Raphael`s `Madonna dei garofani` Rediscovered
Transcription
Raphael`s `Madonna dei garofani` Rediscovered
Raphael's 'Madonna dei garofani' Rediscovered Author(s): Nicholas Penny Source: The Burlington Magazine, Vol. 134, No. 1067, (Feb., 1992), pp. 67-81 Published by: The Burlington Magazine Publications, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/884991 Accessed: 28/04/2008 07:07 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=bmpl. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We enable the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org NICHOLAS PENNY Raphael's 'Madonna dei garofani' rediscovered* THERE are numerous versions of Raphael's Madonna dei garofani (the Madonna of thepinks). Many of them are obviously copies and in this century none has been generally acknowledged as an original work by Raphael. Yet most scholars agree that such an original must have existed. Moreover the very abundance of the copies (see Appendix) testifies to the composition's fame. The version which was probably most esteemed in the first half of the last century is that in the collection of the Duke of Northumberland (Fig.3). In August last year the Duke generously agreed to its being taken to the National Gallery, London for close examination. The subtlety and assurance of the modelling and the delicacy and solidity of the handling, qualities difficult to discern when the painting hung in the corridor at Alnwick Castle, became more apparent in the conservation studio, and the evidence revealed by both X-radiography and, above all, infra-red reflectography, which will be presented in this article, dispelled any residual doubts that the original painting had been rediscovered. It was clear too, and clearer still after the picture was cleaned by Herbert Lank in October and November 1991, that it had survived in exceptionally good condition. The Alnwick Castle Madonnadei garofani is painted on a panel 8 mm. thick. The back (Fig.2), which has been polished, exhibits the very close grain of a fruitwood such as cherry (used by Raphael as a support for the Transfiguration). ' A border varying from 6 mm. (at left of the lower, and right of the upper, edge) to 1 mm. (on the sides towards the top) has been left unpainted but is covered with the gesso ground. Such a border is unusual in Raphael's small panel paintings only in its irregularity.2 There is a vertical split approximately in the centre of the lower half of the panel, passing through the back of the Virgin's hand and through the lower leg of the infant Christ, and to either side of this there are several finer and shorter vertical cracks. The paint has been disturbed, probably by a defect in the preparation of the gesso ground, across the right leg and belly, and especially in the thigh, of the infant Christ and there are numerous pin-sized losses here.3 There has been some blistering in the dark background areas beside Christ's head and belly and there are half a dozen small losses here and a few elsewhere, all evident in the photograph of the painting taken when it was being cleaned (Fig.4). The medium is almost certain to be predominantly oil, although the painting's small size and excellent preservation prevented any sample being taken to verify this. The narrow strips of painted surface concealed by the frame show that the green of the curtains was originally more brilliant and that the tone of the blue sky has very slightly altered. Other versions and prints support the conjecture that the blue robe over the Virgin's left shoulder was once more easily distinguished from the dark background and that the contrast was clearer between the edge of the curtain above the top of her head and the wall behind. In the distant landscape the horizon line continuing under the rock to the left of the tower is now visible - a revision, or at least a procedure, improbable for a copyist.4 Slight alterations to the outline of the cheek and chin of Christ are also visible. The surprising touch of pale blue in the Virgin's robe beside her right hand may not have been intended to be so apparent.5 Shell gold was used for the haloes, which are now inconspicuous; their chief lines are no longer complete. Close examination reveals a few supplementary discontinuous concentric lines in the Virgin's halo. The Madonnadeigarofani must have been painted shortly before Raphael left Florence for Rome, probably in 1507 or 1508. The Large CowperMadonna of 1508 (Fig.6) seems to develop the composition in reverse, with the figures enlarged, varied in action and given an outdoor setting.6 The date 1508 is also found on a painting at Wilton, per- *The painting will be the subject of a special display at The National Gallery between 12th February and 29th March. This has been sponsored by Hiscox Syndicates Ltd, underwriters,and Blackwall Green Ltd, brokers,both of Lloyds of London, who have also supported the cost of the colour plate illustrating this article. The Duke of Northumberland has generously agreed to the painting remaining on loan at The National Gallery until March 1993. The author is grateful to the Duke of Northumberland, the Duchess of Northumberlandand Lady Victoria Cuthbertfor theirhospitalityand encouragement. Caroline Armitage helped to organise the preliminary investigation of the painting at The National Gallery. Colin Shrimpton, archivist at Alnwick Castle, helped with the investigation of the family papers. Examination of the painting in The National Gallery was made possible by the Chief Restorer, Martin Wyld. I am indebted to discussions with him, with Jill Dunkerton and with Herbert Lank. I am most grateful to Rachel Billinge who constructed the infra-redreflectogrammosaics with great care and skill, and tojaynie Anderson who shared her knowledge of the Camuccini collection. ' The size and condition of the panel prevented any sample of the wood being taken for analysis. It is possiblethat the wood was polishedin the early nineteenth century to eradicate evidence of the owner prior to its acquisition by Vincenzo Camuccini. A circle lightly incised in the wood is intersected by left and right edges, perhaps reflecting a plan for a tondo which was subsequently abandoned. The three seals, all in identical wax, are found on all the paintings at Alnwick which came from the Camuccini collection. One of these is the seal of Vincenzo, another perhaps that of Pietro, and the third (with the Colosseum) of an official Roman agency 'della antichita e pittura', perhaps licensing the export. It has been wrongly supposed that identical seals on the canvas of Bellini's Feast of the Gods were applied soon after acquisition of the painting by the Camuccini in the late The Feast of the Gods: Conservation, eighteenth century; see D. BULLand j. PLESTERS: Examination, and Interpretation,Washington [1990], p.21. 2The lack of register between painted image and support might suggest that the painting was not made on an easel. The border of the Dream of a Knight is widest along the lower edge - averaging 0.25 cm. - and finer elsewhere. That of the Garvagh Madonna is 1 cm. along the lower edge and 0.25 cm. elsewhere. Borders are often excluded from reproductions of Raphael's paintings, but see H. VON SONNENBURG: Raphael in der Alten Pinakothek, Munich [1983], frontispiece (for the Canigiani Madonna) and fig. 74 (for the EsterhdzyMadonna). 3This is a problem also in parts of Raphael's Ansidei Madonna and in The National Gallery's Portraitofayoung man by Botticelli - for which seeJ. DUNKERTON, S. FOISTER, D. GORDON and N. PENNY: Giotto to Diirer, London and New Haven [1991], p.164, fig.215. 4This, perhaps the single most visible piece of evidence for the autograph status of the painting, was surprisingly not mentioned by Cavalcaselle (see note 44 below). 5Herbert Lank has suggested to me that Raphael had reserved an area here for the flowers. 6D.A. BROWN:Raphael and America, Washington [1983], pp.157-58. I am grateful to Dr Brown for discussing with me the relationship between the Madonna dei garofani and the Large CowperMadonna and the relationship of both with Leonardo. 67 RAPHAEL'S 1. Benois Madonna, by Leonardo da Vinci. Panel transferred to canvas, 48 by 31 cm. (Hermitage, Leningrad). 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' haps reflecting a composition by Raphael or by a close follower, which reverses the Madonnadeigarofaniand alters the nature of the interior setting (Fig.5).7 Telling comparisons can be made with Raphael's Bellejardinierein the Louvre also of 1507 - for the head of Christ with the Borghese Entombmentalso of 1507 for the landscape and architecture- and, perhaps most strikingly, with the St Catherine, generally dated 1508- for the Virgin's hair, eyebrows and mouth (Figs.8 and 10). It is unlikely that Raphael executed the painting in Rome because the pose of Christ was borrowed by Fra Bartolommeo (Fig.9) in a drawing used for several works, the first of which seems to be a Holy Family, signed by his partner Albertinelli and dated 1509.8 Many of the paintings made by Raphael in Florence during this period were inspired by the work of Leonardo and some may even be considered as variants on a familiar model by that artist. The Madonnadei garofani returns to an early painting by Leonardo, the Benois Madonna (Fig.l), generally dated to the late 1470s. This composition seems to have been easily accessible to artists: several other paintings, most of them Florentine, are derived from it.9 The theme of the Virgin holding a bunch of flowers in one hand and showing one stem to the Child seated in her lap is taken from the Benois Madonna. Raphael's Virgin presents a carnation, or pink, to her son, as in another of Leonardo's early paintings, the Madonnawith a carnationin the Alte Pinakothek in Munich. This flower was not uncommon in betrothal portraiture of this period as an emblem of true love and could also be regarded as symbolic of healing and divine protection.'0 While the composition of the Madonna dei garofani also derives from the Benois Madonna, the three hands in the centre of the picture form a much less tight and intricate pattern and the Virgin's hands are both more open and less twisted, assuming the relatively stiff positions which Raphael gave two or more years earlier to the personification of Pleasure in the Dream of a knight (Fig. 11) but, characteristically, reversed. The Virgin's hair is less densely braided and knotted. The drapery of her sleeve has a plasticity which owes much to Leonardo, with a similar bunching in the upper arm, a stiffened opening to the outer sleeve at the elbow, and a large fold in the robe below, turned back to reveal the lining; but in every case the forms are less broken and there is a contrast with tighter and smoother areas of drapery. Most notable of all the differences is the placing of the infant Christ further from the Virgin so that he is no longer 7I am grateful to the Earl of Pembroke for letting me examine this painting closely at Wilton. The inscription in gold on the border of the Virgin's dress reads 'RAPHAELLO VRBINAS MOVIII' (presumably for MDVIII). This seems to be the composition engraved (in reverse) byJ. Morin. 'Ihis in turn was the model for a line engraving by Landon. In SIDNEY 16TH EARL OF PEMBROKE:A at WiltonHouse,London and Catalogue of thePaintingsandDrawingsin theCollection New York [1968], p.85, it is described correctly as seventeenth century. ''he sixteenth-century original (if there was one) oddly combines a figure group of Raphael's Florentine period with the sort of dark interior and large curtain favoured by Giulio Romano in the 1520s. 8'1he drawing also served as a model for Fra Bartolommeo'sown works, most e notably the Pala del Gran Consiglio. See c. FISCHER: Disegnidi Fra Bartolommeo della sua scuola,Florence [1986], no.58, Fig.76. T'he connexion between this drawing and Raphael's Madonnadeigarofaniwas kindly pointed out to me by David Ekserdjian:it seems never to have been noticed in print. 9E.g. Christie'sNew York, 18thJanuary 1983, lot 31; Colonna Gallery, Rome ('R': 'Codicillo alla Madonna Benois', Criticad'Arte [Oct.-Dec. 2. Back of the panel of Fig.3. 68 1985], pp.80-82); Sotheby's, London, 6th May 1964, lot 23 (as Lorenzo di Credi). A notable example not of luscan origin is the painting attributed to the Maitre du Saint Sang- Sotheby's, London, 18thJune 1952, lot 104. 'ISee E. WOLFFHARDT: 'Beitragezu Pflanzensymbolik',Zeitschrift fur Kunstwissenschaft,VII [1954], pp. 177-96. RAPHAEI'S 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' V _r00;0 502~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ e., u. ?; : -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~", ,:ii I ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~il 31 F~~~~~~~ ? I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i , f"R'*Xy*'ja"f;;4si:,f T" 7 ]1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ===_z=~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~? lio((!(lli 3.M((1tlZ( N;t OIXl ( <l( ,I )yRtl)l.(l.I )(7-)2.1)llt , tI) 2 (m.(lu( f orllml(rlnd( Il\iol,Allw( aslc Nrtu }-( lsll; l lsll o h 0sil 7I,~~~ _ 1507-01.1Panti, o)nloanto the 29 by 23 cm. (Dukcof'Northumberland l.Aa(,ot///ai colIcction,AInwickCastlc,Northumberland' deiuaro/hni', by Rap)ha(q. National Gallcry, ,,o_dn). 69 RAPHAEL S 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' 4. 4. Photograph of Fig.3 during cleaning. 6. Large Cowuper Madonna, by Raphael. 1508. Pancl, 68 by 46 cm. (National Gallcry of'Art, Washington, D.C.). -. 5. Madonna and child. Italian, scventccnth-ccntury? (Wilton House, Wiltshire). 7() Pancl, 31.7 by 22.6 cm. , II -- 4 I - "or\ 7. Studics of thc Madonna and Child, by Raphacl. 1508. 'cn and ink with red chalk on paper, 26 hy 19.2 cm. (Albcrtina, Vienna). RAPHAEL S 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' 10. 10. Detail of St Catherine,by Raphael. 1507-08. Panel, 71.5 by 55.7 cm. (whole). (National Gallery, London). 8. 8. 9. Madonna and (hild, by Fra Bartolommco. Black chalk with white h ightnlling oll tiln(td )papr, 33.9 by 23.1 cm. (Uffizi, Florcncc). )etail of Fig.3. 11. Detail of Dream ofa knight, by Raphael. c. 1504. Panel, 17.1 by 17.1 cm. (whole). (National Gallery, London). 71 RAPHAEL S 'MADONNA united with his mother in a single serpentine sequence of forms. Raphael provides a securer support for the group by extending the Virgin's right thigh and placing a cushion between her and the child. Format must have been a factor here, for Leonardo continues the lines of the arched top of the panel in his composition, which Raphael had no need to do. T'he Virgin's transparent veil, with the thread of highlight on its edge as it floats over her shoulder, is one of the most captivating passages in the Madonna dei garofani. 1Theremay originally have been an equivalent in Leonardo's Benois Madonna as there certainly are in other works by him. Another similarity is the Virgin's open mouth, something Leonardo may have adopted from Florentine sculpture. In the Large CowperMadonna the Virgin's mouth is closed while that of the child is open. Raphael's preoccupation in 1507-08 with parted lips, which may well have begun with the Madonnadei garofani, is evident in the Entombment,the Canigiani Madonna, in Munich and the St Catherine.'The colouring of the Madonna dei garofani may also owe something to that of the Benois Madonna,in which the yellow of the Virgin's sleeve and of the lining of her robe contrast with a slatey grey, and with pale ultramarine blue and deep moss green. Certainly the striking golden yellow used by Raphael for the lining of the Virgin's robe is close to that found in several of Leonardo's works, most notably in both the Paris and London versions of the Virginof therocks. 1There are no drawings by Raphael which can be regarded with certainty as preparatory for the Madonnadei garofani, but a sheet in the Albertina (Fig.7) can be connected with it. The study on the right is similar in composition, as is the higher of the two pen studies on the left, but in reverse. It is possible that this drawing was made after the painting and represents the germ of the idea for the Large Cowper Madonna: proposals for, or recollections of, at least four other Madonna compositions by Raphael are found on the same sheet. " Perhaps the composition of the Madonna dei garofaniwas not worked out in the usual way in preparatory drawings, for dependence upon an idea of Leonardo's could mean there was less planning to do. If so, we would expect that the underdrawing of the painting would itself resemble a preparatory drawing. That is precisely what the infra-red vidicon reveals an underdrawing (Figs.12-13, 15, 20-21) more similar to Raphael's drawings on paper than any other so far published, and one which reveals no evidence of transfer in the form of either dotted lines or slow, careful outlines. Nor are there traces of incised stylus lines. The medium of the underdrawing has not been identified but the fineness of the lines and the difficulty of detecting them in infra-red photographs (as distinct from ''hcse are: the (.olonna Madonna (top left group in red chalk), perhaps the Casa Tempi Madonna (in reverse - top right group in red chalk), the Holy Family with thepalm (pcn and ink group lower right), the Bridgewater Madonna (pen and ink group on the verso). Sec P. JOANNIDES: The Drawings qf Raphael, Oxford [1983], p. 177, no. 181, and E. KNAB, E. MITSCH and K. OBERHUBER: Raphael. Die .Zeichnungen, Stuttgart [1983], p.571, nos.162-63. It should be noted that the group which may represent the germ of the idea for the Large CowperMadonna is no less close to a composition recorded in another pen drawing in the Albertina (Fischel 150, JOANNIDES, op.cit. no. 168) which in turn is close to a wash drawing in the Louvre of the Virgin and Child in a landscape (Fischel 144, JOANNIDES, op.cit. no. 167) and served as a composition used by other artists. 72 DEI GAROFANI' ! i 12. .r 13. RAPHAEL'S 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' 14. A"? /4/,,,,,NE) 1e W; / 12. 1nFra-red rcflcc( graplh ofI'adetail of'Fig.3. 13. 1 ii t1a-redrcfI( tograph of'a detail oftFig.3. 14. I ntira-rcd reflectograph o'a detail of'the Small (,%wperMadonna, by Raphael. c. 1505. Panel, 58 by 43 cm. (whole). (National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.). 15. 15. Inifra-red refleetograph ofa detail of Fig.3. 73 RAPHAEL S 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' 16. GarvaghMadonna,by Raphael. 1508-09. Panel, 38.7 by 32.7 cm. (National Gallery, London). 17. Infra-redr(flc(tograph of a detail of Fig. 16. 16. the vidicon) suggests that it is in metalpoint rather than chalk. '2 Notable among the remarkably free and exploratory passages of drawing which have been revealed is that of the extended right foot of the Christ Child (Fig.21): anatomically implausible but wholly characteristic, it is defined with rapid loops like those with which the active body of the infant Christ is depicted on the sheet in the Albertina. Numerous revisions are revealed in the drawing. The outline of a forked tree trunk can be seen alongside the rock to the left of the tower (Fig. 13). A different style of dress was contemplated, with a brooch fastening at the Virgin's right shoulder. The hair was to have been more distinctly and elaborately plaited with three or four plaits above the ear (Fig.12). The repeated lines seeking ideal grace rather than anatomical truth in the Virgin's breast are particularly impressive, and it is highly typical of Raphael that he should have continued the segmental curve of some of these lines through the Virgin's sleeve (Fig. 15). The underdrawing is close in style to that of the Small Cowper Madonna (Fig. 14), a work of probably a year or two earlier, although in that drawing there is evidence of transfer in some parts. 13 The two most telling similarities are the probing repetitions of outlines and the evenly spaced hatched lines, both diagonal and horizontal. There too we find the segmental curves of the Virgin's breast continued through her arm. Also apparent is the use of what might be called a structural contour. Remarkable in both works is the way that the line of the brow of Christ is swept round from nose to temple in a double curve. Another example of this is the line which defines the curvature of Christ's chest in the Madonna dei garofani, which may be compared with those circling the back of Christ in the Small CowperMadonna(National Gallery, Washington). In the search for further comparative data, the Garvagh Madonna (Fig. 16), as a painting of comparable size and character (although a year or so later in date), was examined on the vidicon. The head of Christ is here modelled in the same schematic way as the head of Christ in the Madonna dei garofani, with intersecting curves in the lips, simplified nostrils, and lines for the eyebrows which extend to define the curvature of the skull (Fig. 18). The diagonal shading in the head is similar as well. A broader style of shading is used for the drapery beside Christ's right foot and the ledge below (Fig. 19), just as it is beside his right foot in the Madonna dei garofani (Fig.21). Christ's feet are drawn with the same rapid loops used to isolate a circular heel or an oval toe. Another especially noteworthy feature of the underdrawing of the GarvaghMadonna is the use of ovals to define the knuckles of the curling infantile fingers (Fig. 17). On the vidicon screen this is visible in Christ's hands in the Madonnadei garofani, though too faintly to be seen clearly in reproduction, and it is also apparent in the index finger of the left hand of St Caltherineand in the raised hand of the angel to the left of the CanigianiMadonna.4 A comparison between the X-radiograph of the Madonna dei garofani (Fig.22) and that of the Garvagh Madonna '2'l'hc drawing in metalpoint which makes the most telling comparison is that for the Iloly Family with the palm in the Louvre (Fischel 138, JOANNIDES, op.cit. Studies in the History of Art, National [1986], pp. 139-47, esp. 143-44. Gallery of Washington, abIove,no. 155). '4For the Canigiani and 'Ireatment of the Small Cowper Madonna, hy Raphael at T'he National Gallcry of Art', in j. BECK, ed.: Raphael beJfre Rome, not noticed this device in Raphael's drawings on papl)r. ':K.M. MERRILL: 'Examination 74 angel see SONNENBER(,, op).i. Vol.XVII at note 2 ablove, Fig.67. I have RAPHAEL S 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' 18. Infra-redreflectographof a detail of Fig. 16. 20. Infra-redreflectographof a detail of Fig.3. 19. 1nlra-redr(ele(ctographol a detail olfig. b. 21. Infra-redreflectographof a detail of Fig.3. (Fig.23) shows many features in common, especially if allowance is made for differences in density and sharpness of image produced by the support (the GarvaghMadonnais painted on a thicker panel, probably of poplar). While the drapery folds of the GarvaghMadonna are more freely and broadly brushed in unsurprisingly, given its later date and slightly larger size -the painting of the flesh, particularly the flesh of the children, produces a strongly three-dimensional image in both X-rays. In each, the placing of the densest highlights is most strikingly similar in the outstretched arms of the Christ Child. Equally distinctive are the solid touches of lead white to emphasise the whites of the eyes of the Christ Child in the Madonna deigarofani and the Infant Baptist in the GarvaghMadonna. The X-ray and infra-red images of both paintings reveal the many slight but significant refinements to the outlines of forms characteristic of Raphael's paintings. Among the more easily detected adjustments to the GarvaghMadonna are those to the back of the Virgin's neck as it curves into her shoulder and to the forehead and upper arm of the Baptist. Similarly, in the Madonnadei garofani slight alterations can be seen in, for example, the forehead and cheek of the Christ Child and along his right shin. The opaque and somewhat blurred image of the Virgin's head in the X-radiograph of the Madonna dei garofani indicates that the position of her whole face has been shifted slightly, 75 RAPHAEL S 'MAI)ONNA DEI GAROFANI 22. X-radiographof'Fig.3. probably at a fairly early stage in the paint application, so that it is now further in profile. The greater thickness of the paint may account for the difficulty in detecting much underdrawing in this area.15 This technical evidence may be compelling, but the high quality of the painting is also obvious enough. Its neglect, however, is only recent. The Madonna dei garofani was bought by Algernon, fourth Duke of Northumberland (1793-1865) in 1853, together with the Camuccini Collection. The whole collection, consisting of 74 paintings, cost 125,000 Roman scudi (/27,589 8s. 6d), independent of the bribes which the Duke paid to facilitate its export. 16 This collection had long been one of the sights of Rome, but in 1851, when it was moved to a notable sixteenthcentury palace, Palazzo Cesi, it became more conspicuous still.'7 It had been formed by Pietro Camuccini (17601833), the copyist, picture restorer and dealer, together with his younger brother, Vincenzo (1771-1844), the leading neo-classical painter in Rome. Pietro's activities as a dealer have been described elsewhere.18 He worked much in collaboration with Alexander Day, supplying the latter, for instance, with both the GarvaghMadonna and the St Catherinein 1800. Vincenzo was made a member of the Accademia di San Luca in 1802, and its Princepsin '"'lTh two paragraphs on the X-radiographs have been supplied by Jill Dunkerton. 'lThecdetails of this transaction are contained in a letter in the Alnwick Castle Archives to the 1)uke of 19th September 1853 from the German agent Emil Braun. It will lbepublished IbyJaynieAnderson in: 'The Provenance of Bellini's Feast of the Cods and a new/old interpretation', Studiesin the Historyof Art, Vol.46, National Gallery of Art, Washington, forthcoming (1992). I am grateful to Dr Anderson for letting me see a copy of this article in advance of publication. in Roma,c.1851, a bound dellaGalleriaCamuccini 1'71.BARBERI:Catalogoragionato manuscript in a clerical hand in the Alnwick Castle Archives (another copy in the archive of the Camuccini heirs at Cantalupo), fols.2r-4. A translation 'by D.C.' written in a very florid hand and sumptuously bound is also at Alnwick Castle. The Palace, now the headquartersof'the Tribunale Supremo Militare, faces the Via della Maschera d'Oro and Via degli Acquasparta. Fedcrigo Cesi had opened the Accademia dei Lincei here and established Rome's first boltanic garden. It had once been famous for the murals on its lficades by l'olidoro and Maturino. '8For the Camuccini as dealers, see ANDERSON,loc.cit.at note 16 above. More generally, sec the entries by A. BOVERO,in DiziionarioBiogrq/icodegli Italiani, Camuccini (1771-1844), Bozzettie XVII, Rome [1974], pp.627-30, and Vincenzo Disegni,ed. G.P. DEANGELIS,exh.cat. Rome, Galleria Nazionale d'Arte Moderna [19781, pp. 104-05. 76 RAPHAEL'S DEI 'MADONNA _ 23. X-radiogra,phofl'Fig.16. 3- 1 GAROFANI' lr -?C L -- L1 1806; he was appointed head of the mosaic workshop of St Peter's in 1803 and Ispettoredelle pubblichepitture (i.e., curator and conservator of major paintings of the city) by Pius VII in 1814, was created Baron by Pius VIII in 1830, and arranged the Vatican Pinacoteca both for him and for Gregory XVI. These high offices must have made it easier for his brother to get away with irregular exports. It was Vincenzo's son, Giovanni Battista, who sold the collection (and purchased the estate of Cantalupo with the proceeds). There is no reason to doubt that the two brothers had hoped to preserve it, even though they never ceased to engage in the art trade. However, the manuscript catalogue by Tito Barberi, evidently composed for visitors to Palazzo Cesi, presents their motives for collecting as a commitment to the Italian heritage. When Pietro's art dealing is taken into account, this seems implausibly high- minded.'9 The collection may indeed have originated with Pietro's realisation, soon after 1800, that he could afford to keep some of his stock, perhaps on account of the success of his younger brother as an artist. The gems of the collection were Raphael's Madonnadei garofani,Giovanni Bellini's Feastof theGods,now in Washington, Claude's Sunsetlandscape,Guido Reni's Crucifixion(both still at Alnwick) and Guercino's Esther before Ahasuerus (now in the University of Michigan Museum of Art, Ann Arbor). The manuscript catalogue explicitly states that the Raphael was bought by Vincenzo rather than his brother, which is true of no other work in the collection, and also that it was bought in Paris, whereas the others with recorded provenances came from Roman palaces (most notably, the Barberini, Aldobrandini, Borghese, Sannessi and Braschi). In September 1825, when the universale 19BARBERI, MS. cited at note 17 above, fol.2r:'In mezzoa questo sconvolgilavoravano lorodintorno mentoi nostriartistiquasistranieria quantosi succedeva indefessi alcuni per l'arte e per la gloria; ed oltre a questoi fratelli Camuccini,acquistando e riunendo chepernoinontuttiperdutin'andassero; antichidipinti,cooperarano de'migliori avrebbedisperse, alcunedelleoperele piu rare,chefacile la revoluzione fondaronoquesta galleria...' 77 RAPHAEL'S , .'.. , /," ', '/, // . . I A- ..... --/ .` =f L( ( ___ 7 ._, ./ /./ I t ,' . = 'MADONNA . -- t I I 24. Madonna deigarf/ani, by Giovanni Farrugia after Raphael. 1828. Engraving, 29.4 by 23.4 cm. (image). (British Museum, London). DEI GAROFANI' Camuccini were obliged to list their best paintings, the Madonna dei garofani was not included.20 This could be because the painting had been exported from France and so was not considered to be Roman cultural property, but more probably indicates that the Camuccini did not yet possess it. Vincenzo's only recorded visit to Paris was in 1810, but I suspect that the painting was acquired there by Vincenzo or on his behalf not long before the end of 1828, in which year a very precise engraving (Fig.24) by a Maltese protege of the Camuccini, Giovanni Farrugia, was published in Milan with the information in the legend that 'I'originaledella slessagrandezzaesislein Romanellagalleria del celeberrimopillore Sig. Cav.re Camuccini'.It was also in Milan, in the following year, that the painting was first described in print, as an 'operasimilmenlede' primi anni di Raffaello,sparsad'infinilasoavila'.2' The painting's reputation in Rome in 1840 may be gauged from the IdeesIlaliennes,ostensibly by the enameller Abraham Constantin but partly ghosted by Stendhal, in which it is praised in the highest terms and its status as an original work held to be beyond doubt. It is described there as the 'gloire' of the Camuccini collection, before even the Bellini.22 A document in the archive at Alnwick makes it clear how highly esteemed the painting was in about 1850. This is a list of Camuccini's paintings with sterling prices or valuations compiled in Rome, presumably by an agent of the Duke. The Raphael (at [2500), the Claude (at ?1500) and the Guercino (at [1000) were the most highly valued - together with the Bellini, to which no figure seems then to have been attached.23 The acquisition of the Madonnadei garofani by Vincenzo must surely reflect the special devotion that he felt for Raphael -as witnessed by several copies after Raphael in the collection.24 'Sommo dipinloree sommo conoscitoredelle memoriede'maestridell'arle sua', was how Longhena described Vincenzo in 1829. He was citing Vincenzo's support for the theory that Raphael did not die from amorous excess but from a chill caught in St Peter's.25 Four years later, in September 1833, Raphael's bones were uncovered in the Pantheon. Vincenzo made a careful drawing. He had initiated the excavation in his capacity as Princeps of the Accademia di San Luca. It refuted the controversial claim made by the Keeper of 20Ibid., fols.27v-29v: 'Vincenzo Camucciniricomperatoloin Parigi, la restitui alla Italia ed a Roma, collocandolofra i migliori quadridella propriagalleria'. For the inventory of 1825 which Jean-Baptiste Wicar, a friend of the Camuccini, was also obliged to make see F. BEAUCAMP: Le peintre lillois 7ean-Bapliste Wicar, Lille [1939], II, pp.567-68. 21'. LONGHENA: Isloria della vita e delle opere di Ra/faello Sanzio da Urbino del Quatremerede Quincy voltata in Italiano, corretta, illuslrata ed ampliata . . . Milan [18291, p.12. 22A. CONSTIAN'IIN:Idees italiennes sur quelques tableaux celebres; Florence [1840], pp.152,237. 23Alnwick Castle Archives,Add. MSS (1973), F 76a. 24The copies were: a frescoon tile allegedly hy Giulio Romano after Raphael's portrait of Guiliano de'Medici, noted as impressive by Waagen (not now it seems at Alnwick); a full-size oil painting of St Peter conducted from prison from Raphael's frescoin the Stanza of Heliodorus, probablyeighteenth century, but claimed by the Camuccini as the work of Poussin (still at Alnwick) and a full-sizeoil painting of the Holy Family in Naples said to be by Giulio (also still at Alnwick) - see BARBERI,op.cit. at note 17 above, fols.9r and 27r-v. Peruginesque , '. - ^.....C ;t,irluil Prd MI)lI,c''I\/ . u f I F'1 EGO J I, MFVS ,411M t ,l Rl R ;.. ' Ir iFt .'.ibp c,. , nk*mtt. a <J .ijrd shutters believed by the Camuccini to be by Raphael should be mentioned in this connexion (see note 39). The Camucciniowned at least one notalle drawing by Raphael for the Entombment,according to LON(;HENA, op.cit. at note 21 above, 25. Madonna dei garqJani, y Jean Couvay after Raphael. Engraving, 33.7 by 25.7 cm. (image). (British Museum, London). 78 p.719. 25Ibid.,p.442. RAPHAEL S 'MADONNA Papal Antiquities, Carlo Fea, that Raphael had been buried in S. Maria Sopra Minerva - a gratifying conclusion, since Fea had been striving to disgrace the Camuccini for the way they had exported works of art from Rome. 26 From whom Vincenzo Camuccini purchased the Madonna deigarofaniis not known, and that it would not be disclosed may well have been a condition of the sale. How Camuccini knew about it, however, is not difficult to guess. The painting had been reproduced as an enamel plaque for the Royal Porcelain factory at Sevres (Fig.26). This was the work of the celebrated enamellist Victoire Jaquotot, the third in a series of copies after Raphael for which she was especially admired. She began her copy - the same size as the original - in January 1817 and the first version was fired in May, the second in June.27 That this was made from the Alnwick painting seems very likely from the close similarity between them. But there are in fact numerous minor differences: some of these, such as the slight variations in the veil on the Virgin's right shoulder or the size of the flower heads, are unsurprising, but others - most notably the greater number of flowers in the Virgin's left hand, the 'correction' of the anatomy of the Virgin's left hand and of Christ's foot, and the simplification of the landscape are unexpected in so exact a copyist. Jaquotot has also embellished the neckline of the Virgin's dress with ornament in gold. This would be typical of Raphael, but there is no hint of it in Farrugia's print, and no trace of it on the painting, and it would be surprising for Raphael to use yellow as a ground for gold.28 The enamel was shown privately by the enamellist to amaleursin November 1817, exhibited publicly at the Louvre on 1st January 1818 to great acclaim, and then shown again in the artist's studio. It was included in the Salon of 1819 with a note that it had been given by the King to Madame.29 Anne Lajoix, who has kindly communicated to me her research on this plaque, notes that the suggestion that it should be reproduced in enamel came from Madame Jaquotot herself in a letter to the factory's administrator, Alexandre Brongniart, on 17th January 1817. She wrote that she could arrange for the loan of a Raphael 'qui n'exisle pas au Musee' and is 'connu en France que pas des gravures',but she kept the identity of the owner secret.30 Although Barberi's manuscript catalogue does not disclose from whom Vincenzo Camuccini bought the painting in Paris, it does assert that it had been acquired from the 2' 'For an acc(ount of the excavation with full bibliography see v. GOLZIO: Raffaello nei documenti,Vatican 11936,reprinted 1971], pp. 120-21. For Fca see ANDERSON, loc.cil. at note 16 above, with relfernces to the unpublished D. Phil. thesis of JEAN-LOUIS PASCAL (GRIENER: The Function(f Beauty: The 'Philosophes'and the Social Dimension France,Oxlbrd, 1989, pp.217-41. of Artin lateeighteenth-century 27Mus(e National de Ceramique, Sevres. Inventory no.16 855. References to the firingsinJaq(uotot'sletters to Brongniartand in Brongniart'snotes (ManuNationalede Sevres,Archives,Pb. 4 and Pb. liasse 1) kindlycommunicated f1acture to me by Anne Lajoix. I am grateful to Mme Fiy-Hallc, Conservatcurof the Mus6e de Ceramique, for letting me examine the plaque. Measurements of details within painting and plaque show no diflerences in size, which suggests thatJaq(uotottook a tracing. Her colours are close to Raphael's, departing most in the subtle grey of the Virgin's dress. 2 It should be noted that the deviationsfrom Raphael'sdesign do not correspond to those in any painted version known to me. 'Ihey are greater than one would but that painting, being in the expect fromJaqruotot'scopy of the Bellejardiniere, Louvre, was more easily available for comparison.Jaquotot made ten enamel copies after Raphael between 1813 and 1840; see A. LAJOIX: 'Pcinturc ct porcelaine: substituer a la toile une plaque de poreelaine', La Revuede la Ceramiqueet DEI GAROFANI' 26. Madonnadeigarofani,by VictoireJaquotot alter Raphael. 1817. Enamel plaque, 31.4 by 26.6 cm. (sight). (Musee National de Ceramique,Sevres). heirs of the Oddi family in 1636 by a Frenchman.3' The date may well reflect precise documentation supplied by the vendor, but the further claim that it had been made for 'Maddalena Degli Oddi, Monaca in Perugia' must be regarded with scepticism. It is not entirely impossible that this story came from the Oddi family itself,32 but since Maddalena is mentioned by Vasari as patron of Raphael's Coronationof the Virgin (now in the Vatican) it was not a very daring step to propose her as the patron of another work of slightly later date.33 Barberi also quotes from a letter which had been appropriated by Cardinal Borgia, in which Raphael wrote concerning work he had to finish for Maddalena. No such reference exists and there seems to be a confusion with Raphael's famous letter to his uncle dated 21st April 1508, which was owned by 29Expositiondes Manufacturees royales, 1818, no. 11. References to private studio shows are taken fromJaquotot's correspondencewith Brongniartas cited at note 27 above, T24, communicated by Anne Lajoix. `0Jaquotot's correspondence with Brongniart is cited at note 27 abov, '124, communicated by Anne Lajoix. Madame Lajoix suspects from her knowledge of Jaquotot's circle that the owner might have been a 'Lord Seymour' - a relative of the Marquess of Hertford (more than one of whom could have been so styled in Paris). nellasuaseconda condotta conservata fu da Rqafaelle 3''Questapiccolatavolaperfettamente manieraper MaddalenaDegli Oddi, Monacain Ierugia . . . innanzil'anno1636 un franceseacquistbessodipintodaglieredidellaDegli Oddi,e lo portbsecoin Francia.. .' (BARBERI, MS. cited at note 17 above, fol.27v). "''2hat the Degli Oddi family were in touch with Camuccini'scircle is suggested by the fact that LONGHENA(op.cit.at note 21 above, p1.720)records that they owned a drawing by Raphael of the selling of Joseph (presumablypreparatory for the narrativeon the seventh vault of the Vatican Loggia). 33For Maddalena di Guido degli Oddi and her patronage, see A. LU(:HS: 'A note on Raphael's [1983], Perugian patrons', 'HE BURLIN(GTON MA(AZINE, CXXV pp.29-30. du Verre,XXI [March-April 1985], pp.9-13, p.13 note 15; also Raphaelet l'art Franfais,exh.cat., Grand Palais, Paris [19831, pp.259-61, nos.387-90 (entries by E. FON'IANS). 79 RAPHAEL'S 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' Cardinal Stefano Borgia in 1827 when it was etched in facsimile. 34 Barberi concluded by observing that it was unsurprising that so many engravings should have been made of the painting 'di bulinofrancese',given the picture's long stay in France. The earliest engraving seems to have been made in Italy in the late-sixteenth century. It is very rare.35 Many subsequent ones were French, the first being that by Jean Couvay (Fig.25). It is not certain that it was made from the Alnwick painting. Some of the differences - the expression of the child, the shape of the knot in the curtain, the distinctiveness of the plaits in the Virgin's hair and of a path in the landscape - can easily be explained by crude drawing or careless study of subordinate areas. On the other hand, the larger format showing the whole arch of the window, while a natural enough alteration, does feature in copies which may well have been available to the engraver. One other early engraving is parasitic upon Couvay and at least two others are, in turn, parasitic upon this.36 One further, negative, piece of evidence which may be adduced in this connexion is that Mariette, listing the engravings of the composition, made no note as to the original painting's whereabouts, as he did in other cases when it was known to him.37 The paintings's critical fortune subsequent to its arrival in England is more easily traced. In 1854, the great German scholar Gustav Waagen, compiling his Galleriesand Cabinets of Art in Great Britain as a 'supplemental volume' to his three-volume Treasuresof Art in GreatBritain, visited Alnwick Castle where work had begun on opulent renaissance-style interiors under the direction of the Italian architect, Giovanni Montiroli. He wrote about the paintings as if they were already there, for he had studied them in Rome and the Duke had let him view them again in Northumberland House where they were in store. Waagen was not in awe of Camuccini's attributions: he was not convinced that the beautiful pair of shutters painted with Sts Magdalen and Catherine in a landscape was by Raphael, as Camuccini believed, suggesting instead an attribution to Lo Spagna. But of the Madonna dei garofani, he noted that, 'of all the numerous specimens of the picture I have seen, none appear to me so well entitled to be attributed to his hand as this'.38 More influential than Waagen, however, was Passavant's catalogue raisonne of 1860 in which the painting was listed as still in the Camuccini collection. He placed it first among the copies which he knew, judging it as 'certainement un ouvragede l'ecoledu maitre', delicate in execution, cold in colour and with very disagreeable retouchings.39 The fact that Passavant was ignorant of the painting's change of ownership suggests that he was dependent upon reports made by others for his account of its condition. In his edition of 1858 he had not mentioned the painting at all and he could hardly have inspected it between 1858 and 1860 without realising that it belonged to the Duke of Northumberland. The Duke himself died in 1865, just before the last essential item of the new interiors he created for Alnwick Castle, the damasks made to Montiroli's designs by the Milanese firm of Osnago, arrived.40 The Raphael would by then have been ready to hang: Montiroli's full-size drawing for its boxwood frame, which was to be carved in the Duke's school of woodcarvers, had been sent before the end of 1862 (Fig.27).41 The Guideto the Castle published in the year of the Duke's death records that the painting was hung, together with other small devotional works from the Camuccini collection, in the Duchess's private sitting room- 'not shown to general visitors', but certainly available to any scholar who requested permission to study 34'in unalettera,qualea Perugiaquasiaforza tolseil Card.Borgia,scriveva,"avereda terminare un quadroper DonnaMaddalenaDegli Oddi,donnapotentechepotevaad esso procurare de'lavori"'.BARBERI,MS cited at note 17 above, fol.27v. The etched facsimile dated 1827 is included in LONGHENA,op.cit.at note 21 above, opposite p.526. In his letter Raphael referred to a Madonna for 'la Prefetessa',i.e. Giovanna Feltria della Rovere, not Maddalena degli Oddi. 35RaphaelInvenit:Stampeda Rajfaellonelle collezionidell' institutonazionaleper la grafica,Rome [1985], p. 184,III, i. 36The most notable, but not the only, copy of which this is true is that in the Museo Tosio-Martinengo, Brescia- see the Appendix, below. Couvay's engravSculp.. . E. PoillyEx.' is ing is likely to date from 1670. That signed '7. Boulanger in reverse and probably based on Couvay but with variations in the bunch of flowersin the Virgin's left (previouslyher right) hand. This in turn was repeated in a print by E. Heinzelmann but with a bird's eye view of a convent in place of the landscape. Alvise Povelato's engraving dated 1780 must be derived from Jean Boulanger's, for it repeats the form of the tower and idiosyncrasiesof this drapery style, but it is reversed back to the original direction. For the engraving byJ. Morin often said to be of the MadonnadeiGarofanisee note 7 above. Among other prints of the composition, that by A.F. Semmler was probably taken from Faruggia (Fig.22). I am grateful to Nicholas Turner for his help in examining prints after Raphael in the Department of Prints and Drawings of the British 74 for Alnwick, p.466 for Lo Spagna and Raphael. The shutters are likely to be by Perugino. A misprint in Waagen is responsible for the much-repeated error that the Camuccini collection was acquired in 1856. 39J.D. PASSAVANT: Raphael d'Urbin et son pere Giovanni Santi, Paris [1860], II, pp.62-64. 40AlnwickCastle Archives, Box 798, Montiroli correspondence 1855-67. The fabric was ordered on 17th August 1864. A bill for it is dated 14th February 1865. It is still in place at Alnwick Castle. The maker was Ambrogio Osnago of Via S. Radegonda. This file of correspondence also includes a touching letter from Elisa Chiaiso, Montiroli's widow, of 1st March 1893 mentioning the fourth Duke's death and the damasks. Museum, especially those in the corpus assembled to illustrate Ruland's The ['orks of Raphael Santi da Urbino as representedin the Raphael Collection in the Royal Library at [Vindsor Castle formed by His Royal Highness the Prince Consort 1853-1861 and completedby Her Majesty Queen Victoria (1876). 37'Tables des Ocuvres de Raphael Sanctio d'Urbin gravees par les maistres modernes . . .', reproduced in facsimile in P.-J. MARIETTE: Les Grands Peintres, I (Ecoles d'Italie), Paris [1969], p.139, nos.38 and 39. The previous entry, for the Holy Family with a rose, is annotated as after a painting in the 'Cabinet de M. Le Duc d'Orleans'; this annotation is erroneously connected with the Madonna dei garofani in the exh.cat. cited at note 28 above, p. 199, no.268. 38G. WAAGEN: Galleries and Cabinets of Art in GreatBritain, London [1857], pp.465- 80 it.42 Eugene Miintz in his monograph of 1881 trusted Passavant and declared that the composition was known only in old copies.43 Crowe and Cavalcaselle in their twovolume book on Raphael of the following year believed that the best surviving version was that belonging to Count Luigi Spada in Lucca (see Appendix). Cavalcaselle had certainly studied both this painting and that at Alnwick but his notes on the latter seem to have been confused with 41 Montiroli charged f6 for the full size drawing (accounts presented 28th June 1865 in Montiroli correspondence cited above). He refers in a letter of 22nd December 1862 to the frame for the 'Raphael' shutters which should be in 'busso comee stattofattoperl'altracornicedellaMadonnadeiGarofali'.The earliest reference I have found to frame designs by Montiroli is 1861. The Tuscan carver Bulletti who had superintended the Alnwick woodcarving studio (established in 1855 above the hunting stables and employing 24 men in the late 1850s) returned to Italy in 1860; the frames are largely the work of John Brown his chief assistant, later employed as curator of the paintings at Alnwick. 42C.H. HARTSHORNE (A Guideto AlnwickCastle, London and Alnwick [1865], pp.69-70) mentions that the Giotto, now regarded as by Giovanni da Rimini, was in the same room, along with a small 'Correggio' and 'Salviati', but his list is not complete. In fact, another small painting at Alnwick is framed as a pendant to the Raphael - a fine, sixteenth-century version on panel of Michelangelo's Silenzio, with the name Sebastiano del Piombo carved on the frame (more recently it has been attributed to Venusti). This painting was not part of the Camuccini collection and was perhaps acquired by the Duke soon after he bought the fragments of Sebastiano's Visitationfrom the Rev. Davenport Bromley in 1853. 43E. MuNTZ: Raphael, sa vie, son ouvre et son temps, London [1882], p.200. RAPHAEL S 'MADONNA DEI GAROFANI' Appendix Old copies of the 'Madonna dei garofani' This list (which is arranged alphabetically by place) does not claim to be exhaustive, but it is more complete than any previously published. Many items I have only seen as photographs (most of those in the Witt library and in the dossier of the Department of Paintings in the Louvre). In some cases I have not even seen photographs, and some paintings may well be listed twice. I have not included drawn copies (of which a careful and fine example in black chalk is in the Musee de Lyon) nor the versionson a large scale with numerousvariations by Sassoferrato,of which one example is in the Detroit Institute of Art, and another was in the Haeglin Collection in Basle (during the 1920s in private collection in Paris and perhaps identical with lot 5 at Versailles, Palais des Congres, 19th November 1979). I have made much use of the lists in PASSAVANT cited at note 39 above, s. DE RICCI:Cataloguedes Peintures,Musee du Louvre, Paris [1913], no.1513B, and elsewhere. My impression after compiling this is that a dozen or more good copies, some of them on copper, were probably made from the original in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century beforeits export from Italy. 27. Frame for the Madonnadeigarofani.Boxwood with some matt gilding, designed by Giovanni Montiroli, probably carved byJohn Brown, c. 1861. 45.7 by 40.3 cm. (outside measurements). (Alnwick Castle, Northumberland). those on the former.44 In any case they wrote that the Alnwick version was 'only a little inferior' to that in Lucca, and 'probably by a Florentine assistant of Raphael'. They added the reflection that Raphael may already, when a young painter in Florence and Perugia, have 'thought it pardonable to stock his painting-room with school-pieces which, if designed by himself and issued with the stamp of his workshop, were not always marked with the true impress of his hand', proposing that the design for the Madonnadei garofani was an 'early specimen' of such a practice.45 Raphael's drawings were certainly used early in his career by other artists, but these seem to have been independent artists rather than subordinate ones and the authors were surely projecting back to Florence in 1507-08 the circumstances of Raphael's later years in Rome. This may have suggested to Berenson the attribution of the painting to Giulio Romano, a proposal published in 1897.46 It seems to have been soon after this that the painting was removed to a corridor. Thus the judgments of scholars, some of whom had not seen the painting, contributed to make it less likely that their successors would see it. The name of Raphael, however, remained carved on the frame. NationalGallery,London 44Cavalcasell's annotated drawingsof the compositionand detailsof the Madonna deigarofaniare in the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice, cod. It. IV. 2033 (12274), no.20. Photographs of them were kindly transmitted to me by Donata Levi. Cavalcaselle noted the 'conservazione perfetta'.From the context this must be the Alnwick painting but the drawing recordsareas of paint loss which correspond with those revealed in old photographsof the version in Lucca. He was puzzled by the support ('parequercia... olivo'),found much of the painting 'bello'but a few details such as the Virgin's ear and hands defective. 45J.A. CRO)WE and G.B. CAVALCASELLE: Raphael, his life and works, I, London Raphael,London [1948], [1882], pp.343-44. ''his view was shared by o. FISCHEL: I, p. 127. London and New 4"B. BERENSON: The CentralItalianPaintersof the Renaissance, York [1897], p. 146. 'lhe attribution is retained in the second impressionof 1899 but was later dropped. Altena, ''homee collection 1930s (as Sassoferrato); Berlin, Jaffe collection (sold Lepke, October 1912); Bilbao, Urquijo collection (exhibited Seville 1930); Brescia, Museo 'l'osio-Martinengo, inv. 128 (an early copy and of high quality, the composition somewhat extended at the top; see Raphaelloe Brescia: echi e presenze, cxh.cat., Brescia [1986], p.38); Buenos Aires, Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes; Chalons-sur-Marne, Mus6e, inv.899-11-235; Craches, NotreDame de La Creche (in reverse, with different colours, perhaps from a print); Dijon, Mus6e des Beaux-Arts (copper, traditionally attributed to Garofalo); Falkirk, Forbes Collection, Callendar House, sold 1963; Florence, Dr Adolf Gottschewski (1920s), published in A. ROSENBERG: Raffael, Klassiker der Kunst, 4th ed. with additional notes by G. GRONAU, Stuttgart [1909], p.201; Geneva, Duval collection see Paris; London, Samuel collection sold Christie's, 25th March 1927, lot 25; Loreto, Casa Santa, 'Ireasury; Lucca, Count Francesco Spada (by 1840s, still in that collection when reproduced in ROSENBERG, loc.cit. above, under Florence; said to have been with the French Gallery, New York and by 1938 in South America; Liitzschena (near Leipzig), Speck-Sternburg collection (by 1840s - previously Setta collection, Pisa and Fries collection, Dorset, Weld collection (formerly Blundell collection, Vienna); Lulworth, probably purchased late-eighteenth century); Macerata, Pinacoteca; Milan, Foresti sale, 1913; New York, Mrs Drury Cooper (purchased through Mortimer Brandt for 60,000 dollars at the American Art Association auction at Anderson Galleries on 20th April 1939 - previously in the collection of Felix Lachovski in Paris who purchased it from Marie Orloff, a Russian emigre in 1922; in this version the dress is pink; it was said to have been certified by both Venturi and Fischel); New York, PJ. Higgs Gallery, 1928; New York, Christie's 11th January 1989, lot 29a (as after Leonardo); New Zealand, Private collection; Nice, Private collection (published in Combat [18th February 1957]); Paris, Lachovski collection (see New York, Mrs Drury Cooper above); Paris, Private collection (copper); Paris, sale of collection of Francois Duval of Geneva, 12th May 1846 (see CONSTANTIN,op.cit. at note 22 above for a reference to this version); Paris, Musee du Louvre, R.F. 341 (acquired 1882, see s. BEGUIN: Les Peinturesde Raphael au Louvre, Paris [1984], p.76); Paris, Lise Graf Gallery, 1981; Paris, special sale of version in the collection of the industrialist Lughen-Leroy, Drouot, 25th March 1909 (puffed by L. KLOTZ in L'Eclair [17th, 20th, 24th and 30th December 1908]; the painting was reputedly bought by M. de Roussainville in 1686 with its authenticity certified by Largilliere); Perugia, Borbone-Sorbello collection (from the 1850s to at least the 1950s, copper); Rome, Galleria Nazionale, Palazzo Barberini; Rome, Palazzo Albani, l'orlonia collection; Stockholm, Norberg collection (a canvas, in the Bystroem collection, 1850s; Stockholm, Bukowskisale, Stockholm, 9th- 12th November 1966, lot 173;perhapspreviously Bystroem collection); Urbino, Casa Giovannini, c.1900; Urbino, Budassi collection 1958 (perhaps previously Casa Giovannini); Wiirzburg, Froelich collection, 1840s; Wiirzburg, Martin V. Wagner Museum (perhaps previously Froelich collection); Zagreb, Strossmayer Gallery, inv.386 (published by G. GAMULIN: 'Una copia della Madonna del garofano', Commentari, IX, fasc. 3 [July-Sept. 1958], pp.160-61); Zurich, private collection (published by G. GRONAU, W. SUIDA, G. FIOCCO: 'Interessante Probleme II: Nochmals zur "Madonna mit der Nelke'", Belvedere,XII [1934-35], p.105, with the claim that this painting is intermediate between Leonardo's Benois Madonnaand Raphael's painting). 81