HANDBOOK INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETH-NOLOGY
BULLETIN 78
HANDBOOK
OF THE
INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA
BY
A. L. KROEBER
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1925
HANDBOOK
KROEBTIF]
CHAPTER
8.
ATHABASCANS: THE HUPA, CHILUL,
AND WHILKIJT.
Territory, nationality, and settlements, 128; numbers, 130; commerce, 132; plan of society, 132; daily life, 133; divinities, 134; great
dances, 134; girl's adolescence dance, 135; wizards and shamans, 136. THE
CHILULA, 137. THE WHILKUT, 141.
THE HuPA:
Tim HuPA.
TERRITORY, NATIONALITY,
AND SETrLEMEN11S.
The Hupa, with the Chilula and the Whilkut, formed a close
linguistic unit, considerably divergent from the other dialect groups
of California Athabascans. They differed from their two nearer
bodies of kinsmen largely in consequence of their habitat on a
greater stream, in some fashion navigable for canoes even in summer,
and flowing in a wider, sunnier valley. Their population was therefore more concentrated, at least over the favorable stretches, and
their *ealth greater. They were at all points the equals of the
Yurok whom they adjoined where their river debouches into the
Klamath, and of the Karok whose towns began a few miles above;
whereas the Chilula, although reckoned by the Hupa as almost of
themselves, remained a less settled and poorer hill people; while the
Whilkut, in the eyes of all three of the more cultured nations, were
a sort of wild Thracians of the mountains.
Most of the Hupa villages, or at least the larger ones, were in
1lupa (or Hoopa) valley, a beautiful stretch of 8 miles, containing
a greater extent of level land than can be aggregated for long distances about. Below or north of the valley the Trinity flows through
a magnificent rocky canyon to Weitchpec, Yurok Weitspus. In
spite of the proximity of a group of populous Yurok settlements at
this confluence, the canyon, or nearly all of it, belonged to the Hupa,
who now and then seem even to have built individual houses at two
or three points along its course. Perhaps these belonged to men
whom quarrels or feuds drove from intercourse with their fellows.
128
The towns in Hupa Val
tion of their situation on
are as follows:
E. Honsading. Yurok:
W. Dakis-hankut.
E. Kinchuhwikut. Yurc
W. Chelndekotding. Un
E. Miskut (Meskut). Y
E. Takimitlding (Hostj,
Talawatewu. Chin
E. Tsewenalding (Senall
W. Totltsasding. Unocci
E. Medilding (Matilton)
Chimariko: Mutum,
W. Howunkut (Kentuck
E. Djishtangading (Tish
E. Haslinding (Horse-Li
It is characteristic that v
ern than on the eastern si(
lages, in fact practically
~~
_
k~rrace
*
-"un
Old Houses
a3
1IDoors *plaothrms
°
mModer*, housesj -barns d!,,;Old Hoqse puts
W
f
3 Caneteries
4-Biisocred)house
5Swea, House
I6P/ae ofJumping Dance
7Tree
FG. 12 .-Pan
Americans arrived except H
river, with exposure to the v
Above Hupa Valley is t
harbored the little village
begins a string of patches
in. Here there were two pc
Mingkutme. Sehachpeya,
Tashuanta are mentioned ii
most of these names seem to
lRgOEBFR]
129
HANDBOOK OF INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA
The towns in Hupa Valley, in order upstream, and with designation of their situation on the east or the west bank of the Trinity,
are as follows:
ILULI, AND WHIIKUT.
ments, 128; numbers, 130; comlife, 133; divinities, 134; great
wizards and shamans, 138.
THE:
rD SET¶ITLEMENTS.
,e Whilkut, formed a close
rom the other dialect groups
,red from their two nearer
mnce of their habitat on a
e for canoes even in summer,
Their population was there,he favorable stretches, and
ll points the equals of the
ir river debouches into the
Ls began a few miles above;
by the Hupa as almost of
oorer hill people; while the
more cultured nations, were
IS.
Ast the larger ones, were in
retch of 8 miles, containing
be aggregated for long disey the Trinity flows through
ipec, Yurok Weitspus. In
pulous Yurok settlements at
of it, belonged to the Hupa,
lilt individual houses at two
laps these belonged to men
ercourse with their fellows.
E. Honsading. Yurok: Oknutl.
W. Dakis-hankut.
E. Kinchuhwikut. Yurok: Merpernertl.
W. Cheindekotding. Unoccupied in 1850. Yurok: Kererwer.
E. Miskut (Meskut). Yurok: Ergerits.
E. Takimitlding (Hostler).
Yurok: Oplego. Wlyot: Talalawilu or
Talawatewu. Chimariko: Hope-ta-djil. See plat in Figure 12.
E. Tsewenalding (Senalton). Yurok: Olepotl.
W. Totltsasding. Unoccupied in 1850. Yurok: Erlern.
E. Medilding (Matilton). Yurok: Kahtetl. Wiyot: Haluwi-talaleyutl.
Chimariko: Mutuma-dji.
W. Howunkut (Kentuck). Yurok: Pia'getl. Wiyot: Tapotse.
E. DjIshtangading (Tishtangatang).
E. Haslinding (Horse-Linto). Yurok: Yati.
It is characteristic that while there is more level land on the western than on the eastern side of Hupa Valley, all the principal villages, in fact practically all settlements in occupation when the
Graoss SY op
*11;
Old House is
°
4Big (socred)house
S5wsea House
8Poce of Jumping Dance
7Tree
t,:
0
Takimiu
dingMi1 3age Hupa, 1901
FIG. 12.-Plan of Hupa town of Takimitlding.
Americans arrived except Howunkut, were on the eastern side of the
river, with exposure to the warm afternoon sun.
Above Hupa Valley is the small " Sugar Bowl," whose bottom
harbored the little village of Haslinding. Some miles farther up
begins a string of patches of valley to where Willow Creek comes
in. Here there were two permanent settlements, Kachwunding and
Mingkutme. Sehachpeya, Waugullewatl, Aheltah, Sokeakeit, and
Tashuanta are mentioned in early sources as being in this region:
most of these names seem to be Yurok. And still farther, at South
Nomm-
130
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
P " "-
M
fBtlLL. 78
Fork, where the river branches, was the town of Tlelding-whence
the "Kelta tribe "-with subsidiary settlements about or above it.
The farthest of these was Tl'okame, 5 miles up the South Fork.
These southerly Hupa were almost out of touch with the Yurok,
and held intercourse with the Wintun and Chimariko. Their outlook on the world must have been quite different, and it. is known
that their religious practices were distinctive. In implements,
mode of life, regulation of society, and speech they were, however,
substantially identical with the better known people of Hupa Valley.
And the Yurok knew Tlelding, which they called, with reference to
its situation at the forks, by the same name as their own town of
Weitspekw.
The Hupa derive their name from Yurok Hupo, the name of the valley.
The people the Yurok knew as Hupo-la, their speech as Omimoas. The H1upa
called themselves Natinnoh-hoi, after Natinnoh, the Trinity River. Other
tribes designated them as follows: The Wiyot, Haptana; the Karok, Kishakewara; the Chimariko, Hichhu; the Shasta, Chaparahihu. The Hupa in
turn used these terms: For the Yurok, Kinne, or Yidachin, "from downstream "; the Karok were the Kinnus; the Shasta, the Kiintah; the Chimariko,
the TI'omitta-hoi, the "prairie people"; the Wintun of the south fork of the
Trinity, the Yinachin, "from upstream"; the Wiyot of lower Mad River, Taike;
the Whilkut, Hoilkut-hoi; the Tolowa language was Yitde-dinning-hunneuhw,
"downstream sloping speech."
That something of an ethnic sense existed is shown by a gender
in the Hupa language. One category included only adult persons
speaking the tongue or readily intelligible Athabascan dialects.
Babbling children, dignified aliens, and all other human beings and
animals formed a second " sex."
NUMBERS.
The population of the Hupa as far as the South Fork of the Trinity may be estimated at barely 1,000 before the discovery. There do
not appear to have been much more than 600 Indians in the valley
proper. Even this gives a higher average per village than holds
through the region. The first agent in 1866 reported 650. In 1903, a
careful estimate yielded 450. The Federal census of 1910 reckons
over 600, but probably includes all the children of diverse tribal
affiliation brought to the Government school in the valley. In any
event, the proportion of survivors is one of the highest in California.
This may be ascribed to three causes: the inaccessibility of the region and its comparative poverty in placer gold; the establishment
of a reservation which allowed the Hupa uninterrupted occupancy
of their ancestral dwellings; and an absence of the lamentable laxity
of administration characteristic for many years of the other Indian
l
E801AMPEW
HANDBOOK 0]
reservations of California; l
due in the main to this res
military officers.
In 1851 the Yurok liste(
houses, distributed as follow
Honsading-------------Miskut-----------------Takimitlding__________--Tsewenalding-------- -Medilding -----------5 other villages In and
Identified-----_____---
Tlelding---------------Total_-___________
The enumeration may n
only 750 Hupa; but even a
settlements would keep the
The following report of '
Honsading-------------Miskut ----------------Takimltlding ----------Tsewenalding----------Medilding
.-------Howunkut ------------Djlshtangading --------" Sawmill "
.__________
Total Hupa ___-____
Chilula, Nongatl, Wiyot,
These figures may not be
nothing that has so great
Indian reservation as it ha
same year another agent r,
tion-301 males and 348 f
precede, give some concept
lages, with Takimitlding
the two halves of the valle3
20 years of contact with ti
only to the Hupa men. Bu
But native practices also co
between Takimitiding and Tse
assaulted by an American sold
T ET H NOLOGY
tBULrL.78
he town of Tlelding-whence
ettlements about or above it.
5 miles up the South Fork.
ut of touch with the Yurok,
Land Chimariko. Their outite different, and it is known
distinctive. In implements,
d speech they were, however,
mnown people of Hupa Valley.
they called, with reference to
) name as their own town of
k Hupo, the name of the valley.
r speech as Omimoas. The Hupa
[nnoh, the Trinity River. Other
yot, Haptana; the Karok, Kishasta, Chaparahihu. The Hupa in
inne, or Yidachin, " from downiasta, the Kiintah; the Chimariko,
Wintun of the south fork of the
Wiyot of lower Mad River, Taike;
age was Yitde-dinning-hunneuhw,
existed is shown by a gender
included only adult persons
lligible Athabascan dialects.
I all other human beings and
3the South Fork of the Trin-
fore the discovery. There do
Lan 600 Indians in the valley
erage per village than holds
1866 reported 650. In 1903, a
deral census of 1910 reckons
ie children of diverse tribal
school in the valley. In any
of the highest in California.
the inaccessibility of the relacer gold; the establishment
ipa uninterrupted occupancy
;ence of the lamentable laxity
ny years of the other Indian
131
HANDBOOK OF INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA
reservations of California; which fortunate circumstance is probably
due in the main to this reservation having been long in charge of
military officers.
In 1851 the Yurok listed to the Government officials 99 Hupa
houses, distributed as follows:
HonsadingMiskut -------------------------------------------Takimitlding -20
Tsewenalding -10
Medilding -28
5 other villages in and above Hupa valley, not positively
identified -23
Tlelding-
9
6
3
Total -99
The enumeration may not have been complete-it would yield
only 750 Hupa; but even a liberal allowance for omission of small
settlements would keep the entire group within the 1,000 mark.
The following report of the population in 1870 is of interest:
Honsading----------------------------------------Miskut -32
Takimitlding -51
Tsewenalding -________________________
Medilding -75
Howunkut -31
Djishtangading -14
"Sawmill" -16
Total Hupa
Chilula, Nongatl, Wiyot, etc
Males
25
14
Female.
30
49
74
31
100
39
36
24
258
383
-641
-
-
233
874
These figures may not be taken with too much reliance. There is
nothing that has so great an illusory accuracy as the census of an
Indian reservation as it has been customary to make them. In the
same year another agent reported only 649 Indians on the reservation-301 males and 348 females. But the figures, like those that
precede, give some conception of the relative importance of the villages, with Takimitlding and Medilding, the religious centers of
the two halves of the valley, far in the lead. And they indicate that
20 years of contact with the Americans had been heavily disastrous
only to the Hupa men. Bullets, not disease, killed in these first years.
But native practices also contributed. About the late sixties a feud arose
between Takimitlding and Tsewenalding. A woman of the latter place was
assaulted by an American soldier and stabbed him. Not long after, either in
132
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 78
resentment or for some other cause, soldiers killed a Takimitlding youth. The
Takimitiding people could not or dared not revenge themselves on the military,
but holding the woman ultimately responsible for the loss of their man, sought
reprisals among her relatives of Tsewenalding. In the "war" that followed
the people of the smaller village suffered heavily. The aggregate losses of
both sides were about 20. The towns belonged to the same division and stood a
scant mile apart on the same side of the river.
Dams were built across the river to catch salmon in alternate
summers at Takimitlding and Medilding. There is in this arrangement a wise adjustment between the two largest and most sacred
towns and the rights of the upper and lower halves of the valley.
COMMERCE.
The Hupa traded chiefly with the Yurok. From them they received their canoes, which their own lack of redwood prevented them
from manufacturing; and dried sea foods, especially surf fish, mussels, and salty seaweed. Most of their dentalia probably reached
them through the same channel; although this money, however
hoarded, must have fluctuated back and forth from tribe to tribe and
village to village for generations. The articles returned are less
definitely known, but seem to have consisted of inland foods and perhaps skins. With the Karok the Hupa were in general friendly, but
the products of the two groups were too similar to allow of much
barter. The Tolowa seem to have been met at Yurok dances. The
Chilula were close friends, the Whilkut disliked. There was very
little intercourse with the Wiyot, Nongatl, or Wintun, evidently because other tribes intervened.
0
PLAN OF SOCIETY.
The following account of Hupa society also applies to all the
northwestern tribes.
A typical family consisted of the man and his sons, the wife or wives of the
man, the unmarried or half-married daughters, the wives of the sons, and the
grandchildren. To these may be added unmarried or widowed brothers or
sisters of the man and his wife. The women of the first generation are called
by the same term of relationship by the third generation whether they are
great-aunts or grandmothers. So, too, the old men of the family were all called
grandfathers. All the children born in the same house called each other
brothers and sisters, whether they were children of the same parents or not.
The ultimate basis of this life is obviously blood kinship, but the
immediately controlling factor is the association of common residence; in a word, the house.
Continuing, with omissions:
The next unit above the family was the village. These varied greatly in
size. Where a man was born there he died and was buried. On the other
RROEBERI
HANDBOOK
1
hand, the women went to oth
mained there all their lives.
each other, for the most part,
tives scattere(l through differ
had married.
Each village had a headman
hunting an(d fishing rights, an
acorns and seeds. The men oJ
received food in time of scarcil
to him to settle the dispute ,
he had w as theirs in time of
death if his property also so d
The villages south of and i
of religion. There was no orn
leader in matters of the dance
unit. All to the north of Me
man of the northern division
for the whole lower Trinity I
tribe, made war. This power
the dissipation of his property
wealth, terminate hostilities I
There seem to have been no
tribe. Formal councils were ii
of his men in a collected body
There are here male e
lefined laws. There is n(
Iower as a part of society
all set for these institution
them developing to luxii
volved a total change in
slowly and which affecis
a culture.
The daily life, not only
tribes, has been well deser
At daybreak the woman at
She then took the burden basil
She was expected to have fin
roo were early risers. The C
say: " I like that man. I wis
'[iie men always bathed in thE
the family in the house an(l
ferred to (1o most of their w
mnen, and the religiously incli
followed by a plunge in the ri
sweat-house and sunned them
tion and prayer. In the even
very slowly, looking about am
vomewn sat in silence without
ETHNOLOGY
[BULMv 78
illed a Takimitiding youth. The
venge themselves on the military,
for the loss of their man, sought
g. In the "war" that followed
mavily. The aggregate losses of
to the same division and stood a
catch salmon in alternate
There is in this arrangewo largest and most sacred
)wer halves of the valley.
r.
irok. From them they reof redwood prevented them
Is, especially surf fish, musdentalia probably reached
pugh this money, however
'orth from tribe to tribe and
e articles returned are less
ted of inland foods and pervere in general friendly, but
D similar to allow of much
met at Yurok dances. The
disliked. There was very
J, or Wintun, evidently ber.
Aty also applies to all the
}KROEBER]
HANDBOOK OF INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA
133
hand, the women went to other villages when they married and usually remained there all their lives. The inhabitants of a village were related to
each other, for the most part, on the side of the males. They had other relatives scattered through different villages where their daughters and sisters
had married.
Each village had a headman who was richest there. Besides riches he had
hunting andi fishing rights, and certain lands where his women might gather
acorns andl seeds. The men of the village obeyed him because from him they
received food in time of scarcity. If they were involved in trouble they looked
to him to settle the dispute with money. As long as they obeyed whatever
he had wNas theirs in time of need. His power descende(l to his son at his
death if his property also so descended.
The villages south of and including Medilding were associated in matters
of religion. There was no organization or council..The richest nan was the
leader in matters of the dances, and in war, if the division were at war as a
unit. All to the north of Medilding constituted another division. Thle headman of the northern division because of his great wealth was the headman
for the whole lower Trinity River. He was the leader when the tribe, as a
tribe, made war. This power was the result of his wealth and passed with
the dissipation of his property. He was the leader because he could, with his
wealth, terminate hostilities by settling for all those killed by his warriors.
There seem to have been no formalities in the government of the village or
tribe. Formal councils were unknown, although the chief often took the advice
of his men in a collected body.
There are here male ownership, patrilinear descent, and welldefined laws. There is no trace of exogamous clans, of hereditary
power as a part of society, of political machinery. The stage seems
all set for these institutions. A slight increment and we can imagine
them developing to luxuriance. But the growth would have involved a total change in outlook-the sort of change that comes
slowly and which affecis at once the subtlest and deepest values of
a culture.
DAILY LIFE.
The daily life, not only of the Hlupa but of all the northwestern
3 sons, the wife or wives of the
the wives of the sons, and the
rried or widowed brothers or
f the first generation are called
I generation whether they are
en of the family were all called
same house called each other
of the same parents or not.
isly blood kinship, but the
sociation of common resi-
lage. These varied greatly in
nd was buried. On the other
tribes, has been wvell described in the following passage:
At daybreak the woman arose and went to the river for a complete bath.
She then took the burden basket anl brought a load of wood for the house fire.
She was expected to have finished her bath before the men were astir. They
loo were early risers. The dawn was looked upon as a maiden. She would
say: " I like that manl. I wish he will live to be old; he always looks at mile."
'TIhe men always bathed in the river on rising. A light breakfast was eaten by
the family in tile house anil each went to his day's task. The older men preferred to do most of their work before this meal. In the afternoon, the old
mnen, and the religiously Inclined young men, took a sweat in the sweat-house,
followed by a plunge in the river. After the bath they sat in the shelter of the
sweat-house and sunned themselves. As they sat there they engaged In meditation and prayer. In the evening the principal meal was served. The men ate
very slowly, looking about and talking after each spoonful of acorn soup. The
womuen sat in silence without caps and with hidden feet, that they might show
I
134
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
great respect to the men.
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78
tBUJLL&
A basket of water was passed after the meal that
the men might wash their hands.
When they were through they retired to the
sweat-house, where they spent several hours in converse.
DIVINITIES.
The greatest divinity of the Hupa is Yimantuwingyai, "the one
lost (to us) across (the ocean) ," also known as Yimankyuwinghoiyan,
" old man over across," believed to have come into being at the Yurok
village of Kenek. He is a sort of establisher of the order and condition of the world and leader of the kihkruai, or preceding race; a real
creator is as unknown to the Hupa as to the Yurok and Karok. They
can not conceive the world as ever different from now except in innumerable details. Yimantuwingyai seems to be a combination of
the tricky and erotic Wohpekumeu and the more heroic Pulekukwerek of the Yurok.
A suggestion of the latter god is found in the Hupa Yidetuwingyai,
"the one lost downstream." A myth concerning him tells of the time
when the sun and earth alone existed. From them were born twins,
Yidetuwingyai and the ground on which men live. This sort of
cosmogony has not been found among the Yurok or Karok and may
be supposed to have reached the Hupa through the influence of more
southerly tribes.
Yinukatsisdai, "upstream he lives," is the Yurok Megwomets, a
small long-bearded boy who passes unseen with a load of acorns and
controls or withholds the supply of vegetable food.
GREAT DANCES.
The Hupa made two ceremonies of the new year or first fruits
type, both, of course, with the recitation of a mythological formula as the central esoteric element. One of these was performed
at Haslinding by the people of the Medilding division in spring
at the commencement of the salmon run. The first salmon of the
season was caught and eaten. In autumn, when the acorns first began to fall freely, a ceremony for the new crop was made for the
northern division at Takimitlding, " acorn-ceremony place." The
reciting formulist took the place of the divinity Yinukatsisdai.
The new acorns were eaten by the assembled people. The stones
used in cooking the gruel were put in a heap that has attained a
volume of 200 cubic feet and must be adjudged to have been at
least as many years in accumulating, or more if tfadition is true
that the river once swept the pile away. A lamprey eel ceremony
was also enacted at the northern end of the valley by a Takimitlding man each year. It was a close parallel of the salmon "new
year," but much less important.
_
__
_
_
__
_
__
_
_
__
_
_
KiRUNBER]
HAN DBOOK
The Hupa held two J
in former times annually,
These are all associated
two are connected with t
The Deerskin dance, hons'
"along the river dance," ca
at Takimitiding, it appears,
in canoes, and on 10 succes
kut, below Takimitlding, at
posite Cheindekotding, then a
on the slope of the mountaii
fourth day, at Miskut, the
which ten times approached 1
peculiar song, recalled to tl
the dance with them, and t
A Jumping dance, tuvnkchi
more days, half a month or
the sacred sweat house at Ta
danced against the Takimith
as to excellence of song and s
of the regalia displayed.
Another Jumping dance, lu
spring. It was not associate(
had as its purpose the drivi
of the first salmon rites of I
that the dance once rested ur
10 nights the dance went on
believed to have stood in thi
lowed 10 days of open-air d
the same as in the autumn Jr
Gill]
The Ilupa stand one sl
of civilization by one tes
attention bestowed on
women. The influence
At a girl's adolescence,
observances were under~
followed by the Yurok.
dwelling house which the
it among the Ilupa, andl
Tolowa. and Wivot. A
orf buckskin from whli(cl
times a night to sin, ab.
long rattles which are E
in (lances throughout cei
is whittled into five or
were not used by the Yu
THNOLOGY
tBULL.
78
vas passed after the meal that
,ere through they retired to the
converse.
Yimantuwingyai, "the one
n as Yimankyuwinghoiyan,
me into being at the Yurok
her of the order and condirti, or preceding race; a real
ie Yurok and Karok. They
ent from now except in inms to be a combination of
the more heroic Pulekukn the Hupa Yidetuwingyai,
!erning him tells of the time
rom them were born twins,
h men live. This sort of
a Yurok or Karok and may
rough the influence of more
; the Yurok Megwomets, a
n with a load of acorns and
ible food.
he new year or first fruits
on of a mythological forIne of these was performed
,dilding
division in
spring
The first salmon of the
n, when the acorns first beiew crop was made for the
orn-ceremony place." The
he divinity Yinukatsisdai.
.
mbled people. The stones
that has attained a
adjudged to have been at
r more if tfadition is true
E heap
A lamprey eel ceremony
the valley by a Takimitlrallel of the salmon "new
KRUBBEEI]
HANDBOOK OF INDIANS OF (CALIF"ORNIA
135
The Hupa held two Jumping dances and one Deerskin dance;
in former times annually, they say; in more recent years biennially.
These are all associated with Takimitlding, and at least one if not
two are connected with the first acorn ceremony there.
The Deerskin dance, honsitlchitdilya, "summer (lance," or hnkoachitdilya,
"along the river dance," came about September. The formula was spoken
at Takimitiding, it appears, or begun there. The lancers then went upstream
in canoes, and on 10 successive afternoons and evenings danced at Howvunkut, below Takimitiding, at Miskut, belowv Kinchuhwikut, upstream again opposite Cheindekotding. then at the foot of the valley, and finally at Nitltukalai,
on the slope of the mountain overlooking the valley from the north. On the
fourth day, at Miskut, the (lance was iiiaile in three large canoes abreast,
which ten times approached the shore. This spectacular performance, with its
peculiar song, recalled to the old people their dead who formerly witnessed
the dance with them, and they were wont to weep, deeply affected.
A Jumping dance, tualkchitdilya, " autumn dance," was held, also for 10 or
more days, half a month or so later, before a board fence or hut erected near
the sacred sweat house at Takimitthling. At least on the last (lay, the Medibling
danced against the Takimitlding division, that is, in turn and in a confpetition
as to excellence of song and step and particularly as to sumptuousness and value
of the regalia displayed.
Another Jumping dance, hiaichitdilya, " winter dance," seemis to halve come in
spring. It was not associated with any first-fruits ceremony, but seems to have
had as its purpose the driving away of sickness. Its season, however, is that
of the first salmon rites of AMedilding andh of the Karok, and it is not unlikely
that the dance once rested upon a similar ceremony made at Takimitiding. For
10 nights the dance went on in the " great " or sacred dwelling house which was
believed to have stood in that village since the days of the kiltunai. Then followed 10 days of open-air dancing at Mliskut. The apparel and conduct were
the same as in the autumn Jumping dance.
GIRL S Al))lESCENCE DANCE.
The Ilupta stand one slight grade lower than the Yurok in the scale
of civilization by one test that holds through most of California: the
attention bestowed on the recurring physiological functions of
women. The influence of their hill neighbors may be responsil)le.
At a girl's adolescence, when she was called kinatidang, 10 days'
observances were undergone by her which are very similar to those
followed by the Yurok. In addition, there was a nightly dance in the
dwelling house which the Yurok did not practice, although they knew
it among the Ilupa, anti similar rites were followed among the Kearok,
Tolowa, and Wiyot. A number of men wearing feather-tipped capis
of buckskin from which a flap) falls down the back entered several
times a night to sing about the blanket-covered girl. They vibrateti
long rattles which are a modification of the clap stick that is used
in (lances througrhout central ('alifornia. The end of the 111tipa stick
is whittle(l into five or six slender anal flexible rolls. These rattles
were not used by the Yurok. One dancer wore a headdress belonging
P"
136
BUREAU OF' AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
-
[BULL.
I I I
78
to the Deerskin dance; another, one from the Jumping dance; both
carried small thin boards cut and painted into a rude suggestion of
the human figure. In the intervals, seated women sang and tapped
the girl with the rattles. After the tenth night, the girl finally threw
off her blanket, went outside, and looked into two haliotis shells held
to the south and north of her, seeing therein the two celestial worlds.
WIZARDS AND SHAMANS.
It is in keeping with the peculiar form which shamanism assumes
in northwestern California that the doctor and the witch are more
clearly separated in the native mind than in the remainder of
California. Disease was caused by the breaking of some observance
of magic, perhaps sometimes was thought to occur spontaneously,
or was brought on by people who had become kitdonghoi, in Hupa
terminology. These were not shamans of avowed training, but men
of secret evil proclivities. They did not control animate "pains"
or spirits, but operated through material objects possessing magic
powers. These objects were also called kitdonghoi. A favorite instrument was a bow made of a human rib with cord of wrist sinews.
From this, after the proper mythic formula had been recited-the
Hupa or Yurok can imagine nothing of real consequence being
done successfully without a formula-a mysterious little arrow was
shot which caused almost certain death. These devices, or the knowledge of them, were secretly bought by resentful and malicious people
from men suspected of possessing the unnatural powers. The kitdonghoi might sometimes be seen at night as something rushing about
and throwing out sparks. His instrument enabled him to travel at
enormous speed, and to turn himself into a wolf or bear in his
journeys. This is the only faint suggestion in northwestern California of the bear shaman beliefs that are so prevalent everywhere
to the south.
It is evident that the northwesterner distinguishes black magic
and curative doctoring rather plainly-much as superstitious Europeans might, in fact. The central and southern Californian, it
will be seen hereafter, deals essentially in undifferentiated shamanism, which can be equally beneficent or evil. This contrast is connected with several peculiarities of northwestern culture. The
Yurok and Hupa are far more addicted to magic in the narrower
sense of the word, especially imitative magic, than the unsophisticated central Californians. The formulas with which they meet all
crises rest essentially on this concept; and there are literally hundreds if not thousands of things that are constantly done or not
done in everyday life from some motive colored by ideas that are
imitatively magical. Though the world is full of deities and spirits,
1 ,
XR(TIBER
I
HANDBOOK
these also are approached
ance of an action which
rather than by any direct
As already said of the
guardian spirits and ope
is feebly developed and (
primarily through "pain
rial objects. A true "bei
him, is therefore an impo
no doubt significant in th
in the northwest is norn
more often a man.
The Hupa distinguishec
ing doctor, who diagnoses
or sucking doctor, who rE
shaman performed both
who never attempted to
function has been report
northern California. Tb
hoof rattle.
Illness is also treated b:
las that they have been t:
with such a recitation an
most always in such a mi
applied that its physiology
and childbirth were alwi
parently only a few, of c
character.
The Chilula, who consti
and Whilkut, are almost in(
were allied with them in L
and in frequent distrust o
fered from them in custo
of habitat in an adjacent
Indians of the region, tl
selves as a group. Chilule
Tsulu, the Bald Hills the
parallel Klamath-Trinity
known as the Bald Hills I
The Chilula villages la
near the inland edge of tl
Minor Creek. All but one
on which the hillsides rec'
few were as much as a mi
ETH1NOLOGY
[ SU LL. 78
m the Jumping dance; both
ed into a rude suggestion of
ted women sang and tapped
night, the girl finally threw
into two haliotis shells held
rein the two celestial worlds.
1ANS.
n which shamanism assumes
tor and the witch are more
than in the remainder of
)reaking of some observance
,ht to occur spontaneously,
'ecome kitdonghoi, in Hupa
f avowed training, but men
)t control animate ' pains"
al objects possessing magic
litdonghoi. A favorite inb with cord of wrist sinews.
mula had been recited-the
of real consequence being
mysterious little arrow was
These devices, or the knowl;entful and malicious people
nnatural powers. The kitas something rushing about
nt enabled him to travel at
nto a wolf or bear in his
;tion in northwestern Calire so prevalent everywhere
distinguishes black magic
iuch as superstitious Euroi southern Californian, it
n undifferentiated shamanevil. This contrast is concrthwestern culture. The
to magic in the narrower
nagic, than the unsophistis with which they meet all
ad there are literally hunxre constantly done or not
colored by ideas that are
s full of deities and spirits,
xnorl .BEjR1
HANDBOOK OF INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA
137
these also are approached by the avenue of magic, by the performance of an action which they like and which compels their aid,
rather than by any direct communication as of person with person.
As already said of the Yurok, the idea that the shaman owns
guardian spirits and operates through communications with them,
is feebly developed and expressed only indirectly. Shamans work
primarily through " pains "; and these, although alive, are material objects. A true "bear doctor," as the Yuki and Yokuts know
him, is therefore an impossibility among the Hupa. Finally, it is
no doubt significant in this connection that the professional shaman
in the northwest is normally a woman, the kitdonyhoi or uma'a
more often a man.
The Hupa distinguished the tintwachi riunawa,the dancing or singing doctor, who diagnoses by clairvoyance or dream, and the kitetau,
or sucking doctor, who removes the disease object. Often the same
shaman performed both operations, but there were dancing doctors
who never attempted to extract a " pain." This differentiation of
function has been reported from groups in several other parts of
northern California. The dancing doctor sometimes used a deerhoof rattle.
Illness is also treated by kimauchitlchwe, people who know formulas that they have been taught by an older relative. In connection
with such a recitation an herb is invariably employed, although almost always in such a minute quantity or so indirectly or externally
applied that its physiological effect must be insignificant. Pregnancy
and childbirth were always so treated, but of actual diseases apparently only a few, of chronic and annoying rather than alarming
character.
THE CHILTILA.
The Chilula, who constitute one larger ethnic group with the Hupa
and Whilkut, are almost indistinguishable f rom theLupa in speech, and
were allied with them in hostility toward the Teswan or Coast Yurok
and in frequent distrust of the Yurok, Wiyot, and Whilkut, and differed from them in customs only in such matters as were the result
of habitat in an adjacent and smaller stream valley. Like all the
Indians of the region, they lacked a specific designation of themselves as a group. Chilula is American for Yurok Tsulu-la, people of
Tsulu, the Bald Hills that stretch between Redwood Creek and the
parallel Klamath-Trinity Valley. Locally they have always been
known as the Bald Hills Indians.
The Chilula villages lay on or near lower Redwood Creek from
near the inland edge of the heavy redwood belt to a few miles above
Minor Creek. All but one were on the northeastern side of the stream,
on which the hillsides receive more sun and the timber is lighter. A
few were as much as a mile or more from the creek. but the majority
-
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conformed to the invariable Hupa, Yurok, and Karok practice of
standing close to the stream. In summer the Chilula left their permanent homes, near which they fished, and dwelt chiefly on the
upper prarielike reaches of the Bald Hills ridge, where seeds as well
as bulbs abounded and hunting was convenient. This is a much more
distinctively central than northwestern Californian practice. Some of
these summer camps were on the Klamath or Yurok side of the range,
so that in this rather unusual case the boundary between the two
groups was neither a watershed nor a stream. In autumn the Chilula
either continued their residence in the Bald Hills or crossed Redwood Creek to gather acorns on the shadier hillsides that slope down
to their stream from the west.
Eighteen of their former villages are known. These are placed in
Figure 13. The towns there designated as A to R were, in order,
Howunakut, Noleding, Tlochime, Kingkyolai, Kingyukyomunga,
Yisining'aikut, Tsinsilading, Tondinunding, Yinukanomitseding,
Hontetlme, Tlocheke, Hlichuhwinauhwding, Kailuhwtahding. Kailuhwchengetlding, Sikingchwungmitahding, Kinahontahding, Misme,
Kahustahding.
Five of the principal Chilula settlements are reported to have been
called Cherr'hquuh, Ottepetl, Ohnah, Ohpah, and Roquechoh by
the Yurok. From these names Cherhkwer, Otepetl, Ono, Opau, and
Roktso can be reconstructed as the approximate original forms.
On the site of six of the identified settlements, 17, 7, 4, 2, 4, and 8
house pits, respectively, have been counted. This ratio would give
the Chilula a total of 125 homes, or about 900 souls. As Hupa and
Yurok villages, owing to all house sites not being occupied contemporaneously, regularly contain more pits than houses, and the
same ratio probably applied to the Chilula, or if anything a heavier
one, the figures arrived at must be reduced by about a third. This
would make the Chilula population when the white man appeared
some 500 to 600, and the average strength of each settlement about
30 persons. This is less for the group than for the neighboring ones,
and less, too, for the size of each village; as is only natural for
dwellers on a smaller stream.
The trails from Trinidad and Humboldt Bay to the gold districts
on the Klamath in the early fifties led across the Bald Hills, and the
Chilula had hardly seen white men before they found themselves in
hostilities with packers and miners. Volunteer companies of Ameri-
>
(\
)
/
ftde
A'wA
Ray
6DS
ECHILULA
a dozen years. Part of the Chilula were placed at Hupa, others cap-
Bm.ioe.x
home, but were massacred by the Lassik on the way. The Chilula
remaining in their old seats and at Hupa avenged their relatives
by several suecessf ul raids into the territory of their new Indian foes.
/
|t
NA
YVl/4Tges.
5
These attempted to steal
i
.
cans took part, and desultory and intermittent fighting went on for
tured and sent to distant Fort Bragg.
HANDBOOK
BOKROER]
V4
RANGE
.5
_wf
Af
__!___________________
FIG. 13-ChIlul
THNOI.OGY
[BULL. 78
T[BOLRBEB]
139
HANDBOOK OF INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA
ok, and Karok practice of
the Chilula left their perand dwelt chiefly on the
s ridge, where seeds as well
,nient. This is a much more
ifornian practice. Some of
or Yurok side of the range,/
boundary between the two
im. In autumn the Chilula
3ald Hills or crossed Reder hillsides that slope down
___
)J
,
,
nown. These are placed in
as A to R were, in order,
rkyolai, Kingyukyomunga,
ding, Yinukanomitseding,
ing, Kailuhwtahding, Kaiig, Kinahontahding, Misme,
V.
-
0
,s are reported to have been
\F
)hpah, and Roquechoh by
r, Otepetl, Ono, Opau, and
oximate original forms.
ements, 17, 7, 4, 2, 4, and 8
Zd. This ratio would give
t 900 souls.
'01
As Hupa and
s not being occupied conpits than houses, and the
la, or if anything a heavier
Ad by about a third. This
n the white man appeared
h of each settlement about
n for the neighboring ones,
re; as is only natural for
It Bay to the gold districts
*oss the Bald Hills, and the
e they found themselves in
inteer companies of Ameri-
ittent fighting went on for
laced at Hupa, others cap-
N
Y
)\
a
O,
J!
A5
CHILULA
E
RANGE
BW7rvof
-
l
retor,
These attempted to steal
on the way. The Chilula
pa avenged their relatives
ry of their new Indian foes.
FIG.
13.-Chilula land and towns.
(After Goddard.)
:
_4000_
140
BUREAU 0V AMEIC(AN
ETIINOLOUGY
ImBIL. 78
On one of these parties, they still mustered, with their Ilupa and
Whilkut connections, 70 men. Nongatl Indians closely related to the
Lassik also once were confined on Hupa Reservation, which led to
further troubles. Other fights took place with certain Yurok villages. Thus the Chilula wasted away. As a tribe they are long since
gone. Only two or three households remain in their old seats, while
a few families at Hupa have become merged among their kinsmen
of this tribe, in the reckoning of the white man, and practically in
their own consciousness.
A Chilula who had killed a Hupa, or who was held responsible because his
kinsmen were involved in the killing, attended a brush dance at the Yurok
town of Kenek after the American was in the land. His foes attacked, and
while his hosts apparently scattered to keep out of the way of harmi to themselves and possible claims arising from participation, he resisted. He was
shot, but evidently only after a little battle, since several bullets were
found where he had put them in his piled-up hair ready for quick loading.
He had no doubt come to the celebration prepared for a possible attempt un
his life. His companions were probably outnumbered and ran off. The next
day word was sent from his village that he should be buried at Kenek and
payment would be made for the favor. The risk of ambush to the party bearing his corpse home was seemingly considered too great to brave. This was
a private or family feud(, such as would now and then occur among the Hupa
themselves, and was hardly likely to disturb the amicable relations between
other members of the two groups. The scale of the affair was probably typical
of most of the "wvars" of the region, except when most of the embittered
Chilula stoodl desperately together for a season against the American and the
native foes instigated by him.
The Chilula built the typical northwestern plank house and small
square sweat house in their permanent villages. (PL. 13.) They were
the most southerly Athabascan tribe to use this type of sweat house.
In addition, two villages contained large round dance houses of
the kind characteristic of the region to the south, but not otherwise
known in northwestern California. It is conceivable that these may
have been built only after the white man indiscriminately conmmingled northern and southern tribes, or after the ghost dance of
the early seventies. While the Yurok and Tolowa received this
revivalistic cult from the east, it spread also northward from the
Wintun, Pomo, Yuki, and southern Athabascan groups, and may
have penetrated to the Chilula. When the Chilula camped in the
hills they erected square but unexcavated houses of bark slabs of
the type used for permanent dwellings by the Whilkut. They knew
or occasionally attempted the art of sewing headbands of yellow-hammer quills, such as are used by the central Californian tribes. (Fig.
20, d.) Thus, as compared with the Hupa and Yurok, some first
approaches to southerly customs are seen among the Chilula.
Their lack of the redwood canoe proves less, as their stream would
have been unnavigable except in times of torrential flood. There is a
xftorsBFR
HANDBOOK (
tradition that they once E
the form of the ceremon,
known. They no doubt p:
regalia, in the Hupa danc
those of the Yurok at some
been their enemies both bel
The Whilkut are the th
dialects of the Hupa type
kindred Chilula, to its he
course, up to the vicinity
ment or two on Grouse Cr
River drainage. To the
quite different speech groul
were wedged in between th
Those of the Whilkut oi
Chilula on the same strea
sciousness of difference is I
kinsmen and the Whilkut
The Whilkut are practic
culture must have been nc
specific features, and prob
Californian type. Their h
and without a pit, and mu
than those of the Chilula,
out the small, rectangulo
northern neighbors,' but, a
held indoor ceremonies in
and presumably dirt-cover
lodge or dance house.
A very few coiled bask(
may have been acquired, o
forced on them by the An
among the Whilkut, it was
As to former population
are also in ignorance. In
the Whilkut can not have
Government census of 1911
sides some mixed bloods;
may have been included in
ily in the same struggles
to melt away; and similar
Hupa Reservation, but wi
of Hupa origin: Hoilkut-
L-1 -) I
.11I'7_1
I ,Tll.NAOL(G Y
-1-77
I BU1,L.
78
itered, with their Ilupa and
Indians closely related to the
)a Reservation, which led to
lace with certain Yurok vilAs a tribe they are long since
main in their old seats, while
erged among their kinsmen
hite man, and practically in
wvas held responsible because his
ed a brush dance at the Yurok
ie land. His foes attacked, and
,ut of the way of harmn to themiicipation, he resisted. He was
tle, since several bullets were
p hair ready for quick loading.
pared for a possible attempt on
tnahered and ran off. The next
should be buried at Kenek and
sk of ambush to the party bearI too great to brave. This was
ln(l then occur among the Hupa
the amicable relations between
f the affair wvas probably typical
when most of the embittered
l against the American and the
tern plank house and small
lages. (PL 13.) Thev were
se this type of sweat house.
ge round dance houses of
he south, but not otherwise
conceivable that these may
nan indiscriminately comr after the ghost dance of
and Tolowa received this
I also northward from the
iabascan groups, and may
the Chilula camped in the
d houses of bark slabs of
the Whilkut. They knew
headbands of yellow-hamLCalifornian tribes. (Fig.
ipa and Yurok, some first
among the Chilula.
less, as their streani would
orrential flood. There is a
1KROBFRBER
.
^dd^
k
HANDBOOK OF INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA
141
tradition that they once practiced the Deerskin dance, but neither
the form of the ceremony nor the spot at which it was held is
known. They no doubt participated, as guests and contributors of
regalia, in the Hupa dances, as they do now; and possibly also in
those of the Yurok at some villages, though many of the Yurok have
been their enemies both before and since the arrival of the American.
THE WHTLKUT.
The Whilkut are the third division of the Athabascans speaking
dialects of the Hupa type. They held Redwood Creek, above the
kindred Chilula, to its head; and Mad River, except in its lowest
course, up to the vicinity of Iaqua Butte. They also had a settlement or two on Grouse Creek, over the divide to the east in Trinity
River drainage. To the south they adjoined Athabascans of a
quite different speech group, the Nongatl. On the west and east they
were wedged in between the Wiyot and Wintun.
Those of the Whilkut on Redwood Creek almost merged into the
Chilula on the same stream, but that there must have been a consciousness of difference is proved by the Hupa regarding the latter as
kinsmen and the Whilkut at least as potential foes.
The Whilkut are practically unknown. The general basis of their
culture must have been northwestern, but they lacked some of the
specific features, and probably replaced them by customs of central
Californian type. Their houses were of bark slabs instead of planks,
and without a pit, and must therefore have been smaller and poorer
than those of the Chilhla, Hupa, and Yurok. They also did not dig
out the small, rectangular, board-covered sweat houses of these
northern neighbors,' but, at least since the American is in the land,
held indoor ceremonies in round structures, erected for the purpose
and presumably dirt-covered. This is the central Californian earth
lodge or dance house.
A very few coiled baskets have been found among them. These
may have been acquired, or the art learned in the alien contacts enforced on them by the Americans. If coiling was an old technique
among the Whilkut, it was followed only sporadically.
As to former population, villages, and the size of the latter, we
are also in ignorance. In spite of a considerable extent of territory,
the Whilkut can not have been very numerous-perhaps 500. The
Government census of 1910 reports about 50 full-blood Whilkut, besides some mixed bloods; but Chilula and members of other tribes
may have been included in these figures. The Whilkut suffered heavily in the same struggles with the whites which caused the Chilula
to melt away; and similar attempts were made to settle them on the
Hupa Reservation, but without permanent success. Their name is
of Hupa origin: Hoilkut-hoi.