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Transcription

ACTA KOR
ANA
VOL. 17, NO. 1, JUNE 2014: 223–253
A STUDY OF EARLY KORYŎ STATUES OF
THE GREAT MONK SENGQIE EXCAVATED
FROM P’AN’GYO-DONG, SŎNGNAM CITY∗
By KANG HEEJUNG
The three sculptures excavated from P’an’gyo in 2008 are rare examples dating from the
early Koryŏ period. This article examines the period of manufacture of the gilt-bronze
Buddha and bodhisattva excavated from Area C of Zone 10 in P’an’gyo. The iconography of the two statues with hands held together in prayer is not clear. It is possible
that they are images of Kṣitigarbha, Sengqie, or Arhat, but none display any one typical
iconography. From the excavation site, Northern Song dynasty currency was recovered,
and this indicates that the statues are from that period. This is supported by the fact that
these two images are similar in style to eleventh-century Song statues.
During the Mongol invasions, the region of P’an’gyo was severely affected and its
entire population wiped out. Kṣitigarbha belief would have acquired currency as the area
rehabilitated. This article puts forward the hypothesis that after the Mongol invasions,
the statues, which originally represented Sengqie to “protect” the area, came to be
regarded as images of Kṣitigarbha. The popularity of Kṣitigarbha belief, after the
country suffered greatly from Mongol attacks, can be confirmed by the existence of
Kṣitigarbha images that have survived from that period. Even if these statues are
difficult to analyze on the basis of style and iconography, they show not only distinct
regional characteristics, but are important examples that reveal the local beliefs of the
late Koryŏ Dynasty.
Keywords: P’an’gyo, Sengqie, Kṣitigarbha, Koryŏ, Song, Mongol
∗
This work was supported by the Sogang University Research Grant of 2013 (201310074.01). I
would like to thank all the archaeologists, especially Dr. Hun-jin Chung and Chungbae Kim, who
excavated this marvelous site and gave me so much information.
224
Acta Koreana Vol. 17, No. 1, 2014
I. P’AN’GYO DISTRICT’S ZONE 10 BUILDING SITE, AND
THE EXCAVATION OF BUDDHIST SCULPTURES
The three sculptures excavated from P’an’gyo in Sŏngnam City in 2008 are rare
examples dating from the early Koryŏ period.1 These sculptures were excavated
from the housing development site of P’an’gyo District in Sŏngnam City.
Administratively, the area belongs to Pundang District, Sŏngnam City, Kyŏnggi
Province, and is spread across three towns: P’an’gyo-dong, Hasanun-dong, and
Samp’yŏng-dong. This area was investigated as part of a housing site development
project that was motivated by a balanced area-development strategy. The cultural
heritage investigation in P’an’gyo District started in 2001 with a ground survey
being conducted by the Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation.2 The “C” area of
Zone 10 where the Koryŏ Buddhist sculptures were found subsequently went
through a trial excavation in 2005, and a full excavation in 2007–2008.3 As a
result of these excavations, in Area C of Zone 10, the site of a south-facing
building and facilities was found, along with a stone coffin tomb and nine wooden
coffin tombs. The associated relics excavated from the site indicate that the
building was established around the end of the Koryŏ period or the beginning of
the Chosŏn period. A gilt-bronze Vairocana Buddha statue, two gilt-bronze
Bodhisattva-like images, and a gilt-bronze small stupā were found together,
making it possible to assume that the building was used as a small hermitage
(temple) (Plate 1).4
“Early Koryŏ” refers to the period used as a standard in Korean art history that divides the
history of Koryŏ into two periods. The division lies in 1270, the time when the Mongol invasion
and occupation of Koryŏ took full force. Therefore, the period starting from the establishment of
Koryŏ (918) to 1270 is considered “early Koryŏ,” whilst 1270–1392 is referred to as “late Koryŏ.”
2 See Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation ed., Sŏngnam P’an’gyo chigu t’aekchi kaebal saŏp yejŏng puji
munhwa yujŏk chip’yo chosa pogosŏ [Report on the Cultural Heritage Ground Survey of the proposed
site for housing development in P’an’gyo District of Sŏngnam] (Sŏngnam: Korea Cultural
Heritage Foundation, 2002).
3 Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation ed., Sŏngnam P’an’gyo chigu munhwa yujŏk 2 ch’a palgul chosa- 8
ch’a chido wiwŏn hoeŭi charyo [Information for the 8th Advisory Meeting – 2nd Excavation for the
Cultural Heritage of P’an’gyo District] (Sŏngnam: Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation, 2008a);
Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation ed., Sŏngnam P’an’gyo-dong yujŏk II - Sŏngnam P’an’gyo chigu
munhwa yujŏk 2 ch’a sibalgul chosa pogosŏ [Report of the 2nd Trial and Main Excavation for the Cultural
Heritage of P’an’gyo District, Sǒngnam II] (Sŏngnam: Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation,
2008b). The reporter designated the areas by the han’gŭl terms “Ka”, “Na”, and “Ta”. Here for the
convenience of the readers, I have changes them to “A”, “B”, and “C”.
4 Yun Seonyoung (Yun Sŏn-yŏng), “Sŏngnam P’an’gyo chigu munhwa yujŏk palgul ŭi sŏngkwa,”
[The outcome of the cultural heritage excavation in P’an’gyo District, Sŏngnam City], Che 13 hoe
haksul hoeŭi palp’yo nonmun chip – P’an’gyo t’och’on chigu palgul munhwajae ŭi pojŏn pang’an [13th academic
symposium presentation papers – The conservation plan for the excavated cultural heritage of
1
Kang: A Study of Early Koryŏ Statues of the Great Monk Sengqie
225
This article examines the period of manufacture of the gilt-bronze Buddha
and Bodhisattva-like images excavated from Area C of Zone 10 in P’an’gyo
District, as well as their characteristics and significance. As there are very few
examples of early Koryŏ Buddhist statues for which the period of manufacture
can be identified with the aid of written evidence or inscriptions, the sculptures of
P’an’gyo are of great significance as early Koryŏ works. Analyzing the excavated
material and the site in tandem could contribute to restoring the past culture and
religion of the P’an’gyo area, and to a widening of the horizons of Koryŏ cultural
studies.
The building site from which the Buddhist sculptures were recovered is in
Zone 10 of the P’an’gyo housing site development area. Zone 10 is located at the
end of the eastern mountain range of Mt. Kŭmt’o, which is to the east of the SŏP’an’gyo area. From the ground survey conducted in 2001, the site of a building
thought to date from the late Koryŏ to early Chosŏn period was confirmed. In
consideration of the terrain, Zone 10 was divided into three parts, for excavation
purposes. From the northwestern slope came Area A and B, and the eastern slope
of the range became Area C. From Area A, eighteen wooden coffin tombs were
recovered and two pits unearthed, whilst from Area B one stone coffin tomb and
four wooden coffin tombs were recovered. From Area C, the discovery of a
building and facilities, together with one stone coffin tomb and nine wooden
coffin tombs, was confirmed.5
Area C consists of two hills. The south-facing building site and its affiliated
facilities were revealed from the western hill of Area C, which is on the
northeastern side of Zone 10. From this building site, a large number of roof tiles
and pottery pieces were excavated, and all date from the late Koryŏ to early
Chosŏn period. Additionally, white porcelain from the Chosŏn period was
excavated. The affiliated facilities site—featuring a floor-heating system—is
adjacent to the east of the building site, and to the south of the affiliated facilities,
a site where a stone lantern was supposedly located has been confirmed. Further
south, a stone drainage system was found. The north of the building site is
encircled by an outer wall, and between the building site and the wall, a stone
terrace was found. The building site of Area C is small in size, and because not
P’an’gyo and T’och’on Districts] (Sŏngnam: Local Culture Research Institute, Sŏngnam Cultural
Center, 2008).
5 Detailed information on the building site and the related excavated sites in Area C in Zone 10
can be found in the excavation report of the Sŏngnam P’an’gyo District. Korea Cultural Heritage
Foundation ed., Sŏngnam P’an’gyo-dong yujŏk II - Sŏngnam P’an’gyo chigu munhwa yujŏk 2 ch’a sibalgul
chosa pogosŏ.
226
many buildings had been constructed during that period, it is highly likely that the
site is of a hermitage rather than a large-scale temple.
The statues, small gilt-bronze stupā, and stone stupā were excavated from
within and around the building site. From the central northern wall of the building
site—where the discovery of foundation stones has been confirmed—the two
Bodhisattva-like sculptures, celadon dishes, shards of earthenware pottery, and a
great number of roof-tile fragments were unearthed. Roof-tile pieces were piled
up in front of the southern foundation, from which the upper part of the small
gilt-bronze stupā and one Vairocana Buddha were recovered. Three other
pieces—presumably belonging to the top of a stone stupā—and one piece of a
stone lantern were found as well, and numerous roof tiles were found in places
where the building site’s surrounding walls once were. From the south of the
adjacent affiliated facilities building, a furnace was found equipped with floorheating systems; this finding indicates that the building had been used for
residential purposes. Broken pieces of celadon, a celadon cup, roof tiles, and iron
objects of unidentified use were also found there. The outer walls situated in the
middle of the eastern slope of the excavation area encircle the building site to the
south. A celadon cup, a white porcelain bowl, a small number of earthenware
pottery shards, iron fragments, and numerous roof-tile fragments were found in
the surrounding areas.
One point 160 cm southwest of the building site is thought to have been the
site of a stone lantern. The floor is square-shaped and was filled with small and
large stones to maintain a flat, level area; presumably, a stone lantern was erected
on top. Roof tiles outnumber all other excavated artifacts from the building site of
Area C in Zone 10 of P’an’gyo District. Various other artifacts—such as
earthenware pottery shards, celadon and white porcelain shards, gilt-bronze
artifacts such as the Buddha statue and the two statues that are the focus of this
article, a stone stupā, stone lantern parts, and iron parts—were also excavated.
Roof tiles were concentrated in many areas of the sites, and most have the stylistic
characteristics of late Koryŏ–early Chosŏn roof tiles. This finding suggests the
possibility of the building having stood until the early days of the Chosŏn period.
The variety of excavated artifacts indicates that the Koryŏ period building had
been demolished at the end of the Koryŏ dynasty, but that it was reconstructed
during the Chosŏn period, when white porcelain was in use.
227
II. ICONOGRAPHY AND DATING OF THE BRONZE
BUDDHIST STATUES
1. Iconography of the Two Monk Figure Statues: Arhat, Sengqie, or
Kṣitigarbha?
The three Buddhist statues excavated from the Zone 10 of P’an’gyo are in
excellent condition; their original forms have been fully preserved (Plate 2). The
thickness of the bronze is even and the surfaces are smooth, without any air
bubbles. The casting is of a high standard, showing the skill used to manufacture
these high-quality goods. This section of this article focuses on what these three
statues were made to be and worshipped as, as well as their date of manufacture.
The current trend in art history studies is to examine the socio-religious significance and the worship context, as well as the iconography and form of such
works of art. However, due to the limited nature of background information on
Koryŏ sculptures, priority must be placed on studying the actual object itself.
The smallest statue of the three is of a figure whose hands are in the Vajra
mudrā; this shows, quite distinctly, that it is a Buddha Vairocana, in the traditions
of the late Silla Kingdom. However, the other two statues are difficult to identify,
as there are few similar examples with which to compare them. The two statues
are alike in size, style, and technique of manufacture, and so it is possible to
presume that they were made in the same workshop, and perhaps even at the
same time, or close in time to one another. Each features a hooded head with
hands held together in prayer, indicating that they are one of three possibilities:
arhats, Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha, or statues of the Great Monk Sengqie.
Figures with hands held in prayer are usually thought to signify monks or
arhats; therefore, this article will explore the possibility of these statues being
arhats. Both are wearing monk’s robes and hoods on their heads, and both are
holding the palms of their hands together in prayer. The arhats from the Five
Dynasties period (907–960), Song period (960–1279), or late Koryŏ–early Chosŏn
period were established as a group typically comprising 16, 25, or 500 arhats.6
Although the arhats may have constituted a “set,” this does not imply that they all
have the same appearance; additionally, cases where entire sets have been kept
together are very rare. These arhats are generally depicted as monks, with each
one bearing strong individual characteristics. This can be seen in the arhats of the
Lingyansi Temple in Mt. Wutai, Shanxi Province, or the Liao three-color (sancai)
6 The 16 arhats are mentioned in Fazhuji (法住記, Records on the duration of the Law) by
Xuanzang. The texts that mention the 25 arhats and 500 arhats are Anguttara Nikaya (增一阿含經,
Gradual collection), Shisonglu (十誦律, Ten chanting law), and Fahuajing (法華經, The Lotus Sutra).
228
glazed ceramic arhat figures (Plate 3). The unique characteristics reflect the special
personalities of each of the arhats. It is for this reason that the ten disciples of the
Sŏkkuram Grotto or the arhats of the Longmen Dongshan Kanjing Temple Cave
all have unique images. As figures practicing austerity, these arhats all have their
heads shaven, like those of monks; the only exception to this is the figure of
Piṇḍola-Bhāradvāja who wears a hood, which is housed at the Chŏnju National
Museum (Plate 4). The reason that Piṇḍola-Bhāradvāja is wearing a hood is
presumed to be because he is the first of the 16 arhats.7 The statues excavated
from P’an’gyo and Piṇḍola-Bhāradvāja are all wearing hoods, but unlike those of
the latter grouping, the statues of the former P’an’gyo grouping are holding their
hands together in prayer. Arhats are usually depicted as bare-headed monks, but
as the statues are wearing hoods, this differentiates them and therefore the
P’an’gyo statues cannot be arhats.
Next, let us explore the possibility that the statues are images of Kṣitigarbha.8
As they are both wearing hoods, these statues can easily be thought to be the
Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha: that is because the Korean name “P’imo Chijang
(被帽地藏) posal,” referring to Kṣitigarbha, originates from the image of the lateKoryŏ Bodhisattva who wears a hood on his head. Hooded Buddhist statues were
mostly made during the period between the late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn in Korea,
and most of these are known to be of the Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha. 9 The
Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha of this period, in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, is
Choe Song-eun (Ch’oe Sŏng-ŭn), “Koryŏ sidae Pulgyo chogak ŭi tae-Song kwan’gye,” [Relations
between Buddhist sculpture of Koryŏ and Song China], Misulsahak yŏn’gu [Korean Journal of Art
History] Vol. 237 (2003), 49–73. Based on the inscription of Yŏngt’ong Temple, there is a
tendency to consider the upper limit of the establishment of the arhats as 1027, the 18th year of
King Hyŏnjong’s reign and the year in which the temple was established. However, it cannot be
proven that the temple and the arhats were established in the same year.
8 Studies conducted on the Korean Kṣitigarbha images are cited in the following papers: Park
Young-sook (Pak Yŏng-suk), “Kṣitigarbha as Supreme Lord of the Underworld,” Oriental Art, vol.
23 (1977); Kim Junghee (Kim Chŏng-hŭi), “Koryŏ mal Chosŏn chŏn’gi Chijangposal-hwa ŭi
koch’al,” [A study on the painting of Kṣitigarbha in the late Koryŏ and the early Chosŏn period],
Kogo misul [Archeology and Art History] 157 (1983), 32–47; Kim Junghee (Kim Chŏng-hŭi), Chosŏn
sidae Chijang-siwangdo yŏn’gu [A study on the painting of the Kṣitigarbha and the Ten Kings of Hell
in the Chosŏn period] (Seoul: Ilchisa, 1996); Kim Junghee (Kim Chŏng-hŭi), “Han-Chung Chijang
tosang ŭi pigyŏ koch’al: Tugŏn-Chijang ŭl chungsim ŭro,” [A comparative analysis of the image of
Kṣitigarbha in Korea and China: In relation to the hooded Kṣitigarbha], Kangjwa misulsa [The Art
History Journal] Vol 9 (197), 63–103; Park Chanhee (Pak Ch’an-hŭi), “Chosŏn chŏn’gi t’ap
pong’an Chijang posalsang yŏn’gu,” [A study of the stupā enshrined Kṣitigarbha images in early
Chosŏn] (MA thesis, Tongguk University, 2005); Namgung Sara, “Yŏmal sŏnch’o Chijang
posalsang yŏn’gu,” [A study on the Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha sculptures of the late Koryŏ and early
Chosŏn period] (MA thesis, Ehwa Woman’s University, 2007).
9 See Kim Junghee (Kim Chŏng-hŭi), Ibid., 32–47.
7
229
depicted as a monk with a shaved-head or as a Bodhisattva who wears a hood and
holds a staff and a cintāmaṇi. This can also be seen in the Koryŏ Buddhist
paintings from the fourteenth century and the early gilt-bronze statues of the
Chosŏn period. The “Painting of Kṣitigarbha by No Yŏng,” drawn in 1307,
depicts Kṣitigarbha as a monk with a shaved-head lacking any decoration, and
holding a cintāmaṇi. This proves that the iconography shown in the Kṣitigarbha
image in Sŏkkuram Grotto has been long kept as a tradition. The “Painting of
Kṣitigarbha by No Yŏng” is an important and definitively dated piece that can
serve as a standard in identifying Buddhist art. The fourteenth- and fifteenthcentury Kṣitigarbha shown in the Koryŏ painting is either portrayed as a
magnificently decorated Bodhisattva or a monk wearing robes. However, when he
is depicted as a monk, he does not wear a hood; this also applies to all the statues.
The Kṣitigarbha statue in Sŏnun Temple of Koch’ang—a representative work of
the late Koryŏ period—and the Amitābha triad with the Avalokiteśvara and
Kṣitigarbha recovered from Mt. Kŭmgang and housed at the P’yŏngyang History
Museum in North Korea also attest to the iconography (Plate 5).
Are the two statues excavated from P’an’gyo in fact Kṣitigarbha statues?
These figures are wearing hoods similar to the depiction seen in the “Painting of
Kṣitigarbha” and in the Kṣitigarbha statues from the late Koryŏ period, but they
hold neither a staff nor a cintāmaṇi. They are, however, holding their hands
together in prayer, and this differentiates them from the regular Kṣitigarbha
images of that time. It is also difficult to say whether these two statues followed
the example of the Kṣitigarbha images of the Unified Silla period, compared to
the Kṣitigarbha images that hold a cintāmaṇi. These statues also lack decorations,
compared to the Kṣitigarbha statues made during the late Koryŏ to the early
Chosŏn period, which were adorned luxuriously with beaded necklaces. It is
therefore difficult to argue that these statues are depictions of Kṣitigarbha, as they
differ distinctly from other examples from the same period.
Another option, which is similar to the images of arhat or Kṣitigarbha, is that
the image is of the Great Monk Sengqie (pronounced Sŭngga in Korean).10 The
Great Monk Sengqie (628–710) was revered as one of the Three Saints during the
Tang dynasty, together with the Monks Baozhi and Wanhui. 11 Sengqie was
About the Great Monk Sengqie and the belief that he is the incarnation of Avalokiteśvara, see
Yü Chün-fang, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara (New York: Columbia
University Press. 2001), 211–222.
11 For more on Sengqie belief, the following texts can be consulted. Makita Tairyo, “Chukoku ni
okeru minzoku Bukkyo seiritsu no ichikatei - Shishu taisei sogawashyo ni tsuite · Tonkohon
sandaishiden ni tsuite,” [The process of the establishment of Folk Buddhism in China; About
Monk Sengqie, the Great Saint of Sizhou and The Stories of Three Great Monks from Dunhuang
Scripture], Toho Gakuho (東方學報) 25 (1954), reprinted in Chukoku Bukkyo shi kenkyu [Studies on
10
230
originally from Kusnak, north of the Pamirs. He went to Tang China when he was
thirty years old and was active in China for fifty-two years. In 661, he established
Puzhaowang Temple in Sizhou and enshrined the Puzhaowang Buddha as the
main Buddha. Even when he was alive, he was revered as the living embodiment
of Avalokiteśvara; following his death, he was called “the Great Saint of Sizhou”
(modern Liuhuai, Anhui Province, 泗州大聖) and venerated as an incarnation of
Guanyin (Avalokiteśvara). Shrines in his name were established all over China, as
he was renowned for protecting people from floods, droughts, and thieves, just as
Avalokiteśvara was. The cult of Sengqie is mentioned in the literary works of
Ch’oe Ch’i-wŏn, indicating that it had spread to Silla by the end of the Silla
Kingdom. Like the statue of Sengqie that stands in Sŭngga Temple on Mt.
Pukhan in Seoul, images of Sengqie wearing robes with a hood on his head were
found; they hold nothing in their hands (Plate 6). The cult of Sengqie is
mentioned in many literary collections and in the History of Koryŏ (Koryŏsa), but it is
not easy to find images of Sengqie.12 In China, there are statues of Sengqie left in
places such as Sichuan, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang. The Sengqie images in China all
wear monk robes with hoods on their heads, and their hands are held in the
Dhyāna mudrā.
The human figure in the middle of the stone stupā in Sajabinsin Temple in
Chech’ŏn, North Ch’ungch’ŏng Province is presumed to be the figure of
Sengqie.13 This figure is very similar to the Sengqie images of China, except that
the hands are held in the Vajra mudrā (Plate 7).14 The cult of Sengqie started
during the Tang dynasty and had already reached the Korean peninsula during the
Unified Silla period. However, as the belief flourished in the Jiangnan region
during the Song period, the effects would have been greater in the subsequent
Koryŏ period. The figure in the stone stupā of the Sajabinsin Temple, which has
been confirmed by an inscription to have been made in 1024, was also made
the history of Chinese Buddhism] 2 vols, Tokyo: Daito (1981–1984).; Ma Shichang, “Zhongguo
gudai fujiao wenhua jiaoliu liangli,” [Two examples of the cultural exchange of ancient Buddhism
in China], Silk’ŭrodŭ munhwa wa Han’guk munhwa [Cultures of the Silk Road and the culture of
Korea] (Taejŏn: Ch’ungnam University Press, 1997).
12 Representative entries vis-à-vis the cult of Sengqie can be found in Yi Ye’s “Records of
Establishing the Sengqie Cave in Mt. Samgak” in Tongmunsŏn, Vol. 64. Translations follow the
version of the Institute for Translation of Korean Classics. About the translations, see
http://db.itkc.or.kr/index.jsp?bizName=MK&url =/itkcdb/text/nodeViewIframe.jsp?bizName=
MK&seojiId=kc_mk_c006&gunchaId=av064&muncheId=01&finId=010&NodeId=&setid=205
9225&Pos=0&TotalCount=1&searchUrl=ok. and in the History of Koryŏ (Koryŏsa ).
13 Kim Kyonghye (Kim Kyŏng-hye), “Sajabinsin saji sŏkt’ap Sŭnggasang koch’al” [A study on the
stone statue on the pagoda at Sajabinsin Temple: noting its iconographical relation to the hooded
Kṣitigarbha] (MA thesis, Korea University, 2010).
14 Ibid., 15–40.
231
under the influence of Song China. According to the Biographies of Eminent Monks
in the Song Period, Sengqie was considered to be the embodiment of Avalokiteśvara.15 As people believed that Sengqie had supernatural powers to control
water in rivers, he was also worshipped as a god of water. This is why the Sengqie
image is associated with geomancy (p’ungsu, Ch. fengshui 風水) philosophy. As the
Song people built many Sengqie statues on regions prone to flooding near rivers
to prevent floods, people in Koryŏ possibly created Sengqie sculptures for the
same reason. Furthermore the similarities between the figure in the stone stupā at
Sajabinsin Temple and the Sengqie images of China increase the possibility that
they are the same image of Sengqie. The image of Sengqie in Sŭngga Temple on
Mt. Pukhan, which has a propitious spot on its head, is supporting evidence of the
flourishing of the cult of Sengqie during the early Koryŏ period.16
The Sengqie images of China are confirmed as such by inscriptions with the
name “Sengqie”; they also wear monk’s robes with hoods on their heads and hold
their hands in the Dhyāna mudrā. With the exception of the staff and the cintāmaṇi,
the Chinese Sengqie images are almost identical to those of Kṣitigarbha. It is at
this point where the two images meet. The Sengqie image in the Dazu (大足) Cave
177 on Beishan in Sichuan is another well-known example (Plate 8).17 The image
of Sengqie carved together with Wanhui and Zhigong is wearing a robe and hood
and has an armrest in front of him. Similar examples of Sengqie images are found
in Sichuan and in the Jiangnan region. Their physical appearance greatly resembles
the images of the Chinese Kṣitigarbha; the only difference would be that the
Chinese Kṣitigarbha images are usually depicted as wearing necklaces. The two
statues excavated from P’an’gyo’s Zone 10 are very similar to the images of
Sengqie. They hold neither a staff nor a cintāmaṇi, and they have no decorations
as in other fourteenth-century images of Kṣitigarbha. The two images are very
much alike; this makes it difficult to identify them as arhats, which typically
display unique characteristics. Therefore, they most closely approach the image of
Sengqie that takes the form of holding no particular item and wearing a hood.
They also shares common factors with the image on the stone stupā of Sajabinsin
15 Zan ning, Songgaoseng-chuan (Biographies of Eminent Monks in the Song period) (988). T2061,
50: 822-823.
16 Nam Dongsin (Nam Tong-sin), “Pukhan-san Sŭngga taesa-sang kwa Sŭngga sinang,” [A study
on the granite Sŭngga of Sŭngga Temple on Mt. Pukhan and the Sŭngga Faith], Seoulhak yŏn’gu
[The Journal of Seoul Studies] 14 (2000), 5–48.
17 The inscription “沙州大聖” is found on the wall of Cave 177. Based on evidence from the text
written outside the cave, it is thought to date from either 1066 or 1126. Zhongguo meishu quanji;
diaosu pian 12 - Sichuan shiku diaosu [Catalogue of Chinese art works; sculpture 12 - Sichuan grotto
sculpture] (Beijing: Beijing renmin meishu chubanshe, 1988).
232
Temple and the Sengqie image in Sŭngga Temple on Mt. Pukhan insofar as they
are all wear hoods and lack any particular decorations.
Before determining the iconography of the two statues excavated from the
building site in P’an’gyo’s Zone 10, it is helpful to review their relationship to the
Vairocana Buddha. As one Buddha statue and two statues with hoods were
excavated at the same site, it can be inferred that the three were created as a triad;
nonetheless, their stylistic differences make it highly improbable that the three
statues were manufactured within the same period. It is also not customary to
make the supportive Bodhisattvas larger than the main Buddha; therefore, it
cannot be presumed that the three were made as a set from the outset. However,
judging from their styles, their dates of manufacture do not seem to be overly
divergent, and it appears that the three were likely made in the same workshop.
The three statues were found at the same building site because they were probably
enshrined in the building for different reasons. There is also the possibility of the
two twin-like statues being placed at the sides of a yet-to-be-found Buddha. A
case where two Bodhisattvas look exactly alike can be found in the example of the
Vairocana Buddha triad at Yŏngt’ap Temple in Tangjin. Like the triad in Yŏngt’ap
Temple, the two statues at P’an’gyo could have been made as the supporting
figures of a triad, or they could have been made as independent objects of
worship.
In East Asia, Kṣitigarbha tends to hold a cintāmaṇi; he may not have a staff,
but he has a cintāmaṇi. However, the standing Kṣitigarbha statue at Sinan Temple
in Kŭmsan holds neither a staff nor a cintāmaṇi; he merely holds his hands
together in prayer (Plate 9). This monk-style standing Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha has
the function of supporting the Amitābha Buddha, with Avalokiteśvara on the
other side.18 These appear to be works of the early fourteenth century, near the
end of the Koryŏ period. They also have marked resemblances, compared to the
Vairocana Buddha statues made in the thirteenth century. The Kṣitigarbha statue
of Sinan Temple is different from the P’an’gyo images, in that it has a bald head;
however, they are similar in that they both have an undecorated appearance. It is
important to note that the number of decorations on Kṣitigarbha images increased towards the end of the Koryŏ period, in line with the stronger influence
of Yuan dynasty art.19
This main Buddha is a good comparison to the previously mentioned image in Minch’ŏn
Temple at Kaesŏng. Choe Song-eun (Ch’oe Sŏng-ŭn), “Minch’ŏn-sa kŭmdong Amit’a puljwasang
kwa Koryŏ hugi Pulgyo chogak,” [Minch’ŏn Temple’s gilt bronze statue of Amitabha and
Buddhist sculpture in the late Koryŏ period], Kangjwa misulsa [The Art History Journal] Vol. 17
(2001), 25–45.
19 Park Chanhee (Pak Ch’an-hŭi), ibid., 35–53.
18
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2. The historic transition of P’an’gyo during the late Koryŏ and early
Chosŏn dynasties, and change leading to Kṣitigarbha belief
The two statues excavated from P’an’gyo appear to have originally been created as
Sengqie images that went on to be worshipped as images of Kṣitigarbha. At the
beginning, the view of Sengqie as a protector in the Sengqie faith would have
constituted an important factor.20 Although not to the same degree as Sizhou
(where Sengqie was active) or Ch’ungju (where Sajabinsin Temple is located),
P’an’gyo was also a major transportation location where land and sea routes
converged.21 P’an’gyo, which currently serves as an interchange for Kyŏngbu
Expressway, was a place where a land route had developed since early times:
people had to pass through the region in order to reach the southern route that
came down from Kaesŏng via Seoul. The T’anch’ŏn stream, a tributary of the
Han River, was also used as a watercourse, contributing to the development of
P’an’gyo as a transportation hub (Plate 10). This area that belonged to the local
administrative unit of Kwangju Prefecture had a horse-changing station for
government officials (yŏk 驛) in Naksaeng that had been in operation since the
Koryŏ period, and it was located very close to the excavation site. P’angyo, which
was a little further inland from Naksaeng, was equipped with an official inn (wŏn
22
院), and a lodge (chŏm 店). Considering the traditional transportation routes, it is
highly feasible that a large number of people traveled past P’an’gyo, which was
equipped with a horse-changing station, inn, and lodge. An image of Sengqie
would have been needed there so that passing travellers could offer prayers before
it for a safe journey.
No statues in Korea have been confirmed by any text to be in the image of
Sengqie; nonetheless, Sengqie belief—which developed in the center of the
Jiangnan region of China—was most probably transmitted to Koryŏ from Song
China by travelers such as merchants, monks, and government officials. That
belief is thought to have been introduced by these people, and it is believed that
images of Sengqie were constructed so that they could pray for safe travel. As has
From the year 894—when Sengqie appeared in dreams and warned of attacks from enemies—
no temple lacked images of Sengqie. Great Monks of Song 18 (T2061, 50: 822b). Another study
focusing on this issue is that of Kim Kyonghye (Kim Kyŏng-hye), ibid., 45–50, which quotes the
records of Japanese monks and classifies prayers for a safe sea journey, which are also a part of
Sengqie belief.
21 For more information on the Naksaeng-yŏk (horse-changing station) and the P’an’gyo-jŏm
(Official lodge), refer to Sŏngnam Cultural Center ed., Sŏngnam ŭi munhwa yusan [History of the
cultural heritage of Sŏngnam] (Sŏngnam: Sŏngnam Cultural Center, 2001), 75–84.
22 Sŏngnam Cultural Center ed., ibid., 55–60; Sŏngnam Cultural Center ed., Naksaeng maul-chi
[Records of Naksaeng Village] (Sŏngnam: Sŏngnam Cultural Center, 2009), 26–40.
20
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been pointed out several times previously, the cult of Sengqie developed due to
the fact that it formed a relationship with the royal family in the early Koryŏ
period. As can be found in Yi Ye’s “Records of Establishing Sengqie Cave in Mt.
Samgak,” the Koryŏ royalty “conducted three-day rituals in spring and autumn,
and offered the King’s clothes.” This entry indicates the spiritual power of
Sengqie Cave in Mt. Samgak and the faith that the Koryŏ royalty placed in it.
Although the text refers to Sŭngga Temple, the scope of its contents cannot be
limited solely to Sengqie Cave in Mt. Samgak.23 Images of Sengqie were presumably established nationwide in order to “receive an answer to prayers
concerning any questionable incidents happening within the state.”24 This kind of
belief closely resembles the cult of Sengqie during the Northern Song period
(960–1127); it also relates to the Koryŏ envoys conducting rituals in the
Puzhaowang Temple in Sizhou.25 The current findings in excavations—which
reveal more and more cases of Song currency being found all over the country—
attest to the fact that Song China had a great influence on Koryŏ. In the History of
Koryŏ, there are records of the kings Taejo, Sŏnjong, Hyŏnjong, Chŏngjong, and
Munjong visiting Sŭngga Temple in Mt. Samgak;26 these records thus indicate
that the temple was a very important place for the royal family of Koryŏ. Other
examples that can be inferred as Sengqie images from Koryŏ include the image on
the stone stupā of Sajabinsin Temple and the image on the stone stupā in
Kŭmjang Hermitage at Mt. Kŭmgang (Plate 11).27 All are images of a monk
wearing robes and a hood; as such, they clearly differ from the image of
Kṣitigarbha, adorned with a staff, cintāmaṇi, and beaded necklace. It can be
thought that the two statues of P’an’gyo are images of Sengqie, and that they
The written works of Yi Ye (李預), the Chijunch’uwŏnsa (知中樞院事) in 1092 and later the
Hyŏngbusangsŏ (刑部尙書), constituted important information. Yi Ye, “Samgak-san chungsu
sŭnggagul-gi,” [Records of establishing the Sengqie Cave in Mt. Samgak] in Tongmunsŏn, Vol. 64.
Translations follow the version of the Institute for Translation of Korean Classics. Concerning the
translations, see http://db.itkc.or.kr/index.jsp?bizName=MK&url=/itkcdb/text/nodeViewIframe.
jsp?bizName=MK&seojiId=kc_mk_c006&gunchaId=av064&muncheId=01&finId=010&NodeId
=&setid=2059225&Pos=0&TotalCount=1&searchUrl=ok.
24 Yi Ye, ibid.
25 King Munjong sent his envoys to Song in 1072. It was 26th year of King Munjong. See Kugyŏk
Koryŏsa [Translated History of Koryŏ] vol. 3, Seoul: Kyŏngin Publishers (2006)
26 For more about the cult of Sengqie in Koryŏ, see Nam Dongsin (Nam Tong-sin), ibid., 5–48.
27 See the compilation from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage on the stone
stupā of Kŭmjang Temple. National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage ed., Sajin ŭro ponŭn
Pukhan kukpo yujŏk [Photographs of National Treasures in North Korea] (Taejŏn: National
Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, 2006), 138. It is also thought that images of Sengqie
would have been present in Kwaesŏk-ri in Hongch’ŏn, and on the four-lion stone stupā in Churi
Temple in Haman. For further information, refer to Kim Kyonghye (Kim Kyŏng-hye), ibid., 63–66.
23
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share the same characteristics as the Sengqie image in the Vajra mudrā of the stone
stupā in Sajabinsin Temple and the one in Mt. Samgak with one hand held in
front of his chest. Written references to the cult of Sengqie cannot be found from
the time following the invasion of the Mongols and, considering the increase in
the number of hooded Kṣitigarbha images after the thirteenth century, it is
presumed that the iconography came to be mutually shared between images of
Sengqie and Kṣitigarbha.
The bronze Vairocana Buddha from P’an’gyo has a slender face and a pointed
uṣṇīṣa, which indicates that it was produced slightly earlier than the other two
sculptures (Plate 12). Images of Vairocana Buddha with the Vajra mudrā were
largely produced in the early Koryŏ period, inheriting the tradition from late Silla.
These statues have stable body proportions and shapes, without excessive volume.
The Vairocana Buddha from P’an’gyo with a small-set body and slender face is
considered to be from a similar period. A naked-eye examination of the condition
of the mold finds it to be similar to that of the Vairocana Buddha statue housed in
the National Museum of Korea, but the way the robes are arranged in the statues
is different. The difficulty of dating the P’an’gyo statues lies in the fact that they
are completely different from any other sculpture from the late Koryŏ to the early
Chosŏn period that has a confirmed date. Thus far, approximately twelve
sculptures have been positively dated as late Koryŏ works; their dates have been
confirmed by inscriptions, or by the inner prayer articles that have been found
inside them. These Buddhist statues—from the earliest example of the wooden
seated Avalokiteśvara in Pongjŏng Temple dating from 1199 to the wooden
seated Buddha statue in Chaun Temple in Kwangju produced before 1388—all
share a similar style. The bodily proportions, the facial expressions, and the details
of their robes and decorations all bear similarities.
Nonetheless, the statues excavated from P’an’gyo differ from these; the details
of the robes, in particular, show a striking difference. However, it is interesting
that the two statues and the Vairocana Buddha share these details. These statues
do not share any stylistic similarities with the statues of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries; rather, they have a similar base to the image of the PiṇḍolaBhāradvāja statue housed in the Chŏnju National Museum. 28 In fact, the
expression of the body, the way in which the robe is worn, and the ends of the
The Piṇḍola-Bhāradvāja statue has been estimated to be from 1027 at the earliest, in relation to
the establishment of the Yŏngt’ong Temple. However, the author disagrees with this estimation: in
comparing it to the image in the stone stupā in Sajabinsin Temple site—which can be precisely
dated to 1022—the stylistic differences are too great. For more information on Arhat beliefs, refer
to Choe Song-eun (Ch’oe Sŏng-ŭn), “Uri nara ŭi nahan chogak” [Arhat images of Korea], Nahan
[Arhat] (Ch’unch’ŏn: Ch’unch’ŏn National Museum, 2003).
28
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clothes hanging in a “U” shape between the two legs are reminiscent of one of the
statues from Northern Song. These characteristics are especially similar to those
on the Sengqie images found in Suzhou and Shanghai, rather than on those found
in the Dazu caves on Beishan in Sichuan or Xiajiang, which are known to date
from the late eleventh century to the early twelfth century. The Sengqie image
found in the stone stupā in Ruiguang Temple in Suzhou is thought to have been
produced between 1013 and 1017; in that image, Sengqie is wearing a hood and
monk’s robes, and the robes fall down to his legs in a “U” shape, similar to what
is seen on the P’an’gyo statues. The same can be said for the Sengqie image from
the stupā at Xingjiao Temple in Shanghai, which is known to have been made
between the years 1068 and 1093 (Plate 13). The only difference is that whereas in
the image from Ruiguang Temple Sengqie is meditating with his two hands held
together, in the image at Xingjiao Temple he has both hands hidden under his
robes.29
The Sŭngga images found in P’an’gyo, however, are wearing much more
complicated and intricate hoods (Plate 14). The long strings that tie the hoods
together are draped by the ears; the rest of the hood is double-folded and covers
the shoulders, showing the elaborate handiwork employed. The hood shape is
different from the hood of the Piṇḍola-Bhāradvāja statue in the Chŏnju National
Museum or the Kṣitigarbha image from the stone stupā in Maegok-dong in
Sunch’ŏn City. The image most closely resembling this one is the Kṣitigarbha
statue in Sŏnun Temple; these two share the similarity of the rounded robe ends
between the knees, although the lengths differ. The decorative hood can also be
seen in the Buddhist paintings of Koryŏ. However, in fourteenth-century Koryŏ
Buddhist paintings, the hood of Kṣitigarbha has short string ties near the
uncovered ears, and the hood is draped in a much longer fashion over the
shoulders. The method of wearing the robe and the bead necklace decoration are
also points on which the Sŏnun Kṣitigarbha and the “Painting of Kṣitigarbha”
differ from the P’an’gyo statues.
It is not easy to date the three sculptures excavated from P’an’gyo, given that
they display such different techniques from other known Koryŏ sculptures. All
three exhibit very unique characteristics compared to other existing Koryŏ
sculptures, and this makes it difficult to analyze their iconography and forms.
There are not so many images dating to the twelfth century to compare them with.
Besides these sculptures from P’an’gyo are definitely different from other
Buddhist images in the late Koryŏ period. The stylistic features of the sculptures
“Shanghai shi Songjiang xian Xingjiao si ta digong fajue jianbao,” [A brief report on the
excavation of Xingjiao Temple Stupā at Songjiang County in Shanghai City], Kaogu [Archeology] 2
(1983).
29
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from P’an’gyo cannot be easily classified into any existing group of Koryŏ
sculptures. These sculptures do not share visual similarities with statues from the
tenth to eleventh centuries, not to mention the group of sculptures from the
fourteenth century.
An example that the statues resemble most is the Buddha triad of Pyŏngnyŏn
Hermitage (壁蓮庵) attached to Naejang Temple, of which only a photograph
exists (Plate 15). They share similar facial outlines and bodily proportions, but the
hood and robes are executed differently. Although it is difficult to compare the
form of the P’an’gyo statues to extant images in Korea, it is easier to compare
them to Buddhist sculptures from the Jiangnan region of China, which were
produced in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. As these statues show similarities
to those sculptures and differences from the fourteenth century Buddhist
paintings of Koryŏ, the period of manufacture can be considered to be the early
twelfth century.
Chinese coins excavated from the site serve as strong supporting evidence of
this theory, as most of this Chinese money is from after the eleventh century. A
total of forty-seven pieces of Chinese currency were excavated from four wooden
coffin tombs from Area A of P’an’gyo’s Zone 12. The earliest from the collection
is the “Zhidao yuanbao” (至道元寶), which was in circulation between 995 and
997; the latest is the “Chongning zhongbao” (崇寧重寶), which was in circulation
between 1102 and 1106.30 Of these, sixteen Chongning zhongbao coins were
excavated, comprising the largest group of a single currency type. Although Zone
12 and Zone 10 are at a distance from each other, given the total amount of coins
excavated, it is feasible to think that P’an’gyo was an important regional locale
during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The statues excavated are thought to
have been produced in the early twelfth century, when the cult of Sengqie was still
prevalent within Koryŏ.31
The historical development of P’an’gyo was interrupted after the Mongol
invasion in 1231. During the first invasion of the Mongols, the residents of
Kwangju—including those of P’an’gyo—became exempt from corvée labor when
they successfully fought off the Mongol army in the battle of Kwangju Mountain
Fortress in 1232, under the leadership of Yi Se-hwa (李世華, ?–1238). The
defeated Mongol army subsequently marched to Ch’ŏin Fortress (處仁城) in
Yongin under the command of General Sartai, who was eventually killed by the
Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation ed., ibid., (2008), 2. This includes twelve indistinguishable
coins.
31 Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation ed., ibid. (2008), 2.
30
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monk general Kim Yun-hu (金允侯).32 There are records testifying that all the
residents in the area were killed during the fierce battles against the Mongols in
these areas, and this makes it likely that the area experienced an interruption in its
historical development.33 The roof tiles excavated from the building site in Zone
10 of P’an’gyo, which were made across several different periods, attest to this
fact. These tiles were manufactured separately and do not show evidence of
gradual change. With a complete severance from the past due to the Mongol
invasions, the reconstructed local area would have witnessed a rise in the cult of
Kṣitigarbha, in order to console the spirits of the dead, thus answering the need to
conduct rituals for the souls sacrificed during the war. The cult of Kṣitigarbha
persisted until the early Chosŏn period together with the Kṣitigarbha images
enshrined in stupās together with those of Amitābha and Avalokiteśvara. 34
Rescuing the ancestors’ spirits from hell by creating Kṣitigarbha was an acceptable
and respected act—even in the Confucian state of Chosŏn, which emphasized
filial piety.35 It is important to note that until the early Koryŏ period, the objective
of the cult of Kṣitigarbha centered on the elimination of one’s own sins, but this
gradually shifted into guiding lost souls and providing healing.36
With regard to reconstructing the region, there are a few records worth noting.
One record provides an account of a man called Cho Un-hŭl (趙云仡, 1332–1404)
rebuilding the official government inn at P’an’gyo and becoming its director; other
records testify to the P’an’gyo wŏn aiding those people who had travelled from
For the warfare at that time, see Yun Yonghyeok (Yun Yong-hyŏk), “1232 nyŏn Yongin Ch’ŏinsŏng esŏ ŭi tae-Mong sŭngch’ŏp,” [The great victory against the Mongols at Ch’ŏin Fortress in
Yongin, 1232], Yŏ-Mong chŏnjaeng kwa Kanghwa tosŏng yŏn’gu [Study on the Kanghwa Fortress and the
Koryŏ-Mongol War] (Seoul: Hyean, 2011).
33 “As the Mongol army headed towards Kwangju, Ch’ungju and Chŏnju, everyone in these places
was killed and exterminated” December in the 18th year of King Kojong, Koryŏ. Kukyŏk Tong’gukt’onggam [Translated History of the Eastern Country, Korea], King Sejong Commemorative
Association (1996); “A 3,000-man Mongol army camped in Koju (Kowŏn County, South
Hamgyŏng Province) and Hwaju (Kŭmya County, South Hamgyŏng Province), from which 300
scout troops ventured out to Kwangju (Kyŏnggi Province) and set fire to villages,” 40th year of
King Kojong (1253) Kukyŏk Koryŏsa [Translated History of Koryŏ], Seoul: Kyŏngin Publishers (2006).
The same content also appears in History of Korea.
34 This is still a ritual regularly conducted in Buddhist temples which uphold the traditions of
placing importance on the Amitābha ritual, the Avalokiteśvara ritual, and the Kṣitigarbha ritual.
35 “By applauding and reciting the name of the Bodhisattva and creating images, one will not fall
into the paths of evil.” Chijang posal ponwŏn-gyŏng [地藏菩薩本願經 Sutra of Kṣitigarbha], “Performing
a ritual twice every month and creating an image for your parents will aid them in reaching the
level of Saengch’ŏn (生天),” Pulsŏl yŏsu siwang saengch’il-gyŏng [佛說預修十王生七經].
36 Mun Sangryeon (Mun Sang-nyŏn), “Chijang sinang ŭi chŏngae wa sinang ŭirye,” [A study on
the development and religious ceremonies of Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha faith], Chŏngt’ohak yŏn’gu
[Journal of Pure Land Buddhism] 15 (2011), 137–194.
32
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the south in order to build the fortress in Hanyang (present-day Seoul), following
the establishment of Chosŏn. 37 In the early fourteenth century, Kwangju
Prefecture, the administrative unit to which P’an’gyo belonged, was downgraded
to a chijusa (知州事) in 1310 (i.e., the second year of King Ch’ungsŏn’s reign), only
to be reinstated as Kwangju Prefecture in 1356.38 The entire area of P’an’gyo
once again began to flourish by the fourteenth century, a time which saw a shift
from the cult of Sengqie that entailed the desire to be saved from catastrophes to
the cult of Kṣitigarbha that involved consolation for the spirits of the dead. This
also led to changes in the characteristics of Sengqie images. The Yongin area was
devastated during the Mongol invasions. Entries in the Koryŏsa state that the area
was thoroughly destroyed, and nobody could have survived in the region. Under
these circumstances, it seems that making a new statue for the people’s prayers
would not have been easy. Judging from the size of the building where the
sculptures were found, the economic conditions of the people in the late Koryŏ
period suffered under the rule of Mongols. They did not have enough money to
build a magnificent new temple. The chamber of the excavated building can be
measured as being under 320 x 300 cm (width x length), which was determined by
the remaining cornerstones. The fact that the chamber is so small in size suggests
that the excavated building site could possibly have been a hermitage for local
monks. People in P’an’gyo could not have been able to rebuild a new temple nor
make new statues by themselves.
During the second excavation of the P’an’gyo area, approximately 740 tomb
sites were found dating from the Koryŏ and Chosŏn periods; most of them were
commoners’ tombs from the Chosŏn period. This indicates that after the
Kukyŏk Koryŏsa [Translated History of Koryŏ] Vol. 112, “Book of Biographies 25”. Wŏn (院) were
established in relation to yŏk (驛), and the wŏn created in major transportation locations developed
along with the economic activities of the land. The agents that established such inns were diverse
and included the state, monks, and various individuals. However, monks constituted the major
establishers of wŏn, because through them, the temple could gain economic dominance over the
area’s commercial activities that were based on the wŏn. Sap’yŏngwŏn (沙平院) became a major
commercial center by the thirteenth century because it was situated on the Han River, and
P’an’gyo was no different. Cho Un-hŭl built a wŏn and established himself as the owner
presumably because he wished to engage in commercial activities that would be to his advantage.
Kwangju was reinstated to the status of a mok (administrative unit) in 1356; this was in part related
to the activities of Cho Un-hŭl. This information was compiled by the Sŏngnam Cultural Center,
ibid., 63; for a list of active members or people who retired in the P’an’gyo region, see Sŏngnam
Cultural Center ed., Sŏngnam inmul-chi: Kwangbok ijŏn p’yŏn [People of Sŏngnam: Periods before
Independence] (Sŏngnam : Sŏngnam Cultural Center, 2010).
38 Sŏngnam Cultural Center ed., ibid. (2001), 57.
37
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fourteenth century, this area functioned as a regional graveyard. 39 After the
Mongol invasions ended, people seemed to gather to build a new village near the
River T’an’chŏn area from the ruins of war. Since there are few records about
Sengqie in those periods, unlike in earlier times, we can reason that they did not
know the original purpose and meaning of belief in Sengqie anymore. When they
found the images from the devastated area, people in P’an’gyo might have thought
the sculpture was a hooded Kṣtitigarbha which would have been familiar to them.
It seems that they wanted to have their own Kṣtitigarbha for prayer to express
their condolences for the deceased during the war against the Mongols. A number
of wooden coffin tombs from the Koryŏ period have been excavated; among the
many articles found including ceramics and bronze spoons, there is a possibility
that evidence of the cult of Kṣitigarbha continuing from the Koryŏ–Chosŏn
periods can also be found.40 Furthermore there are no other residential buildings
excavated around the small building site where these sculptures were discovered.
This means that the isolated hermitage provided a ritual space for the salvation of
the souls of the deceased from falling into hell. It is plausible that the village
people who had restored the town needed a place to hold a ritual for the dead
apart from their own homes. Koreans prefer to divide the spaces for the living
and the dead. The location of hermitage building site, which is far away from the
village in Naksaeng or P’an’gyo, suggests that the area belonged to the dead. It is
probable that the Bodhisattva-like images were worshipped as Kṣtitigarbha after
the restoration of the town. The distribution of tombs in the P’an’gyo area—in
close proximity to the building site where the three sculptures were found—
indicate that although the building site in Zone 10 is only a small temple, it must
have been the center of the worship of Kṣitigarbha within the region, with
respect to guiding the spirits of the dead. Actually the cult of Kṣitigarbha never
ceased nor was discarded after its transmission in the late Silla period. Even after
Chosŏn was established, the cult of Kṣitigarbha still flourished. Not only
Buddhist paintings featuring Kṣitigarbha from the Koryŏ period but also many
Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha sculptures dating to the sixteenth century still remain in
Korea. However, there are a few Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha sculptures dating from
the early Koryŏ period before the Mongol invasions known to the public along
with inscriptions or objects put into the belly of Buddha statues.
Even if the cult of Kṣitigarbha was first introduced in the eighth century, the
image of Kṣitigarbha is hardly found before the late Koryŏ period. This causes
difficulty for scholars trying to investigate the cult of Kṣitigarbha in the Koryŏ
Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation ed., ibid. (2008), chapter on the process and details of the
survey.
40 Korea Cultural Heritage Foundation ed., ibid. (2008), pp. 5-10.
39
241
period. This is the reason why we cannot be certain that the statues discovered
from the P’an’gyo District were originally created as images of Bodhisattva
Kṣitigarbha.
III. CONCLUSION: FROM SENGQIE TO KṢITIGARBHA
The three statues excavated from Sŏngnam during the housing site development
project were produced from the early Koryŏ period onwards. They were
excavated from a small building site in Zone 10 of P’an’gyo District, at the end of
a mountain range that descends to the east of Mt. Kŭmt’o. During the ground
survey, the foundations of a building thought to date from the late Koryŏ–early
Chosŏn period were confirmed in several places; thereafter, the excavation was
conducted in three parts, with the ground being divided by topography. Three
statues were excavated from the eastern range of the mountain in Area C of Zone
10, which had been manufactured in different periods. They were a Vairocana
Buddha with the Vajra mudrā and two monk sculptures wearing hoods. The
building appears to have been a small temple, judging from its size; a large
number of roof tiles were also excavated, and not only do they date from the lat
Koryŏ–early Chosŏn period, but they also do not appear to be consecutive in
chronology. Therefore, it can be inferred that the Koryŏ period building was
initially demolished and rebuilt during the early Chosŏn period.
The iconography of the two statues with hands held together in prayer is not
clear. It is possible that they are images of Kṣitigarbha, Sengqie, or an arhat, but
none display any one typical iconography. This article starts from the hypothesis
that the statues unearthed in P’an’gyo were created as Sengqie images and later
came to be venerated as Kṣitigarbha images. These sculptures were buried as
Kṣtitigarbha in the figure of Sengqie. All three statues show stylistic differences
from other sculptures of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, most of which
indicate that these three statues cannot be from this period. From the excavation
site, several fragments of inlaid celadon bowls, a bronze mirror, and Northern
Song coins in circulation during the tenth to twelfth centuries were recovered, and
this indicates that the statues are from the same period as these artifacts; this
hypothesis is further supported by the fact that the Sengqie images are similar in
style to two eleventh-century statues. Therefore, the sculptures excavated from
P’an’gyo can be dated as being from the early twelfth century. The two images
with their hands held together in prayer were created by borrowing from the
iconography of Sengqie; this was a widespread trend in Song China at this time.
Later, reflecting the history of the P’an’gyo region, the images would have been
worshipped as Kṣitigarbha by the fourteenth century.
242
The development of Kṣitigarbha belief was natural and accorded with changes
in society. This development was also the reason for the wide distribution of
Kṣitigarbha images in late Koryŏ Buddhist paintings and sculptures. During the
Mongol invasions, the region of Kwangju—including P’an’gyo and Naksaeng—
was severely affected, and its entire population almost wiped out. Therefore,
Kṣitigarbha belief concerning guiding the spirits of the dead would have acquired
currency as the area rehabilitated. In this context we can assume that the images
produced as Sengqie to “protect” the area during the twelfth century would have
been worshipped as Kṣitigarbha by the end of the Koryŏ period. From the
beginning, Kṣitigarbha was worshipped by members of the general public who
wished for salvation in the afterlife. The popularity of Kṣitigarbha belief during
the late Koryŏ-early Chosŏn period—at a time when the country had suffered
greatly from Mongol attacks—can be confirmed by the existence of Kṣitigarbha
images that have survived from that period. The three statues, all of which are
difficult to analyze solely on the bases of style and iconography, deserve attention,
as they are uncommon examples of early Koryŏ period images. The images
excavated from P’an’gyo show not only distinct regional characteristics, but are
important examples that reveal local beliefs of the late Koryŏ period.
Submitted: April 3, 2014
Sent for revision: May 21, 2014
Accepted: June 1, 2014
KANG HEEJUNG ([email protected]) is an assistant professor in Sogang University
Institute for East Asian Studies (SIEAS), Sogang University, Korea.
243
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246
Plate 1: The Site of a Building in Area C of Zone 10
Plate 2: Three Sculptures Excavated from Area C of Zone 10 in P’an’gyo
Plate 3: Three-color Glazed Sancai Ceramic Arhat, Liao Period
Plate 4: Piṇḍola-Bhāradvāja, around 1027, Chŏnju National Museum
247
248
Plate 5: Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha, 14th Century, Sŏnun Temple
Plate 6: The Great Monk Sŭngga, 11th Century, Sŭngga Temple
Plate 7: The Great Monk Sŭngga, 1022, Sajabinsin Temple
249
250
Plate 8: The Great Monk Sengqie, Northern Song, Tazu Beishan, Cave 177, Sichuan, China
Plate 9: Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha, Early 14th Century, Sinan Temple
Plate 10: Tongyŏdo [Map around P’an’gyo Area], Late Chosŏn Period
Plate 11: Sŭngga, Koryŏ Period, Kŭmjang Hermitage
251
252
Plate 12: Buddha Vairocana, Koryŏ Period, Excavated from P’an’gyo
Plate 13: Sengqie, 1068–1093, Northern Song Period, Xingjiao Temple, Shanghai, China
253
Plate 14: Sŭngga, Koryŏ Period, Excavated from P’an’gyo
Plate 15: Buddha Triad with Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha, Koryŏ, Pyŏngnyŏn Hermitage in Naejang
Temple (Missing)

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