The Donkey Rider as Icon: Li Cheng and Early Chinese Landscape
Transcription
The Donkey Rider as Icon: Li Cheng and Early Chinese Landscape
The Donkey Rider as Icon: Li Cheng and Early Chinese Landscape Painting Author(s): Peter C. Sturman Source: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 55, No. 1/2 (1995), pp. 43-97 Published by: Artibus Asiae Publishers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3249762 . Accessed: 05/08/2011 12:40 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Artibus Asiae Publishers is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Artibus Asiae. http://www.jstor.org PETERC. STURMAN THE DONKEY RIDER AS ICON: LI CHENG AND EARLY CHINESE LANDSCAPE PAINTING* he countryis broken,mountainsandriversremain."'I With thesefamouswordsthat lamentthe 1T catastropheof the An LushanRebellion,the poet Du Fu (712-70)reflectedupona fundamental principlein China:dynastiesmay come and go, but landscapeis eternal.It is a principleaffirmed with remarkablepowerin the paintingsthat emergedfromthe rubbleof Du Fu'sdynastysome two hundredyearslater.I speakof the magnificentscrollsof the tenth andeleventhcenturiesbelonging to the relativelytightly circumscribedtraditionfromJing Hao (activeca. 875-925)to Guo Xi (ca. Ooo-9go)known todayas monumentallandscapepainting. The landscapeis presentedas timeless. We lose ourselvesin the believabilityof its images,acceptthem as less the productof humanminds and handsthanas the recordof a greatertruth.Jing Hao'sandGuo Xi's own writingson landscape painting largelyperpetuatethe illusion that what is seen is firstand foremostnature'sreality.zWe areencouragedto appreciatethe subtle transformations of seasonandgeography,but not necessarily the humanintentionsthat underliethe choice of one motif over anotherand its placementin the composition.3 "T 3 Preliminaryresearchfor this study was first outlined for the Chinese Poetry Group of SouthernCaliforniain Los Angeles, September,1991.Subsequentformsof the study werepresentedat the February,1992meeting of the CollegeArt Associationin Chicagoandforthe conference"Mountainsandthe Culturesof Landscapein China,"whichtookplacein SantaBarbara,California, January,1993 sponsoredby the University of Californiaat SantaBarbara,the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundationfor Scholarly Exchange,and the MetropolitanCenterfor FarEasternArt Studies.Thosepaperswererespectivelytitled "TheDonkeyRideras CulturalIcon:A Studyin ChineseIconography" and "LiChengandthe LiteratiDiscourseon Realityin NorthernSongLandscape Painting." Du Fu, "Chunwang"(Springgazing), Du shi xiangzhu,edited by Qiu Zhaoao(Beijing, 1979 reprinted.), 320-21. The poem is presumedto havebeenwrittenin the thirdlunarmonth,757. A NoteontheArt of Jing Hao'stext, Bifaji, is well-presentedin KiyohikoMunakata'smonographstudy ChingHao's"Pi-fa-chi": theBrush,ArtibusAsiaeSupplementumXXXI (Ascona,1974).Guo Xi's Linchuangaozhi(LoftyAspirationsAmong Forestsand hualunleibian(Taibei,1977reprinted.), 631-50o. Streams)is publishedin Yu Kun's(YuJianhua)Zhongguo An old but serviceable translationof Guo Xi's text is ShioSakanishi'sLinch'uankaochih:An EssayonLandscape Painting(London,1959).Portionsof both areincludedin SusanBushandHsio-yenShih,EarlyChineseTextsonPainting(Cambridge,1985),Chapter4. SeealsoFu Songnian and ChenShaofeng,"Du Linchuangaozhihua ji zhaji"(Notes on readingLinchuangaozhiand the "Recordon Painting"),Meishu yanjiuno. 3 (1979),66-71, and SuzukiKei, "Linchuangaozhihua ji yu Guo Xi" (Linchuangaozhi,the "Recordon Painting"and Guo Xi), translatedinto Chineseby Wang Weiming,Meishuyanjiuno. 4 (1982),70-76 [originallypublishedin Japanesein Bijutsu shi no. (1980)].Guo Xi's text andpaintingarethe subjectof a Ph.D. dissertationby StanleyMurashige,"'EarlySpring'andthe log 'Linchuangaozhi':Paintingas RitualPerformance," Universityof Chicago,1991. Among the few studies that specificallyaddressthe subjectof meaning in tenth- and eleventh-centurylandscapepainting are RichardBarnhart,WintryForestsand OldTrees,SomeLandscape in ChinesePainting(New York, 1972);SofukawaHiroshi, Themes "KakuKi to Soshunzu"(GuoXi and"EarlySpring"),TjyjshikenkyfXXXV, no. 4 (1977),62-86; andRichardBarnhart,"Figures in Landscape," Archivesof AsianArt XLII(1989),62-70. To date, the majorityof studiesof the monumentallandscapepainting traditionhavebeenprimarilyconcernedwith issuesof dating,structuralanalysis,technique,style andlineages.Thesestudies,too, however,commonlytouch upon broaderquestionsof meaningand intention.Among the more notableareWen Fong, Summer Mountains(New York, 1975);SofukawaHiroshi, "GodaiHoku So shoki sansuigano ichi kosatsu"(A Study of the landscape painting of the Five Dynastiesand earlyNorthernSong periods),Tihi gakuho419 (1977),113-214;Ogawa Hiromitsu, "T6So sansuigashi ni okeruimajineeshon- hatsubokukaraSoshunzu Sh6sh6gakuyu zukanmade"(Imaginationin Tang and Song landscapepainting- from the splashedink style to "EarlySpring"and "DreamJourneyAlong the Xiao-Xiang"),Kokka#1o34 (1980), 5-17, #Io35(1980),35-45, and #1036(1980),25-36; SuzukiKei, Chugokukaigashi,firstvolume (Toky6,1981),especially 188-291. 43 This attractive quality of timelessness belies the fact that the formation of landscape painting during the Five Dynasties Period and early Northern Song, like any other movement in art, is subject to historical analysis, and the subtleties of the process of its development are recoverable.It is towards this goal that iconographical studies hold some promise, for isolating the associations of a prominent motif and analyzing its function over time potentially provide a small window of visability on the formation of the genre. The motif of choice here is one that at first may appear unworthy of serious study. The donkey rider seems but an insignificant and humorous player in the greater drama of him.Ubiquitousin theseearlypaintings,onecomesto thinkof mountainsandriversthatsurround him as a naturaloutgrowthof the landscape, as timelessas the hills he traverses. Yet the donkey rider'spresencewill be shownto be inextricablylinkedto the veryemergenceof landscapeas a dominantsubjectin the tenthcenturyand,as such,an importantkeyto revealingthevaluesthat art. thedevelopment of thismagnificent spurred The subjectprovesfarmorecomplexthanone might firstpresume,with multiplelines of A numberof these potentialinquiryleadingfromwhatbeginsasa simpleprocessof identification. will be followedin thisessay,thoughnonewiththeexhaustive detaileachultimatelydeserves. The primary goal, rather, is to sketch some of the vistas that open through a study of the donkey rider. Not least among these is the historical process itself by which an icon takes form, expands and splinters into various themes, sub-themes and personalities. As will be demonstrated, there was a powerful tendency in China to root the values assigned to an icon with historical figures. In the case of the donkey rider numerous individuals are involved, including some of the most hallowed names of Chinese poetry and painting. None, however, plays as pivotal a role as the Five Dynasties Period landscape painter Li Cheng (919-67), who in many respects becomes the true subject of this study. The essay is loosely structured around three important attributions to Li Cheng: Travelersin a Wintry Forest(The Metropolitan Museum of Art), A SolitaryTempleamid ClearingPeaks(The Nelson-Atkins Museum), and ReadingtheSteleby PittedRocks(The Osaka Municipal Museum). I. Travelersin a WintryForest:Ut PicturaPoesis We begin with Travelersin a WintryForest(figs. I, 2), a large and impressive painting on silk upon whose mounting above one finds the lofty proclamation, "The number one Li Cheng painting in the world," written by its former owner, the twentieth-century painter and collector Chang Dai-chien (Zhang Daqian [Zhang Yuan], 1899-1983). This is a painting that has attracted relatively little attention since it was purchased in 1973.4 A possible reason for this may be a persistent uneasiness concerning the painting's date. Unsigned, and with few seals, the style and technique of the painting are about the only things by which a date can be assigned, and analysis of these has resulted in wildly differing conclusions, ranging from the tenth to the twentieth centuries (see Appendix for a discussion of the painting's date). Ironically, if it had been known how the painting, or at least the 4 The paintingwas shownin the exhibition"WintryForests,Old Trees:SomeLandscapeThemesin ChinesePainting,"organized by RichardBarnhartat ChinaInstitutein America,October26, 1972- January28, 1973.It is reproducedwith ProfessorBarnhart's observationsin the catalogueto the exhibition,pp. 28-29. The paintingis alsopublishedin Wang Shijie,ed., A Garlandof Chinese (Dong YuanandJuran),Bunjingasuihenseries Painting(Hong Kong, I967), vol. I, pl. II, andNakataYajir6,ed., Tj Gen,Kyonen (T6ky6,1977),vol. 2, pl. 17. Most recently,the painting has been discussedand sumptuouslypublishedby Wen Fong, Beyond (New York,1992),77-79, pl. 9, 9a-b. I wouldlike to expressmy appreciationto MaxwellHearnof the Metropolitan Representation Museum,who sharedwith me the Museum'sfiles on the painting and a seminarpaperthat he wrote in February,1978while a in a WintryForest':A Problemin Identification". graduatestudentat Princetontitled, "'Travellers 44 composition, had been attributed in its early history, that extraordinaryvariance would have to be increasedeven more, for early sources reveal that the painter responsible for the image was none other than the famous poet and statesman Wang Wei (701-61) of the Tang dynasty. Chang Dai-chien's undated inscription on the mounting underneaththe painting helps to explain this coupling of the famous names of Wang Wei and Li Cheng, and in the process cites two more: Mi Fu (Io52-II07/o8), the Northern Song calligrapher and connoisseur whose comments on painting prove to have been instrumental in Chang Dai-chien's attribution of Travelersin a WintryForestto Li Cheng, and the Tang dynasty poet Meng Haoran (A.D. 689-740). Chang quotes two passages from Mi Fu's Hua shi (Painting History), the first of which begins, "In the four-scroll composition by Li Cheng in Master Baoyue's collection one sees a scholar riding a horse on the road and a servant following behind. Pure and refined, it is like Wang Wei's painting of Meng Haoran."' Chang Daichien's inscription continues by remarking what an extraordinary coincidence it was that the painting Mi Fu commented upon had been owned by an eleventh-century Buddhist master from Sichuan Province residing in Suzhou, just as Chang, himself, was a native of Sichuan who had been thispainting.6 residingin Suzhouwhenheacquired to Haoran's official According Meng biographyin the rewrittenhistoryof the Tangdynasty, Ouyang Xiu's (A.D. 1007-72) and Song Qi's (998-o1061)Xin Tang shu, when Wang Wei passed through Yingzhou (Jingshan, Hubei Province) sometime after Meng's death in 74o, he painted his friend's likeness on a pavilion at the prefect's official residence.7Ouyang Xiu's information probably came from Pi Rixiu's (ca. 834-83) recordof the pavilion, dated A.D 863.8 It should be noted from the outset that Pi Rixiu's record was written over one hundred years after the fact, and as his choice of language suggests ("People say..."), the association of Wang Wei with this painting is not necessarily documented in hard fact. It was, however, widely accepted in Pi Rixiu's time, as proven by its appearance about a generation earlier in Zhu Jingxuan's Tang chao minghualu of circa 845, where it is written that Wang Wei painted the poet Meng Haoranchanting a poem on a horse.9 One generation after Mi Fu, the twelfth-century scholar Ge Lifang (d. 1164) recorded another painting supposedly by Wang Wei that he had seen at the home of Sun Runfu of Piling (Jiangsu Province). This silk scroll, described as old and in tattered condition, came complete with inscriptions by Wang, himself, the famous tea cognoscente Lu Yu (d. 804), and Zhang Ji (933-96), an official of the Southern Tang kingdom and early Song dynasty.IoThe painting, according to Lu Yu's inscription, was titled LordMeng of Xiangyang Chantinga PoemAtop a Horse.Ge Lifang questioned the painting's authenticity, calling it the copy of a "vulgar"craftsman, and he mentions how the Mi Fu,Huashi, in Yu Anlan,comp.,Huapincongshu (Shanghai,1982;hereafterHPCS),205. ChangDai-chienseemsto havebeenidentifyingMasterBaoyueas the BuddhistmonkWeijian(surnamedSu, Ioiz2-95).However, I haveseenno evidenceto suggestthat Weijianeverleft his nativeSichuanto live in Suzhou.Therewerea numberof monksin the latterhalfof the eleventhcenturywho adoptedthe cognomenBaoyue,includingXiuguang(Ioo8-68), a nativeof Hangzhou.To date,noneis identifiablewith the MasterBaoyueof SuzhouwhomMi Fu mentionsin his Huashi. 7 OuyangXiu, Xin Tangshu(Beijing, I975reprinted.),juan 203, 5579-80. Hans H. Frankel,Biographies of MengHao-jan,Chinese No. I (Berkeley,I952),6. Seealso PaulW. Kroll,MengHao-jan(Boston,1980),146. As subsequent DynasticHistoriesTranslations citationswill show,I amparticularlyindebtedto ProfessorKroll'sstudy. 8 Pi Rixiu'srecordof the Meng Pavilion(as it was latercalled),"YingzhouMeng ting ji," is foundin QuanTangwen(Taibei,1961 reprinted.),juan797, 3b--a. Yingzhouis aboutone hundredmiles southeastof Xiangyang,whereMengHaoranlived. ed. (Jiangsu,1986reprinted.), 7a. AlexanderSoper,"T'angCh'aoMing Hua 9 ZhuJingxuan,Tangchaominghualu, Meishucongshu Lu:CelebratedPaintersof the T'angDynastyby ChuChing-hsuanof T'ang,"ArtibusAsiae,XXI, 3/4(I958),218. 1o Ge Lifang,Yunyuyangqiu(Shanghai,1979reprinted.),juan 14, Ib-2b. ZhangJi's officialbiographyis foundin Songshi,juan 267, 5 6 92o8-I5. 45 inscriptions all appeared to have been from a single hand. Nevertheless, Wang Wei's purported inscription and Zhang Ji's careful description provide significant information for our understanding of the Metropolitan Museum's Travelersin a Wintry Forest(Lu Yu's inscription is less relevant, dwelling on his presentation of the painting to someone with the sobriquet Zhongyuan). Wang Wei's inscription is as follows: In the past, I, Wei, heardLordMeng chant the following:"Towardsevening, my horsehastens with quickenedsteps / The city is desolateand humanhabitationsfew.""IHe also recited,"Sails hoisted, many thousandsof miles / But no famousmountainshaveI encountered./ I moor my boatby Xunyang'souterwalls/ And forthe firsttime see BrazierPeak.'2 BecauseI so admirethe beautyof this man'sspirit,uponreturninghomeI havepaintedhis imageon a pieceof silk.13 Zhang Ji's inscription, dated A.D. 983, describes Meng Haoran as tall and lanky, dressed in a scholar'splain robe, with boots, hat and a layered kerchief. Riding a small horse, he is followed by a young servant, hair still tied in tufts, who carries Meng's booksack and zither on his back. "Meng's air and bearing are expansive and independent, quivering as if with life," Zhang writes.,4 His inscription ends with a curious story concerning Meng's relationship with Wang Wei: LordMeng'spoetrywashighly acclaimedat the end of the Kaiyuanandbeginningof the Tianbao reigns [ca.740-45]. Duringa journeyhe took to Chang'an,Wang Wei admiredhim andsanghis praises.Some say that the AssistantDirectorof the Right [Wang Wei], seeing that Meng was superiorto himself,was unableto recommendhim to the emperor.Becauseof this Meng Haoran endedhis life withoutencounteringimperialrecognition.Thus, in Xiangyang'spartingpoemfor Wang Wei he writes, "Will thosewho 'controlthe roads'grantme anything?/ What is rarestin this world are 'connoisseursof tone,'' referringto this situation.Recentlywhen in JinchengI saw a copy of this painting.The followingcoupletwas writtenon it: "Thewaterebbs, and FishweirIsle is left in shallows;Skyturnscold, andthe Marshof Dreamlies deep"6.. Ge Lifang'srecordcements the traditional association of Meng Haoran'sportrait with Wang Wei. It is repeated in Huizong's Northern Song catalogue of paintings in the imperial collection, Xuanhe huapu of ca. 1120, and in an inscription written by Du Fan (1182-1245) of the Southern Song.17A ashavingpassedthroughthecollectionsof Zhao portraitof MengHaoranbyWangWei is recorded Mi Youzuo,ZhaoXinzhi, Zhou (1232-98),Qiao Kuichengand Guo Tianxiat the end of the H FromMeng Haoran'spoem "Xi ci Caiyangguan"(Stoppingforthe Night at an Inn at Caiyang).Meng Haoran,MengHaoranshiji 12 13 I4 I5 16 17 (Shanghai,1982reprinted.),juan 2, 5a-b. FromMeng Haoran'spoem "Wanbo Xunyangwang Lushan"(Night Mooringat Xunyang,Gazingat MountLu).MengHaoran shiji,juanI, 3a. Ge Lifang,Yunyuyangqiu,juan 14,Ib. My translationof Zhang'sdescriptionmostlyfollowsthat of PaulW. Kroll,MengHao-jan,146. The poemto whichZhangJi refersis "Liubie Wang shiyu"(PartingfromAttendantCensorWang),MengHaoranshiji,juan2, IIa. As publishedin this edition, the firstof these two lines in Meng'spoem differsby one character:"Whoof those that 'controlthe roads'will grantme anything?"Translationby PaulW. Kroll,MengHao-jan,82-83. "Controlthe roads"refersto thosewho hold politicalpower. FromMeng Haoran'spoem "Yuzhuzi deng Xianshan"(On Climbing Xian Mountainin Companywith SeveralFriends),Meng Ge Lifang,Yunyuyangqiu,juan14,2a. Haoranshiji,juan I, 4a. Translationby PaulW. Kroll,MengHao-jan, P..35. ed. (Shanghai,1982;hereafterHSCS),juan Xuanhehuapu,Huashicongshu Io, lo4. Du Fan,Qingxianji, Sikuquanshued. (Shanghai, 1987reprinted.; hereafterSKQS),juan 17, 5a.Du Fan'sinscriptionis also recordedin Wang Yuanqi,ed., Peiwenzhaishuhuapu (Taibei,1982reprinted.),juan81,26a-b. 46 thirteenth century.,8 With the exceptions of a couple of fourteenth century poems and the brief repetition of some of these early notices in such later catalogues as Zhang Chou's Qingheshuhuafang afterwards,curiously, (prefacedated 1616)and Wang Keyu's Shanhuwanghualu (prefacedated 1643),V9 there is no mention of Wang Wei's painting. In similar fashion, there is no record of this painting, Travelersin a WintryForest,that Chang Dai-chien found in Suzhou earlier in this century, at least not in the customary places. For all intents and purposes the composition attributed to Wang Wei disappeared from sight sometime in the fourteenth century, and when Chang Dai-chien found this old hanging scroll, aware or not of the historical connection to Wang Wei, he attributed it to Li Cheng on the basis of Mi Fu's Hua shi. Possibly Travelersin a Wintry Forestwas the same painting that Zhou Mi records circulating in the south during the latter half of the thirteenth century; we cannot be certain. What is certain is that had Chang Dai-chien followed historical precedent, he would have attributed Travelersin a WintryForestto Wang Wei. Nevertheless, for reasonsthat will becomeclearlater,ChangDai-chienwasnotnecessarily mistakenin hischoiceof LiCheng'sequally famous name. Another important question of identification concerns not the painter but the subject. To this point we have simply assumed that the donkey rider is the famous Tang dynasty poet Meng Haoran, but the issue deserves much greater scrutiny, for as a perusal of the early literature reveals, Meng Haoran was hardly the only one to straddle the donkey's spiny back. The Northern Song poet Mei Yaochen (lo02-60), for example, wrote a poem for a painting attributed to Wang Wei that his friend Hu Gongshu (unidentified) had engraved into rock. The donkey rider in this case was Ruan Ji (21o63), one of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove.2' As revealed in poems by Huang Tingjian (lo4511o5)and Chen Shidao (lO52-1ol) and a description by Dong You (active early twelfth century), the famous Tang dynasty poet Du Fu, a younger contemporary of Meng Haoran, was also known and sometimes depicted as a donkey rider in the eleventh century.2 Other Tang dynasty poets described atop their donkeys were Jia Dao (779-849) and Li He (790-816)." The early Song poet Pan Lang (d. A.D. Ioo9) portrayed himself in the poem "PassingMount Hua" as admiring the landscape while riding a donkey backwards,and was so depicted in a painting by Xu Daoning.23According to Huang i8 Zhou Mi, Yunyanguoyanlu, HPCS, 345.Citing anotherversionof Zhou Mi's text, the late Ming dynastyscholarZhang Chou mentions that the painting had been in the collection of Zhao Yuqin, a memberof the Song royalfamily active in the midthirteenthcentury.ZhangChou,Qinghe shuhuafang (Taibei,1975reprinted.),juan I, I4b. 19 Mou Xian, "WangWei huaMeng Haoranqili tu"(Wang Wei's paintingof Meng Haoranridinga donkey),Lingyangji, SKQS, juan 3, 3a-b. LiangYan, "Ti Wang Wei suohuaMeng Haoranxiang"(Inscribedupon Wang Wei's portraitof Meng Haoran), Shimen ji, SKQS,juan 2, Iob-IIa.ForZhangChou'srecordsee the previousnote.Wang Keyu,Shanhuwang(Chengdu,1985reprint ed.), secondvolume,juan23,1322. zo Mei Yaochen,"YongWang YouchengsuohuaRuanbubing zui tu"("Singingof Wang Wei's Paintingof InfantryCommandant RuanDrunk"),Mei Yaochen ji biannianxiaozhu(Shanghai,I980),juan6, 95. 2, HuangTingjian,"LaoDu Wanhuaxitu yin"(A Songof the Portraitof Old Du at Flower-washingStream),Shanguji, waiji,SKQS, juan 4, 23b-24a.ChenShidao,"Xi Kuan jun ershou"(Two VersesPlayfullyWritten for Mr. Kuan)and "He Raojieyong Zhou FanghuaLi Bo zhen"(RhymingRaojie'sPoemon ZhouFang'sportraitof Li Bo),Houshanshi zhu,SKQS,juan9, Izb-13a,andjuan 12,4b-6b. Fora translationanddiscussionof HuangTingjian'spoem,see RonaldEgan,"Poemson Paintings:Su ShihandHuang Ting-chien,"TheHarvardJournal ofAsiaticStudies43 (December,1983),447-48. Dong You, Guangchuan huaba,HPCS,273. 22 Jia Dao'sassociationstemsprimarilythrougha well-known"poetry-chat" (shihua)told of his meetingwith HanYu. Ji Yougong, Tangshi jishi (Shanghai,1965reprinted.), juan 40, 613. Li He is describedriding a donkey in Li Shangyin's(813-58)capsule biography"LiChangjixiao zhuan,"includedin ChenZhiguo,ed., Li Heyanjiuziliao(Beijing,1983),4-5. In his officialbiography Li'ssteedis changedto a youngcolt. OuyangXiu, Xin Tangshu,juan203, 5787-88.A poemby Xu Fu (lo75-II41)fora paintingof Li He mountedon a horseaccompaniedby a servant,"LiHe wanguitu"(LiHe Returningat Nightfall)is recordedin Li E, Songshi jishi (Shanghai,1983reprinted.),juan33,835.Both the associationsforJia Dao andLi He arediscussedin moredetailbelow. 23 PanLang,"GuoHuashan," Xiaoyaoji, SKQS,juanI, Izb.Guo Ruoxu, Tuhuajianwenzhi, HSCS,juan4, 53. 47 Tingjian and Lu Dian (active late eleventh - early twelfth centuries), Li Gonglin (ca. OI048-1o6) painted his older contemporary Wang Anshi (1021-86) riding a donkey on Mount Zhong, in the environs of Nanjing.24 The Northern Song poets Lin Bu (A.D. 967-1028) and Su Shi (A.D. O1037-11O01) were commonly portrayed atop donkeys in later paintings, as were such legendary figures as Zhong Kui the Demon Queller, the Daoist magician Zhang Guolao, Buddhist monks and a host of others. A closer look into donkey-riding iconography, however, will show that many of these potential claimantsto the rider in Travelersin a WintryForestcan be dismissed. RuanJi, for example, is described in Mei Yaochen's poem as being so drunk that his hat is radically tilted, as is Ruan Ji, supported by a figure to his side. The painting of Du Fu described by Huang Tingjian and Chen Shidao seems to have borrowedliberally from Ruan Ji's wine-sodden tradition. He is returning home to his thatched hut at Flower-washing Stream outside Chengdu (Sichuan Province), quite drunk and supported by one of his sons. I know of no painting of Ruan Ji on his donkey, but the image of the drunken donkey rider is well-represented by an anonymous fan in the Shanghai Museum that should be identified as Du Fu at Flower-washing Stream (fig. 3). True to the lines from Huang Tingjian's poem - "Zongwen remains at home, Zongwu supports him, At sunset the old donkey carries his drunken form"25- we find Old Du crossing a stream laden with floating petals from the blossoming trees, supported by Zongwu while his other son Zongwen (one guesses) goes about his domestic chores accompanied by the family pet on the other side. There are some added elements not found in Huang Tingjian's poem: the servant carrying a lantern behind, for example, and the banner signifying, in all likelihood, a rustic wineshop. But these, it can be argued, simply enhance some of the essentials of the narrative,such as the lateness of day and Du Fu's inebriation. The iconography of Du Fu as drunken donkey rider clearly departs from what is shown in Travelersin a WintryForest. Pan Lang would have been shown facing backwards. Wang Anshi, according to Lu Dian's description, ambled through the forests of Mount Zhong accompanied by three attendants: one carrying a set of the Classics, one holding Wang's highly acclaimed lexicon, Zishuo, and one following with a portable urinal (mubuzi).Li Gonglin, moreover, included in his portrait the scholar Yang Ji and the monk Xiufa (lo027-90). Li He, as we shall see, would be a credible candidate, but witha face havingdiedat theyoungageof twenty-six,it is difficultto imaginehimbeingportrayed full of whiskers.LinBu wouldundoubtedlyhavebeenshownappreciating his floralspouse,the blossoming prunus.26Travelersin a WintryForestpossesses its own specific iconography, of which the wintry chill so beautifully represented by the tangled pines and blasted trees is foremost in establishing its distinct image. What proves to be an immensely useful description of a painting seen in the early twelfth century by Dong You confirms that this particular version of the donkey rider who trots through the frozen landscape indeed can be none other than Meng Haoran traversing the hills at Xiangyang. It begins: 24 25 26 HuangTingjian,"ShuWangJinggongqili tu"(Writtenafterthe painting"WangJinggongRidinga Donkey"),Shanguji, SKQS, juan 27, 8a. Lu Dian, "ShuWang Jinggong you Zhongshantu hou"(Written afterthe painting "WangJinggong Roamingat MountZhong"),Taoshan ji, SKQS,juan II, 7b-8a. Translationby RonaldEgan,op.cit.,448. ForinformationconcerningLinBu andhis passionforplum blossomssee MaggieBickford,BonesofJade,Soulof Ice:TheFlowering Plumin ChineseArt (New Haven, I985),22-26. Lin Bu was so indelibly associatedwith the blossomingplum that it is nearly inconceivablethat he wouldbe shownin a paintingwithoutthem. 48 MasterMeng was an extraordinary man of the world, and it thus is appropriatethat he did not accordwith his times. He huddlesamidsthis thick coarseclotheswhile carryinga bamboobasket on his back. His sleeves fall down as he straddlesthe donkey. He bravesthe wind and snow traversingthe mountainslope...27 Combining Ge Lifang's and Dong You's descriptions, we note the following points in common with Travelersin a WintryForest.Meng Haoran wears the plain white robe of a scholar. He is booted and hatted, with the layered kerchief wrapped about his head to protect from the winter's chill, and the sleeves of his coarse clothing hang down as he huddles from the cold. We append here two lines from a verse written by Su Shi to the portrait painter He Chong: "And have you not seen Meng Haoran riding a donkey in the snow? Brows knit, chanting a poem, his shoulders hunched like mountains."28 Those hunched shoulders are well-rendered by the thick brush lines descending from the hat of our donkey rider. Ge Lifang describes one young servant following Meng Haoran, bearing his booksack and zither. This young lad, with hair still in tufts, appearsto have been moved to the front (though the painting is a little too worn here to confirm that what he carries on his back is indeed a booksack and qin). Dong You mentions a basket, lingsheng,on Meng Haoran'sback. Perhaps this is what the second attendant secretly rifles through as he trails behind. Lingshengcommonly refersto a fishing tackle box, though as we shall see presently, the contents of this container are rather different. In summary, while it is clear that the paintings Ge Lifang and Dong You saw and described differedin certaindetailsfromTravelers in a WintryForest,therecanbe little questionthat the donkeyrideris theTangpoetMengHaoran. in a WintryForest, Althoughwe haveprovideda specificidentityforthedonkeyriderin Travelers in many respects it is just as important to consider him less an individual than a collective persona, for Meng Haoran's association with the donkey was essentially historical invention. This becomes evident when one looks for the key text that connects Meng Haoran to what one would presume to be his trusted donkey. Contraryto expectations, in Meng Haoran'sentire extant oeuvreof more than two hundredpoemsthereis nota singlementionof a donkey.Noris he connectedto a donkeyin anyof the variousstoriestold of him in shibua(poetry-chat) miscellanies.In fact, the firsttime Meng Haoranis placedon a donkeyis notforonehundredfiftyyearsafterhe lived,in a poemwrittenby Tang Yanqian circa A.D. 880.29 To understand why, in the minds of later poets and painters, Meng Haoran eventually became a donkey rider, one must uncover the associations donkey and rider engender. The source, it would appear, is Meng Haoran'spredecessorRuan Ji, whose portrayal on a withWangWei.Therewereearlier donkeyin theeleventhcentury,wehaveseen,wasalsoassociated donkeyriders,no doubt, but the fundamentalsof the iconographyseem to begin with this extraordinary eccentric. A portion of Mei Yaochen's poem describing this painting will serve to introduce them. Wang Wei's brushattainedthe Marvelous, RuanJiponderedthe AbstruseandEmpty. Only he (Wang)paintshim arrivingat Dongping, Hat askew,drunk,andridinga donkey. With stubbornstrength(the donkey)refusesto advance, 27 Dong You, Guangchuanhuaba, 253. 28 Su Shi, "Si xiezhen He Chong xiucai" (Presented to the Portrait Painter and Cultivated Talent He Chong), Su Shi shiji (Beijing, 1982 reprint ed.), juan 12, 587. 29 "Yi Meng Haoran"(Remembering Meng Haoran), Quan Tang shi (Beijing, I960), juan 671, 7668. 49 Headbowed,his earspushforward. One personpulls andlooksback, An officialsupportsfromthe side. Graspingthe saddle,(Ruan)lifts both feet, Closinghis eyes,he forgetsaboutthe road'send . .30 A number of notable Ruan Ji anecdotes are alluded to in Mei Yaochen's verse. Spontaneous and transcendant, Ruan was never one to talk about worldly affairs, preferring, instead, to discuss the "abstruseand remote."3'Disinterested in public office, he only agreed to take the position of Grand Warden at the commandery at Dongping (Shandong Province) because years earlier he had enjoyed the scenery there as a young man. Ruan mounted a donkey and rode to his new post where he demolished the walls of the administrative offices in order to gain a better view of the landscape. After ten days he remounted his donkey and left.32A notorious drinker, Ruan Ji's only other request for office was as Commandant of Infantry, tempted by the several hundred vats of wine stored in the commissary.33Lastly, Ruan was fond of riding alone without any thought of destination, following little-known routes to the point where the carriage tracks would end. For some reason this would cause him to weep bitterly as he returnedhome.34 We note the following points about Ruan Ji. He was absolutely disinterested in official service, acquiescing only when the post in question permitted him to pursue other interests. The first of these is landscape, whose precedence over paper-shuffling is wonderfully expressed by Ruan's sense of architectural design. The second is wine, described by Wang Chen (d. A.D. 392) as that which Ruan Ji needed to irrigate the rough and rugged terrain in his breast.35 Attracted to matters of philosophical profundity, Ruan Ji was never interested in passing judgments on others.36He was a poet and self-acclaimed social non-conformist, famed for his rhetorical query, "Were the rites established for people like me?"37Lastly, and no doubt in consequence of most of the above, Ruan Ji was poor.38The donkey that he rides was probably in equal measure a symbol of Ruan's poverty and eccentricity. WhenDu Fudescribedhimselfasonewhohadriddenthedonkeyforthirteenyears,"following the dust of well-fed horses,"he did not necessarilymean to compare himself with Ruan Ji, but rather to emphasize his poverty and singular lack of success in pursuing an official career.39Du Fu, in fact, differed significantly from Ruan Ji as a Confucian who maintained a life-long ambition to serve the 30 Seenoteno. 20. RichardMather,Shih-shuoHsin3I LiuYiqing, Shishuoxinyujiaojian,edited by Xu Zhen'e(Hong Kong, 1987reprinted.), 10 (I.I5). of Talesof theWorld(Minneapolis,1976),9. yu:A NewAccount FromZhangYin's Wenshizhuanof the fourthcentury.CitedfromLiuYiqing, op.cit.,392(XXIII.5).Mather,373. 32 33 LiuYiqing, op.cit., 392(XXIII.5);Mather,373.Anotheranecdotecommentingon RuanJi's fondnessof wine describeshim having to be supportedwhile he writes an official communique,which he does perfectly, without error.Liu Yiqing, 135(IV.67); Mather,127. 34 FromSunSheng'sWeishi chunqiu,cited fromLiuYiqing, op.cit.,355(XVIII.I);Mather,331-32. 35 LiuYiqing, Shishuoxinyu,409-1o (XXIII.51);Mather,390-91. 36 FangXuanling,ed.Jin shu(Beijing,1977reprinted.),juan49, 1361. 37 LiuYiqing, op.cit., 393(XXIII.7);Mather,37438 Along with his nephewRuanXian (234-305),RuanJi was one of the Ruanswho lived on the south side of the street.All of the otherRuanslived on the north(with the southern,hencesunny,exposure).Accordingto an anecdotetold in Shishuoxinyu,the northernRuanswereall wealthy,while the southernRuanswerepoor.LiuYiqing, op.cit.,393(XXIII.Io);Mather,375. 39 Du Fu, "FengsiWei zuochengzhangershieryun"(Presentedto LeftAide Wei Qi, Twenty-twoRhymes),Du shi xiangzhu,juan I, 73-80. Someversionsof the poem say thirty years.A commentaryto this poem dates it to ca. A.D.747, aroundthe time of his secondfailurein the imperialexaminations.Du Fu did not succeedin achievinganykind of officialrecognitionuntil 755,whenhe wasfinallyoffereda low-rankingpost attachedto the crownprince'spalace. 5o empire. Huang Tingjian makes a point of emphasizing that the besotted Confucian loyalist arriving at Flower-washing Stream still grieves for his country, "knitting his drunken eyebrows."40 Nevertheless, for at least some later admirers of the "poet-sage,"Du Fu begins to look suspiciously like the earlier eccentric. Here, for example, is the beginning of Dong You's description of the painting he saw of Du Fu on his donkey: "Du Zimei was one who lost himself in wine, following his nature, arriving where he may. Not bound by the rules of the rites, he looked lightly at heaven and earth, staring down princes and nobles in defiance."41Du Fu's admitted taste for wine, lackluster official career, extensive sojourns and masterful poetry were all factors that allowed his image to begin blending with that of Ruan Ji.42 The process by which Meng Haoran takes his place on a donkey in later paintings is related but intriguingly different. Known as the recluse of Lumen (Deer Gate Mountain), Meng Haoran never served in high office, nor does it appear he aspired to. He failed in his one attempt at the jinshi examinations, taken at the late age of forty when he traveled to the capital Chang'anfrom his home in Xiangyang (Hubei Province). According to an anecdote concerning this trip recorded in his official biography, when asked about his poetry during an impromptu meeting with Emperor Xuanzong (r. 7I2-56) Meng Haoran recited a poem that included the line, "BecauseI lack talent, the illustrious ruler has rejected me." Xuanzong was offended and upbraided Meng Haoran with the remark, "You have not sought office, and We have never rejected you." Meng Haoranwas orderedto return home.43 Meng Haoran's lack of genuine interest in a public career is supported by another incident, also recorded in his official biography, in which arrangementsto be brought to the capital and provided with an introduction to the court are undermined by Meng's unwillingness to interrupt his cups during a get-together with friends. The veracity of at least the first story has been questioned,44 but we are less concerned with the true facts of Meng Haoran'slife than its perception in the eyes of those who followed, particularlyof the late Tang, Five Dynasties Period and Northern Song. For such later admirers,Meng Haoran representedthe pure scholar, "steadfastand righteous"(citing from the same biography), whose distaste for the material comforts of public office was proportionately matched by the cultural antithesis: exultation in the glories of landscape. It was Meng Haoran's ability as a poet of landscapethat markedhis reputationin latertimes, to the degreethat Su Shi, lookingat a landscapepaintingby Guo Xi (ca. oo-90go)somethreehundredyearslatercouldjokethat the "soundless" poemwithinshouldbe sentto Mengof Xiangyangfordelectation.45 Poetandloverof wine andlandscapewith little, if any,interestin an officialcareer,MengHaoran'simagewellaccordedwith that of RuanJi. All that was missing, apparently,was a donkey, so one was bequeathed him posthumously. 40 This is how Du Fu is describedin HuangTingjian'spoem.Seenote no. 21. 4, Dong You, Guangchuan huaba,273. 42 Overtime, as revealedin laterpaintings,the specificityof eachdonkey-ridertends to dissolve.Thus, Du Fu becomesa contrary ridera la PanLangin the mindsof somelaterartists.Dong You'sdescriptionalreadyrevealsthe beginningof the processby which the collectivepersonasupercedesindividualspecificity. 43 OuyangXiu, Xin Tangshu,juan20zo3, 5778.Frankel,Biographies, 4-5. The translationhereis that of ProfessorFrankel.Kroll,Meng Hao-jan,especiallypp. 13-22. See also Paul W. Kroll, "WangShih-yuan'sPrefaceto the Poemsof Meng Hao-jan,"Monumenta Serica34 (1979-80),349-69. 4 Frankel,note no. 19, 13-14;Kroll,MengHao-jan,15.The secondstoryis alsofoundin Wang Shiyuan'sprefaceto Meng'scollected poems,which is datedto within a decadeof Meng'sdeath. 45 Su Shi, "GuoXi qiushanpingyuaner shou"(Two Poemson Guo Xi's "AutumnMountains,LevelDistance"),Su Shishiji,juan 29, 154o. 51 Like Ruan Ji and Du Fu, Meng Haoran represents a specific subset within the collective persona of the donkey rider, defined by that for which he was best-known. In his case it was poetry and landscape rather than wine that distinguished his donkey riding. This brings us to the true subject of Travelers in a Wintry Forest, and the painting's true interest. As Zhu Jingxuan's title for the Wang Wei painting recorded in Tang chao minghua lu, Lu Yu's title for the painting seen by Ge Lifang, and the poetic lines of Su Shi cited above reveal, Meng Haoran chants a poem while riding his donkey. This explains the content of the purported Wang Wei inscription, with its citation of a couple of choice Meng Haoran lines, as well as the fact that yet another snippet of a Meng Haoran verse was written on the second painting seen by Zhang Ji. It also explains Dong You's description of the painting Meng Haoran Riding a Donkey, which, as we will see presently, focuses entirely on the nature of Meng Haoran's poetry. Within Travelers in a Wintry Grove, itself, there is an intriguing indication that the subject is Meng Haoran composing a poem. The key lies with the mischievous servant holding an oblong case trailing behind the donkey rider (fig. 4). The case proves to be an enduring feature in Meng Haoran's specific iconography. It appears again in a Southern Song rendition of the same theme stylistically datable to the early thirteenth century and the school of Li Song (fig. 5), and it perhaps is what Dong You describes on the back of Meng Haoran as a lingsheng basket in the painting that he saw. The function of the container is revealed by the composing habits of two other famous poets: Li He of the late Tang and Mei Yaochen of the Northern Song. In his official biography we are told that Li He wrote poetry at great speed, flushed with inspiration. Every day at dawn he would leave the house riding a colt followed by a servant-lad with an antique tapestry bag on his back. When the Muse struck, Li He would write the verses down and drop them in the bag, waiting until he returned home later at night to finish them.46 In the mid-eleventh century, a scholar named Sun Sheng discovered that Mei Yaochen used the same method. Flabbergasted at the rate of speed Mei Yaochen composed poems, he decided to spy on him: I found that whether lying in bed or eating, traveling about to see the sights, he would never for a moment stop chanting lines and ruminating. At times he would abruptly withdraw from a party, grab a brush, and jot something down on a little piece of paper. This he would put in a bamboo container. As we were traveling in the same boat, I was able to examine the container secretly. It turned out to contain poetic phrases, half a couplet or even a single character. He had put in whatever he felt might be useful in some future poem...47 A highly magnified look at what the servant-lad pulls from the container he holds in Travelers in a Wintry Forest shows it to be a slip of paper with writing on it (fig. 6). What is written has so far resisted efforts at deciphering, but there can be little doubt that what these three (?) characters are meant to signify is nothing less than the poetic lines composed by Meng Haoran as he rides through the frigid forest. The container is a key indicator of the painting's true subject: that profound moment when poet encounters the drama of nature and is moved to song. One can only guess of the content of Meng Haoran's poem - three different verses are already suggested in Ge Lifang's inscription - but what proves to be of much more significance is the nature 46 47 TheCollected PoemsofLi He Ghosts,andDemons: OuyangXiu, Xin Tangshu,juanzo3, 5778.TranslatedinJ.D. Frodsham,Goddesses, (SanFrancisco,1983),xv. Sun Sheng,Sungongtanpu,in Baibucongshu jicheng,(Taibei,1964-70), xia, 6b-7a. Translationby JonathanChaves,ThePoetryof (New York,1976),48-49. Mei Yao-chen 52 of thepoemratherthanthe specificlinesbeingutteredby thedonkey-rider. Whatkindof poemis thebitsandpiecesthatcomeasone composedfromthispracticeof filingawayin a bagorcontainer LiHe, we aretold,neverwrotepoemson a given ridesthroughthewintrylandscape of Xiangyang? SunShengcontinues topicandneverforced,asotherdid,hisversesto conformto a specifictheme.48 his investigation that intoMeiYaochen's one of the poeticpracticeby noting coupletshe sawin the bamboocontainerread,"Inwritingpoetry,no matterwhetherpastorpresent,It is onlyachieving the 'evenandbland'thatis difficult." At firstit seemsdifficultto reconcilethemysticalandbizarre callforthe"evenandbland"(pingdan), buta closereadingofMei poetryof LiHewithMeiYaochen's Yaochen'scriticalwritingson pingdanrevealsthat firstandforemostits emergencedependson naturalness andspontaneity, friendOuyangXiu emphasizes of LiHe's preciselywhatMeiYaochen's it with the conventional writingby contrasting poeticpracticeof writingto set topicsandthemes. JonathanChaveswrites,"MeiYaochenmaythus haveusedthe termpingdanas a sobriquetfor realisticpoetry,poetrywhichtookits maininspiration fromtheexperience of therealworld,rather thanfroma corpusof conventional Thisperfectlyaccordswiththekindof imagesandallusions."49 in hisdescription ofMengHaoranridinghisdonkey.Theremainder of poetryDongYouarticulates hislonginscription readsasfollows: ... MengHaoran]bravesthe wind andsnowtraversingthe mountainslope.Followingthe roadat Xiangyang,the lines of poetrythat come to him by theirown accordnaturallycarrythe icy frost and sleetingsnow,thus causingthosewho recitethem to shiverwith cold, theirteeth chattering. This is not the kind of chantingthat can be derivedfrom the mood of white snow appreciated from [the comfortof] a deep andprivilegedchamber.Poetsalwayspresumethat if the poemsof men who do not meet theirdue arenot the utmost of purityand bitterness,direct extraordinary and abruptin their expression,then the emotionsbehind their resentmentand longing are not deep. If one's wordsdo not carrythe highs and lows of resentmentand longing then they float aimlesslywithout flavorand are incapableof exciting others'imaginations.It is essentialthat one's lines and phrasesbe full of purity and imbibe deeply of the refinedairs of rivers and mountainsto leavebehind the realmof man, and it takesthe braceof wine and chill of frost to highlight povertyand resentment,pain and longing. Do awaywith those innerchambers,and then one'sbreastcanbe aloofandproud.[Ifnot all of thesethings] how couldextraordinary verses emerge?Zheng Qi (d. A.D. 899) said, "Poetrythoughtsareatop a donkeyamidst the wind and snow on Ba Bridge. How could one possibly come up with anything here?"5oPerhapsQi was compelled to make this comment upon seeing the painting of MasterMeng. Otherwise,how wouldhe knowsucha thing?51 Real poetry must be based on real emotions, real experience, real landscape. Dong You establishes the central contrast between Meng Haoran's frost-riven poem, spontaneously impelled by the sleeting snow at Xiangyang, and the kind of superficial verse extolling the beauties of a snowy landscape written from the material comfort of a warm chamber. At the heart of the contrast is the more fundamental paradigm of privilege versus poverty, officialdom versus reclusion, the capital versus the provinces and landscape.This antipodal structure is highlighted by Dong You's citation of 48 OuyangXiu, Xin Tangshu,juan203, 5788. andtheDevelopment JonathanChaves,Mei Yao-ch'en ofEarlySungPoetry,133(with transliteration changed). 50 This shihuais foundin Sun Guangxian(d. A.D. 968), Beimeng suoyan,in ShangJun, ed., Baihai (Taibei,I965reprinted.),juan 7, 2 a-b. SeealsoYou Mou, QuanTangshihua,in MaoJin, ed.,Jindai bishu(Taibei,1966reprinted.),juan 5, 24b-25a.It is discussed in moredetailpresently. 5I DongYou, Guangchuan huaba,253. 49 53 Zheng Qi's famous remark, which emerged in answer to the question, "Has the Minister recently come up with any new poems?"Zheng's rueful response reflects recognition of the fact that one must be on the "outside"to write a good poem. Ba Bridge was the major bridge about five miles east of the Tang capital Chang'an, and its significance in the cultural milieu of the time was as a place of parting. Ba Bridge essentially marked the border separating the capital, with its associations of culture and wealth, from the hinterlands, exile, a minor post, or the reclusive life of one like Meng Haoran. The subject of Travelersin a WintryForestis not simply the making of a poem, but the making of a certain kind of poem, and its representation depends not on such facile signifiers as the oblong case with writing or even the chilled and focused look on Meng Haoran'sface but on the scene around the donkey rider that inspires his verse. Whoever it was who painted this large hanging scroll possessed remarkablepowers of description. It is not simply the realism of the landscape that impresses. We witness, as Meng Haoran witnesses, an inexorable process of order, and we are humbled by its presence. Twisted bamboo, pitted rocks, trunks blasted and knotted... these things reveal the unrelenting passage of time, and the fragility of those who pass in the frozen stillness of a winter's day. One need only juxtapose this painting with the seemingly light, almost frivolous, version of the same subject in the Southern Song fan (fig. 5) to understand that it is not technical skill that provides Travelersin a WintryForestwith its majesty. Rather it is a true empathy, if not first-handexperience, of precisely that which Dong You describes:the depth of poverty and longing of extraordinarypeople who imbibe deeply of the refinedairs of riversand mountains to leave behind the realm of man. II. A Solitary Temple amid Clearing Peaks: The Structure of Landscape Dong You's inscription for the painting he saw of Meng Haoran riding a donkey bespeaks a familiar cultural paradigm: the opposition of reclusion and landscape to the world of officialdom. Familiar as it is, however, the subtleties and variations of its manifestation in painting have yet to be fully explored. An illustration of this is provided by WinterLandscape,painted by the mid-fourteenth century Ma Yuan follower Sun Junze (fig. 7). With Dong You's inscription in mind, WinterLandscape suddenly welcomes a new interpretation. In the foreground we find the warm comfort of a palatial chamber, and a scholar seated within who perhaps seeks a clever verse from the cut sprig of plum blossoms on his table. His gaze leads us out to a distant donkey rider crossing a bridge, heading towards the unknown through a chasm in the rocky cliffs. Foregroundand background are meant to contrast, just as the wild prunus growing from the sheer distant cliff is probably intended to contrast with the fetishized ikebanaso carefully arranged on the scholar's table. "Do away with those inner chambers, and then one's breast can be aloof and proud," writes Dong You, implying that a better poem will result. Sun Junze's painting elaborates on this idea, utilizing Ma Yuan-style plum trees and their important place of appreciation in Southern Song culture to emphasize, in a manner his Hangzhou patrons of the fourteenth century could well understand, the poetry in the painting. The structural model that Sun Junze's painting is founded upon long precedes the immediate descriptive source of his images in the late twelfth-century painter Ma Yuan. In fact, it is present with the emergence of landscape as a major genre of painting in the tenth century. Our focus now shifts slightly, away from the humble equestrian to the landscape he traverses and the manner in 54 which the artist's composition of that landscapeechoes and expands upon the semantic values lodged in the donkey rider. A recent article by Richard Barnharthas shown that an integral relationship can exist between figure and landscape in these early paintings.5 More than simply inhabitants of the landscape, strategically placed figures, Barnhart argues, potentially function as the "eye" of the painting - a kind of personality-window through which the painter creates, and through which we view, landscapesof a particularsubjective experience. Barnhart'sargument is in part built upon Mi Fu's brief comment regarding that same Li Cheng painting in Master Baoyue's collection of the scholar riding a horse that resembled Wang Wei's painting of Meng Haoran. "LiCheng's figures never went beyond this," Mi Fu's comment continues, suggesting that the scholar on a horse (or donkey) represents the "eye" of Li Cheng's paintings, particularlyin contrast to the figures painted by some of his followers: "Inother paintings [attributed to Li] the figures are ugly and strange - gamblers and rustics that look like actors. These are all paintings from when Xu Daoning worked exclusively in Li Cheng's style."" But Barnhart'sinterest here is less in Li Cheng than Xu Daoning, victim of Mi Fu's condescension, and though he briefly discusses in his article an important attribution to Li Cheng, A Solitary Templeamid ClearingPeaks (figs. 8, 9), the connection between Mi Fu's comment and the donkey rider who enters this landscape at the lower left is never made, despite the fact that this is probably one of the finest illustrations to confirm Barnhart'sthesis. Increasingly this essay focuses on Li Cheng and the influential role he plays in disseminating the popularity of the donkey rider motif in later landscape paintings. In order to place Li Cheng's use of the motif in proper perspective, however, it is important to sketch some of the developments during the critical period between the eighth and tenth centuries. We begin with the observation that Li Cheng was not alone in utilizing the donkey rider as a signifying element in tenth-century landscape painting. He is prominently displayed not once but three times in Zhao Gan's well-known painting Along theRiverat First Snow(fig. Io). He appearsfirst on a donkey-like horse accompaniedby his now familiar servant in a small copse of trees on a path by the wintry river, wearing on his face (like his mount below) the howl of the chilling wind. Moving from right to left, we cross a small bridge and soon encounter two more riders, this time on donkeys, engaged in animated conversation as their small group battles the wind marching upstream. A possible clue to the meaning of the double donkey riders motif is found in a famous shihuaanecdote told ofJia Dao and Han Yu (A.D. 768-824): Jia Dao was on his way to the capital to take the examinations,riding a donkey and reciting poems.He thoughtof the line, "Themonkpushesthe gate underthe moon,"but then wantedto change"pushes"[tui]to "knocks"[qiao].54[Debating,]he gesticulatedwith his hand,makingthe motions of pushing and knocking. He had not yet decidedwhen without realizinghe rode his donkeyinto the retinueof the MetropolitanGovernorHanYu. He discussedthe matterwith Han Yu, who respondedthat "knock"is good. Thereuponthe two rodeforward,discussingpoetryfora long time.55 RichardBarnhart,"Figuresin Landscape," Archives ofAsianArt XLII(1989),62-70. 53 Seenote no. 5. 54 FromJia Dao'spoem "TiLi Ni youju"(Inscribedforthe HiddenResidenceofLi Ni), Changiiang ji, SKQS,juan4, 2a-b. The line in questionis the secondhalf of a famousJia Dao couplet:"Birdsroostin the pond'strees/ The monk knocksat the gate underthe moon. 55 Ji Yougong,Tangshijishi,juan40, 613. 52 55 Oneof theimportant pointsof theanecdote,aselaborated uponin otherversions,is thefactthat HanYu andJiaDaocouldignoretheconsiderable in theirsocialstatusandtrotalongas differences if onewereto illustratethe storyin a literalmanner,Han equalsdiscussingpoetry.Consequently, Yu, in accordance with his exalted position, would be portrayed on a more stately mount That,of course,is notwhatis seenin ZhaoGan'spainting,but accompanied by ranksof attendants. it remains possible that the painter borrowed the idea of a donkey-riding conversation from this celebrated poetry-chat, even raising the arm of one rider to make the motions of knocking and pushing, in order to emphasize the poetry in the painting. Poetic qualities, in any case, are precisely what traditional commentators have read from this composition. Chao Buzhi (Io53-IIIo), for example, wrote a long preface dated IO86 for a painting titled Catching Fish, whose composition, according to Chao's detailed description, corresponded exactly to Zhao Gan's Along the River at First Snow.56As John Hay has shown, Chao ends his inscription in poetic reverieabout the landscape ofJiangnan.57Huizong's imperial catalogue Xuanhe huapupraises the compelling characterof Zhao Gan's painting of Jiangnan's scenery: "Though one may be amidst the wind and dust of the capital, one look and it's as if you are right there on the river. It makes you want to gather up your robes and stroll along, inquiring of boats along the riverbank."58 One might question the wisdom of jumping into this particular painting, from which one faintly hears the chattering of teeth, but its compelling chill certainly emphasizes the fact that we are far, far away from the dust of the marketplace (as another critique of Zhao's painting put it),59 precisely where "real"poems are written. If there is an "eye"to Zhao Gan's painting it resides in this trio of riders, whose focus is established by the wide-eyed stares of the fishing lads acrossthe river. Given the frequency with which his name has already appeared,it should not surprise us that the painting CatchingFish for which Chao Buzhi wrote his long, descriptive preface was said by some at the time to be a draft by Wang Wei. In fact, there appear to have been a number of versions of this composition extant in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, most of which were associated with Wang Wei's name.60 The possibility remains that Wang Wei had something to do with the original of AlongtheRiverat FirstSnow,butit seemsmorelikelythatwearewitnessingherean composition various contemporary practiceof misattributing exampleof whatMi Fudescribedas the pervasive Suchpaintingsincludedthose FiveDynastiesPeriodpaintingsto the famousTangpoet/painter. in Shu(Sichuan) goodsthroughthemountain depictingscenesof muletrainstransporting produced (likeZhaoGan's)fromJiangnan.61It hasalwaysbeenassumedthatthereason passesandsnowscenes of somevaguelypoeticqualityinherentin thesetenthwastheperception forthesemisattributions 56 ChaoBuzhi, "Buyutu xu,"Jileji, SKQS,juan34, 18a-I9b. 57 John Hay, "'Alongthe River during Winter's First Snow':A Tenth CenturyHandscrolland EarlyChineseNarrative,"The Magazine(May,1972),294-303. Burlington 58 Xuanhehuapu,juan 11,125.A painting of this title is includedamong the nine paintings by Zhao Gan in the NorthernSong imperialcollection. " 59 Xia Wenyan'sTuhuibaojianof I365: [ZhaoGan]paintslandscapesandforests,all of which arethe sceneryof Jiangnan.Often he addsbuildingsand towers,boats,fishingvillages, flowersand bamboo,scatteringthese things about to capturethe flavorof the scene.Onefindsnota speckofdustofthecapital'smarketplace." (Myitalics).HSCSed.,juan3, 49. 60 In Io57Wen Tong wrotea recordfora paintingof the sametitle. The compositionof this particularpainting, judging fromhis description,differedfromAlongtheRiverat FirstSnowin its details,but in generalit soundsquite similar.Wen Tong, "Buyutu ji,"Danyuanji, juan22, IIb-I2b. Thereweretwo paintingsof this sametitle in Huizong'scollection,alongwith a numberof other paintingswhose titles relatedto fishing,travellingand snowy rivers,might suggest somethingsimilar.Xuanhehuapu,juan Io, Io3-o4. During the SouthernSong there were at least four CatchingFish paintings attributedto Wang Wei in the imperial collection.ChenKui, Nan Songguangexulu,in Wulinzhanggucongbian (Taibei,1967reprinted.), vol. 5,juan3, IIa. 6, Mi Fu,Huashi, 189. 56 century landscapes.The donkey riders in Zhao Gan's painting suggest that those poetic qualities may well have been intended from the beginning. Students familiar with the writings of Su Shi have long known the important role poetry plays in conferringrespectabilityto painting as a gentleman'sart in literati painting theory of the late eleventhcentury.Theyarefamiliar,aswell,withWangWei'scentralpositionin thisconceptof ut Whatwe findnowis serious,credibleevidencesuggestingthatthiswasnot,as has picturapoesis.62 beenpresumed, a lateeleventh-century andthatWangWeimayhavehadmoreto dowith construct, the ideaof mergingpoetrywith paintingthansimplyas figurehead forthe latertheoristswhose interest was in primary assembling legitimizinglineages.Thekeydocumentis ZhuJingxuan's Tang chaominghua lu ofca.A.D.845,whichprovidesthe earliestevidencethatWangWei paintedMeng Haoranchantinga poemon his mount.63Thisalonedoesnot confirmthe roleWangWei'slater admirers wouldhavehimplay,asZhuJingxuanwaswritingalmosteightyyearsafterWangWei's death,wellenoughremovedto castdoubton theearlierpoet'spersonal effortsto forgea marriage of the sisterartsas crystallized in the imageof Mengon his horseor donkey.Whatbecomescertain, however, is that these developments for which Wang Wei was traditionally credited were in place by the middle of the ninth century. Moreover, they were integrally related to landscape painting's emergence as a mature genre. Prompting these developments, undoubtedly, were historical and socio-political factorsrelated to the far-reaching changes taking place in Tang society after the middle of the eighth century. These were of too complex a nature to be scrutinized here, but in the broadest possible terms they must be associated with the gradual collapse of the dynasty, the fracturingof political authority, and growing uncertainty concerning the role of the educated elite, or scholar-officals, who serviced the state bureaucracy.64The path to a successful careeras an official was difficult enough in the best of times; as the old structuresof ordercame down one became increasingly conscious of one's relative success or failure, and how these alternatives were manifest in cultural paradigms (thus, Zheng Qi's remarkon his paucity of inspired poetry). As the Tang dynasty falters the donkey rider archetypegains currency as a self-image, mirroring, perhaps, a growing sense of isolation and class-consciousness among scholars. The Jia Daos of the world (who, incidentally, was described as "a lean monk lying in ice" andfailedin his numerousattemptsat the capitalexaminations) do not necessarily becomemore but theirplightbecomesmoresharplydefined.AmongZhengQi'scontemporaries numerous, we find such poets employing the donkey rider as Tang Yanqian (873jinshi), Sun Ding (active ca. 893), Li Dong (active ca. 893) and Lu Yanrang (900 jinshi).65Sun Ding and Li Dong both failed in the exams. Littleis knownof Sun;LiDongwasan impoverished poet.Priorto his discoveryby theAttendant SusanBush, TheChineseLiteration Painting:ShuShih (io37-imo) to TungCh'i-ch'ang(1555-1636) (Cambridge,197I),especially 22-43. 63 See noteno. 9. 64 See PeterK. Bol, "ThisCultureof Ours": Intellectual Transitions in T'angandSungChina(Stanford,1992),especiallyChapterTwo: "TheTransformation of the Shih,"32-75. 65 Tang Yanqian,"Yi Meng Haoran"(RememberingMeng Haoran),QuanTangshi (hereafterQTS),juan671, 7668; Sun Ding, "Xiadizuizhongji Chu"(Sentto Chuafterfailing in the examsandgetting drunk),QTS,juan7I5,8220;Li Dong, "Fude songJia Dao zhe Changjiang"(Writtenuponreceiving'SayingFarewellto Jia Dao on his banishmentto Changjiang'),"Xiadisong Zhang Wu gui jin Jiangnan"(Afterfailing in the exams,sent to ZhangWu uponreturningto Jiangnan),"Bilii"(Deaddonkey),"Yiyou sui zi Shusui ji chenshi buji"(Writtenin theyiyouyearafterleavingSichuanto takethe examsbut failing),"GuoJia Langxianjiu di"(Passingthe old groundsofJia Dao), QTS,juan721, 8272-73, 8274,juan723,8297, 8299, 8304;LuYanrang,"Jiyou"(Sentto a friend),"Xue"(Snow),QTS,juan715,8214.Of the last two citations,which are coupletsfrom LuYanrang'spoems, "Xue"is of interestforbeing mentionedby Guo Xi as one of his favoriteversesforillustration.Linchuan gaozhi,641. 6 57 Censor Wu Rong (d. ca. 903), Lu Yanrang was a poor wandering scholar. The multi-talented Tang Yanqian was relatively successful, but he too first experienced more than ten years of failure with the exams, and his official careerwas far from tranquil in the last spasms of the Tang dynasty.66 Also of note is a propensity among some of these poets not only to present themselves in what was by now the well-established persona of the donkey rider, but also to root that persona'shistoricity in role models of the past. Li Dong's extraordinaryadoration ofJia Dao presents the most extreme case of this (he fastened to his hat a small cast bronze replica of the earlier poet and repeatedJia Dao's name a thousand times a day as that of the Buddha).67When he appearsin Li Dong's poems, Jia Dao is oftenpicturedon his donkey,justas whenLiDongputshimselfon a donkeyhe is likeJia Dao recitingpoems.In similarfashion,TangYanqianputsMengHaoranon a donkey,perhapsforthe firsttime,in hispoem"Remembering By the endof theTangdynasty,a processis MengHaoran." Considerthe well-established wherebypersona,role-modelandselfbecomemutuallyreenforcing. finallinesof a poemby LiDong,writtenwhilethinkingofJiaDao:"Yearafteryearsomeonepasses with high grades, But he does not surpass the donkey rider who enters the painting screen."68Li is consoledwiththehopethathispoetry,born Dong'spersonalfailurein theexamsandofficialdom fromthesamekindof sufferingthathe imaginesforthepainteddonkeyriderJiaDao,will earnhim a similarpieceof immortality. Thoughbaseduponthesmallnumberof extantpoemsofa handfulofpoets,thistinyglimpseinto thecircumstances attendingtheendof theTangdynastyservesto builda contextforunderstanding LiCheng'suseof the donkey-rider imagea generationor two later.Thankslargelyto the detailed researchof Wai-kam Ho,69 we now recognize that the basic facts of Li Cheng's life in the middle of the tenth century well accord with the general pattern of others who described themselves atop the donkey. Li Cheng was a distant descendant of the ruling house of the Tang dynasty, which fell thirteen years before his birth in 919, and thus a disenfranchisedsubject during the chaos of the Five Dynasties Period. His father and grandfatherwere both renowned Confucian scholars and holders of significant official posts. Li Ding, the grandfather, had served as Chancellor of the Directorate of Education; his son, Li Yu, served as a Judge on the Qingzhou circuit in Shandong Province, the wasnever regionwhereLiChengwasborn.LiChengflirtedwith an officialcareerbut apparently ableto establishhimself.70 Huizong'sXuanhehuapuembellishesthis sketchwith a vivid imageof how Li Chengwas LiCheng'sreputation wasasa bytheearlytwelfthcentury.Likehisfatherandgrandfather, perceived with never met his and he learnedConfucianscholar.Despite greatambitions talent,however, imperial favor and consequently drowned himself in poetry, which he also excelled at, and alcohol. He painted, we are told, as an outlet for his emotions, with no interest in selling his paintings. Thereupon follows the celebrated story of Li Cheng's encounter with a grandee named Sun who sought to engage Li's talents as a painter only to meet with the haughty rebuff: da cidian(Taibei,I985),488, 500oo, 66 Informationon thesepoets is convenientlypresentedin TanJiading,ed., Zhongguo wenxuejia 506. 67 Li Dong would transcribeJia Dao'spoetryfor thosewho appreciatedit and exhortthem to burnincense,treatingit the sameas a Buddhistsitra. 68 Li Dong, "GuoJia Langxianjiudi,"QTS,juan 723,8304. on 69 Wai-kamHo, "LiCh'engandthe Mainstreamof NorthernSungLandscapePainting,"Proceedings of theInternational Symposium Chinese Painting(Taibei,I970), 251-83. 70 Mi Fu statesthat Li Chengpassedthejinshiexaminationandservedas Aide to the Courtof ImperialEntertainments. Huashi, 191. andit is likely,as Wai-kamHo asserts,thatMi Fu is mistaken. This, however,cannotbe corroborated, 58 "Fromantiquity, the four classesof people have never intermixed.At root I am a Confucian scholar,andthoughI allowmy heartto wanderthroughmattersof art, it is simplyto accordwith my feelingsand nothing more.CouldI allow someoneto bind and deliverme to residein some guesthousein the imperialdistrict,where,licking brushesand fixingpigments,I would thus be countedwith the lowly sortsdescribedin paintinghistories?"71 Xuanhe huapu also records that Li Cheng went to the capital in search of a position with the Ministry of Rites but fails to state whether or not he succeeded. His late years, we are informed, were spent wandering lakes and rivers. He died in Huaiyang (northernJiangsu Province) in 967. Certainly the Xuanhe huapu account of Li Cheng is much enhanced to emphasize his scholarly background and distinction from the artisan class of professional painters, reminding us that one's efforts to understand who Li Cheng was will always be colored by what one suspects to be the eagerness of traditional historiographers to cast him as one of their own. Similarly, one's efforts to understand his art will always be frustrated by the fact that there seems little chance for any of his genuine paintings to have survived into later times. Nevertheless, we can be certain of two things: Li Cheng was affiliated with the shi class of scholar-officials, to which the basic facts of his family background attest, and Li Cheng was immensely influential as a landscapepainter - the "masterto a hundred generations," as he was commonly called.72 These two factors, I believe, account for the popularity of the donkey-rider motif in Chinese landscape painting. Li Cheng adopts it as a selfimage, following a practice already well-established by others like himself, and his many followers and forgers insure its longevity by perpetuating the imagery of his paintings, a process that can be followed from the eleventh century through the Zhe school painters of the Ming, and beyond that to painters in Koreaand Japan. A brief survey of some early paintings confirms the association of the donkey-rider persona with Li Cheng. A Solitary Templeamid ClearingPeaks(figs. 8, 9) has already been introduced. In another important Li Cheng attribution, VerdantForests,Distant Peaks,one finds the donkey rider fording a stream midway through the handscroll composition (fig. II).73In similar fashion, Yan Wengui's Towersand Pavilionsby Mountainsand Riversreveals two donkey riders and servants crossing a bridge near the end of the scroll (figs. 12, I3). A hanging scroll attributed to Yan Wengui, Towersand Pavilions by Mountainsand Streams,presents a single donkey rider crossing a bridge at the bottom of the composition (fig. I4). Although traditional sources do not specify Li Cheng's influence on Yan Wengui's landscape painting, Yan's period of activity (ca. Iooo) accordsperfectly with the first wave of Li Cheng's spreading popularity, from Li Cheng's native Shandong (Zhai Yuanshen) to the mountains of Shaanxi (Fan Kuan) to the capital Kaifeng, where Yan was active.74 The narrow, 71 Xuanhehuapu,juan 11,II4. Wai-kamHo also translatesthis passage,op.cit., 270-71. He hypothesizesthat the man namedSun, 72 73 74 who in othersourcesis calledSunSihao,wasSunCihao,a wealthywine shopproprietorwith connectionsto the imperialfamily. Ho alsobelievesthat SunSihao'srealnamewasSunShoubin,a captainof the guards.Op.cit., 271-75. To the best of my knowledge,this monikerfirstappearsin Wang Pizhi's late eleventh-centurymiscellany,Minshuiyantanlu (Beijing,1981reprinted.),juan7, 90-91. This painting,in the LiaoningProvincialMuseum,Shenyang,is well reproducedin Yang Renkai,ed., Li ChengMaolinyuanxiutu (Shanghai,I989).An inscriptiondated 1219by someonesurnamedXiang informsus that the painting was owned by his greatof LuYijian(979-Io44) andthe daughterof LuGongpi(998-Io73).She,consequently, grandmother,who wasthe granddaughter would havelived in the middle of the eleventhcentury.The style of the paintingis consistentwith a late tenth or earlyeleventh centurydate. Liu Daochun'sShengchao minghuapingappearsconfusedaboutYan Wengui'sorigins:he is describedas both a nativeof Wuxing (ZhejiangProvince)and Shanggu(ShanxiProvince)who cameto the capital(Kaifeng)duringSongTaizong'sreign(976-97). In any case,Yan is listed as a pupil of Hao Hui, an unknownmasterof Hedong (Yongji,ShanxiProvince).Liu Daochun,Shengchao minghuaping,HPCS, I29, I32.Zhai Yuanshenwas one of the threenotablefollowersof Li Cheng;he is said to havecapturedLi 59 delicately chiseled peaks billowing like distant clouds and temperate use of ink seen in these two paintings are characteristicssharedwith A SolitaryTempleamid ClearingPeaksand associated with Li Cheng through textual descriptions.75 There are mounted equestrians in Travelersat the Mountain Pass (fig. 15) and Xiao Yi Steals the Lanting Pavilion Preface (fig. 16). These two paintings are interesting because they are usually associated with artists generally considered outside ofLi Cheng's sphere of influence: Li's predecessor Guan Tong (active ca. 925-50) for Travelersand Juran (active ca. 96o-80), the monk-painter from Jiangnan, for Xiao Yi. A closer look, however, suggests a connection with the "masterto a hundred ages." Travelersat the MountainPass may owe some lingering stylistic debt to Guan Tong's tradition of painting the hard, unforgiving mountains of north central China,76 but it distinctly reveals Li descriptionof a billowingcloud-likemountainandtreeswith Cheng'sinfluencein the mannered branches "crab-claw" (featurescommonlyassociatedwith the Li Chengtradition).Although at theMountain PassmustpostdateGuanTong.It was undoubtedlyan earlypainting,Travelers probablypaintedby a minormasterof the earlyNorthernSong who was keen to adoptand variousfeaturesof landscape accentuate paintingpopularin hisday,manyof which,likethedonkey it is documented that rider,werederivedfromLiCheng.As forXiaoYi StealstheLantingPreface, Tang,LiYu, to the by LiChengafterfollowingthe lastrulerof the Southern Juranwasinfluenced I thatthe have he Songcapitalat Kaifengwhere receivedimportant commissions.771 arguedelsewhere Therideronthebridgecanbe of thislandscape alreadysuggestsLiCheng'sinfluence.78 composition evidencesupportingthe hypothesisthat this paintingreflectsJuran's consideredcorroborating late,capitalstyle. relatively Thedonkeyriderappearson a bridgeat the endof Xu Daoning's(ca.970-ca.I052)Songofthe Fishermenof the mid-eleventh century (fig. I7). He is seen again traversing a rickety bridge towards the end of SolitaryTemplebyAutumnMountains(fig. 18), a painting also attributed to Xu Daoning but more recently associated with his younger contemporary Song Di by Richard Barnhart.79Both Xu 75 76 77 78 79 Cheng's"airs"(feng),in contrastto Xu Daoning,who capturedhis "energy"(qi), and Li Zongcheng(whosenameliterallymeans "Li,Worshipperof Cheng"),who capturedLi Cheng's"form"(xing).Zhaiwasa nativeof Shandongactivein the late tenth - early eleventhcenturies.Liu Daochun,I34. Fan Kuan,a nativeof ShaanxiProvinceand Zhai Yuanshen'swell-knowncontemporary, admitsto havingfirstmodeledhimselfafterLi Cheng.LiuDaochun,I32.Li Cheng'slastinginfluenceat the capitalKaifeng,where he wasalreadypopularin his own dayaccordingto his biographyin Xuanhehuapu,is confirmedby Su Qi's (987-Io35)observation that the landscapedecoratingthe HanlinAcademyby the late tenth-centurymonk-painterJuranimitatedthe style of Li Cheng. Discussedin the text below.Seenote no. 77. Perhapsthe most concisedescriptionof Li Cheng'slandscapesis thatof Mi Fu:"LiChengusedlight ink in sucha waythat it seems as if one is in the mist of a dream.His rocksarelike movingclouds.It is all extremelyingeniousbut lacksreality."Huashi, 215. A succinctdescriptionof GuanTong'slandscapepaintingis providedby Mi Fu:"GuanTong paintsroughmountains.He excelsat "Passand river" capturingthe forceandmannerof 'the passand river.'His peaksand rangeshavelittle refinement."Hua shi, 21z5. can either referto the specificregionaroundthe Hangu PassandYellow Riverin westernHenan,or simply the roughtraveling terrainof mountainsandrivers.The two conjuresimilarimages. This informationcomesfromSu Qi's (987-Io35)descriptionof the Juranpaintinghangingprominentlyin the HanlinAcademy: "His brushtracesarewild and untrammeled.He imitates the work of Li Cheng yet is able to establishthe marvelsof his own SKQS,juan9, 5a.This informationwasfirstbrought personalstyle."Su Qi, "CixuHanlinzhi,"in Hong Zun, ed., Hanyuanchunshu, to attentionby Wai-kamHo in his catalogueentryforJuran'sBuddhistRetreatbyStreamsand Mountains(ClevelandMuseumof Art).EightDynastiesof Chinese Painting(Cleveland,I980),I8-I9. PeterC. Sturman,"MiYourenandthe InheritedLiteratiTradition:Dimensionsof Ink-play,"Ph.D. dissertation(YaleUniversity, 1989),234-37. 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Sun Junze, WinterLandscape.Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century. Hanging scroll, ink and colors on silk, 125.8x 56.4 cm. Tokyo National Museum. Fig. 8. Li Cheng, attributed to, A SolitaryTempleamid ClearingPeaks. Northern Song period, ca. A.D. Iooo. Hanging scroll, ink and light colors on silk, 111.8x 56 cm. The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, Missouri (purchase:Nelson Trust) 47-71. 0- I OUTS Vol . zo!W On, to,NO lipold ow?S.'",40?k "x, I,, ,-SK", -.1, % 0 Xv moo VIA iA 4. OWN of myRAN '14 4 Wl 1;x :1 UK& w41, ixj? Aw it,0,-,, A, A-, dqj SOON! -its dbl 17 Wt 2, op, S"_ J-2 ?2 ew-.= W'.MY ia. . . .5x' . . NO IWO IL AS. . .. ME x5p . 4? 14 1 roy', M W ?, . V. a pop! -W-WRAM mom 4. t, Q, -1 .... .... AWN te - in who _2 ARAN X X Q U. r1A A? ?41 --z...........IN ?T *z ... 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I ? ..:: . . :. . . ... %?,? .::e, .,.::":i: .... .? ...m.*., :.??. <. 4l: .- ? ? ,...x:..:? .% .. ..??-.,,?-....... .1. - .-.: ...': ::mv: :??::?-?:,?'? ???..-? .f ::?:.:.:.: ,:".,: ::.%%.:? :. .* .. .. ?rx -: ?? ?? :?? .?;. -.?., ....... ..... .... .. . . . ..? :?::..::. ,,, .= ?x ....,...... .-:.*?: ?? .::.I..-V:. .% ... :.:..:.:,:... -::?? ?.. :.:? .I... . ..1. .. :?: ? :? .. ... ....... .:.:.m.?.::? x..:-....,.-:....:&.::::: ...,. ..? ?1:4.: .I.':.?. .... -*.... . :.:...: ...:.,:: -....:: 4, .1 ...... x.. .??.' .... :?. I." --::. ..m ?:.. :., ?.:?'..? -..:: :,... ... ::?::?,.::: . ..A .n: . .-.... 1: ..?..... .:,,.:.? ? Fig. 26. Li Cheng, Wang Xiao attributed to, Readingthe Steleby Pitted Rocks.Hanging scroll, ink and light colors on silk. Yuan dynasty, fourteenth century (?). Osaka Municipal Museum. ............ ................ ........... .... ..... .......so ml... m ... ..... ....... :s;:?* ;:xk:...... :?o ........ .......... I: . . 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MountXian, from Xiangyangxianzhi, I874 edition. ?? _?Z'6 Im"'L~ A 4 -NO -ma .am&00% Daoning and Song Di were notable followers of Li Cheng.80 The donkey rider appearson a bridge in SummerMountains(figs. 19, 2o), a painting attributed to the Yan Wengui follower Qu Ding (active ca. I03O-6O). He appears yet again on a bridge heading towards the temple complex of Guo Xi's once attributed to Juran but Early Spring,dated Io72 (figs. 21, 22), and just past a bridge in Snowscape, more recently ascribed to the late Northern Song painter Feng Qin (fig. 23).8'Each of these paintings exhibits stylistic featuresassociated to some degree with Li Cheng. After the late Northern Song, the donkey rider becomes a well-settled inhabitant of the oft-explored landscape essay in the Li/Guo style. Knowledge of the associations engendered by the donkey rider allows some tentative observations about the structure of these landscapepaintings. A key element is the bridge, which the donkey rider is almost always shown approaching, crossing or just leaving. On the surfacethese bridges appearto be nothing more than the simple man-made conveniences that undoubtedly were a very real feature of the Chinese landscape. Yet the regularity with which they appearunder hoof suggests a symbolic, perhaps metaphorical, function. That function, I would suggest, is tied to the associations of Ba Bridge, symbolic site, as Zheng Qi remarked,for the composing of worthy poems. That is not to say that what is painted in these landscapes is Ba Bridge - the real Ba Bridge spans a considerable thesemountainvistas.Buttheconnotations distanceandis wellremovedfromanythingresembling of removal,separation, exile, failure,andof coursepoetrythat this famousChang'anlandmark representedcome to mind when one sees, as Zheng Qi did, a donkey rider crossing one. The intended association, I believe, is with the Meng Haoransand Jia Daos of the world, departing from the capital and returning to their wilderness landscapesafter failing in the examinations or in their attempts to secure significant patronage. The metaphorical passage from the insider's world of comfort and civilization to the outsider's world of landscape and reclusion is articulated by the full compositions of these paintings. It is clearest in the handscrolls, and of these the best illustration is the earliest: Yan Wengui's Towersand Pavilions by Mountains and Rivers (figs. 12, I3). As one moves from right to left we pass through tightly packed fishing villages, past pavilions, hostels and temples. Leaving behind these vestiges of human activity is our small party of donkey riders on the bridge, heading towards the spectacular passage of distant peaks and tumbling waterfalls at the painting's end. VerdantForests,Distant Peaks, attributed to Li Cheng (fig. II), and SummerMountains, attributed to Qu Ding (figs. 19, 2o), also suggest the horizontal movement from human world to wilderness, though not as neatly as this particularhandscroll by Yan Wengui. Yan Wengui's StoriedPavilionsby Streamsand Mountainspresents a similar paradigmaticstructure, only now organized vertically for the hanging scroll format (fig. I4). The donkey rider follows a path upwards,past what appearto be riversidedwellings to temple structuresnestled higher and higher in the mountains. The higher he ascends, the more remote and spiritual the landscape. The bridge, in this case, would seem simply to signify entrance to the journey, its role as a divider between categories of human experience now assumed into the vertical, and by consequence, hierarchical structure. The same basic format, with slight variations, is seen in the Li Cheng and Guan Tong attributions A Solitary Templeamid Clearing Peaks and Travelersat the Mountain Pass (figs. 8, I5). 8o Xu Daoningis recordedas havingsaid, "Inmy heart,I recognizethatLi Chengis my master."CitedfromHuangTingjian'spoem of Io87, "DaWang DaojisichengguanXu Daoningshanshuitu"(In answerto CourtAide Wang Daoji,lookingat Xu Daoning's landscapepainting),Shanguji, waiji,SKQS,juan3, Ia-za. LiCheng'sinfluenceon SongDi is notedby Mi Fu in Huashi, I99. Attributedto Chii-jan,"Archives 8, RichardBarnhart,"The'Snowscape' ofAsianArt XXIV (1970-7), 6-22. 81 Neither has quite the grandiose pretensions of the Yan Wengui hanging scroll, but both suggest physical and spiritual ascension from the mundane world of human society - represented by the quaint mountain village scenes - to the temples above. The format is still present in Guo Xi's Early Spring(fig. 21), though one barely recognizes it, much diluted and overwhelmed by the grand image of a landscapecaptured in the dramaof seasonaltransformation. What I have brought attention to in these various early landscape paintings can perhaps best be described as a template for landscape experience. Upon it the artists add and subtract, constructing visions of landscapeparticularto their individual interpretations. We note, for example, how Guo Xi half hides his donkey rider behind a large boulder (fig. 22), demonstrating for our delectation one of themostprominent principlesstatedin histextonpaintingLinchuan gaozhi,thatwhatis suggested can be more effective than what is described.82 And we note in this same vignette how the two porters in front of the donkey rider stand aside to allow passage on the narrow bridge - a prime presentation of the paramount importance Guo Xi placed in the logic of the landscape, and perhaps of the Confucian virtue of yielding, which would certainly be appropriatein a landscapepainted by a professionalpainter working in the service of the emperor.83 If logic and rationality characterizeGuo Xi's landscapefor the court in the Io70s, then perhaps,as Richard Barnhart has suggested, a self-mocking humor tints Xu Daoning's landscape for the marketplace of a generation earlier (fig. I7). Rather than fishing villages to symbolize the world of human activity, Xu Daoning added a busy foreground scene that includes a merchant beating an understandably reluctant steed into a ferry boat and fishermen noisily casting their lines. Although fishermen normally symbolize the peaceful life of the Daoist recluse, Barnhartsuggests that in this painting Xu Daoning parodies their traditional role into a metaphor for the busy marketplacewhere Xu cast his own line for the fat fish of customers to whom he peddled medicine (with landscapes as his bait).84The donkey rider makes an aloof departure for the peace of distant hills. Yan Wengui's paintings, with their stacked peaks and stark vistas, suggest an artist's fascination with the overpowering majesty of nature (figs. 12, I4). The specific meanings Juran may have intended in his painting remain elusive (fig. 16), though in all likelihood they are unrelated to the painting's present title, which seems to be a later and somewhat arbitraryinvention.85 Such are a few casual observations of how some of Li Cheng's followers pursued diverging paths determined by any number of factors after first learning the prototype(s) established by the tenth82"Aman on the mountaingives a clue to a path;a pavilionon the mountaingives a clue to an excellentview..." "Ifone wishesto painta high mountain,one shouldnot painteverypart,or it will not seemhigh. If one wishesto painta streamstretchingafar,one shouldnot paint its entirecourse,or it will not seem long."Guo Xi, Linchuangaozhi,635,639. Translationby SakanishiShio,An EssayonLandscape Painting,36-37, 47. 83 Suchlogic and meaningsarewell discussedin SofukawaHiroshi,"KakuKi to Soshunzu"(Guo Xi and "EarlySpring"),Tjy6shi XXXV/4 (1977),61-86. kenkyu 84 Barnhart,"Figuresin Landscape," 63-64. LiuDaochun'sentryon Xu Daoningmentionsthat he beganby selling medicineat the main gate by the palaceof Kaifeng.To those who bought his goods he would alwayspresenta painting of treesand rocks.Liu Daochun,Shengchao minghua ping,juan2, I33. 85 The title Xiao Yi StealstheLantingPrefacedoesnot appearin associationwith Juranin anyearlysourceof whichI am aware.It first emergesin the seventeenthcenturywith ZhangChou'sQingheshuhuafang of 1616,juan wu, 44a. The title appearsoften in early texts, but almostalwaysin associationwith figurepainters,whichJuranwas not. The best-knownextantexampleof the Xiao Yi compositionis the Five Dynasties Periodwork erroneouslyattributedto Yan Libenin the National PalaceMuseum,Taibei. Gugongminghuasanbaizhong(Taizhong,1959),pl. 2. See the article by Han Chuang(JohnHay), "HsiaoI Gets the Lan-t'ing Bulletin,(in two parts)vol. V, no. 3 (July-August,I970), I-I3, andno. Manuscriptby a ConfidenceTrick,"NationalPalaceMuseum 6 (January-February, 1971),I-I7. For anotherversionin the FreerGalleryof Art see ThomasLawton,ChineseFigurePainting (Washington,D.C., 1973),cat. #12. 82 century master. But what of Li Cheng, himself? Can anything more be learned of his paintings with the knowledge gained from donkey riding lore? One author takes note of the central position given the temple in A Solitary Templeamid ClearingPeaks, terminus of any human movement through the landscape, and suggests a connection with the Buddhist faith.86 It is difficult to proceed further with this interpretation since the painting is almost certainly from the hand of someone other than Li Cheng and there is little in the historical materials to confirm the nature and strength of Li Cheng's religious beliefs.87 Nevertheless, another feature of this painting tangential to the temple's placement is both significant and firmly associated with Li Cheng: the expression of distance that extends from the temple in a sublime vista of towering peaks and waterfalls dropping into mists of pure emptiness. Distance is so fundamental and obvious an element of all landscape painting that it is easy to overlook the subtleties of its expression. As discussion of the third Li Cheng attribution will show, however, gazing into the distance is an act of cultural as well as physical perception, and one performedmost notably by those who rode the donkey. III. Reading the Stele by Pitted Rocks: History as Distance ZhaiYuanshen,a nativeofYingqiu [ShandongProvince],acquireda reputationas a musicianand excellentplayerof drums.He modeledhis paintingsafterthe landscapesof his fellowcountryman Li Cheng,delighting in paintingscenesof peaksand ranges.One daywhile performingwith his drumsat the governor'sbanquet,he chancedto see distant clouds rising precipitouslyupward, just like mountainpeaks stackedone upon the other. Yuanshencranedhis neck and stood on tiptoesgazing towardsthem. Without realizingit, he climbedon top of his drumsand the beat wasconsequentlylost. When the governorinquired,Zhai spokedirectly,explainingeverything. The next day the governororderedYuanshento paint, and sure enough, his mountainpeaks possessedan abruptandawesomeforce.Peoplefoundit extraordinary.88 Although Zhai Yuanshen's paintings are no longer known, Towersand Pavilionsby Mountainsand Streamsby Zhai's contemporary Yan Wengui serves as a good illustration of this inspired trick of using the billowing forms of towering clouds as models for majestic mountains (fig. 14). But was the source for this trope truly in the summer cumuli of Shandong, or was it in the landscapepaintings of Zhai Yuanshen's teacher Li Cheng, who painted rocks like moving clouds, according to Mi Fu?89 Andpresumingthattheconnection to LiChengis moresignificant, wastheearlierpainter's motive the same?To overwhelmthe viewerwith mountainsof toweringforces?Anecdotessometimes thatareovershadowed providesignificantpiecesof information by the morecuriouselementsof a story. In this case it is not so much what Zhai Yuanshen obtains for his landscapepaintings, but the 66. 86Barnhart,"Figuresin Landscape," 87 Barnhartcites OsvaldSiren'sreadingof Dong You'scritiquesof Li Cheng'spaintingsto presumea connectionbetweenthe artist andChanBuddhistcircles.OsvaldSiren,Chinese (New York,1956),vol. I, zoo. While such Painting:LeadingMastersandPrinciples a connectionwould have been perfectlycommonplacein the tenth century,it seems to me that Dong You's languagein these inscriptionsis purelyrhetoricaland not basedon any specificprivateknowledgeof Li Cheng'slife. Forthat matter,Dong You's mysticalterminologywould be equallywelcomingof a Daoist interpretation.Without a pagodavisible, can we be certainthe templein this particularLi Chengattributionis Buddhist?Forthe Dong You inscriptionssee Guangchuan huaba,juan4, z77, 280; juan 6, 306-07. 88 LiuDaochun,Shengchao minghua ping,juan2, I34.This sameanecdoteis foundin Xuanhehuapu,juan11,121,whereZhaiYuanshen furtherexplainsthat the toweringclouds could serveas the perfectmodel for one's landscapepainting. Anotherversionof the anecdoteis foundin Wang Pizhi,Minshuiyantanlu,juan7, 91. 89 Seenoteno. 75. 83 mannerin whichheobtainsit - bygazingintothedistancewithsuchsingleminded intensitythathe climbs his drums to a better view. Zhai's actions the true attraction of unwittingly atop gain bespeak LiCheng'slandscape paintings:vistasof suchdepththatthe eyegazeson longafterthepathsand cometo anend,to mountainsso distantthattheycannotbe distinguished fromfaraway roadways clouds.This characteristic of Li Cheng'slandscapesis confirmedby a famouscomparison made betweenhispaintingsandthoseof hismostnotedfollower,FanKuan. FanKuanstudiedLi Cheng'sstyleandwasableto realizethe marvelsof Li'sessence.Nevertheless, he still compareddisfavorablywith the master.Then Fan Kuan began to face the landscape directlyin orderto forgehis ideas. He did not seek frivolousadornmentbut ratherpaintedthe mountains'true bones.In this mannerhe was able to establishhis independenceand earnequal staturewith Li Cheng.In landscapepaintingof the Songdynastyonly FanKuanandLi Chengcan be consideredabsolutelypeerless.Peopletodaysaythat with Li Cheng'spaintingyou canget very close and it still seems one thousandmiles distant while with Fan Kuan'spainting, even when seenfromsomedistance,it appearsas if within hand'sreach.90 - after A similar observation is attributed to the later Li Cheng follower Wang Shen (ca. O1048 thatin contrastto FanKuan'slandscapes, LiCheng'sgiveonethe 11o4),whois citedascommenting of lookingout overanexpanseof a thousandmiles.9,Onemightcomparethe looming impression massifof FanKuan'smasterpiece Travelers andStreams amongMountains (fig. 24) to the receding mountains andcascades ofA Solitary amidClearing Mists(fig.8)to substantiate LiuDaochun's Temple andWangShen'sobservations. Anotherpaintingattributedto LiCheng,TallPines,LevelDistance makes the evenmoreexplicit.Althoughthis tall hangingscrollrevealsthe (fig. 25), comparison touchof GuoXi, orsomeonecloseto him,the leveldistancethemeis onethathadlongbeenassociated with the earlier master.92 The expression of distance is a key feature of the paintings of Li Cheng's followers, from Yan Wengui to Xu Daoning to Guo Xi and Wang Shen. Even without genuine works from his hand to confirm it, there can be little question that the expression of depth and distance was a fundamental characteristicofLi Cheng's landscapepaintings. Curiously, the painting that allows us to proceed a step further in understanding Li Cheng's interest in expressing distance in his art portrayslittle, if any, physical separation.Readingthe Steleby Pitted Rocksis limited to a foreground scene of gnarled trees, rocks, two figures and a memorial tablet (fig. 26). What gazing takes place extends no farther than the massive stele standing on a majestic tortoise base and topped by a finely chiseled dragon crown. This is a painting that proves difficult to reconcile with the story it has long been presumed to describe. Resolution of this contradiction will provide a last important piece to Li Cheng's story. The association of this theme with Li Cheng can be dated to the late Northern Song, when two paintings of this title attributed to the artist were in the imperial collection.93According to Zhou Mi 90 Liu Daochun, Shengchaominghuaping, juan 2, 132. 9, Han Zhuo, Shanshuichunquan hualunleibian,676. Wang Shenpurportedlyendedhis comparisonof Li ji, in Yu Kun, Zhongguo Cheng'sand FanKuan'spaintingswith the commentthat the one (Li Cheng)was surelylike a scholarwhile the othercould be likenedto a warrior.Seealso RichardBarnhart,"WangShenandLateNorthernSungLandscapePainting,"Kokujikjryu~ bijutsushi dainikaishinpojiamu onArt HistoricalStudies#2, Kyoto,1983),61-69. (International kenkyukai Symposium 92 SuzukiKei discussesthis at some length in Chugoku kaigashi,firstvolume (T6ky6,1981),200-10. Among the sourceshe cites is Wang Pizhi'sMinshuiyantanlu, juan 7, 91, which commentsthat the themeof wintryforestswith a level distanceview did not exist beforeLi Cheng.One findsamong the one hundredfifty-nineLi Chengattributionsin Xuanhehuapu,juan 11,115-17,such titles asLevelDistanceandLevelDistance,PittedRocks. 93 Xuanhehuapu,juan II, 116. 84 (1232-98), who saw the remains of a painting with a similar title, the work was jointly done by Li, who painted the landscape elements, and another painter named Wang Chong, who painted the figures.94The painting that survives today is considered by most to be a later recension, probably of the fourteenth century. A half-hidden inscription identifies Li Cheng's partner in this case as Wang Xiao, a little-known specialist of bird-and-flowerpainting who may have been a contemporary.95 For centuries the narrativeof the painting has been presumed to concern the reading of the stele of the filial maiden Cao E (d. A.D. o108)by the Three Kingdoms Period generalissimo Cao Cao (150Io22o).96 The source of the identification is a famous anecdote told in Liu Yiqing's Shishuoxinyu of Cao Cao's encounter with Cao E's memorial tablet while traveling by the Fen River in Kuaiji (Zhejiang Province) in the company of his sharp-witted assistant Yang Xiu. The tablet's text, which recorded the moving story of how the youthful Cao E had thrown herself into the river after seeking the body of her drowned father, was an inspired piece of writing by Handan Chun (fl. ca. A.D. 220). However, it was not so much Handan Chun's writing that attracted Cao Cao's and Yang Xiu's attention, but a seemingly nonsensical eight-character inscription attributed to Cai Yong (133-92) written on the back of the stone. Yang Xiu figured out immediately that the inscription was a synonymic anagram which translated into the phrase, "Utterly lovely, wonderful words," describing Handan Chun's composition. Cao Cao solved the puzzle as well, but two hours later and after having continued on their travel for some ten miles. This caused him to sigh, "Myability is ten miles slower than yours."97 The problem with this identification of the painting's story is the extraordinaryinappropriateness of portraying Cao Cao, one of the most fearedand powerful men of the third century, as seated on the back of a donkey, the steed of failure. His attire, as well as his mount, are much more suited for the poor itinerant scholar than for the leader of a powerful state. Moreover, the second figure in the painting could not possibly be the brilliant aide-de-camp Yang Xiu. This is no more than a servantlad attending to the menial tasks of his master. A second stele-reading painting, this one attributed to Guo Xi (fig. 27) titled Regardingthe Stele,highlights the questionable nature of the association of Reading the Stele by Pitted Rockswith the Shishuo xinyu anecdote.98 Unquestionably, this second composition was intended to be an illustration of the story of Cao Cao and Yang Xiu. The stately deportment of the two gentlemen engaged in animated conversation, the fierce-looking retainers,the two magnificent horses, the regal scepter in the hands of an assistant (as opposed to the gnarled staff held by the servant in the other composition) all point to the story of Cao Cao and Yang Xiu. Reading theSteleby PittedRocks,in contrast, must be something different.99 94 ZhouMi, Yunyanguoyanlu, 334.Zhou Mi writesthat only one halfof the paintingsurvived;the scrollwith the figureswasgone. Nothing moreis knownof Wang Chong. 95 Wang Xiao is sometimessaid to be fromSishui(Shandong),sometimesfromSizhou(northeastAnhui). Liu Daochun,Shengchao minghuaping,juan 3, I43.Xuanhehuapu,juan I9, 235.I presumethat some confusionensuedin the minds of laterviewersof the ReadingtheStelepaintings:the otherwiseunknownWang Chongmayhavebeenassociatedwith Wang Xiao,who at leastcouldbe situatedin geographicalproximityto Li Cheng.Li Cheng,as statedearlier,wasa nativeof Shandongwho is saidto havespenthis last yearsin Huaiyang,not farfromSizhou. 96 SuzukiKei, Chuigoku kaigashi,firsttome, vol. one, 207-08, vol. two. notes no. 191-93.ProfessorSuzukidocumentspoemson the ji, juan19),amongothers. ji, juan2), andDu Jiong (1396-1474)(Du Dongyuan subjectby KeJiusi (1312-65)(Danqiusheng 97 LiuYiqing, Shishuoxinyujiaojian,juan 2, 318-19(XI.3);Mather,293-94. The originalstele inscriptionby HandanChunis found in QuanSanguowen,in QuanShangguSandaiQinHanSanguoLiuchaowen(Taibei,1964reprinted.),juan26, 4a-b. 98 Gugongshuhuatulu(Taibei,I989),vol. I, 237-38.I suspectthat this little-knownpaintingdatesto the earlyMingdynasty. of the Cao Cao identificationof the donkeyriderin ReadingtheSteleby 99 SuzukiKei, perhapsrecognizingthe inappropriateness PittedRocks,suggestsinsteadthe anagram'sauthor,CaiYong. Moreover,he questionsthe painting'sdescriptionof a barren,wintry plain for CaoE's stele, locatedin the lush riverinelandscapeofJiangnan.ProfessorSuzukiconcludeswith the astutehypothesis that ReadingtheSteleby PittedRocksis a painting whose roots may be in the Three KingdomsPeriodstory but whose content 85 Misidentification of thenarrative in Reading theStelebyPittedRocks portrayed provesto beanearly orso onemaydeducefromanobservation thatMi Fumakesin hisHuashiof thelate phenomenon, NorthernSong. Listingthe manytypes of paintingsownedby wealthyaristocratsrandomly attributedto Wang Wei, Mi Fu addsthe title Emperor Wuof Wei(CaoCao)ReadingtheStele."'o Why wouldthisthemehavebeenassociated withWangWei?Theanswer,I believe,is in thelikelihoodof therebeinga donkeyriderin thatpainting,justas one findsin ReadingtheStelebyPittedRocks. oneof WangWei'spaintingof MengHaoran,andstelereadingof CaoCao Donkeyridingreminded andtheCaoE stele.Theoverlapping ofWangWei'snamewithMengHaoranandLiChengemerges oncemore,andoncemoreit is MengHaoranwhoprovesto bethepivotalfigure. Therewas,in fact,somereasonto themisidentification, forCaoE'sstelerepresented animportant model that would reappearin Meng Haoran'senvironmentin the eighth century,and by consequence againwithMeng'sadmirerLi Chengin the tenthcentury.Thekey,however,lies not with CaiYong'scharacter-puzzle, but ratherwithwhatis entirelyoverlooked in theShishuo xinyu anecdote- HandanChun'soriginalsteletext. SomovingwasHandan'srecountingof the storyof CaoE, it is said,thatall whoreadit werereducedto tears.On MountXianat Xiangyang,Meng Haoran's of reclusion, wasanothertear-wrenching stele.Styled,in PaulKroll'stranslation, landscape theTabletof FallingTears(Duoleibei),thismemorial stonewasdedicatedto a mannamedYangHu (221-78),the militarygovernorwhoadministered XiangyangsomefivehundredyearsbeforeMeng Haoran lived in the area.,o' Yang Hu performed nothing as dramatic as the filial maiden Cao E; he was simply a benevolent magistrate particularly fond of making outings to Mount Xian in the company of friends. But during those outings Yang Hu proved susceptible to philosophical musings on the ephemerality of man, and his thoughts, given presence in the stone on Mount Xian, proved as effectively moving to those who followed him at Xiangyang as Cao E's stele in Kuaiji. Here is Meng Haoran'swell-known poem on the subject, borrowing Paul Kroll's translation: ON CLIMBING XIAN MOUNTAIN IN COMPANY WITH SEVERAL FRIENDS Humanaffairsfadein turn,eachgeneration; Theirgoings andcomingsformingthe pastandthe present. But riversandhills retaintheirsupassingtraces; And ourgroupnowagainclimbsandlooksdown. The waterebbs,andFish-weirIsle is left in shallows; Skyturnscold, andthe Marshof Dreamlies deep. LordYang'sstonetabletstandsherestill; We havereadit, andtearsnowwet ourlapels.z02 Reading stelae is contemplation of the past, diaogu,reflection on the passage of history, the actions of great people of former times, and by consequence, reflection on one's own place in history. It was a reflectsthe story'sevolutioninto the moregenericthemeof the lofty scholarbeing emotionallytouchedby the ancienttablet.This hypothesisis mostly correct,though the theme, as I will attempt to show, provesto be more specificthan ProfessorSuzuki presumes.SuzukiKei, op..cit.,20zo9. '00ooMi Fu,Huashi, 189. 1OI PaulW. Kroll,MengHao-jan,34-37. This studyconvenientlyandconciselypresentsmuchof the materialconcerningMountXian and Yang Hu that I am citing in my text. Yang Hu's biographyis found in FangXuanling,Jin shu (Beijing, 1974),juan 34, 1013-25. 02oz"Yuzhuzideng Xianshan",MengHaoranshiji,juan I, 4a. Translationby Paul W. Kroll,MengHao-jan,35.One coupletfromthis poemwas includedin the inscriptionon the so-calledWang Wei paintingof Meng Haoranridinga donkeyseenby ZhangJi that wascited earlierin this article. 86 pattern that repeated itself over and over again on Mount Xian, as those who passed through Xiangyang were drawn to Yang Hu's stele. Here, for example, is the poem of Li She, who passed through Xiangyang early in the ninth century: PRESENTED TO SIKONG DI, PASSING THROUGH XIANGYANG At Fangchengandthe Han River,a pondby old city walls;I03 High banksandgulleysremain;tis the worldthatmoveson. I stopmy horse,aloneseekingaffairsof old; ThoseI meet speakonly of the steleon MountXian.I04 "High banks and deep gulleys" (linggu)refersto the passage of time, over the course of which hills andvalleyschangeplaces,justasallthingstransform. Theexpression is derivedfromShijing(Bookof Odes),'o5but the real reference in Li She's poem is to the military official Du Yu (222-84), who immediately followed Yang Hu's tenure at Xiangyang, serving there from 278 until his death six years later. Undoubtedly influenced by Yang Hu's meditations, and fearful that later generations would forget his name, Du Yu had two stelae inscribed with a recordof his deeds. Just in case the old adage was true, one was hidden deep in a gulley below the mountains while the other was placed atop Mount Xian, thereby insuring that later generations would know his name.,o6 Du Yu was a celebrated figure of his time, renowned for considerablemilitary and civil achievements. How much more susceptible to this pattern of self-reflection would be failed scholars like Meng Haoran and Li She, who travel through a landscape of historical ruins and encounter mementos of others before them who meditated on the passage of time? The pattern continues, only now, those who once meditated join those of the past to become objects of meditation. By the beginning of the tenth century Meng Haoran's fame has grown, his place on the donkey has become fixed, his association with Xiangyang and Deer Gate Mountain indelible. Just one generation before Li Cheng's time, the monk Qiji came through Xiangyang and now thought not only of Yang Hu, but Meng Haoran as well: "At Deer Gate Mountain is buried Master Meng; Mount Xian carriesLord Yang..."'o7 The association of Meng Haoran on his donkey and Yang Hu's stele with the landscapeof reclusion at Xiangyang remained so strong for so long that a thousand yearslater one still finds vestiges of their presence in the schematic woodblock illustration of Mount Xian from the 1874 edition of the Xiangyang Gazetteer(fig. 28): three stelae on a ridge, another on the peak, and three donkey riders followed by zither-toting attendants. There can be no doubt that Li Cheng's Reading the Stele by Pitted Rocksillustrates this long-standing tradition at Xiangyang. The donkey rider travels to a landscape composed of historical distance. He travels, as Li She's poem announces, in search of the affairsof old. And when he encounters the stele, he gazes into the time-weathered stone and beyond to the models of the past. History moves one; stelae have the Io3 Fangchengrefersto the great wall erectedby the state of Chu during the Springand Autumn Periodto protect its northern borders.HuainanHongliejijie (Shanghai,1924),juan 4, Ib-za. The wall stretchedfromFangchengxianto Dengxian,in southern HenanProvince,just northof the Han RiverandXiangyang.The underlyingassociationsin LiShe'spoemis with the greatbattles that tookplacein this regionbetweenwarringhegemonsduringthe EasternZhou. io4 Guo Xiangyangshangyu SikongDi," QTS,juan477, 5432.Note also Li She'spoem "SongWei Jiannengdong you"(Sentto Wei Jiannengon my EasternTravel),ibid., 5432,in which he describeshimselfas a failedpublic servantleavingChang'an,riding his "haggardhorse"throughthe easternpass. 1o5 "Shiyuezhi jiao"in "Xiaoya."JamesLegge,TheChinese Classics(Taibei,reprinted., 1983),vol. IV, 322. Fang Xuanling,Jin shu, juan 34, Io3I. 106 1o7 "Guo Lumen zuo" (Written upon passing Lumen), QTS,juan 839, 9466-67. 87 ability to elicit tears. One contemplates the past and thinks of oneself in the present. One considers how others in years to come may continue the cycle by contemplating his place in history. Yang Hu in thefollowingpassage is apparent beganthepatternandLiChengpaintedit. Thevitalconnection from Yang Hu's biography inJin shu: [Yang] Hu delighted in landscape.Eachtime the scenerywas fine he insisted on travelingto MountXian, wherehe wouldset the wine, chatandsing poems,neverbecomingfatigued.On one such occasionYang Hu gave a forlornsigh. Turningto his retainer,the Gentlemanof the Inner CourtZou Zhan,and others,he said the followingwords:"Aslong as the cosmoshas existed,so hasthis mountain.And manyhavebeenthe worthyandsuperiorgentlemenof the pastwho have, like you and me, ascendedhere to gaze into the distance. That all of them should have been extinguishedwithoutrumorwoundsone with grief. But a hundredyearshenceforth,if my carnaland cloud-soulsarepossessedof consciousness,they both will climb up herestill." [Zou] Zhan responded,"Mylord'svirtuecrownsthe fourseas,his Way will continuethe wisdomof the past. Yourreputation,yourregard- thesethings will surelyexist togetherwith this mountain,passed down to latergenerations.But as for myselfand the others,well, then it will be just as you, Sir, have described.,1I?8 To judge from Meng Haoran's poems, climbing Mount Xian to gaze into the distance is to partake in a ritual of society.I?9 Contemplating it, however, is to partake in a ritual of history, for gazing proves to be an act of measuring not the physical separation from here to there, but the chronological distance that separates kindred spirits across time. Gazing is a reflection of the hope that one's own name will carryfar. Wang, "to gaze," also means "repute,""regard,"and is so used in of distanceis a self-conscious affirmation ZouZhan'sresponseto YangHu'slament.Theexpression of the point from which that distant scene unfurls, for though it may be mist-shrouded alps and farawaystands of trees that are depicted, the true subject is the act of gazing itself. By consequence, the expression of distance is also affirmationof the person who occupies that point in space and time. Li Cheng made an art of gazing into the distance. Twin Pines, LevelDistance(fig. 25), a scene that would seem to echo the experience of viewing out across the landscape from Mount Xian if not for the forward-moving stream,is a literalillustration.Thereis no donkeyriderhere,but his mortal noted be symbolsof indirectlythroughthepoignantcontrastofferedbytheevergreens, may presence distanceso illustrates thecontemplated theStelebyPittedRocks throughmetaphor, longevity.Reading A of distanceandthefunctionof thegazethatcharacterizes vastherethattearsfall.Theexpression whoapproaches amidClearing Mistsshouldbeinterpreted similarly.Thedonkey-rider Temple Solitary the smallvillagewill travelonlyasfaras the temple.Fromtherehe will lookintothedistanceand partakein this ritual of history, exactly as he does on Mount Xian, whether confronting a far-offscene or a stone monument. Yang Hu and Meng Haoran both emphasize the permanence of landscape to contrast with the "goings and comings" of man. This painting crystallizes the contrast in this image of distant peaks and tumbling cascades, suggesting in their unworldliness the ephemerality of those who look. io8 FangXuanling,Jinshu,juan34, Io2o. My translationis largelybasedon thatof PaulW. Kroll,MengHao-jan,34. 109MengHaorancommonlysaidhis formalfarewellsto guestson MountXian.As he wrotein his poem "XianshansongZhu da Qufei yu Badong"(At MountXian, seeingoff Zhu the elder,Qufei,on his travelsto Badong),"Atfarewellpartingsone alwaysclimbson high andlooksdown."PaulW. Kroll,MengHao-jan,36. 88 IV. Enteringthe Iconography Claiming in his lifetime to have seen only two genuine Li Cheng paintings and some three hundred fakes, Mi Fu pronounced his famous "No Li" theory (wu Li lun)."o The distinction between genuine and pretender,at least in Mi Fu's mind, was considerable,and it led to one of the fullest, most literal descriptionsof any of the paintingsmentionedin Mi Fu'sfamoushistoryof painting. The scrollwas one of the few that the discerningconnoisseuraccepted,a small painting titled Pine andRocksfromthe collectionof ShengWensu.Mi Fu'sdescriptionis valuablenot only forproviding a sense of what it was that defined Li Cheng's genuine work, but also for revealing what it was a late eleventh century scholar like Mi Fu may have valued in the earlier painter's art. The trunk of the pine is so upright it could function as a great beam. The branches and leaves provide a cool sensation of shade. He did not use circles of ink to describe the knots in the wood, but rather applied a large dot of ink, and then to unite it went over it a number of times with lighter shades of inkwash. This way it looks as if a product of nature. Facing it is a textured rock, full-bodied and glistening, that rises abruptly. It reaches to the brushstrokes descriptive of the slope. The foot of the rock is on a level with another rock in the water. Light ink was used to describe where the water reaches. In this manner the rocks form a single group that leads [from the slope above] directly into the water. It is not at all like the imitative efforts of the common and vulgar, who directly apply their slanted brushes to make paintings where there is no ground below or force to the water - they simply seem to be flying in the air. Such paintings have made misguided critics assume that Li Cheng directly applied the brush "without any feet" [without any firm basis of conception]. Such people have not seen his genuine works. Liu Jing thought that genuine paintings by Li Cheng were numerous, so I showed him this Pine and Rocks.After a long period of time he finally said, "This must be Master Cheng.""' According to Mi Fu, Pine and Rockswas the very image of geomorphic reality. The rocks were not randomly placed but carefully composed, following the artist's observation of the truthful record left by nature's passage over time. To accord with this goal of capturing the landscape's true appearance the artist adopts extraordinarily naturalistic techniques. The pine is painted in such a manner that the brushstrokes and washes melt into a dense substance of many layers. The tree organically develops from within, stratum upon stratum, with twisted knots that reflect nature's course through time. In contrast, Mi Fu derides the mannered paintings of Li Cheng's followers, whose pine trees lack Li Cheng's "stable conception," quickly done and, elsewhere he writes, in imitation of the unreal forms of serpents and dragons."2 Mi Fu goes on to suggest what underlies the difference: Li Cheng was a recipient of the jinshi degree and served as an Aide to the Court of Imperial Entertainments. His son Li You served as Grand Master of Remonstrance. His grandson Li You served as Edict Attendant to the Court of Imperial Entertainments... This makes these [followers works] the paintings of common artisans- stuff created for food and clothing.n3 "o Mi Fu,Huashi, 191,195.The two paintingsarethe set of fourhangingscrollsin the collectionof the SuzhoumonkBaoyueandPine andRocks,describedin the text below.Mi Fu elsewherementionsa largefanby LiChengin his own collection,whichhe describes as "theworld'sbest,"leavingopenthe possibilitythat he actuallyknewof threegenuineLi Chengs.Huashi, I94. In Mi Fu,Huashi, 194. H2 Afterdescribingthe "sturdyandupright"pines in the set ofLi Chengpaintingsin Baoyue'scollection,Mi Fu informsus that they werenot at all like the "strangeserpent-demonforms"foundin the paintingsofLi Cheng'svulgarfollowers.Mi Fu,Huashi,191. S3 Ibid.,191. 89 ThefactthatMi Fu wasprobablymistakenin his bestowalof thejinshidegreeandan official position to Li Cheng merely highlights the fact that essentially Li Cheng, like Wang Wei, was regardedby the late Northern Song literati as one of their own. And so he has been regardedthrough the later history of Chinese art, earning, ultimately, confirmationof a scholarly nature by inclusion in that most hallowed club, Dong Qichang's southern school. Appropriatelyenough, accompanying the dismantling of Dong Qichang's artifice in the second half of this century, the validity of the link between Li Cheng and what emerges in later times as the literati tradition of painting has been questioned. Li Cheng's absorption into the literati tradition is now understood by many to be a part of the same broad effort to legitimize scholar-amateurpainting that utilized the prestigious name of Wang Wei, first in the eleventh century and then again by Dong Qichang five hundred years later. What this study demonstrates, however, is that far beyond one's expectations, viable links existed betweenthecommunity of disenfranchised literatito whichLiChengbelongedandSuShi'scircleof inventiveartistsandtheoristsactivein the late eleventhcentury.This is not to assumeMi Fu's valuejudgmentsanddeprecate theworkof "common ashe callsthem,for condescending artisans," thisremainsblatantlyartificialandself-serving; noris it to resurrect and DongQichang'snorthern southern schools.Butwhatmustberecognized is thatsomeof thebasictenetsoftheliteratitheoryof themwithsuchinfluential force. paintingwerewellin placebeforeSuShiandcompanyarticulated Considerthe followingverseby Su Shi,whichall agreeservesas oneof the foundationblocksfor literatipaintingtheory: Thosewho discusspaintingin termsof formallikeness Lookat paintingwith the understandingof a child. Thosewho composepoetrythatmust be thispoem Certainlyarenot oneswho understandpoetry. Poetryandpaintingat roothaveone rule: Naturalskill andfreshoriginality."4 The third line of Su Shi's poem alludes to precisely the kind of poetry Zheng Qi felt himself mired in whileservingin thecomfortof thecapital:poetryon set themes,followingset conventions, with moreor less predictableresults- poetry,in otherwords,less indicativeof personalgrowthand thanthe nicetiesof socialcommunication. In contrastis the poetryof the donkeyrider. expression OuyangXiu, we arereminded,describedthe youthfulLi He composingon his steedas "never writingpoemson a giventopic,forcinghis verses,as othersdo, to conformto the theme.""'115 Meng Haoran'spoetryof reclusionwrittenatophis donkeyat Xiangyangwouldhavebeenconsidered equally spontaneous. That is the implication of what is described in Travelersin a WintryForest,and we thus discover Su Shi defining true painting in accordancewith what a painter like Li Cheng was describing pictorially over one hundred years earlier. When Su Shi discounts verisimilitude as the sole criterion by which quality is judged in painting, he echoes Ouyang Xiu's remarkof a generation earlier that while things of superficial perception are easy to see, such as birds' and animals' rates of 114 Su Shi, "ShuYanlingWang zhubusuohuazhezhiershou"(Writtenaftera paintingof a cut branchby AssistantMagistrateWang of Yanling,two poems),Su Shi shiji,juan 29, 1525-26.This is the firsthalfof the firstof Su Shi'stwo poems.It is introducedand discussedby SusanBush, TheChineseLiterationPainting,26-27. It is alsocommentedon by KiyohikoMunakatain his reviewof Bush's book. "SomeMethodologicalConsiderations,A Review of SusanBush, TheChineseLiteration Painting,"ArtibusAsiae XXXVIII/4(1976),311-12. IH5 See note no. 22. 90 speed, "relaxedharmony and solemn tranquility, feelings of far-reachingmood, are hard to shape."'6 Travelersin a WintryForestmay employ highly naturalistic techniques (in accordancewith what Mi Fu praisesin Li Cheng'sPineTreeandRocks), but the veryfactthatits truesubjectis something thatmovesMengHaoranto song,orin otherwords,feelingsof far-reaching unseen- theinspiration mood- suggeststhatthispaintingaccordswithwhatSuShi'sversedescribes. Howmuchmoreso a theStelebyPittedRocks, andby implicationof its meanings,the literallyfarpaintinglike Reading andSolitary amidClearing Peaks? reachingTwinPines,LevelDistance Temple Mostintriguing,perhaps,is the patternof historicalconsciousness thatis revealedthroughthe of the rider's We a discover code of values intrinsic to thescholarclassof study donkey iconography. the lateTang,FiveDynastiesPeriodandNorthernSong,andonethatservesas a vitaltoolof selfdefinition.Assuchit is self-consciously perpetuated againandagain.Thedonkeyridertrotson,so to speak, from RuanJi to Meng Haoran to Li Cheng's generation and beyond. The iconographyexpands to accommodate new riders, but it is the constancy of the image that was significant to those who adopted it, for it is the constancy of the values the donkey rider represents that affirms this community of minds over hundreds of years. The most constant of those values is the fear of one's place in history being lost and forgotten: Yang Hu's lament. And yet, curiously, by simply voicing this concern, one combats it, as proven by the fact that what Yang Hu has always been known for is the lament itself. The lament becomes a communal chant over time, and it becomes embodied in an image that promises a small measure of eternity. Thus Li Dong writes, "Yearafter year someone passes with high grades, But he does not surpassthe donkey rider who enters the painting screen.""'7 To borrow a phrase used by Ivan Morris in an entirely different context, the donkey rider represents the nobility of failure, and that nobility is not forgotten by those who stood to gain the most from it. The trans-temporal community of scholars, of course, is not entirely represented by the donkey rider; he simply provides one of its more useful icons. Li Cheng, for that matter, never seems to have been pictured atop old "long ears,"though it would appear he thought of himself as a donkey rider through his consistent use of the motif in his paintings and the alliance that is strongly implied with that paragon of donkey riding, Meng Haoran. Li Cheng's measure of fame is earned through slightly different means - not as the chanter of poems, but as the painter of the landscape that elicits those poems. In this regard one finds an entirely appropriatehomage paid by Su Shi in a verse written for an anonymous painting he saw in the collection of his friend Wang Shen: WRITTEN FOR A MOUNTAIN IN THE COLLECTION PAINTING OF WANG JINQING, WITH COLORS ONE OF TWO Off in the misty distance,Yingqiu,immortalof waterandink, Floatingin the void, appearingandfading,betweenformandnothing. Sincethen the worldhaschanged,all gallantspiritis finished; Who now seesthe coloredmountainsof the GeneralsLi?"8 The Generals Li are the eighth-century painters Li Sixun and Li Zhaodao, famous for their polychromatic paintings of landscape and recalled here because of the use of colors in this painting owned by Wang Shen. Su Shi is moved by the age of the painting, by its quality and perhaps by its 116 OuyangXiu, "Jianhua"(Evaluatingpainting),in "Shibi"I, Wenzhong ji, SKQS,juan130o, zb-3a. SusanBush, TheChineseLiterati onPainting,69. 117 See note no. 68. 18 Su Shi, "WangJinqingsuo cangzhuseshanershou,"Su Shishiji,juan30, 1613-14. gi anonymity, and he thus echoes in the third line a theme that he elaboratesin greater detail elsewhere: the splendor of the Tang, and the pinnacles of achievement reached by Du Fu, Han Yu, Yan Zhenqing and Wu Daozi in the arts, respectively, of poetry, prose writing, calligraphy and painting. With these figures, he writes, all manner of human endeavorfound culmination.1•9That sentiment is - butthelist nowincludeslandscape, here- "allgallantspiritis finished" andin additionto repeated the GeneralsLi we find Yingqiu, or Li Chengas he was occasionallycalled becauseof his identification with thisareaof Shandong. SuShicreatesanotherlevelof identification by seeingin the landscape's distantmountainsLi Cheng'sveryperson,recognizingin thosefloatingpeaksthe earliermaster's influence. WhetherornotSuShiwasawareof themeaningsofdistancein LiCheng's or in of faraway mountains paintings, recognized thispainting'sexpression floatingin thevoidsome possible connection with Yang Hu's lament, he provides a fitting compliment for Li Cheng. He allowsthe painterto takehis placein the courseof historyby settinghim as the objectof distant meditation: oneof YangHu's"worthy andsuperior gentlemenof thepast"bywhichothers,likeSu Shi,nowhumblymeasuretheirownmortalityandthepassageof time.SuShi'swillingnessto seeLi of thepaintingownedbyWangShen Cheng,immortalofwaterandink,in thecloud-likemountains remindsus thatwithinthe culture'simagesandiconsresidethe humaneffortsthat createdand them. perpetuated II9 Su Shi, "ShuWu Daozihuahou"(Writtenaftera paintingby Wu Daozi),Su Shiwenji,juan70, 22IO--II. 92 Appendix: Dating Travelersin a WintryForestand A SolitaryTempleamid ClearingPeaks Issuesof datingand attributionmostlyhavebeenavoidedin this studyfor fearof drawing attentionawayfrombroaderconcernsthat transcendthe limitationsof anysinglepainting.The arefoundedona bodyofpaintings,inscriptions, which presented poemsandotherrecords arguments shouldovershadow thecontroversy thatstillattendsthestudyof earlyChinesepaintings. collectively On the otherhand,obviously,the argumentswouldcarryless convictionif basedon objectsof questionableauthenticity,or if the paintingsusedbelongedto an entirelyunrelatedhistorical context.Forthe mostpart,the paintingsillustratedhereareacceptedby a majorityof Chinese asrepresentative worksof thetenthandeleventhcenturies.LiChengattributions, paintingscholars however,presentparticular problemsandtendto enjoylessof a consensus.Forthis reasonI have a fewbriefcommentsthatmayassistin justifyingsomeofmychoices. appended ReadingtheSteleby PittedRocksandTwinPines,LevelDistanceare relativelyuncontroversial paintingsbecausetheirgeneralthemeshavebeenassociatedwith Li Chengsincethe eleventh century.Thetwoarelaterpaintings,andtheformer,mostseemto agree,maydatefromaslateasthe fourteenth century, but both preserve stylistic and thematic characteristics of Li Cheng's painting described in early literature. Travelersin a Wintry Forestand A Solitary Templeamid ClearingPeaks have proven more divisive. This article establishes the theme of Travelersas one of considerable date and one also employed by Li Cheng. The date of the painting, however, remains a contentious issue. Part of the problem is an absence of hard documentation. There is a curiously small number of collectors seals (all in the lower left cornerof the painting), and none of these has been identified."2oA possible explanation is offered by Richard Barnhart'ssuggestion that the painting has been trimmed on all sides."' The possibility of Travelersin a WintryForestbeing a modern forgery has been raised recently,2zz but most seem willing to place the painting sometime between Li Cheng and the fourteenth century. That, however, remains a considerable period of time (four hundred years), and the issue of dating thus deservesmore scrutiny. Arguments for the later end of this period, as summarized by Barnhart, center on the landscape elements' general resemblance to paintings of the Li/Guo tradition by such artists as Li Kan (1245Luo Zhiquan and Cao Zhibo (1272-I355), and the figures' combination of rough, abbreviated 13zo20), outlines in the clothing with finely detailed, fleshy faces, which has suggested to some the style of Yan Hui (active ca. 1275-1325).13 Nothing of the fourteenth century, however, presents the complexityof detailseenin thispainting,andasBarnhart rightfullypointsout,thefigurestylemay be associated with the zhanbi "tremulous brush" technique of such tenth-century masters as Zhou Wenju (active ca. 95o-75). Mi Fu describes Zhou Wenju's female figures as possessing faces indistinguishable from those of the Tang painter Zhou Fang, whose brush, in turn, is described as "refined,lush, even and of intricate detail."'•4 The figures in Travelersin a WintryForest,with their extraordinarilyfine faces and zhanbiclothing, perfectly accord with what is known of Zhou Wenju's z22 One has tentatively been read as belonging to a Mr. Zheng. Wintry Forests,Old Trees:SomeLandscapeThemesin ChinesePainting, 28. James Cahill, "Chang Ta-ch'ien's Forgeries of Old-Master Paintings." Paper presented at the symposium "Chang Dai-chien and 1z3 His Art,"SacklerGallery,Washington,D.C., November22, I99I. Seenote no. 121. o20 121 1z4 Hua shi, 20zos. 93 style of painting. An excellent and early Zhou Wenju attribution in the National Palace Museum, MinghuangPlaying Chess,substantiates the connection."2'An equally compelling comparison can be made between the figures of Travelersin a WintryForestand the set of sixteen arhat paintings in the Seiryoji Temple which are identified as being the set brought to Japan from China by the monk Chonen in Wen Fong associates Travelersin a WintryForestwith Li Cheng but dates it to the 987."26 early twelfth century."27There seems to me, however, little to prevent the acceptance of an earlier date except our own natural skepticism, which bristles at the notion of a painting close in time to Li Cheng surviving with such little notice to the twentieth century. The compelling imagery of Travelersin a WintryForestshould be argument enough. Disagreement surrounding A Solitary Templeamid ClearingPeaksis of a slightly different nature. All seem to agree that the painting is early (it possesses a late Northern Song government seal),z28but not all agree precisely how early nor its proximity to the style of Li Cheng. Presumably, the title of the painting was adopted from the record in Huizong's Xuanhe huapu of two scrolls of the same name.29 To the best of my knowledge, however, no other documentation exists that can tie A Solitary Templeamid Clearing Peaks to Huizong's collection and thus to an early attribution to Li Cheng. Suzuki Kei, suggesting some distance from Li Cheng, places it after Guo Xi.130 In contrast, Laurence Sickman and Marc Wilson consider A Solitary Templeamid ClearingPeaks to antedate Fan Kuan's masterpiece, TravelersamongMountainsand Streams,which was probably painted in the first decades of the eleventh century.'3 Wai-kam Ho and Dawn Ho Delbanco have gone so far as to suggest the possibility that the painting was done by Zhai Yuanshen, one of the close, early followers of Li Cheng active ca. Iooo.,32 Directly in between these two camps is Wen Fong, who places the painting between Fan Kuan and Guo Xi, circao1050o.33 Ultimately, how one dates A SolitaryTempleamid ClearingPeaksdepends on one's understanding of the development of landscape painting over the course of the Northern Song period, and this understanding can be based on any number of considerations, from the stylistic to the historical. We look for the context in which the painting fits most comfortably, and with what other paintings. In this writer's opinion, the theme of the painting, which can be described as a clearly composed journey through a hierarchically constructed landscape, is most notable in paintings prior to Xu Daoning's generation, many of which have been illustrated here. Stylistically, the careful, detailed approachto 125 126 Reproducedin National PalaceMuseum,Gugongminghuasanbaizhong(Taizhong,1959),pl. 51.See also Li Lin-ts'an'sarticle, "Minghuangweiqi tu"(Minghuang PlayingChess),Gugongjikan (specialissue #I, in honorof the seventiethbirthdayof Mr.Jiang Fuzong,1969), 219-31.MinghuangPlayingChesspossessesthe collector'sseal of Song Gaozong(r. II27-62). Accordingto Cheng Jufu's(I249-1318)inscription,thereoriginally'wasan inscriptionby SongGaozongas well that accompaniedthe painting. Illustrated in Yonezawa Yoshiho and Nakata Yajir6, eds., GenshokuNihon no bijutsu,vol. 29 (Shorai bijutsu)(T6ky6, 1970), pl. 77- Kokka754(1954),14-22. 78. Seethe shortarticleby YonezawaYoshiho,"Jurokurakanzu," ProfessorFong'sanalysisis baseduponan involvedstructuralmodelforthe chronologicaldevelopmentof the depictionof spacein Chineselandscapepainting.Wen Fong,BeyondRepresentation, note27. 79, 116-1I7, 128 EightDynasties of Chinese Painting(Cleveland,i980), 13-I5.Forthe argumentdatingthe sealShangshusheng yin ("sealof the Council of State")to ca.Io83-H26see Wai-kamHo's catalogueentryto Juran'sBuddhistRetreatbyStreamandMountainin EightDynastiesof Chinese Painting,15-19. 129 Xuanhehuapu, juan11,116. 130 SuzukiKei, Chfigoku kaigashi,firsttome, first volume, 222-23. 13, EightDynastiesof Chinese Painting,I3-15. 132 "TungCh'i-ch'ang'sTranscendance of History and Art," in Wai-kam Ho, ed., TheCenturyof TungCh'i-ch'ang(KansasCity, 127 1992), 26. 133 Wen Fong,Imagesof theMind(Princeton,1984),43-44. 94 describing landscape in A Solitary Templeamid ClearingPeaksfinds parallels in the paintings of Yan Wengui and Fan Kuan. It is closest, however, to the landscape elements in another important early painting: Waterwheelat the Sluice Gate in the Shanghai Museum, which carries the interpolated signature of Wei Xian.,34 Waterwheel,according to Xu Bangda, dates to the Five Dynasties Period or early Northern Song and reflects the metropolitan style of Kaifeng. If Xu Bangda's assessment is correct, it supports a relatively early dating for A SolitaryTempleamid ClearingPeaks,probably to the andFanKuan.Asforits tiesto LiCheng,thearguments ofYanWengui,ZhaiYuanshen, generation above. areincludedin thediscussion 134 Illustratedin Yiyuanduoyingno. 2 (1978).Anothersignature,partlylegible, was discoveredduring a recentremountingof the painting.Seethe notesby ZhengWei, I8-I9. SeealsoXu Bangda,Zhongguo huihuashitulu(Shanghai,I98I),93-94. 95 GLOSSARY Baoyue ]J CaiYong LuYu PM LuoZhichuan~|ill Cao Cao •" Cao E ~f Cao Zhibo -• 8 Chao Buzhi • Chen Shidao •, i diaogu T - Ma Yuan Al Mei Yaochen -f( Meng Haoran MiFu *M: Dong Qichang Dong You gI DuFan •• DuFu muhuzi 7Cb OuyangXiu I-I - E(9}@ PanLang & (iW PiRixiu • l pingdan Qiji M ER DuYu ;~ff Duolei bei 9• •i 5. Fan Kuan -I Feng Qin ZR5 Ge Lifang AA 3 Guan Tong U rjml Guo Tianxi 1) ?X Guo Xi WR Han Danchun ll•!$ HanYu i1 P,, He Chong •-i3 Hu Gongshu iJ Huang TingjianM.•a RE J Jia Dao " Jing Hao ~fli Juran ,,,, Li Cheng ?fA Li Ding $JM Li Dong ~i Li Gonglin LiHe ~t $-M LiKan LiShe •f Li Song $ E Li Sixun 'III LiYou i@, LiYou 5N LiYu IR fti LiYu Li Zhaodao LinBu ~R~ii I E E M[ linggu • . lingsheng W:• • Liu Daochun EJE _[• Liu Jing •IJ g g & Liu Yiqing Lu Dian f]~ Lu Yanrang l•]]• W QiaoKuicheng * *) QuDing ] Ruan Ji PiMf, Sheng Wensu A 3Z shi & Song Di LB R SuShi MM SunDing RE Sun Junze n"iM Sun Runfu ? 5, Sun Sheng *,)if i Tang Yanqian wang -T Wang Anshi ?E ! Wang Chong .; , Wang Keyu EaTi~ Wang Shen IR•F i Wang Wei Wang Xiao ?.i0 R.A Wei Xian NtH Wu Daozi A45IT wu Li lun WIF-A Wu Rong A~till Xu Daoning 1fjgJ Xuanzong •' Yan Hui • Yan Wengui 3Z , Yan Zhenqing M !X# Yang Hu * M YangXiu • Yingqiu ; Zhai Yuanshen_c SR • 5 zhanbi Zhang Chou 5-E Zhang Daqian J• Zhang Guolao Mr r !, : Zhang Ji Zhao Gan Ef,) M9- 96 ZhaoXinzhi fft ZZhouWenju ZhaoYouzuo jSL Bi fZhu $@ ZhengQi ZhongKui MM ZhouFang OBA ZhouMi % f 3Z% Jingxuan k " Zongwen 3Z Zongwu & Zou Zhan EA 97