953. He died on 19 August 1980 (Washington Post,August 21 1980:C7).
Another of Clarence and Caroline's sons was Randall R. Evans, born about 1909. After graduating
from Dunbar High School in rJ(ashington, Randall
attended the University of lllinois, receiving a degree in landscape architecture; he continued his
studies at the University of California at Berkeley,
where he received a master's degree in land design.
Following his studies, he worked for the National
Park Service in South Dakota. He returned to the
Cornelius and Charlotte's son Paul C. Ridgley was
born 13 March 1915. He practiced medicine for
forty-five years, retiring from Cedarcrest Hospital
in Newington, Connecticut, in 1985. He also served
in the U. S. Army. Paul died on 3 October 1994 in
Newington, Connecticlrt (Hartford Courant, October 5 1994).
Caroline Ridgley's youngest child, Cornelia, was
born about 1839, and was manumitted in the same
1844 deed that fteed Caroline. The deed specified
that Cornelia was to be free at the age of fifteen
years, or about 1854. She was not identified among
Victoire Vincendidre's property in the 1852 assessment list. Cornelia first married Otho or Althur
Hagan, about 1858 1859. They had at least nine children, some of whom were later known by their stepfather's surname lfaters (1870 U. S. Census; 1880 U.
S. Census). Otho Hagan died about 1876-1877.
Chapter
1
1: A Summary
of Genealogical Research into Descendents of the L'Hermitage slave Village communrry
Cornelia then married a second time to musician
Villiam H. Waters, on 12 December 1878 in Baltimore (MSA, Baltimore City Court of Common
Pleas, Marriage Record IFR 6; 552-553). Witliam
and Corneiia had at least four children oftheir
own (1880 U. S. Census; 1900 U. S. Census). CorneIia died on 2 March 1914 in Baltimore (MSA, Bal
timore City Health Department Death Certificate
no. C73103 (1914)).
One of Cornelia's daughters with ! illiam H. !7aters, Adele lfaters, married aJamaican immigrant
named Eustace DeCasseres (1910 U. S. Census).
Their eldest son, Charles Victor DeCasseres was
born about 1901 in Baltimore. Like his cousins.
Charles attended Howard University in 1919. He
later became a physician on staff at Provident
Hospital, a Baltimore city hospital with primarily African-American doctors and patients. Dr.
Charles V. DeCasseres died on 11 December 1949
in Baltimore (Baltimore City Health Department
Death Certificate no. G80812 (!949); Boltimore Sun,
December 13 1949:27\.
Conclusion
Victoire Vincendidre either sold or freed all of
the slaves formerly owned by her family, between
1822 and her death in 1854. Though there are several difficulties inherent in researching the lives
of slaves, thorough genealogical scholarship can
help to overcome these obstacles. Most ofthese
slaves and former slaves appear in records ofthe
Vincendidre family and subsequent owners until
manumission or emancipation, and then they appear in records oftheir own.
Reconstructing the families of slaves provides significant insight into the historical fan:rily dynamics
of enslaved African Americans. Researching their
descendants can help us to learn more about the
rise from slavery to freedom, and the development
of the modern United States.
Michael Hait, CG is a professional genealogist with
over ten years of research experience. His areas of
interest include Maryland and Delaware genealogy,
Civil War research and Af rican-American genealogy.